The Journey to the Polar Sea

by SIR JOHN FRANKLIN

INTRODUCTION BY CAPTAIN R.F. SCOTT




JOHN FRANKLIN, born in 1786. Many naval experiences, including
Trafalgar, before heading an expedition across northern Canada in 1819.
Elected F.R.S. and knighted after a second expedition.
Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s Land, 1836 to 1843. Last
expedition, 1845, was lost, and Franklin died in 1847 near the Arctic.
Subsequent investigations have established him as the discoverer of the
North-West Passage.




THE JOURNEY
TO THE POLAR SEA.

SIR JOHN FRANKLIN.




INTRODUCTION.


In days of hurried action I have been astonished at the depth of
interest which a re-perusal of this wonderful old narrative has held
for me. Wonderful it is in its simplicity and its revelation of the
simplicity of character and faith of the man who wrote it. It is old
only by comparison—scarcely ninety years have elapsed since the
adventures it described were enacted—yet such a period has never held a
fuller measure of change or more speedily passed current events into
the limbo of the past.

Nothing could more vividly impress this change than the narrative
itself. We are told that Mr. Beck missed his ship at Yarmouth but
succeeded in rejoining her at Stromness, having travelled “nine
successive days almost without rest.” What a vision of post-chaises,
sweating horses and heavy roads is suggested! And if the contrast with
present-day conditions in our own Islands is great, how much greater is
it in that vast Dominion through which Franklin directed his pioneer
footsteps. As he followed the lonely trails to Fort Cumberland, or
sailed along the solitary shores of Lake Winnipeg, how little could he
guess that in less than a century a hundred thousand inhabitants would
dwell by the shore of the great lake, or that its primeval regions
would one day provide largely the bread of his countrymen.

There civilisation has followed fast indeed, and ever it presses
forward on the tracks of the pioneer. But even today if we follow
Franklin we must come again to the wild—to the great Barren Lands and
to the ice-bound limit of a Continent—regions where for ninety years
season has succeeded season without change—where few have passed since
his day and Nature alone holds sway. For those who would know what IS
as well as for those who would know what _has been_, this narrative
still holds its original interest; all must appreciate that it records
the work of a great traveller and a gallant man whose fame deserves to
live.

R.F. SCOTT.

SIR JOHN FRANKLIN’S VOYAGES INTO THE POLAR SEAS:

F.W. Beechey: Voyage of Discovery toward the North Pole in H.M. Ships
_Dorothea_ and _Trent_ (with summary of earlier attempts to reach the
Pacific by the North) 1818.

Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, in the Years
1819 to 1822, by John Franklin, 1823, 1824.

Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar Sea in the
Years 1825 to 1827, by John Franklin, 1828.

PUBLICATIONS CONCERNING THE SEARCH FOR SIR JOHN FRANKLIN:


Report of the Committee appointed by the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty to inquire into and report on the Recent Arctic Expeditions
in search of Sir John Franklin, 1851.

Papers relative to the Recent Arctic Expeditions in search of Sir John
Franklin and the Crews of H.M.S. _Erebus_ and _Terror_, 1854.

Further Papers relative to the Search, 1855.

R. King, The Franklin Expedition from First to Last, 1855.

R. Huish, Recent Expeditions to the Polar Regions, including all the
Voyages in search of Sir J. Franklin, 1855.

E.K. Kane, Arctic Explorations, the Second Grinnell Expedition in
search of Sir John Franklin, 1856.

MacClintock, The Voyage of the _Fox_ in the Arctic Seas. A narrative of
the discovery of the fate of Sir John Franklin, 1859, 1861, 1869, 1908.

Sir J. Leslie, Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas, with a
Narrative of the Recent Expeditions in search of Sir John Franklin,
1860.

J.A. Browne, The North-West Passage, and the Fate of Sir John Franklin,
1860.

Sir Allen M. Young, The Search for Sir John Franklin, etc., 1875.

Schwatka’s Search, Sledging in the Arctic in search of Franklin
Records, 1881.

The Search for Franklin.

American Expedition under Lieutenant Schwatka, 1878 to 1880, 1882.

J.H. Skewes, The True Secret of the Discovery of the Fate of Sir John
Franklin, 1889.

LIFE:


S. Osborn, Career, Last Voyage and Fate of Sir John Franklin (_Once a
Week_, 1859) 1860.

A Brave Man and his Belongings, by a Niece of the first Mrs. Franklin,
1874.

A.H. Beesley, Sir John Franklin; the Narrative of his Life (The New
Plutarch) 1881.

A.H. Markham (The World’s Great Explorers) 1891.

G.B. Smith, Sir John Franklin and the Romance of the North-West
Passage, 1895.

H.D. Traill, 1896.

H. Harbour, Arctic Explorers, 1904.

E.C. Buley, Into the Polar Seas; The Story of Sir J. Franklin, etc.,
1909.




CONTENTS.


INTRODUCTION.




CHAPTER 1.
Departure from England.
Transactions at Stromness.
Enter Davis Straits.
Perilous situation on the shore of Resolution Island.
Land on the coast of Labrador.
Esquimaux of Savage Islands.
York Factory.
Preparations for the Journey into the Interior.

CHAPTER 2.
Passage up Hayes, Steel and Hill Rivers.
Cross Swampy Lake.
Jack River.
Knee Lake and Magnetic Islet.
Trout River.
Holy Lake.
Weepinapannis River.
Windy Lake.
White Fall Lake and River.
Echemamis and Sea Rivers.
Play Green Lakes.
Lake Winnipeg.
River Saskatchewan.
Cross, Cedar and Pine Island Lakes.
Cumberland House.

CHAPTER 3.
Dr. Richardson’s residence at Cumberland House.
His account of the Cree Indians.

CHAPTER 4.
Leave Cumberland House.
Mode of Travelling in Winter.
Arrival at Carlton House.
Stone Indians.
Visit to a Buffalo Pound.
Goitres.
Departure from Carlton House.
Isle a la Crosse.
Arrival at Fort Chipewyan.

CHAPTER 5.
Transactions at Fort Chipewyan.
Arrival of Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood.
Preparations for our Journey to the Northward.

CHAPTER 6.
Mr. Hood’s Journey to the Basquiau Hill.
Sojourns with an Indian Party.
His Journey to Chipewyan.

CHAPTER 7.
Departure from Chipewyan.
Difficulties of the various Navigations of the Rivers and Lakes, and of
the Portages.
Slave Lake and Fort Providence.
Scarcity of Provisions, and Discontent of the Canadian Voyagers.
Difficulties with regard to the Indian Guides.
Refusal to proceed.
Visit of Observation to the upper part of Copper-Mine River.
Return to the winter quarters of Fort Enterprise.

CHAPTER 8.
Transactions at Fort Enterprise.
Mr. Back’s Narrative of his Journey to Chipewyan, and Return.

CHAPTER 9.
Continuation of Proceedings at Fort Enterprise.
Some Account of the Copper Indians.
Preparations for the Journey to the Northward.

CHAPTER 10.
Departure from Fort Enterprise.
Navigation of the Copper-Mine River.
Visit to the Copper Mountain.
Interview with the Esquimaux.
Departure of the Indian Hunters.
Arrangements made with them for our Return.

CHAPTER 11.
Navigation of the Polar Sea, in two Canoes, as far as Cape Turnagain,
to the Eastward, a distance exceeding Five Hundred and Fifty Miles.
Observations on the probability of a North-West Passage.

CHAPTER 12.
Journey across the barren grounds.
Difficulty and delay in crossing Copper-Mine River.
Melancholy and Fatal Results thereof.
Extreme Misery of the whole Party.
Murder of Mr. Hood.
Death of several of the Canadians.
Desolate State of Fort Enterprise.
Distress suffered at that Place.
Dr. Richardson’s Narrative.
Mr. Back’s Narrative.
Conclusion.




INTRODUCTION.


His Majesty’s Government having determined upon sending an Expedition
from the Shores of Hudson’s Bay by land to explore the Northern Coast
of America from the Mouth of the Copper-Mine River to the eastward, I
had the honour to be appointed to this service by Earl Bathurst, on the
recommendation of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty; who at the
same time nominated Doctor John Richardson, a Surgeon in the Royal
Navy, Mr. George Back, and Mr. Robert Hood, two Admiralty Midshipmen,
to be joined with me in the enterprise. My instructions in substance
informed me that the main object of the Expedition was that of
determining the latitudes and longitudes of the Northern Coast of North
America, and the trending of that Coast from the Mouth of the
Copper-Mine River to the eastern extremity of that Continent; that it
was left for me to determine according to circumstances whether it
might be most advisable to proceed at once directly to the northward
till I arrived at the sea-coast, and thence westerly towards the
Copper-Mine River; or advance in the first instance by the usual route
to the mouth of the Copper-Mine River, and from thence easterly till I
should arrive at the eastern extremity of that Continent; that in the
adoption of either of these plans I was to be guided by the advice and
information which I should receive from the wintering servants of the
Hudson’s Bay Company, who would be instructed by their employers to
cooperate cordially in the prosecution of the objects of the
Expedition, and who would provide me with the necessary escort of
Indians to act as guides, interpreters, game-killers, etc.; and also
with such articles of clothing, ammunition, snowshoes, presents, etc.,
as should be deemed expedient for me to take. That as another principal
object of the Expedition was to amend the very defective geography of
the northern part of North America I was to be very careful to
ascertain correctly the latitude and longitude of every remarkable spot
upon our route, and of all the bays, harbours, rivers, headlands, etc.,
that might occur along the Northern Shore of North America. That in
proceeding along the coast I should erect conspicuous marks at places
where ships might enter, or to which a boat could be sent; and to
deposit information as to the nature of the coast for the use of
Lieutenant Parry. That in the journal of our route I should register
the temperature of the air at least three times in every twenty-four
hours; together with the state of the wind and weather and any other
meteorological phenomena. That I should not neglect any opportunity of
observing and noting down the dip and variation of the magnetic needle,
and the intensity of the magnetic force; and should take particular
notice whether any, and what kind or degree of, influence the Aurora
Borealis might appear to exert on the magnetic needle; and to notice
whether that phenomenon were attended with any noise; and to make any
other observations that might be likely to tend to the further
development of its cause and the laws by which it is governed.

Mr. Back and Mr. Hood were to assist me in all the observations
above-mentioned, and to make drawings of the land, of the natives, and
of the various objects of Natural History; and particularly of such as
Dr. Richardson who, to his professional duties was to add that of
naturalist, might consider to be most curious and interesting.

I was instructed, on my arrival at or near the Mouth of the Copper-Mine
River, to make every inquiry as to the situation of the spot whence
native copper had been brought down by the Indians to the Hudson’s Bay
establishment, and to visit and explore the place in question; in order
that Dr. Richardson might be enabled to make such observations as might
be useful in a commercial point of view, or interesting to the science
of mineralogy.

From Joseph Berens, Esquire, the Governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company,
and the gentlemen of the Committee I received all kinds of assistance
and information, communicated in the most friendly manner previous to
my leaving England; and I had the gratification of perusing the orders
to their agents and servants in North America, containing the fullest
directions to promote by every means the progress of the Expedition. I
most cheerfully avail myself of this opportunity of expressing my
gratitude to these gentlemen for their personal kindness to myself and
the other officers, as well as for the benefits rendered by them to the
Expedition; and the same sentiment is due towards the Gentlemen of the
North-West Company, both in England and America, more particularly to
Simon McGillivray, Esquire, of London, from whom I received much useful
information and cordial letters of recommendation to the partners and
agents of that Company resident on our line of route.

A short time before I left London I had the pleasure and advantage of
an interview with the late Sir Alexander Mackenzie who was one of the
two persons who had visited the coast we were to explore. He afforded
me, in the most open and kind manner, much valuable information and
advice.

The provisions, instruments, and other articles, of which I had
furnished a list by direction of the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty, were embarked on board the Hudson’s Bay Company’s ship
_Prince of Wales_, appointed by the Committee to convey the Expedition
to York Factory, their principal establishment in Hudson’s Bay.

It will be seen in the course of the Narrative how much reason I had to
be satisfied with, and how great my obligations are to, all the
gentlemen who were associated with me in the Expedition, whose
kindness, good conduct, and cordial cooperation have made an impression
which can never be effaced from my mind. The unfortunate death of Mr.
Hood is the only drawback which I feel from the otherwise unalloyed
pleasure of reflecting on that cordial unanimity which at all times
prevailed among us in the days of sunshine, and in those of sickness
and sorrow.

To Dr. Richardson in particular the exclusive merit is due of whatever
collections and observations have been made in the department of
Natural History; and I am indebted to him in no small degree for his
friendly advice and assistance in the preparation of the present
narrative.

The charts and drawings were made by Lieutenant Back and the late
Lieutenant Hood. Both these gentlemen cheerfully and ably assisted me
in making the observations and in the daily conduct of the Expedition.
The observations made by Mr. Hood on the various phenomena presented by
the Aurora Borealis[1] will it is presumed present to the reader some
new facts connected with this meteor. Mr. Back was mostly prevented
from turning his attention to objects of science by the many severe
duties which were required of him and which obliged him to travel
almost constantly every winter that we passed in America; to his
personal exertions, indeed, our final safety is mainly to be
attributed. And here I must be permitted to pay the tribute due to the
fidelity, exertion and uniform good conduct in the most trying
situations of John Hepburn, an English seaman and our only attendant,
to whom in the latter part of our journey we owe, under Divine
Providence, the preservation of the lives of some of the party.

 [1] Given in the Appendix to the Quarto Edition.


I ought perhaps to crave the reader’s indulgence towards the defective
style of this work, which I trust will not be refused when it is
considered that mine has been a life of constant employment in my
profession from a very early age. I have been prompted to venture upon
the task solely by an imperious sense of duty when called upon to
undertake it.

In the ensuing Narrative the notices of the moral condition of the
Indians as influenced by the conduct of the traders towards them refer
entirely to the state in which it existed during our progress through
the country; but lest I should have been mistaken respecting the views
of the Hudson’s Bay Company on these points I gladly embrace the
opportunity which a Second Edition affords me of stating that the
junction of the two Companies has enabled the Directors to put in
practice the improvements which I have reason to believe they had long
contemplated. They have provided for religious instruction by the
appointment of two Clergymen of the established church under whose
direction schoolmasters and mistresses are to be placed at such
stations as afford the means of support for the establishment of
schools. The offspring of the voyagers and labourers are to be educated
chiefly at the expense of the Company; and such of the Indian children
as their parents may wish to send to these schools are to be
instructed, clothed, and maintained at the expense of the Church
Missionary Society which has already allotted a considerable sum for
these purposes and has also sent out teachers who are to act under the
superintendence of the Reverend Mr. West, the principal chaplain of the
Company.

We had the pleasure of meeting this gentleman at York Factory, and
witnessed with peculiar delight that great benefit which already marked
his zealous and judicious conduct. Many of the traders and of the
servants of the Company had been induced to marry the women with whom
they had cohabited; a material step towards the improvement of the
females in that country.

Mr. West, under the sanction of the Directors, has also promoted a
subscription for the distribution of the Bible in every part of the
country where the Company’s Fur Trade has extended, and which has met
with very general support from the resident chief factors, traders, and
clerks. The Directors of the Company are continuing to reduce the
distribution of spirits gradually among the Indians, as well as towards
their own servants, with a view to the entire disuse of them as soon as
this most desirable object can be accomplished. They have likewise
issued orders for the cultivation of the ground at each of the posts,
by which means the residents will be far less exposed to famine
whenever, through the scarcity of animals, the sickness of the Indians,
or any other cause, their supply of meat may fail.

It is to be hoped that intentions, so dear to every humane and pious
mind, will, through the blessing of God, meet with the utmost success.




FRANKLIN’S JOURNEY TO THE POLAR SEA.




CHAPTER 1.

DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND. TRANSACTIONS AT STROMNESS. ENTER DAVIS STRAITS.
PERILOUS SITUATION ON THE SHORE OF RESOLUTION ISLAND. LAND ON THE COAST
OF LABRADOR. ESQUIMAUX OF SAVAGE ISLANDS. YORK FACTORY. PREPARATIONS
FOR THE JOURNEY INTO THE INTERIOR.


DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND.


May, 1819.

On Sunday the 23rd of May the whole of our party embarked at Gravesend
on board the ship _Prince of Wales_, belonging to the Hudson’s Bay
Company, just as she was in the act of getting under weigh with her
consorts the _Eddystone_ and _Wear_. The wind being unfavourable on the
ebb tide being finished, the vessels were again anchored; but they
weighed in the night and beat down as far as the Warp, where they were
detained two days by a strong easterly wind.

Having learned from some of the passengers, who were the trading
Officers of the Company, that the arrival of the ships at either of the
establishments in Hudson’s Bay gives full occupation to all the boatmen
in their service, who are required to convey the necessary stores to
the different posts in the interior; that it was very probable a
sufficient number of men might not be procured from this indispensable
duty; and, considering that any delay at York Factory would materially
retard our future operations, I wrote to the Under Secretary of State
requesting his permission to provide a few well-qualified steersmen and
bowmen at Stromness to assist our proceedings in the former part of our
journey into the interior.

May 30.

The easterly wind, which had retarded the ship’s progress so much that
we had only reached Hollesley Bay after a week’s beating about, changed
to West-South-West soon after that anchorage had been gained. The
vessels instantly weighed and, by carrying all sail, arrived in
Yarmouth Roads at seven P.M.; the pilots were landed and our course was
continued through the anchorage. At midnight the wind became light and
variable and gradually drew round to the North-West and, as the sky
indicated unsettled weather and the wind blew from an unfavourable
quarter for ships upon that coast, the commander bore up again for
Yarmouth and anchored at eight A.M.

This return afforded us at least the opportunity of comparing the
longitude of Yarmouth church, as shown by our chronometers, with its
position as laid down by the Ordnance Trigonometrical Survey; and it
was satisfactory to find, from the small difference in their results,
that the chronometers had not experienced any alteration in their rates
in consequence of their being changed from a horizontal position in a
room to that of being carried in the pocket.

An untoward circumstance while at this anchorage cast a damp on our
party at this early period of the voyage. Emboldened by the decided
appearance of the North-West sky, several of our officers and
passengers ventured on shore for a few hours; but we had not been long
in the town before the wind changed suddenly to South-East, which
caused instant motion in the large fleet collected at this anchorage.
The commander of our ship intimated his intention of proceeding to sea
by firing guns; and the passengers hastened to embark. Mr. Back however
had unfortunately gone upon some business to a house two or three miles
distant from Yarmouth along the line of the coast; from whence he
expected to be able to observe the first symptoms of moving which the
vessels might make. By some accident however he did not make his
appearance before the captain was obliged to make sail that he might
get the ships through the intricate passage of the Cockle Gat before it
was dark. Fortunately, through the kindness of Lieutenant Hewit of the
_Protector_, I was enabled to convey a note to our missing companion,
desiring him to proceed immediately by the coach to the Pentland Firth,
and from thence across the passage to Stromness, which appeared to be
the only way of proceeding by which he could rejoin the party.

TRANSACTIONS AT STROMNESS.


June 3.

The wind continuing favourable after leaving Yarmouth, about nine this
morning we passed the rugged and bold projecting rock termed Johnny
Groat’s house and soon afterwards Duncansby Head, and then entered the
Pentland Firth. A pilot came from the main shore of Scotland and
steered the ship in safety between the different islands to the outer
anchorage at Stromness, though the atmosphere was too dense for
distinguishing any of the objects on the land. Almost immediately after
the ship had anchored the wind changed to north-west, the rain ceased
and a sight was then first obtained of the neighbouring islands and of
the town of Stromness, the latter of which from this point of view and
at this distance presented a pleasing appearance.

Mr. Geddes, the agent of the Hudson’s Bay Company at this place,
undertook to communicate my wish for volunteer boatmen to the different
parishes by a notice on the church door, which he said was the surest
and most direct channel for the conveyance of information to the lower
classes in these islands as they invariably attend divine service there
every Sunday. He informed me that the kind of men we were in want of
would be difficult to procure on account of the very increased demand
for boatmen for the herring fishery which had recently been established
on the shores of these islands; that last year sixty boats and four
hundred men only were employed in this service whereas now there were
three hundred boats and twelve hundred men engaged; and that owing to
this unexpected addition to the fishery he had been unable to provide
the number of persons required for the service of the Hudson’s Bay
Company. This was unpleasant information as it increased the
apprehension of our being detained at York Factory the whole winter if
boatmen were not taken from hence. I could not therefore hesitate in
requesting Mr. Geddes to engage eight or ten men well adapted for our
service on such terms as he could procure them, though the Secretary of
State’s permission had not yet reached me.

Next to a supply of boatmen our attention was directed towards the
procuring of a house conveniently situated for trying the instruments
and examining the rates of the chronometers. Mr. Geddes kindly offered
one of his which, though in an unfinished state, was readily accepted,
being well situated for our purpose as it was placed on an eminence,
had a southern aspect, and was at a sufficient distance from the town
to secure us from frequent interruption. Another advantage was its
proximity to the Manse, the residence of the Reverend Mr. Clouston, the
worthy and highly respected minister of Stromness whose kind
hospitality and the polite attention of his family the party
experienced almost daily during their stay.

For three days the weather was unsettled and few observations could be
made except for the dip of the needle which was ascertained to be 74°
37′ 48″, on which occasion a difference of eight degrees and a half was
perceived between the observations when the face of the instrument was
changed from the east to the west, the amount being the greatest when
it was placed with the face to the west. But on the 8th a westerly wind
caused a cloudless sky which enabled us to place the transit instrument
in the meridian and to ascertain the variation of the compass to be 27°
50′ west. The sky becoming cloudy in the afternoon prevented our
obtaining the corresponding observations to those gained in the
morning; and the next day an impervious fog obscured the sky until
noon. On the evening of this day we had the gratification of welcoming
our absent companion Mr. Back. His return to our society was hailed
with sincere pleasure by everyone and removed a weight of anxiety from
my mind. It appears that he had come down to the beach at Caistor just
as the ships were passing by and had applied to some boatmen to convey
him on board, which might have been soon accomplished but they,
discovering the emergency of his case, demanded an exorbitant reward
which he was not at the instant prepared to satisfy; and in consequence
they positively refused to assist him. Though he had travelled nine
successive days, almost without rest, he could not be prevailed upon to
withdraw from the agreeable scene of a ballroom in which he joined us
until a late hour.

On the 10th, the rain having ceased, the observations for ascertaining
the dip of the needle were repeated; and the results compared with the
former ones gave a mean of 74° 33′ 20″. Nearly the same differences
were remarked in reversing the face of the instrument as before. An
attempt was also made to ascertain the magnetic force but the wind blew
too strong for procuring the observation to any degree of accuracy.

The fineness of the following day induced us to set up the different
instruments for examination and to try how nearly the observations made
by each of them would agree; but a squall passed over just before noon,
accompanied by heavy rain, and the hoped-for favourable opportunity was
entirely lost. In the intervals between the observations, and at every
opportunity, my companions were occupied in those pursuits to which
their attention had been more particularly directed in my instructions.
Whilst Dr. Richardson was collecting and examining the various
specimens of marine plants, of which these islands furnish an abundant
and diversified supply, Mr. Back and Mr. Hood took views and sketches
of the surrounding scenery which is extremely picturesque in many
parts, and wants only the addition of trees to make it beautiful. The
hills present the bold character of rugged sterility, whilst the
valleys at this season are clothed with luxuriant verdure.

It was not till the 14th that, by appointment, the boatmen were to
assemble at the house of Mr. Geddes to engage to accompany the
Expedition. Several persons collected but, to my great mortification, I
found they were all so strongly possessed with the fearful apprehension
either that great danger would attend the service, or that we should
carry them further than they would agree to go, that not a single man
would engage with us; some of them however said they would consider the
subject and give me an answer on the following day. This indecisive
conduct was extremely annoying to me especially as the next evening was
fixed for the departure of the ships.

At the appointed time on the following morning four men only presented
themselves and these, after much hesitation, engaged to accompany the
Expedition to Fort Chipewyan if they should be required so far. The
bowmen and steersmen were to receive forty pounds wages annually and
the middle men thirty-five pounds. They stipulated to be sent back to
the Orkney Islands free of expense and to receive their pay until the
time of their arrival. Only these few men could be procured although
our requisition had been sent to almost every island, even as far as
the northernmost point of Ronaldsha. I was much amused with the extreme
caution these men used before they would sign the agreement; they
minutely scanned all our intentions, weighed every circumstance, looked
narrowly into the plan of our route, and still more circumspectly to
the prospect of return. Such caution on the part of the northern
mariners forms a singular contrast with the ready and thoughtless
manner in which an English seaman enters upon any enterprise, however
hazardous, without inquiring or desiring to know where he is going or
what he is going about.

The brig _Harmony_, belonging to the Moravian Missionary Society and
bound to their settlement at Nain on the coast of Labrador, was lying
at anchor. With the view of collecting some Esquimaux words and
sentences, or gaining any information respecting the manners and habits
of that people, Doctor Richardson and myself paid her a visit. We found
the passengers who were going out as Missionaries extremely disposed to
communicate; but as they only spoke the German and Esquimaux languages,
of which we were ignorant, our conversation was necessarily much
confined; by the aid however of an Esquimaux and German Dictionary some
few words were collected which we considered might be useful. There
were on board a very interesting girl and a young man who were natives
of Disco in old Greenland; both of them had fair complexions, rather
handsome features, and a lively manner; the former was going to be
married to a resident Missionary and the latter to officiate in that
character. The commander of the vessel gave me a translation of the
Gospel of St. John in the Esquimaux language printed by the Moravian
Society in London.

June 16.

The wind being unfavourable for sailing I went on shore with Dr.
Richardson and took several lunar observations at the place of our
former residence. The result obtained was latitude 58° 56′ 56″ North;
longitude 3° 17′ 55″ West; variation 27° 50′ West; dip of the magnetic
needle 74° 33′ 20″. In the afternoon the wind changed in a squall some
points towards the north and the _Prince of Wales_ made the preparatory
signal for sea. At three P.M. the ships weighed, an hour too early for
the tide; as soon as this served we entered into the passage between
Hoy and Pomona, and had to beat through against a very heavy swell
which the meeting of a weather tide and a strong breeze had occasioned.

Some dangerous rocks lie near the Pomona shore and on this side also
the tide appeared to run with the greatest strength. On clearing the
outward projecting points of Hoy and Pomona we entered at once into the
Atlantic and commenced our voyage to Hudson’s Bay, having the
_Eddystone_, _Wear_ and _Harmony_, Missionary brig, in company.

The comparisons of the chronometers this day indicated that Arnold’s
Numbers 2148 and 2147 had slightly changed their rates since they had
been brought on board; fortunately the rate of the former seems to have
increased nearly in the same ratio as the other has lost, and the mean
longitude will not be materially affected.

Being now fairly launched into the Atlantic I issued a general
memorandum for the guidance of the officers during the prosecution of
the service on which we were engaged, and communicated to them the
several points of information that were expected from us by my
instructions. I also furnished them with copies of the signals which
had been agreed upon between Lieutenant Parry and myself to be used in
the event of our reaching the northern coast of America and falling in
with each other.

At the end of the month of June our progress was found to have been
extremely slow owing to a determined North-West wind and much sea. We
had numerous birds hovering round the ship; principally fulmars
(_Procellaria glacialis_) and shearwaters (_Procellaria puffinus_) and
not unfrequently saw shoals of grampusses sporting about, which the
Greenland seamen term finners from their large dorsal fin. Some
porpoises occasionally appeared and whenever they did the crew were
sanguine in their expectation of having a speedy change in the wind
which had been so vexatiously contrary but they were disappointed in
every instance.

Thursday, July 1.

The month of July set in more favourably; and aided by fresh breezes we
advanced rapidly to the westward, attended daily by numerous fulmars
and shearwaters. The Missionary brig had parted company on the 22nd of
June. We passed directly over that part of the ocean where the Sunken
Land of Buss is laid down in the old, and continued in the Admiralty
charts. Mr. Bell, the commander of the _Eddystone_, informed me that
the pilot who brought his ship down the Thames told him that he had
gained soundings in twelve feet somewhere hereabout; and I am rather
inclined to attribute the very unusual and cross sea we had in this
neighbourhood to the existence of a bank than to the effect of a gale
of wind which we had just before experienced; and I cannot but regret
that the commander of the ship did not try for soundings at frequent
intervals.

ENTER DAVIS STRAITS.


By the 25th July we had opened the entrance of Davis Straits and in the
afternoon spoke the _Andrew Marvell_, bound to England with a cargo of
fourteen fish. The master informed us that the ice had been heavier
this season in Davis Straits than he had ever recollected, and that it
lay particularly close to the westward, being connected with the shore
to the northward of Resolution Island and extending from thence within
a short distance of the Greenland coast; that whales had been abundant
but the ice so extremely cross that few could be killed. His ship, as
well as several others, had suffered material injury, and two vessels
had been entirely crushed between vast masses of ice in latitude 74°
40′ North, but the crews were saved. We inquired anxiously but in vain
for intelligence respecting Lieutenant Parry and the ships under his
command; but as he mentioned that the wind had been blowing strong from
the northward for some time, which would probably have cleared Baffin’s
Bay of ice, we were disposed to hope favourably of his progress.

The clouds assumed so much the appearance of icebergs this evening as
to deceive most of the passengers and crew; but their imaginations had
been excited by the intelligence we had received from the _Andrew
Marvell_ that she had only parted from a cluster of them two days
previous to our meeting.

On the 27th, being in latitude 57° 44′ 21″ North, longitude 47° 31′ 14″
West and the weather calm, we tried our soundings but did not reach the
bottom. The register thermometer was attached to the line just above
the lead, and is supposed to have descended six hundred and fifty
fathoms. A well-corked bottle was also fastened to the line two hundred
fathoms above the lead and went down four hundred and fifty fathoms.
The change in temperature shown by the register thermometer during the
descent was from 52° to 40.5; and it stood at the latter point when
taken out of the tin case. The temperature of the water brought up in
the bottle was 41°, being half a degree higher at four hundred and
fifty than at six hundred and fifty fathoms and four degrees colder
than the water at the surface which was then at 45°, whilst that of the
air was 46°. This experiment in showing the water to be colder at a
great depth than at the surface, and in proportion to the increase of
the descent, coincides with the observations of Captain Ross and
Lieutenant Parry on their late voyage to these seas, but is contrary to
the results obtained by Captain Buchan and myself on our recent voyage
to the north between Spitzbergen and Greenland, in which sea we
invariably found the water brought from any great depth to be warmer
than that at the surface.

On the 28th we tacked to avoid an extensive stream of sailing ice. The
temperature of the water fell to 39.5° when we were near it, but was at
41° when at the distance of half a mile. The thermometer in the air
remained steadily at 40°. Thus the proximity of this ice was not so
decidedly indicated by the decrease of the temperature of either the
air or water as I have before witnessed, which was probably owing to
the recent arrival of the stream at this point and its passing at too
quick a rate for the effectual diffusion of its chilling influence
beyond a short distance. Still the decrease in both cases was
sufficient to have given timely warning for a ship’s performing any
evolution that would have prevented the coming in contact with it had
the thickness of the weather precluded a distant view of the danger.

The approach to ice would be more evidently pointed out in the
Atlantic, or wherever the surface is not so continually chilled by the
passing and the melting of ice as in this sea; and I should strongly
recommend a strict hourly attention to the thermometrical state of the
water at the surface in all parts where ships are exposed to the
dangerous concussion of sailing icebergs, as a principal means of
security.

The following day our ship came near another stream of ice and the
approach to it was indicated by a decrease of the temperature of the
water at the surface from 44° to 42°. A small pine-tree was picked up
much shattered by the ice. In the afternoon of the 30th a very dense
fog came on; and about six P.M. when sailing before a fresh breeze we
were suddenly involved in a heavy stream of ice. Considerable
difficulty was experienced in steering through the narrow channels
between the different masses in this foggy weather, and the ship
received several severe blows.

The water, as usual in the centre of the stream, was quite smooth, but
we heard the waves beating violently against the outer edge of the ice.
There was some earthy matter on several of the pieces, and the whole
body bore the appearance of recent separation from the land. In the
space of two hours we again got into the open sea, but had left our two
consorts far behind; they followed our track by the guns we discharged.
The temperature of the surface water was 35° when amongst the ice, 38°
when just clear of it, and 41.5° at two miles distant.

On the 4th of August, when in latitude 59° 58′ North, longitude 59° 53′
West, we first fell in with large icebergs; and in the evening were
encompassed by several of considerable magnitude, which obliged us to
tack the ship in order to prevent our getting entangled amongst them.
The estimated distance from the nearest part of the Labrador coast was
then eighty-eight miles; here we tried for soundings without gaining
the bottom. The ship passed through some strong ripplings, which
evidently indicated a current, but its direction was not ascertained.
We found however by the recent observations that the ship had been set
daily to the southward since we had opened Davis Straits. The variation
of the compass was observed to be 52° 41′ West.

At nine P.M. brilliant coruscations of the Aurora Borealis appeared, of
a pale ochre colour with a slight tinge of red, in an arched form,
crossing the zenith from North-West to South-East, but afterwards they
assumed various shapes and had a rapid motion.

On the 5th of August a party of the officers endeavoured to get on one
of the larger icebergs, but ineffectually, owing to the steepness and
smoothness of its sides and the swell produced by its undulating
motion. This was one of the largest we saw, and Mr. Hood ascertained
its height to be one hundred and forty-nine feet; but these masses of
ice are frequently magnified to an immense size through the illusive
medium of a hazy atmosphere, and on this account their dimensions have
often been exaggerated by voyagers.

PERILOUS SITUATION ON THE SHORE OF RESOLUTION ISLAND.


In the morning of the 7th the island of Resolution was indistinctly
seen through the haze but was soon afterwards entirely hidden by a very
dense fog. The favourable breeze subsided into a perfect calm and left
the ship surrounded by loose ice. At this time the _Eddystone_ was
perceived to be driving with rapidity towards some of the larger
masses; the stern-boats of this ship and of the _Wear_ were despatched
to assist in towing her clear of them. At ten a momentary clearness
presented the land distinctly at the distance of two miles; the ship
was quite unmanageable and under the sole governance of the currents
which ran in strong eddies between the masses of ice. Our consorts were
also seen, the _Wear_ being within hail and the _Eddystone_ at a short
distance from us. Two attempts were ineffectually made to gain
soundings, and the extreme density of the fog precluded us from any
other means of ascertaining the direction in which we were driving
until half-past twelve when we had the alarming view of a barren rugged
shore within a few yards towering over the mastheads. Almost instantly
afterwards the ship struck violently on a point of rocks projecting
from the island; and the ship’s side was brought so near to the shore
that poles were prepared to push her off. This blow displaced the
rudder and raised it several inches but it fortunately had been
previously confined by tackles. A gentle swell freed the ship from this
perilous situation but the current hurried us along in contact with the
rocky shore and the prospect was most alarming. On the outward bow was
perceived a rugged and precipitous cliff whose summit was hid in the
fog, and the vessel’s head was pointed towards the bottom of a small
bay into which we were rapidly driving. There now seemed to be no
probability of escaping shipwreck, being without wind and having the
rudder in its present useless state; the only assistance was that of a
boat employed in towing which had been placed in the water between the
ship and the shore at the imminent risk of its being crushed. The ship
again struck in passing over a ledge of rocks and happily the blow
replaced the rudder, which enabled us to take advantage of a light
breeze and to direct the ship’s head without the projecting cliff. But
the breeze was only momentary and the ship was a third time driven on
shore on the rocky termination of the cliff. Here we remained
stationery for some seconds and with little prospect of being removed
from this perilous situation; but we were once more extricated by the
swell from this ledge also and carried still farther along the shore.
The coast became now more rugged and our view of it was terminated by
another high projecting point on the starboard bow. Happily, before we
had reached it, a light breeze enabled us to turn the ship’s head to
seaward and we had the gratification to find, when the sails were
trimmed, that she drew off the shore. We had made but little progress
however when she was violently forced by the current against a large
iceberg lying aground.

Our prospect was now more alarming than at any preceding period; and it
would be difficult for me to portray the anxiety and dismay depicted on
the countenances of the female passengers and children who were rushing
on deck in spite of the endeavours of the officers to keep them below,
out of the danger which was apprehended if the masts should be carried
away. After the first concussion the ship was driven along the steep
and rugged side of this iceberg with such amazing rapidity that the
destruction of the masts seemed inevitable, and everyone expected we
should again be forced on the rocks in the most disabled state; but we
providentially escaped this perilous result, which must have been
decisive.

The dense fog now cleared away for a short time and we discovered the
_Eddystone_ close to some rocks, having three boats employed in towing;
but the _Wear_ was not visible.

Our ship received water very fast; the pumps were instantly manned and
kept in continual use, and signals of distress were made to the
_Eddystone_, whose commander promptly came on board and then ordered to
our assistance his carpenter and all the men he could spare together
with the carpenter and boat’s crew of the _Wear_, who had gone on board
the _Eddystone_ in the morning and were prevented from returning to
their own vessel by the fog. As the wind was increasing and the sky
appeared very unsettled it was determined the _Eddystone_ should take
the ship in tow, that the undivided attention of the passengers and
crew might be directed to pumping and clearing the holds to examine
whether there was a possibility of stopping the leak. We soon had
reason to suppose the principal injury had been received from a blow
near the stern-post, and after cutting away part of the ceiling the
carpenters endeavoured to stop the rushing in of the water by forcing
oakum between the timbers; but this had not the desired effect and the
leak, in spite of all our efforts at the pumps, increased so much that
parties of the officers and passengers were stationed to bail out the
water in buckets at different parts of the hold. A heavy gale came on,
blowing from the land, as the night advanced; the sails were split, the
ship was encompassed by heavy ice and, in forcing through a
closely-connected stream, the tow-rope broke and obliged us to take a
portion of the seamen from the pumps and appoint them to the management
of the ship.

Fatigue indeed had caused us to relax in our exertions at the pumps
during a part of the night of the 8th, and on the following morning
upwards of five feet of water was found in the well. Renewed exertions
were now put forth by every person, and before eight A.M. the water was
so much reduced as to enable the carpenters to get at other defective
places; but the remedies they could apply were insufficient to repress
the water from rushing in, and our labours could but just keep the ship
in the same state throughout the day until six P.M.; when the strength
of everyone began to fail the expedient of thrusting in felt, as well
as oakum, was resorted to, and a plank nailed over all. After this
operation a perceptible diminution in the water was made and, being
encouraged by the change, we put forth our utmost exertion in bailing
and pumping; and before night to our infinite joy the leak was so
overpowered that the pumps were only required to be used at intervals
of ten minutes. A sail covered with every substance that could be
carried into the leaks by the pressure of the water was drawn under the
quarter of the ship and secured by ropes on each side.

As a matter of precaution in the event of having to abandon the ship,
which was for some time doubtful, the elderly women and children were
removed to the _Eddystone_ when the wind was moderate this afternoon,
but the young women remained to assist at the pumps, and their services
were highly valuable, both for their personal labour and for the
encouragement their example and perseverance gave to the men.

At daylight on the 9th every eye was anxiously cast around the horizon
in search of the _Wear_ but in vain; and the recollection of our own
recent peril caused us to entertain considerable apprehensions for her
safety. This anxiety quickened our efforts to exchange our shattered
sails for new ones that the ship might be got as speedily as possible
near to the land, which was but just in sight, and a careful search be
made for her along the coast. We were rejoiced to find that our leak
did not increase by carrying sail, and we ventured in the evening to
remove the sail which had been placed under the part where the injury
had been received as it greatly impeded our advance.

We passed many icebergs on the 10th and in the evening we tacked from a
level field of ice which extended northward as far as the eye could
reach. Our leak remained in the same state; the pumps discharged in
three minutes the quantity of water which had been received in fifteen.

LAND ON THE COAST OF LABRADOR.


The ship could not be got near to the land before the afternoon of the
11th. At four P.M. we hove to, opposite to and about five miles distant
from the spot on which we had first struck on Saturday. Every glass was
directed along the shore (as they had been throughout the day) to
discover any trace of our absent consort; but as none was seen our
solicitude respecting her was much increased, and we feared the crew
might be wrecked on this inhospitable shore. Guns were frequently fired
to apprise any who might be near of our approach; but as no one
appeared and no signal was returned and the loose ice was setting down
towards the ship we bore up to proceed to the next appointed
rendezvous. At eight P.M. we were abreast of the south-west end of the
island called Cape Resolution, which is a low point but indicated at a
distance by a lofty round-backed hill that rises above it. We entered
Hudson’s Straits soon afterwards.

The coast of Resolution Island should be approached with caution as the
tides appear to be strong and uncertain in their course. Some dangerous
rocks lie above and below the water’s edge at the distance of five or
six miles from East Bluff bearing South 32° East.

August 12.

Having had a fresh gale through the night we reached Saddleback Island
by noon—the place of rendezvous; and looked anxiously but in vain for
the _Wear_. Several guns were fired, supposing she might be hid from
our view by the land; but as she did not appear Captain Davidson,
having remained two hours, deemed further delay inexpedient and bore up
to keep the advantage of the fair wind. The outline of this island is
rugged; the hummock on its northern extremity appeared to me to
resemble a decayed martello tower more than a saddle.

Azimuths were obtained this evening that gave the variation 58° 45′
West, which is greater than is laid down in the charts, or than the
officers of Hudson’s Bay ships have been accustomed to allow.

ESQUIMAUX OF SAVAGE ISLANDS.


We arrived abreast of the Upper Savage Island early in the morning and,
as the breeze was moderate, the ship was steered as near to the shore
as the wind would permit to give the Esquimaux inhabitants an
opportunity of coming off to barter, which they soon embraced.

Their shouts at a distance intimated their approach some time before we
descried the canoes paddling towards us; the headmost of them reached
us at eleven; these were quickly followed by others, and before noon
about forty canoes, each holding one man, were assembled around the two
ships. In the afternoon when we approached nearer to the shore five or
six larger ones containing the women and children came up.

The Esquimaux immediately evinced their desire to barter and displayed
no small cunning in making their bargains, taking care not to exhibit
too many articles at first. Their principal commodities were oil,
sea-horse teeth, whalebone, seal-skin dresses, caps and boots,
deerskins and horns, and models of their canoes; and they received in
exchange small saws, knives, nails, tin-kettles, and needles. It was
pleasing to behold the exultation and to hear the shouts of the whole
party when an acquisition was made by any one; and not a little
ludicrous to behold the eagerness with which the fortunate person
licked each article with his tongue on receiving it, as a finish to the
bargain and an act of appropriation. They in no instance omitted this
strange practice, however small the article; the needles even passed
individually through the ceremony. The women brought imitations of men,
women, animals, and birds, carved with labour and ingenuity out of
sea-horse teeth. The dresses and the figures of the animals were not
badly executed, but there was no attempt at the delineation of the
countenances; and most of the figures were without eyes, ears and
fingers, the execution of which would perhaps have required more
delicate instruments than they possess. The men set most value on saws;
_kuttee-swa-bak_, the name by which they distinguish them, was a
constant cry. Knives were held next in estimation. An old sword was
bartered from the _Eddystone_ and I shall long remember the universal
burst of joy on the happy man’s receiving it. It was delightful to
witness the general interest excited by individual acquisitions. There
was no desire shown by anyone to over-reach his neighbour, or to press
towards any part of the ship where a bargain was making until the
person in possession of the place had completed his exchange and
removed; and if any article happened to be demanded from the outer
canoes the men nearest assisted willingly in passing the thing across.
Supposing the party to belong to one tribe the total number of the
tribe must exceed two hundred persons, as there were probably one
hundred and fifty around the ships, and few of these were elderly
persons or male children.

Their faces were broad and flat, the eyes small. The men were in
general stout. Some of the younger women and the children had rather
pleasing countenances, but the difference between these and the more
aged of that sex bore strong testimony to the effects which a few years
produce in this ungenial climate. Most of the party had sore eyes, all
of them appeared of a plethoric habit of body; several were observed
bleeding at the nose during their stay near the ship. The men’s dresses
consisted of a jacket of seal-skin, the trousers of bear-skin, and
several had caps of the white fox-skin. The female dresses were made of
the same materials but differently shaped, having a hood in which the
infants were carried. We thought their manner very lively and
agreeable. They were fond of mimicking our speech and gestures; but
nothing afforded them greater amusement than when we attempted to
retaliate by pronouncing any of their words.

The canoes were of seal-skin and similar in every respect to those used
by the Esquimaux in Greenland; they were generally new and very
complete in their appointments. Those appropriated to the women are of
ruder construction and only calculated for fine weather; they are
however useful vessels, being capable of containing twenty persons with
their luggage. An elderly man officiates as steersman and the women
paddle, but they have also a mast which carries a sail made of dressed
whale-gut.

When the women had disposed of all their articles of trade they
resorted to entreaty; and the putting in practice many enticing
gestures was managed with so much address as to procure them presents
of a variety of beads, needles, and other articles in great demand
among females.

It is probable these Esquimaux go from this shore to some part of
Labrador to pass the winter, as parties of them have been frequently
seen by the homeward-bound Hudson’s Bay ships in the act of crossing
the Strait.

They appear to speak the same language as the tribe of Esquimaux who
reside near to the Moravian settlements in Labrador: for we perceived
they used several of the words which had been given to us by the
Missionaries at Stromness.

Towards evening the Captain, being desirous to get rid of his visitors,
took an effectual method by tacking from the shore; our friends then
departed apparently in high glee at the harvest they had reaped. They
paddled away very swiftly and would doubtless soon reach the shore
though it was distant ten or twelve miles.

Not having encountered any of the ice which usually arrests the
progress of ships in their outward passage through the Straits, and
being consequently deprived of the usual means of replenishing our
stock of water which had become short, the Captain resolved on going to
the coast of Labrador for a supply. Dr. Richardson and I gladly
embraced this opportunity to land and examine this part of the coast. I
was also desirous to observe the variation on shore as the azimuths
which had been taken on board both ships since our entrance into the
Straits had shown a greater amount than we had been led to expect; but
unluckily the sun became obscured. The beach consisted of large rolled
stones of gneiss and sienite, amongst which many pieces of ice had
grounded, and it was with difficulty that we effected a landing in a
small cove under a steep cliff. These stones were worn perfectly
smooth; neither in the interstices nor at the bottom of the water,
which was very clear, were there any vestiges of seaweed.

The cliff was from forty to fifty feet high and quite perpendicular,
and had at its base a small slip of soil formed of the debris of a bed
of clay-slate. From this narrow spot Dr. Richardson collected specimens
of thirty different species of plants; and we were about to scramble up
a shelving part of the rock and go into the interior when we perceived
the signal of recall which the master had caused to be made in
consequence of a sudden change in the appearance of the weather.

On the evening of the 19th we passed Digge’s Islands, the termination
of Hudson’s Strait. Here the _Eddystone_ parted company, being bound to
Moose Factory at the bottom of the Bay. A strong north wind came on,
which prevented our getting round the north end of Mansfield; and as it
continued to blow with equal strength for the next five days we were
most vexatiously detained in beating along the Labrador coast and near
the dangerous chain of islands, the Sleepers, which are said to extend
from the latitude of 60° 10′ to 57° 00′ North. The press of sail which
of necessity we carried caused the leak to increase and the pumps were
kept in constant use.

A favouring wind at length enabled us on the 25th to shape our course
across Hudson’s Bay. Nothing worthy of remark occurred during this
passage except the rapid decrease in the variation of the magnetic
needle. The few remarks respecting the appearance of the land which we
were able to make in our quick passage through these Straits were
transmitted to the Admiralty; but as they will not be interesting to
the general reader, and may not be sufficiently accurate for the
guidance of the Navigator, they are omitted in this narrative.

YORK FACTORY.


On the 28th we discovered the land to the southward of Cape Tatnam,
which is so extremely low that the tops of the trees were first
discerned; the soundings at the time were seventeen fathoms, which
gradually decreased to five as the shore was approached. Cape Tatnam is
not otherwise remarkable than as being the point from which the coast
inclines rather more to the westward towards York Factory.

The opening of the morning of the 30th presented to our view the
anchorage at York Flats, and the gratifying sight of a vessel at
anchor, which we recognised, after an anxious examination, to be the
_Wear_. A strong breeze blowing from the direction of the Flats caused
the water to be more shallow than usual on the sandy bar which lies on
the seaward side of the anchorage, and we could not get over it before
two P.M. when the tide was nearly at its height.

Immediately after our arrival Mr. Williams, the Governor of the
Hudson’s Bay Company’s posts, came on board accompanied by the
Commander of the _Wear_. The pleasure we felt in welcoming the latter
gentleman can easily be imagined when it is considered what reason we
had to apprehend that he and his crew had been numbered with the dead.
We learned that one of the larger masses of ice had providentially
drifted between the vessel’s side and the rocks just at the time he
expected to strike, to which he secured it until a breeze sprang up and
enabled him to pursue his voyage.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE JOURNEY INTO THE INTERIOR.


The Governor acquainted me that he had received information from the
Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company of the equipment of the
Expedition, and that the officers would come out in their first ship.
In the evening Dr. Richardson, Mr. Hood, and I accompanied him to York
Factory which we reached after dark; it is distant from the Flats seven
miles. Early next morning the honour of a salute was conferred on the
members of the Expedition.

Having communicated to the Governor the objects of the Expedition, and
that I had been directed to consult with him and the senior servants of
the Company as to the best mode of proceeding towards the execution of
the service, I was gratified by his assurance that his instructions
from the Committee directed that every possible assistance should be
given to forward our progress, and that he should feel peculiar
pleasure in performing this part of his duty. He introduced me at once
to Messrs. Charles, Swaine, and Snodie, masters of districts who, from
long residence in the country, were perfectly acquainted with the
different modes of travelling, and the obstructions which might be
anticipated. At the desire of these gentlemen I drew up a series of
questions respecting the points on which we required information; to
which two days afterwards they had the kindness to return very explicit
and satisfactory answers; and on receiving them I requested the
Governor to favour me with his sentiments on the same subject in
writing, which he delivered to me on the following day.

Having learned that Messrs. Shaw, McTavish, and several other partners
of the North-West Company were under detention at this place we took
the earliest opportunity of visiting them; when, having presented the
general circular and other introductory letters with which I had been
furnished by their agent Mr. Simon McGillivray, we received from them
the most friendly and full assurance of the cordial endeavours of the
wintering partners of their company to promote the interests of the
Expedition. The knowledge we had now gained of the state of the violent
commercial opposition existing in the country rendered this assurance
highly gratifying; and these gentlemen added to the obligation by
freely communicating that information respecting the interior of the
country which their intelligence and long residence so fully qualified
them to give.

I deemed it expedient to issue a memorandum to the officers of the
Expedition strictly prohibiting any interference whatever in the
existing quarrels, or any that might arise, between the two Companies;
and on presenting it to the principals of both the parties they
expressed their satisfaction at the step I had taken.

The opinions of all the gentlemen were so decidedly in favour of the
route by Cumberland House and through the chain of posts to the Great
Slave Lake that I determined on pursuing it, and immediately
communicated my intention to the Governor with a request that he would
furnish me with the means of conveyance for the party as speedily as
possible.

It was suggested in my instructions that we might probably procure a
schooner at this place to proceed north as far as Wager Bay; but the
vessel alluded to was lying at Moose Factory, completely out of repair;
independently of which the route directly to the northward was rendered
impracticable by the impossibility of procuring hunters and guides on
the coast.

I found that, as the Esquimaux inhabitants had left Churchill a month
previous to our arrival, no interpreter from that quarter could be
procured before their return in the following spring. The Governor
however undertook to forward to us, next season, the only one amongst
them who understood English, if he could be induced to go.

The Governor selected one of the largest of the Company’s boats for our
use on the journey, and directed the carpenters to commence refitting
it immediately; but he was only able to furnish us with a steersman;
and we were obliged to make up the rest of the crew with the boatmen
brought from Stromness and our two attendants.

York Factory, the principal depôt of the Hudson’s Bay Company, stands
on the west bank of Hayes River, about five miles above its mouth, on
the marshy peninsula which separates the Hayes and Nelson Rivers. The
surrounding country is flat and swampy and covered with willows,
poplars, larch, spruce, and birch-trees; but the requisition for fuel
has expended all the wood in the vicinity of the fort and the residents
have now to send for it to a considerable distance. The soil is
alluvial clay and contains imbedded rolled stones. Though the bank of
the river is elevated about twenty feet it is frequently overflown by
the spring floods, and large portions are annually carried away by the
disruption of the ice which, grounding in the stream, have formed
several muddy islands. These interruptions, together with the various
collection of stones that are hid at high-water, render the navigation
of the river difficult; but vessels of two hundred tons burden may be
brought through the proper channels as high as the Factory.

The principal buildings are placed in the form of a square having an
octagonal court in the centre; they are two storeys in height and have
flat roofs covered with lead. The officers dwell in one portion of this
square, and in the other parts the articles of merchandise are kept:
the workshops, storehouses for the furs, and the servants’ houses are
ranged on the outside of the square, and the whole is surrounded by a
stockade twenty feet high. A platform is laid from the house to the
pier on the bank for the convenience of transporting the stores and
furs, which is the only promenade the residents have on this marshy
spot during the summer season. The few Indians who now frequent this
establishment belong to the _Swampy Crees_. There were several of them
encamped on the outside of the stockade. Their tents were rudely
constructed by tying twenty or thirty poles together at the top, and
spreading them out at the base so as to form a cone; these were covered
with dressed moose-skins. The fire is placed in the centre and a hole
is left for the escape of the smoke. The inmates had a squalid look and
were suffering under the combined afflictions of the whooping-cough and
measles; but even these miseries did not keep them from an excessive
indulgence in spirits, which they unhappily can procure from the
traders with too much facility; and they nightly serenaded us with
their monotonous drunken songs. Their sickness at this time was
particularly felt by the traders, this being the season of the year
when the exertion of every hunter is required to procure their winter’s
stock of geese, which resort in immense flocks to the extensive flats
in this neighbourhood. These birds during the summer retire far to the
north and breed in security; but when the approach of winter compels
them to seek a more southern climate they generally alight on the
marshes of this bay and fatten there for three weeks or a month before
they take their final departure from the country. They also make a
short halt at the same spots in their progress northwards in the
spring. Their arrival is welcomed with joy, and the goose hunt is one
of the most plentiful seasons of the year. The ducks frequent the
swamps all the summer.

The weather was extremely unfavourable for celestial observations
during our stay, and it was only by watching the momentary appearances
of the sun that we were enabled to obtain fresh rates for the
chronometers and allow for their errors from Greenwich time. The dip of
the needle was observed to be 79° 29′ 07″, and the difference produced
by reversing the face of the instrument was 11° 3′ 40″. A succession of
fresh breezes prevented our ascertaining the intensity of the magnetic
force. The position of York Factory by our observations is in latitude
57° 00′ 03″ North, longitude 92° 26′ West. The variation of the compass
6° 00′ 21″ East.




CHAPTER 2.

PASSAGE UP HAYES, STEEL AND HILL RIVERS. CROSS SWAMPY LAKE. JACK RIVER.
KNEE LAKE AND MAGNETIC ISLET. TROUT RIVER. HOLY LAKE. WEEPINAPANNIS
RIVER. WINDY LAKE. WHITE FALL LAKE AND RIVER. ECHEMAMIS AND SEA RIVERS.
PLAY GREEN LAKES. LAKE WINNIPEG. RIVER SASKATCHEWAN. CROSS, CEDAR AND
PINE ISLAND LAKES. CUMBERLAND HOUSE.


PASSAGE UP HAYES, STEEL, AND HILL RIVERS.


September 1819.

On the 9th of September, our boat being completed, arrangements were
made for our departure as soon as the tide should serve. But when the
stores were brought down to the beach it was found that the boat would
not contain them all. The whole therefore of the bacon and part of the
flour, rice, tobacco, and ammunition were returned into the store. The
bacon was too bulky an article to be forwarded under any circumstances;
but the Governor undertook to forward the rest next season. In making
the selection of articles to carry with us I was guided by the judgment
of Governor Williams who assured me that tobacco, ammunition, and
spirits could be procured in the interior, otherwise I should have been
very unwilling to have left these essential articles behind. We
embarked at noon and were honoured with a salute of eight guns and
three cheers from the Governor and all the inmates of the fort who had
assembled to witness our departure. We gratefully returned their cheers
and then made sail, much delighted at having now commenced our voyage
into the interior of America. The wind and tide failing us at the
distance of six miles above the Factory, and the current being too
rapid for using oars to advantage, the crew had to commence tracking,
or dragging the boat by a line to which they were harnessed. This
operation is extremely laborious in these rivers. Our men were obliged
to walk along the steep declivity of a high bank, rendered at this
season soft and slippery by frequent rains, and their progress was
often further impeded by fallen trees which, having slipped from the
verge of the thick wood above, hung on the face of the bank in a great
variety of directions. Notwithstanding these obstacles we advanced at
the rate of two miles an hour, one-half of the crew relieving the other
at intervals of an hour and a half. The banks of the river and its
islands, composed of alluvial soil, are well covered with pines,
larches, poplars, and willows. The breadth of the stream some distance
above the Factory is about half a mile, and its depth during this day’s
voyage varied from three to nine feet.

At sunset we landed and pitched the tent for the night, having made a
progress of twelve miles. A large fire was quickly kindled, supper
speedily prepared and as readily despatched, when we retired with our
buffalo robes on and enjoyed a night of sound repose.

It may here be stated that the survey of the river was made by taking
the bearings of every point with a pocket compass, estimating the
distances, and making a connected eye-sketch of the whole. This part of
the survey was allotted to Messrs. Back and Hood conjointly: Mr. Hood
also protracted the route every evening on a ruled map, after the
courses and distances had been corrected by observations for latitude
and longitude taken by myself as often as the weather would allow. The
extraordinary talent of this young officer in this line of service
proved of the greatest advantage to the Expedition, and he continued to
perform that duty until his lamented death with a degree of zeal and
accuracy that characterised all his pursuits.

The next morning our camp was in motion at five A.M., and we soon
afterwards embarked with the flattering accompaniment of a fair wind:
it proved however too light to enable us to stem the stream, and we
were obliged to resume the fatiguing operation of tracking; sometimes
under cliffs so steep that the men could scarcely find a footing, and
not unfrequently over spots rendered so miry by the small streams that
trickled from above as to be almost impassable. In the course of the
day we passed the scene of a very melancholy accident. Some years ago
two families of Indians, induced by the flatness of a small beach which
lay betwixt the cliff and the river, chose it as the site of their
encampment. They retired quietly to rest, not aware that the precipice,
detached from the bank and urged by an accumulation of water in the
crevice behind, was tottering to its base. It fell during the night and
the whole party was buried under its ruins.

The length of our voyage today was in a direct line sixteen miles and a
quarter on a South-South-West course. We encamped soon after sunset and
the tent was scarcely pitched when a heavy rain began, which continued
all night.

Sixteen miles on the 11th and five on the following morning brought us
to the commencement of Hayes River which is formed by the confluence of
the Shamattawa and Steel Rivers. Our observations place this spot in
latitude 56° 22′ 32″ North, longitude 93° 1′ 37″ West. It is
forty-eight miles and a half from York Factory including the windings
of the river. Steel River, through which our course lay, is about three
hundred yards wide at its mouth; its banks have more elevation than
those of Hayes River, but they shelve more gradually down to the stream
and afford a tolerably good towing path, which compensates in some
degree for the rapids and frequent shoals that impede its navigation.
We succeeded in getting about ten miles above the mouth of the river
before the close of day compelled us to disembark.

We made an effort on the morning of the 13th to stem the current under
sail but, as the course of the river was very serpentine, we found that
greater progress could be made by tracking. Steel River presents much
beautiful scenery; it winds through a narrow but well wooded valley
which at every turn disclosed to us an agreeable variety of prospect,
rendered more picturesque by the effect of the season on the foliage,
now ready to drop from the trees. The light yellow of the fading
poplars formed a fine contrast to the dark evergreen of the spruce,
whilst the willows of an intermediate hue served to shade the two
principal masses of colour into each other. The scene was occasionally
enlivened by the bright purple tints of the dogwood, blended with the
browner shades of the dwarf birch and frequently intermixed with the
gay yellow flowers of the shrubby cinquefoil. With all these charms the
scene appeared desolate from the want of human species. The stillness
was so great that even the twittering of the _whiskey-johneesh_, or
cinereous crow caused us to start. Our voyage today was sixteen miles
on a South-West course.

September 14.

We had much rain during the night and also in the morning, which
detained us in our encampment later than usual. We set out as soon as
the weather cleared up and in a short time arrived at the head of Steel
River where it is formed by the junction of Fox and Hill Rivers. These
two rivers are nearly of equal width but the latter is the most rapid.
Mr. McDonald, on his way to Red River in a small canoe manned by two
Indians, overtook us at this place. It may be mentioned as a proof of
the dexterity of the Indians and the skill with which they steal upon
their game that they had on the preceding day, with no other arms than
a hatchet, killed two deer, a hawk, a curlew, and a sturgeon. Three of
the Company’s boats joined us in the course of the morning and we
pursued our course up Hill River in company. The water in this river
was so low and the rapids so bad that we were obliged several times in
the course of the day to jump into the water and assist in lifting the
boat over the large stones which impeded the navigation. The length of
our voyage today was only six miles and three-quarters.

The four boats commenced operations together at five o’clock the
following morning but, our boat being overladen, we soon found that we
were unable to keep pace with the others; and therefore proposed to the
gentlemen in charge of the Company’s boats that they should relieve us
of part of our cargo. This they declined doing under the plea of not
having received orders to that effect, notwithstanding that the
circular with which I was furnished by Governor Williams strictly
enjoined all the Company’s servants to afford us every assistance. In
consequence of this refusal we dropped behind, and our steersman, who
was inexperienced, being thus deprived of the advantage of observing
the route followed by the guide, who was in the foremost boat,
frequently took a wrong channel. The tow-line broke twice and the boat
was only prevented from going broadside down the stream and breaking to
pieces against the stones by the officers and men leaping into the
water and holding her head to the current until the line could be
carried again to the shore. It is but justice to say that in these
trying situations we received much assistance from Mr. Thomas Swaine
who with great kindness waited for us with the boat under his charge at
such places as he apprehended would be most difficult to pass. We
encamped at sunset, completely jaded with toil. Our distance made good
this day was twelve miles and a quarter.

The labours of the 16th commenced at half-past five, and for some time
the difficulty of getting the boats over the rapids was equal to what
we experienced the day before. Having passed a small brook however,
termed _Half-way Creek_, the river became deeper and although rapid it
was smooth enough to be named by our Orkney boatmen _Still-water_. We
were further relieved by the Company’s clerks consenting to take a few
boxes of our stores into their boats. Still we made only eleven miles
in the course of the day.

The banks of Hill River are higher and have a more broken outline than
those of Steel or Hayes Rivers. The cliffs of alluvial clay rose in
some places to the height of eighty or ninety feet above the stream and
were surmounted by hills about two hundred feet high, but the thickness
of the wood prevented us from seeing far beyond the mere banks of the
river.

September 17.

About half-past five in the morning we commenced tracking and soon came
to a ridge of rock which extended across the stream. From this place
the boat was dragged up several narrow rocky channels until we came to
the Rock Portage where the stream, pent in by a range of small islands,
forms several cascades. In ascending the river the boats with their
cargoes are carried over one of the islands, but in the descent they
are shot down the most shelving of the cascades. Having performed the
operations of carrying, launching, and restowing the cargo we plied the
oars for a short distance and landed at a depôt called Rock House. Here
we were informed that the rapids in the upper parts of Hill River were
much worse and more numerous than those we had passed, particularly in
the present season owing to the unusual lowness of the water. This
intelligence was very mortifying, especially as the gentlemen in charge
of the Company’s boats declared that they were unable to carry any part
of our stores beyond this place; and the traders, guides, and most
experienced of the boatmen were of opinion that, unless our boat was
still further lightened, the winter would put a stop to our progress
before we could reach Cumberland House or any eligible post. Sixteen
pieces we therefore necessarily left with Mr. Bunn, the gentleman in
charge of the post, to be forwarded by the Athabasca canoes next
season, this being their place of rendezvous.

After this we recommenced our voyage and, having pulled nearly a mile,
arrived at Borrowick’s Fall, where the boat was dragged up with a line
after part of the cargo had been carried over a small portage. From
this place to the Mud Portage, a distance of a mile and three-quarters,
the boats were pushed on with poles against a very rapid stream. Here
we encamped, having come seven miles during the day on a South-West
course. We had several snow showers in the course of the day and the
thermometer at bedtime stood at 30°.

On the morning of the 18th the country was clothed in the livery of
winter, a heavy fall of snow having taken place during the night. We
embarked at the usual hour and in the course of the day crossed the
Point of Rocks and Brassa Portages and dragged the boats through
several minor rapids. In this tedious way we only made good about nine
miles.

On Sunday the 19th we hauled the boats up several short rapids or, as
the boatmen term them, expressively enough, _spouts_, and carried them
over the Portages of Lower Burntwood and Morgan’s Rocks, on the latter
of which we encamped, having proceeded during the whole day only one
mile and three-quarters.

The upper part of Hill River swells out considerably, and at Morgan’s
Rocks where it is three-quarters of a mile wide we were gratified with
a more extensive prospect of the country than any we had enjoyed since
leaving York Factory. The banks of the river here, consisting of low
flat rocks with intermediate swamps, permitted us to obtain views of
the interior, the surface of which is broken into a multitude of
cone-shaped hills. The highest of these hills, which gives a name to
the river, has an elevation not exceeding six hundred feet. From its
summit thirty-six lakes are said to be visible. The beauty of the
scenery, dressed in the tints of autumn, called forth our admiration
and was the subject of Mr. Hood’s accurate pencil. On the 20th we
passed Upper Burntwood and Rocky Ledge Portages besides several strong
_spouts;_ and in the evening arrived at Smooth Rock Portage where we
encamped, having come three miles and a half. It is not easy for any
but an eye-witness to form an adequate idea of the exertions of the
Orkney boatmen in the navigation of this river. The necessity they are
under of frequently jumping into the water to lift the boats over the
rocks compels them to remain the whole day in wet clothes at a season
when the temperature is far below the freezing-point. The immense loads
too which they carry over the portages is not more a matter of surprise
than the alacrity with which they perform these laborious duties.

CROSS SWAMPY LAKE.


At six on the morning of the 21st we left our encampment and soon after
arrived at the Mossy Portage where the cargoes were carried through a
deep bog for a quarter of a mile. The river swells out above this
portage to the breadth of several miles and as the islands are numerous
there are a great variety of channels. Night overtook us before we
arrived at the _Second Portage_, so named from its being the second in
the passage down the river. Our whole distance this day was one mile
and a quarter.

On the 22nd our route led us amongst many wooded islands which, lying
in long vistas, produced scenes of much beauty. In the course of the
day we crossed the Upper Portage, surmounted the Devil’s Landing Place,
and urged the boat with poles through Groundwater Creek. At the upper
end of this creek, our bowman having given the boat too great a sheer
to avoid a rock, it was caught on the broadside by the current and in
defiance of our utmost exertions hurried down the rapid. Fortunately
however it grounded against a rock high enough to prevent the current
from oversetting it, and the crews of the other boats having come to
our assistance we succeeded after several trials in throwing a rope to
them with which they dragged our almost sinking vessel stern foremost
up the stream and rescued us from our perilous situation. We encamped
in the dusk of evening amidst a heavy thunderstorm, having advanced two
miles and three-quarters.

About ten in the morning of the 23rd we arrived at the _Dramstone_
which is hailed with pleasure by the boats’ crews as marking the
termination of the laborious ascent of Hill River. We complied with the
custom from whence it derives its name and soon after landing upon Sail
Island prepared breakfast. In the meantime our boatmen cut down and
rigged a new mast, the old one having been thrown overboard at the
mouth of Steel River, where it ceased to be useful. We left Sail Island
with a fair wind and soon afterwards arrived at a depôt situated on
Swampy Lake where we received a supply of mouldy _pemmican_.[2] Mr.
Calder and his attendant were the only tenants of this cheerless abode,
and their only food was the wretched stuff with which they supplied us,
the lake not yielding fish at this season.

 [2] Buffalo meat, dried and pounded and mixed with melted fat.

JACK RIVER.


After a short delay at this post we sailed through the remainder of
Swampy Lake and slept at the Lower Portage in Jack River; the distance
sailed today being sixteen miles and a half.

Jack River is only eight miles long but, being full of bad rapids, it
detained us considerably. At seven in the morning of the 24th we
crossed the Long Portage where the woods, having caught fire in the
summer, were still smoking. This is a common accident owing to the
neglect of the Indians and voyagers in not putting out their fires, and
in a dry season the woods may be seen blazing to the extent of many
miles. We afterwards crossed the Second, or Swampy, Portage and in the
evening encamped on the Upper Portage, where we were overtaken by an
Indian bringing an answer from Governor Williams to a letter I had
written to him on the 15th in which he renewed his injunctions to the
gentlemen of the boats accompanying us to afford us every assistance in
their power. The Aurora Borealis appeared this evening in form of a
bright arch extending across the zenith in a North-West and South-East
direction. The extent of our voyage today was two miles.

KNEE LAKE AND MAGNETIC ISLET.


About noon on the 25th we entered Knee Lake which has a very irregular
form and near its middle takes a sudden turn from whence it derives its
names. It is thickly studded with islands and its shores are low and
well wooded. The surrounding country as far as we could see is flat,
being destitute even of the moderate elevations which occur near the
upper part of Hill River. The weather was remarkably fine and the
setting sun threw the richest tints over the scene that I remember ever
to have witnessed.

About half a mile from the bend, or _knee_, of the lake there is a
small rocky islet composed of magnetic iron ore which affects the
magnetic needle at a considerable distance. Having received previous
information respecting this circumstance we watched our compasses
carefully and perceived that they were affected at the distance of
three hundred yards both on the approach to and departure from the
rock: on decreasing the distance they became gradually more and more
unsteady and on landing they were rendered quite useless; and it was
evident that the general magnetic influence was totally overpowered by
the local attraction of the ore. When Kater’s compass was held near to
the ground on the North-West side of the island the needle dipped so
much that the card could not be made to traverse by any adjustment of
the hand; but on moving the same compass about thirty yards to the west
part of the islet the needle became horizontal, traversed freely, and
pointed to the magnetic north. The dipping needle, being landed on the
South-West point of the islet, was adjusted as nearly as possible on
the magnetic meridian by the sun’s bearings, and found to vibrate
freely when the face of the instrument was directed to the east or
west. The mean dip it gave was 80° 37′ 50″. When the instrument was
removed from the North-West to the South-East point about twenty yards
distant and placed on the meridian the needle ceased to traverse but
remained steady at an angle of 60°. On changing the face of the
instrument so as to give a South-East and North-West direction to the
needle it hung vertically. The position of the slaty strata of the
magnetic ore is also vertical. Their direction is extremely irregular,
being much contorted.

Knee Lake towards its upper end becomes narrower and its rocky shores
are broken into conical and rounded eminences, destitute of soil, and
of course devoid of trees. We slept at the western extremity of the
lake, having come during the day nineteen miles and a half on a
South-West course.

TROUT RIVER.


We began the ascent of Trout River early in the morning of the 27th and
in the course of the day passed three portages and several rapids. At
the first of these portages the river falls between two rocks about
sixteen feet and it is necessary to launch the boat over a precipitous
rocky bank. This cascade is named the _Trout-Fall_, and the beauty of
the scenery afforded a subject for Mr. Hood’s pencil. The rocks which
form the bed of this river are slaty and present sharp fragments by
which the feet of the boatmen are much lacerated. The Second Portage in
particular obtains the expressive name of _Knife Portage_. The length
of our voyage today was three miles.

HOLY LAKE.


On the 28th we passed through the remainder of Trout River; and at noon
arrived at Oxford House on Holy Lake. This was formerly a post of some
consequence to the Hudson’s Bay Company but at present it exhibits
unequivocal signs of decay. The Indians have of late years been
gradually deserting the low or swampy country and ascending the
Saskatchewan where animals are more abundant. A few Crees were at this
time encamped in front of the fort. They were suffering under
whooping-cough and measles and looked miserably dejected. We
endeavoured in vain to prevail on one of them to accompany us for the
purpose of killing ducks which were numerous but too shy for our
sportsmen. We had the satisfaction however of exchanging the mouldy
pemmican obtained at Swampy Lake for a better kind, and received
moreover a small but very acceptable supply of fish. Holy Lake, viewed
from an eminence behind Oxford House, exhibits a pleasing prospect; and
its numerous islands, varying much in shape and elevation, contribute
to break that uniformity of scenery which proves so palling to a
traveller in this country. Trout of a great size, frequently exceeding
forty pounds’ weight, abound in this lake. We left Oxford House in the
afternoon and encamped on an island about eight miles distant, having
come during the day nine miles and a quarter.

WEEPINAPANNIS RIVER.


At noon on the 29th, after passing through the remainder of Holy Lake,
we entered the Weepinapannis, a narrow grassy river which runs parallel
to the lake for a considerable distance and forms its south bank into a
narrow peninsula. In the morning we arrived at the Swampy Portage where
two of the boats were broken against the rocks. The length of the day’s
voyage was nineteen miles and a half.

In consequence of the accident yesterday evening we were detained a
considerable time this morning until the boats were repaired, when we
set out and, after ascending a strong rapid, arrived at the portage by
John Moore’s Island. Here the river rushes with irresistible force
through the channels formed by two rocky islands; and we learned that
last year a poor man, in hauling a boat up one of these channels, was,
by the breaking of the line, precipitated into the stream and hurried
down the cascade with such rapidity that all efforts to save him were
ineffectual. His body was afterwards found and interred near the spot.

The Weepinapannis is composed of several branches which separate and
unite again and again, intersecting the country in a great variety of
directions.

WINDY LAKE.


We pursued the principal channel and, having passed the Crooked Spout
with several inferior rapids and crossed a small piece of water named
Windy Lake, we entered a smooth deep stream about three hundred yards
wide which has got the absurd appellation of the Rabbit Ground. The
marshy banks of this river are skirted by low barren rocks behind which
there are some groups of stunted trees. As we advanced the country,
becoming flatter, gradually opened to our view and we at length arrived
at a shallow, reedy lake, the direct course through which leads to the
Hill Portage. This route has however of late years been disused and we
therefore turned towards the north and, crossing a small arm of the
lake, arrived at Hill Gates by sunset; having come this day eleven
miles.

October 1.

Hill Gates is the name imposed on a romantic defile whose rocky walls,
rising perpendicularly to the height of sixty or eighty feet, hem in
the stream for three-quarters of a mile, in many places so narrowly
that there is a want of room to ply the oars. In passing through this
chasm we were naturally led to contemplate the mighty but probably slow
and gradual effects of the water in wearing down such vast masses of
rock; but in the midst of our speculations the attention was excited
anew to a grand and picturesque rapid which, surrounded by the most
wild and majestic scenery, terminated the defile. The brown
fishing-eagle had built its nest on one of the projecting cliffs.

WHITE FALL LAKE AND RIVER.


In the course of the day we surmounted this and another dangerous
portage called the Upper and Lower Hill Gate Portages, crossed a small
sheet of water, termed the White Fall Lake and, entering the river of
the same name, arrived at the White Fall about an hour after sunset,
having come fourteen miles on a South-West course.

The whole of the 2nd of October was spent in carrying the cargoes over
a portage of thirteen hundred yards in length and in launching the
empty boats over three several ridges of rock which obstruct the
channel and produce as many cascades. I shall long remember the rude
and characteristic wildness of the scenery which surrounded these
falls; rocks piled on rocks hung in rude and shapeless masses over the
agitated torrents which swept their bases, whilst the bright and
variegated tints of the mosses and lichens that covered the face of the
cliffs, contrasting with the dark green of the pines which crowned
their summits, added both beauty and grandeur to the scene. Our two
companions, Back and Hood, made accurate sketches of these falls. At
this place we observed a conspicuous _lop-stick_, a kind of landmark
which I have not hitherto noticed, notwithstanding its great use in
pointing out the frequented routes. It is a pine-tree divested of its
lower branches and having only a small tuft at the top remaining. This
operation is usually performed at the instance of some individual
emulous of fame. He treats his companions with rum and they in return
strip the tree of its branches and ever after designate it by his name.

In the afternoon, whilst on my way to superintend the operations of the
men, a stratum of loose moss gave way under my feet and I had the
misfortune to slip from the summit of a rock into the river betwixt two
of the falls. My attempts to regain the bank were for a time
ineffectual owing to the rocks within my reach having been worn smooth
by the action of the water; but after I had been carried a considerable
distance down the stream I caught hold of a willow by which I held
until two gentlemen of the Hudson’s Bay Company came in a boat to my
assistance. The only bad consequence of this accident was an injury
sustained by a very valuable chronometer (Number 1733) belonging to
Daniel Moore, Esquire, of Lincoln’s Inn. One of the gentlemen to whom I
delivered it immediately on landing in his agitation let it fall,
whereby the minutehand was broken, but the works were not in the
smallest degree injured and the loss of the hand was afterwards
supplied.

During the night the frost was severe; and at sunrise on the 3rd the
thermometer stood at 25°. After leaving our encampment at the White
Fall we passed through several small lakes connected with each other by
narrow, deep, grassy streams, and at noon arrived at the Painted Stone.
Numbers of muskrats frequent these streams; and we observed in the
course of the morning many of their mud-houses rising in a conical form
to the height of two or three feet above the grass of the swamps in
which they were built.

The Painted Stone is a low rock, ten or twelve yards across, remarkable
for the marshy streams which arise on each side of it, taking different
courses. On the one side the watercourse which we had navigated from
York Factory commences. This spot may therefore be considered as one of
the smaller sources of Hayes River.

ECHEMAMIS AND SEA RIVERS.


On the other side of the stone the Echemamis rises and, taking a
westerly direction, falls into Nelson River. It is said that there was
formerly a stone placed near the centre of this portage on which
figures were annually traced and offerings deposited by the Indians;
but the stone has been removed many years and the spot has ceased to be
held in veneration. Here we were overtaken by Governor Williams who
left York Factory on the 20th of last month in an Indian canoe. He
expressed much regret at our having been obliged to leave part of our
stores at the Rock depôt, and would have brought them up with him had
he been able to procure and man a boat, or a canoe, of sufficient size.

Having launched the boats over the rock we commenced the descent of the
Echemamis. This small stream has its course through a morass and in dry
seasons its channel contains, instead of water, merely a foot or two of
thin mud. On these occasions it is customary to build dams that it may
be rendered navigable by the accumulation of its waters. As the beavers
perform this operation very effectually endeavours have been made to
encourage them to breed in this place, but it has not hitherto been
possible to restrain the Indians from killing that useful animal
whenever they discover its retreats. On the present occasion there was
no want of water, the principal impediment we experienced being from
the narrowness of the channel, which permitted the willows of each bank
to meet over our heads and obstruct the men at the oars. After
proceeding down the stream for some time we came to a
recently-constructed beaver dam through which an opening was made
sufficient to admit the boat to pass. We were assured that the breach
would be closed by the industrious creature in a single night. We
encamped about eight miles from the source of the river, having come
during the day seventeen miles and a half.

On the 4th we embarked amidst a heavy rain and pursued our route down
the Echemamis. In many parts of the morass by which the river is
nourished and through which it flows, is intersected by ridges of rock
which cross the channel and require the boat to be lifted over them. In
the afternoon we passed through a shallow piece of water overgrown with
bulrushes and hence named Hairy Lake; and in the evening encamped on
the banks of Blackwater Creek, by which this lake empties itself into
Sea River; having come during the day twenty miles and three-quarters.

On the morning of the 5th we entered Sea River, one of the many
branches of Nelson River. It is about four hundred yards wide and its
waters are of a muddy white colour. After ascending the stream for an
hour or two and passing through Carpenter’s Lake, which is merely an
expansion of the river to about a mile in breadth, we came to the Sea
River Portage where the boat was launched across a smooth rock to avoid
a fall of four or five feet.

PLAY GREEN LAKES.


Reembarking at the upper end of the portage we ran before a fresh gale
through the remainder of Sea River, the lower part of Play Green Lake
and, entering Little Jack River, landed and pitched our tents. Here
there is a small log hut, the residence of a fisherman who supplies
Norway House with trout and sturgeon. He gave us a few of these fish
which afforded an acceptable supper. Our voyage this day was
thirty-four miles.

October 6.

Little Jack River is the name given to a channel that winds among
several large islands which separate Upper and Lower Play Green Lakes.
At the lower end of this channel Big Jack River, a stream of
considerable magnitude, falls into the lake. Play Green is a
translation of the appellation given to that lake by two bands of
Indians who met and held a festival on an island situated near its
centre. After leaving our encampment we sailed through Upper Play Green
Lake and arrived at Norway Point in the forenoon.

LAKE WINNIPEG.


The waters of Lake Winnipeg and of the rivers that run into it, the
Saskatchewan in particular, are rendered turbid by the suspension of a
large quantity of white clay. Play Green Lake and Nelson River, being
the discharges of the Winnipeg, are equally opaque, a circumstance that
renders the sunken rocks, so frequent in these waters, very dangerous
to boats in a fresh breeze. Owing to this one of the boats that
accompanied us, sailing at the rate of seven miles an hour, struck upon
one of these rocks. Its mast was carried away by the shock but
fortunately no other damage sustained. The Indians ascribe the
muddiness of these lakes to an adventure of one of their deities, a
mischievous fellow, a sort of Robin Puck, whom they hold in very little
esteem. This deity, who is named Weesakootchaht, possesses considerable
power but makes a capricious use of it and delights in tormenting the
poor Indians. He is not however invincible and was foiled in one of his
attempts by the artifice of an old woman who succeeded in taking him
captive. She called in all the women of the tribe to aid in his
punishment, and he escaped from their hands in a condition so filthy
that it required all the waters of the Great Lake to wash him clean;
and ever since that period it has been entitled to the appellation of
Winnipeg, or Muddy water.

Norway Point forms the extremity of a narrow peninsula which separates
Play Green and Winnipeg Lakes. Buildings were first erected here by a
party of Norwegians who were driven away from the colony at Red River
by the commotions which took place some time ago. It is now a trading
post belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company. On landing at Norway House
we met with Lord Selkirk’s colonists who had started from York Factory
the day before us. These poor people were exceedingly pleased at
meeting with us again in this wild country; having accompanied them
across the Atlantic they viewed us in the light of old acquaintances.
This post was under the charge of Mr. James Sutherland, to whom I am
indebted for replacing a minutehand on the chronometer which was broken
at the White Fall, and I had afterwards the satisfaction of finding
that it went with extraordinary regularity.

The morning of the 7th October was beautifully clear and the
observations we obtained place Norway House in latitude 53° 41′ 38″
North, and longitude 98° 1′ 24″ West; the variation of the magnetic
needle 14° 12′ 41″ East, and its dip 83° 40′ 10″. Though our route from
York Factory has rather inclined to the South-West the dip, it will be
perceived, has gradually increased. The difference produced by
reversing the face of the instrument was 7° 39′. There was too much
wind to admit of our observing with any degree of accuracy the quantity
of the magnetic force.

We left Norway House soon after noon and, the wind being favourable,
sailed along the northern shore of Lake Winnipeg the whole of the
ensuing night; and on the morning of the 8th landed on a narrow ridge
of sand which, running out twenty miles to the westward, separates
Limestone Bay from the body of the Lake. When the wind blows hard from
the southward it is customary to carry boats across this isthmus and to
pull up under its lee. From Norwegian Point to Limestone Bay the shore
consists of high clay cliffs against which the waves beat with violence
during strong southerly winds. When the wind blows from the land and
the waters of the lake are low a narrow sandy beach is uncovered and
affords a landing-place for boats. The shores of Limestone Bay are
covered with small fragments of calcareous stones. During the night the
Aurora Borealis was quick in its motions and various and vivid in its
colours. After breakfasting we reembarked and continued our voyage
until three P.M., when a strong westerly wind arising we were obliged
to shelter ourselves on a small island which lies near the extremity of
the above-mentioned peninsula. This island is formed of a collection of
small rolled pieces of limestone and was remembered by some of our
boatman to have been formerly covered with water. For the last ten or
twelve years the waters of the lake have been low, but our information
did not enable us to judge whether the decrease was merely casual, or
going on continually, or periodical. The distance of this island from
Norway House is thirty-eight miles and a half.

RIVER SASKATCHEWAN.


The westerly winds detained us all the morning of the 9th but at two
P.M. the wind chopped round to the eastward; we immediately embarked
and the breeze afterwards freshening we reached the mouth of the
Saskatchewan at midnight having run thirty-two miles.

Sunday, October 10.

The whole of this day was occupied in getting the boats from the mouth
of the river to the foot of the grand rapid, a distance of two miles.
There are several rapids in this short distance during which the river
varies its breadth from five hundred yards to half a mile. Its channel
is stony. At the grand rapid the Saskatchewan forms a sudden bend from
south to east and works its way through a narrow channel deeply worn
into the limestone strata. The stream, rushing with impetuous force
over a rocky and uneven bottom, presents a sheet of foam and seems to
bear with impatience the straightened confinement of its lofty banks. A
flock of pelicans and two or three brown fishing-eagles were fishing in
its agitated waters, seemingly with great success. There is a good
sturgeon fishery at the foot of the rapid. Several golden plovers,
Canadian grosbeaks, crossbills, woodpeckers and pin-tailed grouse were
shot today; and Mr. Back killed a small striped marmot. This beautiful
little animal was busily employed in carrying in its distended pouches
the seeds of the American vetch to its winter hoards.

The portage is eighteen hundred yards long and its western extremity
was found to be in 53° 08′ 25″ North latitude and 99° 28′ 02″ West
longitude. The route from Canada to the Athabasca joins that from York
Factory at the mouth of the Saskatchewan, and we saw traces of a recent
encampment of the Canadian voyagers. Our companions in the Hudson’s Bay
boats, dreading an attack from their rivals in trade, were on the alert
at this place. They examined minutely the spot of encampment to form a
judgment of the number of canoes that had preceded them; and they
advanced, armed, and with great caution, through the woods. Their fears
however on this occasion were fortunately groundless.

By noon on the 12th, the boats and their cargoes having been conveyed
across the portage, we embarked and pursued our course. The
Saskatchewan becomes wider above the Grand Rapid and the scenery
improves. The banks are high, composed of white clay and limestone, and
their summits are richly clothed with a variety of firs, poplars,
birches and willows. The current runs with great rapidity and the
channel is in many places intricate and dangerous from broken ridges of
rock jutting into the stream. We pitched our tents at the entrance of
Cross Lake, having advanced only five miles and a half.

CROSS, CEDAR AND PINE ISLAND LAKES.


Cross Lake is extensive, running towards the north-east it is said for
forty miles. We crossed it at a narrow part and, pulling through
several winding channels formed by a group of islands, entered Cedar
Lake which, next to Lake Winnipeg, is the largest sheet of fresh water
we had hitherto seen. Ducks and geese resort hither in immense flocks
in the spring and autumn. These birds are now beginning to go off owing
to its muddy shores having become quite hard through the nightly
frosts. At this place the Aurora Borealis was extremely brilliant in
the night, its coruscations darting at times over the whole sky and
assuming various prismatic tints of which the violet and yellow were
predominant.

After pulling, on the 14th, seven miles and a quarter on the lake, a
violent wind drove us for shelter to a small island, or rather a ridge
of rolled stones thrown up by the frequent storms which agitate this
lake. The weather did not moderate the whole day and we were obliged to
pass the night on this exposed spot. The delay however enabled us to
obtain some lunar observations. The wind having subsided we left our
resting place the following morning, crossed the remainder of the lake,
and in the afternoon arrived at Muddy Lake which is very appropriately
named as it consists merely of a few channels winding amongst extensive
mudbanks which are overflowed during the spring floods. We landed at an
Indian tent which contained two numerous families amounting to thirty
souls. These poor creatures were badly clothed and reduced to a
miserable condition by the whooping-cough and measles. At the time of
our arrival they were busy in preparing a sweating-house for the sick.
This is a remedy which they consider, with the addition of singing and
drumming, to be the grand specific for all diseases. Our companions
having obtained some geese in exchange for rum and tobacco, we
proceeded a few more miles and encamped on Devil’s Drum Island, having
come during the day twenty miles and a half. A second party of Indians
were encamped on an adjoining island, a situation chosen for the
purpose of killing geese and ducks.

On the 16th we proceeded eighteen miles up the Saskatchewan. Its banks
are low, covered with willows, and lined with drift timber. The
surrounding country is swampy and intersected by the numerous arms of
the river. After passing for twenty or thirty yards through the willow
thicket on the banks of the stream we entered an extensive marsh,
varied only by a distant line of willows which marks the course of a
creek or branch of the river. The branch we navigated today is almost
five hundred yards wide. The exhalations from the marshy soil produced
a low fog although the sky above was perfectly clear. In the course of
the day we passed an Indian encampment of three tents whose inmates
appeared to be in a still more miserable condition than those we saw
yesterday. They had just finished the ceremony of conjuration over some
of their sick companions; and a dog which had been recently killed as a
sacrifice to some deity was hanging to a tree where it would be left (I
was told) when they moved their encampment.

We continued our voyage up the river to the 20th with little variation
of scenery or incident, travelling in that time about thirty miles. The
near approach of winter was marked by severe frosts which continued all
day unless when the sun chanced to be unusually bright and the geese
and ducks were observed to take a southerly course in large flocks. On
the morning of the 20th we came to a party of Indians encamped behind
the bank of the river on the borders of a small marshy lake for the
purpose of killing waterfowl. Here we were gratified with the view of a
very large tent. Its length was about forty feet, its breadth eighteen,
and its covering was moose-deer leather with apertures for the escape
of the smoke from the fires which are placed at each end; a ledge of
wood was placed on the ground on both sides the whole length of the
tent, within which were the sleeping-places, arranged probably
according to families; and the drums and other instruments of
enchantment were piled up in the centre. Amongst the Indians there were
a great many half-breeds who led an Indian life. Governor Williams gave
a dram and a piece of tobacco to each of the males of the party.

On the morning of the 21st a heavy fall of snow took place which lasted
until two in the afternoon. In the evening we left the Saskatchewan and
entered the Little River, one of the two streams by which Pine Island
Lake discharges its waters. We advanced today fourteen miles and a
quarter. On the 22nd the weather was extremely cold and stormy and we
had to contend against a strong head wind. The spray froze as it fell
and the oars were so loaded with ice as to be almost unmanageable. The
length of our voyage this day was eleven miles.

CUMBERLAND HOUSE.


The following morning was very cold; we embarked at daylight and pulled
across a part of Pine Island Lake about three miles and a half to
Cumberland House. The margin of the lake was so encrusted with ice that
we had to break through a considerable space of it to approach the
landing-place. When we considered that this was the effect of only a
few days’ frost at the commencement of winter we were convinced of the
impractibility of advancing further by water this season, and therefore
resolved on accepting Governor Williams’ kind invitation to remain with
him at this post. We immediately visited Mr. Connolly, the resident
partner of the North-West Company, and presented to him Mr.
McGillivray’s circular letter. He assured us that he should be most
desirous to forward our progress by every means in his power, and we
subsequently had ample proofs of his sincerity and kindness. The
unexpected addition of our party to the winter residents at this post
rendered an increase of apartments necessary; and our men were
immediately appointed to complete and arrange an unfinished building as
speedily as possible.

November 8.

Some mild weather succeeded to the severe frosts we had at our arrival;
and the lake had not been entirely frozen before the 6th; but this
morning the ice was sufficiently firm to admit of sledges crossing it.
The dogs were harnessed at a very early hour and the winter operations
commenced by sending for a supply of fish from Swampy River where men
had been stationed to collect it just before the frost set in. Both men
and dogs appeared to enjoy the change; they started in full glee and
drove rapidly along. An Indian who had come to the house on the
preceding evening to request some provision for his family, whom he
represented to be in a state of starvation, accompanied them. His party
had been suffering greatly under the epidemic diseases of
whooping-cough and measles; and the hunters were still in too
debilitated a state to go out and provide them with meat. A supply was
given to him and the men were directed to bring his father, an old and
faithful hunter, to the house, that he might have the comforts of
nourishment and warmth. He was brought accordingly but these attentions
were unavailing as he died a few days afterwards. Two days before his
death I was surprised to observe him sitting for nearly three hours, in
a piercingly sharp day, in the saw-pit, employed in gathering the dust
and throwing it by handfuls over his body, which was naked to the
waist. As the man was in possession of his mental faculties I conceived
he was performing some devotional act preparatory to his departure,
which he felt to be approaching and, induced by the novelty of the
incident, I went twice to observe him more closely; but when he
perceived that he was noticed he immediately ceased his operation, hung
down his head and, by his demeanour, intimated that he considered my
appearance an intrusion. The residents at the fort could give me no
information on the subject and I could not learn that the Indians in
general observe any particular ceremony on the approach of death.

November 15.

The sky had been overcast during the last week; the sun shone forth
once only and then not sufficiently for the purpose of obtaining
observations. Faint coruscations of the Aurora Borealis appeared one
evening but their presence did not in the least affect the electrometer
or the compass. The ice daily became thicker in the lake and the frost
had now nearly overpowered the rapid current of the Saskatchewan River;
indeed parties of men who were sent from both the forts to search for
the Indians and procure whatever skins and provisions they might have
collected crossed that stream this day on the ice. The white partridges
made their first appearance near the house, which birds are considered
as the infallible harbingers of severe weather.

Monday, November 22.

The Saskatchewan and every other river were now completely covered with
ice except a small stream not far from the fort through which the
current ran very powerfully. In the course of the week we removed into
the house our men had prepared since our arrival. We found it at first
extremely cold notwithstanding that a good fire was kept in each
apartment and we frequently experienced the extremes of heat and cold
on opposite sides of the body.

November 24.

We obtained observations for the dip of the needle and intensity of the
magnetic force in a spare room. The dip was 83° 9′ 45″ and the
difference produced by reversing the face of the instrument 13° 3′ 6″.
When the needle was faced to the west it hung nearly perpendicular. The
Aurora Borealis had been faintly visible for a short time the preceding
evening. Some Indians arrived in search of provision having been
totally incapacitated from hunting by sickness; the poor creatures
looked miserably ill and they represented their distress to have been
extreme. Few recitals are more affecting than those of their sufferings
during unfavourable seasons and in bad situations for hunting and
fishing. Many assurances have been given me that men and women are yet
living who have been reduced to feed upon the bodies of their own
family to prevent actual starvation; and a shocking case was cited to
us of a woman who had been principal agent in the destruction of
several persons, and amongst the number her husband and nearest
relatives, in order to support life.

November 28.

The atmosphere had been clear every day during the last week, about the
end of which snow fell, when the thermometer rose from 20° below to 16°
above zero. The Aurora Borealis was twice visible but faint on both
occasions. Its appearance did not affect the electrometer nor could we
perceive the compass to be disturbed.

The men brought supplies of moose meat from the hunter’s tent which is
pitched near the Basquiau Hill, forty or fifty miles from the house and
whence the greatest part of the meat is procured. The residents have to
send nearly the same distance for their fish and on this service
horse-sledges are used. Nets are daily set in Pine Island Lake which
occasionally procure some fine sturgeon, tittameg and trout, but not
more than sufficient to supply the officers’ table.

December 1.

This day was so remarkably fine that we procured another set of
observations for the dip of the needle in the open air; the instrument
being placed firmly on a rock the results gave 83° 14′ 22″. The change
produced by reversing the face of the instrument was 12° 50′ 55″.

There had been a determined thaw during the last three days. The ice on
the Saskatchewan River and some parts of the lake broke up and the
travelling across either became dangerous. On this account the absence
of Wilks, one of our men, caused no small anxiety. He had incautiously
undertaken the conduct of a sledge and dogs in company with a person
going to Swampy River for fish. On their return, being unaccustomed to
driving, he became fatigued and seated himself on his sledge where his
companion left him, presuming that he would soon rise and hasten to
follow his track. He however returned safe in the morning and reported
that, foreseeing night would set in before he could get across the
lake, he prudently retired into the woods before dark where he remained
until daylight, when the men who had been despatched to look for him
met him returning to the house, shivering with cold, he having been
unprovided with the materials for lighting a fire, which an experienced
voyager never neglects to carry.

We had mild weather until the 20th of December. On the 13th there had
been a decided thaw that caused the Saskatchewan, which had again
frozen, to reopen and the passage across it was interrupted for two
days. We now received more agreeable accounts from the Indians who were
recovering strength and beginning to hunt a little; but it was
generally feared that their spirits had been so much depressed by the
loss of their children and relatives that the season would be far
advanced before they could be roused to any exertion in searching for
animals beyond what might be necessary for their own support. It is
much to be regretted that these poor men, during their long intercourse
with Europeans, have not been taught how pernicious is the grief which
produces total inactivity, and that they have not been furnished with
any of the consolations which the Christian religion never fails to
afford. This however could hardly have been expected from persons who
have permitted their own offspring the half-casts to remain in
lamentable ignorance on a subject of such vital importance. It is
probable however that an improvement will soon take place among the
latter class, as Governor Williams proposes to make the children attend
a Sunday school and has already begun to have divine service performed
at his post.

The conversations which I had with the gentlemen in charge of these
posts convinced me of the necessity of proceeding during the winter
into the Athabasca department, the residents of which are best
acquainted with the nature and resources of the country to the north of
the Great Slave Lake; and whence only guides, hunters and interpreters
can be procured. I had previously written to the partners of the
North-West Company in that quarter requesting their assistance in
forwarding the Expedition and stating what we should require. But, on
reflecting upon the accidents that might delay these letters on the
road, I determined on proceeding to the Athabasca as soon as I possibly
could, and communicated my intention to Governor Williams and Mr.
Connolly with a request that I might be furnished by the middle of
January with the means of conveyance for three persons, intending that
Mr. Back and Hepburn should accompany me whilst Dr. Richardson and Mr.
Hood remained till the spring at Cumberland House.

After the 20th of December the weather became cold, the thermometer
constantly below zero. Christmas Day was particularly stormy but the
gale did not prevent the full enjoyment of the festivities which are
annually given at Cumberland House on this day. All the men who had
been despatched to different parts in search of provision or furs
returned to the fort on the occasion and were regaled with a
substantial dinner and a dance in the evening.

January 1, 1820.

The New Year was ushered in by repeated discharges of musketry; a
ceremony which has been observed by the men of both the trading
Companies for many years. Our party dined with Mr. Connolly and were
treated with a beaver which we found extremely delicate. In the evening
his voyagers were entertained with a dance in which the Canadians
exhibited some grace and much agility; and they contrived to infuse
some portion of their activity and spirits into the steps of their
female companions. The half-breed women are passionately fond of this
amusement but a stranger would imagine the contrary on witnessing their
apparent want of animation. On such occasions they affect a sobriety of
demeanour which I understand to be very opposite to their general
character.

January 10.

This day I wrote to Governor Williams and Mr. Connolly requesting them
to prepare two canoes with crews and appointments for the conveyance of
Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood, with our stores, to Chipewyan as soon as
the navigation should open, and had the satisfaction of receiving from
both these gentlemen renewed assurances of their desire to promote the
objects of the Expedition. I conceived it to be necessary, previous to
my departure, to make some arrangement respecting the men who were
engaged at Stromness. Only one of them was disposed to extend his
engagement and proceed beyond the Athabasca Lake and, as there was much
uncertainty whether the remaining three could get from the Athabasca to
York Factory sufficiently early to secure them a passage in the next
Hudson’s Bay ship, I resolved not to take them forward unless Dr.
Richardson and Mr. Hood should fail in procuring other men from these
establishments next spring, but to despatch them down to York to bring
up our stores to this place: after which they might return to the coast
in time to secure their passage in the first ship.

I delivered to Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood a memorandum containing the
arrangements which had been made with the two Companies respecting
their being forwarded in the spring, and some other points of
instruction for their guidance in my absence together with directions
to forward the map of our route which had been finished, since our
arrival, by Mr. Hood, the drawing and the collections of natural
history by the first opportunity to York Factory for conveyance to
England.[3]

 [3] As Samuel Wilks, who had accompanied the Expedition from England,
 proved to be quite unequal to the fatigue of the journey I directed
 him to be discharged in the spring and sent to England by the next
 ship.


The houses of the two Companies at this post are situated close to each
other at the upper extremity of a narrow island which separates Pine
Island Lake from the Saskatchewan River, and are about two miles and
three-quarters from the latter in a northern direction. They are
log-houses, built without much regard to comfort, surrounded by lofty
stockades and flanked with wooden bastions. The difficulty of conveying
glass into the interior has precluded its use in the windows where its
place is poorly supplied by parchment, imperfectly made by the native
women from the skin of the reindeer. Should this post however continue
to be the residence of Governor Williams it will be much improved in a
few years, as he is devoting his attention to that point. The land
around Cumberland House is low but the soil, from having a considerable
intermixture of limestone, is good and capable of producing abundance
of corn and vegetables of every description. Many kinds of pot-herbs
have already been brought to some perfection and the potatoes bid fair
to equal those of England. The spontaneous productions of nature would
afford ample nourishment for all the European animals. Horses feed
extremely well even during the winter and so would oxen if provided
with hay which might be easily done.[4] Pigs also improve but require
to be kept warm in the winter. Hence it appears that the residents
might easily render themselves far less dependent on the Indians for
support and be relieved from the great anxiety which they too often
suffer when the hunters are unsuccessful. The neighbourhood of the
houses has been much cleared of wood from the great demand for fuel;
there is therefore little to admire in the surrounding scenery,
especially in its winter garb; few animated objects occur to enliven
the scene; an occasional fox, marten, rabbit or wolf and a few birds
contribute the only variety. The birds which remained were ravens,
magpies, partridges, crossbills and woodpeckers. In this universal
stillness the residents at a post feel little disposed to wander abroad
except when called forth by their occupations; and as ours were of a
kind best performed in a warm room we imperceptibly acquired a
sedentary habit. In going out however we never suffered the slightest
inconvenience from the change of temperature though the thermometer in
the open air stood occasionally thirty degrees below zero.

 [4] The wild buffalo scrapes away the snow with its feet to get at the
 herbage beneath, and the horse, which was introduced by the Spanish
 invaders of Mexico and may be said to have become naturalised, does
 the same; but it is worthy of remark that the ox more lately brought
 from Europe has not yet acquired an art so necessary for procuring its
 food. Extract from Dr. Richardson’s Journal.


The tribe of Indians who reside in the vicinity and frequent these
establishments is that of the Crees, or Knisteneaux. They were formerly
a powerful and numerous nation which ranged over a very extensive
country and were very successful in their predatory excursions against
their neighbours, particularly the northern Indians and some tribes on
the Saskatchewan and Beaver Rivers; but they have long ceased to be
held in any fear and are now perhaps the most harmless and inoffensive
of the whole Indian race. This change is entirely to be attributed to
their intercourse with Europeans; and the vast reduction in their
numbers occasioned, I fear, principally by the injudicious introduction
of ardent spirits. They are so passionately fond of this poison that
they will make any sacrifice to obtain it. They are good hunters and in
general active. Having laid the bow and arrow altogether aside and the
use of snares, except for rabbits and partridges, they depend entirely
on the Europeans for the means of gaining subsistence as they require
guns and a constant supply of powder and shot; so that these Indians
are probably more completely under the power of the trader than any of
the other tribes. As I only saw a few straggling parties of them during
short intervals, and under unfavourable circumstances of sickness and
famine, I am unable to give from personal observation any detail of
their manners and customs; and must refer the reader to Dr.
Richardson’s account of them in the following chapter. That gentleman
during his longer residence at the post had many opportunities of
seeing them and acquiring their language.

January 17.

This morning the sporting part of our society had rather a novel
diversion: intelligence having been brought that a wolf had borne away
a steel trap in which he had been caught, a party went in search of the
marauder and took two English bulldogs and a terrier which had been
brought into the country this season. On the first sight of the animal
the dogs became alarmed and stood barking at a distance, and probably
would not have ventured to advance had they not seen the wolf fall by a
shot from one of the gentlemen; they then however went up and behaved
courageously, and were enraged by the bites they received. The wolf
soon died of its wounds and the body was brought to the house where a
drawing of it was taken by Mr. Hood and the skin preserved by Dr.
Richardson. Its general features bore a strong resemblance to many of
the dogs about the fort, but it was larger and had a more ferocious
aspect. Mr. Back and I were too much occupied in preparing for our
departure on the following day to join this excursion.

The position of Cumberland House by our observations is latitude 53°
56′ 40″ North; longitude 102° 16′ 41″ West by the chronometers;
variations 17° 17′ 29″ East; dip of the needle 83° 12′ 50″. The whole
of the travelling distance between York Factory and Cumberland House is
about six hundred and ninety miles.




CHAPTER 3.

DR. RICHARDSON’S RESIDENCE AT CUMBERLAND HOUSE. HIS ACCOUNT OF THE CREE
INDIANS.


DR. RICHARDSON’S RESIDENCE AT CUMBERLAND HOUSE.


January 19, 1820.

From the departure of Messrs. Franklin and Back on the 19th of January
for Chipewyan until the opening of the navigation in the spring the
occurrences connected with the Expedition were so much in the ordinary
routine of a winter’s residence at Fort Cumberland that they may be
perhaps appropriately blended with the following general but brief
account of that district and its inhabitants.

Cumberland House was originally built by Hearne, a year or two after
his return from the Copper-Mine River, and has ever since been
considered by the Hudson’s Bay Company as a post of considerable
importance. Previous to that time the natives carried their furs down
to the shores of Hudson’s Bay or disposed of them nearer home to the
French Canadian traders who visited this part of the country as early
as the year 1697.

The Cumberland House district, extending about one hundred and fifty
miles from east to west along the banks of the Saskatchewan, and about
as far from north to south, comprehends, on a rough calculation,
upwards of twenty thousand square miles, and is frequented at present
by about one hundred and twenty Indian hunters. Of these a few have
several wives but the majority only one; and as some are unmarried we
shall not err greatly in considering the number of married women as
only slightly exceeding that of the hunters. The women marry very
young, have a custom of suckling their children for several years, and
are besides exposed constantly to fatigue and often to famine; hence
they are not prolific, bearing upon an average not more than four
children, of whom two may attain the age of puberty. Upon these data
the amount of each family may be stated at five, and the whole Indian
population in the district at five hundred.

This is but a small population for such an extent of country, yet their
mode of life occasionally subjects them to great privations. The winter
of our residence at Cumberland House proved extremely severe to the
Indians. The whooping-cough made its appearance amongst them in the
autumn, and was followed by the measles which, in the course of the
winter, spread through the tribe. Many died and most of the survivors
were so enfeebled as to be unable to pursue the necessary avocations of
hunting and fishing. Even those who experienced only a slight attack,
or escaped the sickness altogether, dispirited by the scenes of misery
which environed them, were rendered incapable of affording relief to
their distressed relations and spent their time in conjuring and
drumming to avert the pestilence. Those who were able came to the fort
and received relief, but many who had retired with their families to
distant corners to pursue their winter hunts experienced all the
horrors of famine. One evening early in the month of January a poor
Indian entered the North-West Company’s House, carrying his only child
in his arms and followed by his starving wife. They had been hunting
apart from the other bands, had been unsuccessful and, whilst in want,
were seized with the epidemical disease. An Indian is accustomed to
starve and it is not easy to elicit from him an account of his
sufferings. This poor man’s story was very brief; as soon as the fever
abated he set out with his wife for Cumberland House, having been
previously reduced to feed on the bits of skin and offal which remained
about their encampment. Even this miserable fare was exhausted and they
walked several days without eating, yet exerting themselves far beyond
their strength that they might save the life of the infant. It died
almost within sight of the house. Mr. Connolly, who was then in charge
of the post, received them with the utmost humanity and instantly
placed food before them; but no language can describe the manner in
which the miserable father dashed the morsel from his lips and deplored
the loss of his child. Misery may harden a disposition naturally bad
but it never fails to soften the heart of a good man.

HIS ACCOUNT OF THE CREE INDIANS.


The _origin_ of the Crees, to which nation the Cumberland House Indians
belong, is, like that of the other aborigines of America, involved in
obscurity; but the researches now making into the nature and affinities
of the languages spoken by the different Indian tribes may eventually
throw some light on the subject. Indeed the American philologists seem
to have succeeded already in classing the known dialects into three
languages:

1. The Floridean, spoken by the Creeks, Chickesaws, Choctaws,
Cherokees, Pascagoulas, and some other tribes who inhabit the southern
parts of the United States.

2. The Iroquois, spoken by the Mengwe, or Six Nations, the Wyandots,
the Nadowessies, and Asseeneepoytuck.

3. The Lenni-lenape, spoken by a great family more widely spread than
the other two and from which, together with a vast number of other
tribes, are sprung our Crees. Mr. Heckewelder, a missionary who resided
long amongst these people and from whose paper (published in the
_Transactions of the American Philosophical Society_,) the above
classification is taken, states that the Lenape have a tradition
amongst them of their ancestors having come from the westward and taken
possession of the whole country from the Missouri to the Atlantic,
after driving away or destroying the original inhabitants of the land
whom they termed Alligewi. In this migration and contest, which endured
for a series of years, the Mengwe, or Iroquois, kept pace with them,
moving in a parallel but more northerly line, and finally settling on
the banks of the St. Lawrence and the great lakes from whence it flows.
The Lenape, being more numerous, peopled not only the greater part of
the country at present occupied by the United States, but also sent
detachments to the northward as far as the banks of the River
Mississippi and the shores of Hudson’s Bay. The principal of their
northern tribes are now known under the names of Saulteurs or
Chippeways, and Crees; the former inhabiting the country betwixt Lakes
Winnipeg and Superior, the latter frequenting the shores of Hudson’s
Bay from Moose to Churchill, and the country from thence as far to the
westward as the plains which lie betwixt the forks of the Saskatchewan.

The Crees, formerly known by the French Canadian traders under the
appellation of Knisteneaux, generally designate themselves as
Eithinyoowuc (_men_) or, when they wish to discriminate themselves from
the other Indian nations, as Nathehwywithinyoowuc (_Southern-men_).[5]

 [5] Much confusion has arisen from the great variety of names applied
 without discrimination to the various tribes of Saulteurs and Crees.
 Heckewelder considers the Crees of Moose Factory to be a branch of
 that tribe of the Lenape which is named Minsi, or Wolf Tribe. He has
 been led to form this opinion from the similarity of the name given to
 these people by Monsieur Jeremie, namely, Monsonies; but the truth is
 that their real name is Mongsoaeythinyoowuc, or Moose-deer Indians;
 hence the name of the factory and river on which it is built. The name
 Knisteneaux, Kristeneaux, or Killisteneaux, was anciently applied to a
 tribe of Crees, now termed Maskegons, who inhabit the river Winnipeg.
 This small tribe still retains the peculiarities of customs and dress
 for which it was remarkable many years ago, as mentioned by Mr. Henry
 in the interesting account of his journeys in these countries. They
 are said to be great rascals. The great body of the Crees were at that
 time named Opimmitish Ininiwuc, or Men of the Woods. It would however
 be an endless task to attempt to determine the precise people
 designated by the early French writers. Every small band naming itself
 from its hunting grounds was described as a different nation. The
 Chippeways who frequented the Lake of the Woods were named from a
 particular act of pillage Pilliers, or Robbers: and the name
 Saulteurs, applied to a principal band that frequented the Sault St.
 Marie, has been by degrees extended to the whole tribe. It is
 frequently pronounced and written _Sotoos_.


The original character of the Crees must have been much modified by
their long intercourse with Europeans; hence it is to be understood
that we confine ourselves in the following sketch to their present
condition, and more particularly to the Crees of Cumberland House. The
moral character of a hunter is acted upon by the nature of the land he
inhabits, the abundance or scarcity of food, and we may add, in the
present case, his means of access to spiritous liquors. In a country so
various in these respects as that inhabited by the Crees the causes
alluded to must operate strongly in producing a considerable difference
of character amongst the various hordes. It may be proper to bear in
mind also that we are about to draw the character of a people whose
only rule of conduct is public opinion and to try them by a morality
founded on divine revelation, the only standard that can be referred to
by those who have been educated in a land to which the blessings of the
Gospel have extended.

Bearing these considerations in mind then we may state the Crees to be
a vain, fickle, improvident, and indolent race, and not very strict in
their adherence to truth, being great boasters; but on the other hand
they strictly regard the rights of property,[6] are susceptible of the
kinder affections, capable of friendship, very hospitable, tolerably
kind to their women, and withal inclined to peace.

 [6] This is perhaps true of the Cumberland House Crees alone: many of
 the other tribes of Crees are stated by the traders to be thieves.


Much of the faulty part of their character no doubt originates in their
mode of life; accustomed as a hunter to depend greatly on chance for
his subsistence the Cree takes little thought of tomorrow; and the most
offensive part of his behaviour—the habit of boasting—has been probably
assumed as a necessary part of his armour which operates upon the fears
of his enemies. They are countenanced however in this failing by the
practice of the ancient Greeks, and perhaps by that of every other
nation in its ruder state. Every Cree fears the medical or conjuring
powers of his neighbour, but at the same time exalts his own
attainments to the skies. “I am God-like,” is a common expression
amongst them, and they prove their divinity-ship by eating live coals
and by various tricks of a similar nature. A medicine bag is an
indispensable part of a hunter’s equipment. It is generally furnished
with a little bit of indigo, blue vitriol, vermilion, or some other
showy article, and is, when in the hands of a noted conjurer, such an
object of terror to the rest of the tribe that its possessor is enabled
to fatten at his ease upon the labours of his deluded countrymen.

A fellow of this description came to Cumberland House in the winter of
1819. Notwithstanding the then miserable state of the Indians the
rapacity of this wretch had been preying upon their necessities, and a
poor hunter was actually at the moment pining away under the influence
of his threats. The mighty conjurer, immediately on his arrival at the
House, began to trumpet forth his powers, boasting among other things
that, although his hands and feet were tied as securely as possible
yet, when placed in a conjuring house, he would speedily disengage
himself by the aid of two or three familiar spirits who were attendant
on his call. He was instantly taken at his word and, that his exertions
might not be without an aim, a _capot_ or great coat was promised as
the reward of his success. A conjuring-house having been erected in the
usual form, that is by sticking four willows in the ground and tying
their tops to a hoop at the height of six or eight feet, he was
fettered completely by winding several fathoms of rope round his body
and extremities and placed in its narrow apartment, not exceeding two
feet in diameter. A moose-skin being then thrown over the frame
secluded him from our view. He forthwith began to chant a kind of hymn
in a very monotonous tone. The rest of the Indians, who seemed in some
doubt respecting the powers of a devil when put in competition with
those of a white man, ranged themselves around and watched the result
with anxiety. Nothing remarkable occurred for a long time. The conjurer
continued his song at intervals and it was occasionally taken up by
those without. In this manner an hour and a half elapsed; but at length
our attention, which had begun to flag, was roused by the violent
shaking of the conjuring-house. It was instantly whispered round the
circle that at least one devil had crept under the moose-skin. But it
proved to be only the “God-like man” trembling with cold. He had
entered the lists stripped to the skin and the thermometer stood very
low that evening. His attempts were continued however with considerable
resolution for half an hour longer, when he reluctantly gave in. He had
found no difficulty in slipping through the noose when it was formed by
his countrymen; but in the present instance the knot was tied by
Governor Williams who is an expert sailor. After this unsuccessful
exhibition his credit sunk amazingly, and he took the earliest
opportunity of sneaking away from the fort.

About two years ago a conjurer paid more dearly for his temerity. In a
quarrel with an Indian he threw out some obscure threats of vengeance
which passed unnoticed at the time but were afterwards remembered. They
met in the spring at Carlton House after passing the winter in
different parts of the country, during which the Indian’s child died.
The conjurer had the folly to boast that he had caused its death and
the enraged father shot him dead on the spot. It may be remarked
however that both these Indians were inhabitants of the plains and had
been taught, by their intercourse with the turbulent Stone Indians, to
set but comparatively little value on the life of a man.

It might be thought that the Crees have benefited by their long
intercourse with civilised nations. That this is not so much the case
as it ought to be is not entirely their own fault. They are capable of
being and, I believe, willing to be, taught; but no pains have hitherto
been taken to inform their minds,[7] and their white acquaintances seem
in general to find it easier to descend to the Indian customs and modes
of thinking, particularly with respect to women, than to attempt to
raise the Indians to theirs. Indeed such a lamentable want of morality
has been displayed by the white traders in their contests for the
interests of their respective companies that it would require a long
series of good conduct to efface from the minds of the native
population the ideas they have formed of the white character.
Notwithstanding the frequent violations of the rights of property they
have witnessed and but too often experienced in their own persons,
these savages, as they are termed, remain strictly honest. During their
visits to a post they are suffered to enter every apartment in the
house without the least restraint and, although articles of value to
them are scattered about, nothing is ever missed. They scrupulously
avoid moving anything from its place although they are often prompted
by curiosity to examine it. In some cases indeed they carry this
principle to a degree of self-denial which would hardly be expected. It
often happens that meat which has been paid for (if the poisonous
draught it procures them can be considered as payment) is left at their
lodges until a convenient opportunity occurs of carrying it away. They
will rather pass several days without eating than touch the meat thus
entrusted to their charge, even when there exists a prospect of
replacing it.

 [7] Since these remarks were written the union of the rival Companies
 has enabled the gentlemen who have now the management of the fur trade
 to take some decided steps for the religious instruction and
 improvement of the natives and half-breed Indians, which have been
 more particularly referred to in the introduction.


The hospitality of the Crees is unbounded. They afford a certain asylum
to the half-breed children when deserted by their unnatural white
fathers; and the infirm, and indeed every individual in an encampment,
share the provisions of a successful hunter as long as they last. Fond
too as a Cree is of spiritous liquors he is not happy unless all his
neighbours partake with him. It is not easy however to say what share
ostentation may have in the apparent munificence in the latter article;
for when an Indian, by a good hunt, is enabled to treat the others with
a keg of rum he becomes the chief of the night, assumes no little
stateliness of manner, and is treated with deference by those who
regale at his expense. Prompted also by the desire of gaining a _name_
they lavish away the articles they purchase at the trading posts and
are well satisfied if repaid in praise.

Gaming is not uncommon amongst the Crees of all the different
districts, but it is pursued to greater lengths by those bands who
frequent the plains and who, from the ease with which they obtain food,
have abundant leisure. The game most in use amongst them, termed
_puckesann_, is played with the stones of a species of _prunus_ which,
from this circumstance, they term _puckesann-meena_. The difficulty
lies in guessing the number of stones which are tossed out of a small
wooden dish and the hunters will spend whole nights at the destructive
sport, staking their most valuable articles, powder and shot.

It has been remarked by some writers that the aboriginal inhabitants of
America are deficient in passion for the fair sex. This is by no means
the case with the Crees; on the contrary their practice of seducing
each other’s wives proves the most fertile source of their quarrels.
When the guilty pair are detected the woman generally receives a severe
beating, but the husband is for the most part afraid to reproach the
male culprit until they get drunk together at the fort; then the
remembrance of the offence is revived, a struggle ensues and the affair
is terminated by the loss of a few handfuls of hair. Some husbands
however feel more deeply the injury done to their honour and seek
revenge even in their sober moments. In such cases it is not uncommon
for the offended party to walk with great gravity up to the other and,
deliberately seizing his gun or some other article of value, to break
it before his face. The adulterer looks on in silence, afraid to make
any attempt to save his property. In this respect indeed the Indian
character seems to differ from the European that an Indian, instead of
letting his anger increase with that of his antagonist, assumes the
utmost coolness lest he should push him to extremities.

Although adultery is sometimes punished amongst the Crees in the manner
above described yet it is no crime provided the husband receives a
valuable consideration for his wife’s prostitution. Neither is chastity
considered as a virtue in a female before marriage, that is before she
becomes the exclusive property of one hunter.

The Cree women are not in general treated harshly by their husbands and
possess considerable influence over them. They often eat and even get
drunk in consort with the men; a considerable portion of the labour
however falls to the lot of the wife. She makes the hut, cooks, dresses
the skins, and for the most part carries the heaviest load: but when
she is unable to perform her task the husband does not consider it
beneath his dignity to assist her. In illustration of this remark I may
quote the case of an Indian who visited the fort in winter. This poor
man’s wife had lost her feet by the frost and he was compelled not only
to hunt and do all the menial offices himself but in winter to drag his
wife with their stock of furniture from one encampment to another. In
the performance of this duty as he could not keep pace with the rest of
the tribe in their movements he more than once nearly perished of
hunger.

These Indians however, capable as they are of behaving thus kindly,
affect in their discourse to despise the softer sex and on solemn
occasions will not suffer them to eat before them or even come into
their presence. In this they are countenanced by the white residents,
most of whom have Indian or half-breed wives but seem afraid of
treating them with the tenderness or attention due to every female lest
they should themselves be despised by the Indians. At least this is the
only reason they assign for their neglect of those whom they make
partners of their beds and mothers of their children.

Both sexes are fond of and excessively indulgent to their children. The
father never punishes them and if the mother, more hasty in her temper,
sometimes bestows a blow or two on a troublesome child her heart is
instantly softened by the roar which follows and she mingles her tears
with those that streak the smoky face of her darling. It may be fairly
said then that restraint or punishment forms no part of the education
of an Indian child, nor are they early trained to that command over
their temper which they exhibit in after years.

The discourse of the parents is never restrained by the presence of
their children, every transaction between the sexes being openly talked
of before them.

The Crees, having early obtained arms from the European traders, were
enabled to make harassing inroads on the lands of their neighbours and
are known to have made war excursions as far to the westward as the
Rocky Mountains, and to the northward as far as Mackenzie’s River; but
their enemies being now as well armed as themselves the case is much
altered.

They show great fortitude in the endurance of hunger and the other
evils incident to a hunter’s life; but any unusual accident dispirits
them at once, and they seldom venture to meet their enemies in open
warfare or to attack them even by surprise unless with the advantage of
superiority of numbers. Perhaps they are much deteriorated in this
respect by their intercourse with Europeans. Their existence at present
hangs upon the supplies of ammunition and clothing they receive from
the traders and they deeply feel their dependent situation. But their
character has been still more debased by the passion for spiritous
liquors so assiduously fostered among them. To obtain the noxious
beverage they descend to the most humiliating entreaties and assume an
abjectness of behaviour which does not seem natural to them and of
which not a vestige is to be seen in their intercourse with each other.
Their character has sunk among the neighbouring nations. They are no
longer the warriors who drove before them the inhabitants of the
Saskatchewan and Missinippi. The Cumberland House Crees in particular
have been long disused to war. Betwixt them and their ancient enemies,
the Slave nations, lie the extensive plains of Saskatchewan, inhabited
by the powerful Asseeneepoytuck or Stone Indians who, having whilst yet
a small tribe entered the country under the patronage of the Crees, now
render back the protection they received.

The manners and customs of the Crees have, probably since their
acquaintance with Europeans, undergone a change at least equal to that
which has taken place in their moral character; and although we heard
of many practises peculiar to them yet they appeared to be nearly as
much honoured in the breach as the observance. We shall however briefly
notice a few of the most remarkable customs.

When a hunter marries his first wife he usually takes up his abode in
the tent of his father-in-law and of course hunts for the family; but
when he becomes a father the families are at liberty to separate or
remain together as their inclinations prompt them. His second wife is
for the most part the sister of the first but not necessarily so for an
Indian of another family often presses his daughter upon a hunter whom
he knows to be capable of maintaining her well. The first wife always
remains the mistress of the tent and assumes an authority over the
others which is not in every case quietly submitted to. It may be
remarked that whilst an Indian resides with his wife’s family it is
extremely improper for his mother-in-law to speak or even look at him;
and when she has a communication to make it is the etiquette that she
should turn her back upon him and address him only through the medium
of a third person. This singular custom is not very creditable to the
Indians if it really had its origin in the cause which they at present
assign for it namely that a woman’s speaking to her son-in-law is a
sure indication of her having conceived a criminal affection for him.

It appears also to have been an ancient practice for an Indian to avoid
eating or sitting down in the presence of the father-in-law. We
received no account of the origin of this custom and it is now almost
obsolete amongst the Cumberland House Crees, though still partially
observed by those who frequent Carlton.

Tattooing is almost universal with the Crees. The women are in general
content with having one or two lines drawn from the corners of the
mouth towards the angles of the lower jaw; but some of the men have
their bodies covered with a great variety of lines and figures. It
seems to be considered by most rather as a proof of courage than an
ornament, the operation being very painful and, if the figures are
numerous and intricate, lasting several days. The lines on the face are
formed by dextrously running an awl under the cuticle and then drawing
a cord, dipped in charcoal and water, through the canal thus formed.
The punctures on the body are formed by needles of various sizes set in
a frame. A number of hawk bells attached to this frame serve by their
noise to cover the suppressed groans of the sufferer and, probably for
the same reason, the process is accompanied with singing. An indelible
stain is produced by rubbing a little finely-powdered willow-charcoal
into the punctures. A half-breed whose arm I amputated declared that
tattooing was not only the most painful operation of the two but
rendered infinitely more difficult to bear by its tediousness having
lasted in his case three days.

A Cree woman at certain periods is laid under considerable restraint.
They are far however from carrying matters to the extremities mentioned
by Hearne in his description of the Chipewyans, or Northern Indians.
She lives apart from her husband also for two months if she has borne a
boy and for three if she has given birth to a girl.

Many of the Cree hunters are careful to prevent a woman from partaking
of the head of a moose-deer lest it should spoil their future hunts;
and for the same reason they avoid bringing it to a fort, fearing lest
the white people should give the bones to the dogs.

The games or sports of the Crees are various. One termed the game of
the mitten is played with four balls, three of which are plain and one
marked. These being hid under as many mittens the opposite party is
required to fix on that which is marked. He gives or receives a feather
according as he guesses right or wrong. When the feathers, which are
ten in number, have all passed into one hand a new division is made,
but when one of the parties obtains possession of them thrice he seizes
on the stakes.

The game of Platter is more intricate and is played with the claws of a
bear or some other animal marked with various lines and characters.
These dice which are eight in number and cut flat at their large end
are shook together in a wooden dish, tossed into the air and caught
again. The lines traced on such claws as happen to alight on the
platter in an erect position indicate what number of counters the
caster is to receive from his opponent.

They have, however, a much more manly amusement termed the _Cross_
although they do not engage even in it without depositing considerable
stakes. An extensive meadow is chosen for this sport and the articles
staked are tied to a post or deposited in the custody of two old men.
The combatants, being stripped and painted and each provided with a
kind of battledore or racket, in shape resembling the letter P with a
handle about two feet long and a head loosely wrought with network so
as to form a shallow bag, range themselves on different sides. A ball
being now tossed up in the middle each party endeavours to drive it to
their respective goals and much dexterity and agility is displayed in
the contest. When a nimble runner gets the ball in his _cross_, he sets
off towards the goal with the utmost speed and is followed by the rest
who endeavour to jostle him and shake it out; but, if hard pressed, he
discharges it with a jerk, to be forwarded by his own party or bandied
back by their opponents until the victory is decided by its passing the
goal.

Of the religious opinions of the Crees it is difficult to give a
correct account, not only because they show a disinclination to enter
upon the subject but because their ancient traditions are mingled with
the information they have more recently obtained by their intercourse
with Europeans.

None of them ventured to describe the original formation of the world
but they all spoke of a universal deluge caused by an attempt of the
fish to drown Woesackootchacht, a kind of demigod with whom they had
quarrelled. Having constructed a raft he embarked with his family and
all kinds of birds and beasts. After the flood had continued for some
time he ordered several waterfowl to dive to the bottom; they were all
drowned but a muskrat, having been despatched on the same errand, was
more successful and returned with a mouthful of mud out of which
Woesackootchacht, imitating the mode in which the rats construct their
houses, formed a new earth. First a small conical hill of mud appeared
above the water; by and by, its base gradually spreading out, it became
an extensive bank which the rays of the sun at length hardened into
firm land. Notwithstanding the power that Woesackootchacht here
displayed his person is held in very little reverence by the Indians;
and in return he seizes every opportunity of tormenting them. His
conduct is far from being moral and his amours and the disguises he
assumes in the prosecution of them are more various and extraordinary
than those of the Grecian Jupiter himself; but as his adventures are
more remarkable for their eccentricity than their delicacy it is better
to pass them over in silence. Before we quit him however we may remark
that he converses with all kinds of birds and beasts in their own
languages, constantly addressing them by the title of brother but,
through an inherent suspicion of his intentions, they are seldom
willing to admit of his claims of relationship. The Indians make no
sacrifices to him, not even to avert his wrath. They pay a kind of
worship however and make offerings to a being whom they term
_Kepoochikawn_.

This deity is represented sometimes by rude images of the human figure
but more commonly merely by tying the tops of a few willow bushes
together; and the offerings to him consist of everything that is
valuable to an Indian; yet they treat him with considerable
familiarity, interlarding their most solemn speeches with
expostulations and threats of neglect if he fails in complying with
their requests. As most of their petitions are for plenty of food they
do not trust entirely to the favour of Kepoochikawn but endeavour at
the same time to propitiate the _animal_, an imaginary representative
of the whole race of larger quadrupeds that are objects of the chase.

In the month of May whilst I was at Carlton House the Cree hunter
engaged to attend that post resolved upon dedicating several articles
to Kepoochikawn and, as I had made some inquiries of him respecting
their modes of worship, he gave me an invitation to be present. The
ceremony took place in a sweating-house or, as it may be designated
from its more important use, a _temple_, which was erected for the
occasion by the worshipper’s two wives. It was framed of arched
willows, interlaced so as to form a vault capable of containing ten or
twelve men ranged closely side by side, and high enough to admit of
their sitting erect. It was very similar in shape to an oven or the
kraal of a Hottentot and was closely covered with moose-skins except at
the east end which was left open for a door. Near the centre of the
building there was a hole in the ground which contained ten or twelve
red-hot stones having a few leaves of the _taccohaymenan_, a species of
_prunus_, strewed around them. When the women had completed the
preparations the hunter made his appearance, perfectly naked, carrying
in his hand an image of Kepoochikawn, rudely carved and about two feet
long. He placed his god at the upper end of the sweating-house with his
face towards the door and proceeded to tie round its neck his
offerings, consisting of a cotton handkerchief, a looking-glass, a tin
pan, a piece of riband, and a bit of tobacco which he had procured the
same day at the expense of fifteen or twenty skins. Whilst he was thus
occupied several other Crees who were encamped in the neighbourhood,
having been informed of what was going on arrived and, stripping at the
door of the temple, entered and ranged themselves on each side; the
hunter himself squatted down at the right hand of Kepoochikawn. The
atmosphere of the temple having become so hot that none but zealous
worshippers would venture in the interpreter and myself sat down on the
threshold and the two women remained on the outside as attendants.

The hunter who throughout officiated as high priest commenced by making
a speech to Kepoochikawn in which he requested him to be propitious,
told him of the value of the things now presented, and cautioned him
against ingratitude. This oration was delivered in a monotonous tone
and with great rapidity of utterance, and the speaker retained his
squatting posture but turned his face to his god. At its conclusion the
priest began a hymn of which the burden was, “I will walk with God, I
will go with the animal”; and at the end of each stanza the rest joined
in an insignificant chorus. He next took up a calumet filled with a
mixture of tobacco and bear-berry leaves and, holding its stem by the
middle in a horizontal position over the hot stones, turned it slowly
in a circular manner, following the course of the sun. Its mouth-piece
being then with much formality held for a few seconds to the face of
Kepoochikawn it was next presented to the earth, having been previously
turned a second time over the hot stones; and afterwards with equal
ceremony pointed in succession to the four quarters of the sky then,
drawing a few whiffs from the calumet himself, he handed it to his
left-hand neighbour by whom it was gravely passed round the circle; the
interpreter and myself, who were seated at the door, were asked to
partake in our turn but requested to keep the head of the calumet
within the threshold of the sweating-house. When the tobacco was
exhausted by passing several times round the hunter made another
speech, similar to the former but was if possible still more urgent in
his requests. A second hymn followed and, a quantity of water being
sprinkled on the hot stones, the attendants were ordered to close the
temple, which they did by very carefully covering it up with
moose-skins. We had no means of ascertaining the temperature of the
sweating-house; but before it was closed not only those within but also
the spectators without were perspiring freely. They continued in the
vapour bath for thirty-five minutes, during which time a third speech
was made and a hymn was sung and water occasionally sprinkled on the
stones which still retained much heat, as was evident from the hissing
noise they made. The coverings were then thrown off and the poor
half-stewed worshippers exposed freely to the air; but they kept their
squatting postures until a fourth speech was made in which the deity
was strongly reminded of the value of the gifts and exhorted to take an
early opportunity of showing his gratitude. The ceremony concluded by
the sweaters scampering down to the river and plunging into the stream.
It may be remarked that the door of the temple and of course the face
of the god was turned to the rising sun; and the spectators were
desired not to block up entirely the front of the building but to leave
a lane for the entrance or exit of some influence of which they could
not give me a correct description. Several Indians, who lay on the
outside of the sweating-house as spectators, seemed to regard the
proceedings with very little awe and were extremely free in the remarks
and jokes they passed upon the condition of the sweaters and even of
Kepoochikawn himself. One of them made a remark that the shawl would
have been much better bestowed upon himself than upon Kepoochikawn, but
the same fellow afterwards stripped and joined in the ceremony.

I did not learn that the Indians worship any other god by a specific
name. They often refer however to the Keetchee-Maneeto, or Great Master
of Life, and to an evil spirit, or Maatche-Maneeto. They also speak of
Weettako, a kind of vampire or devil into which those who have fed on
human flesh are transformed.

Whilst at Carlton I took an opportunity of asking a communicative old
Indian of the Blackfoot nation his opinion of a future state; he
replied that they had heard from their fathers that the souls of the
departed have to scramble with great labour up the sides of a steep
mountain, upon attaining the summit of which they are rewarded with the
prospect of an extensive plain, abounding in all sorts of game and
interspersed here and there with new tents pitched in agreeable
situations. Whilst they are absorbed in the contemplation of this
delightful scene they are descried by the inhabitants of the happy land
who, clothed in new skin-dresses, approach and welcome with every
demonstration of kindness those Indians who have led good lives, but
the bad Indians, who have imbrued their hands in the blood of their
countrymen, are told to return from whence they came and, without more
ceremony, precipitated down the steep sides of the mountain.

Women who have been guilty of infanticide never reach the mountain at
all but are compelled to hover round the seats of their crimes with
branches of trees tied to their legs. The melancholy sounds which are
heard in the still summer evenings and which the ignorance of the white
people considers as the screams of the goat-sucker are really,
according to my informant, the moanings of these unhappy beings.

The Crees have somewhat similar notions but, as they inhabit a country
widely different from the mountainous lands of the Blackfoot Indians,
the difficulty of their journey lies in walking along a slender and
slippery tree laid as a bridge across a rapid stream of stinking and
muddy water. The night owl is regarded by the Crees with the same dread
that it has been viewed by other nations. One small species, which is
known to them by its melancholy nocturnal hootings (for as it never
appears in the day few even of the hunters have ever seen it) is
particularly ominous. They call it the _cheepai-peethees_, or death
bird, and never fail to whistle when they hear its note. If it does not
reply to the whistle by its hootings the speedy death of the inquirer
is augured.

When a Cree dies that part of his property which he has not given away
before his death is burned with him, and his relations take care to
place near the grave little heaps of firewood, food, pieces of tobacco,
and such things as he is likely to need in his journey. Similar
offerings are made when they revisit the grave, and as kettles and
other articles of value are sometimes offered they are frequently
carried off by passengers, yet the relations are not displeased
provided sufficient respect has been shown to the dead by putting some
other article, although of inferior value, in the place of that which
has been taken away.

The Crees are wont to celebrate the returns of the seasons by religious
festivals but we are unable to describe the ceremonial in use on these
joyous occasions from personal observation. The following brief notice
of a feast which was given by an old Cree chief according to his annual
custom on the first croaking of the frogs is drawn up from the
information of one of the guests. A large oblong tent or lodge was
prepared for the important occasion by the men of the party, none of
the women being suffered to interfere. It faced the setting sun and
great care was taken that everything about it should be as neat and
clean as possible. Three fireplaces were raised within it at equal
distances and little holes were dug in the corners to contain the ashes
of their pipes. In a recess at its upper end one large image of
Kepoochikawn and many smaller ones were ranged with their faces towards
the door. The food was prepared by the chief’s wife and consisted of
_marrow_ pemmican, berries boiled with fat, and various other
delicacies that had been preserved for the occasion.

The preparations being completed and, a slave whom the chief had taken
in war having warned the guests to the feast by the mysterious word
_peenasheway_, they came, dressed out in their best garments, and
ranged themselves according to their seniority, the elders seating
themselves next the chief at the upper end and the young men near the
door.

The chief commenced by addressing his deities in an appropriate speech
in which he told them that he had hastened as soon as summer was
indicated by the croaking of the frogs to solicit their favour for
himself and his young men, and hoped that they would send him a
pleasant and plentiful season. His oration was concluded by an
invocation to all the animals in the land and, a signal being given to
the slave at the door, he invited them severally by their names to come
and partake of the feast.

The Cree chief having by this very general invitation displayed his
unbounded hospitality next ordered one of the young men to distribute a
mess to each of the guests. This was done in new dishes of birch bark,
and the utmost diligence was displayed in emptying them, it being
considered extremely improper in a man to leave any part of that which
is placed before him on such occasions. It is not inconsistent with
good manners however but rather considered as a piece of politeness
that a guest who has been too liberally supplied should hand the
surplus to his neighbour. When the viands had disappeared each filled
his calumet and began to smoke with great assiduity, and in the course
of the evening several songs were sung to the responsive sounds of the
drum and seeseequay, their usual accompaniments.

The Cree drum is double-headed but, possessing very little depth, it
strongly resembles a tambourine in shape. Its want of depth is
compensated however by its diameter which frequently exceeds three
feet. It is covered with moose-skin parchment, painted with rude
figures of men and beasts having various fantastic additions, and is
beat with a stick. The seeseequay is merely a rattle formed by
enclosing a few grains of shot in a piece of dried hide. These two
instruments are used in all their religious ceremonies except those
which take place in a sweating-house.

A Cree places great reliance on his drum and I cannot adduce a stronger
instance than that of the poor man who is mentioned in a preceding page
as having lost his only child by famine, almost within sight of the
fort. Notwithstanding his exhausted state he travelled with an enormous
drum tied to his back.

Many of the Crees make vows to abstain from particular kinds of food
either for a specific time or for the remainder of their life,
esteeming such abstinence to be a certain means of acquiring some
supernatural powers, or at least of entailing upon themselves a
succession of good fortune.

One of the wives of the Carlton hunter, of whom we have already spoken
as the worshipper of Kepoochikawn, made a determination not to eat of
the flesh of the Wawaskeesh or American stag; but during our abode at
that place she was induced to feed heartily upon it, through the
intentional deceit of her husband who told her that it was buffalo
meat. When she had finished her meal her husband told her of the trick
and seemed to enjoy the terror with which she contemplated the
consequences of the involuntary breach of her vow. Vows of this nature
are often made by a Cree before he joins a war party, and they
sometimes, like the eastern bonzes, walk for a certain number of days
on all fours or impose upon themselves some other penance equally
ridiculous. By such means the Cree warrior becomes _god-like;_ but
unless he kills an enemy before his return his newly-acquired powers
are estimated to be productive in future of some direful consequence to
himself.

As we did not witness any of the Cree dances ourselves we shall merely
mention that, like the other North American nations, they are
accustomed to practice that amusement on meeting with strange tribes
before going to war and on other solemn occasions.

The habitual intoxication of the Cumberland House Crees has induced
such a disregard of personal appearance that they are squalid and dirty
in the extreme; hence a minute description of their clothing would be
by no means interesting. We shall therefore only remark in a general
manner that the dress of the male consists of a blanket thrown over the
shoulders, a leathern shirt or jacket, and a piece of cloth tied round
the middle. The women have in addition a long petticoat; and both sexes
wear a kind of wide hose which, reaching from the ankle to the middle
of the thigh, are suspended by strings to the girdle. These hose or, as
they are termed, _Indian stockings_, are commonly ornamented with beads
or ribands, and from their convenience have been universally adopted by
the white residents as an essential part of their winter clothing.
Their shoes, or rather short boots for they tie round the ankle, are
made of soft dressed moose-skins, and during the winter they wrap
several pieces of blanket round their feet.

They are fond of European articles of dress, considering it as mean to
be dressed entirely in leather, and the hunters are generally furnished
annually with a _capot_ or great coat, and the women with shawls,
printed calicoes, and other things very unsuitable to their mode of
life but which they wear in imitation of the wives of the traders; all
these articles, however showy they may be at first, are soon reduced to
a very filthy condition by the Indian custom of greasing the face and
hair with soft fat or marrow instead of washing them with water. This
practice they say preserves the skin soft and protects it from cold in
the winter and the mosquitoes in summer, but it renders their presence
disagreeable to the olfactory organs of an European, particularly when
they are seated in a close tent and near a hot fire.

The only peculiarity which we observed in their mode of rearing
children consists in the use of a sort of cradle extremely well adapted
to their mode of life. The infant is placed in the bag having its lower
extremities wrapped up in soft sphagnum or bog-moss, and may be hung up
in the tent or to the branch of a tree without the least danger of
tumbling out; or in a journey suspended on the mother’s back by a band
which crosses the forehead so as to leave her hands perfectly free. It
is one of the neatest articles of furniture they possess, being
generally ornamented with beads and bits of scarlet cloth, but it bears
a very strong resemblance in its form to a mummy case.

The sphagnum in which the child is laid forms a soft elastic bed which
absorbs moisture very readily and affords such a protection from the
cold of a rigorous winter that its place would be ill supplied by
cloth.

The mothers are careful to collect a sufficient quantity in autumn for
winter use; but when through accident their stock fails they have
recourse to the soft down of the typha, or reed mace, the dust of
rotten wood, or even feathers, although none of these articles are so
cleanly or so easily changed as the sphagnum.

The above is a brief sketch of such parts of the manners, character and
customs of the Crees as we could collect from personal observation or
from the information of the most intelligent half-breeds we met with;
and we shall merely add a few remarks on the manner in which the trade
is conducted at the different inland posts of the Fur Companies.

The standard of Exchange in all mercantile transactions with the
natives is a beaver skin, the relative value of which as originally
established by the traders differs considerably from the present worth
of the articles it represents; but the Indians are averse to change.
Three marten, eight muskrat, or a single lynx or wolverine skin, are
equivalent to one beaver; a silver fox, white fox, or otter, are
reckoned two beavers, and a black fox or large black bear are equal to
four; a mode of reckoning which has very little connection with the
real value of these different furs in the European market. Neither has
any attention been paid to the original cost of European articles in
fixing the tariff by which they are sold to the Indians. A coarse
butcher’s knife is one skin, a woollen blanket or a fathom of coarse
cloth eight, and a fowling-piece fifteen. The Indians receive their
principal outfit of clothing and ammunition on credit in the autumn to
be repaid by their winter hunts; the amount entrusted to each of the
hunters varying with their reputations for industry and skill from
twenty to one hundred and fifty skins. The Indians are generally
anxious to pay off the debt thus incurred but their good intentions are
often frustrated by the arts of the rival traders. Each of the
Companies keeps men constantly employed travelling over the country
during the winter to collect the furs from the different bands of
hunters as fast as they are procured. The poor Indian endeavours to
behave honestly and, when he has gathered a few skins, sends notice to
the post from whence he procured his supplies but, if discovered in the
meantime by the opposite party, he is seldom proof against the
temptation to which he is exposed. However firm he may be in his
denials at first his resolutions are enfeebled by the sight of a little
rum and, when he has tasted the intoxicating beverage, they vanish like
smoke and he brings forth his store of furs which he has carefully
concealed from the scrutinising eyes of his visitors. This mode of
carrying on the trade not only causes the amount of furs collected by
either of the two Companies to depend more upon the activity of their
agents, the knowledge they possess of the motions of the Indians, and
the quantity of rum they carry, than upon the liberality of the credits
they give, but is also productive of an increasing deterioration of the
character of the Indians and will probably ultimately prove destructive
to the fur trade itself. Indeed the evil has already in part recoiled
upon the traders; for the Indians, long deceived, have become deceivers
in their turn, and not unfrequently, after having incurred a heavy debt
at one post, move off to another to play the same game. In some cases
the rival posts have entered into a mutual agreement to trade only with
the Indians they have respectively fitted out, but such treaties, being
seldom rigidly adhered to, prove a fertile subject for disputes and the
differences have been more than once decided by force of arms. To carry
on the contest the two Companies are obliged to employ a great many
servants whom they maintain often with much difficulty and always at a
considerable expense.[8]

 [8] As the contending parties have united the evils mentioned in this
 and the two preceding pages are now in all probability at an end.


There are thirty men belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Fort at Cumberland
and nearly as many women and children.

The inhabitants of the North-West Company’s House are still more
numerous. These large families are fed during the greatest part of the
year on fish which are principally procured at Beaver Lake, about fifty
miles distant. The fishery, commencing with the first frosts in autumn,
continues abundant till January, and the produce is dragged over the
snow on sledges, each drawn by three dogs and carrying about two
hundred and fifty pounds. The journey to and from the lake occupies
five days and every sledge requires a driver. About three thousand fish
averaging three pounds apiece were caught by the Hudson’s Bay fishermen
last season; in addition to which a few sturgeon were occasionally
caught in Pine Island Lake; and towards the spring a considerable
quantity of moose meat was procured from the Basquiau Hill, sixty or
seventy miles distant. The rest of our winter’s provision consisted of
geese, salted in the autumn, and of dried meats and pemmican obtained
from the provision posts on the plains of the Saskatchewan. A good many
potatoes are also raised at this post and a small supply of tea and
sugar is brought from the depôt at York Factory. The provisions
obtained from these various sources were amply sufficient in the winter
of 1819-20; but through improvidence this post has in former seasons
been reduced to great straits.

Many of the labourers and a great majority of the agents and clerks
employed by the two Companies have Indian or half-breed wives, and the
mixed offspring thus produced has become extremely numerous.

These métifs, or, as the Canadians term them, _bois brulés_, are upon
the whole a good-looking people and, where the experiment has been
made, have shown much aptness in learning and willingness to be taught;
they have however been sadly neglected. The example of their fathers
has released them from the restraint imposed by the Indian opinions of
good and bad behaviour; and generally speaking no pains have been taken
to fill the void with better principles. Hence it is not surprising
that the males, trained up in a high opinion of the authority and
rights of the Company to which their fathers belonged and, unacquainted
with the laws of the civilised world, should be ready to engage in any
measure whatever that they are prompted to believe will forward the
interests of the cause they espouse. Nor that the girls, taught a
certain degree of refinement by the acquisition of an European
language, should be inflamed by the unrestrained discourse of their
Indian relations, and very early give up all pretensions to chastity.
It is however but justice to remark that there is a very decided
difference in the conduct of the children of the Orkney men employed by
the Hudson’s Bay Company and those of the Canadian voyagers. Some
trouble is occasionally bestowed in teaching the former and it is not
thrown away, but all the good that can be said of the latter is that
they are not quite so licentious as their fathers are.

Many of the half-breeds both male and female are brought up amongst and
intermarry with the Indians; and there are few tents wherein the paler
children of such marriages are not to be seen. It has been remarked, I
do not know with what truth, that half-breeds show more personal
courage than the pure Crees.[9]

 [9] A singular change takes place in the physical constitution of the
 Indian females who become inmates of a fort, namely they bear children
 more frequently and longer but at the same time are rendered liable to
 indurations of the mammae and prolapsus of the uterus, evils from
 which they are in a great measure exempt whilst they lead a wandering
 and laborious life.


The girls at the forts, particularly the daughters of Canadians, are
given in marriage very young; they are very frequently wives at twelve
years of age and mothers at fourteen. Nay, more than once instance came
under our observation of the master of a post having permitted a
voyager to take to wife a poor child that had scarcely attained the age
of ten years. The masters of posts and wintering partners of the
Companies deemed this criminal indulgence to the vices of their
servants necessary to stimulate them to exertion for the interest of
their respective concerns. Another practice may also be noticed as
showing the state of moral feeling on these subjects amongst the white
residents of the fur countries. It was not very uncommon amongst the
Canadian voyagers for one woman to be common to and maintained at the
joint expense of two men; nor for a voyager to sell his wife, either
for a season or altogether, for a sum of money proportioned to her
beauty and good qualities but always inferior to the price of a team of
dogs.

The country around Cumberland House is flat and swampy and is much
intersected by small lakes. Limestone is found everywhere under a thin
stratum of soil and it not unfrequently shows itself above the surface.
It lies in strata generally horizontal but in one spot near the fort
dipping to the northward at an angle of 40°. Some portions of this rock
contain very perfect shells. With respect to the vegetable productions
of the district the _populus trepida_, or aspen, which thrives in moist
situations, is perhaps the most abundant tree on the banks of the
Saskatchewan and is much prized as firewood, burning well when cut
green. The _populus balsamifera_ or taccamahac, called by the Crees
_matheh meteos_, or ugly poplar, in allusion to its rough bark and
naked stem, crowned in an aged state with a few distorted branches, is
scarcely less plentiful. It is an inferior firewood and does not been
well unless when cut in the spring and dried during the summer; but it
affords a great quantity of potash. A decoction of its resinous buds
has been sometimes used by the Indians with success in cases of
_snow-blindness_, but its application to the inflamed eye produces much
pain. Of pines the white spruce is the most common here: the red and
black spruce, the balsam of Gilead fir, and Banksian pine also occur
frequently. The larch is found only in swampy spots and is stunted and
unhealthy. The canoe birch attains a considerable size in this latitude
but from the great demand for its wood to make sledges it has become
rare. The alder abounds on the margin of the little grassy lakes so
common in the neighbourhood. A decoction of its inner bark is used as
an emetic by the Indians who also extract from it a yellow dye. A great
variety of willows occur on the banks of the streams and the hazel is
met with sparingly in the woods. The sugar maple, elm, ash, and the
_arbor vitæ_,[10] termed by the Canadian voyagers _cedar_, grow on
various parts of the Saskatchewan but that river seems to form their
northern boundary. Two kinds of prunus also grow here, one of
which,[11] a handsome small tree, produces a black fruit having a very
astringent taste whence the term _choke-cherry_ applied to it. The
Crees call it _tawquoy-meena_, and esteemed it to be when dried and
bruised a good addition to pemmican. The other species[12] is a less
elegant shrub but is said to bear a bright red cherry of a pleasant
sweet taste. Its Cree name is _passee-awey-meenan_, and it is known to
occur as far north as Great Slave Lake.

 [10] Thuya occidentalis.


 [11] Prunus virginiana.


 [12] Prunus pensylvanica.


The most esteemed fruit of the country however is the produce of the
_aronia ovalis_. Under the name of _meesass-cootoomena_ it is a
favourite dish at most of the Indian feasts and, mixed with pemmican,
it renders that greasy food actually palatable. A great variety of
currants and gooseberries are also mentioned by the natives under the
name of _sappoom-meena_ but we only found three species in the
neighbourhood of Cumberland House. The strawberry, called by the Crees
_otei-meena_, or heart-berry, is found in abundance and rasps are
common on the sandy banks of the rivers. The fruits hitherto mentioned
fall in the autumn but the following berries remained hanging on the
bushes in the spring and are considered as much mellowed by exposure to
the colds in winter. The red whortleberry (_vaccinium vitis idea_) is
found everywhere but is most abundant in rocky places. It is aptly
termed by the Crees _weesawgum-meena_, sour-berry. The common cranberry
(_oxycoccos palustris_) is distinguished from the preceding by its
growing on moist sphagnous spots and is hence called _maskœgo-meena_,
swamp-berry. The American guelder rose whose fruit so strongly
resembles the cranberry is also common. There are two kinds of it
(_viburnum oxycoccoos_ and _edule_) one termed by the natives
_peepoon-meena_, winter-berry, and the other _mongsoa-meena_,
moose-berry. There is also a berry of a bluish white colour, the
produce of the white cornel tree, which is named _musqua-meena_,
bear-berry, because these animals are said to fatten on it. The dwarf
Canadian cornel bears a corymb of red berries which are highly
ornamental to the woods throughout the country but are not otherwise
worthy of notice for they have an insipid farinaceous taste and are
seldom gathered.

The Crees extract some beautiful colours from several of their native
vegetables. They dye their porcupine quills a beautiful scarlet with
the roots of two species of bed-straw (Galium tinctorium and boreale)
which they indiscriminately term _sawoyan_. The roots, after being
carefully washed, are boiled gently in a clean copper kettle, and a
quantity of the juice of the moose-berry, strawberry, cranberry, or
arctic raspberry, is added together with a few red tufts of pistils of
the larch. The porcupine quills are plunged into the liquor before it
becomes quite cold and are soon tinged of a beautiful scarlet. The
process sometimes fails and produces only a dirty brown, a circumstance
which ought probably to be ascribed to the use of an undue quantity of
acid. They dye black with an ink made of elder bark and a little
bog-iron-ore, dried and pounded, and they have various modes of
producing yellow. The deepest colour is obtained from the dried root of
a plant which from their description appears to be cowbane (_cicuta
virosa_). An inferior colour is obtained from the bruised buds of the
Dutch myrtle and they have discovered methods of dyeing with various
lichens.

The quadrupeds that are hunted for food in this part of the country are
the moose and the reindeer, the former termed by the Crees _mongsoa_,
or _moosoa_, the latter _attekh_. The buffalo or bison (_moostoosh_)
the red-deer or American stag (_wawaskeeshoo_) the _apeesee-mongsoos_,
or jumping deer, the _kinwaithoos_, or long-tailed deer, and the
_apistat-chækoos_, a species of antelope; animals that frequent the
plains above the forks of the Saskatchewan are not found in the
neighbourhood of Cumberland House.

Of fur-bearing animals various kinds of foxes (_makkee-shewuc_) are
found in the district, distinguished by the traders under the names of
_black, silver, cross, red_, and _blue_ foxes. The two former are
considered by the Indians to be the same kind, varying accidentally in
the colour of the pelt. The black foxes are very rare and fetch a high
price. The cross and red foxes differ from each other only in colour
being of the same shape and size. Their shades of colour are not
disposed in any determinate manner, some individuals approaching in
that respect very nearly to the silver fox, others exhibiting every
link of the chain down to a nearly uniform deep or orange-yellow, the
distinguishing colour of a pure red fox. It is reported both by Indians
and traders that all the varieties have been found in the same litter.
The blue fox is seldom seen here and is supposed to come from the
southward. The gray wolf (_mahaygan_) is common here. In the month of
March the females frequently entice the domestic dog from the forts
although at other seasons a strong antipathy seemed to subsist between
them. Some black wolves are occasionally seen. The black and red
varieties of the American bear (_musquah_) are also found near
Cumberland House though not frequently; a black bear often has red
cubs, and _vice versâ_. The grizzly bear, so much dreaded by the
Indians for its strength and ferocity, inhabits a track of country
nearer the Rocky Mountains. It is extraordinary that although I made
inquiries extensively amongst the Indians I met with but one who said
that he had killed a she-bear with young in the womb.

The wolverine, in Cree _okeekoohawgees_, or _ommeethatsees_, is an
animal of great strength and cunning and is much hated by the hunters
on account of the mischief it does to their marten-traps. The Canadian
lynx (_peeshew_) is a timid but well-armed animal which preys upon the
American hare. Its fur is esteemed. The marten (_wapeestan_) is one of
the most common furred animals in the country. The fisher,
notwithstanding its name, is an inhabitant of the land, living like the
common marten principally on mice. It is the _otchœk_ of the Crees, and
the _pekan_ of the Canadians. The mink (_atjackash_) has been often
confounded by writers with the fisher. It is a much smaller animal,
inhabits the banks of rivers, and swims well; its prey is fish. The
otter (_neekeek_) is larger than the English species and produces a
much more valuable fur.

The muskrat (_watsuss_, or _musquash_) is very abundant in all the
small grassy lakes. They build small conical houses with a mixture of
hay and earth, those which build early raising their houses on the mud
of the marshes, and those which build later in the season founding
their habitations upon the surface of the ice itself. The house covers
a hole in the ice which permits them to go into the water in search of
the roots on which they feed. In severe winters when the small lakes
are frozen to the bottom and these animals cannot procure their usual
food they prey upon each other. In this way great numbers are
destroyed.

The beaver (_ammisk_) furnish the staple fur of the country. Many
surprising stories have been told of the sagacity with which this
animal suits the form of its habitation, retreats, and dam, to local
circumstances; and I compared the account of its manners given by
Cuvier in his _Régne Animal_ with the reports of the Indians and found
them to agree exactly. They have been often seen in the act of
constructing their houses in the moonlight nights, and the observers
agree that the stones, wood, or other materials are carried in their
teeth and generally leaning against the shoulder. When they have placed
it to their mind they turn round and give it a smart blow with their
flat tail. In the act of diving they give a similar stroke to the
surface of the water. They keep their provision of wood under water in
front of the house. Their favourite food is the bark of the aspen,
birch and willow; they also eat the alder, but seldom touch any of the
pine tribe unless from necessity; they are fond of the large roots of
the _nuphar lutea_, and grow fat upon it but it gives their flesh a
strong rancid taste. In the season of love their call resembles a
groan, that of the male being the hoarsest, but the voice of the young
is exactly like the cry of a child. They are very playful as the
following anecdote will show: One day a gentleman, long resident in
this country, espied five young beavers sporting in the water, leaping
upon the trunk of a tree, pushing one another off and playing a
thousand interesting tricks. He approached softly under cover of the
bushes and prepared to fire on the unsuspecting creatures, but a nearer
approach discovered to him such a similitude betwixt their gestures and
the infantile caresses of his own children that he threw aside his gun.
This gentleman’s feelings are to be envied but few traders in fur would
have acted so feelingly. The muskrat frequently inhabits the same lodge
with the beaver and the otter also thrusts himself in occasionally; the
latter however is not always a civil guest as he sometimes devours his
host.

These are the animals most interesting in an economical point of view.
The American hare and several kinds of grouse and ptarmigan also
contribute towards the support of the natives; and the geese, in their
periodical flights in the spring and autumn, likewise prove a valuable
resource both to the Indians and white residents; but the principal
article of food after the moose-deer is fish; indeed it forms almost
the sole support of the traders at some of the posts. The most esteemed
fish is the Coregonus albus, the _attihhawmeg_ of the Crees and the
_white-fish_ of the Americans. Its usual weight is between three and
four pounds, but it has been known to reach sixteen or eighteen pounds.
Three fish of the ordinary size is the daily allowance to each man at
the fort and is considered as equivalent to two geese or eight pounds
of solid moose-meat. The fishery for the attihhawmeg lasts the whole
year but is most productive in the spawning season from the middle of
September to the middle of October. The _ottonneebees_ (Coregonus
artedi) closely resembles the last. Three species of carp (Catastomus
hudsonius, C. forsterianus, and C. lesueurii) are also found abundantly
in all the lakes, their Cree names are _namaypeeth_,
_meethquawmaypeeth_, and _wapawhawkeeshew_. The occuw, or river perch,
termed also horn-fish, piccarel, or doré, is common, but is not so much
esteemed as the attihhawmeg. It attains the length of twenty inches in
these lakes. The methy is another common fish; it is the _gadus lota_,
or burbot, of Europe. Its length is about two feet, its gullet is
capacious and it preys upon fish large enough to distend its body to
nearly twice its proper size. It is never eaten, not even by the dogs,
unless through necessity but its liver and roe are considered as
delicacies.

The pike is also plentiful and, being readily caught in the wintertime
with the hook, is so much prized on that account by the natives as to
receive from them the name of _eithinyoo-cannooshœoo_, or Indian fish.
The common trout, or _nammœcous_, grows here to an enormous size, being
caught in particular lakes, weighing upwards of sixty pounds; thirty
pounds is no uncommon size at Beaver Lake, from whence Cumberland House
is supplied. The Hioden clodalis, _oweepeetcheesees_, or gold-eye, is a
beautiful small fish which resembles the trout in its habits.

One of the largest fish is the _mathemegh_, cat-fish, or _barbue_. It
belongs to the genus _silurus_. It is rare but is highly prized as
food.

The sturgeon (Accipenser ruthenus) is also taken in the Saskatchewan
and lakes communicating with it and furnishes an excellent but rather
rich article of food.




CHAPTER 4.

LEAVE CUMBERLAND HOUSE. MODE OF TRAVELLING IN WINTER. ARRIVAL AT
CARLTON HOUSE. STONE INDIANS. VISIT TO A BUFFALO POUND. GOITRES.
DEPARTURE FROM CARLTON HOUSE. ISLE A LA CROSSE. ARRIVAL AT FORT
CHIPEWYAN.


LEAVE CUMBERLAND HOUSE.


January 18, 1820.

This day we set out from Cumberland House for Carlton House but,
previously to detailing the events of the journey, it may be proper to
describe the necessary equipments of a winter traveller in this region
which I cannot do better than by extracting the following brief but
accurate account of it from Mr. Hood’s journal:

MODE OF TRAVELLING IN WINTER.


A snowshoe is made of two light bars of wood fastened together at their
extremities and projected into curves by transverse bars. The side bars
have been so shaped by a frame and dried before a fire that the front
part of the shoe turns up like the prow of a boat and the part behind
terminates in an acute angle; the spaces between the bars are filled up
with a fine netting of leathern thongs except that part behind the main
bar which is occupied by the feet; the netting is there close and
strong, and the foot is attached to the main bar by straps passing
round the heel but only fixing the toes so that the heel rises after
each step, and the tail of the shoe is dragged on the snow. Between the
main bar and another in front of it a small space is left, permitting
the toes to descend a little in the act of raising the heel to make the
step forward, which prevents their extremities from chafing. The length
of a snowshoe is from four to six feet and the breadth one foot and a
half, or one and three-quarters, being adapted to the size of the
wearer. The motion of walking in them is perfectly natural for one shoe
is level with the snow when the edge of the other is passing over it.
It is not easy to use them among bushes without frequent overthrows,
nor to rise afterwards without help. Each shoe weighs about two pounds
when unclogged with snow. The northern Indian snowshoes differ a little
from those of the southern Indians, having a greater curvature on the
outside of each shoe, one advantage of which is that when the foot
rises the over-balanced side descends and throws off the snow. All the
superiority of European art has been unable to improve the native
contrivance of this useful machine.

Sledges are made of two or three flat boards curving upwards in front
and fastened together by transverse pieces of wood above. They are so
thin that, if heavily laden, they bend with the inequalities of the
surface over which they pass. The ordinary dog-sledges are eight or ten
feet long and very narrow, but the lading is secured to a lacing round
the edges. The cariole used by the traders is merely a covering of
leather for the lower part of the body, affixed to the common sledge
which is painted and ornamented according to the taste of the
proprietor. Besides snowshoes each individual carries his blanket,
hatchet, steel, flint, and tinder, and generally firearms.

The general dress of the winter traveller is a _capot_, having a hood
to put up under the fur cap in windy weather or in the woods to keep
the snow from his neck, leathern trousers and Indian stockings which
are closed at the ankles round the upper part of his _moccasins_, or
Indian shoes to prevent the snow from getting into them. Over these he
wears a blanket or leathern coat which is secured by a belt round his
waist to which his fire-bag, knife, and hatchet are suspended.

Mr. Back and I were accompanied by the seaman John Hepburn; we were
provided with two carioles and two sledges, their drivers and dogs
being furnished in equal proportions by the two Companies. Fifteen
days’ provision so completely filled the sledges that it was with
difficulty we found room for a small sextant, one suit of clothes, and
three changes of linen, together with our bedding. Notwithstanding we
thus restricted ourselves and even loaded the carioles with part of the
luggage instead of embarking in them ourselves we did not set out
without considerable grumbling from the voyagers of both Companies
respecting the overlading of their dogs. However we left the matter to
be settled by our friends at the fort who were more conversant with
winter travelling than ourselves. Indeed the loads appeared to us so
great that we should have been inclined to listen to the complaints of
the drivers. The weight usually placed upon a sledge drawn by three
dogs cannot at the commencement of a journey be estimated at less than
three hundred pounds, which however suffers a daily diminution from the
consumption of provisions. The sledge itself weighs about thirty
pounds. When the snow is hard frozen or the track well trodden the rate
of travelling is about two miles and a half an hour, including rests,
or about fifteen miles a day. If the snow be loose the speed is
necessarily much less and the fatigue greater.

At eight in the morning of the 18th we quitted the fort and took leave
of our hospitable friend Governor Williams whose kindness and attention
I shall ever remember with gratitude. Dr. Richardson, Mr. Hood, and Mr.
Connolly accompanied us along the Saskatchewan until the snow became
too deep for their walking without snowshoes. We then parted from our
associates with sincere regret at the prospect of a long separation.
Being accompanied by Mr. Mackenzie of the Hudson’s Bay Company who was
going to Isle à la Crosse with four sledges under his charge we formed
quite a procession, keeping in an Indian file on the track of the man
who preceded the foremost dogs; but as the snow was deep we proceeded
slowly on the surface of the river, which is about three hundred and
fifty yards wide, for the distance of six miles which we went this day.
Its alluvial banks and islands are clothed with willows. At the place
of our encampment we could scarcely find sufficient pine branches to
floor the hut, as the Orkney men term the place where travellers rest.
Its preparation however consists only in clearing away the snow to the
ground and covering that space with pine branches, over which the party
spread their blankets and coats and sleep in warmth and comfort by
keeping a good fire at their feet without any other canopy than the
heaven, even though the thermometer should be far below zero.

The arrival at the place of encampment gives immediate occupation to
every one of the party; and it is not until the sleeping-place has been
arranged and a sufficiency of wood collected as fuel for the night that
the fire is allowed to be kindled. The dogs alone remain inactive
during this busy scene, being kept harnessed to their burdens until the
men have leisure to unstow the sledges and hang upon the trees every
species of provision out of their reach. We had ample experience before
morning of the necessity of this precaution as they contrived to steal
a considerable part of our stores almost from underneath Hepburn’s
head, notwithstanding their having been well fed at supper.

This evening we found the mercury of our thermometer had sunk into the
bulb and was frozen. It rose again into the tube on being held to the
fire but quickly redescended into the bulb on being removed into the
air; we could not therefore ascertain by it the temperature of the
atmosphere either then or during our journey. The weather was perfectly
clear.

January 19.

We rose this morning after the enjoyment of a sound and comfortable
repose and recommenced our journey at sunrise but made slow progress
through the deep snow. The task of beating the track for the dogs was
so very fatiguing that each of the men took the lead in turn for an
hour and a half. The scenery of the banks of the river improved as we
advanced today; some firs and poplars were intermixed with the willows.
We passed through two creeks formed by islands, and encamped on a
pleasant spot on the north shore, having only made six miles and
three-quarters actual distance.

The next day we pursued our course along the river; the dogs had the
greatest difficulty in dragging their heavy burdens through the snow.
We halted to refresh them at the foot of Sturgeon River and obtained
the latitude 53° 51′ 41″ North. This is a small stream which issues
from a neighbouring lake. We encamped near to Mosquito Point having
walked nine miles. The termination of the day’s journey was a great
relief to me who had been suffering during the greater part of it in
consequence of my feet having been galled by the snowshoes; this
however is an evil which few escape on their initiation to winter
travelling. It excites no pity from the more experienced companions of
the journey who travel on as fast as they can regardless of your pain.

Mr. Isbester and an Orkney man joined us from Cumberland House and
brought some pemmican that we had left behind, a supply which was very
seasonable after our recent loss. The general occupation of Mr.
Isbester during the winter is to follow or find out the Indians and
collect their furs, and his present journey will appear adventurous to
persons accustomed to the certainty of travelling on a well-known road.
He was going in search of a band of Indians of whom no information had
been received since last October, and his only guide for finding them
was their promise to hunt in a certain quarter; but he looked at the
jaunt with indifference and calculated on meeting them in six or seven
days, for which time only he had provision. Few persons in this country
suffer more from want of food than those occasionally do who are
employed on this service. They are furnished with a sufficiency of
provision to serve until they reach the part where the Indians are
expected to be; but it frequently occurs that on their arrival at the
spot they have gone elsewhere, and that a recent fall of snow has
hidden their track, in which case the voyagers have to wander about in
search of them; and it often happens when they succeed in finding the
Indians that they are unprovided with meat. Mr. Isbester had been
placed in this distressing situation only a few weeks ago and passed
four days without either himself or his dogs tasting food. At length
when he had determined on killing one of the dogs to satisfy his hunger
he happily met with a beaten track which led him to some Indian lodges
where he obtained food.

The morning of the 21st was cold but pleasant for travelling. We left
Mr. Isbester and his companion and crossed the peninsula of Mosquito
Point to avoid a detour of several miles which the river makes. Though
we put up at an early hour we gained eleven miles this day. Our
encampment was at the lower extremity of Tobin’s Falls. The snow being
less deep on the rough ice which enclosed this rapid we proceeded on
the 22nd at a quicker pace than usual but at the expense of great
suffering to Mr. Back, myself and Hepburn, whose feet were much galled.
After passing Tobin’s Falls the river expands to the breadth of five
hundred yards, and its banks are well wooded with pines, poplars, birch
and willow. Many tracks of moose-deer and wolves were observed near the
encampment.

On the 23rd the sky was generally overcast and there were several snow
showers. We saw two wolves and some foxes cross the river in the course
of the day and passed many tracks of the moose and red-deer. Soon after
we had encamped the snow fell heavily which was an advantage to us
after we had retired to rest by its affording an additional covering to
our blankets. The next morning at breakfast time two men arrived from
Carlton on their way to Cumberland. Having the benefit of their track
we were enabled, to our great joy, to march at a quick pace without
snowshoes. My only regret was that the party proceeded too fast to
allow of Mr. Back’s halting occasionally to note the bearings of the
points and delineate the course of the river,[13] without being left
behind. As the provisions were getting short I could not therefore with
propriety check the progress of the party; and indeed it appeared to me
less necessary as I understood the river had been carefully surveyed.
In the afternoon we had to resume the encumbrance of the snowshoes and
to pass over a rugged part where the ice had been piled over a
collection of stones. The tracks of animals were very abundant on the
river, particularly near the remains of an old establishment called the
Lower Nippeween.

 [13] This was afterwards done by Dr. Richardson during a voyage to
 Carlton in the spring.


So much snow had fallen on the night of the 24th that the track we
intended to follow was completely covered and our march today was very
fatiguing. We passed the remains of two red-deer lying at the bases of
perpendicular cliffs from the summits of which they had probably been
forced by the wolves. These voracious animals, who are inferior in
speed to the moose or red-deer, are said frequently to have recourse to
this expedient in places where extensive plains are bounded by
precipitous cliffs. Whilst the deer are quietly grazing the wolves
assemble in great numbers and, forming a crescent, creep slowly towards
the herd so as not to alarm them much at first but, when they perceive
that they have fairly hemmed in the unsuspecting creatures and cut off
their retreat across the plain, they move more quickly and with hideous
yells terrify their prey and urge them to flight by the only open way,
which is that towards the precipice, appearing to know that when the
herd is once at full speed it is easily driven over the cliff, the
rearmost urging on those that are before. The wolves then descend at
their leisure and feast on the mangled carcasses. One of these animals
passed close to the person who was beating the track but did not offer
any violence. We encamped at sunset after walking thirteen miles.

On the 26th we were rejoiced at passing the halfway point between
Cumberland and Carlton. The scenery of the river is less pleasing
beyond this point as there is a scarcity of wood. One of our men was
despatched after a red-deer that appeared on the bank. He contrived to
approach near enough to fire twice, though without success, before the
animal moved away. After a fatiguing march of seventeen miles we put up
at the Upper Nippeween, a deserted establishment, and performed the
comfortable operations of shaving and washing for the first time since
our departure from Cumberland, the weather having been hitherto too
severe. We passed an uncomfortable and sleepless night and agreed next
morning to encamp in future in the open air as preferable to the
imperfect shelter of a deserted house without doors or windows.

The morning was extremely cold but fortunately the wind was light which
prevented our feeling it severely; experience indeed had taught us that
the sensation of cold depends less upon the state of temperature than
the force of the wind. An attempt was made to obtain the latitude which
failed in consequence of the screw that adjusts the telescope of the
sextant being immovably fixed from the moisture upon it having frozen.
The instrument could not be replaced in its case before the ice was
thawed by the fire in the evening.

In the course of the day we passed the confluence of the south branch
of the Saskatchewan, which rises from the Rocky Mountains near the
sources of the northern branch of the Missouri. At Coles Falls, which
commence a distance from the branch, we found the surface of the ice
very uneven and many spots of open water.

We passed the ruins of an establishment which the traders had been
compelled to abandon in consequence of the intractable conduct and
pilfering habits of the Assineboine or Stone Indians; and we learned
that all the residents at a post on the south branch had been cut off
by the same tribe some years ago. We travelled twelve miles today. The
wolves serenaded us through the night with a chorus of their agreeable
howling but none of them ventured near the encampment. But Mr. Back’s
repose was disturbed by a more serious evil: his buffalo robe caught
fire and the shoes on his feet being contracted by the heat gave him
such pain that he jumped up in the cold and ran into the snow as the
only means of obtaining relief.

On the 28th we had a strong and piercing wind from North-West in our
faces and much snow-drift; we were compelled to walk as quick as we
could and to keep constantly rubbing the exposed parts of the skin to
prevent their being frozen, but some of the party suffered in spite of
every precaution. We descried three red-deer on the banks of the river
and were about to send the best marksmen after them when they espied
the party and ran away. A supply of meat would have been very
seasonable as the men’s provision had become scanty and the dogs were
without food except a little burnt leather. Owing to the scarcity of
wood we had to walk until a late hour before a good spot for an
encampment could be found and had then attained only eleven miles. The
night was miserably cold; our tea froze in the tin pots before we could
drink it and even a mixture of spirits and water became quite thick by
congelation; yet after we lay down to rest we felt no inconvenience and
heeded not the wolves though they were howling within view.

The 29th was also very cold until the sun burst forth when the
travelling became pleasant. The banks of the river are very scantily
supplied with wood through the part we passed today. A long track on
the south shore called Holms Plains is destitute of anything like a
tree and the opposite bank has only stunted willows; but after walking
sixteen miles we came to a spot better wooded and encamped opposite to
a remarkable place called by the voyagers The Neck of Land.

A short distance below our encampment, on the peninsula formed by the
confluence of the Net-setting river with the Saskatchewan, there stands
a representation of Kepoochikawn which was formerly held in high
veneration by the Indians and is still looked upon with some respect.
It is merely a large willow bush having its tops bound into a bunch.
Many offerings of value such as handsome dresses, hatchets, and
kettles, used to be made to it, but of late its votaries have been less
liberal. It was mentioned to us as a signal instance of its power that
a sacrilegious moose-deer, having ventured to crop a few of its tender
twigs, was found dead at the distance of a few yards. The bush having
now grown old and stunted is exempted from similar violations.

On the 30th we directed our course round The Neck of Land which is well
clothed with pines and firs; though the opposite or western bank is
nearly destitute of wood. This contrast between the two banks continued
until we reached the commencement of what our companions called the
Barren Grounds when both the banks were alike bare. Vast plains extend
behind the southern bank which afford excellent pasturage for the
buffalo and other grazing animals. In the evening we saw a herd of the
former but could not get near to them. After walking fifteen miles we
encamped. The men’s provision having been entirely expended last night
we shared our small stock with them. The poor dogs had been toiling
some days on the most scanty fare; their rapacity in consequence was
unbounded; they forced open a deal box containing tea, etc. to get at a
small piece of meat which had been incautiously placed in it.

ARRIVAL AT CARLTON HOUSE.


As soon as daylight permitted the party commenced their march in
expectation of reaching Carlton House to breakfast, but we did not
arrive before noon although the track was good. We were received by Mr.
Prudens, the gentleman in charge of the post, with that friendly
attention which Governor Williams’ circular was calculated to ensure at
every station; and were soon afterwards regaled with a substantial dish
of buffalo steaks which would have been excellent under any
circumstances but were particularly relished by us after our travelling
fare of dried meat and pemmican, though eaten without either bread or
vegetables. After this repast we had the comfort of changing our
travelling dresses which had been worn for fourteen days; a
gratification which can only be truly estimated by those who have been
placed under similar circumstances. I was still in too great pain from
swellings in the ankles to proceed to La Montée, the North-West
Company’s establishment distant about three miles; but Mr. Hallet, the
gentleman in charge, came the following morning and I presented to him
the circular from Mr. S. McGillivray. He had already been furnished
however with a copy of it from Mr. Connolly, and was quite prepared to
assist us in our advance to the Athabasca.

Mr. Back and I, having been very desirous to see some of the Stone
Indians who reside on the plains in this vicinity, learned with regret
that a large band of them had left the house on the preceding day, but
our curiosity was amply gratified by the appearance of some individuals
on the following and every subsequent day during our stay.

The looks of these people would have prepossessed me in their favour
but for the assurances I had received from the gentlemen of the posts
of their gross and habitual treachery. Their countenances are affable
and pleasing; their eyes large and expressive, nose aquiline, teeth
white and regular, the forehead bold, the cheek-bones rather high.
Their figure is usually good, above the middle size with slender but
well proportioned limbs. Their colour is a light copper and they have a
profusion of very black hair which hangs over the ears and shades the
face. Their dress, which I think extremely neat and convenient,
consists of a vest and trousers of leather fitted to the body; over
these a buffalo robe is thrown gracefully. These dresses are in general
cleaned with _white-mud_, a sort of marl, though some use _red-earth_,
a kind of bog-iron-ore; but this colour neither looks so light nor
forms such an agreeable contrast as the white with the black hair of
the robe. Their quiver hangs behind them and in the hand is carried the
bow with an arrow always ready for attack or defence, and sometimes
they have a gun; they also carry a bag containing materials for making
a fire, some tobacco, the calumet or pipe, and whatever valuables they
possess. This bag is neatly ornamented with porcupine quills. Thus
equipped the Stone Indian bears himself with an air of perfect
independence.

The only articles of European commerce they require in exchange for the
meat they furnish to the trading post are tobacco, knives, ammunition,
and spirits, and occasionally some beads, but more frequently buttons
which they string in their hair as ornaments. A successful hunter will
probably have two or three dozen of them hanging at equal distances on
locks of hair from each side of the forehead. At the end of these locks
small coral bells are sometimes attached which tinkle at every motion
of the head, a noise which seems greatly to delight the wearer;
sometimes strings of buttons are bound round the head like a tiara; and
a bunch of feathers gracefully crowns the head.

The Stone Indians steal whatever they can, particularly horses; these
animals they maintain are common property sent by the Almighty for the
general use of man and therefore may be taken wherever met with; still
they admit the right of the owners to watch them and to prevent theft
if possible. This avowed disposition on their part calls forth the
strictest vigilance at the different posts; notwithstanding which the
most daring attacks are often made with success, sometimes on parties
of three or four but oftener on individuals. About two years ago a band
of them had the audacity to attempt to take away some horses which were
grazing before the gate of the North-West Company’s fort and, after
braving the fire from the few people then at the establishment through
the whole day and returning their shots occasionally, they actually
succeeded in their enterprise. One man was killed on each side. They
usually strip defenceless persons whom they meet of all their garments,
but particularly of those which have buttons, and leave them to travel
alone in that state, however severe the weather. If resistance be
expected they not unfrequently murder before they attempt to rob. The
traders when they travel invariably keep some men on guard to prevent
surprise whilst the others sleep; and often practise the stratagem of
lighting a fire at sunset, which they leave burning, and move on after
dark to a more distant encampment—yet these precautions do not always
baffle the depredators. Such is the description of men whom the traders
of this river have constantly to guard against. It must require a long
residence among them and much experience of their manners to overcome
the apprehensions their hostility and threats are calculated to excite.
Through fear of having their provisions and supplies entirely cut off
the traders are often obliged to overlook the grossest offences, even
murder, though the delinquents present themselves with unblushing
effrontery almost immediately after the fact and perhaps boast of it.
They do not on detection consider themselves under any obligation to
deliver up what they have stolen without receiving an equivalent.

STONE INDIANS.


The Stone Indians keep in amity with their neighbours the Crees from
motives of interest; and the two tribes unite in determined hostility
against the nations dwelling to the westward which are generally called
Slave Indians—a term of reproach applied by the Crees to those tribes
against whom they have waged successful wars. The Slave Indians are
said greatly to resemble the Stone Indians, being equally desperate and
daring in their acts of aggression and dishonesty towards the traders.

These parties go to war almost every summer and sometimes muster three
or four hundred horsemen on each side. Their leaders, in approaching
the foe, exercise all the caution of the most skilful generals; and
whenever either party considers that it has gained the best ground, or
finds it can surprise the other, the attack is made. They advance at
once to close quarters and the slaughter is consequently great though
the battle may be short. The prisoners of either sex are seldom spared
but slain on the spot with wanton cruelty. The dead are scalped and he
is considered the bravest person who bears the greatest number of
scalps from the field. These are afterwards attached to his war dress
and worn as proofs of his prowess. The victorious party during a
certain time blacken their faces and every part of their dress in token
of joy, and in that state they often come to the establishment, if
near, to testify their delight by dancing and singing, bearing all the
horrid insignia of war, to display their individual feats. When in
mourning they completely cover their dress and hair with white mud.

The Crees in the vicinity of Carlton House have the same cast of
countenance as those about Cumberland but are much superior to them in
appearance, living in a more abundant country. These men are more
docile, tractable, and industrious than the Stone Indians and bring
greater supplies of provision and furs to the posts. Their general mode
of dress resembles that of the Stone Indians; but sometimes they wear
cloth leggings, blankets, and other useful articles when they can
afford to purchase them. They also decorate their hair with buttons.

The Crees procure guns from the traders and use them in preference to
the bow and arrow; and from them the Stone Indians often get supplied
either by stealth, gaming, or traffic. Like the rest of their nation
these Crees are remarkably fond of spirits and would make any sacrifice
to obtain them. I regretted to find the demand for this pernicious
article had greatly increased within the last few years. The following
notice of these Indians is extracted from Dr. Richardson’s Journal:

The Asseenaboine, termed by the Crees Asseeneepoytuck or Stone Indians,
are a tribe of Sioux who speak a dialect of the Iroquois, one of the
great divisions under which the American philologists have classed the
known dialects of the aborigines of North America. The Stone Indians
or, as they name themselves, _Eascab_, originally entered this part of
the country under the protection of the Crees and, in concert with
them, attacked and drove to the westward the former inhabitants of the
banks of the Saskatchewan. They are still the allies of the Crees but
have now become more numerous than their former protectors. They
exhibit all the bad qualities ascribed to the Mengwe or Iroquois, the
stock whence they are sprung. Of their actual number I could obtain no
precise information but it is very great. The Crees who inhabit the
plains, being fur hunters, are better known to the traders.

They are divided into two distinct bands, the Ammiskwatchhethinyoowuc
or Beaver Hill Crees, who have about forty tents and the
Sackaweethinyoowuc or Thick Wood Crees who have thirty-five. The tents
average nearly ten inmates each, which gives a population of seven
hundred and fifty to the whole.

The nations who were driven to the westward by the Eascab and Crees are
termed, in general, by the latter, Yatcheethinyoowuc, which has been
translated Slave Indians but more properly signifies Strangers.

They now inhabit the country around Fort Augustus, and towards the foot
of the Rocky Mountains, and have increased in strength until they have
become an object of terror to the Eascab themselves. They rear a great
number of horses, make use of firearms, and are fond of European
articles, in order to purchase which they hunt the beaver and other
furred animals, but they depend principally on the buffalo for
subsistence.

They are divided into five nations:

First, the Pawausticeythinyoowuc, or Fall Indians, so named from their
former residence on the falls of the Saskatchewan. They are the
Minetarres with whom Captain Lewis’s party had a conflict on their
return from the Missouri. They have about four hundred and fifty or
five hundred tents; their language is very guttural and difficult.

Second, the Peganooeythinyoowuc Pegans, or Muddy River Indians named in
their own language Peganoekoon, have four hundred tents.

Third, the Meethcothinyoowuc, or Blood Indians, named by themselves
Kainoekoon, have three hundred tents.

Fourth, the _Cuskœteh-waw-thésseetuck_, or Blackfoot Indians, in their
own language Saxoekoekoon, have three hundred and fifty tents.

The last three nations or tribes, the Pegans, Blood Indians, and
Blackfeet, speak the same language. It is pronounced in a slow and
distinct tone, has much softness, and is easily acquired by their
neighbours. I am assured by the best interpreters in the country that
it bears no affinity to the Cree, Sioux, or Chipewyan languages.

Lastly the Sassees, or Circees, have one hundred and fifty tents; they
speak the same language with their neighbours, the Snare Indians, who
are a tribe of the extensive family of the Chipewyans.[14]

 [14] As the subjects may be interesting to philologists I subjoin a
 few words of the Blackfoot language:

Peestâh kan: tobacco.
Moohksee: an awl.
Nappœ-oòhkee: rum.
Cook keet: give me.
Eeninee: buffalo.
Pooxāpoot: come here.
Kat œtsits: none, I have none.
Keet stā kee: a beaver.
Naum: a bow.
Stooan: a knife.
Sassoopats: ammunition.
Meenee: beads.
Poommees: fat.
Miss ta poot: keep off.
Saw: no.
Stwee: cold; it is cold.
Pennākomit: a horse.
Ahseeu: good.

VISIT TO A BUFFALO POUND.


On the 6th of February we accompanied Mr. Prudens on a visit to a Cree
encampment and a buffalo pound about six miles from the house; we found
seven tents pitched within a small cluster of pines which adjoined the
pound. The largest, which we entered, belonged to the chief who was
absent but came in on learning our arrival. The old man (about sixty)
welcomed us with a hearty shake of the hand and the customary
salutation of “What cheer!” an expression which they have gained from
the traders. As we had been expected they had caused the tent to be
neatly arranged, fresh grass was spread on the ground, buffalo robes
were placed on the side opposite the door for us to sit on, and a
kettle was on the fire to boil meat for us.

After a few minutes’ conversation an invitation was given to the chief
and his hunters to smoke the calumet with us as a token of our
friendship: this was loudly announced through the camp and ten men from
the other tents immediately joined our party. On their entrance the
women and children withdrew, their presence on such occasions being
contrary to etiquette. The calumet having been prepared and lighted by
Mr. Prudens’ clerk was presented to the chief who performed the
following ceremony before he commenced smoking: He first pointed the
stem to the south, then to the west, north, and east, and afterwards to
the heavens, the earth and the fire, as an offering to the presiding
spirits; he took three whiffs only and then passed the pipe to his next
companion who took the same number of whiffs and so did each person as
it went round. After the calumet had been replenished the person who
then commenced repeated only the latter part of the ceremony, pointing
the stem to the heavens, the earth and the fire. Some spirits mixed
with water were presented to the old man who before he drank demanded a
feather which he dipped into the cup several times and sprinkled the
moisture on the ground, pronouncing each time a prayer. His first
address to the Keetchee Manitou, or Great Spirit, was that buffalo
might be abundant everywhere and that plenty might come into their
pound. He next prayed that the other animals might be numerous and
particularly those which were valuable for their furs, and then
implored that the party present might escape the sickness which was at
that time prevalent and be blessed with constant health. Some other
supplications followed which we could not get interpreted without
interrupting the whole proceeding; but at every close the whole Indian
party assented by exclaiming Aha; and when he had finished the old man
drank a little and passed the cup round. After these ceremonies each
person smoked at his leisure and they engaged in a general conversation
which I regretted not understanding as it seemed to be very humorous,
exciting frequent bursts of laughter. The younger men in particular
appeared to ridicule the abstinence of one of the party who neither
drank nor smoked. He bore their jeering with perfect composure and
assured them, as I was told, they would be better if they would follow
his example. I was happy to learn from Mr. Prudens that this man was
not only one of the best hunters but the most cheerful and contented of
the tribe.

Four Stone Indians arrived at this time and were invited into the tent
but one only accepted the invitation and partook of the fare. When Mr.
Prudens heard the others refuse he gave immediate directions that our
horses should be narrowly watched as he suspected these fellows wished
to carry them off. Having learned that these Crees considered Mr. Back
and myself to be war chiefs possessing great power and that they
expected we should make some address to them I desired them to be kind
to the traders, to be industrious in procuring them provision and furs,
and to refrain from stealing their stores and horses; and I assured
them that if I heard of their continuing to behave kindly I would
mention their good conduct in the strongest terms to their Great Father
across the sea (by which appellation they designate the King) whose
favourable consideration they had been taught by the traders to value
most highly.

They all promised to follow my advice and assured me it was not they
but the Stone Indians who robbed and annoyed the traders. The Stone
Indian who was present heard this accusation against his tribe quite
unmoved, but he probably did not understand the whole of the
communication. We left them to finish their rum and went to look round
the lodges and examine the pound.

The greatest proportion of labour in savage life falls to the women; we
now saw them employed in dressing skins, and conveying wood, water, and
provision. As they have often to fetch the meat from some distance they
are assisted in this duty by their dogs which are not harnessed in
sledges but carry their burdens in a manner peculiarly adapted to this
level country. Two long poles are fastened by a collar to the dog’s
neck; their ends trail on the ground and are kept at a proper distance
by a hoop which is lashed between them immediately behind the dog’s
tail; the hoop is covered with network upon which the load is placed.

The boys were amusing themselves by shooting arrows at a mark and thus
training to become hunters. The Stone Indians are so expert with the
bow and arrow that they can strike a very small object at a
considerable distance and will shoot with sufficient force to pierce
through the body of a buffalo when near.

The buffalo pound was a fenced circular space of about a hundred yards
in diameter; the entrance was banked up with snow to a sufficient
height to prevent the retreat of the animals that once have entered.
For about a mile on each side of the road leading to the pound stakes
were driven into the ground at nearly equal distances of about twenty
yards; these were intended to represent men and to deter the animals
from attempting to break out on either side. Within fifty or sixty
yards from the pound branches of trees were placed between these stakes
to screen the Indians who lie down behind them to await the approach of
the buffalo.

The principal dexterity in this species of chase is shown by the
horsemen who have to manœuvre round the herd in the plains so as to
urge them to enter the roadway which is about a quarter of a mile
broad. When this has been accomplished they raise loud shouts and,
pressing close upon the animals, so terrify them that they rush
heedlessly forward towards the snare. When they have advanced as far as
the men who are lying in ambush they also rise and increase the
consternation by violent shouting and firing guns. The affrighted
beasts having no alternative run directly to the pound where they are
quickly despatched either with an arrow or gun.

There was a tree in the centre of the pound on which the Indians had
hung strips of buffalo flesh and pieces of cloth as tributary or
grateful offerings to the Great Master of Life; and we were told that
they occasionally place a man in the tree to sing to the presiding
spirit as the buffaloes are advancing who must keep his station until
the whole that have entered are killed. This species of hunting is very
similar to that of taking elephants on the island of Ceylon but upon a
smaller scale.

The Crees complained to us of the audacity of a party of Stone Indians
who two nights before had stripped their revered tree of many of its
offerings and had injured their pound by setting their stakes out of
the proper places.

Other modes of killing the buffalo are practised by the Indians with
success; of these the hunting them on horseback requires most
dexterity. An expert hunter, when well mounted, dashes at the herd and
chooses an individual which he endeavours to separate from the rest. If
he succeeds he contrives to keep him apart by the proper management of
his horse though going at full speed. Whenever he can get sufficiently
near for a ball to penetrate the beast’s hide he fires and seldom fails
of bringing the animal down; though of course he cannot rest the piece
against the shoulder nor take a deliberate aim. On this service the
hunter is often exposed to considerable danger from the fall of his
horse in the numerous holes which the badgers make in these plains, and
also from the rage of the buffalo which when closely pressed often
turns suddenly and, rushing furiously on the horse, frequently succeeds
in wounding it or dismounting the rider. Whenever the animal shows this
disposition which the experienced hunter will readily perceive he
immediately pulls up his horse and goes off in another direction.

When the buffaloes are on their guard horses cannot be used in
approaching them; but the hunter dismounts at some distance and crawls
in the snow towards the herd, pushing his gun before him. If the
buffaloes happen to look towards him he stops and keeps quite
motionless until their eyes are turned in another direction; by this
cautious proceeding a skilful person will get so near as to be able to
kill two or three out of the herd. It will easily be imagined this
service cannot be very agreeable when the thermometer stands 30 or 40°
below zero as sometimes happens in this country.

As we were returning from the tents the dogs that were harnessed to
three sledges, in one of which Mr. Back was seated, set off in pursuit
of a buffalo-calf. Mr. Back was speedily thrown from his vehicle and
had to join me in my horse-cariole. Mr. Heriot, having gone to recover
the dogs, found them lying exhausted beside the calf which they had
baited until it was as exhausted as themselves. Mr. Heriot, to show us
the mode of hunting on horseback or as the traders term it, running of
the buffalo, went in chase of a cow and killed it after firing three
shots.

The buffalo is a huge and shapeless animal quite devoid of grace or
beauty; particularly awkward in running but by no means slow; when put
to his speed he plunges through the deep snow very expeditiously; the
hair is dark brown, very shaggy, curling about the head, neck, and
hump, and almost covering the eye, particularly in the bull which is
larger and more unsightly than the cow. The most esteemed part of the
animal is the hump, called by the Canadians _bos_, by the Hudson’s Bay
people the _wig;_ it is merely a strong muscle on which nature at
certain seasons forms a considerable quantity of fat. It is attached to
the long spinous processes of the first dorsal vertebrae and seems to
be destined to support the enormous head of the animal. The meat which
covers the spinal processes themselves after the wig is removed is next
in esteem for its flavour and juiciness and is more exclusively termed
the hump by the hunters.

The party was prevented from visiting a Stone Indian encampment by a
heavy fall of snow, which made it impracticable to go and return the
same day. We were dissuaded from sleeping at their tents by the
interpreter at the North-West post who told us they considered the
whooping-cough and measles, under which they were now suffering, to
have been introduced by some white people recently arrived in the
country, and that he feared those who had lost relatives, imagining we
were the persons, might vent their revenge on us. We regretted to learn
that these diseases had been so very destructive among the tribes along
the Saskatchewan as to have carried off about three hundred persons,
Crees and Asseenaboines, within the trading circle of these
establishments. The interpreter also informed us of another bad trait
peculiar to the Stone Indians. Though they receive a visitor kindly at
their tents and treat him very hospitably during his stay yet it is
very probable they will despatch some young men to waylay and rob him
in going towards the post: indeed all the traders assured us it was
more necessary to be vigilantly on our guard on the occasion of a visit
to them than at any other time.

Carlton House (which our observations place in latitude 52° 50′ 47″
North, longitude 106° 12′ 42″ West, variation 20° 44′ 47″ East) is
pleasantly situated about a quarter of a mile from the river’s side on
the flat ground under the shelter of the high banks that bound the
plains. The land is fertile and produces with little trouble ample
returns of wheat, barley, oats, and potatoes. The ground is prepared
for the reception of these vegetables about the middle of April and
when Dr. Richardson visited this place on May 10th the blade of wheat
looked strong and healthy. There were only five acres in cultivation at
the period of my visit. The prospect from the fort must be pretty in
summer owing to the luxuriant verdure of this fertile soil; but in the
uniform and cheerless garb of winter it has little to gratify the eye.

Beyond the steep bank behind the house commences the vast plain whose
boundaries are but imperfectly known; it extends along the south branch
of the Saskatchewan and towards the sources of the Missouri and
Asseenaboine Rivers, being scarcely interrupted through the whole of
this great space by hills or even rising grounds. The excellent
pasturage furnishes food in abundance to a variety of grazing animals
of which the buffalo, red-deer, and a species of antelope are the most
important. Their presence naturally attracts great hordes of wolves
which are of two kinds, the large, and the small. Many bears prowl
about the banks of this river in summer; of these the grizzly bear is
the most ferocious and is held in dread both by Indians and Europeans.
The traveller in crossing these plains not only suffers from the want
of food and water but is also exposed to hazard from his horse
stumbling in the numerous badger-holes. In many large districts the
only fuel is the dried dung of the buffalo; and when a thirsty
traveller reaches a spring he has not unfrequently the mortification to
find the water salt.

Carlton House and La Montée are provision-posts, only an inconsiderable
quantity of furs being obtained at either of them. The provisions are
procured in the winter season from the Indians in the form of dried
meat and fat and, when converted by mixture into pemmican, furnish the
principal support of the voyagers in their passages to and from the
depôts in summer. A considerable quantity of it is also kept for winter
use at most of the fur-posts as the least bulky article that can be
taken on a winter journey. The mode of making pemmican is very simple,
the meat is dried by the Indians in the sun or over a fire, and pounded
by beating it with stones when spread on a skin. In this state it is
brought to the forts where the admixture of hair is partially sifted
out and a third part of melted fat incorporated with it, partly by
turning the two over with a wooden shovel, partly by kneading them
together with the hands. The pemmican is then firmly pressed into
leathern bags, each capable of containing eighty-five pounds and, being
placed in an airy place to cool, is fit for use. It keeps in this state
if not allowed to get wet very well for one year and with great care it
may be preserved good for two. Between three and four hundred bags were
made here by each of the Companies this year.

There were eight men besides Mr. Prudens and his clerk belonging to
Carlton House. At La Montée there were seventy Canadians and
half-breeds and sixty women and children who consumed upwards of seven
hundred pounds of buffalo meat daily, the allowance per diem for each
man being eight pounds: a portion not so extravagant as may at first
appear when allowance is made for bone and the entire want of
farinaceous food or vegetables.

There are other provision posts, Fort Augustus and Edmonton farther up
the river, from whence some furs are also procured. The Stone Indians
have threatened to cut off the supplies in going up to these
establishments to prevent their enemies from obtaining ammunition and
other European articles; but as these menaces have been frequently made
without being put in execution the traders now hear them without any
great alarm though they take every precaution to prevent being
surprised. Mr. Back and I were present when an old Cree communicated to
Mr. Prudens that the Indians spoke of killing all the white people in
that vicinity this year which information he received with perfect
composure and was amused as well as ourselves with the man’s judicious
remark which immediately followed, “A pretty state we shall then be in
without the goods you bring us.”

GOITRES.


The following remarks on a well-known disease are extracted from Dr.
Richardson’s Journal:

Bronchocele or Goitre is a common disorder at Edmonton. I examined
several of the individuals afflicted with it and endeavoured to obtain
every information on the subject from the most authentic sources. The
following facts may be depended upon. The disorder attacks those only
who drink the water of the river. It is indeed in its worst state
confined almost entirely to the half-breed women and children who
reside constantly at the fort and make use of river water drawn in the
winter through a hole cut in the ice. The men, being often from home on
journeys through the plain, when their drink is melted snow, are less
affected; and if any of them exhibit during the winter some incipient
symptoms of the complaint the annual summer voyage to the sea-coast
generally effects a cure. The natives who confine themselves to
snow-water in the winter and drink of the small rivulets which flow
through the plains in the summer are exempt from the attacks of this
disease.

These facts are curious inasmuch as they militate against the generally
received opinion that the disease is caused by drinking snow-water; an
opinion which seems to have originated from bronchocele being endemial
to subalpine districts.

The Saskatchewan at Edmonton is clear in the winter and also in the
summer except during the May and July floods. This distance from the
Rocky Mountains (which I suppose to be of primitive formation) is
upwards of one hundred and thirty miles. The neighbouring plains are
alluvial, the soil is calcareous and contains numerous travelled
fragments of limestone. At a considerable distance below Edmonton the
river, continuing its course through the plains, becomes turbid and
acquires a white colour. In this state it is drunk by the inmates of
Carlton House where the disease is known only by name. It is said that
the inhabitants of Rocky Mountain House, sixty miles nearer the source
of the river are more severely affected than those at Edmonton. The
same disease occurs near the sources of the Elk and Peace Rivers; but
in those parts of the country which are distant from the Rocky Mountain
Chain it is unknown although melted snow forms the only drink of the
natives for nine months of the year.

A residence of a single year at Edmonton is sufficient to render a
family bronchocelous. Many of the goitres acquire great size. Burnt
sponge has been tried and found to remove the disease but an exposure
to the same cause immediately reproduces it.

A great proportion of the children of women who have goitres are born
idiots with large heads and the other distinguishing marks of
_cretins_. I could not learn whether it was necessary that both parents
should have goitres to produce cretin children: indeed the want of
chastity in the half-breed women would be a bar to the deduction of any
inference on this head.

DEPARTURE FROM CARLTON HOUSE.


February 8.

Having recovered from the swellings and pains which our late march from
Cumberland had occasioned we prepared for the commencement of our
journey to Isle à la Crosse, and requisitions were made on both the
establishments for the means of conveyance and the necessary supply of
provisions for the party which were readily furnished. On the 9th the
carioles and sledges were loaded and sent off after breakfast; but Mr.
Back and I remained till the afternoon as Mr. Prudens had offered that
his horses should convey us to the encampment. At three P.M. we parted
from our kind host and, in passing through the gate, were honoured with
a salute of musketry. After riding six miles we joined the men at their
encampment which was made under the shelter of a few poplars. The dogs
had been so much fatigued in wading through the very deep snow with
their heavy burdens, having to drag upwards of ninety pounds’ weight
each, that they could get no farther. Soon after our arrival the snow
began to fall heavily and it continued through the greater part of the
night.

Our next day’s march was therefore particularly tedious, the snow being
deep and the route lying across an unvarying level, destitute of wood
except one small cluster of willows. In the afternoon we reached the
end of the plain and came to an elevation on which poplars, willows,
and some pines grew, where we encamped, having travelled ten miles. We
crossed three small lakes, two of fresh water and one of salt, near the
latter of which we encamped and were in consequence obliged to use for
our tea water made from snow which has always a disagreeable taste.

We had scarcely ascended the hill on the following morning when a large
herd of red-deer was perceived grazing at a little distance; and though
we were amply supplied with provision our Canadian companions could not
resist the temptation of endeavouring to add to our stock. A half-breed
hunter was therefore sent after them. He succeeded in wounding one but
not so as to prevent its running off with the herd in a direction wide
of our course. A couple of rabbits and a brace of wood partridges were
shot in the afternoon. There was an agreeable variety of hill and dale
in the scenery we passed through today, and sufficient wood for
ornament but not enough to crowd the picture. The valleys were
intersected by several small lakes and pools whose snowy covering was
happily contrasted with the dark green of the pine-trees which
surrounded them. After ascending a moderately high hill by a winding
path through a close wood we opened suddenly upon Lake Iroquois and had
a full view of its picturesque shores. We crossed it and encamped.

Though the sky was cloudless yet the weather was warm. We had the
gratification of finding a beaten track soon after we started on the
morning of the 12th and were thus enabled to walk briskly. We crossed
at least twenty hills and found a small lake or pool at the foot of
each. The destructive ravages of fire were visible during the greater
part of the day. The only wood we saw for miles together consisted of
pine-trees stripped of their branches and bark by this element: in
other parts poplars alone were growing which we have remarked
invariably to succeed the pine after a conflagration. We walked twenty
miles today but the direct distance was only sixteen.

The remains of an Indian hut were found in a deep glen and close to it
was placed a pile of wood which our companions supposed to cover a
deposit of provision. Our Canadian voyagers, induced by their
insatiable desire of procuring food, proceeded to remove the upper
pieces and examine its contents when, to their surprise, they found the
body of a female, clothed in leather, which appeared to have been
recently placed there. Her former garments, the materials for making a
fire, a fishing-line, a hatchet, and a bark dish were laid beside the
corpse. The wood was carefully replaced. A small owl, perched on a tree
near to the spot, called forth many singular remarks from our
companions as to its being a good or bad omen.

We walked the whole of the 13th over flat meadow-land which is much
resorted to by the buffalo at all seasons. Some herds of them were seen
which our hunters were too unskilful to approach. In the afternoon we
reached the Stinking Lake which is nearly of an oval form. Its shores
are very low and swampy to which circumstances and not to the bad
quality of the waters it owes its Indian name. Our observations place
its western part in latitude 53° 25′ 24″ North, longitude 107° 18′ 58″
West, variation 20° 32′ 10″ East.

After a march of fifteen miles and a half we encamped among a few pines
at the only spot where we saw sufficient wood for making our fire
during the day. The next morning about an hour after we had commenced
our march we came upon a beaten track and perceived recent marks of
snowshoes. In a short time an Iroquois joined us, who was residing with
a party of Cree Indians, to secure the meat and furs they should
collect for the North-West Company. He accompanied us as far as the
stage on which his meat was placed and then gave us a very pressing
invitation to halt for the day and partake of his fare which, as the
hour was too early, we declined, much to the annoyance of our Canadian
companions who had been cherishing the prospect of indulging their
amazing appetites at this well-furnished store ever since the man had
been with us. He gave them however a small supply previous to our
parting. The route now crossed some ranges of hills on which fir, birch
and poplar grew so thickly that we had much difficulty in getting the
sledges through the narrow pathway between them. In the evening we
descended from the elevated ground, crossed three swampy meadows, and
encamped at their northern extremity within a cluster of large
pine-trees, the branches of which were elegantly decorated with
abundance of a greenish yellow lichen. Our march was ten miles. The
weather was very mild, almost too warm for the exercise we were taking.

We had a strong gale from the North-West during the night which
subsided as the morning opened. One of the sledges had been so much
broken the day before in the woods that we had to divide its cargo
among the others. We started after this had been arranged and, finding
almost immediately a firm track, soon arrived at some Indian lodges to
which it led. The inhabitants were Crees belonging to the posts on the
Saskatchewan from whence they had come to hunt beaver. We made but a
short stay and proceeded through a swamp to Pelican Lake. Our view to
the right was bounded by a range of lofty hills which extended for
several miles in a north and south direction which, it may be remarked,
was that of all the hilly land we had passed since quitting the plain.

Pelican Lake is of an irregular form, about six miles from east to west
and eight from north to south; it decreases to the breadth of a mile
towards the northern extremity and is there terminated by a creek. We
went up this creek for a short distance and then struck into the woods
and encamped among a cluster of the firs which the Canadians term
cyprès (_Pinus banksiana_) having come fourteen miles and a half.

February 16.

Shortly after commencing the journey today we met an Indian and his
family who had come from the houses at Green Lake; they informed us the
track was well beaten the whole way. We therefore put forth our utmost
speed in the hope of reaching them by night but were disappointed, and
had to halt at dark about twelve miles from them in a fisherman’s hut
which was unoccupied. Frequent showers of snow fell during the day and
the atmosphere was thick and gloomy.

We started at an early hour the following morning and reached the
Hudson’s Bay Company’s post to breakfast, and were received very kindly
by Mr. MacFarlane, the gentleman in charge. The other establishment,
situated on the opposite side of the river, was under the direction of
Mr. Dugald Cameron, one of the partners of the North-West Company on
whom Mr. Back and I called soon after our arrival and were honoured
with a salute of musketry.

These establishments are small but said to be well situated for
procuring furs; as the numerous creeks in their vicinity are much
resorted to by the beaver, otter and musquash. The residents usually
obtain a superabundant supply of provision. This season however they
barely had sufficient for their own support, owing to the epidemic
which has incapacitated the Indians for hunting. The Green Lake lies
nearly north and south, is eighteen miles in length and does not exceed
one mile and a half of breadth in any part. The water is deep and it is
in consequence one of the last lakes in the country that is frozen.
Excellent tittameg and trout are caught in it from March to December
but after that time most of the fish remove to some larger lake.

We remained two days awaiting the return of some men who had been sent
to the Indian lodges for meat and who were to go on with us. Mr. Back
and I did not need this rest, having completely surmounted the pain
occasioned by the snowshoes. We dined twice with Mr. Cameron and
received from him many useful suggestions respecting our future
operations. This gentleman, having informed us that provisions would
probably be very scarce next spring in the Athabasca department in
consequence of the sickness of the Indians during the hunting season,
undertook at my request to cause a supply of pemmican to be conveyed
from the Saskatchewan to Isle à la Crosse for our use during the
winter, and I wrote to apprise Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood that they
would find it at the latter post when they passed, and also to desire
them to bring as much as the canoes would stow from Cumberland.

The atmosphere was clear and cold during our stay; observations were
obtained at the Hudson’s Bay Fort, latitude 54° 16′ 10″ North,
longitude 107° 29′ 52″ West, variation 22° 6′ 35″ East.

February 20.

Having been equipped with carioles, sledges and provisions from the two
posts, we this day recommenced our journey and were much amused by the
novelty of the salute given at our departure, the guns being
principally fired by the women in the absence of the men. Our course
was directed to the end of the lake and for a short distance along a
small river; we then crossed the woods to the Beaver River which we
found to be narrow and very serpentine, having moderately high banks.
We encamped about one mile and a half farther up among poplars. The
next day we proceeded along the river; it was winding and about two
hundred yards broad. We passed the mouths of two rivers whose waters it
receives; the latter one we were informed is a channel by which the
Indians go to the Lesser Slave Lake. The banks of the river became
higher as we advanced and were adorned with pines, poplars and willows.

Though the weather was very cold we travelled more comfortably than at
any preceding time since our departure from Cumberland as we had light
carioles which enabled us to ride nearly the whole day warmly covered
up with a buffalo robe. We were joined by Mr. McLeod of the North-West
Company who had kindly brought some things from Green Lake which our
sledges could not carry. Pursuing our route along the river we reached
at an early hour the upper extremity of the Grand Rapid where the ice
was so rough that the carioles and sledges had to be conveyed across a
point of land. Soon after noon we left the river, inclining North-East,
and directed our course North-West until we reached Long Lake and
encamped at its northern extremity, having come twenty-three miles.
This lake is about fourteen miles long and from three-quarters to one
mile and a half broad, its shores and islands low but well wooded.
There were frequent snow-showers during the day.

ISLE A LA CROSSE.


February 23.

The night was very stormy but the wind became more moderate in the
morning. We passed today through several nameless lakes and swamps
before we came to Train Lake which received its name from being the
place where the traders procured the birch to make their sledges or
traineaux; but this wood has been all used and there only remain pines
and a few poplars. We met some sledges laden with fish, kindly sent to
meet us by Mr. Clark of the Hudson’s Bay Company on hearing of our
approach. Towards the evening the weather became much more unpleasant
and we were exposed to a piercingly cold wind and much snowdrift in
traversing the Isle à la Crosse Lake; we were therefore highly pleased
at reaching the Hudson’s Bay House by six P.M. We were received in the
most friendly manner by Mr. Clark and honoured by volleys of musketry.
Similar marks of attention were shown to us on the following day by Mr.
Bethune, the partner in charge of the North-West Company’s fort. I
found here the letters which I had addressed from Cumberland in
November last to the partners of the North-West Company in the
Athabasca, which circumstance convinced me of the necessity of our
present journey.

These establishments are situated on the southern side of the lake and
close to each other. They are forts of considerable importance being
placed at a point of communication with the English River, the
Athabasca and Columbia Districts. The country around them is low and
intersected with water, and was formerly much frequented by beavers and
otters which however have been so much hunted by the Indians that their
number is greatly decreased. The Indians frequenting these forts are
the Crees and some Chipewyans; they scarcely ever come except in the
spring and autumn, in the former season to bring their winter’s
collection of furs and in the latter to get the stores they require.

Three Chipewyan lads came in during our stay to report what furs the
band to which they belonged had collected and to desire they might be
sent for, the Indians having declined bringing either furs or meat
themselves since the opposition between the Companies commenced. Mr.
Back drew a portrait of one of the boys.

Isle à la Crosse Lake receives its name from an island situated near
the forts on which the Indians formerly assembled annually to amuse
themselves at the game of the Cross. It is justly celebrated for
abundance of the finest tittameg, which weigh from five to fifteen
pounds. The residents live principally upon this most delicious fish
which fortunately can be eaten a long time without disrelish. It is
plentifully caught with nets throughout the year except for two or
three months.

March 4.

We witnessed the Aurora Borealis very brilliant for the second time
since our departure from Cumberland. A winter encampment is not a
favourable situation for viewing this phenomenon as the trees in
general hide the sky. Arrangements had been made for recommencing our
journey today but the wind was stormy and the snow had drifted too much
for travelling with comfort; we therefore stayed and dined with Mr.
Bethune who promised to render every assistance in getting pemmican
conveyed to us from the Saskatchewan to be in readiness for our canoes
when they might arrive in the spring; Mr. Clark also engaged to procure
six bags for us and to furnish our canoes with any other supplies which
might be wanted and could be spared from his post, and to contribute
his aid in forwarding the pemmican to the Athabasca if our canoes could
not carry it all.

I feel greatly indebted to this gentleman for much valuable information
respecting the country and the Indians residing to the north of Slave
Lake and for furnishing me with a list of stores he supposed we should
require. He had resided some years on Mackenzie’s River and had been
once so far towards its mouth as to meet the Esquimaux in great
numbers. But they assumed such a hostile attitude that he deemed it
unadvisable to attempt opening any communication with them and
retreated as speedily as he could.

The observations we obtained here showed that the chronometers had
varied their rates a little in consequence of the jolting of the
carioles, but their errors and rates were ascertained previous to our
departure. We observed the position of this fort to be latitude 55° 25′
35″ North, longitude 107° 51′ 00″ West, by lunars reduced back from
Fort Chipewyan, variation 22° 15′ 48″ West, dip 84° 13′ 35″.

March 5.

We recommenced our journey this morning, having been supplied with the
means of conveyance by both the Companies in equal proportions. Mr.
Clark accompanied us with the intention of going as far as the boundary
of his district. This gentleman was an experienced winter traveller and
we derived much benefit from his suggestions; he caused the men to
arrange the encampment with more attention to comfort and shelter than
our former companions had done. After marching eighteen miles we put up
on Gravel Point in the Deep River.

At nine the next morning we came to the commencement of Clear Lake. We
crossed its southern extremes and then went over a point of land to
Buffalo Lake and encamped after travelling twenty-six miles. After
supper we were entertained till midnight with paddling songs by our
Canadians who required very little stimulus beyond their natural
vivacity to afford us this diversion. The next morning we arrived at
the establishments which are situated on the western side of the lake
near a small stream called the Beaver River. They were small log
buildings hastily erected last October for the convenience of the
Indians who hunt in the vicinity. Mr. MacMurray, a partner in the
North-West Company, having sent to Isle à la Crosse an invitation to
Mr. Back and I, our carioles were driven to his post and we experienced
the kindest reception. These posts are frequented by only a few
Indians, Crees, and Chipewyans. The country round is not sufficiently
stocked with animals to afford support to many families and the traders
subsist almost entirely on fish caught in the autumn prior to the lake
being frozen but, the water being shallow, they remove to a deeper part
as soon as the lake is covered with ice. The Aurora Borealis was
brilliantly displayed on both the nights we remained here, but
particularly on the 7th when its appearances were most diversified and
the motion extremely rapid. Its coruscations occasionally concealed
from sight stars of the first magnitude in passing over them, at other
times these were faintly discerned through them; once I perceived a
stream of light to illumine the under surface of some clouds as it
passed along. There was no perceptible noise.

Mr. MacMurray gave a dance to his voyagers and the women; this is a
treat which they expect on the arrival of any stranger at the post.

We were presented by this gentleman with the valuable skin of a black
fox which he had entrapped some days before our arrival; it was
forwarded to England with other specimens.

Our observations place the North-West Company’s House in latitude 55°
53′ 00″ North, longitude 108° 51′ 10″ West, variation 22° 33′ 22″ East.

The shores of Buffalo Lake are of moderate height and well wooded but
immediately beyond the bank the country is very swampy and intersected
with water in every direction. At some distance from the western side
there is a conspicuous hill which we hailed with much pleasure as being
the first interruption to the tediously uniform scene we had for some
time passed through.

On the 10th we recommenced our journey after breakfast and travelled
quickly as we had the advantage of a well-beaten track. At the end of
eighteen miles we entered upon the river Loche which has a serpentine
course and is confined between alluvial banks that support stunted
willows and a few pines; we encamped about three miles farther on and
in the course of the next day’s march perceived several holes on the
ice and many unsafe places for the sledges. Our companions said the ice
of this river is always in the same insecure state, even during the
most severe winter, which they attributed to warm springs. Quitting the
river we crossed a portage and came upon the Methye Lake and soon
afterwards arrived at the trading posts on its western side. These were
perfect huts which had been hastily built after the commencement of the
last winter. We here saw two hunters who were Chipewyan half-breeds and
made many inquiries of them respecting the countries we expected to
visit, but we found them quite ignorant of every part beyond the
Athabasca Lake. They spoke of Mr. Hearne and of his companion
Matonnabee, but did not add to our stock of information respecting that
journey. It had happened before their birth but they remembered the
expedition of Sir Alexander Mackenzie towards the sea.

This is a picturesque lake about ten miles long and six broad and
receives its name from a species of fish caught in it but not much
esteemed; the residents never eat any part but the liver except through
necessity, the dogs dislike even that. The tittameg and trout are also
caught in the fall of the year. The position of the houses by our
observations is latitude 56° 24′ 20″ North, longitude 109° 23′ 06″
West, variation 22° 50′ 28″ East.

On the 13th we renewed our journey and parted from Mr. Clark to whom we
were much obliged for his hospitality and kindness. We soon reached the
Methye Portage and had a very pleasant ride across it in our carioles.
The track was good and led through groups of pines, so happily placed
that it would not have required a great stretch of imagination to fancy
ourselves in a well-arranged park. We had now to cross a small lake and
then gradually ascended hills beyond it until we arrived at the summit
of a lofty chain of mountains commanding the most picturesque and
romantic prospect we had yet seen in this country. Two ranges of high
hills run parallel to each other for several miles until the faint blue
haze hides their particular characters, when they slightly change their
course and are lost to the view. The space between them is occupied by
nearly a level plain through which a river pursues a meandering course
and receives supplies from the creeks and rills issuing from the
mountains on each side. The prospect was delightful even amid the snow
and though marked with all the cheerless characters of winter; how much
more charming must it be when the trees are in leaf and the ground is
arrayed in summer verdure! Some faint idea of the difference was
conveyed to my mind by witnessing the effect of the departing rays of a
brilliant sun. The distant prospect however is surpassed in grandeur by
the wild scenery which appeared immediately below our feet. There the
eye penetrates into vast ravines two or three hundred feet in depth
that are clothed with trees and lie on either side of the narrow
pathway descending to the river over eight successive ridges of hills.
At one spot termed the Cockscomb the traveller stands insulated as it
were on a small slip where a false step might precipitate him into the
glen. From this place Mr. Back took an interesting and accurate sketch
to allow time for which we encamped early, having come twenty-one
miles.

The Methye Portage is about twelve miles in extent and over this space
the canoes and all their cargoes are carried, both in going to and from
the Athabasca department. It is part of the range of mountains which
separates the waters flowing south from those flowing north. According
to Sir Alexander Mackenzie “this range of hills continues in a
South-West direction until its local height is lost between the
Saskatchewan and Elk Rivers, close on the banks of the former in
latitude 53° 36′ North, longitude 113° 45′ West, when it appears to
take its course due north.” Observations taken in the spring by Mr.
Hood place the north side of the portage in latitude 56° 41′ 40″ North,
longitude 109° 52′ 15″ West, variation 25° 2′ 30″ East, dip 85° 7′ 27″.

At daylight on the 14th we began to descend the range of hills leading
towards the river, and no small care was required to prevent the
sledges from being broken in going down these almost perpendicular
heights, or being precipitated into the glens on each side. As a
precautionary measure the dogs were taken off and the sledges guided by
the men, notwithstanding which they descended with amazing rapidity and
the men were thrown into the most ridiculous attitudes in endeavouring
to stop them. When we had arrived at the bottom I could not but feel
astonished at the laborious task which the voyagers have twice in the
year to encounter at this place in conveying their stores backwards and
forwards. We went across the Clear Water River which runs at the bases
of these hills, and followed an Indian track along its northern bank,
by which we avoided the White Mud and Good Portages. We afterwards
followed the river as far as the Pine Portage, when we passed through a
very romantic defile of rocks which presented the appearance of Gothic
ruins, and their rude characters were happily contrasted with the
softness of the snow and the darker foliage of the pines which crowned
their summits. We next crossed the Cascade Portage which is the last on
the way to the Athabasca Lake, and soon afterwards came to some Indian
tents containing five families belonging to the Chipewyan tribe. We
smoked the calumet in the chief’s tent, whose name was the Thumb, and
distributed some tobacco and a weak mixture of spirits and water among
the men. They received this civility with much less grace than the
Crees, and seemed to consider it a matter of course. There was an utter
neglect of cleanliness and a total want of comfort in their tents; and
the poor creatures were miserably clothed. Mr. Frazer, who accompanied
us from the Methye Lake, accounted for their being in this forlorn
condition by explaining that this band of Indians had recently
destroyed everything they possessed as a token of their great grief for
the loss of their relatives in the prevailing sickness. It appears that
no article is spared by these unhappy men when a near relative dies;
their clothes and tents are cut to pieces, their guns broken, and every
other weapon rendered useless if some person do not remove these
articles from their sight, which is seldom done. Mr. Back sketched one
of the children which delighted the father very much, who charged the
boy to be very good since his picture had been drawn by a great chief.
We learned that they prize pictures very highly and esteem any they can
get, however badly executed, as efficient charms. They were unable to
give us any information respecting the country beyond the Athabasca
Lake which is the boundary of their peregrinations to the northward.
Having been apprised of our coming they had prepared an encampment for
us; but we had witnessed too many proofs of their importunity to expect
that we could pass the night near them in any comfort whilst either
spirits, tobacco or sugar remained in our possession; and therefore
preferred to go about two miles farther along the river and to encamp
among a cluster of fine pine-trees after a journey of sixteen miles.

On the morning of the 15th, in proceeding along the river, we perceived
a strong smell of sulphur, and on the north shore found a quantity of
it scattered, which seemed to have been deposited by some spring in the
neighbourhood: it appeared very pure and good. We continued our course
the whole day along the river, which is about four hundred yards wide,
has some islands, and is confined between low land extending from the
bases of the mountains on each side. We put up at the end of thirteen
miles and were then joined by a Chipewyan who came, as we supposed, to
serve as our guide to Pierre au Calumet but, as none of the party could
communicate with our new friend otherwise than by signs, we waited
patiently until the morning to see what he intended to do. The wind
blew a gale during the night and the snow fell heavily. The next day
our guide led us to the Pembina River which comes from the southward
where we found traces of Indians who appeared to have quitted this
station the day before; we had therefore the benefit of a good track
which our dogs much required as they were greatly fatigued, having
dragged their loads through very deep snow for the last two days. A
moose-deer crossed the river just before the party: this animal is
plentiful in the vicinity. We encamped in a pleasant well-sheltered
place, having travelled fourteen miles.

A short distance on the following morning brought us to some Indian
lodges which belonged to an old Chipewyan chief named the Sun and his
family consisting of five hunters, their wives and children. They were
delighted to see us and, when the object of our expedition had been
explained to them, expressed themselves much interested in our
progress; but they could not give a particle of information respecting
the countries beyond the Athabasca Lake. We smoked with them and gave
each person a glass of mixed spirits and some tobacco. A Canadian
servant of the North-West Company who was residing with them informed
us that this family had lost numerous relatives, and that the
destruction of property which had been made after their deaths was the
only cause for the pitiable condition in which we saw them as the whole
family were industrious hunters and therefore were usually better
provided with clothes and other useful articles than most of the
Indians. We purchased from them a pair of snowshoes in exchange for
some ammunition. The Chipewyans are celebrated for making them good and
easy to walk in; we saw some here upwards of six feet long and three
broad. With these unwieldy clogs an active hunter, in the spring when
there is a crust on the surface of the snow, will run down a moose or
red-deer.

We made very slow progress after leaving this party on account of the
deep snow, but continued along the river until we reached its junction
with the Athabasca or Elk River. We obtained observations on an island
a little below the Forks which gave longitude 111° 8′ 42″ West,
variation 24° 18′ 20″ East. Very little wood was seen during this day’s
march. The western shore near the Forks is destitute of trees; it is
composed of lofty perpendicular cliffs which were now covered with
snow. The eastern shore supports a few pines.

March 18.

Soon after our departure from the encampment we met two men from the
establishment at Pierre au Calumet, who gave us correct information of
its situation and distance. Having the benefit of their track we
marched at a tolerably quick pace and made twenty-two miles in the
course of the day though the weather was very disagreeable for
travelling, being stormy with constant snow. We kept along the river
the whole time: its breadth is about two miles. The islands appear
better furnished with wood than its banks, the summits of which are
almost bare. Soon after we had encamped our Indian guide rejoined us;
he had remained behind the day before without consulting us to
accompany a friend on a hunting excursion. On his return he made no
endeavour to explain the reason of his absence but sat down coolly and
began to prepare his supper. This behaviour made us sensible that
little dependence is to be placed on the continuance of an Indian guide
when his inclination leads him away.

Early the next morning we sent forward the Indian and a Canadian to
apprise the gentleman in charge of Pierre au Calumet of our approach;
and after breakfast the rest of the party proceeded along the river for
that station which we reached in the afternoon. The senior partner of
the North-West Company in the Athabasca department, Mr. John Stuart,
was in charge of the post. Though he was quite ignorant until this
morning of our being in the country we found him prepared to receive us
with great kindness and ready to afford every information and
assistance agreeably to the desire conveyed in Mr. Simon McGillivray’s
circular letter. This gentleman had twice traversed this continent and
reached the Pacific by the Columbia River; he was therefore fully
conversant with the different modes of travelling and with the
obstacles that may be expected in passing through unfrequented
countries. His suggestions and advice were consequently very valuable
to us but, not having been to the northward of the Great Slave Lake, he
had no knowledge of that line of country except what he had gained from
the reports of Indians. He was of opinion however that positive
information on which our course of proceedings might safely be
determined could be procured from the Indians that frequent the north
side of the lake when they came to the forts in the spring. He
recommended my writing to the partner in charge of that department,
requesting him to collect all the intelligence he could and to provide
guides and hunters from the tribe best acquainted with the country
through which we proposed to travel.

To our great regret Mr. Stuart expressed much doubt as to our
prevailing upon any experienced Canadian voyagers to accompany us to
the sea in consequence of their dread of the Esquimaux who, he informed
us, had already destroyed the crew of one canoe which had been sent
under Mr. Livingstone to open a trading communication with those who
reside near the mouth of the Mackenzie River; and he also mentioned
that the same tribe had driven away the canoes under Mr. Clark’s
direction, going to them on a similar object, to which circumstance I
have alluded in my remarks at Isle à la Crosse.

This was unpleasant information but we were comforted by Mr. Stuart’s
assurance that himself and his partners would use every endeavour to
remove their fears as well as to promote our views in every other way;
and he undertook as a necessary part of our equipment in the spring to
prepare the bark and other materials for constructing two canoes at
this post.

Mr. Stuart informed us that the residents at Fort Chipewyan, from the
recent sickness of their Indian hunters, had been reduced to subsist
entirely on the produce of their fishing-nets, which did not yield more
than a bare sufficiency for their support; and he kindly proposed to us
to remain with him until the spring but, as we were most desirous to
gain all the information we could as early as possible and Mr. Stuart
assured us that the addition of three persons would not be materially
felt in their large family at Chipewyan, we determined on proceeding
thither and fixed on the 22nd for our departure.

Pierre au Calumet receives its name from the place where the stone is
procured, of which many of the pipes used by the Canadians and Indians
are made. It is a clayey limestone, impregnated with various shells.
The house, which is built on the summit of a steep bank rising almost
perpendicular to the height of one hundred and eighty feet, commands an
extensive prospect along this fine river and over the plains which
stretch out several miles at the back of it, bounded by hills of
considerable height and apparently better furnished with wood than the
neighbourhood of the fort where the trees grow very scantily. There had
been an establishment belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company on the
opposite bank of the river but it was abandoned in December last, the
residents not being able to procure provision from their hunters having
been disabled by the epidemic sickness which has carried off one-third
of the Indians in these parts. They belong to the Northern Crees, a
name given them from their residing in the Athabasca department. There
are now but few families of these men who formerly by their numbers and
predatory habits spread terror among the natives of this part of the
country.

There are springs of bituminous matter on several of the islands near
these houses; and the stones on the riverbank are much impregnated with
this useful substance. There is also another place remarkable for the
production of a sulphureous salt which is deposited on the surface of a
round-backed hill about half a mile from the beach and on the marshy
ground underneath it. We visited these places at a subsequent period of
the journey and descriptions of them will appear in Dr. Richardson’s
Mineralogical Notices.

The latitude of the North-West Company’s House is 57° 24′ 06″ North,
but this was the only observation we could obtain, the atmosphere being
cloudy. Mr. Stuart had an excellent thermometer which indicated the
lowest state of temperature to be 43° below zero. He told me 45° was
the lowest temperature he had ever witnessed at the Athabasca or Great
Slave Lake after many years’ residence. On the 21st it rose above zero
and at noon attained the height of 43°; the atmosphere was sultry, snow
fell constantly, and there was quite an appearance of a change in the
season. On the 22nd we parted from our hospitable friend and
recommenced our journey, but under the expectation of seeing him again
in May, at which time the partners of the Company usually assemble at
Fort Chipewyan where we hoped the necessary arrangements for our future
proceedings would be completed. We encamped at sunset at the end of
fourteen miles, having walked the whole way along the river which
preserves nearly a true north course and is from four hundred to six
hundred yards broad. The banks are high and well clothed with the
liard, spruce, fir, alder, birch-tree and willows. Having come nineteen
miles and a half on the 23rd we encamped among pines of a great height
and girth.

Showers of snow fell until noon on the following day but we continued
our journey along the river whose banks and islands became gradually
lower as we advanced and less abundantly supplied with wood except
willows. We passed an old Canadian who was resting his wearied dogs
during the heat of the sun. He was carrying meat from some Indian
lodges to Fort Chipewyan, having a burden exceeding two hundred and
fifty pounds on his sledge which was dragged by two miserable dogs. He
came up to our encampment after dark. We were much amused by the
altercation that took place between him and our Canadian companions as
to the qualifications of their respective dogs. This however is such a
general topic of conversation among the voyagers in the encampment that
we should not probably have remarked it had not the old man frequently
offered to bet the whole of his wages that his two dogs, poor and lean
as they were, would drag their load to the Athabasca Lake in less time
than any three of theirs. Having expressed our surprise at his apparent
temerity he coolly said the men from the lower countries did not
understand the management of their dogs and that he depended on his
superior skill in driving, and we soon gathered from his remarks that
the voyagers of the Athabasca department consider themselves very
superior to any other. The only reasons which he could assign were that
they had borne their burdens across the terrible Methye Portage and
that they were accustomed to live harder and more precariously.

March 25.

Having now the guidance of the old Canadian we sent forward the Indian
and one of our men with letters to the gentleman at the Athabasca Lake.
The rest of the party set off afterwards and kept along the river until
ten when we branched off by portages into the Embarras River, the usual
channel of communication in canoes with the lake. It is a narrow and
serpentine stream confined between alluvial banks which support pines,
poplars and willows. We had not advanced far before we overtook the two
men despatched by us this morning. The stormy weather had compelled
them to encamp as there was too much drifting of the snow for any
attempt to cross the lake. We were obliged, though most reluctantly, to
follow their example but comforted ourselves with the reflection that
this was the first time we had been stopped by the weather during our
long journey which was so near at an end. The gale afterwards
increased, the squalls at night became very violent, disburdened the
trees of the snow and gave us the benefit of a continual fall of
patches from them, in addition to the constant shower. We therefore
quickly finished our suppers and retired under the shelter of our
blankets.

ARRIVAL AT FORT CHIPEWYAN.


March 26.

The boisterous weather continued through the night and it was not
before six this morning that the wind became apparently moderate and
the snow ceased. Two of the Canadians were immediately sent off with
letters to the gentlemen at Fort Chipewyan. After breakfast we also
started but our Indian friend, having a great indisposition to move in
such weather, remained by the fire. We soon quitted the river and,
after crossing a portage, a small lake and a point of land, came to the
borders of the Mammawee Lake. We then found our error as to the
strength of the wind, and that the gale still blew violently and there
was so much drifting of the snow as to cover the distant objects by
which our course could be directed. We fortunately got a glimpse
through this cloud of a cluster of islands in the direction of the
houses, and decided on walking towards them; but in doing this we
suffered very much from the cold and were obliged to halt under the
shelter of them and await the arrival of our Indian guide. He conducted
us between these islands, over a small lake, and by a swampy river into
the Athabasca Lake, from whence the establishments were visible. At
four P.M. we had the pleasure of arriving at Fort Chipewyan and of
being received by Messrs. Keith and Black, the partners of the
North-West Company in charge, in the most kind and hospitable manner.
Thus terminated a winter’s journey of eight hundred and fifty-seven
miles, in the progress of which there was a great intermixture of
agreeable and disagreeable circumstances. Could the amount of each be
balanced I suspect the latter would much preponderate; and amongst
these the initiation into walking in snowshoes must be considered as
prominent. The suffering it occasions can be but faintly imagined by a
person who thinks upon the inconvenience of marching with a weight of
between two and three pounds constantly attached to galled feet and
swelled ankles. Perseverance and practice only will enable the novice
to surmount this pain.

The next evil is the being constantly exposed to witness the wanton and
unnecessary cruelty of the men to their dogs, especially those of the
Canadians who beat them unmercifully and habitually vent on them the
most dreadful and disgusting imprecations. There are other
inconveniences which, though keenly felt during the day’s journey, are
speedily forgotten when stretched out in the encampment before a large
fire, you enjoy the social mirth of your companions who usually pass
the evening in recounting their former feats in travelling. At this
time the Canadians are always cheerful and merry and the only bar to
their comfort arises from the frequent interruption occasioned by the
dogs who are constantly prowling about the circle and snatching at
every kind of food that happens to be within their reach. These useful
animals are a comfort to them afterwards by the warmth they impart when
lying down by their side or feet as they usually do. But the greatest
gratifications a traveller in these regions enjoys are derived from the
hospitable welcome he receives at every trading post, however poor the
means of the host may be; and from being disrobed even for a short time
of the trappings of a voyager and experiencing the pleasures of
cleanness.

The following are the estimated distances in statute miles which Mr.
Back and I had travelled since our departure from Cumberland:

From Cumberland House to Carlton House: 263.
From Carlton House to Isle à la Crosse: 230.
From Isle à la Crosse to north side of the Methye Portage: 124.
From the Methye Portage to Fort Chipewyan: 240.
Total: 857 miles.




CHAPTER 5.

TRANSACTIONS AT FORT CHIPEWYAN. ARRIVAL OF DR. RICHARDSON AND MR. HOOD.
PREPARATIONS FOR OUR JOURNEY TO THE NORTHWARD.


TRANSACTIONS AT FORT CHIPEWYAN.


March 26, 1820.

On the day after our arrival at Fort Chipewyan we called upon Mr.
MacDonald, the gentleman in charge of the Hudson’s Bay Establishment
called Fort Wedderburne, and delivered to him Governor Williams’
circular letter which desired that every assistance should be given to
further our progress, and a statement of the requisitions which we
should have to make on his post.

Our first object was to obtain some certain information respecting our
future route and accordingly we received from one of the North-West
Company’s interpreters, named Beaulieu, a half-breed who had been
brought up amongst the Dog-ribbed and Copper Indians, some satisfactory
information which we afterwards found tolerably correct respecting the
mode of reaching the Copper-Mine River which he had descended a
considerable way, as well as of the course of that river to its mouth.
The Copper Indians however he said would be able to give us more
accurate information as to the latter part of its course as they
occasionally pursue it to the sea. He sketched on the floor a
representation of the river and a line of coast according to his idea
of it. Just as he had finished an old Chipewyan Indian named Black Meat
unexpectedly came in and instantly recognised the plan. He then took
the charcoal from Beaulieu and inserted a track along the sea-coast
which he had followed in returning from a war excursion made by his
tribe against the Esquimaux. He detailed several particulars of the
coast and the sea which he represented as studded with well-wooded
islands and free from ice close to the shore in the month of July, but
not to a great distance. He described two other rivers to the eastward
of the Copper-Mine River which also fall into the Northern Ocean, the
Anatessy, which issues from the Contwayto or Rum Lake, and the
Thloueeatessy or Fish River, which rises near the eastern boundary of
the Great Slave Lake; but he represented both of them as being shallow
and too much interrupted by barriers for being navigated in any other
than small Indian canoes.

Having received this satisfactory intelligence I wrote immediately to
Mr. Smith of the North-West Company and Mr. McVicar of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, the gentlemen in charge of the posts at the Great Slave Lake,
to communicate the object of the Expedition and our proposed route, and
to solicit any information they possessed or could collect from the
Indians relative to the countries we had to pass through and the best
manner of proceeding. As the Copper Indians frequent the establishment
on the north side of the lake I particularly requested them to explain
to that tribe the object of our visit and to endeavour to procure from
them some guides and hunters to accompany our party. Two Canadians were
sent by Mr. Keith with these letters.

The month of April commenced with fine and clear but extremely cold
weather; unfortunately we were still without a thermometer and could
not ascertain the degrees of temperature. The coruscations of the
Aurora Borealis were very brilliant almost every evening of the first
week and were generally of the most variable kind. On the 3rd they were
particularly changeable. The first appearance exhibited three
illuminated beams issuing from the horizon in the north, east, and west
points, and directed towards the zenith; in a few seconds these
disappeared and a complete circle was displayed, bounding the horizon
at an elevation of fifteen degrees. There was a quick lateral motion in
the attenuated beams of which this zone was composed. Its colour was a
pale yellow with an occasional tinge of red.

On the 8th of April the Indians saw some geese in the vicinity of this
lake but none of the migratory birds appeared near the houses before
the 15th when some swans flew over. These are generally the first that
arrive; the weather had been very stormy for the four preceding days
and this in all probability kept the birds from venturing farther north
than where the Indians had first seen them.

In the middle of the month the snow began to waste daily and by degrees
it disappeared from the hills and the surface of the lake. On the 17th
and 19th the Aurora Borealis appeared very brilliant in patches of
light bearing North-West. An old Cree Indian having found a
beaver-lodge near to the fort, Mr. Keith, Back, and I accompanied him
to see the method of breaking into it and their mode of taking those
interesting animals. The lodge was constructed on the side of a rock in
a small lake having the entrance into it beneath the ice. The frames
were formed of layers of sticks, the interstices being filled with mud,
and the outside was plastered with earth and stones which the frost had
so completely consolidated that to break through required great labour
with the aid of the ice chisel and the other iron instruments which the
beaver hunters use. The chase however was unsuccessful as the beaver
had previously vacated the lodge.

On the 21st we observed the first geese that flew near the fort and
some were brought to the house on the 30th but they were very lean. On
the 25th flies were seen sporting in the sun and on the 26th the
Athabasca River, having broken up, overflowed the lake along its
channel; but except where this water spread there was no appearance of
decay in the ice.

May.

During the first part of this month the wind blew from the North-West
and the sky was cloudy. It generally thawed during the day but froze at
night. On the 2nd the Aurora Borealis faintly gleamed through very
dense clouds.

We had a long conversation with Mr. Dease of the North-West Company who
had recently arrived from his station at the bottom of the Athabasca
Lake. This gentleman, having passed several winters on the Mackenzie’s
River and at the posts to the northward of Slave Lake, possessed
considerable information respecting the Indians and those parts of the
country to which our inquiries were directed, which he very promptly
and kindly communicated. During our conversation an old Chipewyan
Indian named the Rabbit’s Head entered the room, to whom Mr. Dease
referred for information on some point. We found from his answer that
he was a stepson of the late chief Matonnabee who had accompanied Mr.
Hearne on his journey to the sea, and that he had himself been of the
party but, being then a mere boy, he had forgotten many of the
circumstances. He confirmed however the leading incidents related by
Hearne and was positive he reached the sea, though he admitted that
none of the party had tasted the water. He represented himself to be
the only survivor of that party. As he was esteemed a good Indian I
presented him with a medal which he received gratefully and concluded a
long speech upon the occasion by assuring me he should preserve it
carefully all his life. The old man afterwards became more
communicative and unsolicited began to relate the tradition of his
tribe respecting the discovery of the Copper-Mine, which we thought
amusing: and as the subject is somewhat connected with our future
researches I will insert the translation of it which was given at the
time by Mr. Dease, though a slight mention of it has been made by
Hearne.

The Chipewyans suppose the Esquimaux originally inhabited some land to
the northward which is separated by the sea from this country; and that
in the earliest ages of the world a party of these men came over and
stole a woman from their tribe whom they carried to this distant
country and kept in a state of slavery. She was very unhappy in her
situation and effected her escape after many years residence among
them. The forlorn creature wandered about for some days in a state of
uncertainty what direction to take, when she chanced to fall upon a
beaten path which she followed and was led to the sea. At the sight of
the ocean her hope of being able to return to her native country
vanished and she sat herself down in despair and wept. A wolf now
advanced to caress her and, having licked the tears from her eyes,
walked into the water, and she perceived with joy that it did not reach
up to the body of the animal; emboldened by this appearance she
instantly arose, provided two sticks to support herself, and determined
on following the wolf. The first and second nights she proceeded on
without finding any increase in the depth of the water and, when
fatigued, rested herself on the sticks whose upper ends she fastened
together for the purpose. She was alarmed on the third morning by
arriving at a deeper part, but resolved on going forward at any risk
rather than return; and her daring perseverance was crowned with
success by her attaining her native shore on the fifth day. She
fortunately came to a part where there was a beaten path which she knew
to be the track made by the reindeer in their migrations. Here she
halted and prepared some sort of weapon for killing them; as soon as
this was completed she had the gratification to behold several herds
advancing along the road, and had the happiness of killing a sufficient
number for her winter’s subsistence, which she determined to pass at
that place, and therefore formed a house for herself after the manner
she had learned from the Esquimaux. When spring came and she emerged
from her subterraneous dwelling (for such the Chipewyans suppose it to
have been) she was astonished by observing a glittering appearance on a
distant hill which she knew was not produced by the reflection of the
sun and, being at a loss to assign any other cause for it, she resolved
on going up to the shining object and then found the hill was entirely
composed of copper. She broke off several pieces and, finding it
yielded so readily to her beating, it occurred to her that this metal
would be very serviceable to her countrymen if she should find them
again. While she was meditating on what was to be done the thought
struck her that it would be advisable to attach as many pieces of
copper to her dress as she could and then proceed into the interior in
search of some inhabitants who, she supposed, would give her a
favourable reception on account of the treasure she had brought.

It happened that she met her own relations and the young men, elated
with the account she had given of the hill, made her instantly return
with them, which she was enabled to do, having taken the precaution of
putting up marks to indicate the path. The party reached the spot in
safety but the story had a melancholy catastrophe. These youths,
overcome by excess of joy, gave loose to their passions and offered the
grossest insults to their benefactress. She powerfully resisted them
for some time and, when her strength was failing, fled to the point of
the mountain as the only place of security. The moment she had gained
the summit the earth opened and ingulphed both herself and the mountain
to the utter dismay of the men who were not more astonished at its
sudden disappearance than sorrowful for this just punishment of their
wickedness. Ever since this event the copper has only been found in
small detached pieces on the surface of the earth.

On the 10th of May we were gratified by the appearance of spring though
the ice remained firm on the lake. The anemone (pulsatilla, pasque
flower) appeared this day in flower, the trees began to put forth their
leaves, and the mosquitoes visited the warm rooms. On the 17th and 18th
there were frequent showers of rain and much thunder and lightning.
This moist weather caused the ice to waste so rapidly that by the 24th
it had entirely disappeared from the lake. The gentlemen belonging to
both the Companies quickly arrived from the different posts in this
department, bringing their winter’s collection of furs which are
forwarded from these establishments to the depôts.

I immediately waited on Mr. Colin Robertson, the agent of the Hudson’s
Bay Company, and communicated to him, as I had done before to the
several partners of the North-West Company, our plan and the
requisitions we should have to make on each Company, and I requested of
all the gentlemen the favour of their advice and suggestions. As I
perceived that the arrangement of their winter accounts and other
business fully occupied them I forbore further pressing the subject of
our concerns for some days until there was an appearance of despatching
the first brigade of canoes. It then became necessary to urge their
attention to them; but it was evident from the determined commercial
opposition and the total want of intercourse between the two Companies
that we could not expect to receive any cordial advice or the assurance
of the aid of both without devising some expedient to bring the parties
together. I therefore caused a tent to be pitched at a distance from
both establishments and solicited the gentlemen of both Companies to
meet Mr. Back and myself there for the purpose of affording us their
combined assistance.

With this request they immediately complied and on May 25th we were
joined at the tent by Mr. Stuart and Mr. Grant of the North-West
Company and Mr. Colin Robertson of the Hudson’s Bay Company, all of
whom kindly gave very satisfactory answers to a series of questions
which we had drawn up for the occasion and promised all the aid in
their power.

PREPARATIONS FOR OUR JOURNEY TO THE NORTHWARD.


Furnished with the information thus obtained we proceeded to make some
arrangements respecting the obtaining of men and the stores we should
require for their equipment as well as for presents to the Indians; and
on the following day a requisition was made on the Companies for eight
men each and whatever useful stores they could supply. We learned with
regret that, in consequence of the recent lavish expenditure of their
goods in support of the opposition, their supply to us would of
necessity be very limited. The men too were backward in offering their
services, especially those of the Hudson’s Bay Company who demanded a
much higher rate of wages than I considered it proper to grant.

June 3.

Mr. Smith, a partner of the North-West Company, arrived from the Great
Slave Lake bearing the welcome news that the principal chief of the
Copper Indians had received the communication of our arrival with joy
and given all the intelligence he possessed respecting the route to the
sea-coast by the Copper-Mine River; and that he and a party of his men,
at the instance of Mr. Wentzel, a clerk of the North-West Company whom
they wished might go along with them, had engaged to accompany the
Expedition as guides and hunters. They were to wait our arrival at Fort
Providence on the north side of the Slave Lake. Their information
coincided with that given by Beaulieu. They had no doubt of our being
able to obtain the means of subsistence in travelling to the coast.
This agreeable intelligence had a happy effect upon the Canadian
voyagers, many of their fears being removed: several of them seemed now
disposed to volunteer; and indeed on the same evening two men from the
North-West Company offered themselves and were accepted.

June 5.

This day Mr. Back and I went over to Fort Wedderburne to see Mr.
Robertson respecting his quota of men. We learned from him that,
notwithstanding his endeavours to persuade them, his most experienced
voyagers still declined engaging without very exorbitant wages. After
some hesitation however six men engaged with us who were represented to
be active and steady; and I also got Mr. Robertson’s permission for St.
Germain, an interpreter belonging to this Company, to accompany us from
Slave Lake if he should choose. The bowmen and steersmen were to
receive one thousand six hundred livres Halifax per annum, and the
middle men one thousand two hundred, exclusive of their necessary
equipments; and they stipulated that their wages should be continued
until their arrival in Montreal or their rejoining the service of their
present employers.

I delivered to Mr. Robertson an official request that the stores we had
left at York Factory and the Rock Depôt with some other supplies might
be forwarded to Slave Lake by the first brigade of canoes which should
come in. He also took charge of my letters addressed to the Admiralty.
Five men were afterwards engaged from the North-West Company for the
same wages and under the same stipulations as the others, besides an
interpreter for the Copper Indians; but this man required three
thousand livres Halifax currency which we were obliged to give him as
his services were indispensable.

The extreme scarcity of provision at the posts rendered it necessary to
despatch all our men to the Mammawee Lake where they might procure
their own subsistence by fishing. The women and children resident at
the fort were also sent away for the same purpose; and no other
families were permitted to remain at the houses after the departure of
the canoes than those belonging to the men who were required to carry
on the daily duty.

The large party of officers and men which had assembled here from the
different posts in the department was again quickly dispersed. The
first brigade of canoes laden with furs was despatched to the depôt on
May 30th and the others followed in two or three days afterwards. Mr.
Stuart, the senior partner of the North-West Company, quitted us for
the same destination on June 4th; Mr. Robertson for his depôt on the
next day; and on the 9th we parted with our friend Mr. Keith, to whose
unremitting kindness we felt much indebted. I entrusted to his care a
box containing some drawings by Mr. Back, the map of our route from
Cumberland House, and the skin of a black beaver (presented to the
Expedition by Mr. Smith) with my official letters addressed to the
Under-Secretary of State. I wrote by each of these gentlemen to inform
Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood of the scarcity of stores at these posts
and to request them to procure all they possibly could on their route.
Mr. Smith was left in charge of this post during the summer; this
gentleman soon evinced his desire to further our progress by directing
a new canoe to be built for our use which was commenced immediately.

June 21.

This day an opportunity offered of sending letters to the Great Slave
Lake and I profited by it to request Mr. Wentzel would accompany the
Expedition agreeably to the desire of the Copper Indians, communicating
to him that I had received permission for him to do so from the
partners of the North-West Company. Should he be disposed to comply
with my invitation I desired that he would go over to Fort Providence
and remain near the Indians whom he had engaged for our service. I
feared lest they should become impatient at our unexpected delay and,
with the usual fickleness of the Indian character, remove from the
establishment before we could arrive. It had been my intention to go to
them myself, could the articles with which they expected to be
presented on my arrival have been provided at these establishments; but
as they could not be procured I was compelled to defer my visit until
our canoes should arrive. Mr. Smith supposed that my appearance amongst
them without the means of satisfying any of their desires would give
them an unfavourable impression respecting the Expedition which would
make them indifferent to exertion if it did not even cause them to
withdraw from their engagements.

The establishments at this place, Forts Chipewyan and Wedderburne, the
chief posts of the Companies in this department, are conveniently
situated for communicating with the Slave and Peace Rivers from whence
the canoes assemble in the spring and autumn; on the first occasion
they bring the collection of furs which has been made at the different
outposts during the winter; and at the latter season they receive a
supply of stores for the equipment of the Indians in their vicinity.
Fort Wedderburne is a small house which was constructed on Coal Island
about five years ago when the Hudson’s Bay Company recommenced trading
in this part of the country. Fort Chipewyan has been built many years
and is an establishment of very considerable extent, conspicuously
situated on a rocky point of the northern shore; it has a tower which
can be seen at a considerable distance. This addition was made about
eight years ago to watch the motions of the Indians who intended, as it
was then reported, to destroy the house and all its inhabitants. They
had been instigated to this rash design by the delusive stories of one
among them who had acquired great influence over his companions by his
supposed skill in necromancy. This fellow had prophesied that there
would soon be a complete change in the face of their country, that
fertility and plenty would succeed to the present sterility, and that
the present race of white inhabitants, unless they became subservient
to the Indians, would be removed and their place be filled by other
traders who would supply their wants in every possible manner. The poor
deluded wretches, imagining they would hasten this happy change by
destroying their present traders, of whose submission there was no
prospect, threatened to extirpate them. None of these menaces however
were put in execution. They were probably deterred from the attempt by
perceiving that a most vigilant guard was kept against them.

The portion of this extensive lake which is near the establishments is
called The Lake of the Hills, not improperly as the northern shore and
the islands are high and rocky. The south side however is quite level,
consisting of alluvial land, subject to be flooded, lying betwixt the
different mouths of the Elk River and much intersected by water. The
rocks of the northern shore are composed of syenite over which the soil
is thinly spread; it is however sufficient to support a variety of firs
and poplars and many shrubs, lichens and mosses. The trees were now in
full foliage, the plants generally in flower, and the whole scene quite
enlivening. There can scarcely be a higher gratification than that
which is enjoyed in this country in witnessing the rapid change which
takes place in the course of a few days in the spring; scarcely does
the snow disappear from the ground before the trees are clothed with
thick foliage, the shrubs open their leaves and put forth their
variegated flowers, and the whole prospect becomes animating. The
spaces between the rocky hills, being for the most part swampy, support
willows and a few poplars. These spots are the favourite resort of the
mosquitoes, which incessantly torment the unfortunate persons who have
to pass through them.

Some of the hills attain an elevation of five or six hundred feet at
the distance of a mile from the house; and from their summits a very
picturesque view is commanded of the lake and of the surrounding
country. The land above the Great Point at the confluence of the main
stream of the Elk River is six or seven hundred feet high and stretches
in a southern direction behind Pierre au Calumet. Opposite to that
establishment, on the west side of the river, at some distance in the
interior, the Bark Mountain rises and ranges to the North-West until it
reaches Clear Lake, about thirty miles to the southward of these forts,
and then goes to the south-westward. The Cree Indians generally procure
from this range their provision as well as the bark for making their
canoes. There is another range of hills on the south shore which runs
towards the Peace River.

The residents of these establishments depend for subsistence almost
entirely on the fish which this lake affords; they are usually caught
in sufficient abundance throughout the winter though at the distance of
eighteen miles from the houses; on the thawing of the ice the fish
remove into some smaller lakes and the rivers to the south shore.
Though they are nearer to the forts than in winter it frequently
happens that high winds prevent the canoes from transporting them
thither and the residents are kept in consequence without a supply of
food for two or three days together. The fish caught in the net are the
attihhawmegh, trout, carp, methye, and pike.[15]

 [15] See above.


The traders also get supplied by the hunters with buffalo and
moose-deer meat (which animals are found at some distance from the
forts) but the greater part of it is either in a dried state or pounded
ready for making pemmican and is required for the men whom they keep
travelling during the winter to collect the furs from the Indians, and
for the crews of the canoes on their outward passage to the depôts in
spring. There was a great want of provision this season, and both the
Companies had much difficulty to provide a bare sufficiency for their
different brigades of canoes. Mr. Smith assured me that after the
canoes had been despatched he had only five hundred pounds of meat
remaining for the use of the men who might travel from the post during
the summer and that, five years preceding, there had been thirty
thousand pounds in store under similar circumstances. He ascribed this
amazing difference more to the indolent habits which the Indians had
acquired since the commercial struggle commenced than to their recent
sickness, mentioning in confirmation of his opinion that they could
now, by the produce of little exertion, obtain whatever they demanded
from either establishment.

At the opening of the water in spring the Indians resort to the
establishments to settle their accounts with the traders and to procure
the necessaries they require for the summer. This meeting is generally
a scene of much riot and confusion as the hunters receive such
quantities of spirits as to keep them in a state of intoxication for
several days. This spring however, owing to the great deficiency of
spirits, we had the gratification of seeing them generally sober. They
belong to the great family of the Chipewyan or Northern Indians,
dialects of their language being spoken in the Peace and Mackenzie’s
Rivers and by the populous tribes in New Caledonia, as ascertained by
Sir Alexander Mackenzie in his journey to the Pacific. They style
themselves generally _Dinneh_ men, or Indians, but each tribe or horde
adds some distinctive epithet taken from the name of the river or lake
on which they hunt, or the district from which they last migrated.
Those who come to Fort Chipewyan term themselves Saweessawdinneh
(Indians from the rising sun or Eastern Indians) their original hunting
grounds being between the Athabasca and Great Slave Lakes and Churchill
River. This district, more particularly termed the Chipewyan lands or
_barren country_, is frequented by numerous herds of reindeer which
furnish easy subsistence and clothing to the Indians, but the traders
endeavour to keep them in the parts to the westward where the beavers
resort. There are about one hundred and sixty hunters who carry their
furs to the Great Slave Lake, forty to Hay River, and two hundred and
forty to Fort Chipewyan. A few Northern Indians also resort to the
posts at the bottom of the Lake of the Hills, on Red Deer Lake, and to
Churchill. The distance however of the latter post from their hunting
grounds and the sufferings to which they are exposed in going thither
from want of food have induced those who were formerly accustomed to
visit it to convey their furs to some nearer station.

These people are so minutely described by Hearne and Mackenzie that
little can be added by a passing stranger whose observations were made
during short interviews and when they were at the forts, where they lay
aside many of their distinguishing characteristics and strive to
imitate the manners of the voyagers and traders.

The Chipewyans are by no means prepossessing in appearance: they have
broad faces, projecting cheek-bones and wide nostrils; but they have
generally good teeth and fine eyes. When at the fort they imitate the
dress of the Canadians except that instead of trousers they prefer the
Indian stockings, which only reach from the thigh to the ankle, and in
place of the waistband they have a piece of cloth round the middle
which hangs down loosely before and behind. Their hunting dress
consists of a leathern shirt and stockings over which a blanket is
thrown, the head being covered with a fur cap or band. Their manner is
reserved and their habits are selfish; they beg with unceasing
importunity for everything they see. I never saw men who either
received or bestowed a gift with such bad grace; they almost snatch the
thing from you in the one instance and throw it at you in the other. It
could not be expected that such men should display in their tents the
amiable hospitality which prevails generally amongst the Indians of
this country. A stranger may go away hungry from their lodges unless he
possess sufficient impudence to thrust uninvited his knife into the
kettle and help himself. The owner indeed never deigns to take any
notice of such an act of rudeness except by a frown, it being beneath
the dignity of a hunter to make disturbance about a piece of meat.

As some relief to the darker shades of their character it should be
stated that instances of theft are extremely rare amongst them. They
profess strong affection for their children and some regard for their
relations who are often numerous, as they trace very far the ties of
consanguinity. A curious instance of the former was mentioned to us and
so well authenticated that I shall venture to give it in the words of
Dr. Richardson’s Journal:

A young Chipewyan had separated from the rest of his band for the
purpose of trenching beaver when his wife, who was his sole companion
and in her first pregnancy, was seized with the pains of labour. She
died on the third day after she had given birth to a boy. The husband
was inconsolable and vowed in his anguish never to take another woman
to wife, but his grief was soon in some degree absorbed in anxiety for
the fate of his infant son. To preserve its life he descended to the
office of nurse, so degrading in the eyes of a Chipewyan as partaking
of the duties of a woman. He swaddled it in soft moss, fed it with
broth made from the flesh of the deer and, to still its cries, applied
it to his breast, praying earnestly to the great Master of Life to
assist his endeavours. The force of the powerful passion by which he
was actuated produced the same effect in his case as it has done in
some others which are recorded: a flow of milk actually took place from
his breast. He succeeded in rearing his child, taught him to be a
hunter and, when he attained the age of manhood, chose him a wife from
the tribe. The old man kept his vow in never taking a second wife
himself but he delighted in tending his son’s children and, when his
daughter-in-law used to interfere, saying that it was not the
occupation of a man, he was wont to reply that he had promised to the
Great Master of Life, if his child were spared, never to be proud like
the other Indians. He used to mention too, as a certain proof of the
approbation of Providence that, although he was always obliged to carry
his child on his back while hunting, yet that it never roused a moose
by its cries, being always particularly still at those times. Our
informant[16] added that he had often seen this Indian in his old age
and that his left breast even then retained the unusual size it had
acquired in his occupation of nurse.

 [16] Mr. Wentzel.


We had proof of their sensibility towards their relations in their
declining to pitch their tents where they had been accustomed for many
years, alleging a fear of being reminded of the happy hours they had
formerly spent there in the society of the affectionate relatives whom
the sickness had recently carried off. The change of situation however
had not the effect of relieving them from sorrowful impressions, and
they occasionally indulged in very loud lamentations as they sat in
groups within and without their tents. Unfortunately the spreading of a
severe dysentery amongst them at this time gave occasion for the
renewal of their grief. The medicinal charms of drumming and singing
were plentifully applied and once they had recourse to conjuring over a
sick person. I was informed however that the Northern Indians do not
make this expedient for the cure of a patient so often as the Crees;
but when they do the conjurer is most assiduous and suffers great
personal fatigue. Particular persons only are trained in the mysteries
of the art of conjuring to procure the recovery of the sick or to
disclose future events.

On extraordinary occasions the man remains in his narrow conjuring
tents for days without eating before he can determine the matter to his
satisfaction. When he is consulted about the sick the patient is shut
up with him; but on other occasions he is alone and the poor creature
often works his mind up to a pitch of illusion that can scarcely be
imagined by one who has not witnessed it. His deluded companions seat
themselves round his tent and await his communication with earnest
anxiety, yet during the progress of his manœuvres they often venture to
question him as to the disposition of the Great Spirit.

These artful fellows usually gain complete ascendancy over the minds of
their companions. They are supported by voluntary contributions of
provision that their minds may not be diverted by the labour of hunting
from the peculiar duties of their profession.

The chiefs among the Chipewyans are now totally without power. The
presents of a flag and a gaudy dress still bestowed upon them by the
traders do not procure for them any respect or obedience except from
the youths of their own families. This is to be attributed mainly to
their living at peace with their neighbours and to the facility which
the young men find in getting their wants supplied independent of the
recommendation of the chiefs which was formerly required. In war
excursions boldness and intrepidity would still command respect and
procure authority; but the influence thus acquired would probably cease
with the occasion that called it forth. The traders however endeavour
to support their authority by continuing towards them the accustomed
marks of respect hoisting the flag and firing a salute of musketry on
their entering the fort.

The chief halts at a distance from the house and despatches one of his
young men to announce his approach and to bring his flag, which is
carried before him when he arrives. The messenger carries back to him
some vermilion to ornament the faces of his party, together with a
looking-glass and comb, some tobacco, and a few rounds of ammunition
that they may return the salute. These men paint round the eyes, the
forehead, and the cheekbones.

The Northern Indians evince no little vanity by assuming to themselves
the comprehensive title of The People, whilst they designate all other
nations by the name of their particular country. If men were seen at a
distance and a Chipewyan was asked who those persons were he would
answer The People if he recognised them to belong to his tribe and
never Chipewyans; but he would give them their respective names if they
were Europeans, Canadians, or Cree Indians.

As they suppose their ancestors to come originally from the east those
who happen to be born in the eastern part of their territory are
considered to be of the purest race. I have been informed that all the
Indians who trade at the different posts in the north-west parts of
America imagine that their forefathers came from the east, except the
Dog-Ribs who reside between the Copper Indian Islands and the
Mackenzie’s River and who deduce their origin from the west, which is
the more remarkable as they speak a dialect of the Chipewyan language.
I could gather no information respecting their religious opinions
except that they have a tradition of the deluge.

The Chipewyans are considered to be less expert hunters than the Crees,
which probably arises from their residing much on the barren lands
where the reindeer are so numerous that little skill is requisite. A
good hunter however is highly esteemed among them. The facility of
procuring goods since the commercial opposition commenced has given
great encouragement to their native indolence of disposition, as is
manifested by the difference in the amount of their collections of furs
and provision between the late and former years. From six to eight
hundred packs of furs used formerly to be sent from this department,
now the return seldom exceeds half that amount. The decrease in the
provision has been already mentioned.

The Northern Indians suppose that they originally sprang from a dog;
and about five years ago a superstitious fanatic so strongly impressed
upon their minds the impropriety of employing these animals, to which
they were related, for purposes of labour that they universally
resolved against using them any more and, strange as it may seem,
destroyed them. They now have to drag everything themselves on sledges.
This laborious task falls most heavily on the women; nothing can more
shock the feelings of a person accustomed to civilised life than to
witness the state of their degradation. When a party is on a march the
women have to drag the tent, the meat, and whatever the hunter
possesses, whilst he only carries his gun and medicine case. In the
evening they form the encampment, cut wood, fetch water, and prepare
the supper; and then, perhaps, are not permitted to partake of the fare
until the men have finished. A successful hunter sometimes has two or
three wives; whoever happens to be the favourite assumes authority over
the others and has the management of the tent. These men usually treat
their wives unkindly and even with harshness; except indeed when they
are about to increase the family and then they show them much
indulgence.

Hearne charges the Chipewyans with the dreadful practice of abandoning,
in extremity, their aged and sick people. The only instance that came
under our personal notice was attended with some palliating
circumstances: An old woman arrived at Fort Chipewyan during our
residence with her son, a little boy about ten years old, both of whom
had been deserted by their relations and left in an encampment when
much reduced by sickness: two or three days after their departure the
woman gained a little strength and, with the assistance of the boy, was
enabled to paddle a canoe to the fishing station of this post where
they were supported for some days until they were enabled to proceed in
search of some other relations who they expected would treat them with
more kindness. I learned that the woman bore an extremely bad
character, having even been guilty of infanticide and that her
companions considered her offences merited the desertion.

This tribe since its present intimate connection with the traders has
discontinued its war excursions against the Esquimaux, but they still
speak of that nation in terms of the most inveterate hatred. We have
only conversed with four men who have been engaged in any of those
expeditions; all these confirm the statements of Black Meat respecting
the sea-coast. Our observations concerning the half-breed population in
this vicinity coincided so exactly with those which have been given of
similar persons in Dr. Richardson’s account of the Crees that any
statement respecting them at this place is unnecessary. Both the
Companies have wisely prohibited their servants from intermarrying with
pure Indian women, which was formerly the cause of many quarrels with
the tribes.

The weather was extremely variable during the month of June; we
scarcely had two clear days in succession, and the showers of rain were
frequent; the winds were often strong and generally blowing from the
north-east quarter. On the evening of the 16th the Aurora Borealis was
visible but after that date the nights were too light for our
discerning it.

The mosquitoes swarmed in great numbers about the house and tormented
us so incessantly by their irritating stings that we were compelled to
keep our rooms constantly filled with smoke which is the only means of
driving them away: the weather indeed was now warm. Having received one
of Dollond’s eighteen-inch spirit thermometers from Mr. Stuart, which
he had the kindness to send us from his post at Pierre au Calumet after
he had learned that ours had been rendered useless, I observed the
temperature at noon on the 25th of June to be 63°.

On the following morning we made an excursion accompanied by Mr. Smith
round the fishing stations on the south side of the lake for the
purpose of visiting our men; we passed several groups of women and
children belonging to both the forts, posted wherever they could find a
sufficiently dry spot for an encampment. At length we came to our men,
pitched upon a narrow strip of land situated between two rivers. Though
the portion of dry ground did not exceed fifty yards yet they appeared
to be living very comfortably, having formed huts with the canoe’s sail
and covering, and were amply supported by the fish their nets daily
furnished. They sometimes had a change in their fare by procuring a few
ducks and other waterfowl which resort in great abundance to the
marshes by which they were surrounded.

July 2.

The canoe which was ordered to be built for our use was finished. As it
was constructed after the manner described by Hearne and several of the
American travellers a detail of the process will be unnecessary. Its
extreme length was thirty-two feet six inches, including the bow and
stern pieces, its greatest breadth was four feet ten inches, but it was
only two feet nine inches forward where the bowman sat, and two feet
four inches behind where the steersman was placed, and its depth was
one foot eleven and a quarter inches. There were seventy-three hoops of
thin cedar and a layer of slender laths of the same wood within the
frame. These feeble vessels of bark will carry twenty-five pieces of
goods, each weighing ninety pounds exclusive of the necessary provision
and baggage for the crew of five or six men, amounting in the whole to
about three thousand three hundred pounds’ weight. This great lading
they annually carry between the depôts and the posts in the interior;
and it rarely happens that any accidents occur if they be managed by
experienced bowmen and steersmen, on whose skill the safety of the
canoe entirely depends in the rapids and difficult places. When a total
portage is made these two men carry the canoe, and they often run with
it though its weight is estimated at about three hundred pounds
exclusive of the poles and oars which are occasionally left in where
the distance is short.

On the 5th we made an excursion for the purpose of trying our canoe. A
heavy gale came on in the evening which caused a great swell in the
lake and in crossing the waves we had the satisfaction to find that our
birchen vessel proved an excellent sea-boat.

July 7.

This morning some men and their families, who had been sent off to
search for Indians with whom they intended to pass the summer, returned
to the fort in consequence of a serious accident having befallen their
canoe in the Red Deer River; when they were in the act of hauling up a
strong rapid the line broke, the canoe was overturned, and two of the
party narrowly escaped drowning; fortunately the women and children
happened to be on shore or in all probability they would have perished
in the confusion of the scene. Nearly all their stores, their guns and
fishing nets were lost, and they could not procure any other food for
the last four days than some unripe berries.

Some gentlemen arrived in the evening with a party of Chipewyan Indians
from Hay River, a post between the Peace River and the Great Slave
Lake. These men gave distressing accounts of sickness among their
relatives and the Indians in general along the Peace River, and they
said many of them have died. The disease was described as dysentery. On
the 10th and 11th we had very sultry weather and were dreadfully
tormented by mosquitoes. The highest temperature was 73°.

ARRIVAL OF DR. RICHARDSON AND MR. HOOD.


July 13.

This morning Mr. Back and I had the sincere gratification of welcoming
our long-separated friends, Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood, who arrived in
perfect health with two canoes, having made a very expeditious journey
from Cumberland notwithstanding they were detained near three days in
consequence of the melancholy loss of one of their bowmen by the
upsetting of a canoe in a strong rapid but, as the occurrences of this
journey together with the mention of some other circumstances that
happened previous to their departure from Cumberland, which have been
extracted from Mr. Hood’s narrative, will appear in the following
chapter, it will be unnecessary to enter further into these points now.

The zeal and talent displayed by Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood in the
discharge of their several duties since my separation from them drew
forth my highest approbation. These gentlemen had brought all the
stores they could procure from the establishments at Cumberland and
Isle à la Crosse; and at the latter place they had received ten bags of
pemmican from the North-West Company, which proved to be mouldy and so
totally unfit for use that it was left at the Methye Portage. They got
none from the Hudson’s Bay post. The voyagers belonging to that
Company, being destitute of provision, had eaten what was intended for
us. In consequence of these untoward circumstances the canoes arrived
with only one day’s supply of this most essential article. The prospect
of having to commence our journey from hence almost destitute of
provision and scantily supplied with stores was distressing to us and
very discouraging to the men. It was evident however that any
unnecessary delay here would have been very imprudent as Fort Chipewyan
did not at the present time furnish the means of subsistence for so
large a party, much less was there a prospect of our receiving a supply
to carry us forward. We therefore hastened to make the necessary
arrangements for our speedy departure. All the stores were demanded
that could possibly be spared from both the establishments; and we
rejoiced to find that, when this collection was added to the articles
that had been brought up by the canoes, we had a sufficient quantity of
clothing for the equipment of the men who had been engaged here, as
well as to furnish a present to the Indians, besides some few goods for
the winter’s consumption; but we could not procure any ammunition which
was the most essential article, or spirits, and but little tobacco.

We then made a final arrangement respecting the voyagers who were to
accompany the party; and fortunately there was no difficulty in doing
this as Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood had taken the very judicious
precaution of bringing up ten men from Cumberland who were engaged to
proceed forward if their services were required. The Canadians whom
they brought were most desirous of being continued, and we felt sincere
pleasure in being able to keep men who were so zealous in the cause and
who had given proofs of their activity on their recent passage to this
place by discharging those men who were less willing to undertake the
journey; of these three were Englishmen, one American, and three
Canadians. When the numbers were completed which we had been
recommended by the traders to take as a protection against the
Esquimaux we had sixteen Canadian voyagers and our worthy and only
English attendant John Hepburn, besides the two interpreters whom we
were to receive at the Great Slave Lake; we were also accompanied by a
Chipewyan woman. An equipment of goods was given to each of the men who
had been engaged at this place similar to what had been furnished to
the others at Cumberland; and when this distribution had been made the
remainder were made up into bales preparatory to our departure on the
following day. We were cheerfully assisted in these and all our
occupations by Mr. Smith who evinced an anxious desire to supply our
wants as far as his means permitted.

Mr. Hood having brought up the dipping needle from Cumberland House, we
ascertained the dip to be 85° 23′ 42″, and the difference produced by
reversing the face of the instrument was 6° 2′ 10″. The intensity of
the magnetic force was also observed. Several observations had been
procured on both sides of the moon during our residence at Fort
Chipewyan, the result of which gave for its longitude 111° 18′ 20″
West, its latitude was observed to be 58° 42′ 38″ North, and the
variation of the compass 22° 49′ 32″ East. Fresh rates were procured
for the chronometers and their errors determined for Greenwich time by
which the survey to the northward was carried on.




CHAPTER 6.

MR. HOOD’S JOURNEY TO THE BASQUIAU HILL. SOJOURNS WITH AN INDIAN PARTY.
HIS JOURNEY TO CHIPEWYAN.


MR. HOOD’S JOURNEY TO THE BASQUIAU HILL.


March, 1820.

Being desirous of obtaining a drawing of a moose-deer, and also of
making some observation on the height of the Aurora Borealis, I set out
on the 23rd to pass a few days at the Basquiau Hill. Two men
accompanied me with dogs and sledges who were going to the hill for
meat. We found the Saskatchewan open and were obliged to follow it
several miles to the eastward. We did not then cross it without wading
in water which had overflowed the ice, and our snowshoes were
encumbered with a heavy weight for the remainder of the day. On the
south bank of the Saskatchewan were some poplars ten or twelve feet in
circumference at the root. Beyond the river we traversed an extensive
swamp bounded by woods. In the evening we crossed the Swan Lake, about
six miles in breadth and eight in length, and halted on its south side
for the night, twenty-four miles South-South-West of Cumberland House.

At four in the morning of the 24th we continued the journey and crossed
some creeks in the woods and another large swamp. These swamps are
covered with water in summer to the depth of several feet which arises
from the melted snow from the higher grounds. The tracks of foxes,
wolves, wolverines and martens were very numerous. The people employed
in carrying meat set traps on their way out and take possession of
their captures at their return, for which they receive a sum from the
Company proportioned to the value of the fur.

In the evening we crossed the Goose Lake which is a little longer than
Swan Lake and afterwards the river Sepanach, a branch of the
Saskatchewan forming an island extending thirty miles above and forty
below Cumberland House. We turned to the westward on the Root River
which enters the Sepanach and halted on its banks, having made in
direct distance not more than twenty miles since the 23rd.

We passed the Shoal Lake on the 25th and then marched twelve miles
through woods and swamps to a hunting tent of the Indians. It was
situated in a grove of large poplars and would have been no unpleasant
residence if we could have avoided the smoke. A heavy gale from the
westward with snow confined us for several days to this tent. On the
30th two Indians arrived, one of whom, named the Warrior, was well
known at the House. We endeavoured to prevail upon them to set out in
quest of moose which they agreed to do on receiving some rum. Promises
were of no avail; the smallest present gratification is preferred to
the certainty of ample reward at another period; an unfailing
indication of strong animal passions and a weak understanding. On our
compliance with their demand they departed.

The next day I went to the Warrior’s tent distant about eleven miles.
The country was materially changed: the pine had disappeared and gentle
slopes with clumps of large poplars formed some pleasing groups:
willows were scattered over the swamps. When I entered the tent the
Indians spread a buffalo robe before the fire and desired me to sit
down. Some were eating, others sleeping, many of them without any
covering except the breechcloth and a blanket over the shoulders, a
state in which they love to indulge themselves till hunger drives them
forth to the chase. Besides the Warrior’s family there was that of
another hunter named _Long-legs_ whose bad success in hunting had
reduced him to the necessity of feeding on moose leather for three
weeks when he was compassionately relieved by the Warrior. I was an
unwilling witness of the preparation of my dinner by the Indian women.
They cut into pieces a portion of fat meat, using for that purpose a
knife and their teeth. It was boiled in a kettle and served in a
platter made of birch bark from which, being dirty, they had peeled the
surface. However the flavour of good moose meat will survive any
process that it undergoes in their hands except smoking.

Having provided myself with some drawing materials I amused the Indians
with a sketch of the interior of the tent and its inhabitants. An old
woman who was relating with great volubility an account of some quarrel
with the traders at Cumberland House broke off from her narration when
she perceived my design, supposing perhaps that I was employing some
charm against her; for the Indians have been taught a supernatural
dread of particular pictures. One of the young men drew with a piece of
charcoal a figure resembling a frog on the side of the tent and, by
significantly pointing at me, excited peals of merriment from his
companions. The caricature was comic, but I soon fixed their attention
by producing my pocket compass and affecting it with a knife. They have
great curiosity which might easily be directed to the attainment of
useful knowledge. As the dirt accumulated about these people was
visibly of a communicative nature I removed at night into the open air
where the thermometer fell to 15° below zero although it was the next
day 60° above it.

In the morning the Warrior and his companion arrived; I found that,
instead of hunting, they had passed the whole time in a drunken fit at
a short distance from the tent. In reply to our angry questions the
Warrior held out an empty vessel as if to demand the payment of a debt
before he entered into any new negotiation. Not being inclined to
starve his family we set out for another Indian tent ten miles to the
southward, but we found only the frame or tent poles standing when we
reached the spot. The men, by digging where the fireplace had been,
ascertained that the Indians had quitted it the day before and, as
their marches are short when encumbered with the women and baggage, we
sought out their track and followed it. At an abrupt angle of it which
was obscured by trees the men suddenly disappeared and, hastening
forward to discover the cause, I perceived them both still rolling at
the foot of a steep cliff over which they had been dragged while
endeavouring to stop the descent of their sledges. The dogs were gazing
silently with the wreck of their harness about them and the sledges
deeply buried in the snow. The effects of this accident did not detain
us long and we proceeded afterwards with greater caution.

SOJOURNS WITH AN INDIAN PARTY.


The air was warm at noon and the solitary but sweet notes of the jay,
the earliest spring bird, were in every wood. Late in the evening we
descried the ravens wheeling in circles round a small grove of poplars
and, according to our expectations, found the Indians encamped there.

The men were absent hunting and returned unsuccessful. They had been
several days without provisions and, thinking that I could depend upon
the continuance of their exertions, I gave them a little rum; the next
day their set out and at midnight they swept by us with their dogs in
close pursuit.

In the morning we found that a moose had eaten the bark of a tree near
our fire. The hunters however again failed; and they attributed the
extreme difficulty of approaching the chase to the calmness of the
weather, which enabled it to hear them at a great distance.

They concluded, as usual when labouring under any affliction, that they
were tormented by the evil spirit, and assembled to beat a large
tambourine and sing an address to the Manito or deity, praying for
relief according to the explanation which I received; but their prayer
consisted of only three words constantly repeated. One of the hunters
yet remained abroad and, as the wind rose at noon, we had hopes that he
was successful. In the evening he made his appearance and, announcing
that he had killed a large moose, immediately secured the reward which
had been promised.

The tidings were received with apparent indifference by people whose
lives are alternate changes from the extremity of want to abundance.
But as their countenances seldom betray their emotions it cannot be
determined whether their apathy is real or affected. However the women
prepared their sledges and dogs with the design of dismembering and
bringing home the carcass, a proceeding to which, in their necessitous
condition, I could have had neither reasonable nor available objections
without giving them a substitute. By much solicitation I obtained an
audience and offered them our own provisions on condition of their
suspending the work of destruction till the next day. They agreed to
the proposition and we set out with some Indians for the place where
the animal was lying. The night advancing we were separated by a
snowstorm and, not being skilful enough to follow tracks which were so
speedily filled up, I was bewildered for several hours in the woods,
when I met with an Indian who led me back at such a pace that I was
always in the rear, to his infinite diversion. The Indians are vain of
their local knowledge which is certainly very wonderful. Our companions
had taken out the entrails and young of the moose, which they buried in
the snow.

The Indians then returned to the tents and one of my men accompanied
them; he was the person charged with the management of the trade at the
hunting tent; and he observed that the opportunity of making a bargain
with the Indians while they were drinking was too advantageous to be
lost.

It remained for us to prevent the wolves from mangling the moose; for
which purpose we wrapped ourselves in blankets between its feet and
placed the hatchets within our reach. The night was stormy and
apprehension kept me long awake but, finding my companion in so deep a
sleep that nothing could have roused him except the actual gripe of a
wolf, I thought it advisable to imitate his example as much as was in
my power rather than bear the burden of anxiety alone. At daylight we
shook off the snow which was heaped upon us and endeavoured to kindle a
fire, but the violence of the storm defeated all our attempts. At
length two Indians arrived with whose assistance we succeeded, and they
took possession of it to show their sense of our obligations to them.
We were ashamed of the scene before us; the entrails of the moose and
its young, which had been buried at our feet, bore testimony to the
nocturnal revel of the wolves during the time we had slept. This was a
fresh subject of derision for the Indians whose appetites however would
not suffer them to waste long upon us a time so precious. They soon
finished what the wolves had begun and with as little aid from the art
of cookery, eating both the young moose and the contents of the paunch
raw.

I had scarcely secured myself by a lodge of branches from the snow and
placed the moose in a position for my sketch when we were stormed by a
troop of women and children with their sledges and dogs. We obtained
another short respite from the Indians but our blows could not drive,
nor their caresses entice, the hungry dogs from the tempting feast
before them.

I had not finished my sketch before the impatient crowd tore the moose
to pieces and loaded their sledges with meat. On our way to the tent a
black wolf rushed out upon an Indian who happened to pass near its den.
It was shot and the Indians carried away three black whelps to improve
the breed of their dogs. I purchased one of them, intending to send it
to England, but it perished for want of proper nourishment.

The latitude of these tents was 53° 12′ 46″ North, and longitude by
chronometers 103° 13′ 10″ West. On the 5th of April we set out for the
hunting tent by our former track and arrived there in the evening.

As the increasing warmth of the weather had threatened to interrupt
communication by removing the ice orders had been sent from Cumberland
House to the people at the tent to quit it without delay, which we did
on the 7th. Some altitudes of the Aurora Borealis were obtained.

We had a fine view at sunrise of the Basquiau Hill, skirting half the
horizon with its white sides chequered by forests of pine. It is seen
from Pine Island Lake at the distance of fifty miles and cannot
therefore be less than three-fourths of a mile in perpendicular height;
probably the greatest elevation between the Atlantic Ocean and the
Rocky Mountains.

A small stream runs near the hunting tent, strongly impregnated with
salt. There are several salt springs about it which are not frozen
during the winter.

The surface of the snow, thawing in the sun and freezing at night, had
become a strong crust which sometimes gave way in a circle round our
feet, immersing us in the soft snow beneath. The people were afflicted
with snow blindness, a kind of ophthalmia occasioned by the reflection
of the sun’s rays in the spring.

The miseries endured during the first journey of this nature are so
great that nothing could induce the sufferer to undertake a second
while under the influence of present pain. He feels his frame crushed
by unaccountable pressure, he drags a galling and stubborn weight at
his feet, and his track is marked with blood. The dazzling scene around
him affords no rest to his eye, no object to divert his attention from
his own agonising sensations. When he arises from sleep half his body
seems dead till quickened into feeling by the irritation of his sores.
But fortunately for him no evil makes an impression so evanescent as
pain. It cannot be wholly banished nor recalled by the force of reality
by any act of the mind, either to affect our determinations or to
sympathise with another. The traveller soon forgets his sufferings and
at every future journey their recurrence is attended with diminished
acuteness.

It was not before the 10th or 12th of April that the return of the
swans, geese, and ducks gave certain indications of the advance of
spring. The juice of the maple-tree began to flow and the women
repaired to the woods for the purpose of collecting it. This tree which
abounds to the southward is not I believe found to the northward of the
Saskatchewan. The Indians obtain the sap by making incisions into the
tree. They boil it down and evaporate the water, skimming off the
impurities. They are so fond of sweets that after this simple process
they set an extravagant price upon it.

On the 15th fell the first shower of rain we had seen for six months,
and on the 17th the thermometer rose to 77° in the shade. The whole
face of the country was deluged by the melted snow. All the nameless
heaps of dirt accumulated in the winter now floated over the very
thresholds, and the long-imprisoned scents dilated into vapours so
penetrating that no retreat was any security from them. The flood
descended into the cellar below our house and destroyed a quantity of
powder and tea; a loss irreparable in our situation.

The noise made by the frogs which this inundation produced is almost
incredible. There is strong reason to believe that they outlive the
severity of winter. They have often been found frozen and revived by
warmth, nor is it possible that the multitude which incessantly filled
our ears with its discordant notes could have been matured in two or
three days.

The fishermen at Beaver Lake and the other detached parties were
ordered to return to the post. The expedients to which the poor people
were reduced to cross a country so beset with waters presented many
uncouth spectacles. The inexperienced were glad to compromise with the
loss of property for the safety of their persons and, astride upon
ill-balanced rafts with which they struggled to be uppermost, exhibited
a ludicrous picture of distress. Happy were they who could patch up an
old canoe though obliged to bear it half the way on their shoulders
through miry bogs and interwoven willows. But the veteran trader,
wedged in a box of skin with his wife, children, dogs, and furs,
wheeled triumphantly through the current and deposited his
heterogeneous cargo safely on the shore. The woods reechoed with the
return of their exiled tenants. A hundred tribes, as gaily dressed as
any burnished natives of the south, greeted our eyes in our accustomed
walks, and their voices, though unmusical, were the sweetest that ever
saluted our ears.

From the 19th to the 26th the snow once more blighted the resuscitating
verdure, but a single day was sufficient to remove it. On the 28th the
Saskatchewan swept away the ice which had adhered to its banks, and on
the morrow a boat came down from Carlton House with provisions. We
received such accounts of the state of vegetation at that place that
Dr. Richardson determined to visit it in order to collect botanical
specimens, as the period at which the ice was expected to admit of the
continuation of our journey was still distant. Accordingly he embarked
on the 1st of May.

In the course of the month the ice gradually wore away from the south
side of the lake but the great mass of it still hung to the north side
with some snow visible on its surface. By the 21st the elevated grounds
were perfectly dry and teeming with the fragrant offspring of the
season. When the snow melted the earth was covered with the fallen
leaves of the last year, and already it was green with the strawberry
plant and the bursting buds of the gooseberry, raspberry, and rose
bushes, soon variegated by the rose and the blossoms of the
choke-cherry. The gifts of nature are disregarded and undervalued till
they are withdrawn and in the hideous regions of the Arctic Zone she
would make a convert of him for whom the gardens of Europe had no
charms or the mild beauties of a southern climate had bloomed in vain.

Mr. Williams found a delightful occupation in his agricultural
pursuits. The horses were brought to the plough and fields of wheat,
barley, and Indian corn promised to reward his labours. His dairy
furnished us with all the luxuries of an English farm.

On the 25th the ice departed from Pine Island Lake. We were however
informed that Beaver Lake, which was likewise in our route, would not
afford a passage before the 4th of June. According to directions left
by Mr. Franklin applications were made to the chiefs of the Hudson’s
Bay and North-West Companies’ posts for two canoes with their crews and
a supply of stores for the use of the Expedition. They were not in a
condition to comply with this request till the arrival of their
respective returns from Isle à la Crosse and the Saskatchewan
departments. Of the six men whom we brought from England the most
serviceable, John Hepburn, had accompanied Mr. Franklin, and only one
other desired to prosecute the journey with us. Mr. Franklin had made
arrangements with Mr. Williams for the employment of the remaining five
men in bringing to Cumberland House the ammunition, tobacco, etc., left
at York Fort, which stores were if possible to be sent after us in the
summer. On the 30th Dr. Richardson returned from Carlton House, and on
the 31st the boats arrived belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s
Saskatchewan department. We obtained a canoe and two more volunteers.
On the 1st of June the Saskatchewan, swelled by the melting of the snow
near the Rocky Mountains, rose twelve feet and the current of the
little rivers bounding Pine Island ran back into the lake, which it
filled with mud.

On the 5th the North-West Company’s people arrived and Mr. Connolly
furnished us with a canoe and five Canadians. They were engaged to
attend us till Mr. Franklin should think fit to discharge them and
bound under the usual penalties in case of disobedience or other
improper conduct. These poor people entertained such dread of a ship of
war that they stipulated not to be embarked in Lieutenant Parry’s
vessels if we should find them on the coast, a condition with which
they would gladly have dispensed had that desirable event taken place.
As we required a Canadian foreman and steersman for the other canoe we
were compelled to wait for the appearance of the Isle à la Crosse
canoes under Mr. Clark.

On the 8th Mr. Williams embarked for York Fort. He gave us a circular
letter addressed to the chiefs of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s posts
directing them to afford us all possible assistance on our route, and
he promised to exert every endeavour to forward the Esquimaux
interpreter, upon whom the success of our journey so much depended. He
was accompanied by eight boats. With him we sent our collections of
plants, minerals, charts, and drawings to be transmitted to England by
the Hudson’s Bay ships. After this period our detention, though short,
cost us more vexation than the whole time we had passed at Cumberland
House because every hour of the short summer was invaluable to us. On
the 11th Mr. Clark arrived and completed our crews. He brought letters
from Mr. Franklin dated March 28th at Fort Chipewyan where he was
engaged procuring hunters and interpreters. A heavy storm of wind and
rain from the north-east again delayed us till the morning of the 13th.
The account we had received at York Factory of the numerous stores at
Cumberland House proved to be very erroneous. The most material stores
we received did not amount in addition to our own to more than two
barrels of powder, a keg of spirits, and two pieces of tobacco, with
pemmican for sixteen days.

The crew of Dr. Richardson’s canoe consisted of three Englishmen and
three Canadians and the other carried five Canadians; both were deeply
laden and the waves ran high on the lake. No person in our party being
well acquainted with the rivers to the northward, Mr. Connolly gave us
a pilot on condition that we should exchange him when we met with the
Athabasca brigade of canoes. At four A.M. we embarked.

We soon found that birchen-bark canoes were not calculated to brave
rough weather on a large lake, for we were compelled to land on the
opposite border to free them from the water which had already saturated
their cargoes. The wind became more moderate and we were enabled, after
traversing a chain of smaller lakes, to enter the mouth of the Sturgeon
River at sunset, where we encamped.

The lading of the canoes is always if possible carried on shore at
night and the canoes taken out of the water. The following evening we
reached Beaver Lake and landed to repair some damages sustained by the
canoes. A round stone will displace the lading of a canoe without doing
any injury but a slight blow against a sharp corner penetrates the
bark. For the purpose of repairing it, a small quantity of gum or
pitch, bark and pine roots are embarked, and the business is so
expeditiously performed that the speed of the canoe amply compensates
for every delay. The Sturgeon River is justly called by the Canadians
La Rivière Maligne from its numerous and dangerous rapids. Against the
strength of a rapid it is impossible to effect any progress by paddling
and the canoes are tracked or, if the bank will not admit of it,
propelled with poles, in the management of which the Canadians show
great dexterity. Their simultaneous motions were strongly contrasted
with the awkward confusion of the inexperienced Englishmen, defended by
the torrent, who sustained the blame of every accident which occurred.

At sunset we encamped on an island in Beaver Lake and, at four A.M. the
next morning, passed the first portage in the Ridge River. Beaver Lake
is twelve miles in length and six in breadth. The flat limestone
country rises into bold rocks on its banks and at the mouth of the
Ridge River the limestone discontinues. The lake is very deep and has
already been noticed for the number and excellence of its fish. The
Ridge River is rapid and shallow. We had emerged from the muddy
channels through an alluvial soil, and the primitive rocks interrupted
our way with frequent portages through the whole route to Isle à la
Crosse Lake. At two P.M. we passed the mouth of the Hay River, running
from the westward, and the ridge above its confluence takes the name of
the Great River, which rises at the height of land called Frog Portage.

The thermometer was this day 100° in the sun and the heat was extremely
oppressive from our constant exposure to it. We crossed three portages
in the Great River and encamped at the last; here we met the director
of the North-West Company’s affairs in the north, Mr. Stuart, on his
way to Fort William in a light canoe. He had left the Athabasca Lake
only thirteen days and brought letters from Mr. Franklin who desired
that we would endeavour to collect stores of every kind at Isle à la
Crosse and added a favourable account of the country to the northward
of the Slave Lake.

On the 16th at three A.M. we continued our course, the river increasing
to the breadth of half a mile with many rapids between the rocky
islands. The banks were luxuriantly clothed with pines, poplars, and
birch trees, of the largest size, but the different shades of green
were undistinguishable at a distance and the glow of autumnal colours
was wanting to render the variety beautiful.

Having crossed two portages at the different extremities of the Island
Lake we ran under sail through two extensive sheets of water called the
Heron and Pelican Lakes, the former of which is fifteen miles in length
and the latter five; but its extent to the southward has not been
explored. An intricate channel with four small portages conducted us to
the Woody Lake. Its borders were indeed walls of pines, hiding the face
of steep and high rocks; and we wandered in search of a landing-place
till ten P.M., when we were forced to take shelter from the impending
storm on a small island where we wedged ourselves between the trees.
But though we secured the canoes we incurred a personal evil of much
greater magnitude in the torments inflicted by the mosquitoes, a plague
which had grown upon us since our departure from Cumberland House and
which infested us during the whole summer; we found no relief from
their attacks by exposing ourselves to the utmost violence of the wind
and rain. Our last resource was to plunge ourselves in the water, and
from this uncomfortable situation we gladly escaped at daylight, and
hoisted our sails.

The Woody Lake is thirteen miles in length and a small grassy channel
at its north-western extremity leads to the Frog Portage, the source of
the waters descending by Beaver Lake to the Saskatchewan. The distance
to the Missinippi or Churchill River is only three hundred and eighty
yards and, as its course crosses the height nearly at right angles to
the direction of the Great River, it would be superfluous to compute
the elevation at this place. The portage is in latitude 55° 26′ 0″
North, and longitude 103° 34′ 50″ West. Its name according to Sir
Alexander Mackenzie is derived from the Crees having left suspended a
stretched frog’s skin in derision of the Northern Indian mode of
dressing the beaver.

The part of the Missinippi in which we embarked we should have mistaken
for a lake had it not been for the rapidity of the current against
which we made our way. At four P.M. we passed a long portage occasioned
by a ledge of rocks three hundred yards in length over which the river
falls seven or eight feet. After crossing another portage we encamped.

On the 18th we had rain, wind, and thunder the whole day but this
weather was much preferable to the heat we had borne hitherto. We
passed three portages and at six P.M. encamped on the north bank. Below
the third portage is the mouth of the Rapid River, flowing from a large
lake to the southward, on which a post was formerly maintained by the
North-West Company. Next morning we found ourselves involved in a
confused mass of islands through the openings of which we could not
discern the shore. The guide’s knowledge of the river did not extend
beyond the last portage, and our perplexity continued till we observed
some foam floating on the water and took the direction from which it
came. The noise of a heavy fall at the Mountain Portage reached our
ears at the distance of four miles and we arrived there at eight A.M.
The portage was a difficult ascent over a rocky island between which
and the main shore were two cataracts and a third in sight above them,
making another portage. We surprised a large brown bear which
immediately retreated into the woods. To the northward of the second
portage we again found the channels intricate but, the shores being
sometimes visible, we ventured to proceed. The character of the country
was new and more interesting than before. The mountainous and strong
elevations receded from the bank and the woods crept through their
openings to the valleys behind, the adventurous pine alone ascending
their bases and braving storms unfelt below.

At noon we landed at the Otter Portage where the river ran with great
velocity for half a mile among large stones. Having carried across the
principal part of the cargo the people attempted to track the canoes
along the edge of the rapid. With the first they succeeded but the
other, in which were the foreman and steersman, was overset and swept
away by the current. An account of this misfortune was speedily
conveyed to the upper end of the portage and the men launched the
remaining canoe into the rapid, though wholly unacquainted with the
dangers of it. The descent was quickly accomplished and they perceived
the bottom of the lost canoe above water in a little bay whither it had
been whirled by the eddy. One man had reached the bank but no traces
could be found of the foreman Louis Saint Jean. We saved the canoe out
of which two guns and a case of preserved meats had been thrown into
the rapid.[17] So early a disaster deeply affected the spirits of the
Canadians, and their natural vivacity gave way to melancholy
forebodings while they erected a wooden cross in the rocks near the
spot where their companion perished.

 [17] Mr. Hood himself was the first to leap into the canoe and incite
 the men to follow him and shoot the rapid to save the lives of their
 companions.—Dr. Richardson’s Journal.


The loss of this man’s services and the necessity of procuring a guide
determined us to wait for the arrival of the North-West Company’s
people from Fort Chipewyan and we encamped accordingly. The canoe was
much shattered but, as the gunwales were not broken, we easily repaired
it. In the evening a North-West canoe arrived with two of the partners.
They gave us an account of Mr. Franklin’s proceedings and referred us
to the brigade following them for a guide.

During the 20th it rained heavily and we passed the day in anxious
suspense confined to our tents. A black bear came to the bank on the
opposite side of the river and, on seeing us, glided behind the trees.

Late on the 21st Mr. Robertson of the Hudson’s Bay Company arrived and
furnished us with a guide, but desired that he might be exchanged when
we met the northern canoes. We took advantage of the remainder of the
day to cross the next portage which was three-fourths of a mile in
length.

On the 22nd we crossed three small portages and encamped at the fourth.
At one of them we passed some of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s canoes and
our application to them was unsuccessful. We began to suspect that Isle
à la Crosse was the nearest place at which we might hope for
assistance. However on the morning of the 23rd, as we were about to
embark, we encountered the last brigades of canoes belonging to both
the Companies and obtained a guide and foreman from them. Thus
completely equipped we entered the Black Bear Island Lake, the
navigation of which requires a very experienced pilot. Its length is
twenty-two miles and its breadth varies from three to five, yet it is
so choked with islands that no channel is to be found through it
exceeding a mile in breadth. At sunset we landed and encamped on an
island, and at six A.M. on the 24th left the lake and crossed three
portages into another which has probably several communications with
the last, as that by which we passed is too narrow to convey the whole
body of the Missinippi. At one of these portages called the Pin Portage
is a rapid about ten yards in length with a descent of ten or twelve
feet and beset with rocks. Light canoes sometimes venture down this
fatal gulf to avoid the portage, unappalled by the warning crosses
which overhang the brink, the mournful records of former failures.

The Hudson’s Bay Company’s people whom we passed on the 23rd going to
the rock house with their furs were badly provided with food, of which
we saw distressing proofs at every portage behind them. They had
stripped the birch trees of their rind to procure the soft pulpy
vessels in contact with the wood which are sweet but very insufficient
to satisfy a craving appetite.

The lake to the westward of the Pin Portage is called Sandfly Lake; it
is seven miles long and a wide channel connects it with the Serpent
Lake, the extent of which to the southward we could not discern. There
is nothing remarkable in this chain of lakes except their shapes, being
rocky basins filled by the waters of the Missinippi, insulating the
massy eminences and meandering with almost imperceptible current
between them. From the Serpent to the Sandy Lake it is again confined
in a narrow space by the approach of its winding banks, and on the 26th
we were some hours employed in traversing a series of shallow rapids
where it was necessary to lighten the canoes. Having missed the path
through the woods we walked two miles in the water upon sharp stones,
from which some of us were incessantly slipping into deep holes and
floundering in vain for footing at the bottom, a scene highly diverting
notwithstanding our fatigue. We were detained in Sandy Lake till one
P.M. by a strong gale when, the wind becoming moderate, we crossed five
miles to the mouth of the river and at four P.M. left the main branch
of it and entered a little rivulet called the Grassy River, running
through an extensive reedy swamp. It is the nest of innumerable ducks
which rear their young among the long rushes in security from beasts of
prey. At sunset we encamped on the banks of the main branch.

At three A.M. June 28th we embarked in a thick fog occasioned by a fall
of the temperature of the air ten degrees below that of the water.
Having crossed Knee Lake which is nine miles in length and a portage at
its western extremity we entered Primeau Lake with a strong and
favourable wind, by the aid of which we ran nineteen miles through it
and encamped at the river’s mouth. It is shaped like the barb of an
arrow with the point towards the north and its greatest breadth is
about four miles.

During the night a torrent of rain washed us from our beds accompanied
with the loudest thunder I ever heard. This weather continued during
the 29th and often compelled us to land and turn the canoes up to
prevent them from filling. We passed one portage and the confluence of
a river said to afford by other rivers beyond a height of land a
shorter but more difficult route to the Athabasca Lake than that which
is generally pursued.

On the 28th we crossed the last portage and at ten A.M. entered the
Isle à la Crosse Lake. Its long succession of woody points, both banks
stretching towards the south till their forms were lost in the haze of
the horizon, was a grateful prospect to us after our bewildered and
interrupted voyage in the Missinippi. The gale wafted us with unusual
speed and as the lake increased in breadth the waves swelled to a
dangerous height. A canoe running before the wind is very liable to
burst asunder when on the top of a wave so that part of the bottom is
out of the water, for there is nothing to support the weight of its
heavy cargo but the bark and the slight gunwales attached to it.

On making known our exigencies to the gentlemen in charge of the
Hudson’s Bay and North-West Companies’ forts they made up an assortment
of stores amounting to five bales, for four of which we were indebted
to Mr. McLeod of the North-West Company who shared with us the
ammunition absolutely required for the support of his post, receiving
in exchange an order for the same quantity upon the cargo which we
expected to follow us from York Factory. We had heard from Mr. Stuart
that Fort Chipewyan was too much impoverished to supply the wants of
the Expedition and we found Isle à la Crosse in the same condition;
which indeed we might have foreseen from the exhausted state of
Cumberland House but could not have provided against. We never had
heard before our departure from York that the posts in the interior
only received annually the stores necessary for the consumption of a
single year. It was fortunate for us that Mr. Franklin had desired ten
bags of pemmican to be sent from the Saskatchewan across the plains to
Isle à la Crosse for our use. This resource was untouched but we could
not embark more than five pieces in our own canoes. However Mr. McLeod
agreed to send a canoe after us to the Methye Portage with the
pemmican, and we calculated that the diminution of our provision would
there enable us to receive it.

The Beaver River enters this lake on the South-East side, and another
river which has not been named on the South-West. Both these rivers are
branches of the Missinippi as it is the only outlet from the lake. The
banks appeared to be rocky and the beach in many places sandy but its
waters are yellow and muddy. It produces a variety of fish among which
its white-fish are esteemed the best in the country. The only birds
visible at this season are common to every part of the Missinippi;
gulls, ducks, pigeons, goatsuckers, and the raven; and geese and swans
pay a momentary visit in passing to the north and returning.

There was little in the forts differing from the establishments that we
had before seen. The ground on which they are erected is sandy and
favourable to cultivation. Curiosity however was satisfied by the first
experiment and utility alone has been unable to extend it. Isle à la
Crosse is frequented by the Crees and the Chipewyans. It is not the
dread of the Indians but of one another that has brought the rival
Companies so close together at every trading post, each party seeking
to prevent the other from engaging the affections of the natives and
monopolising the trade. Whenever a settlement is made by the one the
other immediately follows, without considering the eligibility of the
place, for it may injure its opponent though it cannot benefit itself,
and that advantage, which is the first object of all other commercial
bodies, becomes but the second with the fur traders.

On the evening of the 30th we embarked and entered a wide channel to
the northward of the forts and extending towards the north-west. It
gradually decreased in breadth till it became a river which is the
third fork of the Missinippi and, its current being almost insensible,
we entered the Clear Lake at ten A.M. on the 1st of July. Of this lake,
which is very large, no part is known except the south border, but its
extent would lead us to conclude that its evaporation must be supplied
by another river to the northward, especially as the small channel that
communicates with Buffalo Lake is motionless. The existence of such a
river is asserted by the Indians, and a shorter passage might be found
by it across the height of land to Clear Water River than the portage
from the Methye Lake.

In Buffalo Lake the wind was too strong for us to proceed and we
therefore encamped upon a gravel beach thrown up by the waves. We
embarked at three A.M. July 2nd and at four P.M. entered the mouth of
the Methye River. The lake is thirty-four miles in length and fourteen
in breadth. It is probably very deep for we saw no islands on this wide
expanse except at the borders. On the south-west side were two forts
belonging to the Companies and near them a solitary hill seven or eight
hundred feet high. At eight P.M. we encamped in the Methye River at the
confluence of the river Pembina. A route has been explored by it to the
Red Willow River across the height of land, but the difficulties of it
were so great that the ordinary route is preferred.

On the 3rd we passed through the Methye River and encamped on the
borders of the Methye Lake. The soil from Isle à la Crosse to this
place is sandy with some portion of clay and the trees numerous; but
the Methye River is stony and so shallow that, to lighten the canoes,
we made two portages of five and two miles. The paths were overflowed
with cold spring water and barricaded by fallen trees; we should have
been contented to immerse ourselves wholly had the puddle been
sufficiently deep for the mosquitoes devoured every part that was
exposed to them.

On the 4th we crossed the Methye Lake and landed at the portage on the
north-west side in one of the sources of the Missinippi. The lake is
seventeen miles in length with a large island in the middle. We
proceeded to the north side of the portage with two men carrying a tent
and some instruments, leaving the canoes and cargoes to be transported
by daily journeys of two or three miles. The distance is fourteen
statute miles and there are two small lakes about five miles from the
north side. Several species of fish were found in them though they have
no known communication with any other body of water, being situated on
the elevation of the height. The road was a gentle ascent, miry from
the late rainy weather and shaded by pines, poplars, birches, and
cypresses, which terminated our view. On the north side we discovered
through an opening in the trees that we were on a hill eight or nine
hundred feet high and at the edge of a steep descent. We were prepared
to expect an extensive prospect, but the magnificent scene before us
was so superior to what the nature of the country had promised that it
banished even our sense of suffering from the mosquitoes which hovered
in clouds about our heads. Two parallel chains of hills extended
towards the setting sun, their various projecting outlines exhibiting
the several gradations of distance and the opposite bases closing at
the horizon. On the nearest eminence the objects were clearly defined
by their dark shadows; the yellow rays blended their softening hues
with brilliant green on the next, and beyond it all distinction melted
into gray and purple. In the long valley between, the smooth and
colourless Clear Water River wound its spiral course, broken and
shattered by encroaching woods. An exuberance of rich herbage covered
the soil and lofty trees climbed the precipice at our feet, hiding its
brink with their summits. Impatient as we were and blinded with pain we
paid a tribute of admiration, which this beautiful landscape is capable
of exciting unaided by the borrowed charms of a calm atmosphere,
glowing with the vivid tints of evening.

We descended to the banks of the Clear Water River and, having
encamped, the two men returned to assist their companions. We had
sometimes before procured a little rest by closing the tent and burning
wood or flashing gunpowder within, the smoke driving the mosquitoes
into the crannies of the ground. But this remedy was now ineffectual
though we employed it so perseveringly as to hazard suffocation: they
swarmed under our blankets, goring us with their envenomed trunks and
steeping our clothes in blood. We rose at daylight in a fever and our
misery was unmitigated during our whole stay.

The mosquitoes of America resemble in shape those of Africa and Europe
but differ essentially in size and other particulars. There are two
distinct species, the largest of which is brown and the smallest black.
Where they are bred cannot easily be determined for they are numerous
in every soil. They make their first appearance in May and the cold
destroys them in September; in July they are most voracious and,
fortunately for the traders, the journeys from the trading posts to the
factories are generally concluded at that period. The food of the
mosquito is blood which it can extract by penetrating the hide of a
buffalo; and if it is not disturbed it gorges itself so as to swell its
body into a transparent globe. The wound does not swell like that of
the African mosquito, but it is infinitely more painful; and when
multiplied a hundredfold and continued for so many successive days it
becomes an evil of such magnitude that cold, famine, and every other
concomitant of an inhospitable climate must yield the pre-eminence to
it. It chases the buffalo to the plains, irritating him to madness; and
the reindeer to the seashore, from which they do not return till the
scourge has ceased.

On the 6th the thermometer was 106° in the sun and on the 7th 110°. The
mosquitoes sought the shade in the heat of the day. It was some
satisfaction to us to see the havoc made among them by a large and
beautiful species of dragonfly called the mosquito hawk, which wheeled
through their retreats swallowing their prey without a momentary
diminution of speed. But the temporary relief that we had hoped for was
only an exchange of tormentors: our new assailant, the horsefly, or
bulldog, ranged in the hottest glare of the sun and carried off a
portion of flesh at each attack. Another noxious insect, the smallest
but not the least formidable, was the sandfly known in Canada by the
name of the _brulot_. To such annoyance all travellers must submit, and
it would be unworthy to complain of that grievance in the pursuit of
knowledge which is endured for the sake of profit. This detail of it
has only been as an excuse for the scantiness of our observations on
the most interesting part of the country through which we passed.

The north side of the Methye Portage is in latitude 56° 41′ 40″ North
and longitude 109° 52′ 0″ West. It is of course one hundred and
twenty-four miles from Isle à la Crosse and considered as a branch of
the Missinippi, five hundred and ninety-two miles from the Frog
Portage. The Clear Water River passing through the valley, described
above, evidently rises not far to the eastward. The height, computed by
the same mode as that of the Echiamamis, by allowing a foot for each
mile of distance and six feet on an average for each fall and rapid, is
two thousand four hundred and sixty-seven feet above the level of the
sea, admitting it to be nine hundred feet above the Clear Water River.
The country in a line between it and the mouth of Mackenzie’s River is
a continual descent, although to the eastward of that line there may be
several heights between it and the Arctic Sea. To the eastward the
lands descend to Hudson’s Bay, and to the westward also, till the
Athabasca River cuts through it, from whence it ascends to the Rocky
Mountains. Daring was the spirit of enterprise that first led Commerce
with her cumbrous train from the waters of Hudson’s Bay to those of the
Arctic Sea, across an obstacle to navigation so stupendous as this; and
persevering has been the industry which drew riches from a source so
remote.

HIS JOURNEY TO CHIPEWYAN.


On the 8th two men arrived and informed us that they had brought us our
ten bags of pemmican from Isle à la Crosse, but that they were found to
be rotten. Thus were we unexpectedly deprived of the most essential of
our stores for we knew Fort Chipewyan to be destitute of provisions and
that Mr. Franklin depended upon us for a supply, whereas enough did not
remain for our own use. On the 9th the canoes and cargoes reached the
north side of the portage. Our people had selected two bags of pemmican
less mouldy than the rest which they left on the beach. Its decay was
caused by some defect in the mode of mixing it.

On the 10th, we embarked in the Clear Water River and proceeded down
the current. The hills, the banks, and bed of the river were composed
of fine yellow sand with some limestone rocks. The surface soil was
alluvial. At eight A.M. we passed a portage on which the limestone
rocks were singularly scattered through the woods, bearing the
appearance of houses and turrets overgrown with moss. The earth emitted
a hollow sound and the river was divided by rocks into narrow crooked
channels, every object indicating that some convulsion had disturbed
the general order of nature at this place. We had passed a portage
above it and after two long portages below it we encamped. Near the
last was a small stream so strongly impregnated with sulphur as to
taint the air to a great distance around it. We saw two brown bears on
the hills in the course of the day.

At daylight on the 11th we embarked. The hills continued on both sides
of the mouth of the river, varying from eight hundred to one thousand
feet in height. They declined to the banks in long green slopes
diversified by woody mounds and copses. The pines were not here in
thick impenetrable masses but perched aloft in single groups on the
heights or shrouded by the livelier hues of the poplar and willow.

We passed the mouth of the Red Willow River on the south bank flowing
through a deep ravine. It is the continuation of the route by the
Pembina before mentioned. At noon we entered the majestic Athabasca or
Elk River. Its junction with the Clear Water River is called the Forks.
Its banks were inaccessible cliffs, apparently of clay and stones about
two hundred feet high, and its windings in the south were encircled by
high mountains. Its breadth exceeded half a mile and was swelled to a
mile in many places by long muddy islands in the middle covered with
trees. No more portages interrupted our course but a swift current
hurried us towards the quarter in which our anticipated discoveries
were to commence. The passing cliffs returned a loud confusion of
echoes to the sprightly canoe song and the dashing paddles and the
eagles, watching with half-closed eyes on the pine-tops, started from
their airy rest and prepared their drowsy pinions for the flight.

About twenty miles from the Forks are some salt pits and plains, said
to be very extensive. The height of the banks was reduced to twenty or
thirty feet and the hills ranged themselves at an increased distance
from the banks in the same variety as those of the Clear Water River.
At sunset we encamped on a small sandy island but the next morning made
a speedy retreat to the canoes, the water having nearly overflown our
encampment. We passed two deserted settlements of the fur traders on
opposite banks at a place called Pierre au Calumet. Beyond it the hills
disappeared and the banks were no longer visible above the trees. The
river carries away yearly large portions of soil which increases its
breadth and diminishes its depth, rendering the water so muddy as to be
scarcely drinkable. Whole forests of timber are drifted down the stream
and choke up the channels between the islands at its mouth. We observed
the traces of herds of buffaloes where they had crossed the river, the
trees being trodden down and strewed as if by a whirlwind.

At four P.M. we left the main branch of the Athabasca, entering a small
river called the Embarras. It is narrow and muddy with pines of an
enormous size on its banks. Some of them are two hundred feet high and
three or four feet in diameter. At nine P.M. we landed and encamped
but, finding ourselves in a nest of mosquitoes, we continued our
journey before daybreak; and at eight A.M. emerged into the Athabasca
Lake. A strong wind agitated this sea of fresh water which however we
crossed without any accident, and landed on the north side of it at
Fort Chipewyan where we had the satisfaction of finding our companions
in good health, and of experiencing that sympathy in our anxiety on the
state of affairs, which was only to be expected from those who were to
share our future fortunes.




CHAPTER 7.

DEPARTURE FROM CHIPEWYAN. DIFFICULTIES OF THE VARIOUS NAVIGATIONS OF
THE RIVERS AND LAKES, AND OF THE PORTAGES. SLAVE LAKE AND FORT
PROVIDENCE. SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS, AND DISCONTENT OF THE CANADIAN
VOYAGERS. DIFFICULTIES WITH REGARD TO THE INDIAN GUIDES. REFUSAL TO
PROCEED. VISIT OF OBSERVATION TO THE UPPER PART OF COPPER-MINE RIVER.
RETURN TO THE WINTER QUARTERS OF FORT ENTERPRISE.


DEPARTURE FROM CHIPEWYAN.


July 18, 1820.

Early this morning the stores were distributed to the three canoes. Our
stock of provision unfortunately did not amount to more than sufficient
for one day’s consumption exclusive of two barrels of flour, three
cases of preserved meats, some chocolate, arrowroot, and portable soup,
which we had brought from England and intended to reserve for our
journey to the coast the next season. Seventy pounds of moose meat and
a little barley were all that Mr. Smith was enabled to give us. It was
gratifying however to perceive that this scarcity of food did not
depress the spirits of our Canadian companions who cheerfully loaded
their canoes and embarked in high glee after they had received the
customary dram. At noon we bade farewell to our kind friend Mr. Smith.
The crews commenced a lively paddling song on quitting the shore which
was continued until we had lost sight of the houses. We soon reached
the western boundary of the lake and at two entered the Stony River,
one of the discharges of the Athabasca Lake into the Slave Lake and,
having a favouring current, passed swiftly along. This narrow stream is
confined between low swampy banks which support willows, dwarf birch,
and alder. At five we passed its conflux with the Peace River. The
Slave River, formed by the union of these streams, is about
three-quarters of a mile wide. We descended this magnificent river with
much rapidity and, after passing through several narrow channels,
formed by an assemblage of islands, crossed a spot where the waters had
a violent whirling motion which, when the river is low, is said to
subside into a dangerous rapid; on the present occasion no other
inconvenience was felt than the inability of steering the canoes which
were whirled about in every direction by the eddies until the current
carried them beyond their influence. We encamped at seven on the swampy
bank of the river but had scarcely pitched the tents before we were
visited by a terrible thunderstorm; the rain fell in torrents and the
violence of the wind caused the river to overflow its banks so that we
were completely flooded. Swarms of mosquitoes succeeded the storm and
their tormenting stings, superadded to other inconveniences, induced us
to embark and, after taking a hasty supper, to pursue our voyage down
the stream during the night.

At six on the following morning we passed the Reindeer Islands and at
ten reached the entrance of the Dog River where we halted to set the
fishing nets. These were examined in the evening but, to our
mortification, we obtained only four small trout and were compelled to
issue part of our preserved meats for supper. The latitude of the mouth
of Dog River was observed 59° 52′ 16″ North.

DIFFICULTIES OF THE VARIOUS NAVIGATIONS OF THE RIVERS AND LAKES, AND OF
THE PORTAGES.


The nets were taken up at daylight but they furnished only a solitary
pike. We lost no time in embarking and crossed the crooked channel of
the Dog Rapid when two of the canoes came in such violent contact with
each other that the sternmost had its bow broken off. We were
fortunately near the shore or the disabled canoe would have sunk. The
injury being repaired in two hours we again embarked and, having
descended another rapid, arrived at the Cassette Portage of four
hundred and sixty paces, over which the cargoes and canoes were carried
in about twenty-six minutes. We next passed through a narrow channel
full of rapids, crossed the Portage d’Embarras of seventy yards, and
the portage of the Little Rock of three hundred yards, at which another
accident happened to one of the canoes by the bowman slipping and
letting it fall upon a rock and breaking it in two. Two hours were
occupied in sewing the detached pieces together and covering the seam
with pitch but, this being done, it was as effective as before. After
leaving this place we soon came to the next portage of two hundred and
seventy-three paces; and shortly afterwards to the Mountain Portage of
one hundred and twenty, which is appropriately named as the path leads
over the summit of a high hill. This elevated situation commands a very
grand and picturesque view for some miles along the river which at this
part is about a mile wide.

We next crossed a portage of one hundred and twenty yards; and then the
Pelican Portage of eight hundred paces. Mr. Back took an accurate
sketch of the interesting scenery which the river presents at this
place. After descending six miles farther we came to the last portage
on the route to Slave Lake which we crossed and encamped in its lower
end. It is called “_The Portage of the Drowned_” and it received that
name from a melancholy accident which took place many years ago. Two
canoes arrived at the upper end of the portage in one of which there
was an experienced guide. This man, judging from the height of the
river, deemed it practicable to shoot the rapid and determined upon
trying it. He accordingly placed himself in the bow of his canoe,
having previously agreed that, if the passage was found easy, he
should, on reaching the bottom of the rapid, fire a musket as a signal
for the other canoe to follow. The rapid proved dangerous and called
forth all the skill of the guide and the utmost exertion of his crew
and they narrowly escaped destruction. Just as they were landing an
unfortunate fellow, seizing the loaded fowling-piece, fired at a duck
which rose at the instant. The guide, anticipating the consequences,
ran with the utmost haste to the other end of the portage but he was
too late: the other canoe had pushed off and he arrived only to witness
the fate of his comrades. They got alarmed in the middle of the rapid,
the canoe was upset, and every man perished.

The various rapids we passed this day are produced by an assemblage of
islands and rocky ledges which obstruct the river and divide it into
many narrow channels. Two of these channels are rendered still more
difficult by accumulations of drift timber, a circumstance which has
given a name to one of the portages. The rocks which compose the bed of
the river and the numerous islands belong to the granite formation. The
distance made today was thirteen miles.

July 21.

We embarked at four A.M. and pursued our course down the river. The
rocks ceased at the last portage and below it the banks are composed of
alluvial soil which is held together by the roots of trees and shrubs
that crown their summits. The river is about a mile wide and the
current is greatly diminished. At eight we landed at the mouth of the
Salt River and pitched our tents, intending to remain there that and
the next day for the purpose of fishing. After breakfast, which made
another inroad on our preserved meats, we proceeded up the river in a
light canoe to visit the salt springs, leaving a party behind to attend
the nets. This river is about one hundred yards wide at its mouth. Its
waters did not become brackish until we had ascended it seven or eight
miles but, when we had passed several rivulets of fresh water which
flowed in, the main stream became very salt, at the same time
contracting its width to fifteen or twenty yards. At a distance of
twenty-two miles, including the windings of the river, the plains
commence. Having pitched the tent at this spot we set out to visit the
principal springs and had walked about three miles when the mosquitoes
compelled us to give up our project. We did not see the termination of
the plains toward the east, but on the north and west they are bounded
by an even ridge about six or seven hundred feet in height. Several
salt springs issue from the foot of this ridge and spread their waters
over the plain which consists of tenacious clay. During the summer much
evaporation takes place and large heaps of salt are left behind
crystallised in the form of cubes. Some beds of grayish compact gypsum
were exposed on the sides of the hills.

The next morning after filling some casks with salt for our use during
winter we embarked to return, and had descended the river a few miles
when, turning round a point, we perceived a buffalo plunge into the
river before us. Eager to secure so valuable a prize we instantly
opened a fire upon him from four muskets and in a few minutes he fell,
but not before he had received fourteen balls. The carcass was towed to
the bank and the canoe speedily laden with meat. After this piece of
good fortune we descended the stream merrily, our voyagers chanting
their liveliest songs. On arrival at the mouth of the river we found
that our nets had not produced more than enough to supply a scanty meal
to the men whom we had left behind, but this was now of little
importance as the acquisition of meat we had made would enable us to
proceed without more delay to Slave Lake. The _poisson inconnu_
mentioned by Mackenzie is found here. It is a species of the Genus
Salmo, and is said by the Indians to ascend from the Arctic Sea but,
being unable to pass the cascade of the Slave River, is not found
higher than this place. In the evening a violent thunderstorm came on
with heavy rain, thermometer 70°.

At a very early hour on the following morning we embarked and continued
to paddle against a very strong wind and high waves under the shelter
of the bank of the rivers until two P.M. when, having arrived at a more
exposed part of the stream, the canoes took in so much water that we
were obliged to disembark on a small island. The river here is from one
mile and a quarter to one mile and three-quarters wide. Its banks are
of moderate height, sandy, and well wooded.

SLAVE LAKE AND FORT PROVIDENCE.


July 24.

We made more progress notwithstanding the continuance of the wind. The
course of the river is very winding, making in one place a circuit of
seven or eight miles round a peninsula which is joined to the west bank
by a narrow isthmus. Near the foot of this elbow a long island occupies
the centre of the river which it divides into two channels. The
longitude was obtained near to it 113° 25′ 36″ and variation 27° 25′
14″ North, and the latitude 60° 54′ 52″ North, about four miles farther
down. We passed the mouth of a broad channel leading to the north-east
termed La Grande Rivière de Jean, one of the two large branches by
which the river pours its waters into the Great Slave Lake; the flooded
delta at the mouth of the river is intersected by several smaller
channels through one of which, called the Channel of the Scaffold, we
pursued our voyage on the following morning and by eight A.M. reached
the establishment of the North-West Company on Moose-Deer Island. We
found letters from Mr. Wentzel, dated Fort Providence, a station on the
north side of the lake, which communicated to us that there was an
Indian guide waiting for us at that post; but that the chief and the
hunters who were to accompany the party had gone to a short distance to
hunt, having become impatient at our delay.

Soon after landing I visited the Hudson’s Bay post on the same island
and engaged Pierre St. Germain, an interpreter for the Copper Indians.
We regretted to find the posts of both the Companies extremely bare of
provision but, as the gentlemen in charge had despatched men on the
preceding evening to a band of Indians in search of meat and they
promised to furnish us with whatever should be brought, it was deemed
advisable to wait for their return as the smallest supply was now of
importance to us. Advantage was taken of the delay to repair
effectually the canoe which had been broken in the Dog Rapid. On the
next evening the men arrived with the meat and enabled Mr. McLeod of
the North-West Company to furnish us with four hundred pounds of dried
provisions. Mr. McVicar of the Hudson’s Bay Company also supplied one
hundred and fifty pounds. This quantity we considered would be
sufficient until we could join the hunters. We also obtained three
fishing-nets, a gun, and a pair of pistols, which were all the stores
these posts could furnish, although the gentlemen in charge were much
disposed to assist us.

Moose-Deer Island is about a mile in diameter and rises towards the
centre about three hundred feet above the lake. Its soil is in general
sandy, in some parts swampy. The varieties of the northern berries grow
abundantly on it. The North-West Company’s fort is in latitude 61° 11′
8″ North, longitude 113° 51′ 37″ West, being two hundred and sixty
statute miles distant from Fort Chipewyan by the river course. The
variation of the compass is 25° 40′ 47″ East. The houses of the two
Companies are small and have a bleak northern aspect. There are vast
accumulations of driftwood on the shores of the lake, brought down by
the river, which afford plenty of fuel. The inhabitants live
principally on the fish, which the lake at certain seasons furnishes in
great abundance; of these the white-fish, trout, and _poisson inconnu_
are considered the best. They also procure moose, buffalo, and reindeer
meat occasionally from their hunters; but these animals are generally
found at the distance of several days’ walk from the forts. The Indians
who trade here are Chipewyans. Beavers, martens, foxes, and muskrats
are caught in numbers in the vicinity of this great body of water. The
mosquitoes here were still a serious annoyance to us but less numerous
than before. They were in some degree replaced by a small sandfly,
whose bite is succeeded by a copious flow of blood and considerable
swelling but is attended with incomparably less irritation than the
puncture of the mosquito.

On the 27th of July we embarked at four A.M. and proceeded along the
south shore of the lake through a narrow channel, formed by some
islands, beyond the confluence of the principal branch of the Slave
River; and as far as Stony Island, where we breakfasted. This island is
merely a rock of gneiss that rises forty or fifty feet above the lake
and is precipitous on the north side. As the day was fine and the lake
smooth we ventured upon paddling across to the Reindeer Islands, which
were distant about thirteen miles in a northern direction, instead of
pursuing the usual track by keeping farther along the south shore which
inclines to the eastward from this point. These islands are numerous
and consist of granite, rising from one hundred to two hundred feet
above the water. They are for the most part naked; but towards the
centres of the larger ones there is a little soil and a few groves of
pines. At seven in the evening we landed upon one of them and encamped.
On the following morning we ran before a strong breeze and a heavy
swell for some hours, but at length were obliged to seek shelter on a
large island adjoining to Isle a la Cache of Mackenzie, where the
following observations were obtained: latitude 61° 50′ 18″ North,
longitude 113° 21′ 40″ West, and variation 31° 2′ 06″ East.

The wind and swell having subsided in the afternoon we reembarked and
steered towards the western point of the Big Island of Mackenzie and,
when four miles distant from it, had forty-two fathoms soundings.
Passing between this island and a promontory of the main shore, termed
Big Cape, we entered into a deep bay which receives the waters from
several rivers that come from the northward; and we immediately
perceived a decrease in the temperature of the waters from 59 to 48°.
We coasted along the eastern side of the bay, its western shore being
always visible, but the canoes were exposed to the hazard of being
broken by the numerous sunken rocks which were scattered in our track.
We encamped for the night on a rocky island and by eight A.M. on the
following morning arrived at Fort Providence which is situated
twenty-one miles from the entrance of the bay. The post is exclusively
occupied by the North-West Company, the Hudson’s Bay Company having no
settlement to the northward of Great Slave Lake. We found Mr. Wentzel
and our interpreter Jean Baptiste Adam here with one of the Indian
guides: but the chief of the tribe and his hunters were encamped with
their families some miles from the fort in a good situation for
fishing. Our arrival was announced to him by a fire on the top of a
hill, and before night a messenger came to communicate his intention of
seeing us next morning. The customary present of tobacco and some other
articles was immediately sent to him.

Mr. Wentzel prepared me for the first conference with the Indians by
mentioning all the information they had already given to him. The
duties allotted to this gentleman were the management of the Indians,
the superintendence of the Canadian voyagers, the obtaining and the
general distribution of the provision, and the issue of the other
stores. These services he was well qualified to perform, having been
accustomed to execute similar duties during a residence of upwards of
twenty years in this country. We also deemed Mr. Wentzel to be a great
acquisition to our party as a check on the interpreters, he being one
of the few traders who speak the Chipewyan language.

As we were informed that external appearances made lasting impressions
on the Indians we prepared for the interview by decorating ourselves in
uniform and suspending a medal round each of our necks. Our tents had
been previously pitched and over one of them a silken union flag was
hoisted. Soon after noon on July 30th several Indian canoes were seen
advancing in a regular line and, on their approach, the chief was
discovered in the headmost which was paddled by two men. On landing at
the fort the chief assumed a very grave aspect and walked up to Mr.
Wentzel with a measured and dignified step, looking neither to the
right nor to the left at the persons who had assembled on the beach to
witness his debarkation, but preserving the same immovability of
countenance until he reached the hall and was introduced to the
officers. When he had smoked his pipe, drank a small portion of spirits
and water himself, and issued a glass to each of his companions, who
had seated themselves on the floor, he commenced his harangue by
mentioning the circumstances that led to his agreeing to accompany the
Expedition, an engagement which he was quite prepared to fulfil. He was
rejoiced he said to see such great chiefs on his lands; his tribe were
poor but they loved white men who had been their benefactors; and he
hoped that our visit would be productive of much good to them. The
report which preceded our arrival he said had caused much grief to him.
It was at first rumoured that a great medicine chief accompanied us who
was able to restore the dead to life; at this he rejoiced; the prospect
of again seeing his departed relatives had enlivened his spirits, but
his first communication with Mr. Wentzel had removed these vain hopes
and he felt as if his friends had a second time been torn from him. He
now wished to be informed exactly of the nature of our Expedition.

In reply to this speech, which I understood had been prepared for many
days, I endeavoured to explain the objects of our mission in a manner
best calculated to ensure his exertions in our service. With this view
I told him that we were sent out by the greatest chief in the world who
was the sovereign also of the trading companies in the country; that he
was the friend of peace and had the interest of every nation at heart.
Having learned that his children in the north were much in want of
articles of merchandise, in consequence of the extreme length and
difficulty of the present route, he had sent us to search for a passage
by the sea which, if found, would enable large vessels to transport
great quantities of goods more easily to their lands. That we had not
come for the purpose of traffic but solely to make discoveries for
their benefit as well as that of every other people. That we had been
directed to inquire into the nature of all the productions of the
countries we might pass through and particularly respecting their
inhabitants. That we desired the assistance of the Indians in guiding
us and providing us with food; finally that we were most positively
enjoined by the great chief to recommend that hostilities should cease
throughout this country, and especially between the Indians and the
Esquimaux, whom he considered his children in common with other natives
and, by way of enforcing the latter point more strongly, I assured him
that a forfeiture of all the advantages which might be anticipated from
the Expedition would be a certain consequence if any quarrel arose
between his party and the Esquimaux. I also communicated to him that,
owing to the distance we had travelled, we had now few more stores than
was necessary for the use of our own party, a part of these, however,
should be forthwith presented to him; on his return he and his party
should be remunerated with cloth, ammunition, and tobacco, and some
useful iron materials, besides having their debts to the North-West
Company discharged.

The chief whose name is Akaitcho or Big-foot replied by a renewal of
his assurances that he and his party would attend us to the end of our
journey, and that they would do their utmost to provide us with the
means of subsistence. He admitted that his tribe had made war upon the
Esquimaux but said they were now desirous of peace and unanimous in
their opinion as to the necessity of all who accompanied us abstaining
from every act of enmity against that nation. He added however that the
Esquimaux were very treacherous and therefore recommended that we
should advance towards them with caution.

The communications which the chief and the guides then gave respecting
the route to the Copper-Mine River and its course to the sea coincided
in every material point with the statements which were made by Boileau
and Black Meat at Chipewyan, but they differed in their descriptions of
the coast. The information however, collected from both sources, was
very vague and unsatisfactory. None of his tribe had been more than
three days’ march along the sea-coast to the eastward of the river’s
mouth.

As the water was unusually high this season the Indian guides
recommended our going by a shorter route to the Copper-Mine River than
that they had first proposed to Mr. Wentzel, and they assigned as a
reason for the change that the reindeer would be sooner found upon this
track. They then drew a chart of the proposed route on the floor with
charcoal, exhibiting a chain of twenty-five small lakes extending
towards the north, about one-half of them connected by a river which
flows into Slave Lake near Fort Providence. One of the guides named
Keskarrah drew the Copper-Mine River running through the Upper Lake in
a westerly direction towards the Great Bear Lake and then northerly to
the sea. The other guide drew the river in a straight line to the sea
from the above-mentioned place but, after some dispute, admitted the
correctness of the first delineation. The latter was elder brother to
Akaitcho and he said that he had accompanied Mr. Hearne on his journey
and, though very young at the time, still remembered many of the
circumstances and particularly the massacre committed by the Indians on
the Esquimaux.

They pointed out another lake to the southward of the river, about
three days’ journey distant from it, on which the chief proposed the
next winter’s establishment should be formed as the reindeer would pass
there in the autumn and spring. Its waters contained fish and there was
a sufficiency of wood for building as well as for the winter’s
consumption. These were important considerations and determined me in
pursuing the route they now proposed. They could not inform us what
time we should take in reaching the lake until they saw our manner of
travelling in the large canoes, but they supposed we might be about
twenty days, in which case I entertained the hope that, if we could
then procure provision, we should have time to descend the Copper-Mine
River for a considerable distance, if not to the sea itself, and return
to the lake before the winter set in.

It may here be proper to mention that it had been my original plan to
descend the Mackenzie’s River and to cross the Great Bear Lake, from
the eastern side of which, Boileau informed me, there is a
communication with the Copper-Mine River by four small lakes and
portages; but under our present circumstances this course could not be
followed because it would remove us too far from the establishments at
the Great Slave Lake to receive the supplies of ammunition and some
other stores in the winter which were absolutely necessary for the
prosecution of our journey, or to get the Esquimaux interpreter whom we
expected. If I had not deemed these circumstances paramount I should
have preferred the route by Bear Lake.

Akaitcho and the guides having communicated all the information they
possessed on the different points to which our questions had been
directed I placed my medal round the neck of the chief, and the
officers presented theirs to an elder brother of his and the two
guides, communicating to them that these marks of distinction were
given as tokens of our friendship and as pledges of the sincerity of
our professions. Being conferred in the presence of all the hunters
their acquisition was highly gratifying to them, but they studiously
avoided any great expression of joy because such an exposure would have
been unbecoming the dignity which the senior Indians assume during a
conference. They assured us however of their being duly sensible of
these tokens of our regard and that they should be preserved during
their lives with the utmost care. The chief evinced much penetration
and intelligence during the whole of this conversation, which gave us a
favourable opinion of his intellectual powers. He made many inquiries
respecting the Discovery ships under the command of Captain Parry which
had been mentioned to him, and asked why a passage had not been
discovered long ago, if one existed. It may be stated that we gave a
faithful explanation to all his inquiries, which policy would have
prompted us to do if a love of truth had not; for whenever these
northern nations detect a falsehood in the dealings of the traders they
make it an unceasing subject of reproach, and their confidence is
irrecoverably lost.

We presented to the chief, the two guides, and the seven hunters who
had engaged to accompany us some cloth, blankets, tobacco, knives,
daggers, besides other useful iron materials, and a gun to each; also a
keg of very weak spirits and water which they kept until the evening as
they had to try their guns before dark and make the necessary
preparations for commencing the journey on the morrow. They however did
not leave us so soon, as the chief was desirous of being present with
his party at the dance which was given in the evening to our Canadian
voyagers. They were highly entertained by the vivacity and agility
displayed by our companions in their singing and dancing, and
especially by their imitating the gestures of a Canadian who placed
himself in the most ludicrous postures and, whenever this was done, the
gravity of the chief gave way to violent bursts of laughter. In return
for the gratification Akaitcho had enjoyed he desired his young men to
exhibit the Dog-Rib Indian dance; and immediately they ranged
themselves in a circle and, keeping their legs widely separated, began
to jump simultaneously sideways; their bodies were bent, their hands
placed on their hips, and they uttered forcibly the interjection tsa at
each jump. Devoid as were their attitudes of grace and their music of
harmony we were much amused by the novelty of the exhibition.

In the midst of this scene an untoward accident occurred which for a
time interrupted our amusements. The tent, in which Dr. Richardson and
I lodged having caught fire from some embers that had been placed in it
to expel the mosquitoes, was entirely burnt. Hepburn, who was sleeping
within it close to some powder, most providentially awoke in time to
throw it clear of the flame and rescue the baggage before any material
injury had been received. We dreaded the consequences of this disaster
upon the fickle minds of the Indians and wished it not to be
communicated to them. The chief however was soon informed of it by one
of his people and expressed his desire that no future misfortune should
be concealed from him. We found that he was most concerned to hear that
the flag had been burnt, but we removed his anxiety on that point by
the assurance that it could easily be repaired. We were advised by Mr.
Wentzel to recommence the dancing after this event lest the Indians
should imagine, by our putting a stop to it, that we considered the
circumstance as an unfavourable commencement of our undertaking. We
were however deeply impressed with a grateful sense of the Divine
Providence in averting the threatened destruction of our stores, which
would have been fatal to every prospect of proceeding forward this
season.

August 1.

This morning the Indians set out, intending to wait for us at the mouth
of the Yellow-Knife River. We remained behind to pack our stores in
bales of eighty pounds each, an operation which could not be done in
the presence of these Indians as they are in the habit of begging for
everything they see. Our stores consisted of two barrels of gunpowder,
one hundred and forty pounds of ball and small shot, four
fowling-pieces, a few old trading guns, eight pistols, twenty-four
Indian daggers, some packages of knives, chisels, nails, and fastenings
for a boat; a few yards of cloth, some blankets, needles,
looking-glasses, and beads, together with nine fishing-nets, having
meshes of different sizes. Our provision was two casks of flour, two
hundred dried reindeer tongues, some dried moose-meat, portable soup,
and arrowroot, sufficient in the whole for ten days’ consumption,
besides two cases of chocolate, and two canisters of tea. We engaged
another Canadian voyager at this place and the Expedition then
consisted of twenty-eight persons, including the officers, and the
wives of three of our voyagers, who were brought for the purpose of
making shoes and clothes for the men at the winter establishment; there
were also three children belonging to two of these women.[18]

 [18] The following is the list of the officers and men who composed
 the Expedition on its departure from Fort Providence:

John Franklin, Lieutenant of the Royal Navy and Commander.
John Richardson, M.D., Surgeon of the Royal Navy.
Mr. George Back, of the Royal Navy, Admiralty Midshipman.
Mr. Robert Hood, of the Royal Navy, Admiralty Midshipman.
Mr. Frederick Wentzel, Clerk to the North-West Company.
John Hepburn, English seaman.

CANADIAN VOYAGERS:

Joseph Peltier,
Matthew Pelonquin, dit Crédit,
Solomon Belanger,
Joseph Benoit,
Joseph Gagné,
Pierre Dumas,
Joseph Forcier,
Ignace Perrault,
Francois Samandré,
Gabriel Beauparlant,
Vincenza Fontano,
Registe Vaillant,
Jean Baptiste Parent,
Jean Baptiste Belanger,
Jean Baptiste Belleau,
Emanuel Cournoyée,
Michel Teroahaute, an Iroquois.

INTERPRETERS:

Pierre St. Germain,
Jean Baptiste Adam,
Chipewyan Bois Brulés.


Our observations place Fort Providence in latitude 62° 17′ 19″ North,
longitude 114° 9′ 28″ West; the variation of the compass is 33° 35′ 55″
East and the dip of the needle 86° 38′ 02″. It is distant from
Moose-Deer Island sixty-six geographic miles. This is the last
establishment of the traders in this direction, but the North-West
Company have two to the northward of it on the Mackenzie River. It has
been erected for the convenience of the Copper and Dog-Rib Indians who
generally bring such a quantity of reindeer meat that the residents are
enabled, out of their superabundance, to send annually some provision
to the fort at Moose-Deer Island. They also occasionally procure moose
and buffalo meat, but these animals are not numerous on this side of
the lake. Few furs are collected. _Les poissons inconnus_, trout, pike,
carp, and white-fish are very plentiful, and on these the residents
principally subsist. Their great supply of fish is procured in the
latter part of September and the beginning of October, but there are a
few taken daily in the nets during the winter. The surrounding country
consists almost entirely of coarse-grained granite, frequently
enclosing large masses of reddish felspar. These rocks form hills which
attain an elevation of three hundred or four hundred feet about a mile
behind the house; their surface is generally naked but in the valleys
between them grow a few spruce, aspen, and birch trees, together with a
variety of shrubs and berry-bearing plants.

On the afternoon of the 2nd of August we commenced our journey, having,
in addition to our three canoes, a smaller one to convey the women; we
were all in high spirits, being heartily glad that the time had at
length arrived when our course was to be directed towards the
Copper-Mine River and through a line of country which had not been
previously visited by any European. We proceeded to the northward along
the eastern side of a deep bay of the lake, passing through various
channels formed by an assemblage of rocky islands; and at sunset
encamped on a projecting point of the north main shore eight miles from
Fort Providence. To the westward of this arm, or bay of the lake, there
is another deep bay that receives the waters of a river which
communicates with Great Marten Lake where the North-West Company had
once a post established. The eastern shores of the Great Slave Lake are
very imperfectly known: none of the traders have visited them and the
Indians give such loose and unsatisfactory accounts that no estimation
can be formed of its extent in that direction. These men say there is a
communication from its eastern extremity by a chain of lakes with a
shallow river which discharges its waters into the sea. This stream
they call the Thloueetessy, and report it to be navigable for Indian
canoes only. The forms of the south and western shores are better known
from the survey of Sir Alexander Mackenzie and in consequence of the
canoes having to pass and repass along these borders annually between
Moose-Deer Island and Mackenzie’s River. Our observations made the
breadth of the lake between Stony Island and the north main shore sixty
miles less than it is laid down in Arrowsmith’s map; and there is also
a considerable difference in the longitude of the eastern side of the
bay, which we entered.

This lake, owing to its great depth, is seldom completely frozen over
before the last week in November and the ice, which is generally seven
feet thick, breaks up about the middle of June, three weeks later than
that of the Slave River. The only known outlet to this vast body of
water which receives so many streams on its north and south shores is
the Mackenzie River.

August 3.

We embarked at three A.M. and proceeded to the entrance of the
Yellow-Knife River of the traders, which is called by the natives
Begholodessy or River of the Toothless Fish. We found Akaitcho and the
hunters with their families encamped here. There were also several
other Indians of his tribe who intended to accompany us some distance
into the interior. This party was quickly in motion after our arrival
and we were soon surrounded by a fleet of seventeen Indian canoes. In
company with them we paddled up the river, which is one hundred and
fifty yards wide, and in an hour came to a cascade of five feet where
we were compelled to make a portage of one hundred and fifty-eight
yards. We next crossed a dilatation of the river, about six miles in
length, upon which the name of Lake Prosperous was bestowed. Its
shores, though scantily supplied with wood, are very picturesque.

Akaitcho caused himself to be paddled by his slave, a young man of the
Dog-Rib nation whom he had taken by force from his friends; when he
thought himself however out of reach of our observation he laid aside a
good deal of his state and assisted in the labour; and after a few
days’ further acquaintance with us he did not hesitate to paddle in our
presence or even carry his canoe on the portages. Several of the canoes
were managed by women who proved to be noisy companions, for they
quarrelled frequently, and the weakest was generally profuse in her
lamentations, which were not at all diminished when the husband
attempted to settle the difference by a few blows from his paddle.

An observation near the centre of the lake gave 114° 13′ 39″ West and
33° 8′ 06″ East variation.

Leaving the lake we ascended a very strong rapid and arrived at a range
of three steep cascades situated in the bend of the river. Here we made
a portage of one thousand three hundred yards over a rocky hill which
received the name of the Bowstring Portage from its shape. We found
that the Indians had greatly the advantage of us in this operation; the
men carried their small canoes, the women and children the clothes and
provisions, and at the end of the portage they were ready to embark,
whilst it was necessary for our people to return four times before they
could transport the weighty cargo with which we were burdened. After
passing through another expansion of the river and over the Steep
Portage of one hundred and fifteen yards we encamped on a small rocky
isle, just large enough to hold our party, and the Indians took
possession of an adjoining rock. We were now thirty miles from Fort
Providence.

As soon as the tents were pitched the officers and men were divided
into watches for the night, a precaution intended to be taken
throughout the journey, not merely to prevent our being surprised by
strangers but also to show our companions that we were constantly on
our guard. The chief, who suffered nothing to escape his observation,
remarked that he should sleep without anxiety among the Esquimaux for
he perceived no enemy could surprise us.

After supper we retired to rest but our sleep was soon interrupted by
the Indians joining in loud lamentations over a sick child whom they
supposed to be dying. Dr. Richardson however immediately went to the
boy and administered some medicine which relieved his pain and put a
stop to their mourning. The temperatures this day were at four A.M.
54°, three P.M. 72°, at seven P.M. 65°.

On the 4th we crossed a small lake and passed in succession over the
Blueberry Cascade and Double Fall Portages where the river falls over
ridges of rocks that completely obstruct the passages for canoes. We
came to three strong rapids beyond these barriers, which were
surmounted by the aid of the poles and lines, and then to a bend of the
river in which the cascades were so frequent that to avoid them we
carried the canoes into a chain of small lakes. We entered them by a
portage of nine hundred and fifty paces, and during the afternoon
traversed three other grassy lakes and encamped on the banks of the
river, at the end of the Yellow-Knife Portage, of three hundred and
fifty paces. This day’s work was very laborious to our men. Akaitcho
however had directed his party to assist them in carrying their burdens
on the portages, which they did cheerfully. This morning Mr. Back
caught several fish with a fly, a method of fishing entirely new to the
Indians, and they were not more delighted than astonished at his skill
and success. The extremes of temperature today were 54 and 65°.

SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS, AND DISCONTENT OF THE CANADIAN VOYAGERS.


On August 5th we continued the ascent of the river, which varied much
in breadth, as did the current in rapidity. It flows between high rocky
banks on which there is sufficient soil to support pines, birch, and
poplars. Five portages were crossed, then the Rocky Lake, and we
finished our labours at the end of the sixth portage. The issue of
dried meat for breakfast this morning had exhausted all our stock, and
no other provision remained but the portable soups and a few pounds of
preserved meat. At the recommendation of Akaitcho the hunters were
furnished with ammunition and desired to go forward as speedily as
possible to the part where the reindeer were expected to be found, and
to return to us with any provision they could procure. He also assured
us that in our advance towards them we should come to some lakes
abounding in fish. Many of the Indians, being likewise in distress for
food, decided on separating from us and going on at a quicker pace than
we could travel.

Akaitcho himself was always furnished with a portion at our meals as a
token of regard which the traders have taught the chiefs to expect and
which we willingly paid.

The next morning we crossed a small lake and a portage before we
entered the river; shortly afterwards the canoes and cargoes were
carried a mile along its banks to avoid three very strong rapids, and
over another portage into a narrow lake; we encamped on an island in
the middle of it to set the nets; but they only yielded a few fish and
we had a very scanty supper as it was necessary to deal out our
provision sparingly. The longitude 114° 27′ 03″ West and variation 33°
00′ 04″ East were observed.

We had the mortification of finding the nets entirely empty next
morning, an untoward circumstance that discouraged our voyagers very
much; and they complained of being unable to support the fatigue to
which they were daily exposed on their present scanty fare. We had seen
with regret that the portages were more frequent as we advanced to the
northward and feared that their strength would fail if provision were
not soon obtained. We embarked at six, proceeded to the head of the
lake, and crossed a portage of two thousand five hundred paces leading
over ridges of sandhills which nourished pines of a larger size than we
had lately seen. This conducted us to Mossy Lake whence we regained the
river after traversing another portage. The Birch and Poplar Portages
next followed, and beyond these we came to a part where the river takes
a great circuit and its course is interrupted by several heavy falls.
The guide therefore advised us to quit it and proceed through a chain
of nine lakes extending to the north-east which we did and encamped on
Icy Portage where the nets were set. The bottom of the valley through
which the track across this portage led was covered with ice four or
five feet thick, the remains of a large iceberg which is annually
formed there by the snow drifting into the valley and becoming
consolidated into ice by the overflowing of some springs that are warm
enough to resist the winter’s cold. The latitude is 63° 22′ 15″ North,
longitude 114° 15′ 30″ West.

We were alarmed in the night by our fire communicating to the dry moss
which, spreading by the force of a strong wind, encircled the
encampment and threatened destruction to our canoes and baggage. The
watch immediately aroused all the men who quickly removed whatever
could be injured to a distant part and afterwards succeeded in
extinguishing the flame.

August 8.

During this day we crossed five portages, passing over a very bad road.
The men were quite exhausted with fatigue by five P.M. when we were
obliged to encamp on the borders of the fifth lake, in which the
fishing-nets were set. We began this evening to issue some portable
soup and arrowroot which our companions relished very much; but this
food is too unsubstantial to support their vigour under their daily
exhausting labour, and we could not furnish them with a sufficient
quantity even of this to satisfy their desires. We commenced our
labours on the next day in a very wet uncomfortable state as it had
rained through the night until four A.M. The fifth grassy lake was
crossed and four others, with their intervening portages, and we
returned to the river by a portage of one thousand four hundred and
fifteen paces. The width of the stream here is about one hundred yards,
its banks are moderately high and scantily covered with wood. We
afterwards twice carried the cargoes along its banks to avoid a very
stony rapid and then crossed the first Carp Portage in longitude 114°
2′ 01″ West, variation of the compass 32° 30′ 40″ East, and encamped on
the borders of Lower Carp Lake.

The chief having told us that this was a good lake for fishing we
determined on halting for a day or two to recruit our men, of whom
three were lame and several others had swelled legs. The chief himself
went forward to look after the hunters and promised to make a fire as a
signal if they had killed any reindeer. All the Indians had left us in
the course of yesterday and today to seek these animals except the
guide Keskarrah.

August 10.

The nets furnishing only four carp we embarked for the purpose of
searching for a better spot and encamped again on the shores of the
same lake. The spirits of the men were much revived by seeing some
recent traces of reindeer at this place, which circumstance caused them
to cherish the hope of soon getting a supply of meat from the hunters.
They were also gratified by finding abundance of blueberries near the
encampment, which made an agreeable and substantial addition to their
otherwise scanty fare. We were teased by sandflies this evening
although the thermometer did not rise above 45°. The country through
which we had travelled for some days consists principally of granite,
intermixed in some spots with mica-slate, often passing into
clay-slate. But the borders of Lower Carp Lake where the gneiss
formation prevails are composed of hills having less altitude, fewer
precipices, and more rounded summits. The valleys are less fertile,
containing a gravelly soil and fewer trees, so that the country has
throughout a more barren aspect.

August 11.

Having caught sufficient trout, white-fish, and carp yesterday and this
morning to afford the party two hearty meals, and the men having
recovered from their fatigue, we proceeded on our journey, crossed the
Upper Carp Portage, and embarked on the lake of that name where we had
the gratification of paddling for ten miles. We put up at its
termination to fish by the advice of our guide and the following
observations were then taken: longitude 113° 46′ 35″ West, variation of
the compass 36° 45′ 30″ East, dip 87° 11′ 48″. At this place we first
perceived the north end of our dipping-needle to pass the perpendicular
line when the instrument was faced to the west.

We had scarcely quitted the encampment next day before an Indian met us
with the agreeable communication that the hunters had made several
fires which were certain indications of their having killed reindeer.
This intelligence inspired our companions with fresh energy and they
quickly traversed the next portage and paddled through the Reindeer
Lake; at the north side of it we found the canoes of our hunters and
learned from our guide that the Indians usually leave their canoes here
as the water communication on their hunting grounds is bad. The
Yellow-Knife River had now dwindled into an insignificant rivulet and
we could not trace it beyond the next lake except as a mere brook. The
latitude of its source 64° 1′ 30″ North, longitude 113° 36′ 00″ West,
and its length is one hundred and fifty-six statute miles. Though this
river is of sufficient breadth and depth for navigating in canoes yet I
conceive its course is too much interrupted by cascades and rapids for
its ever being used as a channel for the conveyance of merchandise.
Whilst the crews were employed in making a portage over the foot of
Prospect Hill we ascended to the top of it and, as it is the highest
ground in the neighbourhood, its summit, which is about five hundred
feet above the water, commands an extensive view.

Akaitcho who was here with his family pointed out to us the smoke of
the distant fires which the hunters had made. The prospect is agreeably
diversified by an intermixture of hill and valley and the appearance of
twelve lakes in different directions. On the borders of these lakes a
few thin pine groves occur, but the country in general is destitute of
almost every vegetable except a few berry-bearing shrubs and lichens,
and has a very barren aspect. The hills are composed of gneiss but
their acclivities are covered with a coarse gravelly soil. There are
many large loose stones both on their sides and summits composed of the
same materials as the solid rock.

We crossed another lake in the evening, encamped and set the nets. The
chief made a large fire to announce our situation to the hunters.

DIFFICULTIES WITH REGARD TO THE INDIAN GUIDES. REFUSAL TO PROCEED.


August 13.

We caught twenty fish this morning but they were small and furnished
but a scanty breakfast for the party. Whilst this meal was preparing
our Canadian voyagers, who had been for some days past murmuring at
their meagre diet and striving to get the whole of our little provision
to consume at once, broke out into open discontent, and several of them
threatened they would not proceed forward unless more food was given to
them. This conduct was the more unpardonable as they saw we were
rapidly approaching the fires of the hunters and that provision might
soon be expected. I therefore felt the duty incumbent on me to address
them in the strongest manner on the danger of insubordination and to
assure them of my determination to inflict the heaviest punishment on
any that should persist in their refusal to go on, or in any other way
attempt to retard the Expedition. I considered this decisive step
necessary, having learned from the gentlemen most intimately acquainted
with the character of the Canadian voyagers that they invariably try
how far they can impose upon every new master and that they will
continue to be disobedient and intractable if they once gain any
ascendancy over him. I must admit however that the present hardships of
our companions were of a kind which few could support without
murmuring, and no one could witness without a sincere pity for their
sufferings.

After this discussion we went forward until sunset. In the course of
the day we crossed seven lakes and as many portages. Just as we had
encamped we were delighted to see four of the hunters arrive with the
flesh of two reindeer. This seasonable supply, though only sufficient
for this evening’s and the next day’s consumption, instantly revived
the spirits of our companions and they immediately forgot all their
cares. As we did not after this period experience any deficiency of
food during this journey they worked extremely well and never again
reflected upon us as they had done before for rashly bringing them into
an inhospitable country where the means of subsistence could not be
procured.

Several blue fish resembling the grayling were caught in a stream which
flows out of Hunter’s Lake. It is remarkable for the largeness of the
dorsal fin and the beauty of its colours.

August 14.

Having crossed the Hunter’s Portage we entered the Lake of the same
name in latitude 64° 6′ 47″ North, longitude 113° 25′ 00″ West; but
soon quitted it by desire of the Indian guide and diverged more to the
eastward that we might get into the line upon which our hunters had
gone. This was the only consideration that could have induced us to
remove to a chain of small lakes connected by long portages. We crossed
three of these and then were obliged to encamp to rest the men. The
country is bare of wood except a few dwarf birch bushes which grow near
the borders of the lakes, and here and there a few stunted pines, and
our fuel principally consisted of the roots of decayed pines which we
had some difficulty to collect in sufficient quantity for cooking. When
this material is wanting the reindeer lichen and other mosses that grow
in profusion on the gravelly acclivities of the hills are used as
substitutes. Three more of the hunters arrived with meat this evening
which supply came very opportunely as our nets were unproductive. At
eight P.M. a faint Aurora Borealis appeared to the southward, the night
was cold, the wind strong from North-West.

We were detained some time in the following morning before the
fishing-nets, which had sunk in the night, could be recovered.

After starting we first crossed the Orkney Lake, then a portage which
brought us to Sandy Lake and here we missed one of our barrels of
powder which the steersman of the canoe then recollected had been left
the day before. He and two other men were sent back to search for it in
the small canoe. The rest of the party proceeded to the portage on the
north side of the Grizzly-Bear Lake, where the hunters had made a
deposit of meat, and there encamped to await their return which
happened at nine P.M. with the powder. We perceived from the direction
of this lake that considerable labour would have been spared if we had
continued our course yesterday, instead of striking off at the guide’s
suggestion, as the bottom of this lake cannot be far separated from
either Hunter’s Lake or the one to the westward of it. The chief and
all the Indians went off to hunt accompanied by Pierre St. Germain the
interpreter. They returned at night bringing some meat and reported
that they had put the carcasses of several reindeer _en cache_. These
were sent for early next morning and, as the weather was unusually
warm, the thermometer at noon being 77°, we remained stationary all day
that the women might prepare the meat for keeping by stripping the
flesh from the bones and drying it in the sun over a slow fire. The
hunters were again successful and by the evening we had collected the
carcasses of seventeen deer. As this was a sufficient store to serve us
until we arrived at Winter Lake the chief proposed that he and his
hunters should proceed to that place and collect some provision against
our arrival. He also requested that we would allow him to be absent ten
days to provide his family with clothing as the skin of the reindeer is
unfit for that purpose after the month of September. We could not
refuse to grant such a reasonable request but caused St. Germain to
accompany him that his absence might not exceed the appointed time.
Previous to his departure the chief warned us to be constantly on our
guard against the grizzly bears which he described as being numerous in
this vicinity and very ferocious; one had been seen this day by an
Indian, to which circumstance the lake owes its appellation. We
afterwards learned that the only bear in this part of the country is
the brown bear and that this by no means possesses the ferocity which
the Indians, with their usual love of exaggeration, ascribe to it. The
fierce grizzly bear which frequents the sources of the Missouri is not
found on the barren grounds.

The shores of this lake and the neighbouring hills are principally
composed of sand and gravel; they are much varied in their outline and
present some picturesque scenery.

The following observations were taken here: latitude 64° 15′ 17″ North,
longitude 113° 2′ 39″ West; variation of the compass 36° 50′ 47″ East;
and dip of the needle 87° 20′ 35″.

On August the 17th, having finished drying the meat which had been
retarded by the heavy showers of rain that fell in the morning, we
embarked at one P.M. and crossed two lakes and two portages. The last
of these was two thousand and sixty-six paces long and very rugged so
that the men were much fatigued. On the next day we received the flesh
of four reindeer by the small canoe which had been sent for it and
heard that the hunters had killed several more deer on our route. We
saw many of these animals as we passed along; and our companions,
delighted with the prospect of having food in abundance, now began to
accompany their paddling with singing, which they had discontinued ever
since our provisions became scarce. We passed from one small lake to
another over four portages, then crossed a lake about six miles in
diameter and encamped on its border where, finding pines, we enjoyed
the luxury of a good fire, which we had not done for some days. At ten
P.M. the Aurora Borealis appeared very brilliant in an arch across the
zenith from north-west to south-east which afterwards gave place to a
beautiful corona borealis.

August 19.

After crossing a portage of five hundred and ninety-five paces, a small
lake and another portage of two thousand paces, which occupied the
crews seven hours, we embarked on a small stream running towards the
north-west which carried us to the lake where Akaitcho proposed that we
should pass the winter. The officers ascended several of the loftiest
hills in the course of the day, prompted by a natural anxiety to
examine the spot which was to be their residence for many months. The
prospect however was not then the most agreeable as the borders of the
lake seemed to be scantily furnished with wood and that of a kind too
small for the purposes of building.

We perceived the smoke of a distant fire which the Indians suppose had
been made by some of the Dog-Ribbed tribe who occasionally visit this
part of the country.

Embarking at seven next morning we paddled to the western extremity of
the lake and there found a small river which flows out of it to the
South-West. To avoid a strong rapid at its commencement we made a
portage and then crossed to the north bank of the river where the
Indians recommended that the winter establishment should be erected,
and we soon found that the situation they had chosen possessed all the
advantages we could desire. The trees were numerous and of a far
greater size than we had supposed them to be in a distant view, some of
the pines being thirty or forty feet high and two feet in diameter at
the root. We determined on placing the house on the summit of the bank
which commands a beautiful prospect of the surrounding country. The
view in the front is bounded at the distance of three miles by
round-backed hills; to the eastward and westward lie the Winter and
Round-rock Lakes which are connected by the Winter River whose banks
are well clothed with pines and ornamented with a profusion of mosses,
lichens, and shrubs.

In the afternoon we read divine service and offered our thanksgiving to
the Almighty for His goodness in having brought us thus far on our
journey; a duty which we never neglected when stationary on the
Sabbath.

The united length of the portages we had crossed since leaving Fort
Providence is twenty-one statute miles and a half and, as our men had
to traverse each portage four times, with a load of one hundred and
eighty pounds, and return three times light, they walked in the whole
upwards of one hundred and fifty miles. The total length of our voyage
from Chipewyan is five hundred and fifty-three miles.[19]

 [19] Stony and Slave Rivers: 260 statute miles.
Slave Lake: 107 statute miles.
Yellow-Knife River: 156.5 statute miles.
Barren country between the source of the Yellow-Knife River and Fort
Enterprise: 29.5 statute miles.
Total: 553 statute miles.


A fire was made on the south side of the river to inform the chief of
our arrival, which, spreading before a strong wind, caught the whole
wood, and we were completely enveloped in a cloud of smoke for the
three following days.

On the next morning our voyagers were divided into two parties, the one
to cut the wood for the building of a storehouse and the other to fetch
the meat as the hunters procured it. An interpreter was sent with
Keskarrah the guide to search for the Indians who had made the fire
seen on Saturday, from whom we might obtain some supplies of provision.
An Indian was also despatched to Akaitcho with directions for him to
come to this place directly and bring whatever provision he had as we
were desirous of proceeding without delay to the Copper-Mine River. In
the evening our men brought in the carcasses of seven reindeer which
two hunters had shot yesterday and the women commenced drying the meat
for our journey. We also obtained a good supply of fish from our nets
today.

A heavy rain on the 23rd prevented the men from working either at the
building or going for meat; but on the next day the weather was fine
and they renewed their labours. The thermometer that day did not rise
higher than 42° and it fell to 31° before midnight. On the morning of
the 25th we were surprised by some early symptoms of the approach of
winter; the small pools were frozen over and a flock of geese passed to
the southward. In the afternoon however a fog came on which afterwards
changed into rain and the ice quickly disappeared. We suffered great
anxiety all the next day respecting John Hepburn who had gone to hunt
before sunrise on the 25th and had been absent ever since. About four
hours after his departure the wind changed and a dense fog obscured
every mark by which his course to the tents could be directed, and we
thought it probable he had been wandering in an opposite direction to
our situation as the two hunters who had been sent to look for him
returned at sunset without having seen him. Akaitcho arrived with his
party and we were greatly disappointed at finding they had stored up
only fifteen reindeer for us. St. Germain informed us that, having
heard of the death of the chief’s brother-in-law, they had spent
several days in bewailing his loss instead of hunting. We learned also
that the decease of this man had caused another party of the tribe, who
had been sent by Mr. Wentzel to prepare provision for us on the banks
of the Copper-Mine River, to remove to the shores of the Great Bear
Lake, distant from our proposed route. Mortifying as these
circumstances were they produced less painful sensations than we
experienced in the evening by the refusal of Akaitcho to accompany us
in the proposed descent of the Copper-Mine River. When Mr. Wentzel, by
my direction, communicated to him my intention of proceeding at once on
that service he desired a conference with me upon the subject which,
being immediately granted, he began by stating that the very attempt
would be rash and dangerous as the weather was cold, the leaves were
falling, some geese had passed to the southward, and the winter would
shortly set in and that, as he considered the lives of all who went on
such a journey would be forfeited, he neither would go himself nor
permit his hunters to accompany us. He said there was no wood within
eleven days’ march, during which time we could not have any fire as the
moss which the Indians use in their summer excursions would be too wet
for burning in consequence of the recent rains; that we should be forty
days in descending the Copper-Mine River, six of which would be
expended in getting to its banks, and that we might be blocked up by
the ice in the next moon; and during the whole journey the party must
experience great sufferings for want of food as the reindeer had
already left the river.

He was now reminded that these statements were very different from the
account he had given both at Fort Providence and on the route hither;
and that up to this moment we had been encouraged by his conversation
to expect that the party might descend the Copper-Mine River
accompanied by the Indians. He replied that at the former place he had
been unacquainted with our slow mode of travelling and that the
alteration in his opinion arose from the advance of winter.

We now informed him that we were provided with instruments by which we
could ascertain the state of the air and water and that we did not
imagine the winter to be so near as he supposed; however we promised to
return on discovering the first change in the season. He was also told
that, all the baggage being left behind, our canoes would now of course
travel infinitely more expeditiously than anything he had hitherto
witnessed. Akaitcho appeared to feel hurt that we should continue to
press the matter further and answered with some warmth: “Well, I have
said everything I can urge to dissuade you from going on this service
on which it seems you wish to sacrifice your own lives as well as the
Indians who might attend you: however if after all I have said you are
determined to go some of my young men shall join the party because it
shall not be said that we permitted you to die alone after having
brought you hither; but from the moment they embark in the canoes I and
my relatives shall lament them as dead.”

We could only reply to this forcible appeal by assuring him and the
Indians who were seated around him that we felt the most anxious
solicitude for the safety of every individual and that it was far from
our intention to proceed without considering every argument for and
against the proposed journey.

We next informed him that it would be very desirable to see the river
at any rate, that we might give some positive information about its
situation and size in our next letters to the Great Chief; and that we
were very anxious to get on its banks for the purpose of observing an
eclipse of the sun which we described to him and said would happen in a
few days. He received this communication with more temper than the
preceding, though he immediately assigned as a reason for his declining
to go that “the Indians must now procure a sufficient quantity of
deer-skins for winter clothing for themselves, and dresses for the
Canadians who would need them if they had to travel in the winter.”
Finding him so averse to proceed and feeling at the same time how
essential his continuance with us was, not only to our future success
but even to our existence during the winter, I closed the conversation
here, intending to propose to him next morning some modification of the
plan which might meet his approbation. Soon after we were gone however
he informed Mr. Wentzel, with whom he was in the habit of speaking
confidentially, that, as his advice was neglected, his presence was
useless and he should therefore return to Fort Providence with his
hunters after he had collected some winter provision for us. Mr.
Wentzel having reported this to me the night was passed in great
anxiety and, after weighing all the arguments that presented themselves
to my mind, I came reluctantly to the determination of relinquishing
the intention of going any distance down the river this season. I had
considered that, could we ascertain what were the impediments to the
navigation of the Copper-Mine River, what wood grew on its banks, if
fit for boat building, and whether drift timber existed where the
country was naked, our operations next season would be much
facilitated; but we had also cherished the hope of reaching the sea
this year for the Indians in their conversations with us had only
spoken of two great rapids as likely to obstruct us. This was a hope
extremely painful to give up for, in the event of success, we should
have ascertained whether the sea was clear of ice and navigable for
canoes, have learned the disposition of the Esquimaux, and might have
obtained other information that would have had great influence on our
future proceedings.

I must confess however that my opinion of the probability of our being
able to attain so great a desideratum this season had been somewhat
altered by the recent changes in the weather although, had the chief
been willing to accompany us with his party, I should have made the
attempt, with the intention however of returning immediately upon the
first decided appearance of winter.

On the morning of August 27th, having communicated my sentiments to the
officers on the subject of the conference last evening, they all agreed
that the descent to the sea this season could not be attempted without
hazarding a complete rupture with the Indians; but they thought that a
party should be sent to ascertain the distance and size of the
Copper-Mine River. These opinions being in conformity with my own I
determined on despatching Messrs. Back and Hood on that service in a
light canoe as soon as possible.

We witnessed this morning an instance of the versatility of our Indian
companions which gave us much uneasiness as it regarded the safety of
our faithful attendant Hepburn. When they heard on their arrival last
night of his having been so long absent they expressed the greatest
solicitude about him, and the whole party immediately volunteered to go
in search of him as soon as daylight permitted. Their resolutions
however seem to have been changed in consequence of the subsequent
conversation we had with the chief, and we found all of them indisposed
to proceed on that errand this morning; and it was only by much
entreaty that three of the hunters and a boy were prevailed upon to go.
They fortunately succeeded in their search and we were infinitely
rejoiced to see Hepburn return with them in the afternoon, though much
jaded by the fatigue he had undergone. He had got bewildered, as we had
conjectured, in the foggy weather on the 25th, and had been wandering
about ever since except during half an hour that he slept yesterday. He
had eaten only a partridge and some berries for his anxiety of mind had
deprived him of appetite; and of a deer which he had shot he took only
the tongue, and the skin to protect himself from the wind and rain.
This anxiety we learned from him was occasioned by the fear that the
party which was about to descend the Copper-Mine River might be
detained until he was found, or that it might have departed without
him. He did not entertain any dread of the white bears of whose numbers
and ferocious attacks the Indians had been constantly speaking since we
had entered the barren grounds. Our fears for his safety however were
in a considerable degree excited by the accounts we had received of
these animals. Having made a hearty supper he retired to rest, slept
soundly, and arose next morning in perfect health.

On the 28th of August Akaitcho was informed of our intention to send a
party to the river and of the reasons for doing so, of which he
approved when he found that I had relinquished the idea of going
myself, in compliance with the desire which he and the Indians had
expressed; and he immediately said two of the hunters should go to
provide them with food on the journey and to serve as guides. During
this conversation we gathered from him for the first time that there
might still be some of his tribe near to the river from whom the party
could get provision. Our next object was to despatch the Indians to
their hunting-ground to collect provision for us, and to procure the
fat of the deer for our use during the winter, and for making the
pemmican we should require in the spring. They were therefore furnished
with some ammunition, clothing, and other necessary articles, and
directed to take their departure as soon as possible.

Akaitcho came into our tent this evening at supper and made several
pertinent inquiries respecting the eclipse of which we had spoken last
night. He desired to know the effect that would be produced and the
cause of it, which we endeavoured to explain and, having gained this
information, he sent for several of his companions that they might also
have it repeated to them. They were most astonished at our knowing the
time at which this event should happen and remarked that this knowledge
was a striking proof of the superiority of the whites over the Indians.
We took advantage of this occasion to speak to them respecting the
Supreme Being, who ordered all the operations of nature, and to impress
on their minds the necessity of paying strict attention to their moral
duties, in obedience to His will. They readily assented to all these
points and Akaitcho assured us that both himself and his young men
would exert themselves in obtaining provision for us in return for the
interesting communications we had just made to them.

Having received a supply of dried meat from the Indian lodges we were
enabled to equip the party for the Copper-Mine River, and at nine A.M.
on the 29th Mr. Back and Mr. Hood embarked on that service in a light
canoe with St. Germain, eight Canadians, and one Indian. We could not
furnish them with more than eight days’ provision which, with their
blankets, two tents, and a few instruments, composed their lading. Mr.
Back, who had charge of the party, was directed to proceed to the river
and, if when he arrived at its banks the weather should continue to be
mild and the temperature of the water was not lower than 40 degrees, he
might embark and descend the stream for a few days to gain some
knowledge of its course, but he was not to go so far as to risk his
being able to return to this place in a fortnight with the canoe. But
if the weather should be severe and the temperature of the water below
40° he was not to embark but return immediately and endeavour to
ascertain the best track for our goods to be conveyed thither next
spring.

We had seen that the water decreases rapidly in temperature at this
season and I feared that if he embarked to descend the river when it
was below 40° the canoe might be frozen in and the crew have to walk
back in very severe weather.

As soon as the canoe had started Akaitcho and the Indians took their
departure also, except two of the hunters who stayed behind to kill
deer in our neighbourhood, and old Keskarrah and his family who
remained as our guests.

The fishing-nets were this day transferred from the river in which they
had been set since our arrival to Winter Lake, whither the fish had
removed, and the fishermen built a log-hut on its borders to reside in
that they might attend more closely to their occupation.

The month of September commenced with very disagreeable weather. The
temperature of the atmosphere ranged between 39 and 31° during the
first three days, and that of the water in the river decreased from 49
to 44°. Several reindeer and a large flight of white geese passed to
the southward. These circumstances led us to fear for the comfort, if
not for the safety, of our absent friends. On the 4th of September we
commenced building our dwelling-house, having cut sufficient wood for
the frame of it.

In the afternoon of September the 6th we removed our tent to the summit
of a hill about three miles distant for the better observing the
eclipse, which was calculated to occur on the next morning. We were
prevented however from witnessing it by a heavy snow-storm, and the
only observation we could then make was to examine whether the
temperature of the atmosphere altered during the eclipse, but we found
that both the mercurial and spirit thermometers remained steadily at
30° for a quarter of an hour previous to its commencement, during its
continuance, and for half an hour subsequent to its termination; we
remarked the wind increased very much and the snow fell in heavier
flakes just after the estimated time of its commencement. This
boisterous weather continued until three P.M. when the wind abated and
the snow changed to rain.

VISIT OF OBSERVATION TO THE UPPER PART OF COPPER-MINE RIVER.


As there was now no immediate occasion for my remaining on the spot,
the eclipse being over and the Indians having removed to their hunting
grounds, Dr. Richardson and I determined on taking a pedestrian
excursion to the Copper-Mine River, leaving Mr. Wentzel in charge of
the men and to superintend the buildings. On the morning of September
the 9th we commenced our journey under the guidance of old Keskarrah,
and accompanied by John Hepburn and Samandré, who carried our blankets,
cooking utensils, hatchets, and a small supply of dried meat. Our guide
led us from the top of one hill to the top of another, making as
straight a course to the northward as the numerous lakes with which the
country is intersected, would permit. At noon we reached a remarkable
hill with precipitous sides, named by the Copper Indians the Dog-Rib
Rock, and its latitude, 64° 34′ 52″ South, was obtained. The
canoe-track passes to the eastward of this rock but we kept to the
westward as being the more direct course. From the time we quitted the
banks of the Winter River we saw only a few detached clumps of trees;
but after we passed the Dog-Rib Rock even these disappeared and we
travelled through a naked country. In the course of the afternoon
Keskarrah killed a reindeer and loaded himself with its head and skin,
and our men also carried off a few pounds of its flesh for supper; but
their loads were altogether too great to permit them to take much
additional weight. Keskarrah offered to us as a great treat the raw
marrow from the hind legs of the animal, of which all the party ate
except myself and thought it very good. I was also of the same opinion
when I subsequently conquered my then too fastidious taste. We halted
for the night on the borders of a small lake which washed the base of a
ridge of sandhills about three hundred feet high, having walked in
direct distance sixteen miles.

There were four ancient pine-trees here which did not exceed six or
seven feet in height but whose branches spread themselves out for
several yards and we gladly cropped a few twigs to make a bed and to
protect us from the frozen ground, still white from a fall of snow
which took place in the afternoon. We were about to cut down one of
these trees for firewood but our guide solicited us to spare them and
made us understand by signs that they had been long serviceable to his
nation and that we ought to content ourselves with a few of the smaller
branches. As soon as we comprehended his request we complied with it
and our attendants, having with some trouble grubbed up a sufficient
quantity of roots of the dwarf birch to make a fire, we were enabled to
prepare a comfortable supper of reindeer’s meat which we despatched
with the appetites which travelling in this country never fails to
ensure. We then stretched ourselves out on the pine brush and, covered
by a single blanket, enjoyed a night of sound repose. The small
quantity of bed-clothes we carried induced us to sleep without
undressing. Old Keskarrah followed a different plan; he stripped
himself to the skin and, having toasted his body for a short time over
the embers of the fire, he crept under his deer-skin and rags,
previously spread out as smoothly as possible and, coiling himself up
in a circular form, fell asleep instantly. This custom of undressing to
the skin even when lying in the open air is common to all the Indian
tribes. The thermometer at sunset stood at 29°.

Resuming our journey next morning we pursued a northerly course but had
to make a considerable circuit round the western ends of two lakes
whose eastern extremities were hidden from our view. The march was very
uncomfortable as the wind was cold and there was a constant fall of
snow until noon; our guide too persisted in taking us over the summit
of every hill that lay in the route so that we had the full benefit of
the breeze.

We forded two streams in the afternoon flowing between small lakes and,
being wet, did not much relish having to halt whilst Keskarrah pursued
a herd of reindeer; but there was no alternative as he set off and
followed them without consulting our wishes. The old man loaded himself
with the skin and some meat of the animal he killed in addition to his
former burden; but after walking two miles, finding his charge too
heavy for his strength, he spread the skin on the rock and deposited
the meat under some stones, intending to pick them up on our return.

We put up at sunset on the borders of a large lake, having come twelve
miles. A few dwarf birches afforded us but a scanty fire yet, being
sheltered from the wind by a sandy bank, we passed the night
comfortably though the temperature was 30°. A number of geese passed
over us to the southward. We set off early next morning and marched at
a tolerably quick pace. The atmosphere was quite foggy and our view was
limited to a short distance. At noon the sun shone forth for a few
minutes and the latitude 64° 57′ 7″ was observed. The small streams
that we had hitherto crossed run uniformly to the southward.

At the end of sixteen miles and a half we encamped amongst a few dwarf
pines and were much rejoiced at having a good fire as the night was
very stormy and cold. The thermometer fluctuated this day between 31
and 35°. Though the following morning was foggy and rainy we were not
sorry to quit the cold and uncomfortable beds of rock upon which we had
slept and commence our journey at an early hour. After walking about
three miles we passed over a steep sandy ridge and found the course of
the rivulets running towards the north and north-west. Our progress was
slow in the early part of the morning and we were detained for two
hours on the summit of a hill exposed to a very cold wind whilst our
guide went in an unsuccessful pursuit of some reindeer. After walking a
few miles farther the fog cleared away and Keskarrah pointed out the
Copper-Mine River at a distance and we pushed towards it with all the
speed we could put forth. At noon we arrived at an arm of Point Lake,
an extensive expansion of the river, and observed the latitude 65° 9′
06″ North. We continued our walk along the south end of this arm for
about a mile farther and then halted to breakfast amidst a cluster of
pines. Here the longitude 112° 57′ 25″ was observed. After breakfast we
set out and walked along the east side of the arm towards the main body
of the lake, leaving Samandré to prepare an encampment amongst the
pines against our return. We found the main channel deep, its banks
high and rocky, and the valleys on its borders interspersed with
clusters of spruce-trees. The latter circumstance was a source of much
gratification to us. The temperature of its surface water was 41°, that
of the air being 43°. Having gained all the information we could
collect from our guide and from personal observation we retraced our
steps to the encampment, and on the way back Hepburn and Keskarrah shot
several waveys (_Anas hyperborea_) which afforded us a seasonable
supply, our stock of provision being nearly exhausted. These birds were
feeding in large flocks on the crow-berries which grew plentifully on
the sides of the hills. We reached the encampment after dark, found a
comfortable hut prepared for our reception, made an excellent supper,
and slept soundly though it snowed hard the whole night.

The hills in this neighbourhood are higher than those about Fort
Enterprise; they stand however in the same detached manner without
forming connected ranges; and the bottom of every valley is occupied
either by a small lake or a stony marsh. On the borders of such of
these lakes as communicate with the Copper-Mine River there are a few
groves of spruce-trees, generally growing on accumulations of sand on
the acclivities of the hills.

We did not quit the encampment on the morning of September 13th until
nine o’clock in consequence of a constant fall of snow; but at that
hour we set out on our return to Fort Enterprise and, taking a route
somewhat different from the one by which we came, kept to the eastward
of a chain of lakes. Soon after noon the weather became extremely
disagreeable; a cold northerly gale came on attended by snow and sleet,
and the temperature fell very soon from 43° to 34°. The waveys, alarmed
at the sudden change, flew over our heads in great numbers to a milder
climate. We walked as quickly as possible to get a place that would
furnish some fuel and shelter; but the fog occasioned us to make
frequent halts from the inability of our guide to trace his way. At
length we came to a spot which afforded us plenty of dwarf birches but
they were so much frozen and the snow fell so thick that upwards of two
hours were wasted in endeavouring to make a fire, during which time our
clothes were freezing upon us. At length our efforts were crowned with
success and after a good supper we laid or rather sat down to sleep,
for the nature of the ground obliged us to pass the night in a
demi-erect position with our backs against a bank of earth. The
thermometer was 16° at six P.M.

After enjoying a more comfortable night’s rest than we had expected we
set off at daybreak, the thermometer then standing at 18°. The ground
was covered with snow, the small lakes were frozen, and the whole scene
had a wintry appearance. We got on but slowly at first owing to an old
sprained ankle which had been very troublesome to me for the last three
days and was this morning excessively painful. In fording a rivulet
however the application of cold water gave me immediate relief and I
walked with ease the remainder of the day. In the afternoon we rejoined
our track outwards and came to the place where Keskarrah had made his
deposit of provision, which proved a very acceptable supply as our
stock was exhausted. We then crossed some sandhills and encamped amidst
a few small pines, having walked thirteen miles.

The comfort of a good fire made us soon insensible to the fatigue we
had experienced through the day in marching over the rugged stones
whose surface was rendered slippery by the frost. The thermometer at
seven P.M. stood at 27°.

RETURN TO THE WINTER QUARTERS OF FORT ENTERPRISE.


We set off at sunrise next morning and our provision being expended
pushed on as fast as we could to Fort Enterprise where we arrived at
eight P.M., almost exhausted by a harassing day’s march of twenty-two
miles. A substantial supper of reindeer steaks soon restored our
vigour. We had the happiness of meeting our friends Mr. Back and Mr.
Hood who had returned from their excursion on the day succeeding that
on which we set out; and I received from them the following account of
their journey.

They proceeded up the Winter River to the north end of the Little
Marten Lake and then the guide, being unacquainted with the route by
water to the Copper-Mine River, proposed that the canoe should be left.
Upon this they ascended the loftiest hill in the neighbourhood to
examine whether they could discover any large lakes or water
communication in the direction where the guide described the river to
be. They only saw a small rivulet which was too shallow for the canoe
and also wide of the course and, as they perceived the crew would have
to carry it over a rugged hilly track, they judiciously decided on
leaving it and proceeding forward on foot. Having deposited the canoe
among a few dwarf birch bushes they commenced their march, carrying
their tents, blankets, cooking utensils, and a part of the dried meat.
St. Germain however had previously delineated with charcoal a man and a
house on a piece of bark which he placed over the canoe and the few
things that were left to point out to the Dog-Ribs that they belonged
to white people.

The party reached the shores of Point Lake through which the
Copper-Mine River runs on the 1st of September. The next day was too
stormy for them to march but on the 3rd they proceeded along its shores
to the westward round a mountainous promontory and, perceiving the
course of the lake extending to the West-North-West, they encamped near
some pines and then enjoyed the luxury of a good fire for the first
time since their departure from us. The temperature of the water in the
lake was 35° and of the air 32°, but the latter fell to 20° in the
course of that night. As their principal object was to ascertain
whether any arm of the lake branched nearer to Fort Enterprise than the
part they had fallen upon, to which the transport of our goods could be
more easily made next spring, they returned on its borders to the
eastward, being satisfied by the appearance of the mountains between
south and west that no further examination was necessary in that
direction; and they continued their march until the 6th at noon without
finding any part of the lake inclining nearer the fort. They therefore
encamped to observe the eclipse which was to take place on the
following morning but, a violent snowstorm rendering the observation
impossible, they commenced their return and after a comfortless and
laborious march regained their canoe on the 10th and, embarking in it,
arrived the same evening at the house.

Point Lake varied, as far as they traced, from one to three miles in
width. Its main course was nearly east and west, but several arms
branched off in different directions. I was much pleased with the able
manner in which these officers executed the service they had been
despatched upon, and was gratified to learn from them that their
companions had conducted themselves extremely well and borne the
fatigues of their journey most cheerfully. They scarcely ever had more
than sufficient fuel to boil the kettle and were generally obliged to
lie down in their wet clothes and consequently suffered much from cold.

The distance which the parties travelled in their journey to and from
Point Lake may be estimated at one hundred and ten statute miles which,
being added to the distances given in the preceding pages, amount to
one thousand five hundred and twenty miles that the Expedition
travelled in 1820 up to the time of its residence at Fort Enterprise.




CHAPTER 8.

TRANSACTIONS AT FORT ENTERPRISE. MR. BACK’S NARRATIVE OF HIS JOURNEY TO
CHIPEWYAN, AND RETURN.


TRANSACTIONS AT FORT ENTERPRISE.


September 1820.

During our little expedition to the Copper-Mine River Mr. Wentzel had
made great progress in the erection of our winter-house having nearly
roofed it in. But before proceeding to give an account of a ten months’
residence at this place, henceforth designated Fort Enterprise, I may
premise that I shall omit many of the ordinary occurrences of a North
American winter as they have been already detailed in so able and
interesting a manner by Ellis,[20] and confine myself principally to
the circumstances which had an influence on our progress in the ensuing
summer. The observations on the magnetic needle, the temperature of the
atmosphere, the Aurora Borealis, and other meteorological phenomena,
together with the mineralogical and botanical notices, being less
interesting to the general reader, are omitted in this edition.

 [20] Voyage to Hudson’s Bay in the _Dobbs_ and _California_.


The men continued to work diligently at the house and by the 30th of
September had nearly completed it for our reception when a heavy fall
of rain washed the greater part of the mud off the roof. This rain was
remarked by the Indians as unusual after what they had deemed so
decided a commencement of winter in the early part of the month. The
mean temperature for the month was 33 3/4°, but the thermometer had
sunk as low as 16° and on one occasion rose to 53°.

Besides the party constantly employed at the house two men were
appointed to fish and others were occasionally sent for meat as the
hunters procured it. This latter employment, although extremely
laborious, was always relished by the Canadians as they never failed to
use a prescriptive right of helping themselves to the fattest and most
delicate parts of the deer. Towards the end of the month the reindeer
began to quit the barren grounds and came into the vicinity of the
house on their way to the woods and, the success of the hunters being
consequently great, the necessity of sending for the meat considerably
retarded the building of the house. In the meantime we resided in our
canvas tents which proved very cold habitations although we maintained
a fire in front of them and also endeavoured to protect ourselves from
the piercing winds by a barricade of pine branches.

On the 6th of October, the house being completed, we struck our tents
and removed into it. It was merely a log building, fifty feet long and
twenty-four wide, divided into a hall, three bedrooms and a kitchen.
The walls and roof were plastered with clay, the floors laid with
planks rudely squared with the hatchet, and the windows closed with
parchment of deer-skin. The clay which, from the coldness of the
weather, required to be tempered before the fire with hot water, froze
as it was daubed on and afterwards cracked in such a manner as to admit
the wind from every quarter yet, compared with the tents, our new
habitation appeared comfortable and, having filled our capacious
clay-built chimney with fagots, we spent a cheerful evening before the
invigorating blaze. The change was peculiarly beneficial to Dr.
Richardson who, having in one of his excursions incautiously laid down
on the frozen side of a hill when heated with walking, had caught a
severe inflammatory sore throat which became daily worse whilst we
remained in the tents but began to mend soon after he was enabled to
confine himself to the more equable warmth of the house. We took up our
abode at first on the floor but our working party, who had shown such
skill as house carpenters, soon proved themselves to be, with the same
tools (the hatchet and crooked knife) excellent cabinetmakers and daily
added a table, chair, or bedstead to the comforts of our establishment.
The crooked knife generally made of an old file, bent and tempered by
heat, serves an Indian or Canadian voyager for plane, chisel, and
auger. With it the snowshoe and canoe-timbers are fashioned, the deals
of their sledges reduced to the requisite thinness and polish, and
their wooden bowls and spoons hollowed out. Indeed though not quite so
requisite for existence as the hatchet yet without its aid there would
be little comfort in these wilds.

On the 7th we were gratified by a sight of the sun after it had been
obscured for twelve days. On this and several following days the
meridian sun melted the light covering of snow or hoarfrost on the
lichens which clothe the barren grounds, and rendered them so tender as
to attract great herds of reindeer to our neighbourhood. On the morning
of the 10th I estimated the numbers I saw during a short walk at
upwards of two thousand. They form into herds of different sizes from
ten to a hundred according as their fears or accident induce them to
unite or separate.

The females being at this time more lean and active usually lead the
van. The haunches of the males are now covered to the depth of two
inches or more with fat which is beginning to get red and high
flavoured and is considered a sure indication of the commencement of
the rutting season. Their horns, which in the middle of August were yet
tender, have now attained their proper size and are beginning to lose
their hairy covering which hangs from them in ragged filaments. The
horns of the reindeer vary not only with its sex and age but are
otherwise so uncertain in their growth that they are never alike in any
two individuals. The old males shed theirs about the end of December;
the females retain them until the disappearance of the snow enables
them to frequent the barren grounds which may be stated to be about the
middle or end of May, soon after which period they proceed towards the
sea-coast and drop their young. The young males lose their horns about
the same time with the females or a little earlier, some of them as
early as April. The hair of the reindeer falls in July and is succeeded
by a short thick coat of mingled clove, deep reddish and yellowish
browns; the belly and under parts of the neck, etc., remaining white.
As the winter approaches the hair becomes longer and lighter in its
colours and it begins to loosen in May, being then much worn on the
sides from the animal rubbing itself against trees and stones. It
becomes grayish and almost white before it is completely shed. The
Indians form their robes of the skins procured in autumn when the hair
is short. Towards the spring the larvæ of the oestrus, attaining a
large size, produce so many perforations in the skins that they are
good for nothing. The cicatrices only of these holes are to be seen in
August but a fresh set of _ova_ have in the meantime been
deposited.[21]

 [21] “It is worthy of remark that in the month of May a very great
 number of large larvæ exist under the mucous membrane at the root of
 the tongue and posterior part of the nares and pharynx. The Indians
 consider them to belong to the same species with the oestrus that
 deposits its ova under the skin: to us the larvæ of the former
 appeared more flattened than those of the latter. Specimens of both
 kinds preserved in spirits were destroyed by the frequent falls they
 received on the portages.”—Dr. Richardson’s Journal.


The reindeer retire from the sea-coast in July and August, rut in
October on the verge of the barren grounds and shelter themselves in
the woods during the winter. They are often induced by a few fine days
in winter to pay a transitory visit to their favourite pastures in the
barren country, but their principal movement to the northward commences
generally in the end of April when the snow first begins to melt on the
sides of the hills and early in May, when large patches of the ground
are visible, they are on the banks of the Copper-Mine River. The
females take the lead in this spring migration and bring forth their
young on the sea-coast about the end of May or beginning of June. There
are certain spots or passes well-known to the Indians, through which
the deer invariably pass in their migrations to and from the coast and
it has been observed that they always travel against the wind. The
principal food of the reindeer in the barren grounds consists of the
_Cetraria nivalis_ and _cucullata, Cenomyce rangiferina, Cornicularia
ochrileuca_, and other lichens, and they also eat the hay or dry grass
which is found in the swamps in autumn. In the woods they feed on the
different lichens which hang from the trees. They are accustomed to
gnaw their fallen antlers and are said also to devour mice.

The weight of a full-grown barren-ground deer, exclusive of the offal,
varies from ninety to one hundred and thirty pounds. There is however a
much larger kind found in the woody parts of the country whose carcass
weighs from two hundred to two hundred and forty pounds. This kind
never leaves the woods but its skin is as much perforated by the gadfly
as that of the others, a presumptive proof that the smaller species are
not driven to the sea-coast solely by the attacks of that insect. There
are a few reindeer occasionally killed in the spring whose skins are
entire and these are always fat whereas the others are lean at that
season. This insect likewise infests the red-deer (_wawaskeesh_) but
its ova are not found in the skin of the moose or buffalo, nor, as we
have been informed, of the sheep and goat that inhabit the Rocky
Mountains, although the reindeer found in those parts (which are of an
unusually large kind) are as much tormented by them as the
barren-ground variety.

The herds of reindeer are attended in their migrations by bands of
wolves which destroy a great many of them. The Copper Indians kill the
reindeer in the summer with the gun or, taking advantage of a
favourable disposition of the ground, they enclose a herd upon a neck
of land and drive them into a lake where they fall an easy prey but, in
the rutting season and in the spring, when they are numerous on the
skirts of the woods, they catch them in snares. The snares are simple
nooses, formed in a rope made of twisted sinew, which are placed in the
aperture of a slight hedge constructed of the branches of trees. This
hedge is so disposed as to form several winding compartments and,
although it is by no means strong, yet the deer seldom attempt to break
through it. The herd is led into the labyrinth by two converging rows
of poles and one is generally caught at each of the openings by the
noose placed there. The hunter too, lying in ambush, stabs some of them
with his bayonet as they pass by and the whole herd frequently becomes
his prey. Where wood is scarce a piece of turf turned up answers the
purpose of a pole to conduct them towards the snares.

The reindeer has a quick eye but the hunter, by keeping to leeward and
using a little caution, may approach very near, their apprehensions
being much more easily roused by the smell than the sight of any
unusual object. Indeed their curiosity often causes them to come close
up and wheel around the hunter; thus affording him a good opportunity
of singling out the fattest of the herd, and upon these occasions they
often become so confused by the shouts and gestures of their enemy that
they run backwards and forwards with great rapidity but without the
power of making their escape.

The Copper Indians find by experience that a white dress attracts them
most readily and they often succeed in bringing them within shot by
kneeling and vibrating the gun from side to side in imitation of the
motion of a deer’s horns when he is in the act of rubbing his head
against a stone.

The Dog-Rib Indians have a mode of killing these animals which though
simple is very successful. It was thus described by Mr. Wentzel who
resided long amongst that people. The hunters go in pairs, the foremost
man carrying in one hand the horns and part of the skin of the head of
a deer and in the other a small bundle of twigs against which he from
time to time rubs the horns, imitating the gestures peculiar to the
animal. His comrade follows, treading exactly in his footsteps and
holding the guns of both in a horizontal position so that the muzzles
project under the arms of him who carries the head. Both hunters have a
fillet of white skin round their foreheads and the foremost has a strip
of the same kind round his wrists. They approach the herd by degrees,
raising their legs very slowly but setting them down somewhat suddenly
after the manner of a deer, and always taking care to lift their right
or left feet simultaneously. If any of the herd leave off feeding to
gaze upon this extraordinary phenomenon it instantly stops and the head
begins to play its part by licking its shoulders and performing other
necessary movements. In this way the hunters attain the very centre of
the herd without exciting suspicion and have leisure to single out the
fattest. The hindmost man then pushes forward his comrade’s gun, the
head is dropped, and they both fire nearly at the same instant. The
herd scampers off, the hunters trot after them; in a short time the
poor animals halt to ascertain the cause of their terror, their foes
stop at the same instant and, having loaded as they ran, greet the
gazers with a second fatal discharge. The consternation of the deer
increases, they run to and fro in the utmost confusion, and sometimes a
great part of the herd is destroyed within the space of a few hundred
yards.

A party who had been sent to Akaitcho returned bringing three hundred
and seventy pounds of dried meat and two hundred and twenty pounds of
suet, together with the unpleasant information that a still larger
quantity of the latter article had been found and carried off, as he
supposed, by some Dog-Ribs who had passed that way.

The weather becoming daily colder all the lakes in the neighbourhood of
the house were completely, and the river partially, frozen over by the
middle of the month. The reindeer now began to quit us for more
southerly and better-sheltered pastures. Indeed their longer residence
in our neighbourhood would have been of little service to us, for our
ammunition was almost completely expended though we had dealt it of
late with a very sparing hand to the Indians. We had however already
secured in the storehouse the carcasses of one hundred deer together
with one thousand pounds of suet and some dried meat, and had moreover
eighty deer stowed up at various distances from the house. The
necessity of employing the men to build a house for themselves before
the weather became too severe obliged us to put the latter _en cache_,
as the voyagers term it, instead of adopting the more safe plan of
bringing them to the house. Putting a deer _en cache_ means merely
protecting it against the wolves and still more destructive wolverines
by heavy loads of wood or stones; the latter animal however sometimes
digs underneath the pile and renders the precautions abortive.

On the 18th Mr. Back and Mr. Wentzel set out for Fort Providence
accompanied by Beauparlant, Belanger, and two Indians, Akaiyazza and
Tholezzeh, with their wives, the Little Forehead and the Smiling
Marten. Mr. Back had volunteered to go and make the necessary
arrangements for transporting the stores we expected from Cumberland
House and to endeavour to obtain some additional supplies from the
establishments at Slave Lake. If any accident should have prevented the
arrival of our stores and the establishments at Moose-Deer Island
should be unable to supply the deficiency he was, if he found himself
equal to the task, to proceed to Chipewyan. Ammunition was essential to
our existence and a considerable supply of tobacco was also requisite,
not only for the comfort of the Canadians, who use it largely and had
stipulated for it in their engagements, but also as a means of
preserving the friendship of the Indians. Blankets, cloth, and
iron-work were scarcely less indispensable to equip our men for the
advance next season.

Mr. Wentzel accompanied Mr. Back to assist him in obtaining from the
traders, on the score of old friendship, that which they might be
inclined to deny to our necessities. I forwarded by them letters to the
Colonial Office and Admiralty detailing the proceedings of the
Expedition up to this period.

On the 22nd we were surprised by a visit from a dog; the poor animal
was in low condition and much fatigued. Our Indians discovered by marks
on his ears that he belonged to the Dog-Ribs. This tribe, unlike the
Chipewyans and Copper Indians, had preserved that useful associate of
man although, from their frequent intercourse with the latter people,
they were not ignorant of the prediction alluded to in a former page.
One of our interpreters was immediately despatched with an Indian to
endeavour to trace out the Dog-Ribs, whom he supposed might be
concealed in the neighbourhood from their dread of the Copper Indians;
although we had no doubt of their coming to us were they aware of our
being here. The interpreter however returned without having discovered
any traces of strange Indians, a circumstance which led us to conclude
that the dog had strayed from his masters a considerable time before.

Towards the end of the month the men completed their house and took up
their abode in it. It was thirty-four feet long and eighteen feet wide,
was divided into two apartments and was placed at right angles to the
officers’ dwelling and facing the storehouse, the three buildings
forming three sides of a quadrangle.

On the 26th Akaitcho and his party arrived, the hunting in this
neighbourhood being terminated for the season by the deer having
retired southward to the shelter of the woods.

The arrival of this large party was a serious inconvenience to us from
our being compelled to issue them daily rates of provision from the
store. The want of ammunition prevented us from equipping and sending
them to the woods to hunt and, although they are accustomed to subsist
themselves for a considerable part of the year by fishing or snaring
the deer, without having recourse to firearms, yet on the present
occasion they felt little inclined to do so and gave scope to their
natural love of ease as long as our storehouse seemed to be well
stocked. Nevertheless as they were conscious of impairing our future
resources they did not fail occasionally to remind us that it was not
their fault, to express an ardent desire to go hunting, and to request
a supply of ammunition although they knew that it was not in our power
to give it.

The summer birds had by this time entirely deserted us, leaving for our
winter companions the raven, cinereous crow, ptarmigan, and snow-bird.
The last of the waterfowl that quitted us was a species of diver of the
same size with the _Colymbus arcticus_, but differing from it in the
arrangement of the white spots on its plumage, and in having a
yellowish-white bill. This bird was occasionally caught in our
fishing-nets.

The thermometer during the month of October at Fort Enterprise never
rose above 37° or fell below 5°; the mean temperature for the month was
23°.

In the beginning of October a party had been sent to the westward to
search for birch to make snowshoe frames, and the Indian women were
afterwards employed in netting the shoes and preparing leather for
winter clothing to the men. Robes of reindeer skins were also obtained
from the Indians and issued to the men who were to travel as they were
not only a great deal lighter than blankets but also much warmer and
altogether better adapted for a winter in this climate. They are
however unfit for summer use as the least moisture causes the skin to
spoil and lose its hair. It requires the skins of seven deer to make
one robe. The finest are made of the skins of young fawns.

The fishing having failed as the weather became more severe was given
up on the 5th. It had procured us about one thousand two hundred
_white-fish_, from two to three pounds each. There are two other
species of _Coregoni_ in Winter Lake, _Back’s grayling_ and the
_round-fish;_ and a few _trout, pike, methye_, and _red carp_ were also
occasionally obtained from the nets. It may be worthy of notice here
that the fish froze as they were taken out of the nets, in a short time
became a solid mass of ice and, by a blow or two of the hatchet, were
easily split open, when the intestines might be removed in one lump. If
in this completely frozen state they were thawed before the fire they
recovered their animation. This was particularly the case with the carp
and we had occasion to observe it repeatedly as Dr. Richardson occupied
himself with examining the structure of the different species of fish
and was always in the winter under the necessity of thawing them before
he could cut them. We have seen a carp recover so far as to leap about
with much vigour after it had been frozen for thirty-six hours.

From the 12th to the 16th we had fine and, for the season, warm
weather; and the deer, which had not been seen since the 26th of
October, reappeared in the neighbourhood of the house, to the surprise
of the Indians who attributed their return to the barren grounds to the
unusual mildness of the season. On this occasion, by melting some of
our pewter cups, we managed to furnish five balls to each of the
hunters, but they were all expended unsuccessfully, except by Akaitcho
who killed two deer.

By the middle of the month Winter River was firmly frozen over except
the small rapid at its commencement which remained open all the winter.
The ice on the lake was now nearly two feet thick. After the 16th we
had a succession of cold, snowy, and windy weather. We had become
anxious to hear of the arrival of Mr. Back and his party at Fort
Providence. The Indians, who had calculated the period at which a
messenger ought to have returned from thence to be already passed,
became impatient when it had elapsed and, with their usual love of evil
augury, tormented us by their melancholy forebodings. At one time they
conjectured that the whole party had fallen through the ice; at another
that they had been waylaid and cut off by the Dog-Ribs. In vain did we
urge the improbability of the former accident, or the peaceable
character of the Dog-Ribs, so little in conformity with the latter.
“The ice at this season was deceitful,” they said “and the Dog-Ribs,
though unwarlike, were treacherous.” These assertions, so often
repeated, had some effect upon the spirits of our Canadian voyagers who
seldom weigh any opinion they adopt, but we persisted in treating their
fears as chimerical for, had we seemed to listen to them for a moment,
it is more than probable that the whole of our Indians would have gone
to Fort Providence in search of supplies, and we should have found it
extremely difficult to have recovered them.

The matter was put to rest by the appearance of Belanger on the morning
of the 23rd and the Indians, now running into the opposite extreme,
were disposed to give us more credit for our judgment than we deserved.
They had had a tedious and fatiguing journey to Fort Providence and for
some days were destitute of provisions.

Belanger arrived alone; he had walked constantly for the last
six-and-thirty hours, leaving his Indian companions encamped at the
last woods, they being unwilling to accompany him across the barren
grounds during the storm that had prevailed for several days and blew
with unusual violence on the morning of his arrival. His locks were
matted with snow and he was encrusted with ice from head to foot so
that we scarcely recognised him when he burst in upon us. We welcomed
him with the usual shake of the hand but were unable to give him the
glass of rum which every voyager receives on his arrival at a trading
post.

As soon as his packet was thawed we eagerly opened it to obtain our
English letters. The latest were dated on the preceding April. They
came by way of Canada and were brought up in September to Slave Lake by
North-West Company’s canoes.

We were not so fortunate with regard to our stores; of ten pieces, or
bales of 90 pounds weight, which had been sent from York Factory by
Governor Williams five of the most essential had been left at the Grand
Rapid on the Saskatchewan, owing, as far as we could judge from the
accounts that reached us, to the misconduct of the officer to whom they
were entrusted and who was ordered to convey them to Cumberland House.
Being overtaken by some of the North-West Company’s canoes he had
insisted on their taking half of his charge as it was intended for the
service of Government. The North-West gentlemen objected that their
canoes had already got a cargo in and that they had been requested to
convey our stores from Cumberland House only, where they had a canoe
waiting for the purpose. The Hudson’s Bay officer upon this deposited
our ammunition and tobacco upon the beach and departed without any
regard to the serious consequences that might result to us from the
want of them. The Indians, who assembled at the opening of the packet
and sat in silence watching our countenances, were necessarily made
acquainted with the non-arrival of our stores and bore the intelligence
with unexpected tranquillity. We took care however in our
communications with them to dwell upon the more agreeable parts of our
intelligence, and they seemed to receive particular pleasure on being
informed of the arrival of two Esquimaux interpreters at Slave Lake, on
their way to join the party. The circumstance not only quieted their
fears of opposition from the Esquimaux on our descent to the sea next
season, but also afforded a substantial proof of our influence in being
able to bring two people of that nation from such a distance.

Akaitcho, who is a man of great penetration and shrewdness, duly
appreciated these circumstances; indeed he has often surprised us by
his correct judgment of the character of individuals amongst the
traders of our own party, although his knowledge of their opinions was
in most instances obtained through the imperfect medium of
interpretation. He was an attentive observer however of every action,
and steadily compared their conduct with their pretensions.

By the newspapers we learned the demise of our revered and lamented
sovereign George III and the proclamation of George IV. We concealed
this intelligence from the Indians lest the death of their Great Father
might lead them to suppose that we should be unable to fulfil our
promises to them.

The Indians who had left Fort Providence with Belanger arrived the day
after him and, amongst other intelligence, informed Akaitcho of some
reports they had heard to our disadvantage. They stated that Mr. Weeks,
the gentleman in charge of Fort Providence, had told them that, so far
from our being what we represented ourselves to be, the officers of a
great King, we were merely a set of dependent wretches whose only aim
was to obtain subsistence for a season in the plentiful country of the
Copper Indians, that out of charity we had been supplied with a portion
of goods by the trading Companies, but that there was not the smallest
probability of our being able to reward the Indians when their term of
service was completed. Akaitcho, with great good sense, instantly came
to have the matter explained, stating at the same time that he could
not credit it. I then pointed out to him that Mr. Wentzel, with whom
they had long been accustomed to trade, had pledged the credit of his
Company for the stipulated rewards to the party that accompanied us,
and that the trading debts due by Akaitcho and his party had already
been remitted, which was of itself a sufficient proof of our influence
with the North-West Company. I also reminded Akaitcho that our having
caused the Esquimaux to be brought up at a great expense was evidence
of our future intentions, and informed him that I should write to Mr.
Smith, the senior trader in the department, on the subject when I had
no doubt that a satisfactory explanation would be given. The Indians
retired from the conference apparently satisfied, but this business was
in the end productive of much inconvenience to us, and proved very
detrimental to the progress of the Expedition. In conjunction also with
other intelligence conveyed in Mr. Back’s letters respecting the
disposition of the traders towards us, particularly a statement of Mr.
Weeks that he had been desired not to assist us with supplies from his
post, it was productive of much present uneasiness to me.

On the 28th St. Germain the interpreter set out with eight Canadian
voyagers and four Indian hunters to bring up our stores from Fort
Providence. I wrote by him to Mr. Smith at Moose-Deer Island and Mr.
Keith at Chipewyan, both of the North-West Company, urging them in the
strongest manner to comply with the requisition for stores which Mr.
Back would present. I also informed Mr. Simpson, principal agent in the
Athabasca for the Hudson’s Bay Company who had proffered every
assistance in his power, that we should gladly avail ourselves of the
kind intentions expressed in a letter which I had received from him.

We also sent a number of broken axes to Slave Lake to be repaired. The
dog that came to us on the 22nd of October and had become very familiar
followed the party. We were in hopes that it might prove of some use in
dragging their loads but we afterwards learned that on the evening
after their departure from the house they had the cruelty to kill and
eat it although they had no reason to apprehend a scarcity of
provision. A dog is considered to be delicate eating by the voyagers.

The mean temperature of the air for November was minus 0.7°. The
greatest heat observed was 25° above and the least 31° below zero.

On the 1st of December the sky was clear, a slight appearance of
stratus only being visible near the horizon, but a kind of snow fell at
intervals in the forenoon, its particles so minute as to be observed
only in the sunshine. Towards noon the snow became more apparent and
the two limbs of a prismatic arch were visible, one on each side of the
sun near its place in the heavens, the centre being deficient. We have
frequently observed this descent of minute icy spiculae when the sky
appears perfectly clear, and could even perceive that its silent but
continued action added to the snowy covering of the ground.

Having received one hundred balls from Fort Providence by Belanger we
distributed them amongst the Indians, informing the leader at the same
time that the residence of so large a party as his at the house,
amounting with women and children to forty souls, was producing a
serious reduction in our stock of provision. He acknowledged the
justice of the statement and promised to remove as soon as his party
had prepared snowshoes and sledges for themselves. Under one pretext or
other however their departure was delayed until the 10th of the month
when they left us, having previously received one of our fishing-nets
and all the ammunition we possessed. The leader left his aged mother
and two female attendants to our care, requesting that if she died
during his absence she might be buried at a distance from the fort that
he might not be reminded of his loss when he visited us.

Keskarrah the guide also remained behind with his wife and daughter.
The old man has become too feeble to hunt and his time is almost
entirely occupied in attendance upon his wife who has been long
affected with an ulcer on the face which has nearly destroyed her nose.

Lately he made an offering to the water spirits whose wrath he
apprehended to be the cause of her malady. It consisted of a knife, a
piece of tobacco, and some other trifling articles which were tied up
in a small bundle and committed to the rapid with a long prayer. He
does not trust entirely however to the relenting of the spirits for his
wife’s cure, but comes daily to Dr. Richardson for medicine.

Upon one occasion he received the medicine from the Doctor with such
formality and wrapped it up in his reindeer robe with such
extraordinary carefulness that it excited the involuntary laughter of
Mr. Hood and myself. The old man smiled in his turn and, as he always
seemed proud of the familiar way in which we were accustomed to joke
with him, we thought no more upon the subject. But he unfortunately
mentioned the circumstance to his wife who imagined in consequence that
the drug was not productive of its usual good effects and they
immediately came to the conclusion that some bad medicine had been
intentionally given to them. The distress produced by this idea was in
proportion to their former faith in the potency of the remedy and the
night was spent in singing and groaning. Next morning the whole family
were crying in concert and it was not until the evening of the second
day that we succeeded in pacifying them. The old woman began to feel
better and her faith in the medicine was renewed.

While speaking of this family I may remark that the daughter, whom we
designated Green-stockings from her dress, is considered by her tribe
to be a great beauty. Mr. Hood drew an accurate portrait of her
although her mother was averse to her sitting for it. She was afraid
she said that her daughter’s likeness would induce the Great Chief who
resided in England to send for the original. The young lady however was
undeterred by any such fear. She has already been an object of contest
between her countrymen and, although under sixteen years of age, has
belonged successively to two husbands and would probably have been the
wife of many more if her mother had not required her services as a
nurse.

The weather during this month was the coldest we experienced during our
residence in America. The thermometer sank on one occasion to 57° below
zero and never rose beyond 6° above it; the mean for the month was
minus 29.7°. During these intense colds however the atmosphere was
generally calm and the woodcutters and others went about their ordinary
occupations without using any extraordinary precautions yet without
feeling any bad effects. They had their reindeer shirts on, leathern
mittens lined with blankets, and furred caps; but none of them used any
defence for the face, or needed any. Indeed we have already mentioned
that the heat is abstracted most rapidly from the body during strong
breezes and most of those who have perished from cold in this country
have fallen a sacrifice to their being overtaken on a lake or other
unsheltered place by a storm of wind. The intense colds were however
detrimental to us in another way. The trees froze to their very centres
and became as hard as stones and more difficult to cut. Some of the
axes were broken daily and by the end of the month we had only one left
that was fit for felling trees. By entrusting it only to one of the
party who had been bred a carpenter and who could use it with dexterity
it was fortunately preserved until the arrival of our men with others
from Fort Providence.

A thermometer hung in our bedroom at the distance of sixteen feet from
the fire but exposed to its direct radiation stood even in the daytime
occasionally at 15° below zero, and was observed more than once
previous to the kindling of the fire in the morning to be as low as 40°
below zero. On two of these occasions the chronometers 2149 and 2151
which during the night lay under Mr. Hood’s and Dr. Richardson’s
pillows stopped while they were dressing themselves.

The rapid at the commencement of the river remained open in the
severest weather although it was somewhat contracted in width. Its
temperature was 32°, as was the surface of the river opposite the house
about a quarter of a mile lower down tried at a hole in the ice through
which water was drawn for domestic purposes. The river here was two
fathoms and a half deep and the temperature at its bottom was at least
42° above zero. This fact was ascertained by a spirit thermometer in
which, probably from some irregularity in the tube, a small portion of
the coloured liquid usually remained at 42° when the column was made to
descend rapidly. In the present instance, the thermometer standing at
47° below zero with no portion of the fluid in the upper part of the
tube, was let down slowly into the water but drawn cautiously and
rapidly up again, when a red drop at plus 42° indicated that the fluid
had risen to that point or above it. At this period the daily visits of
the sun were very short and, owing to the obliquity of his rays,
afforded us little warmth or light. It is half-past eleven before he
peeps over a small ridge of hills opposite to the house, and he sinks
in the horizon at half-past two. On the 28th Mr. Hood, in order to
attain an approximation to the quantity of terrestrial refraction,
observed the sun’s meridian altitude when the thermometer stood at 46°
below zero, at the imminent hazard of having his fingers frozen.

He found the sextant had changed its error considerably, and that the
glasses had lost their parallelism from the contraction of the brass.
In measuring the error he perceived that the diameter of the sun’s
image was considerably short of twice the semi-diameter, a proof of the
uncertainty of celestial observations made during these intense frosts.
The results of this and another similar observation are given in the
footnote.[22]

 [22] The observed meridian altitude of sun upper limb was 2° 52′ 51″.
 Temperature of the air minus 45.5°. By comparing this altitude,
 corrected by the mean refraction and parallax with that deduced from
 the latitude which was observed in autumn, the increase of refraction
 is found to be 6′ 50″, the whole refraction therefore for the altitude
 2° 52′ 51″ is 21′ 49″. Admitting that the refraction increases in the
 same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature
 the horizontal refraction will be 47° 22″. But the diameter of the
 sun, measured immediately after the observation, was only 27′ 7″,
 which shows an increase of refraction at the lower limb of 3′ 29″. The
 horizontal refraction calculated with this difference and the
 above-mentioned ratio is 56′ 3″ at the temperature minus 45.5°. So
 that in the parallel 68° 42′ where, if there is no refraction, the sun
 would be invisible for thirty-four days, his upper limb with the
 refraction 56′ 3″ is in fact above the horizon at every noon.
    The wind was from the westward a moderate breeze and the air
    perfectly clear. January 1st, 1821. Observed meridian altitude of
    sun lower limb 2° 35′ 20″, sun apparent diameter 29° 20′. For
    apparent altitude 2° 35′ 20″ the mean refraction is 16′ 5″
    (Mackay’s Tables) and the true, found as detailed above, is 20′ 8″
    which, increasing in the same ratio as that of the atmosphere at a
    mean state of temperature, is 41′ 19″ at the horizon. But the
    difference of refraction at the upper and lower limbs increasing
    also in that ratio gives 55′ 16″ for the horizontal refraction.
    Temperature of the air minus 41°. Wind north, a light breeze, a
    large halo visible about the sun. January 15th, 1821. Observed an
    apparent meridian altitude sun lower limb 4° 24′ 57″. Sun apparent
    diameter 31′ 5″. For apparent altitude 4° 24′ 57″ the mean
    refraction is 10′ 58″ (Mackay’s Tables) and the true, found as
    detailed above, is 14′ 39″ which, increasing in the same ratio as
    that of the atmosphere at a mean state of temperature, is 43′ 57″
    at the horizon. But the difference of refraction between the upper
    and lower limbs increasing also in that ratio gives 48′ 30″ for the
    horizontal refraction.
    Temperature of the air minus 35°, a light air from the westward,
    very clear.
    The extreme coldness of the weather rendered these operations
    difficult and dangerous; yet I think the observations may be
    depended upon within 30″, as will appear by their approximate
    results in calculating the horizontal refraction, for it must be
    considered that an error of 30″ in the refraction in altitude would
    make a difference of several minutes in the horizontal
    refraction.—Mr. Hood’s Journal.


The Aurora Borealis appeared with more or less brilliancy on
twenty-eight nights of this month and we were also gratified by the
resplendent beauty of the moon which for many days together performed
its circle round the heavens, shining with undiminished lustre and
scarcely disappearing below the horizon during the twenty-four hours.

During many nights there was a halo round the moon although the stars
shone brightly and the atmosphere appeared otherwise clear. The same
phenomenon was observed round the candles even in our bedrooms, the
diameter of the halo increasing as the observer receded from the light.
These halos, both round the moon and candles, occasionally exhibited
faintly some of the prismatic colours.

As it may be interesting to the reader to know how we passed our time
at this season of the year I shall mention briefly that a considerable
portion of it was occupied in writing up our journals. Some newspapers
and magazines that we had received from England with our letters were
read again and again and commented upon at our meals; and we often
exercised ourselves with conjecturing the changes that might take place
in the world before we could hear from it again. The probability of our
receiving letters and the period of their arrival were calculated to a
nicety. We occasionally paid the woodmen a visit or took a walk for a
mile or two on the river.

In the evenings we joined the men in the hall and took part in their
games which generally continued to a late hour; in short we never found
the time to hang heavy upon our hands; and the peculiar occupations of
each of the officers afforded them more employment than might at first
be supposed. I recalculated the observations made on our route; Mr.
Hood protracted the charts, and made those drawings of birds, plants
and fishes, which cannot appear in this work but which have been the
admiration of everyone who has seen them. Each of the party sedulously
and separately recorded their observations on the Aurora Borealis; and
Dr. Richardson contrived to obtain from under the snow specimens of
most of the lichens in the neighbourhood, and to make himself
acquainted with the mineralogy of the surrounding country.

The Sabbath was always a day of rest with us; the woodmen were required
to provide for the exigencies of that day on Saturday and the party
were dressed in their best attire. Divine service was regularly
performed and the Canadians attended and behaved with great decorum
although they were all Roman Catholics and but little acquainted with
the language in which the prayers were read. I regretted much that we
had not a French Prayer-Book but the Lord’s Prayer and Creed were
always read to them in their own language.

Our diet consisted almost entirely of reindeer meat, varied twice a
week by fish and occasionally by a little flour, but we had no
vegetables of any description. On the Sunday mornings we drank a cup of
chocolate but our greatest luxury was tea (without sugar) of which we
regularly partook twice a day. With reindeer’s fat and strips of cotton
shirts we formed candles; and Hepburn acquired considerable skill in
the manufacture of soap from the wood-ashes, fat and salt. The
formation of soap was considered as rather a mysterious operation by
our Canadians and in their hands was always supposed to fail if a woman
approached the kettle in which the ley was boiling. Such are our simple
domestic details.

On the 30th two hunters came from the leader to convey ammunition to
him as soon as our men should bring it from Fort Providence.

The men at this time coated the walls of the house on the outside with
a thin mixture of clay and water which formed a crust of ice that for
some days proved impervious to the air; the dryness of the atmosphere
however was such that the ice in a short time evaporated and gave
admission to the wind as before. It is a general custom at the forts to
give this sort of coating to the walls at Christmas time. When it was
gone we attempted to remedy its defect by heaping up snow against the
walls.

January 1, 1821.

This morning our men assembled and greeted us with the customary
salutation on the commencement of the new year. That they might enjoy a
holiday they had yesterday collected double the usual quantity of
firewood and we anxiously expected the return of the men from Fort
Providence with some additions to their comforts. We had stronger hope
of their arrival before the evening as we knew that every voyager uses
his utmost endeavour to reach a post upon or previous to, the _jour de
l’an_, that he may partake of the wonted festivities. It forms, as
Christmas is said to have done among our forefathers, the theme of
their conversation for months before and after the period of its
arrival. On the present occasion we could only treat them with a little
flour and fat; these were both considered as great luxuries but still
the feast was defective from the want of rum although we promised them
a little when it should arrive.

The early part of January proved mild, the thermometer rose to 20°
above zero, and we were surprised by the appearance of a kind of damp
fog approaching very nearly to rain. The Indians expressed their
astonishment at this circumstance and declared the present to be one of
the warmest winters they had ever experienced. Some of them reported
that it had actually rained in the woody parts of the country. In the
latter part of the month however the thermometer again descended to
minus 49° and the mean temperature for the month proved to be minus
15.6°. Owing to the fogs that obscured the sky the Aurora Borealis was
visible only upon eighteen nights in the month.

On the 15th seven of our men arrived from Fort Providence with two kegs
of rum, one barrel of powder, sixty pounds of ball, two rolls of
tobacco and some clothing. They had been twenty-one days on their march
from Slave Lake and the labour they underwent was sufficiently evinced
by their sledge-collars having worn out the shoulders of their coats.
Their loads weighed from sixty to ninety pounds each, exclusive of
their bedding and provisions which at starting must have been at least
as much more. We were much rejoiced at their arrival and proceeded
forthwith to pierce the spirit cask and issue to each of the household
the portion of rum which had been promised on the first day of the
year. The spirits which were proof were frozen but, after standing at
the fire for some time, they flowed out with the consistency of honey.
The temperature of the liquid even in this state was so low as
instantly to convert into ice the moisture which condensed on the
surface of the dram-glass. The fingers also adhered to the glass and
would doubtless have been speedily frozen had they been kept in contact
with it; yet each of the voyagers swallowed his dram without
experiencing the slightest inconvenience or complaining of toothache.

After the men had retired an Indian who had accompanied them from Fort
Providence informed me that they had broached the cask on their way up
and spent two days in drinking. This instance of breach of trust was
excessively distressing to me; I felt for their privations and fatigues
and was disposed to seize every opportunity of alleviating them but
this, combined with many instances of petty dishonesty with regard to
meat, showed how little confidence could be put in a Canadian voyager
when food or spirits were in question. We had been indeed made
acquainted with their character on these points by the traders; but we
thought that when they saw their officers living under equal if not
greater privations than themselves they would have been prompted by
some degree of generous feeling to abstain from those depredations
which under ordinary circumstances they would scarcely have blushed to
be detected in.

As they were pretty well aware that such a circumstance could not long
be concealed from us one of them came the next morning with an artful
apology for their conduct. He stated that as they knew it was my
intention to treat them with a dram on the commencement of the new year
they had helped themselves to a small quantity on that day, trusting to
my goodness for forgiveness and, being unwilling to act harshly at this
period, I did forgive them after admonishing them to be very
circumspect in their future conduct.

The ammunition and a small present of rum were sent to Akaitcho.

On the 18th Vaillant the woodman had the misfortune to break his axe.
This would have been a serious evil a few weeks sooner but we had just
received some others from Slave Lake.

On the 27th Mr. Wentzel and St. Germain arrived with the two Esquimaux,
Attannoeuck and Hoeootoerock (the belly and the ear). The English names
which were bestowed upon them at Fort Churchill in commemoration of the
months of their arrival there are Augustus and Junius. The former
speaks English.

We now learned that Mr. Back proceeded with Beauparlant to Fort
Chipewyan on the 24th of December to procure stores, having previously
discharged J. Belleau from our service at his own request and according
to my directions. I was the more induced to comply with this man’s
desire of leaving us as he proved to be too weak to perform the duty of
bowman which he had undertaken.

Four dogs were brought up by this party and proved a great relief to
our wood-haulers during the remainder of the season.

By the arrival of Mr. Wentzel who is an excellent musician and assisted
us (_con amore_) in our attempts to amuse the men we were enabled to
gratify the whole establishment with an occasional dance. Of this
amusement the voyagers were very fond and not the less so as it was now
and then accompanied by a dram as long as our rum lasted.

On the 5th of February two Canadians came from Akaitcho for fresh
supplies of ammunition. We were mortified to learn that he had received
some further unpleasant reports concerning us from Fort Providence and
that his faith in our good intentions was somewhat shaken. He expressed
himself dissatisfied with the quantity of ammunition we had sent him,
accused us of an intention of endeavouring to degrade him in the eyes
of his tribe, and informed us that Mr. Weeks had refused to pay some
notes for trifling quantities of goods and ammunition that had been
given to the hunters who accompanied our men to Slave Lake.

Some powder and shot and a keg of diluted spirits were sent to him with
the strongest assurances of our regard.

On the 12th another party of six men was sent to Fort Providence to
bring up the remaining stores. St. Germain went to Akaitcho for the
purpose of sending two of his hunters to join this party on its route.

On comparing the language of our two Esquimaux with a copy of St.
John’s Gospel printed for the use of the Moravian Missionary
Settlements on the Labrador coast it appeared that the Esquimaux who
resort to Churchill speak a language essentially the same with those
who frequent the Labrador Coast. The Red Knives too recognise the
expression _Teyma_, used by the Esquimaux when they acost strangers in
a friendly manner, as similarly pronounced by Augustus and those of his
race who frequent the mouth of the Copper-Mine River.

The tribe to which Augustus belongs resides generally a little to the
northward of Churchill. In the spring before the ice quits the shores
they kill seal but during winter they frequent the borders of the large
lakes near the coast where they obtain fish, reindeer, and musk-oxen.

There are eighty-four grown men in the tribe only seven of whom are
aged. Six chiefs have each two wives; the rest of the men have only
one; so that the number of married people may amount to one hundred and
seventy. He could give me no certain data whereby I might estimate the
number of children.

Two great Chiefs, or _Ackhaiyoot_, have complete authority in directing
the movements of the party and in distributing provisions. The
_Attoogawnœuck_ or lesser chiefs are respected principally as senior
men. The tribe seldom suffers from want of food if the chief moves to
the different stations at the proper season. They seem to follow the
eastern custom respecting marriage. As soon as a girl is born the young
lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father’s tent and
proffers himself. If accepted a promise is given which is considered
binding and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the
proper age.

They consider their progenitors to have come from the moon. Augustus
has no other idea of a Deity than some confused notions which he has
obtained at Churchill.

When any of the tribe are dangerously ill a conjurer is sent for and
the bearer of the message carries a suitable present to induce his
attendance. Upon his arrival he encloses himself in the tent with the
sick man and sings over him for days together without tasting food; but
Augustus as well as the rest of the uninitiated are ignorant of the
purport of his songs and of the nature of the Being to whom they are
addressed. The conjurors practise a good deal of jugglery in swallowing
knives, firing bullets through their bodies, etc., but they are at
these times generally secluded from view and the bystanders believe
their assertions without requiring to be eye-witnesses of the fact.
Sixteen men and three women amongst Augustus’ tribe are acquainted with
the mysteries of the art. The skill of the latter is exerted only on
their own sex.

Upon the map being spread before Augustus he soon comprehended it and
recognised Chesterfield Inlet to be the opening into which salt-waters
enter at spring tides and which receives a river at its upper end. He
termed it _Kannœuck Kleenœuck_. He has never been farther north himself
than Marble Island, which he distinguishes as being the spot where the
large ships were wrecked, alluding to the disastrous termination of
Barlow and Knight’s Voyage of Discovery.[23] He says however that
Esquimaux of three different tribes have traded with his countrymen and
that they described themselves as having come across land from a
northern sea. One tribe who named themselves _Ahwhacknanhelett_ he
supposes may come from Repulse Bay; another designated
_Ootkooseekkalingmœoot_ or Stone-Kettle Esquimaux reside more to the
westward; and the third the _Kang-orr-mœoot_ or White Goose Esquimaux
describe themselves as coming from a great distance and mentioned that
a party of Indians had killed several of their tribe in the summer
preceding their visit. Upon comparing the dates of this murder with
that of the last massacre which the Copper Indians have perpetrated on
these harmless and defenceless people they appear to differ two years;
but the lapse of time is so inaccurately recorded that this difference
in their accounts is not sufficient to destroy their identity; besides,
the Chipewyans, the only other Indians who could possibly have
committed the deed, have long since ceased to go to war. If this
massacre should be the one mentioned by the Copper Indians the
Kang-orr-mœoot must reside near the mouth of the Anatessy, or River of
Strangers.

 [23] See Introduction to Hearne’s _Journey_ page xxiv.


The winter habitations of Esquimaux who visit Churchill are built of
snow and, judging from one constructed by Augustus today, they are very
comfortable dwellings. Having selected a spot on the river where the
snow was about two feet deep and sufficiently compact he commenced by
tracing out a circle twelve feet in diameter. The snow in the interior
of the circle was next divided with a broad knife having a long handle
into slabs three feet long, six inches thick, and two feet deep, being
the thickness of the layer of snow. These slabs were tenacious enough
to admit of being moved about without breaking or even losing the
sharpness of their angles and they had a slight degree of curvature
corresponding with that of the circle from which they were cut. They
were piled upon each other exactly like courses of hewn stone around
the circle which was traced out and care was taken to smooth the beds
of the different courses with the knife, and to cut them so as to give
the wall a slight inclination inwards, by which contrivance the
building acquired the properties of a dome. The dome was closed
somewhat suddenly and flatly by cutting the upper slabs in a wedge-form
instead of the more rectangular shape of those below. The roof was
about eight feet high, and the last aperture was shut up by a small
conical piece. The whole was built from within and each slab was cut so
that it retained its position without requiring support until another
was placed beside it, the lightness of the slabs greatly facilitating
the operation. When the building was covered in a little loose snow was
thrown over it to close up every chink and a low door was cut through
the walls with a knife. A bed-place was next formed and neatly faced up
with slabs of snow, which was then covered with a thin layer of pine
branches to prevent them from melting by the heat of the body. At each
end of the bed a pillar of snow was erected to place a lamp upon, and
lastly a porch was built before the door and a piece of clear ice was
placed in an aperture cut in the wall for a window.

The purity of the material of which the house was framed, the elegance
of its construction, and the translucency of its walls which
transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior
to a marble building and one might survey it with feelings somewhat
akin to those produced by the contemplation of a Grecian temple reared
by Phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kinds.

Annexed there is a plan of a complete Esquimaux snow-house and kitchen
and other apartments copied from a sketch made by Augustus with the
names of the different places affixed. The only fireplace is in the
kitchen, the heat of the lamps sufficing to keep the other apartments
warm.


Illustration:

REFERENCES TO THE PLAN.


A. _Ablokeyt_, steps.
B. _Pahloeuk_, porch.
C. _Wadl-leek_, passage.
D. _Haddnoeweek_, for the reception of the sweepings of the house.
E. G. _Tokheuook_, antechamber, or passage.
F. _Annarrœartoweek_.
H. _Eegah_, cooking-house.
I. _Eegah-natkah_, passage.
K. _Keidgewack_, for piling wood upon.
L. _Keek kloweyt_, cooking side.
M. _Keek loot_, fireplace built of stone.
N. _Eegloo_, house.
O. _Kattack_, door.
P. _Nattœuck_, clear space in the apartment.
a. d. _Eekput_, a kind of shelf where the candle stands; and
b. c. a pit where they throw their bones and other offal of their
provision.
Q. _Eegl-luck_, bed-place.
R. _Eegleeteœt_, bedside or sitting-place.
S. Bed-place, as on the other side.
T. _Kie’gn-nok_, small pantry.
U. _Hœrgloack_, storehouse for provisions.

Several deer were killed near the house and we received some supplies
from Akaitcho. Parties were also employed in bringing in the meat that
was placed _en cache_ in the early part of the winter. More than one
half of these _caches_ however had been destroyed by the wolves and
wolverines, a circumstance which, in conjunction with the empty state
of our storehouse, led us to fear that we should be much straitened for
provisions before the arrival of any considerable number of reindeer in
this neighbourhood.

A good many ptarmigan were seen at this time and the women caught some
in snares, but not in sufficient quantity to make any further
alteration in the rations of deers’ meat that were daily issued. They
had already been reduced from eight to the short allowance of five
pounds.

Many wolves prowled nightly about the house and even ventured upon the
roof of the kitchen, which is a low building, in search of food;
Keskarrah shot a very large white one, of which a beautiful and correct
drawing was made by Mr. Hood.

The temperature in February was considerably lower than in the
preceding month although not so low as in December, the mean being
minus 25.3°. The greatest temperature was 1 degree above zero and the
lowest 51° below.

On the 5th of March the people returned from Slave Lake bringing the
remainder of our stores consisting of a cask of flour, thirty-six
pounds of sugar, a roll of tobacco, and forty pounds of powder. I
received a letter from Mr. Weeks wherein he denied that he had ever
circulated any reports to our disadvantage, and stated that he had done
everything in his power to assist us, and even discouraged Akaitcho
from leaving us when he had sent him a message saying that he wished to
do so if he was sure of being well received at Fort Providence.

We mentioned the contents of the letter to the Indians who were at the
house at the time, when one of the hunters, who had attended the men on
their journey, stated that he had heard many of the reports against us
from Mr. Weeks himself and expressed his surprise that he should
venture to deny them. St. Germain soon afterwards arrived from Akaitcho
and informed us that he left him in good humour and apparently not
harbouring the slightest idea of quitting us.

On the 12th we sent four men to Fort Providence, and on the 17th Mr.
Back arrived from Fort Chipewyan, having performed since he left us a
journey of more than one thousand miles on foot. I had every reason to
be much pleased with his conduct on this arduous undertaking, but his
exertions may be best estimated by the perusal of the following
narrative.

MR. BACK’S NARRATIVE OF HIS JOURNEY TO CHIPEWYAN, AND RETURN.


On quitting Fort Enterprise with Mr. Wentzel and two Canadians,
accompanied by two hunters and their wives, our route lay across the
barren hills. We saw during the day a number of deer and occasionally a
solitary white wolf, and in the evening halted near a small knot of
pines. Owing to the slow progress made by the wives of the hunters we
only travelled the first day a distance of seven miles and a half.
During the night we had a glimpse of the fantastic beauties of the
Aurora Borealis and were somewhat annoyed by the wolves whose nightly
howling interrupted our repose. Early the next morning we continued our
march, sometimes crossing small lakes (which were just frozen enough to
bear us) and at other times going large circuits in order to avoid
those which were open. The walking was extremely bad throughout the day
for, independent of the general unevenness of the ground and the
numberless large stones which lay scattered in every direction, the
unusual warmth of the weather had dissolved the snow which not only
kept us constantly wet but deprived us of a firm footing, so that the
men with their heavy burdens were in momentary apprehension of falling.
In the afternoon a fine herd of deer was descried and the Indians, who
are always anxious for the chase and can hardly be restrained from
pursuing every animal they see, set out immediately. It was late when
they returned, having had good success and bringing with them five
tongues and the shoulder of a deer. We made about twelve miles this
day. The night was fine and the Aurora Borealis so vivid that we
imagined more than once that we heard a rustling noise like that of
autumnal leaves stirred by the wind; but after two hours of attentive
listening we were not entirely convinced of the fact. The coruscations
were not so bright nor the transition from one shape and colour to
another so rapid as they sometimes are, otherwise I have no doubt from
the midnight silence which prevailed that we should have ascertained
this yet undecided point.

The morning of the 20th was so extremely hazy that we could not see ten
yards before us; it was therefore late when we started and during our
journey the hunters complained of the weather and feared they should
lose the track of our route. Towards the evening it became so thick
that we could not proceed, consequently we halted in a small wood
situated in a valley, having only completed a distance of six miles.

The scenery consisted of high hills which were almost destitute of
trees, and lakes appeared in the valleys. The cracking of the ice was
so loud during the night as to resemble thunder and the wolves howled
around us. We were now at the commencement of the woods and at an early
hour on the 21st continued our journey over high hills for three miles,
when the appearance of some deer caused us to halt and nearly the
remainder of the day was passed in hunting them. In the evening we
stopped within sight of Prospect Hill having killed and concealed six
deer. A considerable quantity of snow fell during the night.

The surrounding country was extremely rugged, the hills divided by deep
ravines and the valleys covered with broken masses of rocks and stones;
yet the deer fly (as it were) over these impediments with apparent
ease, seldom making a false step, and springing from crag to crag with
all the confidence of the mountain goat. After passing Reindeer Lake
(where the ice was so thin as to bend at every step for nine miles) we
halted, perfectly satisfied with our escape from sinking into the
water. While some of the party were forming the encampment one of the
hunters killed a deer, a part of which was concealed to be ready for
use on our return. This evening we halted in a wood near the canoe
track after having travelled a distance of nine miles. The wind was
South-East and the night cloudy with wind and rain.

On the 24th and 25th we underwent some fatigue from being obliged to go
round the lakes which lay across our route and were not sufficiently
frozen to bear us. Several rivulets appeared to empty themselves into
the lakes, no animals were killed and few tracks seen. The scenery
consisted of barren rocks and high hills covered with lofty pine,
birch, and larch trees.

October 26.

We continued our journey, sometimes on frozen lakes and at other times
on high craggy rocks. When we were on the lakes we were much impeded in
our journey by different parts which were unfrozen. There was a visible
increase of wood, consisting of birch and larch, as we inclined to the
southward. About ten A.M. we passed Icy Portage where we saw various
tracks of the moose, bear and otter and, after a most harassing march
through thick woods and over fallen trees, we halted a mile to the
westward of Fishing Lake; our provisions were now almost expended; the
weather was cloudy with snow.

On the 27th we crossed two lakes and performed a circuitous route,
frequently crossing high hills to avoid those lakes which were not
frozen; during the day one of the women made a hole through the ice and
caught a fine pike which she gave to us; the Indians would not partake
of it from the idea (as we afterwards learnt) that we should not have
sufficient for ourselves: “We are accustomed to starvation,” said they,
“but you are not.” In the evening we halted near Rocky Lake. I
accompanied one of the Indians to the summit of a hill where he showed
me a dark horizontal cloud extending to a considerable distance along
the mountains in the perspective, which he said was occasioned by the
Great Slave Lake and was considered as a good guide to all the hunters
in the vicinity. On our return we saw two untenanted bears’ dens.

The night was cloudy with heavy snow, yet the following morning we
continued our tedious march; many of the lakes remained still open and
the rocks were high and covered with snow which continued to fall all
day, consequently we effected but a trifling distance and that too with
much difficulty. In the evening we halted, having only performed about
seven miles. One of the Indians gave us a fish which he had caught
though he had nothing for himself; and it was with much trouble that he
could be prevailed upon to partake of it. The night was again cloudy
with snow. On the 29th we set out through deep snow and thick woods and
after crossing two small lakes stopped to breakfast, sending the women
on before as they had already complained of lameness and could not keep
pace with the party. It was not long before we overtook them on the
banks of a small lake which, though infinitely less in magnitude than
many we had passed, yet had not a particle of ice on its surface. It
was shoal, had no visible current, and was surrounded by hills. We had
nothing to eat and were not very near an establishment where food could
be procured; however as we proceeded the lakes were frozen and we
quickened our pace, stopping but twice for the hunters to smoke.
Nevertheless the distance we completed was but trifling, and at night
we halted near a lake, the men being tired and much bruised from
constantly falling amongst thick broken wood and loose stones concealed
under the snow. The night was blowing and hazy with snow.

On the 30th we set out with the expectation of gaining the Slave Lake
in the evening; but our progress was again impeded by the same causes
as before so that the whole day was spent in forcing our way through
thick woods and over snow-covered swamps. We had to walk over pointed
and loose rocks which, sliding from under our feet, made our path
dangerous and often threw us down several feet on sharp-edged stones
lying beneath the snow. Once we had to climb a towering and almost
perpendicular rock which not only detained us but was the cause of
great anxiety for the safety of the women who, being heavily laden with
furs and one of them with a child at her back, could not exert
themselves with the activity which such a task required. Fortunately
nothing serious occurred though one of them once fell with considerable
violence. During the day one of the hunters broke through the ice but
was soon extricated; when it became dark we halted near the Bow String
Portage, greatly disappointed at not having reached the lake. The
weather was cloudy, accompanied with thick mist and snow. The Indians
expected to have found here a bear in its den and to have made a hearty
meal of its flesh, indeed it had been the subject of conversation all
day and they had even gone so far as to divide it, frequently asking me
what part I preferred, but when we came to the spot—oh! lamentable! it
had already fallen a prey to the devouring appetites of some more
fortunate hunters who had only left sufficient evidence that such a
thing had once existed, and we had merely the consolation of realising
an old proverb. One of our men however caught a fish which, with the
assistance of some weed scraped from the rocks (_tripe de roche_) which
forms a glutinous substance, made us a tolerable supper; it was not of
the most choice kind yet good enough for hungry men. While we were
eating it I perceived one of the women busily employed scraping an old
skin, the contents of which her husband presented us with. They
consisted of pounded meat, fat, and a greater proportion of Indians’
and deers’ hair than either; and though such a mixture may not appear
very alluring to an English stomach it was thought a great luxury after
three days’ privation in these cheerless regions of America. Indeed had
it not been for the precaution and generosity of the Indians we must
have gone without sustenance until we reached the fort.

On the 1st of November our men began to make a raft to enable us to
cross a river which was not even frozen at the edges. It was soon
finished and three of us embarked, being seated up to the ankles in
water. We each took a pine branch for a paddle and made an effort to
gain the opposite shore in which, after some time (and not without
strong apprehensions of drifting into the Slave Lake) we succeeded. In
two hours the whole party was over, with a comfortable addition to it
in the shape of some fine fish which the Indians had caught: of course
we did not forget to take these friends with us and, after passing
several lakes, to one of which we saw no termination, we halted within
eight miles to the fort. The Great Slave Lake was not frozen.

In crossing a narrow branch of the lake I fell through the ice but
received no injury; and at noon we arrived at Fort Providence and were
received by Mr. Weeks, a clerk of the North-West Company in charge of
the establishment. I found several packets of letters for the officers,
which I was desirous of sending to them immediately but, as the Indians
and their wives complained of illness and inability to return without
rest, a flagon of mixed spirits was given them and their sorrows were
soon forgotten. In a quarter of an hour they pronounced themselves
excellent hunters and capable of going anywhere; however their boasting
ceased with the last drop of the bottle when a crying scene took place
which would have continued half the night had not the magic of an
additional quantity of spirits dried their tears and once more turned
their mourning into joy. It was a satisfaction to me to behold these
poor creatures enjoying themselves for they had behaved in the most
exemplary and active manner towards the party, and with a generosity
and sympathy seldom found even in the more civilised parts of the
world, and the attention and affection which they manifested towards
their wives evinced a benevolence of disposition and goodness of nature
which could not fail to secure the approbation of the most indifferent
observer.

The accounts I here received of our goods were of so unsatisfactory a
nature that I determined to proceed, as soon as the lake was frozen, to
Moose-Deer Island or if necessary to the Athabasca Lake, both to inform
myself of the grounds of the unceremonious and negligent manner in
which the Expedition had been treated and to obtain a sufficient supply
of ammunition and other stores to enable it to leave its present
situation and proceed for the attainment of its ultimate object.

November 9.

I despatched to Fort Enterprise one of the men with the letters and a
hundred musket-balls which Mr. Weeks lent me on condition that they
should be returned the first opportunity. An Indian and his wife
accompanied the messenger. Lieutenant Franklin was made acquainted with
the exact state of things, and I awaited with much impatience the
freezing of the lake.

November 16.

A band of Slave Indians came to the fort with a few furs and some
bear’s grease. Though we had not seen any of them it appeared that they
had received information of our being in the country and knew the
precise situation of our house, which they would have visited long ago
but from the fear of being pillaged by the Copper Indians. I questioned
the chief about the Great Bear and Marten Lakes, their distance from
Fort Enterprise, etc., but his answers were so vague and unsatisfactory
that they were not worth attention; his description of Bouleau’s Route
(which he said was the shortest and best and abundant in animals) was
very defective though the relative points were sufficiently
characteristic had we not possessed a better route. He had never been
at the sea and knew nothing about the mouth of the Copper-Mine River.
In the evening he made his young men dance and sometimes accompanied
them himself. They had four feathers in each hand. One commenced moving
in a circular form, lifting both feet at the same time, similar to
jumping sideways. After a short time a second and third joined and
afterwards the whole band was dancing, some in a state of nudity,
others half dressed, singing an unmusical wild air with (I suppose)
appropriate words, the particular sounds of which were ha! ha! ha!
uttered vociferously and with great distortion of countenance and
peculiar attitude of body, the feathers being always kept in a
tremulous motion. The ensuing day I made the chief acquainted with the
object of our mission and recommended him to keep at peace with his
neighbouring tribes and to conduct himself with attention and
friendship towards the whites. I then gave him a medal, telling him it
was the picture of the King whom they emphatically term their Great
Father.

November 18.

We observed two mock moons at equal distances from the central one, and
the whole were encircled by a halo, the colour of the inner edge of the
large circle was a light red inclining to a faint purple.

November 20.

Two parhelia were observable with a halo; the colours of the inner edge
of the circle were a bright carmine and red lake intermingled with a
rich yellow, forming a purplish orange; the outer edge was pale
gamboge.

December 5.

A man was sent some distance on the lake to see if it was sufficiently
frozen for us to cross. I need scarcely mention my satisfaction when he
returned with the pleasing information that it was.

December 7.

I quitted Fort Providence, being accompanied by Mr. Wentzel,
Beauparlant, and two other Canadians, provided with dogs and sledges.
We proceeded along the borders of the lake, occasionally crossing deep
bays, and at dusk encamped at the _Gros Cap_, having proceeded
twenty-five miles.

December 8.

We set out on the lake with an excessively cold north-west wind and
were frequently interrupted by large pieces of ice which had been
thrown up by the violence of the waves during the progress of
congelation, and at dusk we encamped on the Reindeer Islands.

The night was fine with a faint Aurora Borealis. Next day the wind was
so keen that the men proposed conveying me in a sledge that I might be
the less exposed, to which after some hesitation I consented.
Accordingly a reindeer skin and a blanket were laid along the sledge
and in these I was wrapped tight up to the chin and lashed to the
vehicle, just leaving sufficient play for my head to perceive when I
was about to be upset on some rough projecting piece of ice. Thus
equipped we set off before the wind (a favourable circumstance on the
lake) and went on very well until noon, when the ice, being driven up
in ridges in such a manner as to obstruct us very much, I was released,
and I confess not unwillingly though I had to walk the remainder of the
day.

There are large openings in many parts where the ice had separated and,
in attempting to cross one of them, the dogs fell into the water and
were saved with difficulty. The poor animals suffered dreadfully from
the cold and narrowly escaped being frozen to death. We had quickened
our pace towards the close of the day but could not get sight of the
land, and it was not till the sun had set that we perceived it about
four miles to our left, which obliged us to turn back and head the
wind. It was then so cold that two of the party were frozen almost
immediately about the face and ears. I escaped from having the good
fortune to possess a pair of gloves made of rabbits’ skin with which I
kept constantly chafing the places which began to be affected. At six
P.M. we arrived at the fishing-huts near Stony Island and remained the
night there. The Canadians were not a little surprised at seeing us
whom they had already given up for lost—nor less so at the manner by
which we had come—for they all affirmed that the lake near them was
quite free from ice the day before.

December 10.

At an early hour we quitted the huts, lashed on sledges as before, with
some little addition to our party; and at three hours thirty minutes
P.M. arrived at the North-West Fort on Moose-Deer Island where I was
received by Mr. Smith with whom I had been acquainted at the Athabasca.
He said he partly expected me. The same evening I visited Messrs.
McVicar and McAulay at Hudson’s Bay Fort when I found the reports
concerning our goods were but too true, there being in reality but five
packages for us. I also was informed that two Esquimaux, Augustus the
chief, and Junius his servant, who had been sent from Fort Churchill by
Governor Williams to serve in the capacity of interpreters to the
Expedition, were at the fort. These men were short of stature but
muscular, apparently good-natured, and perfectly acquainted with the
purpose for which they were intended. They had built themselves a
snow-house on an adjacent island where they used frequently to sleep.
The following day I examined the pieces and to my great disappointment
found them to consist of three kegs of spirits, already adulterated by
the voyagers who had brought them, a keg of flour and thirty-five
pounds of sugar, instead of sixty. The ammunition and tobacco, the two
greatest requisites, were left behind.

I lost no time in making a demand from both parties and, though their
united list did not furnish the half of what was required, yet it is
possible that everything was given by them which could be spared
consistently with their separate interests, particularly by Mr. McVicar
who in many articles gave me the whole he had in his possession. These
things were sent away immediately for Fort Enterprise, when an
interpreter arrived with letters from Lieutenant Franklin which
referred to a series of injurious reports said to have been propagated
against us by someone at Fort Providence.

Finding a sufficiency of goods could not be provided at Moose-Deer
Island I determined to proceed to the Athabasca Lake and ascertain the
inclinations of the gentlemen there. With this view I communicated my
intentions to both parties but could only get dogs enough from the
North-West Company to carry the necessary provisions for the journey.
Indeed Mr. Smith informed me plainly he was of opinion that nothing
could be spared at Fort Chipewyan, that goods had never been
transported so long a journey in the winter season, and that the same
dogs could not possibly go and return; besides it was very doubtful if
I could be provided with dogs there; and finally that the distance was
great and could take sixteen days to perform it. He added that the
provisions would be mouldy and bad and that from having to walk
constantly on snowshoes I should suffer a great deal of misery and
fatigue. Notwithstanding these assertions on the 23rd of December I
left the fort with Beauparlant and a Bois-brule, each having a sledge
drawn by dogs, laden with pemmican. We crossed an arm of the lake and
entered the Little Buffalo River which is connected with the Salt River
and is about fifty yards wide at its junction with the lake—the water
is brackish. This route is usually taken in the winter as it cuts off a
large angle in going to the Great Slave River. In the afternoon we
passed two empty fishing-huts and in the evening encamped amongst some
high pines on the banks of the river having had several snow-showers
during the day which considerably impeded the dogs so that we had not
proceeded more than fifteen miles.

December 24 and 25.

We continued along the river, frequently making small portages to avoid
going round to the points, and passed some small canoes which the
Indians had left for the winter. The snow was so deep that the dogs
were obliged to stop every ten minutes to rest; and the cold so
excessive that both the men were badly frozen on both sides of the face
and chin. At length, having come to a long meadow which the dogs could
not cross that night, we halted in an adjoining wood and were presently
joined by a Canadian who was on his return to the fort and who treated
us with some fresh meat in exchange for pemmican. During the latter
part of the day we had seen numerous tracks of the moose, buffalo, and
marten.

December 26.

The weather was so cold that we were compelled to run to prevent
ourselves from freezing; our route lay across some large meadows which
appeared to abound in animals, though the Indians around Slave Lake are
in a state of great want. About noon we passed a sulphur-stream which
ran into the river; it appeared to come from a plain about fifty yards
distant. There were no rocks near it and the soil through which it took
its course was composed of a reddish clay. I was much galled by the
strings of the snowshoes during the day and once got a severe fall
occasioned by the dogs running over one of my feet and, dragging me
some distance, my snowshoe having become entangled with the sledge. In
the evening we lost our way from the great similarity of appearance in
the country and it was dark before we found it again when we halted in
a thick wood after having come about sixteen miles from the last
encampment. Much snow fell during the night.

At an early hour on the 27th of December we continued our journey over
the surface of a long but narrow lake and then through a wood which
brought us to the _grand detour_ on the Slave River. The weather was
extremely cloudy with occasional falls of snow which tended greatly to
impede our progress from its gathering in lumps between the dogs’ toes;
and though they did not go very fast yet my left knee pained me so much
that I found it difficult to keep up with them. At three P.M. we halted
within nine miles of the Salt River and made a hearty meal of mouldy
pemmican.

December 28 and 29.

We had much difficulty in proceeding owing to the poor dogs being quite
worn out and their feet perfectly raw. We endeavoured to tie shoes on
them to afford them some little relief but they continually came off
when amongst deep snow so that it occupied one person entirely to look
after them. In this state they were hardly of any use among the steep
ascents of the portages, when we were obliged to drag the sledges
ourselves. We found a few of the rapids entirely frozen. Those that
were not had holes and large spaces about them from whence issued a
thick vapour, and in passing this we found it particularly cold; but
what appeared most curious was the number of small fountains which rose
through the ice and often rendered it doubtful which way we should
take. I was much disappointed at finding several falls (which I had
intended to sketch) frozen almost even with the upper and lower parts
of the stream; the ice was connected by a thin arch and the rushing of
the water underneath might be heard at a considerable distance. On the
banks of these rapids there was a constant overflowing of the water but
in such small quantities as to freeze before it had reached the surface
of the central ice so that we passed between two ridges of icicles, the
transparency of which was beautifully contrasted by the flakes of snow
and the dark green branches of the overhanging pine.

Beauparlant complained bitterly of the cold whilst among the rapids but
no sooner had he reached the upper part of the river than he found the
change of the temperature so great that he vented his indignation
against the heat. “Mais c’est terrible,” said he, to be frozen and
sunburnt in the same day. The poor fellow, who had been a long time in
the country, regarded it as the most severe punishment that could have
been inflicted on him and would willingly have given a part of his
wages rather than this disgrace had happened; for there is a pride
amongst old Voyagers which makes them consider the state of being
frost-bitten as effeminate and only excusable in a Pork-eater or one
newly come into the country. I was greatly fatigued and suffered acute
pains in the knees and legs, both of which were much swollen when we
halted a little above the Dog River.

December 30 and 31.

Our journey these days was by far the most annoying we had yet
experienced but, independent of the vast masses of ice that were piled
on one another, as well as the numerous open places about the rapids
(and they did not a little impede us) there was a strong gale from the
north-west and so dreadfully keen that our time was occupied in rubbing
the frozen parts of the face and in attempting to warm the hands in
order to be prepared for the next operation. Scarcely was one place
cured by constant friction than another was frozen; and though there
was nothing pleasant about it yet it was laughable enough to observe
the dexterity which was used in changing the position of the hand from
the face to the mitten and _vice versâ_. One of the men was severely
affected, the whole side of his face being nearly raw. Towards sunset I
suffered so much in my knee and ankle from a recent sprain that it was
with difficulty I could proceed with snowshoes to the encampment on the
Stony Islands. But in this point I was not singular for Beauparlant was
almost as bad and without the same cause.

January 1, 1821.

We set out with a quick step, the wind still blowing fresh from the
north-west, which seemed in some measure to invigorate the dogs; for
towards sunset they left me considerably behind. Indeed my legs and
ankles were now so swelled that it was excessive pain to drag the
snowshoes after me. At night we halted on the banks of Stony River,
when I gave the men a glass of grog to commemorate the new year, and
the next day, January 2, we arrived at Fort Chipewyan, after a journey
of ten days and four hours—the shortest time in which the distance had
been performed at the same season. I found Messrs. G. Keith and S.
McGillivray in charge of the fort, who were not a little surprised to
see me. The commencement of the New Year is the rejoicing season of the
Canadians when they are generally intoxicated for some days. I
postponed making any demand till this time of festivity should cease;
but on the same day I went over to the Hudson’s Bay fort and delivered
Lieutenant Franklin’s letters to Mr. Simpson. If they were astonished
on one side to see me, the amazement was still greater on the other for
reports were so far in advance that we were said to have already fallen
by the spears of the Esquimaux.

January 3.

I made a demand from both parties for supplies such as ammunition,
gun-flints, axes, files, clothing, tobacco and spirits. I stated to
them our extreme necessity and that without their assistance the
Expedition must be arrested in its progress. The answer from the
North-West gentlemen was satisfactory enough; but on the Hudson’s Bay
side I was told that any further assistance this season entirely
depended on the arrival of supplies expected in a few weeks from a
distant establishment. I remained at Fort Chipewyan five weeks during
which time some laden sledges did arrive, but I could not obtain any
addition to the few articles I had procured at first. A packet of
letters for us from England having arrived I made preparations for my
return, but not before I had requested both Companies to send next year
from the depôts a quantity of goods for our use specified in lists
furnished to them.

The weather during my abode at Chipewyan was generally mild with
occasional heavy storms, most of which were anticipated by the activity
of the Aurora Borealis; and this I observed had been the case between
Fort Providence and the Athabasca in December and January, though not
invariably so in other parts of the country. One of the partners of the
North-West Company related to me the following singular story: He was
travelling in a canoe in the English River and had landed near the
Kettle Fall when the coruscations of the Aurora Borealis were so vivid
and low that the Canadians fell on their faces and began praying and
crying, fearing they should be killed; he himself threw away his gun
and knife that they might not attract the flashes for they were within
two feet from the earth, flitting along with incredible swiftness and
moving parallel to its surface. They continued for upwards of five
minutes as near as he could judge and made a loud rustling noise like
the waving of a flag in a strong breeze. After they had ceased the sky
became clear with little wind.

February 9.

Having got everything arranged and had a hearty breakfast with a _coupe
de l’eau de vie_ (a custom amongst the traders) I took my departure or
rather attempted to do so for, on going to the gate, there was a long
range of women who came to bid me farewell. They were all dressed
(after the manner of the country) in blue or green cloth, with their
hair fresh greased, separated before, and falling down behind, not in
careless tresses but in a good sound tail, fastened with black tape or
riband. This was considered a great compliment and the ceremony
consisted in embracing the whole party.

I had with me four sledges laden with goods for the Expedition and a
fifth belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company. We returned exactly by the
same route, suffering no other inconvenience but that arising from the
chafing of the snowshoe and bad weather. Some Indians whom we met on
the banks of the Little Buffalo River were rather surprised at seeing
us, for they had heard that we were on an island which was surrounded
by Esquimaux. The dogs were almost worn out and their feet raw when on
February the 20th we arrived at Moose-Deer Island with our goods all in
good order. Towards the end of the month two of our men arrived with
letters from Lieutenant Franklin containing some fresh demands, the
major part of which I was fortunate enough to procure without the least
trouble. Having arranged the accounts and receipts between the
Companies and the Expedition, and sent everything before me to Fort
Providence, I prepared for my departure; and it is but justice to the
gentlemen of both parties at Moose-Deer Island to remark that they
afforded the means of forwarding our stores in the most cheerful and
pleasant manner.

March 5.

I took leave of the gentlemen at the forts and in the afternoon got to
the fisheries near Stony Island where I found Mr. McVicar who was kind
enough to have a house ready for my reception; and I was not a little
gratified at perceiving a pleasant-looking girl employed in roasting a
fine joint and afterwards arranging the table with all the dexterity of
an accomplished servant.

March 6.

We set out at daylight and breakfasted at the Reindeer Islands. As the
day advanced the heat became so oppressive that each pulled off his
coat and ran till sunset when we halted with two men who were on their
return to Moose-Deer Island. There was a beautiful Aurora Borealis in
the night; it rose about North by West and divided into three bars,
diverging at equal distances as far as the zenith and then converging
until they met in the opposite horizon; there were some flashes at
right angles to the bars.

March 7.

We arrived at Fort Providence and found our stores safe and in good
order. There being no certainty when the Indian who was to accompany me
to our house would arrive, and my impatience to join my companions
increasing as I approached it, after making the necessary arrangements
with Mr. Weeks respecting our stores, on March the 10th I quitted the
fort with two of our men who had each a couple of dogs and a sledge
laden with provision. On the 13th we met the Indian near Icy Portage
who was sent to guide me back. On the 14th we killed a deer and gave
the dogs a good feed; and on the 17th at an early hour we arrived at
Fort Enterprise, having travelled about eighteen miles a day. I had the
pleasure of meeting my friends all in good health after an absence of
nearly five months, during which time I had travelled one thousand one
hundred and four miles on snowshoes, and had no other covering at night
in the woods than a blanket and deer-skin with the thermometer
frequently at minus 40° and once at minus 57°, and sometimes passing
two or three days without tasting food.




CHAPTER 9.

CONTINUATION OF PROCEEDINGS AT FORT ENTERPRISE. SOME ACCOUNT OF THE
COPPER INDIANS. PREPARATIONS FOR THE JOURNEY TO THE NORTHWARD.


CONTINUATION OF PROCEEDINGS AT FORT ENTERPRISE. SOME ACCOUNT OF THE
COPPER INDIANS.


March 18, 1821.

I shall now give a brief account of the Copper Indians termed by the
Chipewyans _Tantsawhot-dinneh_, or Birch-rind Indians. They were
originally a tribe of the Chipewyans and, according to their own
account, inhabited the south side of Great Slave Lake at no very
distant period. Their language, traditions, and customs, are
essentially the same with those of the Chipewyans but in personal
character they have greatly the advantage of that people, owing
probably to local causes or perhaps to their procuring their food more
easily and in greater abundance. They hold women in the same low
estimation as the Chipewyans do, looking upon them as a kind of
property which the stronger may take from the weaker whenever there is
just reason for quarrelling, if the parties are of their own nation, or
whenever they meet if the weaker party are Dog-Ribs or other strangers.
They suffer however the kinder affections to show themselves
occasionally; they in general live happily with their wives, the women
are contented with their lot, and we witnessed several instances of
strong attachment. Of their kindness to strangers we are fully
qualified to speak; their love of property, attention to their
interests, and fears for the future made them occasionally clamorous
and unsteady; but their delicate and humane attention to us in a season
of great distress at a future period are indelibly engraven on our
memories. Of their notions of a Deity or future state we never could
obtain any satisfactory account; they were unwilling perhaps to expose
their opinions to the chance of ridicule. Akaitcho generally evaded our
questions on these points but expressed a desire to learn from us and
regularly attended Divine Service during his residence at the fort,
behaving with the utmost decorum.

This leader indeed and many others of his tribe possess a laudable
curiosity which might easily be directed to the most important ends;
and I believe that a well-conducted Christian mission to this quarter
would not fail of producing the happiest effect. Old Keskarrah alone
used boldly to express his disbelief of a Supreme Deity and state that
he could not credit the existence of a Being whose power was said to
extend everywhere but whom he had not yet seen, although he was now an
old man. The aged sceptic is not a little conceited as the following
exordium to one of his speeches evinces: “It is very strange that I
never meet with anyone who is equal in sense to myself.” The same old
man in one of his communicative moods related to us the following
tradition: The earth had been formed but continued enveloped in total
darkness, when a bear and a squirrel met on the shores of a lake; a
dispute arose as to their respective powers, which they agreed to
settle by running in opposite directions round the lake, and whichever
arrived first at the starting point was to evince his superiority by
some signal act of power. The squirrel beat, ran up a tree, and loudly
demanded light which, instantly beaming forth, discovered a bird
dispelling the gloom with its wings; the bird was afterwards recognised
to be a crow. The squirrel next broke a piece of bark from the tree,
endowed it with the power of floating, and said, “Behold the material
which shall afford the future inhabitants of the earth the means of
traversing the waters.”

The Indians are not the first people who have ascribed the origin of
nautics to the ingenuity of the squirrel. The Copper Indians consider
the bear, otter, and other animals of prey, or rather some kind of
spirits which assume the forms of these creatures, as their constant
enemies and the cause of every misfortune they endure; and in seasons
of difficulty or sickness they alternately deprecate and abuse them.

Few of this nation have more than one wife at a time and none but the
leaders have more than two. Akaitcho has three and the mother of his
only son is the favourite. They frequently marry two sisters and there
is no prohibition to the intermarriage of cousins but a man is
restricted from marrying his niece.

The last war excursion they made against the Esquimaux was ten years
ago when they destroyed about thirty persons at the mouth of what they
term Stony-Point River, not far from the mouth of the Copper-Mine
River. They now seem desirous of being on friendly terms with that
persecuted nation and hope through our means to establish a lucrative
commerce with them. Indeed the Copper Indians are sensible of the
advantages that would accrue to them were they made the carriers of
goods between the traders and Esquimaux.

At the time of Hearne’s visit the Copper Indians, being unsupplied with
firearms, were oppressed by the Chipewyans; but even that traveller had
occasion to praise their kindness of heart. Since they have received
arms from the traders the Chipewyans are fearful of venturing upon
their lands; and all of that nation who frequent the shores of Great
Slave Lake hold the name of Akaitcho in great respect. The Chipewyans
have no leader of equal authority among themselves.

The number of the Copper Indians may be one hundred and ninety souls
namely eighty men and boys and one hundred and ten women and young
children. There are forty-five hunters in the tribe. The adherents of
Akaitcho amount to about forty men and boys; the rest follow a number
of minor chiefs.

For the following notices of the nations on Mackenzie’s River we are
principally indebted to Mr. Wentzel who resided for many years in that
quarter.

The _Thlingchadinneh_, or Dog-Ribs, or, as they are sometimes termed
after the Crees, who formerly warred against them, _Slaves_, inhabit
the country to the westward of the Copper Indians as far as Mackenzie’s
River. They are of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent disposition;
spend much of their time in amusements and are fond of singing and
dancing. In this respect and in another they differ very widely from
most of the other aborigines of North America. I allude to their kind
treatment of the women. The men do the laborious work whilst their
wives employ themselves in ornamenting their dresses with quill-work
and in other occupations suited to their sex. Mr. Wentzel has often
known the young married men to bring specimens of their wives’
needlework to the forts and exhibit them with much pride. Kind
treatment of the fair sex being usually considered as an indication of
considerable progress in civilisation it might be worthwhile to inquire
how it happens that this tribe has stepped so far beyond its
neighbours. It has had undoubtedly the same common origin with the
Chipewyans, for their languages differ only in accent, and their mode
of life is essentially the same. We have not sufficient data to
prosecute the inquiry with any hope of success but we may recall to the
reader’s memory what was formerly mentioned, that the Dog-Ribs say they
came from the westward, whilst the Chipewyans say that they migrated
from the eastward.

When bands of Dog-Ribs meet each other after a long absence they
perform a kind of dance. A piece of ground is cleared for the purpose,
if in winter of the snow, or if in summer of the bushes; and the dance
frequently lasts for two or three days, the parties relieving each
other as they get tired. The two bands commence the dance with their
backs turned to each other, the individuals following one another in
Indian file and holding the bow in the left hand and an arrow in the
right. They approach obliquely after many turns and, when the two lines
are closely back to back, they feign to see each other for the first
time and the bow is instantly transferred to the right hand and the
arrow to the left, signifying that it is not their intention to employ
them against their friends. At a fort they use feathers instead of
bows. The dance is accompanied with a song. These people are the
dancing-masters of the country. The Copper Indians have neither dance
nor music but what they borrow from them. On our first interview with
Akaitcho at Fort Providence he treated us as has already been mentioned
with a representation of the Dog-Rib Dance; and Mr. Back during his
winter journey had an opportunity of observing it performed by the
Dog-Ribs themselves.

The chief tribe of the Dog-Rib nation, termed Horn Mountain Indians,
inhabit the country betwixt Great Bear Lake and the west end of Great
Slave Lake. They muster about two hundred men and boys capable of
pursuing the chase. Small detachments of the nation frequent Marten
Lake and hunt during the summer in the neighbourhood of Fort
Enterprise. Indeed this part of the country was formerly exclusively
theirs, and most of the lakes and remarkable hills bear the names which
they imposed upon them. As the Copper Indians generally pillage them of
their women and furs when they meet they endeavour to avoid them and
visit their ancient quarters on the barren grounds only by stealth.

Immediately to the northward of the Dog-Ribs, on the north side of Bear
Lake River, are the _Kawcho-dinneh_ or Hare Indians who also speak a
dialect of the Chipewyan language and have much of the same manners
with the Dog-Ribs, but are considered both by them and by the Copper
Indians to be great conjurors. These people report that in their
hunting excursions to the northward of Great Bear Lake they meet small
parties of Esquimaux.

Immediately to the northward of the Hare Indians on both banks of
Mackenzie’s River are the _Tykothee-dinneh_, Loucheux, Squint-Eyes, or
Quarrellers. They speak a language distinct from the Chipewyan. They
war often with the Esquimaux at the mouth of Mackenzie’s River but have
occasionally some peaceable intercourse with them, and it would appear
that they find no difficulty in understanding each other, there being
considerable similarity in their languages. Their dress also resembles
the Esquimaux and differs from that of the other inhabitants of
Mackenzie’s River. The Tykothee-dinneh trade with Fort Good-Hope,
situated a considerable distance below the confluence of Bear Lake
River with Mackenzie’s River and, as the traders suppose, within three
days’ march of the Arctic Sea. It is the most northern establishment of
the North-West Company, and some small pieces of Russian copper coin
once made their way thither across the continent from the westward.
Blue or white beads are almost the only articles of European
manufacture coveted by the Loucheux. They perforate the septum of the
nose and insert in the opening three small shells which they procure at
a high price from the Esquimaux.

On the west bank of Mackenzie’s River there are several tribes who
speak dialects of the Chipewyan language that have not hitherto been
mentioned. The first met with on tracing the river to the southward
from Fort Good-Hope are the _Ambawtawhoot-dinneh_, or Sheep Indians.
They inhabit the Rocky Mountains near the sources of the Dawhootdinneh
River which flows into Mackenzie’s and are but little known to the
traders. Some of them have visited Fort Good-Hope. A report of their
being cannibals may have originated in an imperfect knowledge of them.

Some distance to the southward of this people are the Rocky Mountain
Indians, a small tribe which musters about forty men and boys capable
of pursuing the chase. They differ but little from the next we are
about to mention, the _Edchawtawhoot-dinneh_, Strong-bow, Beaver, or
Thickwood Indians who frequent the _Rivière aux Liards_ or south branch
of Mackenzie’s River. The Strong-bows resemble the Dog-Ribs somewhat in
their disposition; but when they meet they assume a considerable degree
of superiority over the latter who meekly submit to the haughtiness of
their neighbours. Until the year 1813 when a small party of them, from
some unfortunate provocation, destroyed Fort Nelson on the _Rivière aux
Liards_ and murdered its inmates, the Strong-bows were considered to be
a friendly and quiet tribe and esteemed as excellent hunters. They take
their names in the first instance from their dogs. A young man is the
father of a certain dog but when he is married and has a son he styles
himself the father of the boy. The women have a habit of reproving the
dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting: “Are you not
ashamed,” say they, “are you not ashamed to quarrel with your little
brother?” The dogs appear to understand the reproof and sneak off.

The Strong-bows and Rocky Mountain Indians have a tradition in common
with the Dog-Ribs that they came originally from the westward, from a
level country where there was no winter, which produced trees and large
fruits now unknown to them. It was inhabited also by many strange
animals, amongst which there was a small one whose visage bore a
striking resemblance to the human countenance. During their residence
in this land their ancestors were visited by a man who healed the sick,
raised the dead, and performed many other miracles, enjoining them at
the same time to lead good lives and not to eat of the entrails of
animals, nor to use the brains for dressing skins until after the third
day; and never to leave the skulls of deer upon the ground within the
reach of dogs and wolves but to hang them carefully upon trees. No one
knew from whence this good man came or whither he went. They were
driven from that land by the rising of the waters and, following the
tracks of animals on the seashore, they directed their course to the
northward. At length they came to a strait which they crossed upon a
raft but the sea has since frozen and they have never been able to
return. These traditions are unknown to the Chipewyans.

The number of men and boys of the Strong-bow nation who are capable of
hunting may amount to seventy.

There are some other tribes who also speak dialects of the Chipewyan
upon the upper branches of the Rivière aux Liards such as the
_Nohhannies_ and the _Tsillawdawhoot-dinneh_ or Brushwood Indians. They
are but little known but the latter are supposed occasionally to visit
some of the establishments on Peace River.

Having now communicated as briefly as I could the principal facts that
came to our knowledge regarding the Indians in this quarter I shall
resume the narrative of events at Fort Enterprise. The month of March
proved fine. The thermometer rose once to 24° above zero and fell upon
another day 49° below zero but the mean was minus 11 1/2°.

On the 23rd the last of our winter’s stock of deer’s meat was expended
and we were compelled to issue a little pounded meat which we had
reserved for making pemmican for summer use. Our nets which were set
under the ice on the 15th produced only two or three small fish daily.
Amongst these was the round-fish, a species of Coregonus which we had
not previously seen.

On the following day two Indians came with a message from the Hook, the
chief next to Akaitcho in authority amongst the Copper Indians. His
band was between West Marten and Great Bear Lakes and he offered to
provide a quantity of dried meat for us on the banks of the Copper-Mine
River in the beginning of summer, provided we sent him goods and
ammunition. It was in his power to do this without inconvenience as he
generally spends the summer months on the banks of the river near the
Copper Mountain; but we had no goods to spare and I could not venture
to send any part of our small stock of ammunition until I saw what the
necessities of our own party required. I told them however that I would
gladly receive either provisions or leather when we met and would pay
for them by notes on the North-West Company’s post; but to prevent any
misunderstanding with Mr. Weeks I requested them to take their winter’s
collection of furs to Fort Providence before they went to the
Copper-Mine River. They assured me that the Hook would watch anxiously
for our passing as he was unwell and wished to consult the doctor.

Several circumstances having come lately to my knowledge that led me to
suspect the fidelity of our interpreters they were examined upon this
subject. It appeared that in their intercourse with the Indians they
had contracted very fearful ideas of the danger of our enterprise which
augmented as the time of our departure drew near, and had not hesitated
to express their dislike to the journey in strong terms amongst the
Canadians, who are accustomed to pay much deference to the opinions of
an interpreter. But this was not all; I had reason to suspect they had
endeavoured to damp the exertions of the Indians with the hope that the
want of provision in the spring would put an end to our progress at
once. St. Germain in particular had behaved in a very equivocal way
since his journey to Slave Lake. He denied the principal parts of the
charge in a very dogged manner but acknowledged he had told the leader
that we had not paid him the attention which a chief like him ought to
have received; and that we had put a great affront on him in sending
him only a small quantity of rum. An artful man like St. Germain,
possessing a flow of language and capable of saying even what he
confessed, had the means of poisoning the minds of the Indians without
committing himself by any direct assertion; and it is to be remarked
that, unless Mr. Wentzel had possessed a knowledge of the Copper Indian
language, we should not have learned what we did.

Although perfectly convinced of his baseness I could not dispense with
his services; and had no other resource but to give him a serious
admonition and desire him to return to his duty, after endeavouring to
work upon his fears by an assurance that I would certainly convey him
to England for trial if the Expedition should be stopped through his
fault. He replied, “It is immaterial to me where I lose my life,
whether in England or in accompanying you to the sea, for the whole
party will perish.” After this discussion however he was more
circumspect in his conduct.

On the 28th we received a small supply of meat from the Indian lodges.
They had now moved into a lake about twelve miles from us, in
expectation of the deer coming soon to the northward.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE JOURNEY TO THE NORTHWARD.


On the 29th Akaitcho arrived at the house, having been sent for to make
some arrangements respecting the procuring of provision and that we
might learn what his sentiments were with regard to accompanying us on
our future journey. Next morning we had a conference which I commenced
by showing him the charts and drawings that were prepared to be sent to
England, and explaining fully our future intentions. He appeared much
pleased at this mark of attention and, when his curiosity was
satisfied, began his speech by saying that although a vast number of
idle rumours had been floating about the barren grounds during the
winter he was convinced that the representations made to him at Fort
Providence regarding the purport of the Expedition were perfectly
correct. I next pointed out to him the necessity of our proceeding with
as little delay as possible during the short period of the year that
was fit for our operations, and that to do so it was requisite we
should have a large supply of provisions at starting. He instantly
admitted the force of these observations and promised that he and his
young men should do their utmost to comply with our desires, and
afterwards in answer to my questions informed us that he would
accompany the Expedition to the mouth of the Copper-Mine River or, if
we did not meet with Esquimaux there, for some distance along the
coast; he was anxious he said to have an amicable interview with that
people, and he further requested that, in the event of our meeting with
Dog-Ribs on the Copper-Mine River, we should use our influence to
persuade them to live on friendly terms with his tribe. We were highly
pleased to find his sentiments so favourable to our views and, after
making some minor arrangements, we parted mutually content. He left us
on the morning of the 31st, accompanied by Augustus who, at his
request, went to reside for a few days at his lodge.

On the 4th of April our men arrived with the last supply of goods from
Fort Providence, the fruits of Mr. Back’s arduous journey to the
Athabasca Lake, and on the 17th Belanger _le gros_ and Belanger _le
rouge_, for so our men discriminated them, set out for Slave Lake with
a box containing the journals of the officers, charts, drawings,
observations, and letters addressed to the Secretary of State for
Colonial Affairs. They also conveyed a letter for Governor Williams in
which I requested that he would if possible send a schooner to Wager
Bay with provisions and clothing to meet the exigencies of the party
should they succeed in reaching that part of the coast.

Connoyer, who was much tormented with biliary calculi and had done
little or no duty all the winter, was discharged at the same time and
sent down in company with an Indian named the Belly.

The commencement of April was fine and for several days a considerable
thaw took place in the heat of the sun which, laying bare some of the
lichens on the sides of the hills, produced a consequent movement of
the reindeer to the northward and induced the Indians to believe that
the spring was already commencing. Many of them therefore quitted the
woods and set their snares on the barren grounds near Fort Enterprise.
Two or three days of cold weather however towards the middle of the
month damped their hopes, and they began to say that another moon must
elapse before the arrival of the wished-for season. In the meantime
their premature departure from the woods caused them to suffer from
want of food and we were in some degree involved in their distress. We
received no supplies from the hunters, our nets produced but very few
fish, and the pounded meat which we had intended to keep for summer use
was nearly expended. Our meals at this period were always scanty and we
were occasionally restricted to one in the day.

The Indian families about the house, consisting principally of women
and children, suffered most. I had often requested them to move to
Akaitcho’s lodge where they were more certain of receiving supplies
but, as most of them were sick or infirm, they did not like to quit the
house, where they daily received medicines from Dr. Richardson, to
encounter the fatigue of following the movements of a hunting camp.
They cleared away the snow on the site of the autumn encampments to
look for bones, deer’s feet, bits of hide, and other offal. When we
beheld them gnawing the pieces of hide and pounding the bones for the
purpose of extracting some nourishment from them by boiling we
regretted our inability to relieve them, but little thought that we
should ourselves be afterwards driven to the necessity of eagerly
collecting these same bones a second time from the dunghill.

At this time, to divert the attention of the men from their wants, we
encouraged the practice of sliding down the steep bank of the river
upon sledges. These vehicles descended the snowy bank with much
velocity and ran a great distance upon the ice. The officers joined in
the sport and the numerous overturns we experienced formed no small
share of the amusement of the party, but on one occasion, when I had
been thrown from my seat and almost buried in the snow, a fat Indian
woman drove her sledge over me and sprained my knee severely.

On the 18th at eight in the evening a beautiful halo appeared round the
sun when it was about 8° high. The colours were prismatic and very
bright, the red next the sun.

On the 21st the ice in the river was measured and found to be five feet
thick and, in setting the nets in Round Rock Lake, it was there
ascertained to be six feet and a half thick, the water being six
fathoms deep. The stomachs of some fish were at this time opened by Dr.
Richardson and found filled with insects which appear to exist in
abundance under the ice during the winter.

On the 22nd a moose-deer was killed at the distance of forty-five
miles; St. Germain went for it with a dog-sledge and returned with
unusual expedition on the morning of the third day. This supply was
soon exhausted and we passed the 27th without eating, with the prospect
of fasting a day or two longer, when old Keskarrah entered with the
unexpected intelligence of having killed a deer. It was divided betwixt
our own family and the Indians and during the night a seasonable supply
arrived from Akaitcho. Augustus returned with the men who brought it,
much pleased with the attention he had received from the Indians during
his visit to Akaitcho.

Next day Mr. Wentzel set out with every man that we could spare from
the fort for the purpose of bringing meat from the Indians as fast as
it could be procured. Dr. Richardson followed them two days afterwards
to collect specimens of the rocks in that part of the country. On the
same day the two Belangers arrived from Fort Providence having been
only five days on the march from thence.

The highest temperature in April was plus 40°, the lowest minus 32°,
the mean plus 4.6°. The temperature of the rapid, examined on the 30th
by Messrs. Back and Hood, was 32° at the surface, 33° at the bottom.

On the 7th of May Dr. Richardson returned. He informed me that the
reindeer were again advancing to the northward but that the leader had
been joined by several families of old people and that the daily
consumption of provision at the Indian tents was consequently great.
This information excited apprehensions of being very scantily provided
when the period of our departure should arrive.

The weather in the beginning of May was fine and warm. On the 2nd some
patches of sandy ground near the house were cleared of snow. On the 7th
the sides of the hills began to appear bare and on the 8th a large
house-fly was seen. This interesting event spread cheerfulness through
our residence and formed a topic of conversation for the rest of the
day.

On the 9th the approach of spring was still more agreeably confirmed by
the appearance of a merganser and two gulls, and some loons or arctic
divers, at the rapid. This day to reduce the labour of dragging meat to
the house the women and children and all the men except four were sent
to live at the Indian tents.

The blueberries, crow-berries, eye-berries, and cranberries, which had
been covered and protected by the snow during the winter might at this
time be gathered in abundance and proved indeed a valuable resource.
The ground continued frozen but the heat of the sun had a visible
effect on vegetation; the sap thawed in the pine-trees and Dr.
Richardson informed me that the mosses were beginning to shoot and the
calyptrae of some of the jungermanniae already visible.

On the 11th Mr. Wentzel returned from the Indian lodges having made the
necessary arrangements with Akaitcho for the drying of meat for summer
use, the bringing fresh meat to the fort and the procuring a sufficient
quantity of the resin of the spruce fir, or as it is termed by the
voyagers _gum_, for repairing the canoes previous to starting and
during the voyage. By my desire he had promised payment to the Indian
women who should bring in any of the latter article and had sent
several of our own men to the woods to search for it. At this time I
communicated to Mr. Wentzel the mode in which I meant to conduct the
journey of the approaching summer. Upon our arrival at the sea I
proposed to reduce the party to what would be sufficient to man two
canoes in order to lessen the consumption of provisions during our
voyage or journey along the coast and, as Mr. Wentzel had expressed a
desire of proceeding no farther than the mouth of the Copper-Mine
River, which was seconded by the Indians who wished him to return with
them, I readily relieved his anxiety on this subject, the more so as I
thought he might render greater service to us by making deposits of
provision at certain points than by accompanying us through a country
which was unknown to him, and amongst a people with whom he was totally
unacquainted. My intentions were explained to him in detail but they
were of course to be modified by circumstances.

On the 14th a robin (_Turdus migratorius_) appeared; this bird is
hailed by the natives as the infallible precursor of warm weather.
Ducks and geese were also seen in numbers and the reindeer advanced to
the northward. The merganser (_Mergus serrator_) which preys upon small
fish, was the first of the duck tribe that appeared; next came the teal
(_Anas crecca_) which lives upon small insects that abound in the
waters at this season; and lastly the goose which feeds upon berries
and herbage. Geese appear at Cumberland House in latitude 54° usually
about the 12th of April; at Fort Chipewyan in latitude 59° on the 25th
of April; at Slave Lake in latitude 61° on the 1st of May; and at Fort
Enterprise in latitude 64° 28′ on the 12th or 14th of the same month.

On the 16th a minor chief amongst the Copper Indians attended by his
son arrived from Fort Providence to consult Dr. Richardson. He was
affected with snow-blindness which was soon relieved by the dropping of
a little laudanum into his eyes twice a day. Most of our own men had
been lately troubled with this complaint but it always yielded in
twenty or thirty hours to the same remedy.

On the 21st all our men returned from the Indians and Akaitcho was on
his way to the fort. In the afternoon two of his young men arrived to
announce his visit and to request that he might be received with a
salute and other marks of respect that he had been accustomed to on
visiting Fort Providence in the spring. I complied with his desire
although I regretted the expenditure of ammunition and sent the young
man away with the customary present of powder to enable him to return
the salute, some tobacco, vermilion to paint their faces, a comb and a
looking-glass.

At eleven Akaitcho arrived; at the first notice of his appearance the
flag was hoisted at the fort and upon his nearer approach a number of
muskets were fired by a party of our people and returned by his young
men. Akaitcho, preceded by his standard-bearer, led the party and
advanced with a slow and stately step to the door where Mr. Wentzel and
I received him. The faces of the party were daubed with vermilion, the
old men having a spot on the right cheek, the young ones on the left.
Akaitcho himself was not painted. On entering he sat down on a chest,
the rest placed themselves in a circle on the floor. The pipe was
passed once or twice round and in the meantime a bowl of spirits and
water and a present considerable for our circumstances of cloth,
blankets, capots, shirts, etc., was placed on the floor for the chief’s
acceptance and distribution amongst his people. Akaitcho then commenced
his speech but I regret to say that it was very discouraging and
indicated that he had parted with his good humour, at least since his
March visit. He first inquired whether, in the event of a passage by
sea being discovered, we should come to his lands in any ship that
might be sent? And being answered that it was probable but not quite
certain that someone amongst us might come, he expressed a hope that
some suitable present should be forwarded to himself and nation, “for”
said he, “the great Chief who commands where all the goods come from
must see from the drawings and descriptions of us and our country that
we are a miserable people.” I assured him that he would be remembered,
provided he faithfully fulfilled his engagement with us.

He next complained of the non-payment of my notes by Mr. Weeks, from
which he apprehended that his own reward would be withheld. “If,” said
he, “your notes to such a trifling amount are not accepted whilst you
are within such a short distance and can hold communication with the
fort, it is not probable that the large reward which has been promised
to myself and party will be paid when you are far distant on your way
to your own country. It really appears to me,” he continued, “as if
both the Companies consider your party as a third company, hostile to
their interests, and that neither of them will pay the notes you give
to the Indians.”

Afterwards in the course of a long conference he enumerated many other
grounds of dissatisfaction, the principal of which were our want of
attention to him as chief, the weakness of the rum formerly sent to
him, the smallness of the present now offered, and the want of the
chief’s clothing, which he had been accustomed to receive at Fort
Providence every spring. He concluded by refusing to receive the goods
now laid before him.

In reply to these complaints it was stated that Mr. Weeks’ conduct
could not be properly discussed at such a distance from his fort, that
no dependence ought to be placed on the vague reports that floated
through the Indian territory, that for our part, although we had heard
many stories to his (Akaitcho’s) disadvantage, we discredited them all,
that the rum we had sent him, being what the great men in England were
accustomed to drink, was of a milder kind but in fact stronger than
what he had been accustomed to receive, and that the distance we had
come and the speed with which we travelled precluded us from bringing
large quantities of goods like the traders, that this had been fully
explained to him when he agreed to accompany us and that, in
consideration of his not receiving his usual spring outfit, his debts
to the Company had been cancelled and a present, much greater than any
he had ever received before, ordered to be got ready for his return. He
was further informed that we were much disappointed in not receiving
any dried meat from him, an article indispensable for our summer voyage
and which he had led us to believe there was no difficulty in
procuring, and that in fact his complaints were so groundless in
comparison with the real injury we sustained from the want of supplies
that we were led to believe they were preferred solely for the purpose
of cloaking his own want of attention to the terms of his engagement.
He then shifted his ground and stated that if we endeavoured to make a
voyage along the sea-coast we should inevitably perish, and he advised
us strongly against persisting in the attempt. This part of his
harangue, being an exact transcript of the sentiments formerly
expressed by our interpreters, induced us to conclude that they had
prompted his present line of conduct by telling him that we had goods
or rum concealed. He afterwards received a portion of our dinner in the
manner he had been accustomed to do, and seemed inclined to make up
matters with us in the course of the evening, provided we added to the
present offered to him. Being told however that this was impossible
since we had already offered him all the rum we had and every article
of goods we could spare from our own equipment his obstinacy was a
little shaken, and he made some concessions but deferred giving a final
answer until the arrival of Humpy his elder brother. The young men
however did not choose to wait so long and at night came for the rum,
which we judged to be a great step towards a reconciliation.

St. Germain, the most intelligent of our two interpreters and the one
who had most influence with the Indians, being informed that their
defection was in a great measure attributed to the unguarded
conversations he had held with them, and which he had in part
acknowledged, exerted himself much on the following day in bringing
about a change in their sentiments and with some success. The young
men, though they declined hunting, conducted themselves with the same
good humour and freedom as formerly. Akaitcho being as he said ashamed
to show himself kept close in his tent all day.

On the 24th one of the women who accompanied us from Athabasca was sent
down to Fort Providence under charge of the old chief who came some
days before for medicine for his eyes. Angelique and Roulante, the
other two women, having families, preferred accompanying the Indians
during their summer hunt. On the 25th clothing and other necessary
articles were issued to the Canadians as their equipment for the
ensuing voyage. Two or three blankets, some cloth, ironwork, and
trinkets were reserved for distribution amongst the Esquimaux on the
sea-coast. Laced dresses were given to Augustus and Junius. It is
impossible to describe the joy that took possession of the latter on
the receipt of this present. The happy little fellow burst into
ecstatic laughter as he surveyed the different articles of his gay
habiliments.[24]

 [24] These men kept their dresses and delighted in them. An Indian
 chief on the other hand only appears once before the donor in the
 dress of ceremony which he receives and then transfers it to some
 favourite in the tribe whom he desires to reward by this robe of
 honour.


In the afternoon Humpy the leader’s elder brother, Annoethaiyazzeh,
another of his brothers, and one of our guides arrived with the
remainder of Akaitcho’s band; as also Long-legs, brother to the Hook,
with three of his band. There were now in the encampment thirty
hunters, thirty-one women, and sixty children, in all one hundred and
twenty-one of the Copper Indian or Red-Knife tribe. The rest of the
nation were with the Hook on the lower part of the Copper-Mine River.

Annoethaiyazzeh is remarkable amongst the Indians for the number of his
descendants; he has eighteen children living by two wives, of whom
sixteen were at the fort at this time.

In the evening we had another formidable conference. The former
complaints were reiterated and we parted about midnight without any
satisfactory answer to my questions as to when Akaitcho would proceed
towards the river and where he meant to make provision for our march. I
was somewhat pleased however to find that Humpy and Annoethaiyazzeh
censured their brother’s conduct and accused him of avarice.

On the 26th the canoes were removed from the places where they had been
deposited as we judged that the heat of the atmosphere was now so great
as to admit of their being repaired without risk of cracking the bark.
We were rejoiced to find that two of them had suffered little injury
from the frost during the winter. The bark of the third was
considerably rent but it was still capable of repair.

The Indians sat in conference in their tents all the morning and in the
afternoon came into the house charged with fresh matter for discussion.

Soon after they had seated themselves and the room was filled with the
customary volume of smoke from their calumets the goods which had been
laid aside were again presented to the leader, but he at once refused
to distribute so small a quantity amongst his men and complained that
there were neither blankets, kettles, nor daggers amongst them, and in
the warmth of his anger he charged Mr. Wentzel with having advised the
distribution of all our goods to the Canadians and thus defrauding the
Indians of what was intended for them. Mr. Wentzel of course
immediately repelled this injurious accusation and reminded Akaitcho
again that he had been told on engaging to accompany us that he was not
to expect any goods until his return. This he denied with an effrontery
that surprised us all, when Humpy, who was present at our first
interview at Fort Providence, declared that he heard us say that no
goods could be taken for the supply of the Indians on the voyage; and
the first guide added, “I do not expect anything here, I have promised
to accompany the white people to the sea and I will therefore go,
confidently relying upon receiving the stipulated reward on my return.”
Akaitcho did not seem prepared to hear such declarations from his
brothers and, instantly changing the subject, began to descant upon the
treatment he had received from the traders in his concerns with them
with an asperity of language that bore more the appearance of menace
than complaint. I immediately refused to discuss this topic as foreign
to our present business and desired Akaitcho to recall to memory that
he had told me on our first meeting that he considered me the father of
every person attached to the Expedition, in which character it was
surely my duty to provide for the comfort and safety of the Canadians
as well as the Indians. The voyagers, he knew, had a long journey to
perform and would in all probability be exposed to much suffering from
cold on a coast destitute of wood, and therefore required a greater
provision of clothing than was necessary for the Indians who, by
returning immediately from the mouth of the river, would reach Fort
Providence in August and obtain their promised rewards. Most of the
Indians appeared to assent to this argument but Akaitcho said, “I
perceive the traders have deceived you; you should have brought more
goods but I do not blame you.” I then told him that I had brought from
England only ammunition, tobacco, and spirits and that, being ignorant
what other articles the Indians required, we were dependent on the
traders for supplies, but he must be aware that every endeavour had
been used on our parts to procure them, as was evinced by Mr. Back’s
journey to Fort Chipewyan. With respect to the ammunition and tobacco
we had been as much disappointed as themselves in not receiving them,
but this was to be attributed to the neglect of those to whom they had
been entrusted. This explanation seemed to satisfy him. After some
minutes of reflection his countenance became more cheerful and he made
inquiry whether his party might go to either of the trading posts they
chose on their return, and whether the Hudson’s Bay Company were rich,
for they had been represented to him as a poor people? I answered him
that we really knew nothing about the wealth of either Company, having
never concerned ourselves with trade, but that all the traders appeared
to us to be respectable. Our thoughts I added are fixed solely on the
accomplishment of the objects for which we came to the country. Our
success depends much on your furnishing us with provision speedily,
that we may have all the summer to work and, if we succeed, a ship will
soon bring goods in abundance to the mouth of the Copper-Mine River.
The Indians talked together for a short time after this conversation
and then the leader made an application for two or three kettles and
some blankets to be added to the present to his young men; we were
unable to spare him any kettles but the officers promised to give a
blanket each from their own beds.

Dinner was now brought in and relieved us for a time from their
importunity. The leading men as usual received each a portion from the
table. When the conversation was resumed the chief renewed his
solicitations for goods, but it was now too palpable to be mistaken
that he aimed at getting everything he possibly could and leaving us
without the means of making any presents to the Esquimaux or other
Indians we might meet. I resolved therefore on steadily refusing every
request and, when he perceived that he could extort nothing more, he
rose in an angry manner and, addressing his young men, said: “There are
too few goods for me to distribute; those that mean to follow the white
people to the sea may take them.”

This was an incautious speech as it rendered it necessary for his party
to display their sentiments. The guides and most of the hunters
declared their readiness to go and came forward to receive a portion of
the present which was no inconsiderable assortment. This relieved a
weight of anxiety from my mind and I did not much regard the leader’s
retiring in a very dissatisfied mood.

The hunters then applied to Mr. Wentzel for ammunition that they might
hunt in the morning and it was cheerfully given to them.

The officers and men amused themselves at prison-bars and other
Canadian games till two o’clock in the morning, and we were happy to
observe the Indians sitting in groups enjoying the sport. We were
desirous of filling up the leisure moments of the Canadians with
amusements, not only for the purpose of enlivening their spirits but
also to prevent them from conversing upon our differences with the
Indians, which they must have observed. The exercise was also in a
peculiar manner serviceable to Mr. Hood. Ever ardent in his pursuits he
had, through close attention to his drawings and other avocations,
confined himself too much to the house in winter, and his health was
impaired by his sedentary habits. I could only take the part of a
spectator in these amusements, being still lame from the hurt formerly
alluded to.

The sun now sank for so short a time below the horizon that there was
more light at midnight than we enjoyed on some days at noon in the
wintertime.

On the 27th the hunters brought in two reindeer. Many of the Indians
attended divine service this day and were attentive spectators of our
addresses to the Almighty.

On the 28th I had a conversation with Long-legs whose arrival two days
before has been mentioned. I acquainted him with the objects of our
Expedition and our desire of promoting peace between his nation and the
Esquimaux, and learned from him that his brother the Hook was by this
time on the Copper-Mine River with his party and that, although he had
little ammunition, yet it was possible he might have some provision
collected before our arrival at his tents. I then decorated him with a
medal similar to those given to the other chiefs. He was highly pleased
with this mark of our regard and promised to do everything for us in
his power. Akaitcho came in during the latter part of our conversation
with a very cheerful countenance. Jealousy of the Hook and a knowledge
that the sentiments of the young men differed from his own with respect
to the recent discussions had combined to produce this change in his
conduct, and next morning he took an opportunity of telling me that I
must not think the worse of him for his importunities. It was their
custom he said to do so however strange it might appear to us, and he
as the leader of his party had to beg for them all; but as he saw we
had not deceived him by concealing any of our goods and that we really
had nothing left he should ask for no more. He then told me that he
would set out for the river as soon as the state of the country
admitted of travelling. The snow he remarked was still too deep for
sledges to the northward and the moss too wet to make fires. He was
seconded in this opinion by Long-legs whom I was the more inclined to
believe knowing that he was anxious to rejoin his family as soon as
possible.

Akaitcho now accepted the dress he had formerly refused and next day
clothed himself in another new suit which he had received from us in
the autumn. Ever since his arrival at the fort he had dressed meanly
and pleaded poverty but, perceiving that nothing more could be gained
by such conduct, he thought proper to show some of his riches to the
strangers who were daily arriving. In the afternoon however he made
another though a covert attack upon us. He informed me that two old men
had just arrived at the encampment with a little pounded meat which
they wished to barter. It was evident his intention was merely to
discover whether we had any goods remaining or not. I told him that we
had nothing at present to give for meat, however much we stood in need
of it, but that we would pay for it by notes on the North-West Company
in any kind of goods they pleased. After much artful circumlocution and
repeated assurances of the necessities of the men who owned the meat he
introduced them and they readily agreed to give us the provision on our
own terms.

I have deemed it my duty to give the details of these tedious
conversations to point out to future travellers the art with which
these Indians pursue their objects, their avaricious nature, and the
little reliance that can be placed upon them when their interests jar
with their promises. In these respects they agree with other tribes of
northern Indians but, as has been already mentioned, their dispositions
are not cruel and their hearts are readily moved by the cry of
distress.

The average temperature for May was nearly 32°, the greatest heat was
68°, the lowest 8°.

We had constant daylight at the end of the month and geese and ducks
were abundant, indeed rather too much so for our hunters were apt to
waste upon them the ammunition that was given to them for killing deer.
Uncertain as to the length of time that it might be required to last we
did not deem a goose of equal value with the charge it cost to procure
it.

Dr. Richardson and Mr. Back having visited the country to the northward
of the Slave Rock and reported that they thought we might travel over
it I signified my intention of sending the first party off on Monday
the 4th of June. I was anxious to get the Indians to move on before,
but they lingered about the house, evidently with the intention of
picking up such articles as we might deem unnecessary to take. When
Akaitcho was made acquainted with my purpose of sending away a party of
men he came to inform me that he would appoint two hunters to accompany
them and at the same time requested that Dr. Richardson or, as he
called him, the Medicine Chief, might be sent with his own band. These
Indians set a great value upon medicine and made many demands upon Dr.
Richardson on the prospect of his departure. He had to make up little
packets of the different articles in his chest, not only for the leader
but for each of the minor chiefs who carefully placed them in their
medicine bags, noting in their memories the directions he gave for
their use. The readiness with which their requests for medical
assistance were complied with was considered by them as a strong mark
of our good intentions towards them and the leader often remarked that
they owed much to our kindness in that respect, that formerly numbers
had died every year but that not a life had been lost since our arrival
amongst them. In the present instance however the leader’s request
could not be complied with. Dr. Richardson had volunteered to conduct
the first party to the Copper-Mine River whilst the rest of the
officers remained with me to the last moment to complete our
astronomical observations at the house. He therefore informed the
leader that he would remain stationary at Point Lake until the arrival
of the whole party, where he might be easily consulted if any of his
people fell sick as it was in the neighbourhood of their hunting
grounds.

On the 2nd the stores were packed up in proper-sized bales for the
journey. I had intended to send the canoes by the first party but they
were not yet repaired, the weather not being sufficiently warm for the
men to work constantly at them without the hazard of breaking the bark.
This day one of the new trading guns which we had recently received
from Fort Chipewyan burst in the hands of a young Indian, fortunately
however without doing him any material injury. This was the sixth
accident of the kind which had occurred since our departure from Slave
Lake. Surely this deficiency in the quality of the guns, which hazards
the lives of so many poor Indians, requires the serious consideration
of the principals of the trading Companies.

On the 4th at three in the morning the party under the charge of Dr.
Richardson started. It consisted of fifteen voyagers, three of them
conducting dog sledges, Baldhead and Basil, two Indian hunters with
their wives, Akaiyazzeh a sick Indian and his wife, together with
Angelique and Roulante, so that the party amounted to twenty-three
exclusive of children.

The burdens of the men were about eighty pounds each, exclusive of
their personal baggage which amounted to nearly as much more. Most of
them dragged their loads upon sledges but a few preferred carrying them
on their backs. They set off in high spirits.

After breakfast the Indians struck their tents, and the women, the
boys, and the old men who had to drag sledges, took their departure. It
was three P.M. however before Akaitcho and the hunters left us. We
issued thirty balls to the leader and twenty to each of the hunters and
guides with a proportionate quantity of powder, and gave them
directions to make all the provision they could on their way to Point
Lake. I then desired Mr. Wentzel to inform Akaitcho in the presence of
the other Indians that I wished a deposit of provision to be made at
this place previous to next September as a resource should we return
this way. He and the guides not only promised to see this done but
suggested that it would be more secure if placed in the cellar or in
Mr. Wentzel’s room. The Dog-Ribs, they said, would respect anything
that was in the house as knowing it to belong to the white people. At
the close of this conversation Akaitcho exclaimed with a smile, “I see
now that you have really no goods left (the rooms and stores being
completely stripped) and therefore I shall not trouble you any more but
use my best endeavours to prepare provision for you, and I think if the
animals are tolerably numerous we may get plenty before you can embark
on the river.”

Whilst the Indians were packing up this morning one of the women
absconded. She belongs to the Dog-Rib tribe and had been taken by force
from her relations by her present husband who treated her very harshly.
The fellow was in my room when his mother announced the departure of
his wife and received the intelligence with great composure as well as
the seasonable reproof of Akaitcho. “You are rightly served,” said the
chief to him, “and will now have to carry all your things yourself
instead of having a wife to drag them.” One hunter remained after the
departure of the other Indians.

On the 5th the Dog-Rib woman presented herself on a hill at some
distance from the house, but was afraid to approach us until the
interpreter went and told her that neither we nor the Indian who
remained with us would prevent her from going where she pleased. Upon
this she came to solicit a fire-steel and kettle. She was at first
low-spirited from the non-arrival of a countrywoman who had promised to
elope with her, but had probably been too narrowly watched. The Indian
hunter however, having given her some directions as to the proper mode
of joining her own tribe, she became more composed and ultimately
agreed to adopt his advice of proceeding at once to Fort Providence
instead of wandering about the country all summer in search of them at
the imminent hazard of being starved.

On the 7th the wind, shifting to the southward, dispersed the clouds
which had obscured the sky for several days and produced a change of
temperature under which the snow rapidly disappeared. The thermometer
rose to 73°, many flies came forth, mosquitoes showed themselves for
the first time, and one swallow made its appearance. We were the more
gratified with these indications of summer that St. Germain was enabled
to commence the repair of the canoes, and before night had completed
the two which had received the least injury. Augustus killed two deer
today.

On the 10th the dip of the magnetic needle, being observed, showed a
decrease of 22′ 44″ since last autumn. The repairs of the third canoe
were finished this evening.

The snow was now confined to the bases of the hills and our Indian
hunter told us the season was early. The operations of nature however
seemed to us very tardy. We were eager to be gone and dreaded the lapse
of summer before the Indians would allow it had begun.

On the 11th the geese and ducks had left the vicinity of Fort
Enterprise and proceeded to the northward. Some young ravens and
whiskey-johns made their appearance at this time.

On the 12th Winter River was nearly cleared of ice and on the 13th the
men returned, having left Dr. Richardson on the borders of Point Lake.
Dr. Richardson informed me by letter that the snow was deeper in many
parts near his encampment than it had been at any time last winter near
Fort Enterprise, and that the ice on Point Lake had scarcely begun to
decay. Although the voyagers were much fatigued on their arrival, and
had eaten nothing for the last twenty-four hours, they were very
cheerful and expressed a desire to start with the remainder of the
stores next morning. The Dog-Rib woman, who had lingered about the
house since the 6th of June, took alarm at the approach of our men,
thinking perhaps that they were accompanied by Indians, and ran off.
She was now provided with a hatchet, kettle, and fire-steel, and would
probably go at once to Fort Providence in the expectation of meeting
with some of her countrymen before the end of summer.




CHAPTER 10.[25]


 [25] It will be seen hereafter that I had the misfortune to lose my
 portfolio containing my journals from Fort Enterprise to the 14th of
 September. But the loss has been amply redeemed by my brother
 officers’ journals from which the narrative up to that period has been
 chiefly compiled.

DEPARTURE FROM FORT ENTERPRISE. NAVIGATION OF THE COPPER-MINE RIVER.
VISIT TO THE COPPER MOUNTAIN. INTERVIEW WITH THE ESQUIMAUX. DEPARTURE
OF THE INDIAN HUNTERS. ARRANGEMENTS MADE WITH THEM FOR OUR RETURN.


DEPARTURE FROM FORT ENTERPRISE.


June 14, 1821.

The trains for the canoes having been finished during the night the
party attached to them commenced their journey at ten this morning.
Each canoe was dragged by four men assisted by two dogs. They took the
route of Winter Lake with the intention of following, although more
circuitous, the watercourse as far as practicable, it being safer for
the canoes than travelling overland. After their departure the
remaining stores, the instruments, and our small stock of dried meat,
amounting only to eighty pounds, were distributed equally among
Hepburn, three Canadians, and the two Esquimaux; with this party and
two Indian hunters we quitted Fort Enterprise, most sincerely rejoicing
that the long-wished-for day had arrived when we were to proceed
towards the final object of the Expedition.

We left in one of the rooms a box containing a journal of the
occurrences up to this date, the charts and some drawings, which was to
be conveyed to Fort Chipewyan by Mr. Wentzel on his return from the sea
and thence to be sent to England. The room was blocked up and, by the
advice of Mr. Wentzel, a drawing representing a man holding a dagger in
a threatening attitude was affixed to the door to deter any Indians
from breaking it open. We directed our course towards the Dog-Rib Rock
but, as our companions were loaded with the weight of near one hundred
and eighty pounds each, we of necessity proceeded at a slow pace. The
day was extremely warm and the mosquitoes, whose attacks had hitherto
been feeble, issued forth in swarms from the marshes and were very
tormenting. Having walked five miles we encamped near a small cluster
of pines about two miles from the Dog-Rib Rock. The canoe party had not
been seen since they set out. Our hunters went forward to Marten Lake,
intending to wait for us at a place where two deer were deposited. At
nine P.M. the temperature of the air was 63°.

We resumed our march at an early hour and crossed several lakes which
lay in our course as the ice enabled the men to drag their burdens on
trains formed of sticks and deers’ horns with more ease than they could
carry them on their backs. We were kept constantly wet by this
operation as the ice had broken near the shores of the lakes but this
was little regarded as the day was unusually warm, the temperature at
two P.M. being at 82 1/2°. At Marten Lake we joined the canoe party and
encamped with them. We had the mortification of learning from our
hunters that the meat they had put _en cache_ here had been destroyed
by the wolverines, and we had in consequence to furnish the supper from
our scanty stock of dried meat. The wind changed from South-East to
North-East in the evening and the weather became very cold, the
thermometer being at 43° at nine P.M. The few dwarf birches we could
collect afforded fire insufficient to keep us warm and we retired under
the covering of our blankets as soon as the supper was despatched. The
North-East breeze rendered the night so extremely cold that we procured
but little sleep, having neither fire nor shelter for, though we
carried our tents, we had been forced to leave the tent-poles which we
could not now replace; we therefore gladly recommenced the journey at
five in the morning and travelled through the remaining part of the
lake on the ice. Its surface being quite smooth the canoes were dragged
along expeditiously by the dogs, and the rest of the party had to walk
very quick to keep pace with them, which occasioned many severe falls.
By the time we had reached the end of the lake the wind had increased
to a perfect gale and the atmosphere was so cold that we could not
proceed farther with the canoes without the risk of breaking the bark
and seriously injuring them; we therefore crossed Winter River in them
and put up in a well-sheltered place on a ridge of sandhills but, as
the stock of provision was scanty, we determined on proceeding as quick
as possible and leaving the canoe party under the charge of Mr.
Wentzel. We parted from them in the afternoon, and first directed our
course towards a range of hills where we expected to find Antonio
Fontano, who had separated from us in the morning. In crossing towards
these hills I fell through the ice into the lake with my bundle on my
shoulders but was soon extricated without any injury, and Mr. Back, who
left us to go in search of the straggler, met with a similar accident
in the evening. We put up on a ridge of sandhills where we found some
pines, and made a large fire to apprise Mr. Back and Fontano of our
position. St. Germain having killed a deer in the afternoon we received
an acceptable supply of meat. The night was stormy and very cold.

At five the next morning our men were sent in different directions
after our absent companions, but as the weather was foggy we despaired
of finding them unless they should chance to hear the muskets our
people were desired to fire. They returned however at ten, bringing
intelligence of them. I went immediately with Hepburn to join Mr. Back
and directed Mr. Hood to proceed with the Canadians and halt with them
at the spot where the hunters had killed a deer. Though Mr. Back was
much fatigued he set off with me immediately, and in the evening we
rejoined our friends on the borders of the Big Lake. The Indians
informed us that Fontano only remained a few hours with them and then
continued his journey. We had to oppose a violent gale and frequent
snowstorms through the day, which unseasonable weather caused the
temperature to descend below the freezing-point this evening. The
situation of our encampment being bleak, and our fuel stunted green
willows, we passed a very cold and uncomfortable night.

June 18.

Though the breeze was moderate this morning the air was piercingly
keen. When on the point of starting we perceived Mr. Wentzel’s party
coming, and awaited his arrival to learn whether the canoes had
received any injury during the severe weather of yesterday. Finding
they had not we proceeded to get upon the ice on the lake, which could
not be effected without walking up to the waist in water for some
distance from its borders. We had not the command of our feet in this
situation and the men fell often; poor Junius broke through the ice
with his heavy burden on his back but fortunately was not hurt.

This lake is extensive and large arms branch from its main course in
different directions. At these parts we crossed the projecting points
of land and on each occasion had to wade as before, which so wearied
everyone that we rejoiced when we reached its north side and encamped,
though our resting-place was a bare rock. We had the happiness of
finding Fontano at this place. The poor fellow had passed the three
preceding days without tasting food and was exhausted by anxiety and
hunger. His sufferings were considered to have been a sufficient
punishment for his imprudent conduct in separating from us, and I only
admonished him to be more cautious in future.

Having received information that the hunters had killed a deer we sent
three men to fetch the meat, which was distributed between our party
and the canoe-men who had been encamped near to us. The thermometer at
three P.M. was 46°, at nine 34°.

We commenced the following day by crossing a lake about four miles in
length and then passed over a succession of rugged hills for nearly the
same distance. The men, being anxious to reach some pine-trees which
they had seen on their former journey, walked at a quick pace though
they were suffering from swelled legs and rheumatic pains; we could not
however attain the desired point and therefore encamped on the
declivity of a hill which sheltered us from the wind, and used the
reindeer moss for fuel, which afforded us more warmth than we expected.
Several patches of snow were yet remaining on the surrounding hills.
The thermometer varied today between 55 and 45°.

On the 20th of June we began our march by crossing a small lake, not
without much risk as the surface of the ice was covered with water to
the depth of two feet and there were many holes into which we slipped
in spite of our efforts to avoid them. A few of the men, being fearful
of attempting the traverse with their heavy loads, walked round the
eastern end of the lake. The parties met on the sandy ridge which
separates the streams that fall into Winter Lake from those that flow
to the northward; and here we killed three deer. Near the base of this
ridge we crossed a small but rapid stream in which there is a
remarkable cascade of about fifty feet. Some Indians joined us here and
gave information respecting the situation of Dr. Richardson’s tent,
which our hunters considered was sufficient for our guidance, and
therefore proceeded as quickly as they could. We marched a few miles
farther in the evening and encamped among some pines; but the comfort
of a good fire did not compensate for the torment we suffered from the
host of mosquitoes at this spot. The temperature was 52°.

We set off next morning at a very early hour. The men took the course
of Point Lake that they might use their sledges, but the officers
pursued the nearest route by land to Dr. Richardson’s tent, which we
reached at eleven A.M. It was on the western side of an arm of the lake
and near the part through which the Copper-Mine River runs. Our men
arrived soon after us and in the evening Mr. Wentzel and his party,
with the canoes in excellent condition. They were much jaded by their
fatiguing journey and several were lame from swellings of the lower
extremities. The ice on the lake was still six or seven feet thick and
there was no appearance of its decay except near the edges and, as it
was evident that, by remaining here until it should be removed, we
might lose every prospect of success in our undertaking, I determined
on dragging our stores along its surface until we should come to a part
of the river where we could embark, and directions were given this
evening for each man to prepare a train for the conveyance of his
portion of the stores. I may remark here, as a proof of the strong
effect of radiation from the earth in melting the ice, that the largest
holes in the ice were always formed at the base of the high and steep
cliffs which abound on the borders of this lake.

We found Akaitcho and the hunters encamped here but their families and
the rest of the tribe had gone off two days before to the Bethseeto, a
large lake to the northward where they intended passing the summer.
Long-legs and Keskarrah had departed to desire the Hook to collect as
much meat as he could against our arrival at his lodge. We were
extremely distressed to learn from Dr. Richardson that Akaitcho and his
party had expended all the ammunition they had received at Fort
Enterprise without having contributed any supply of provision. The
Doctor had however, through the assistance of two hunters he kept with
him, prepared two hundred pounds of dried meat, which was now our sole
dependence for the journey. On the following morning I represented to
Akaitcho that we had been greatly disappointed by his conduct which was
so opposite to the promise of exertion he had made on quitting Fort
Enterprise. He offered many excuses but, finding they were not
satisfactory, admitted that the greater part of the ammunition had been
given to those who accompanied the women to the Bethseeto, and promised
to behave better in future. I then told him that I intended in future
to give them ammunition only in proportion to the meat which was
brought in, and that we should commence upon that plan by supplying him
with fifteen balls, and each of the hunters with ten.

The number of our hunters was now reduced to five as two of the most
active declined going any farther, their father, who thought himself
dying, having solicited them to remain and close his eyes. These five
were furnished with ammunition and sent forward to hunt on the south
border of the lake, with directions to place any meat they might
procure near the edge of the lake and set up marks to guide us to the
spots. Akaitcho, his brother, the guide, and three other men remained
to accompany us. We were much surprised to perceive an extraordinary
difference in climate in so short an advance to the northward as fifty
miles. The snow here was lying in large patches on the hills. The
dwarf-birch and willows were only just beginning to open their buds
which had burst forth at Fort Enterprise many days before our
departure. Vegetation seemed to be three weeks or a month later here
than at that place. We had heavy showers of rain through the night of
the 22nd which melted the snow and visibly wasted the ice.

On the 23rd the men were busily employed in making their trains and in
pounding the meat for pemmican. The situation of the encampment was
ascertained latitude 65° 12′ 40″ North, longitude 113° 8′ 25″ West, and
the variation 43° 4′ 20″ East. The arrangements being completed we
purposed commencing our journey next morning, but the weather was too
stormy to venture upon the lake with the canoes. In the afternoon a
heavy fall of snow took place, succeeded by sleet and rain. The
north-east gale continued but the thermometer rose to 39°.

June 25.

The wind having abated in the night we prepared for starting at an
early hour. The three canoes were mounted on sledges and nine men were
appointed to conduct them, having the assistance of two dogs to each
canoe. The stores and provisions were distributed equally among the
rest of our men, except a few small articles which the Indians carried.
The provision consisted of only two bags of pemmican, two of pounded
meat, five of suet, and two small bundles of dried provision, together
with fresh meat sufficient for our supper at night. It was gratifying
to witness the readiness with which the men prepared for and commenced
a journey which threatened to be so very laborious, as each of them had
to drag upwards of one hundred and eighty pounds on his sledge.

Our course led down the main channel of the lake, which varied in
breadth from half a mile to three miles; but we proceeded at a slow
pace as the snow which fell last night and still lay on the ice very
much impeded the sledges. Many extensive arms branched off on the north
side of this channel and it was bounded on the south by a chain of
lofty islands. The hills on both sides rose to six or seven hundred
feet and high steep cliffs were numerous. Clusters of pines were
occasionally seen in the valleys. We put up at eight P.M. in a spot
which afforded us but a few twigs for fuel. The party was much fatigued
and several of the men were affected by an inflammation on the inside
of the thigh attended with hardness and swelling. The distance made
today was six miles.

We started at ten next morning. The day was extremely hot and the men
were soon jaded; their lameness increased very much and some not
previously affected began to complain. The dogs too showed symptoms of
great weakness, and one of them stretched himself obstinately on the
ice and was obliged to be released from the harness. We were therefore
compelled to encamp at an early hour, having come only four miles. The
sufferings of the people in this early stage of our journey were truly
discouraging to them and very distressing to us, whose situation was
comparatively easy. I therefore determined on leaving the third canoe
which had been principally carried to provide against any accident to
the others. We should thus gain three men to lighten the loads of those
who were most lame, and an additional dog for each of the other canoes.
It was accordingly properly secured on a stage erected for the purpose
near the encampment. Dried meat was issued for supper but in the course
of the evening the Indians killed two deer for which we immediately
sent.

The channel of the lake through which we had passed today was bounded
on both sides by islands of considerable height, presenting bold and
rugged scenery. We were informed by our guide that a large body of the
lake lies to the northward of a long island which we passed.

Another deer was killed next morning but, as the men breakfasted off it
before they started, the additional weight was not materially felt. The
burdens of the men being considerably lightened by the arrangements of
last evening, the party walked at the rate of one mile and
three-quarters an hour until the afternoon, when our pace was slackened
as the ice was more rough and our lame companions felt their sores very
galling. At noon we passed a deep bay on the south side which is said
to receive a river. Throughout the day’s march the hills on each side
of the lake bore a strong resemblance in height and form to those about
Fort Enterprise. We encamped on the north main shore among some spruce
trees, having walked eight miles and a half. Three or four fish were
caught with lines through holes which the water had worn in the ice. We
perceived a light westerly current at these places.

It rained heavily during the night and this was succeeded by a dense
fog on the morning of the 28th. Being short of provisions we commenced
our journey though the points of land were not discernible beyond a
short distance. The surface of the ice, being honeycombed by the recent
rains, presented innumerable sharp points which tore our shoes and
lacerated the feet at every step. The poor dogs too marked their path
with their blood.

NAVIGATION OF THE COPPER-MINE RIVER.


In the evening the atmosphere became clear and at five P.M. we reached
the rapid by which Point Lake communicates with Red-Rock Lake. This
rapid is only one hundred yards wide and we were much disappointed at
finding the Copper-Mine River such an inconsiderable stream. The canoes
descended the rapid but the cargoes were carried across the peninsula
and placed again on the sledges as the next lake was still frozen. We
passed an extensive arm branching to the eastward, and encamped just
below it on the western bank among spruce pines, having walked six
miles of direct distance. The rolled stones on the beach are
principally red clay slate, hence its Indian appellation which we have
retained.

We continued our journey at the usual hour next morning. At noon the
variation was observed to be 47° East. Our attention was afterwards
directed to some pine branches scattered on the ice which proved to be
marks placed by our hunters to guide us to the spot where they had
deposited the carcasses of two small deer. This supply was very
seasonable and the men cheerfully dragged the additional weight.
Akaitcho, judging from the appearance of the meat, thought it had been
placed here three days ago and that the hunters were considerably in
advance. We put up at six P.M. near the end of the lake, having come
twelve miles and three-quarters, and found the channel open by which it
is connected with the Rock-nest Lake. A river was pointed out bearing
south from our encampment, which is said to rise near Great Marten
Lake. Red-Rock Lake is in general narrow, its shelving banks are well
clothed with wood and even the hills, which attain an elevation of four
hundred or five hundred feet, are ornamented halfway up with stunted
pines.

On June 30 the men, having gummed the canoes, embarked with their
burdens to descend the river; but we accompanied the Indians about five
miles across a neck of land, when we also embarked. The river was about
two hundred yards wide and, its course being uninterrupted, we
cherished a sanguine hope of now getting on more speedily, until we
perceived that the waters of Rock-nest Lake were still bound by ice and
that recourse must again be had to the sledges. The ice was much
decayed and the party were exposed to great risk of breaking through in
making the traverse. In one part we had to cross an open channel in the
canoes, and in another were compelled to quit the Lake and make a
portage along the land. When the party had got upon the ice again our
guide evinced much uncertainty as to the route. He first directed us
towards the west end of the lake but, when we had nearly gained that
point, he discovered a remarkable rock to the north-east, named by the
Indians the Rock-nest, and then recollected that the river ran at its
base. Our course was immediately changed to that direction, but the
traverse we had then to make was more dangerous than the former one.
The ice cracked under us at every step and the party were obliged to
separate widely to prevent accidents. We landed at the first point we
could approach but, having found an open channel close to the shore,
were obliged to ferry the goods across on pieces of ice. The fresh meat
being expended we had to make another inroad on our pounded meat. The
evening was very warm and the mosquitoes numerous. A large fire was
made to apprise the hunters of our advance. The scenery of Rock-nest
Lake is picturesque, its shores are rather low except at the Rock-nest,
and two or three eminences on the eastern side. The only wood is the
pine which is twenty or thirty feet high and about one foot in
diameter. Our distance today was six miles.

July 1.

Our guide directed us to proceed towards a deep bay on the north side
of the lake where he supposed we should find the river. In consequence
of the bad state of the ice we employed all the different modes of
travelling we had previously followed in attaining this place and, in
crossing a point of land, had the misfortune to lose one of the dogs,
which set off in pursuit of some reindeer. Arriving at the bay we only
found a stream that fell into it from the north-east and looked in vain
for the Copper-Mine River. This circumstance confused the guide and he
confessed that he was now doubtful of the proper route; we therefore
halted and despatched him with two men to look for the river from the
top of the high hills near the Rock-nest. During this delay a slight
injury was repaired which one of the canoes had received. We were here
amused by the sight of a wolf chasing two reindeer on the ice. The
pursuer, being alarmed at the sight of our men, gave up the chase when
near to the hindmost, much to our regret for we were calculating upon
the chance of sharing in his capture.

At four P.M. our men returned with the agreeable information that they
had seen the river flowing at the base of the Rock-nest. The canoes and
stores were immediately placed on the ice and dragged thither; we then
embarked but soon had to cut through a barrier of drift ice that
blocked up the way. We afterwards descended two strong rapids and
encamped near the discharge of a small stream which flows from an
adjoining lake. The Copper-Mine River at this point is about two
hundred yards wide and ten feet deep, and flows very rapidly over a
rocky bottom. The scenery of its banks is picturesque, the hills shelve
to the waterside and are well covered with wood, and the surface of the
rocks is richly ornamented with lichens. The Indians say that the same
kind of country prevails as far as Mackenzie’s River in this parallel,
but that the land to the eastward is perfectly barren. Akaitcho and one
of the Indians killed two deer which were immediately sent for. Two of
the hunters arrived in the night and we learned that their companions,
instead of being in advance as we supposed, were staying at the place
where we first found the river open. They had only seen our fires last
evening and had sent to examine who we were. The circumstance of having
passed them was very vexatious as they had three deer _en cache_ at
their encampment. However an Indian was sent to desire those who
remained to join us and bring the meat.

We embarked at nine A.M. on July 2nd and descended a succession of
strong rapids for three miles. We were carried along with extraordinary
rapidity, shooting over large stones upon which a single stroke would
have been destructive to the canoes; and we were also in danger of
breaking them, from the want of the long poles which lie along their
bottoms and equalise their cargoes, as they plunged very much, and on
one occasion the first canoe was almost filled with the waves. But
there was no receding after we had once launched into the stream, and
our safety depended on the skill and dexterity of the bowmen and
steersmen. The banks of the river here are rocky and the scenery
beautiful, consisting of gentle elevations and dales wooded to the edge
of the stream and flanked on both sides at the distance of three or
four miles by a range of round-backed barren hills, upwards of six
hundred feet high. At the foot of the rapids the high lands recede to a
greater distance and the river flows with a more gentle current in a
wider channel through a level and open country consisting of alluvial
sand. In one place the passage was blocked up by drift ice still deeply
covered with snow. A channel for the canoes was made for some distance
with the hatchets and poles but, on reaching the more compact part, we
were under the necessity of transporting the canoes and cargoes across
it, an operation of much hazard as the snow concealed the numerous
holes which the water had made in the ice. This expansion of the river
being mistaken by the guide for a lake which he spoke of as the last on
our route to the sea, we supposed that we should have no more ice to
cross, and therefore encamped after passing through it, to fit the
canoes properly for the voyage and to provide poles, which are not only
necessary to strengthen them when placed in the bottom, but essentially
requisite for the safe management of them in dangerous rapids. The
guide began afterwards to doubt whether the lake he meant was not
farther on, and he was sent with two men to examine into the fact, who
returned in the evening with the information of its being below us but
that there was an open channel through it. This day was very sultry and
several plants appeared in flower.

The men were employed in repairing their canoes to a late hour and
commenced very early next morning as we were desirous of availing
ourselves of every part of this favourable weather. The hunters arrived
in the course of the night. It appeared that the dog which escaped from
us two days ago came into the vicinity of their encampment, howling
piteously; seeing him without his harness they came to the hasty
conclusion that our whole party had perished in a rapid and, throwing
away part of their baggage and leaving the meat behind them, they set
off with the utmost haste to join Long-legs. Our messenger met them in
their flight but too far advanced to admit of their returning for the
meat. Akaitcho scolded them heartily for their thoughtlessness in
leaving the meat, which we so much wanted. They expressed their regret
and, being ashamed of their panic, proposed to remedy the evil as much
as possible by going forward without stopping until they came to a
favourable spot for hunting, which they expected to do about thirty or
forty miles below our present encampment. Akaitcho accompanied them but
previous to setting off he renewed his charge that we should be on our
guard against the bears, which was occasioned by the hunters having
fired at one is morning as they were descending a rapid in their canoe.
As their small canoes would only carry five persons two of the hunters
had to walk in turns along the banks.

In our rambles round the encampment we witnessed with pleasure the
progress which vegetation had made within the few last warm days; most
of the trees had put forth their leaves and several flowers ornamented
the moss-covered ground; many of the smaller summer birds were observed
in the woods, and a variety of ducks, gulls, and plovers, sported on
the banks of the river. It is about three hundred yards wide at this
part, is deep and flows over a bed of alluvial sand. We caught some
trout of considerable size with our lines, and a few white-fish in the
nets, which maintained us with a little assistance from the pemmican.
The repair of our canoes was completed this evening. Before embarking I
issued an order that no rapid should in future be descended until the
bowman had examined it and decided upon its being safe to run. Wherever
the least danger was to be apprehended or the crew had to disembark for
the purpose of lightening the canoe, the ammunition, guns, and
instruments were always to be put out and carried along the bank, that
we might be provided with the means of subsisting ourselves in case of
any accident befalling the canoes.

The situation of our encampment was ascertained to be 65° 43′ 28″
North, longitude 114° 26′ 45″ West, and the variation 42° 17′ 22″ East.

At four in the morning of July 4th we embarked and descended a
succession of very agitated rapids, but took the precaution of landing
the articles mentioned yesterday wherever there appeared any hazard;
notwithstanding all our precautions the leading canoe struck with great
force against a stone and the bark was split, but this injury was
easily repaired and we regretted only the loss of time. At eleven we
came to an expansion of the river where the current ran with less force
and an accumulation of drift ice had in consequence barred the channel;
over this the canoes and cargoes were carried. The ice in many places
adhered to the banks and projected in wide ledges several feet thick
over the stream, which had hollowed them out beneath. On one occasion
as the people were embarking from one of these ledges it suddenly gave
way and three men were precipitated into the water but were rescued
without further damage than a sound ducking, and the canoe fortunately
(and narrowly) escaped being crushed. Perceiving one of the Indians
sitting on the east bank of the river we landed and, having learned
from him that Akaitcho and the hunters had gone in pursuit of a herd of
musk-oxen, we encamped, having come twenty-four miles and a half.

In the afternoon they brought us the agreeable intelligence of having
killed eight cows, of which four were full-grown. All the party were
immediately despatched to bring in this seasonable supply. A young cow,
irritated by the firing of the hunters, ran down to the river and
passed close to me when walking at a short distance from the tents. I
fired and wounded it, when the animal instantly turned and ran at me,
but I avoided its fury by jumping aside and getting upon an elevated
piece of ground. In the meantime some people came from the tents and it
took to flight.

The musk-oxen, like the buffalo, herd together in bands and generally
frequent the barren grounds during the summer months, keeping near the
rivers, but retire to the woods in winter. They seem to be less
watchful than most other wild animals and, when grazing, are not
difficult to approach provided the hunters go against the wind; when
two or three men get so near a herd as to fire at them from different
points these animals, instead of separating or running away, huddle
closer together and several are generally killed; but if the wound is
not mortal they become enraged and dart in the most furious manner at
the hunters, who must be very dextrous to evade them. They can defend
themselves by their powerful horns against the wolves and bears which,
as the Indians say, they not unfrequently kill.

The musk-oxen feed on the same substances with the reindeer, and the
prints of the feet of these two animals are so much alike that it
requires the eye of an experienced hunter to distinguish them. The
largest killed by us did not exceed in weight three hundred pounds. The
flesh has a musky disagreeable flavour, particularly when the animal is
lean which, unfortunately for us, was the case with all that we now
killed.

During this day’s march the river varied in breadth from one hundred to
two hundred feet, and except in two open spaces a very strong current
marked a deep descent the whole way. It flows over a bed of gravel, of
which also its immediate banks are composed. Near to our encampment it
is bounded by cliffs of fine sand from one hundred to two hundred feet
high. Sandy plains extend on a level with the summit of these cliffs,
and at the distance of six or seven miles are terminated by ranges of
hills eight hundred or one thousand feet high. The grass on these
plains affords excellent pasturage for the musk-oxen and they generally
abound here. The hunters added two more to our stock in the course of
the night. As we had now more meat than the party could consume fresh
we delayed our voyage next day to dry it. The hunters were supplied
with more ammunition and sent forward; but Akaitcho, his brother, and
another Indian remained with us.

It may here be proper to mention that the officers had treated Akaitcho
more distantly since our departure from Point Lake, to mark their
opinion of his misconduct. The diligence in hunting however which he
had evinced at this place induced us to receive him more familiarly
when he came to the tent this evening. During our conversation he
endeavoured to excite suspicions in our minds against the Hook by
saying, “I am aware that you consider me the worst man of my nation;
but I know the Hook to be a great rogue and I think he will disappoint
you.”

On the morning of the 6th we embarked and descended a series of rapids,
having twice unloaded the canoes where the water was shallow. After
passing the mouth of the Fairy Lake River[26] the rapids ceased. The
main stream was then about three hundred yards wide and generally deep,
though in one part the channel was interrupted by several sandy banks
and low alluvial islands covered with willows. It flows between banks
of sand thinly wooded and as we advanced the barren hills approached
the water’s edge.

 [26] This is an Indian name. The Northern Indian fairies are six
 inches high, lead a life similar to the Indians, and are excellent
 hunters. Those who have had the good fortune to fall in with their
 tiny encampments have been kindly treated and regaled on venison. We
 did not learn with certainty whether the existence of these delightful
 creatures is known from Indian tradition or whether the Indians own
 their knowledge of them to their intercourse with the traders, but
 think the former probable.


At ten we rejoined our hunters who had killed a deer and halted to
breakfast. We sent them forward; one of them who was walking along the
shore afterwards fired upon two brown bears and wounded one of them,
which instantly turned and pursued him. His companions in the canoes
put ashore to his assistance but did not succeed in killing the bears,
which fled upon the reinforcement coming up. During the delay thus
occasioned we overtook them and they continued with us the rest of the
day.

We encamped at the foot of a lofty range of mountains which appear to
be from twelve to fifteen hundred feet high; they are in general
round-backed but the outline is not even, being interrupted by craggy
conical eminences. This is the first ridge of hills we have seen in
this country that deserves the appellation of a mountain range; it is
probably a continuation of the Stony Mountains crossed by Hearne. Many
plants appeared in full flower near the tents and Dr. Richardson
gathered some high up on the hills. The distance we made today was
fifty miles.

There was a hoar frost in the night and the temperature at four next
morning was 40°: embarking at that hour we glided quickly down the
stream and by seven arrived at the Hook’s encampment which was placed
on the summit of a lofty sand cliff whose base was washed by the river.
This chief had with him only three hunters and a few old men and their
families, the rest of the band having remained at their snares in Bear
Lake. His brother Long-legs and our guide Keskarrah, who had joined him
three days before, had communicated to him our want of provision, and
we were happy to find that, departing from the general practice of
Indian chiefs, he entered at once upon the business without making a
long speech. As an introductory mark of our regard I decorated him with
a medal similar to those which had been given to the other leaders. The
Hook began by stating that he was aware of our being destitute of
provision, and of the great need we had of an ample stock to enable us
to execute our undertaking, and his regret that the unusual scarcity of
animals this season, together with the circumstance of his having only
just received a supply of ammunition from Fort Providence, had
prevented him from collecting the quantity of meat he had wished to do
for our use. “The amount indeed,” he said, “is very small, but I will
cheerfully give you what I have: we are too much indebted to the white
people to allow them to want food on our lands whilst we have any to
give them. Our families can live on fish until we can procure more
meat, but the season is too short to allow of your delaying to gain
subsistence in that manner.” He immediately desired aloud that the
women should bring all the meat they had to us; and we soon collected
sufficient to make three bags and a half of pemmican, besides some
dried meat and tongues. We were truly delighted by this prompt and
cheerful behaviour and would gladly have rewarded the kindness of
himself and his companions by some substantial present, but we were
limited by the scantiness of our store to a small donation of fifteen
charges of ammunition to each of the chiefs. In return for the
provision they accepted notes on the North-West Company to be paid at
Fort Providence, and to these was subjoined an order for a few articles
of clothing as an additional present. I then endeavoured to prevail
upon the Hook to remain in this vicinity with his hunters until the
autumn, and to make deposits of provision in different parts of the
course to the sea as a resource for our party, in the event of our
being compelled to return by this route. He required time however to
consider this matter, and promised to give me an answer next day. I was
rejoiced to find him then prepared to meet my wish and the following
plan was agreed upon: As the animals abound at all times on the borders
of Bear Lake he promised to remain on the east side of it until the
month of November, at that spot which is nearest to the Copper-Mine
River, from whence there is a communication by a chain of lakes and
portages. There the principal deposit of provision was to be made, but
during the summer the hunters were to be employed in putting up
supplies of dried meat at convenient distances, not only along the
communication from this river, but also upon its banks as far down as
the Copper Mountain. They were also to place particular marks to guide
our course to their lodges. We contracted to pay them liberally,
whether we returned by this way or not; if we did they were to
accompany us to Fort Providence to receive the reward, and at any rate
I promised to send the necessary documents by Mr. Wentzel from the
sea-coast to ensure them an ample remuneration. With this arrangement
they were perfectly satisfied and we could not be less so, knowing they
had every motive for fulfilling their promises, as the place they had
chosen to remain at is their usual hunting ground. The uncommon anxiety
these chiefs expressed for our safety appeared to us likely to prompt
them to every care and attention, and I record their expressions with
gratitude. After representing the numerous hardships we should have to
encounter in the strongest manner, though in language similar to what
we had often heard from our friend Akaitcho, they earnestly entreated
we would be constantly on our guard against the treachery of the
Esquimaux, and no less forcibly desired we would not proceed far along
the coast, as they dreaded the consequences of our being exposed to a
tempestuous sea in canoes, and having to endure the cold of the autumn
on a shore destitute of fuel. The Hook having been an invalid for
several years rejoiced at the opportunity of consulting Dr. Richardson,
who immediately gave him advice and supplied him with medicine.

The pounded meat and fat were converted into pemmican preparatory to
our voyage.

The result of our observations at the Hook’s encampment was latitude
66° 45′ 11″ North, longitude 115° 42′ 23″ West, variation of the
compass 46° 7′ 30″ East.

We embarked at eleven to proceed on our journey. Akaitcho and his
brother the guide being in the first canoe and old Keskarrah in the
other. We wished to dispense with the further attendance of two guides
and made a proposition that either of them might remain here, but
neither would relinquish the honour of escorting the Expedition to the
sea. One of our hunters however was less eager for this distinction and
preferred remaining with Green-stockings, Keskarrah’s fascinating
daughter. The other four, with the Little Singer accompanied us, two of
them conducting their small canoes in turns and the rest walking along
the beach.

The river flows over a bed of sand and winds in an uninterrupted
channel of from three-quarters to a mile broad between two ranges of
hills, which are pretty even in their outline and round-backed, but
having rather steep acclivities. The immediate borders of the stream
consist either of high banks of sand or steep gravel cliffs and
sometimes, where the hills recede to a little distance, the intervening
space is occupied by high sandy ridges.

At three P.M., after passing along the foot of a high range of hills,
we arrived at the portage leading to the Bear Lake, to which we have
previously alluded. Its position is very remarkable, being at the most
westerly part of the Copper-Mine River and at the point where it
resumes a northern course and forces a passage through the lofty ridge
of mountains to which it has run parallel for the last thirty miles. As
the Indians travel from hence with their families in three days to the
point where they have proposed staying for us, the distance I think
cannot exceed forty miles and, admitting the course to be due west,
which is the direction the guide pointed, it would place the eastern
part of Bear Lake in 118 1/4° West longitude.

Beyond this spot the river is diminished in breadth and a succession of
rapids are formed but, as the water was deep, we passed through them
without discharging any part of the cargoes. It still runs between high
ranges of mountains, though its actual boundaries are banks of mud
mixed with clay which are clothed with stunted pines. We picked up a
deer which the hunters had shot and killed another from the canoe, and
also received an addition to our stock of provision of seven young
geese which the hunters had beaten down with their sticks. About six
P.M. we perceived a mark on the shore which on examination was found to
have been recently put up by some Indians: and on proceeding farther we
discerned stronger proofs of their vicinity; we therefore encamped and
made a large fire as a signal which they answered in a similar way. Mr.
Wentzel was immediately sent in expectation of getting provision from
them. On his return we learned that the party consisted of three old
Copper Indians with their families, who had supported themselves with
the bow and arrow since last autumn, not having visited Fort Providence
for more than a year, and so successful had they been that they were
enabled to supply us with upwards of seventy pounds of dried meat, and
six moose skins fit for making shoes, which were the more valuable as
we were apprehensive of being barefooted before the journey could be
completed. The evening was sultry and the mosquitoes appeared in great
numbers. The distance made today was twenty-five miles.

On the following morning we went down to these Indians and delivered to
them notes on the North-West Company for the meat and skins they had
furnished, and we had then the mortification of learning that, not
having people to carry a considerable quantity of pounded meat which
they intended for us, they had left it upon the Bear Lake Portage. They
promised however to get it conveyed to the banks of this river before
we could return and we rewarded them with a present of knives and
files.

After reembarking we continued to descend the river which was now
contracted between lofty banks to about one hundred and twenty yards
wide; the current was very strong. At eleven we came to a rapid which
had been the theme of discourse with the Indians for many days, and
which they had described to us as impassable in canoes. The river here
descends for three-quarters of a mile in a deep but narrow and crooked
channel which it has cut through the foot of a hill of five hundred or
six hundred feet high. It is confined between perpendicular cliffs
resembling stone walls, varying in height from eighty to one hundred
and fifty feet, on which lies a mass of fine sand. The body of the
river pent within this narrow chasm dashed furiously round the
projecting rocky columns and discharged itself at the northern
extremity in a sheet of foam. The canoes, after being lightened of part
of their cargoes, ran through this defile without sustaining any
injury. Accurate sketches of this interesting scene were taken by
Messrs. Back and Hood. Soon after passing this rapid we perceived the
hunters running up the east side of the river to prevent us from
disturbing a herd of musk-oxen which they had observed grazing on the
opposite bank; we put them across and they succeeded in killing six,
upon which we encamped for the purpose of drying the meat. The country
below the Rocky Defile Rapid consists of sandy plains, broken by small
conical eminences also of sand, and bounded to the westward by a
continuation of the mountain chain which we had crossed at the Bear
Lake Portage, and to the eastward and northward at the distance of
twelve miles by the Copper Mountains, which Mr. Hearne visited. The
plains are crowned by several clumps of moderately large spruces about
thirty feet high.

This evening the Indians made a large fire as a signal to the Hook’s
party that we had passed the _terrific_ rapid in safety.

The position of our encampment was ascertained to be latitude 67° 1′
10″ North, longitude 116° 27′ 28″ West, variation of the compass 44°
11′ 43″ East, dip of the needle 87° 31′ 18″.

Some thundershowers retarded the drying of the meat and our embarkation
was delayed till the next day. The hunters were sent forward to hunt at
the Copper Mountains under the superintendence of Adam the interpreter
who received strict injunctions not to permit them to make any large
fires lest they should alarm straggling parties of the Esquimaux.

The mosquitoes were now very numerous and annoying but we consoled
ourselves with the hope that their season would be short.

VISIT TO THE COPPER MOUNTAIN.


On the 11th we started at three A.M. and, as the guide had represented
the river below our encampment to be full of shoals, some of the men
were directed to walk along the shore, but they were assailed so
violently by the mosquitoes as to be compelled to embark very soon; and
we afterwards passed over the shallow parts by the aid of the poles
without experiencing much interruption. The current ran very rapidly,
having been augmented by the waters of the Mouse River and several
small streams. We rejoined our hunters at the foot of the Copper
Mountains and found they had killed three musk-oxen. This circumstance
determined us on encamping to dry the meat as there was wood at the
spot. We availed ourselves of this delay to visit the Copper Mountains
in search of specimens of the ore, agreeably to my Instructions; and a
party of twenty-one persons, consisting of the officers, some of the
voyagers, and all the Indians, set off on that excursion. We travelled
for nine hours over a considerable space of ground but found only a few
small pieces of native copper. The range we ascended was on the west
side of the river extending West-North-West and East-South-East. The
mountains varied in height from twelve to fifteen hundred feet. The
uniformity of the mountains is interrupted by narrow valleys traversed
by small streams. The best specimens of metal we procured were among
the stones in these valleys, and it was in such situations that our
guides desired us to search most carefully. It would appear that, when
the Indians see any sparry substance projecting above the surface, they
dig there, but they have no other rule to direct them, and have never
found the metal in its original repository. Our guides reported that
they had found copper in large pieces in every part of this range for
two days’ walk to the north-west, and that the Esquimaux come hither to
search for it. The annual visits which the Copper Indians were
accustomed to make to these mountains, when most of their weapons and
utensils were made of copper, have been discontinued since they have
been enabled to obtain a supply of ice chisels and other instruments of
iron by the establishment of trading posts near their hunting grounds.
That none of those who accompanied us had visited them for many years
was evident from their ignorance of the spots most abundant in metal.

The impracticability of navigating the river upwards from the sea, and
the want of wood for forming an establishment, would prove insuperable
objections to rendering the collection of copper at this part worthy of
mercantile speculation.

We had the opportunity of surveying the country from several elevated
positions. Two or three small lakes only were visible, still partly
frozen, and much snow remained on the mountains. The trees were reduced
to a scanty fringe on the borders of the river and every side was beset
by naked mountains.

The day was unusually warm and therefore favourable for drying meat.
Our whole stock of provision, calculated for preservation, was
sufficient for fourteen days without any diminution of the ordinary
allowance of three pounds to each man per day. The situation of our
tents was 67° 10′ 30″ North, longitude 116° 25′ 45″ West.

June 12.

The Indians, knowing the course of the river below this point to be
only a succession of rapids, declined taking their canoes any farther
but, as I conceived one of them would be required, should we be
compelled to walk along the coast, two of our men were appointed to
conduct it.

As we were now entering the confines of the Esquimaux country our
guides recommended us to be cautious in lighting fires lest we should
discover ourselves, adding that the same reason would lead them to
travel as much as possible in the valleys, and to avoid crossing the
tops of the hills. We embarked at six A.M., taking with us only old
Keskarrah. The other Indians walked along the banks of the river.
Throughout this day’s voyage the current was very strong, running four
or five miles an hour, but the navigation was tolerable and we had to
lighten the canoes only once, in a contracted part of the river where
the waves were very high. The river is in many places confined between
perpendicular walls of rock to one hundred and fifty yards in width,
and there the rapids were most agitated. Large masses of ice twelve or
fourteen feet thick were still adhering to many parts of the bank,
indicating the tardy departure of winter from this inhospitable land,
but the earth around them was rich with vegetation. In the evening two
musk-oxen, being seen on the beach, were pursued and killed by our men.
Whilst we were waiting to embark the meat the Indians rejoined us and
reported they had been attacked by a bear which sprung upon them whilst
they were conversing together. His attack was so sudden that they had
not time to level their guns properly, and they all missed except
Akaitcho who, less confused than the rest, took deliberate aim and shot
the animal dead. They do not eat the flesh of the bear but, knowing
that we had no such prejudice, they brought us some of the choice
pieces which upon trial we found to be very excellent meat.

The Indians having informed us that we were now within twelve miles of
the rapid where the Esquimaux have invariably been found, we pitched
our tents on the beach under the shelter of a high hill whose
precipitous side is washed by the river, intending to send forward some
persons to determine the situation of their present abode. Some
vestiges of an old Esquimaux encampment were observed near the tents
and the stumps of the trees bore marks of the stone hatchets they use.
A strict watch was appointed consisting of an officer, four Canadians,
and an Indian, and directions were given for the rest of the party to
sleep with their arms by their side. That as little delay as possible
might be experienced in opening a communication with the Esquimaux we
immediately commenced arrangements for sending forward persons to
discover whether there were any in our vicinity. Akaitcho and the
guides proposed that two of the hunters should be despatched on this
service who had extremely quick sight and were accustomed to act as
scouts, an office which requires equal caution and circumspection. A
strong objection however lay against this plan in the probability of
their being discovered by a straggling hunter, which would be
destructive to every hope of accommodation. It was therefore determined
to send Augustus and Junius, who were very desirous to undertake the
service. These adventurous men proposed to go armed only with pistols
concealed in their dress, and furnished with beads, looking-glasses,
and other articles, that they might conciliate their countrymen by
presents. We could not divest our minds of the apprehension that it
might be a service of much hazard if the Esquimaux were as hostile to
strangers as the Copper Indians have invariably represented them to be,
and we felt great reluctance in exposing our two little interpreters,
who had rendered themselves dear to the whole party, to the most
distant chance of receiving injury, but this course of proceeding
appeared in their opinion and our own to offer the only chance of
gaining an interview. Though not insensible to the danger they
cheerfully prepared for their mission, and clothed themselves in
Esquimaux dresses which had been made for the purpose at Fort
Enterprise. Augustus was desired to make his presents and to tell the
Esquimaux that the white men had come to make peace between them and
all their enemies, and also to discover a passage by which every
article of which they stood in need might be brought in large ships. He
was not to mention that we were accompanied by the Indians but to
endeavour to prevail on some of the Esquimaux to return with him. He
was directed to come back immediately if there were no lodges at the
rapid.

The Indians were not suffered to move out of our sight, but in the
evening we permitted two of them to cross the river in pursuit of a
musk-ox, which they killed on the beach and returned immediately. The
officers, prompted by an anxious solicitude for Augustus and Junius,
crawled up frequently to the summit of the mountain to watch their
return. The view however was not extensive, being bounded at the
distance of eight miles by a range of hills similar to the Copper
Mountains but not so lofty. The night came without bringing any
intelligence of our messengers, and our fears for their safety
increased with the length of their absence.

As everyone had been interested in the welfare of these men through
their vivacity and good nature and the assistance they had cheerfully
rendered in bearing their portion of whatever labour might be going on,
their detention formed the subject of all our conversation and numerous
conjectures were hazarded as to the cause.

Dr. Richardson, having the first watch, had gone to the summit of the
hill and remained seated, contemplating the river that washed the
precipice under his feet long after dusk had hid distant objects from
his view. His thoughts were perhaps far distant from the surrounding
scenery, when he was roused by an indistinct noise behind him and, on
looking round, perceived that nine white wolves had ranged themselves
in form of a crescent and were advancing, apparently with the intention
of driving him into the river. On his rising up they halted, and when
he advanced they made way for his passage down to the tents. He had his
gun in his hand but forbore to fire lest there should be Esquimaux in
the neighbourhood. During Mr. Wentzel’s middle watch the wolves
appeared repeatedly on the summit of the hill, and at one time they
succeeded in driving a deer over the precipice. The animal was stunned
by the fall but, recovering itself, swam across the stream and escaped
up the river. I may remark here that at midnight it was tolerably dark
in the valley of the river at this time but that an object on the
eminence above could be distinctly seen against the sky.

The following observations were taken at this encampment, latitude 67°
23′ 14″ North, longitude 116° 6′ 51″ West, variation 49° 46′ 24″ East.
Thermometer 75° at three P.M. Sultry weather.

Augustus and Junius not having returned next morning we were more
alarmed respecting them, and determined on proceeding to find out the
cause of their detention, but it was eleven A.M. before we could
prevail upon the Indians to remain behind, which we wished them to do
lest the Esquimaux might be suspicious of our intentions if they were
seen in our suite. We promised to send for them when we had paved the
way for their reception, but Akaitcho, ever ready to augur misfortune,
expressed his belief that our messengers had been killed and that the
Esquimaux, warned of our approach, were lying in wait for us, and
“although,” said he, “your party may be sufficiently strong to repulse
any hostile attack, my band is too weak to offer effectual resistance
when separated from you, and therefore we are determined to go on with
you or to return to our lands.” After much argument however he yielded
and agreed to stay behind, provided Mr. Wentzel would remain with him.
This gentleman was accordingly left with a Canadian attendant and they
promised not to pass a range of hills then in view to the northward
unless we sent notice to them.

The river during the whole of this day’s voyage flowed between
alternate cliffs of looses and intermixed with gravel and red sandstone
rocks, and was everywhere shallow and rapid. As its course was very
crooked much time was spent in examining the different rapids previous
to running them, but the canoes descended, except at a single place,
without any difficulty. Most of the officers and half the men marched
along the land to lighten the canoes and reconnoitre the country, each
person being armed with a gun and a dagger. Arriving at a range of
mountains which had terminated our view yesterday, we ascended it with
much eagerness, expecting to see the rapid that Mr. Hearne visited near
its base, and to gain a view of the sea; but our disappointment was
proportionably great when we beheld beyond a plain, similar to that we
had just left, terminated by another range of trap hills, between whose
tops the summits of some distant blue mountains appeared. Our reliance
on the information of the guides, which had been for some time shaken,
was now quite at an end, and we feared that the sea was still far
distant. The flat country here is covered with grass and is devoid of
the large stones so frequent in the barren grounds, but the ranges of
trap hills which seem to intersect it at regular distances are quite
barren. A few decayed stunted pines were standing on the borders of the
river. In the evening we had the gratification of meeting Junius who
was hastening back to inform us that they had found four Esquimaux
tents at the Fall which we recognised to be the one described by Mr.
Hearne. The inmates were asleep at the time of their arrival but rose
soon afterwards, and then Augustus presented himself and had some
conversation across the river. He told them the white people had come,
who would make them very useful presents. The information of our
arrival seemed to alarm them very much but, as the noise of the rapid
prevented them from hearing distinctly, one of them approached him in
his canoe and received the rest of the message. He would not however
land on his side of the river, but returned to the tents without
receiving the present. His language differed in some respects from
Augustus’s but they understood each other tolerably well. Augustus,
trusting for a supply of provision to the Esquimaux, had neglected to
carry any with him, and this was the main cause of Junius’s return. We
now encamped, having come fourteen miles. After a few hours’ rest
Junius set off again to rejoin his companion, being accompanied by
Hepburn who was directed to remain about two miles above the fall to
arrest the canoes on their passage, lest we should too suddenly
surprise the Esquimaux. About ten P.M. we were mortified by the
appearance of the Indians with Mr. Wentzel, who had in vain endeavoured
to restrain them from following us. The only reason assigned by
Akaitcho for this conduct was that he wished for a reassurance of my
promise to establish peace between his nation and the Esquimaux. I took
this occasion of again enforcing the necessity of their remaining
behind until we had obtained the confidence and goodwill of their
enemies. After supper Dr. Richardson ascended a lofty hill about three
miles from the encampment and obtained the first view of the sea; it
appeared to be covered with ice. A large promontory, which I named Cape
Hearne, bore North-East and its lofty mountains proved to be the blue
land we had seen in the forenoon, and which had led us to believe the
sea was still far distant. He saw the sun set a few minutes before
midnight from the same elevated situation. It did not rise during the
half hour he remained there, but before he reached the encampment its
rays gilded the tops of the hills.

The night was warm and we were much annoyed by the mosquitoes.

June 15.

We this morning experienced as much difficulty as before in prevailing
upon the Indians to remain behind, and they did not consent until I had
declared that they should lose the reward which had been promised if
they proceeded any farther before we had prepared the Esquimaux to
receive them. We left a Canadian with them and proceeded, not without
apprehension that they would follow us and derange our whole plan by
their obstinacy. Two of the officers and a party of men walked on the
shore to lighten the canoes. The river in this part flows between high
and stony cliffs, reddish slate clay rocks, and shelving banks of white
clay, and is full of shoals and dangerous rapids. One of these was
termed Escape Rapid, both the canoes having narrowly escaped foundering
in its high waves. We had entered the rapid before we were aware and,
the steepness of the cliffs preventing us from landing, we were
indebted to the swiftness of our descent for preservation. Two waves
made a complete breach over the canoes; a third would in all
probability have filled and overset them, which must have proved fatal
to everyone in them. The powder fortunately escaped the water, which
was soon discharged when we reached the bottom of the rapid. At noon we
perceived Hepburn lying on the left bank of the river and landed
immediately to receive his information. As he represented the water to
be shoal the whole way to the rapid (below which the Esquimaux were)
the shore party were directed to continue their march to a sandy bay at
the head of the fall and there await the arrival of the canoes. The
land in the neighbourhood of the rapid is of the most singular form:
large irregular sandhills bounding both banks, apparently so
unconnected that they resemble icebergs, the country around them
consisting of high round green hills. The river becomes wide in this
part and full of shoals, but we had no difficulty in finding a channel
through them. On regaining the shore party we regretted to find that
some of the men had incautiously appeared on the tops of the hills just
at the time Augustus was conversing with one of the Esquimaux, who had
again approached in his canoe and was almost persuaded to land. The
unfortunate appearance of so many people at this instant revived his
fears, and he crossed over to the eastern bank of the river, and fled
with the whole of his party. We learned from Augustus that this party,
consisting of four men and as many women, had manifested a friendly
disposition. Two of the former were very tall. The man who first came
to speak to him inquired the number of canoes that we had with us,
expressed himself to be not displeased at our arrival, and desired him
to caution us not to attempt running the rapid, but to make the portage
on the west side of the river. Notwithstanding this appearance of
confidence and satisfaction it seems they did not consider their
situation free from danger, as they retreated the first night to an
island somewhat farther down the river, and in the morning they
returned and threw down their lodges, as if to give notice to any of
their nation that might arrive that there was an enemy in the
neighbourhood. From seeing all their property strewed about, and ten of
their dogs left, we entertained the hope that these poor people would
return after their first alarm had subsided, and therefore I determined
on remaining until the next day, in the expectation of seeing them as I
considered the opening of an early communication a matter of the
greatest importance in our state of absolute ignorance respecting the
sea-coast. The canoes and cargoes were carried across the portage and
we encamped on the north side of it. We sent Augustus and Junius across
the river to look for the runaways but their search was fruitless. They
put a few pieces of iron and trinkets in their canoes, which were lying
on the beach. We also sent some men to put up the stages of fish and
secure them as much as possible from the attacks of the dogs. Under the
covering of their tents were observed some stone kettles and hatchets,
a few fish spears made of copper, two small bits of iron, a quantity of
skins, and some dried salmon, which was covered with maggots and half
putrid. The entrails of the fish were spread out to dry. A great many
skins of small birds were hung up to a stage, and even two mice were
preserved in the same way. Thus it would appear that the necessities of
these poor people induce them to preserve every article that can be
possibly used as food. Several human skulls, which bore the marks of
violence, and many bones were strewed about the ground near the
encampment and, as the spot exactly answers the description given by
Mr. Hearne of the place where the Chipewyans who accompanied him
perpetrated the dreadful massacre on the Esquimaux, we had no doubt of
this being the place, notwithstanding the difference in its position as
to latitude and longitude given by him and ascertained by our
observation. We have therefore preserved the appellation of Bloody Fall
which he bestowed upon it. Its situation by our observations is in
latitude 67° 42′ 35″ North, longitude 115° 49′ 33″ West, variation 50°
20′ 14″ East. This rapid is a sort of shelving cascade, about three
hundred yards in length, having a descent of from ten to fifteen feet.
It is bounded on each side by high walls of red sandstone, upon which
rests a series of lofty green hills. On its north side close to the
east bank is the low rocky island which the Esquimaux had deserted. The
surrounding scenery was accurately delineated in a sketch taken by Mr.
Hood. We caught forty excellent salmon and white-fish in a single net
below the rapid. We had not seen any trees during this day’s journey;
our fuel consisted of small willows and pieces of dried wood that were
picked up near the encampment. The ground is well clothed with grass
and nourishes most of the shrubs and berry-bearing plants that we have
seen north of Fort Enterprise; and the country altogether has a richer
appearance than the barren lands of the Copper Indians. We had a
distinct view of the sea from the summit of a hill behind the tents; it
appeared choked with ice and full of islands.

INTERVIEW WITH THE ESQUIMAUX.


On the morning of the 16th three men were sent up the river to search
for dried wood to make floats for the nets. Adam the interpreter was
also despatched with a Canadian to inform Akaitcho of the flight of the
Esquimaux. We were preparing to go down to the sea in one of the
canoes, leaving Mr. Back to await the return of the men who were absent
but, just as the crew were putting the canoe in the water, Adam
returned in the utmost consternation and informed us that a party of
Esquimaux were pursuing the men whom we had sent to collect floats. The
orders for embarking were instantly countermanded and we went with a
part of our men to their rescue. We soon met our people returning at a
slow pace and learned that they had come unawares upon the Esquimaux
party, which consisted of six men with their women and children, who
were travelling towards the rapid with a considerable number of dogs
carrying their baggage. The women hid themselves on the first alarm,
but the men advanced and, stopping at some distance from our men, began
to dance in a circle, tossing up their hands in the air and
accompanying their motions with much shouting, to signify I conceive
their desire of peace. Our men saluted them by pulling off their hats
and making bows, but neither party was willing to approach the other,
and at length the Esquimaux retired to the hill from whence they had
descended when first seen. We proceeded in the hope of gaining an
interview with them but lest our appearance in a body should alarm them
we advanced in a long line, at the head of which was Augustus. We were
led to their baggage, which they had deserted, by the howling of the
dogs, and on the summit of a hill we found lying behind a stone an old
man who was too infirm to effect his escape with the rest. He was much
terrified when Augustus advanced and probably expected immediate death
but, that the fatal blow might not be unrevenged, he seized his spear
and made a thrust with it at his supposed enemy. Augustus however
easily repressed the feeble effort and soon calmed his fears by
presenting him with some pieces of iron and assuring him of his
friendly intentions. Dr. Richardson and I then joined them and, after
receiving our presents, the old man was quite composed and became
communicative. His dialect differed from that used by Augustus but they
understood each other tolerably well.

It appeared that his party consisted of eight men and their families
who were returning from a hunting excursion with dried meat. After
being told who we were he said that he had heard of white people from
different parties of his nation which resided on the sea-coast to the
eastward and, to our inquiries respecting the provision and fuel we
might expect to get on our voyage, he informed us that the reindeer
frequent the coast during the summer, the fish are plentiful at the
mouths of the rivers, the seals are abundant, but there are no
sea-horses nor whales, although he remembered one of the latter, which
had been killed by some distant tribe, having been driven on shore on
his part of the coast by a gale of wind. That musk-oxen were to be
found a little distance up the rivers, and that we should get driftwood
along the shore. He had no knowledge of the coast to the eastward
beyond the next river, which he called Nappaarktoktowock, or Tree
River. The old man, contrary to the Indian practice, asked each of our
names and, in reply to a similar question on our part, said his name
was Terregannœuck, or the White Fox, and that his tribe denominated
themselves Naggeooktormoeoot, or Deer-Horn Esquimaux. They usually
frequent the Bloody Fall during this and the following moons for the
purpose of salting salmon, and then retire to a river which flows into
the sea a short way to the westward (since denominated Richardson’s
River) and pass the winter in snow-houses.

After this conversation Terregannœuck proposed going down to his
baggage, and we then perceived he was too infirm to walk without the
assistance of sticks. Augustus therefore offered him his arm which he
readily accepted and, on reaching his store, he distributed pieces of
dried meat to each person which, though highly tainted, were
immediately eaten, this being a universal token among the Indians of
peaceable intention.

We then informed him of our desire to procure as much meat as we
possibly could and he told us that he had a large quantity concealed in
the neighbourhood which he would cause to be carried to us when his
people returned.

I now communicated to him that we were accompanied by some Copper
Indians who were very desirous to make peace with his nation, and that
they had requested me to prevail upon the Esquimaux to receive them in
a friendly manner, to which he replied he should rejoice to see an end
put to the hostility that existed between the nations and therefore
would most gladly welcome our companions. Having despatched Adam to
inform Akaitcho of this circumstance we left Terregannœuck, in the hope
that his party would rejoin him but, as we had doubts whether the young
men would venture upon coming to our tents on the old man’s bare
representation, we sent Augustus and Junius back in the evening to
remain with him until they came, that they might fully detail our
intentions.

The countenance of Terregannœuck was oval with a sufficiently prominent
nose and had nothing very different from a European face, except in the
smallness of his eyes and perhaps in the narrowness of his forehead.
His complexion was very fresh and red and he had a longer beard than I
had seen on any of the aboriginal inhabitants of America. It was
between two and three inches long and perfectly white. His face was not
tattooed. His dress consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide
breeches reaching only to the knee, and tight leggings sewed to the
shoes, all of deer skins. The soles of the shoes were made of seal-skin
and stuffed with feathers instead of socks. He was bent with age but
appeared to be about five feet ten inches high. His hands and feet were
small in proportion to his height. Whenever Terregannœuck received a
present he placed each article first on his right shoulder then on his
left, and when he wished to express still higher satisfaction he rubbed
it over his head. He held hatchets and other iron instruments in the
highest esteem. On seeing his countenance in a glass for the first time
he exclaimed, “I shall never kill deer more,” and immediately put the
mirror down. The tribe to which he belongs repair to the sea in spring
and kill seals; as the season advances they hunt deer and musk-oxen at
some distance from the coast. Their weapon is the bow and arrow and
they get sufficiently nigh the deer, either by crawling or by leading
these animals by ranges of turf towards a spot where the archer can
conceal himself. Their bows are formed of three pieces of fir, the
centrepiece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line
with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew.
Their canoes are similar to those we saw in Hudson’s Straits but
smaller. They get fish constantly in the rivers and in the sea as soon
as the ice breaks up. This tribe do not make use of nets but are
tolerably successful with the hook and line. Their cooking utensils are
made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir, the sides
being made of thin deal, bent into an oval form, secured at the ends by
sewing, and fitted so nicely to the bottom as to be perfectly
water-tight. They have also large spoons made of the horns of the
musk-oxen.

Akaitcho and the Indians arrived at our tents in the evening and we
learned that they had seen the Esquimaux the day before and endeavoured
without success to open a communication with them. They exhibited no
hostile intention but were afraid to advance. Akaitcho, keeping out of
their sight, followed at a distance, expecting that, ultimately finding
themselves enclosed between our party and his, they would be compelled
to come to a parley with one of us. Akaitcho had seen Terregannœuck
soon after our departure; he was much terrified and thrust his spear at
him as he had done at Augustus, but was soon reconciled after the
demonstrations of kindness the Indians made in cutting off the buttons
from their dress to present to him.

July 17.

We waited all this forenoon in momentary expectation of the return of
Augustus and Junius but as they did not appear at two P.M. I sent Mr.
Hood with a party of men to inquire into the cause of their detention
and to bring the meat which Terregannœuck had promised us. He returned
at midnight with the information that none of the Esquimaux had yet
ventured to come near Terregannœuck except his aged wife, who had
concealed herself amongst the rocks at our first interview, and she
told him the rest of the party had gone to a river a short distance to
the westward where there was another party of Esquimaux fishing.
Augustus and Junius had erected the tent and done everything in their
power to make the old man comfortable in their absence. Terregannœuck,
being unable to walk to the place where the meat was concealed, readily
pointed the spot out to Mr. Hood who went thither but, after
experiencing much difficulty in getting at the column of rock on which
it was deposited, he found it too putrid for our use. The features of
Terregannœuck’s wife were remarkable for roundness and flatness; her
face was much tattooed and her dress differed little from the old
man’s.

In the afternoon a party of nine Esquimaux appeared on the east bank of
the river about a mile below our encampment, carrying their canoes and
baggage on their backs, but they turned and fled as soon as they
perceived our tents. The appearance of so many different bands of
Esquimaux terrified the Indians so much that they determined on leaving
us the next day lest they should be surrounded and their retreat cut
off. I endeavoured, by the offer of any remuneration they would choose,
to prevail upon one or two of the hunters to proceed but in vain; and I
had much difficulty even in obtaining their promise to wait at the
Copper Mountains for Mr. Wentzel and the four men, whom I intended to
discharge at the sea.

The fears which our interpreters, St. Germain and Adam, entertained
respecting the voyage were now greatly increased and both of them came
this evening to request their discharge, urging that their services
could be no longer requisite as the Indians were going from us. St.
Germain even said that he had understood he was only engaged to
accompany us as long as the Indians did, and persisted in this
falsehood until his agreement to go with us throughout the voyage had
been twice read to him. As these were the only two of the party on
whose skill in hunting we could rely I was unable to listen for a
moment to their desire of quitting us and, lest they should leave us by
stealth, their motions were strictly watched. This was not an
unnecessary precaution as I was informed that they had actually laid a
plan for eloping; but the rest of the men, knowing that their own
safety would have been compromised had they succeeded, kept a watchful
eye over them. We knew that the dread of the Esquimaux would prevent
these men from leaving us as soon as the Indians were at a distance,
and we trusted to their becoming reconciled to the journey when once
the novelty of a sea voyage had worn off.

DEPARTURE OF THE INDIAN HUNTERS. ARRANGEMENTS MADE WITH THEM FOR OUR
RETURN.


July 18.

As the Indians persevered in their determination of setting out this
morning I reminded them, through Mr. Wentzel and St. Germain, of the
necessity of our having the deposit of provision made at Fort
Enterprise, and received a renewed assurance of their attending to that
point. They were also desired to put as much meat as they could _en
cache_ on the banks of the Copper-Mine River on their return. We then
furnished them with what ammunition we could spare and they took their
departure promising to wait three days for Mr. Wentzel at the Copper
Mountains. We afterwards learned that their fears did not permit them
to do so, and that Mr. Wentzel did not rejoin them until they were a
day’s march to the southward of the mountains.

We embarked at five A.M. and proceeded towards the sea which is about
nine miles beyond the Bloody Fall. After passing a few rapids the river
became wider and more navigable for canoes, flowing between banks of
alluvial sand. We encamped at ten on the western bank at its junction
with the sea. The river is here about a mile wide but very shallow,
being barred nearly across by sandbanks which run out from the mainland
on each side to a low alluvial island that lies in the centre and forms
two channels, of these the westernmost only is navigable even for
canoes, the other being obstructed by a stony bar. The islands to
seaward are high and numerous and fill the horizon in many points of
the compass; the only open space seen from an eminence near the
encampment being from North by East to North-East by North. Towards the
east the land was like a chain of islands, the ice apparently
surrounding them in a compact body, leaving a channel between its edge
and the main of about three miles. The water in this channel was of a
clear green colour and decidedly salt. Mr. Hearne could have tasted it
only at the mouth of the river, when he pronounced it merely brackish.
A rise and fall of four inches in the water was observed. The shore is
strewed with a considerable quantity of drift timber, principally of
the _Populus balsamifera_, but none of it of great size. We also picked
up some decayed wood far out of the reach of the water. A few stunted
willows were growing near the encampment. Some ducks, gulls, and
partridges were seen this day. As I had to make up despatches for
England to be sent by Mr. Wentzel the nets were set in the interim and
we were rejoiced to find that they produced sufficient fish for the
party. Those caught were the Copper-Mine River salmon, white-fish, and
two species of pleuronectes. We felt a considerable change of
temperature on reaching the sea-coast, produced by the winds changing
from the southward to the North-West. Our Canadian voyagers complained
much of the cold but they were amused with their first view of the sea
and particularly with the sight of the seals that were swimming about
near the entrance of the river, but these sensations gave place to
despondency before the evening had elapsed. They were terrified at the
idea of a voyage through an icy sea in bark canoes. They speculated on
the length of the journey, the roughness of the waves, the uncertainty
of provisions, the exposure to cold where we could expect no fuel, and
the prospect of having to traverse the barren grounds to get to some
establishment. The two interpreters expressed their apprehensions with
the least disguise and again urgently applied to be discharged, but
only one of the Canadians made a similar request. Judging that the
constant occupation of their time as soon as we were enabled to
commence the voyage would prevent them from conjuring up so many causes
of fear, and that familiarity with the scenes on the coast would in a
short time enable them to give scope to their natural cheerfulness, the
officers endeavoured to ridicule their fears and happily succeeded for
the present. The manner in which our faithful Hepburn viewed the
element to which he had been so long accustomed contributed not a
little to make them ashamed of their fears.

On the morning of the 19th Dr. Richardson, accompanied by Augustus,
paid another visit to Terregannœuck to see if he could obtain any
additional information respecting the country to the eastward, but he
was disappointed at finding that his affrighted family had not yet
rejoined him, and the old man could add nothing to his former
communication. The Doctor remarked that Terreganoeuck had a great
dislike to mentioning the name of the Copper-Mine River, and evaded the
question with much dexterity as often as it was put to him, but that he
willingly told the name of a river to the eastward and also of his
tribe. He attempted to persuade Augustus to remain with him and offered
him one of his daughters for a wife. These Esquimaux strike fire with
two stones, catching the sparks in the down of the catkins of a willow.

The despatches being finished were delivered this evening to Mr.
Wentzel, who parted from us at eight P.M. with Parent, Gagnier, Dumas,
and Forcier, Canadians whom I discharged for the purpose of reducing
our expenditure of provision as much as possible. The remainder of the
party including officers amounted to twenty persons. I made Mr. Wentzel
acquainted with the probable course of our future proceedings and
mentioned to him that, if we were far distant from this river when the
season or other circumstances rendered it necessary to put a stop to
our advance, we should in all probability be unable to return to it and
should have to travel across the barren grounds towards some
established post, in which case I told him that we should certainly go
first to Fort Enterprise, expecting that he would cause the Indians to
place a supply of dried provision there, as soon as possible after
their arrival in its vicinity. My instructions to him were that he
should proceed to Point Lake, transport the canoe that was left there
to Fort Enterprise, where he was to embark the instruments and books
and carry them to Slave Lake, and to forward the box containing the
journals, etc., with the present despatches by the next winter packet
to England. But before he quitted Fort Enterprise he was to be assured
of the intention of the Indians to lay up the provision we required
and, if they should be in want of ammunition for that purpose, to
procure it if possible from Fort Providence or the other Forts in Slave
Lake, and send it immediately to them by the hunters who accompanied
him thither. I also requested him to ascertain from Akaitcho and the
other leading Indians where their different parties would be hunting in
the months of September and October, and to leave this information in a
letter at Fort Enterprise for our guidance in finding them, as we
should require their assistance. Mr. Wentzel was furnished with a list
of the stores that had been promised to Akaitcho and his party as a
remuneration for their services, as well as with an official request to
the North-West Company that these goods might be paid to them on their
next visit to Fort Providence, which they expected to make in the
latter part of November. I desired him to mention this circumstance to
the Indians as an encouragement to exertion in our behalf and to
promise them an additional reward for the supply of provision they
should collect at Fort Enterprise.

If Mr. Wentzel met the Hook or any of his party he was instructed to
assure them that he was provided with the necessary documents to get
them payment for any meat they should put _en cache_ for our use, and
to acquaint them that we fully relied on their fulfilling every part of
the agreement they had made with us. Whenever the Indians, whom he was
to join at the Copper Mountains, killed any animals on their way to
Fort Enterprise, he was requested to put _en cache_ whatever meat could
be spared, placing conspicuous marks to guide us to them, and I
particularly begged he would employ them in hunting in our service
immediately after his arrival at the house.

When Mr. Wentzel’s party had been supplied with ammunition our
remaining stock consisted of one thousand balls and rather more than
the requisite proportion of powder. A bag of small shot was missing and
we afterwards discovered that the Canadians had secreted and
distributed it among themselves in order that when provision should
become scarce they might privately procure ducks and geese and avoid
the necessity of sharing them with the officers.

The situation of our encampment was ascertained to be latitude 67° 47′
50″ North, longitude 115° 36′ 49″ West, the variation of the compass
46° 25′ 52″ East, and dip of the needle 88° 5′ 07″.

It will be perceived that the position of the mouth of the river given
by our observations differs widely from that assigned by Mr. Hearne,
but the accuracy of his description, conjoined with Indian information,
assured us that we were at the very part he visited. I therefore named
the most conspicuous cape we then saw Cape Hearne as a just tribute to
the memory of that persevering traveller. I distinguished another cape
by the name of Mackenzie in honour of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, the only
other European[27] who had before reached the Northern Ocean. I called
the river which falls into the sea to the westward of the Copper-Mine
Richardson as a testimony of sincere regard for my friend and companion
Dr. Richardson, and named the islands which were in view from our
encampment Couper’s Isles in honour of a friend of his. The sun set
this night at thirty minutes after eleven apparent time.

 [27] Captain Parry’s success was at this time unknown to us.


The travelling distance from Fort Enterprise to the north of the
Copper-Mine River is about three hundred and thirty-four miles. The
canoes and baggage were dragged over snow and ice for one hundred and
seventeen miles of this distance.




CHAPTER 11.

NAVIGATION OF THE POLAR SEA, IN TWO CANOES, AS FAR AS CAPE TURNAGAIN,
TO THE EASTWARD, A DISTANCE EXCEEDING FIVE HUNDRED AND FIFTY MILES.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE PROBABILITY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.


NAVIGATION OF THE POLAR SEA, IN TWO CANOES, AS FAR AS CAPE TURNAGAIN,
TO THE EASTWARD, A DISTANCE EXCEEDING FIVE HUNDRED AND FIFTY MILES.


July 20, 1821.

We intended to have embarked early this morning and to have launched
upon an element more congenial with our habits than the freshwater
navigations with their numerous difficulties and impediments which we
had hitherto encountered, but which was altogether new to our Canadian
voyagers. We were detained however by a strong north-east gale which
continued the whole day with constant thundershowers, the more
provoking as our nets procured but few fish and we had to draw upon our
store of dried meat, which, with other provision for the journey,
amounted only to fifteen days’ consumption. Indeed we should have
preferred going dinnerless to bed rather than encroach on our small
stock had we not been desirous of satisfying the appetites and cheering
the spirits of our Canadian companions at the commencement of our
voyage. These thoughtless people would at any time incur the hazard of
absolute starvation at a future period for the present gratification of
their appetites, to indulge which they do not hesitate, as we more than
once experienced, at helping themselves secretly, it being in their
opinion no disgrace to be detected in pilfering food.

Our only luxury now was a little salt which had long been our
substitute both for bread and vegetables. Since our departure from
Point Lake we had boiled the Indian tea plant, _Ledum palustre_, which
provided a beverage in smell much resembling rhubarb, notwithstanding
which we found it refreshing and were gratified to see this plant
flourishing abundantly on the sea shore though of dwarfish growth.

July 21.

The wind which had blown strong through the night became moderate in
the morning, but a dense fog prevented us from embarking until noon
when we commenced our voyage on the Hyperborean Sea. Soon afterwards we
landed on an island where the Esquimaux had erected a stage of drift
timber, and stored up many of their fishing implements and winter
sledges, together with a great many dressed seal, musk-ox, and deer
skins. Their spears, headed with bone and many small articles of the
same material, were worked with extreme neatness, as well as their
wooden dishes and cooking utensils of stone, and several articles, very
elegantly formed of bone, were evidently intended for some game, but
Augustus was unacquainted with their use. We took from this deposit
four seal-skins to repair our shoes and left in exchange a
copper-kettle, some awls and beads.

We paddled all day along the coast to the eastward on the inside of a
crowded range of islands and saw very little ice; the blink of it
however was visible to the northward, and one small iceberg was seen at
a distance. A tide was distinguishable among the islands by the foam
floating on the water but we could not ascertain its direction. In the
afternoon St. Germain killed on an island a fat deer which was a great
acquisition to us; it was the first we had seen for some months in good
condition.

Having encamped on the main shore after a run of thirty-seven miles we
set up a pole to ascertain the rise and fall of the water, which was
repeated at every halting-place, and Hepburn was ordered to attend to
the result. We found the coast well covered with vegetation of moderate
height, even in its outline, and easy of approach. The islands are
rocky and barren, presenting high cliffs of a columnar structure. I
have named the westernmost group of those we passed Berens’ Isles in
honour of the Governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and the easternmost
Sir Graham Moore’s Islands. At the spot where we landed some
mussel-shells and a single piece of seaweed lay on the beach; this was
the only spot on the coast where we saw shells. We were rejoiced to
find the beach strewed with abundance of small driftwood none of it
recent.

It may be remarked that the Copper-Mine River does not bring down any
driftwood, nor does any other known stream except Mackenzie’s River,
hence from its appearance on this part of the coast an easterly current
may be inferred. This evening we were all in high glee at the progress
we had made; the disappearance of the ice and the continuance of the
land in an eastern direction and our future prospects formed an
enlivening subject of conversation. The thermometer varied during the
day between 43 and 45°. The fishing-nets were set but produced nothing.

On the 22nd we embarked at four A.M. and, having the benefit of a light
breeze, continued our voyage along the coast under sail until eleven
when we halted to breakfast and to obtain the latitude. The coast up to
this point presented the same general appearance as yesterday, namely a
gravelly or sandy beach skirted by green plains, but as we proceeded
the shore became exceedingly rocky and sterile and at last, projecting
considerably to the northward, it formed a high and steep promontory.
Some ice had drifted down upon this cape which we feared might check
our progress but, as the evening was fine, we ventured upon pushing the
canoes through the small channels formed among it. After pursuing this
kind of navigation with some danger and more anxiety we landed and
encamped on a smooth rocky point whence we perceived with much
satisfaction that the ice consisted only of detached pieces which would
be removed by the first breeze. We sounded in seventeen fathoms close
to the shore this day. The least depth ascertained by the lead since
our departure from the river was six fathoms, and any ship might pass
safely between the islands and the main. The water is of a light green
colour but not very clear and much less salt than that of the Atlantic,
judging from our recollection of its taste. In the course of the day we
saw geese and ducks with their young and two deer, and experienced very
great variations of temperature from the light breezes blowing
alternately from the ice and the land. The name of Lawford’s Islands
was bestowed on a group we passed in the course of the day as a mark of
my respect for Vice-Admiral Lawford, under whose auspices I first
entered the naval service.

A fresh breeze blowing through the night had driven the ice from the
land and opened a channel of a mile in width; we therefore embarked at
nine A.M. to pursue our journey along the coast but, at the distance of
nine miles were obliged to seek shelter in Port Epworth, the wind
having become adverse and too strong to admit of our proceeding. The
Tree River of the Esquimaux which discharges its waters into this bay
appears to be narrow and much interrupted by rapids. The fishing-nets
were set but obtained only one white-fish and a few bull-heads. This
part of the coast is the most sterile and inhospitable that can be
imagined. One trap-cliff succeeds another with tiresome uniformity and
their _débris_ cover the narrow valleys that intervene, to the
exclusion of every kind of herbage. From the summit of these cliffs the
ice appeared in every direction.

We obtained the following observations during our stay: latitude 67°
42′ 15″ North, longitude 112° 30′ 00″ West, variation 47° 37′ 42″ East.

The wind abating, at eight P.M. we reembarked and soon afterwards
discovered on an island a reindeer, which the interpreters fortunately
killed. Resuming our voyage we were much impeded by the ice and at
length, being unable to force a passage through a close stream that had
collected round a cape, we put ashore at four A.M. On the 24th several
stone fox-traps and other traces of the Esquimaux were seen near the
encampment. The horizontal refraction varied so much this morning that
the upper limb of the sun twice appeared at the horizon before it
finally rose.

For the last two days the water rose and fell about nine inches. The
tides however seemed to be very irregular and we could not determine
the direction of the ebb or flood. A current setting to the eastward
was running about two miles an hour during our stay. The ice having
removed a short distance from the shore by eleven A.M. we embarked, and
with some difficulty effected a passage, then, making a traverse across
Gray’s Bay,[28] we paddled up under the eastern shore against a strong
wind. The interpreters landed here and went in pursuit of a deer but
had no success. This part of the coast is indented by deep bays which
are separated by peninsulas formed like wedges, sloping many miles into
the sea and joined by low land to the main, so that, often mistaking
them for islands, we were led by a circuitous route round the bays.
Cliffs were numerous on the islands which were all of the trap
formation.

 [28] Named after Mr. Gray principal of the Belfast Academy. An island
 which lies across the mouth of this bay bears the name of our English
 sailor Hepburn.


At seven, a thunderstorm coming on, we encamped at the mouth of a river
about eighty yards wide and set four nets. This stream, which received
the name of Wentzel after our late companion, discharges a considerable
body of water. Its banks are sandy and clothed with herbage. The
Esquimaux had recently piled up some drift timber here. A few ducks,
ravens, and snow-birds were seen today. The distance made was
thirty-one miles.

July 25.

We had constant rain with thunder during the night. The nets furnished
only three salmon-trout. We attributed the want of greater success to
the entrance of some seals into the mouth of the river. Embarking at
six A.M. we paddled against a cold breeze until the spreading of a
thick fog caused us to land. The rocks here consisted of a beautiful
mixture of red and gray granite, traversed from north to south by veins
of red felspar which were crossed in various directions by smaller
veins filled with the same substance.

At noon the wind coming from a favourable quarter tempted us to
proceed, although the fog was unabated. We kept as close as we could to
the main shore but, having to cross some bays, it became a matter of
doubt whether we had not left the main and were running along an
island. Just as we were endeavouring to double a bold cape the fog
partially cleared away and allowed us an imperfect view of a chain of
islands on the outside, and of much heavy ice which was pressing down
upon us. The coast near us was so steep and rugged that no landing of
the cargoes could be effected and we were preserved only by some men
jumping on the rocks and thrusting the ice off with poles. There was no
alternative but to continue along this dreary shore seeking a channel
between the different masses of ice which had accumulated at the
various points. In this operation both the canoes were in imminent
danger of being crushed by the ice which was now tossed about by the
waves that the gale had excited. We effected a passage however and,
keeping close to the shore, landed at the entrance of Detention Harbour
at nine P.M., having come twenty-eight miles. An old Esquimaux
encampment was traced on this spot, and an ice chisel, a copper knife,
and a small iron knife were found under the turf. I named this cape
after Mr. Barrow of the Admiralty to whose exertions are mainly owing
the discoveries recently made in Arctic geography. An opening on its
eastern side received the appellation of Inman Harbour after my friend
the Professor at the Royal Naval College, Portsmouth, and to a group of
islands to seaward of it we gave the name of Jameson in honour of the
distinguished Professor of Mineralogy at Edinburgh.

We had much wind and rain during the night and by the morning of the
26th a great deal of ice had drifted into the inlet. We embarked at
four and attempted to force a passage, when the first canoe got
enclosed and remained for some time in a very perilous situation: the
pieces of ice, crowded together by the action of the current and wind,
pressing strongly against its feeble sides. A partial opening however
occurring we landed without having sustained any serious injury. Two
men were then sent round the bay and it was ascertained that, instead
of having entered a narrow passage between an island and the main, we
were at the mouth of a harbour having an island at its entrance, and
that it was necessary to return by the way we came and get round a
point to the northward. This was however impracticable, the channel
being blocked up by drift ice, and we had no prospect of release except
by a change of wind. This detention was extremely vexatious as we were
losing a fair wind and expending our provision. In the afternoon the
weather cleared up and several men went hunting but were unsuccessful.
During the day the ice floated backwards and forwards in the harbour,
moved by currents not regular enough to deserve the name of tide, and
which appeared to be governed by the wind. We perceived great
diminution by melting in the pieces near us. That none of this ice
survives the summer is evident from the rapidity of its decay and
because no ice of last year’s formation was hanging on the rocks.
Whether any body of it exists at a distance from the shore we could not
determine.

The land around Cape Barrow and to Detention Harbour consists of steep
craggy mountains of granite rising so abruptly from the water’s edge as
to admit few landing-places even for a canoe. The higher parts attain
an elevation of fourteen or fifteen hundred feet and the whole is
entirely destitute of vegetation.

On the morning of the 27th, the ice remaining stationary at the
entrance, we went to the bottom of the harbour and carried the canoes
and cargoes about a mile and a half across the point of land that forms
the east side of it, but the ice was not more favourable there for our
advancement than at the place we had left. It consisted of small pieces
closely packed together by the wind extending along the shore but
leaving a clear passage beyond the chain of islands with which the
whole of this coast is girt. Indeed when we left the harbour we had
little hope of finding a passage, and the principal object in moving
was to employ the men in order to prevent their reflecting upon and
discussing the dangers of our situation which we knew they were too apt
to do when leisure permitted. Our observations place the entrance of
Detention Harbour in latitude 67° 53′ 45″, longitude 110° 41′ 20″ West,
variation 40° 49′ 34″ East. It is a secure anchorage being sheltered
from the wind in every direction; the bottom is sandy.

July 28.

As the ice continued in the same state several of the men were sent out
to hunt, and one of them fired no less than four times at deer but
unfortunately without success. It was satisfactory however to ascertain
that the country was not destitute of animals. We had the mortification
to discover that two of the bags of pemmican which was our principal
reliance had become mouldy by wet. Our beef too had been so badly cured
as to be scarcely eatable through our having been compelled from haste
to dry it by fire instead of the sun. It was not however the quality of
our provision that gave us uneasiness but its diminution and the utter
incapacity to obtain any addition. Seals were the only animals that met
our view at this place and these we could never approach.

Dr. Richardson discovered near the beach a small vein of galena
traversing gneiss rocks, and the people collected a quantity of it in
the hope of adding to our stock of balls, but their endeavours to smelt
it were as may be supposed ineffectual. The drift timber on this part
of the coast consists of pine and taccamahac (_Populus balsamifera_),
most probably from Mackenzie’s or some other river to the westward of
the Copper-Mine. It all appears to have lain long in the water, the
bark being completely worn off and the ends of the pieces rubbed
perfectly smooth. There had been a sharp frost in the night which
formed a pretty thick crust of ice in a kettle of water that stood in
the tents, and for several nights thin films of ice had appeared on the
salt water amongst the cakes of stream ice.[29] Notwithstanding this
state of temperature we were tormented by swarms of mosquitoes; we had
persuaded ourselves that these pests could not sustain the cold in the
vicinity of the sea but it appears they haunt every part of this
country in defiance of climate. Mr. Back made an excursion to a hill at
seven or eight miles distance and from its summit he perceived the ice
close to the shore as far as his view extended.

 [29] This is termed _bay-ice_ by the Greenland men.


On the morning of the 29th the party attended divine service. About
noon, the ice appearing less compact, we embarked to change our
situation, having consumed all the fuel within our reach. The wind came
off the land just as the canoes had started and we determined on
attempting to force a passage along the shore, in which we happily
succeeded after seven hours’ labour and much hazard to our frail
vessels. The ice lay so close that the crews disembarked on it and
effected a passage by bearing against the pieces with their poles, but
in conducting the canoes through the narrow channels thus formed the
greatest care was requisite to prevent the sharp projecting points from
breaking the bark. They fortunately received no material injury though
they were split in two places.

At the distance of three miles we came to the entrance of a deep bay
whose bottom was filled by a body of ice so compact as to preclude the
idea of a passage through it, whilst at the same time the traverse
across its mouth was attended with much danger from the approach of a
large field of ice which was driving down before the wind. The dread of
further detention however prevented us from hesitating, and we had the
satisfaction of landing in an hour and a half on the opposite shore,
where we halted to repair the canoes and to dine. I have named this bay
after my friend Mr. Daniel Moore of Lincoln’s Inn, to whose zeal for
science the Expedition was indebted for the use of a most valuable
chronometer. Its shores are picturesque, sloping hills receding from
the beach and closed with verdure bound its bottom and western side,
and lofty cliffs of slate clay with their intervening grassy valleys
skirt its eastern border. Embarking at midnight we pursued our voyage
without interruption, passing between the Stockport and Marcet Islands
and the main, until six A.M. on July 30th when, having rounded Point
Kater, we entered Arctic Sound and were again involved in a stream of
ice, but after considerable delay extricated ourselves and proceeded
towards the bottom of the inlet in search of the mouth of a river which
we supposed it to receive, from the change in the colour of the water.

About ten A.M. we landed to breakfast on a small deer which St. Germain
had killed, and sent men in pursuit of some others in sight but with
which they did not come up. Reembarking we passed the river without
perceiving it and entered a deep arm of the sound which I have named
Baillie’s Cove in honour of a relative of the lamented Mr. Hood. As it
was too late to return we encamped and, by walking across the country,
discovered the river whose mouth, being barred by low sandy islands and
banks, was not perceived when we passed it. Course and distance from
Galena Point to this encampment were South-East 3/4 South forty miles.

From the accounts of Black-Meat and Boileau at Fort Chipewyan we
considered this river to be the Anatessy, and Cape Barrow to be the
projection which they supposed to be the North-East termination of
America. The outline of the coast indeed bears some resemblance to the
chart they sketched, and the distance of this river from the
Copper-Mine nearly coincides with what we estimated the Anatessy to be
from their statements. In our subsequent journey however across the
barren grounds we ascertained that this conjecture was wrong, and that
the Anatessy, which is known to come from Rum Lake, must fall into the
sea to the eastward of this place.

Our stock of provision being now reduced to eight days’ consumption it
had become a matter of the first importance to obtain a supply and, as
we had learned from Terregannœuck that the Esquimaux frequent the
rivers at this season, I determined on seeking a communication with
them here, in the hope of obtaining relief for our present wants or
even shelter for the winter if the season should prevent us from
returning either to the Hook’s party or Fort Enterprise, and I was the
more induced to take this step at this time as several deer had been
seen today and the river appeared good for fishing, which led me to
hope we might support the party during our stay if not add to our stock
by our own exertions in hunting and fishing. Augustus, Junius, and
Hepburn were therefore furnished with the necessary presents and
desired to go along the bank of the river as far as they could on the
following day in search of the natives to obtain provision and leather
as well as information respecting the coast.

They started at four A.M. and at the same time our hunters were sent
off in search of deer, and the rest of the party proceeded in the
canoes to the first cascade in the river, at the foot of which we
encamped and set four nets. This cascade, produced by a ridge of rocks
crossing the stream, is about three or four feet in height and about
two hundred and fifty yards wide. Its position by our observations in
latitude 67° 19′ 23″ North, longitude 109° 44′ 30″ West, variation 41°
43′ 22″, dip 88° 58′ 48″. I have named this river Hood as a small
tribute to the memory of our lamented friend and companion. It is from
three to four hundred yards wide below the cascade but in many places
very shallow. The banks, bottom, and adjacent hills are formed of a
mixture of sand and clay. The ground was overspread with small willows
and the dwarf birch, both too diminutive for fuel, and the stream
brought down no driftwood. We were mortified to find the nets only
procured one salmon and five white-fish, and that we had to make
another inroad upon our dried meat.

August 1.

At two this morning the hunters returned with two small deer and a
brown bear. Augustus and Junius arrived at the same time, having traced
the river twelve miles farther up without discovering any vestige of
inhabitants. We had now an opportunity of gratifying our curiosity
respecting the bear so much dreaded by the Indians, and of whose
strength and ferocity we had heard such terrible accounts. It proved to
be a lean male of a yellowish brown colour and not longer than a common
black bear. It made a feeble attempt to defend itself and was easily
despatched. The flesh was brought to the tent but, our fastidious
voyagers supposing, from its leanness, that the animal had been sickly,
declined eating it; the officers however being less scrupulous boiled
the paws and found them excellent.

We embarked at ten A.M. and, proceeding down the river, took on board
another deer that had been killed by Crédit that evening. We then ran
along the eastern shore of Arctic Sound, distinguished by the name of
Banks’ Peninsula in honour of the late Right Honourable Sir Joseph
Banks, President of the Royal Society and, rounding Point Wollaston at
its eastern extremity, opened another extensive sheet of water, and the
remainder of the afternoon was spent in endeavouring to ascertain from
the tops of the hills whether it was another bay or merely a passage
enclosed by a chain of islands. Appearances rather favouring the latter
opinion we determined on proceeding through it to the southward. During
the delay four more deer were killed, all young and lean. It appeared
that the coast is pretty well frequented by reindeer at this season,
but it was rather singular that hitherto we had killed none (excepting
the first) but young ones of last season which were all too lean to
have been eaten by any but persons who had no choice.

We paddled along the western shore with the intention of encamping but
were prevented by the want of driftwood on the beach. This induced us
to make a traverse to an island where we put up at midnight, having
found a small bay whose shores furnished us with a little firewood. A
heavy gale came on from the westward attended with constant rain, and
one of the squalls overthrew our tents. The course and distance made
this day were north-east sixteen miles and a half. I may here mention
that Arctic Sound appeared the most convenient and perhaps the best
place for ships to anchor that we had seen along the coast, at this
season especially, when they might increase their stock of provision,
if provided with good marksmen. Deer are numerous in its vicinity,
musk-oxen also may be found up Hood’s River, and the fine sandy bottom
of the bays promises favourably for fishing with the seine. The hills
on the western side are even in their outline and slope gradually to
the water’s edge. The rocks give place to an alluvial sandy soil
towards the bottom of the Sound, but on Banks’ Peninsula rocky
eminences again prevail which are rugged and uneven but intersected by
valleys, at this time green; along their base is a fine sandy beach.
From Point Wollaston to our encampment the coast is skirted with trap
cliffs which have often a columnar form and are very difficult of
access. These cliffs lie in ranges parallel to the shore and the deer
that we killed were feeding in small marshy grassy plats that lie in
the valleys between them.

Being detained by the continuance of the gale on the 2nd of August some
men were sent out to hunt and the officers visited the tops of the
highest hills to ascertain the best channels to be pursued. The wind
abating at ten P.M. we embarked and paddled round the southern end of
the island and continued our course to the south-east. Much doubt at
this time prevailed as to the land on the right being the main shore or
merely a chain of islands. The latter opinion was strengthened by the
broken appearance of the land and the extensive view we had up Brown’s
Channel (named after my friend Mr. Robert Brown) the mouth of which we
passed and were in some apprehension of being led away from the main
shore and, perhaps after passing through a group of islands, of coming
to a traverse greater than we durst venture upon in canoes: on the
other hand the continuous appearance of the land on the north side of
the channel and its tending to the southward excited the fear that we
were entering a deep inlet.

In this state of doubt we landed often and endeavoured, from the
summits of the highest hills adjoining the shore, to ascertain the true
nature of the coast but in vain, and we continued paddling through the
channel all night against a fresh breeze, which at half-past four
increased to a violent gale and compelled us to land. The gale
diminished a short time after noon on the 3rd and permitted us to
reembark and continue our voyage until four P.M., when it returned with
its former violence and finally obliged us to encamp, having come
twenty-four miles on a south-east three-quarter south course.

From the want of driftwood to make a fire we had fasted all day and
were under the necessity in the evening of serving out pemmican, which
was done with much reluctance, especially as we had some fresh deers’
meat remaining. The inlet when viewed from a high hill adjoining to our
encampment exhibited so many arms that the course we ought to pursue
was more uncertain than ever. It was absolutely necessary however to
see the end of it before we could determine that it was not a strait.
Starting at three A.M. on the 4th we paddled the whole day through
channels from two to five or six miles wide, all tending to the
southward. In the course of the day’s voyage we ascertained that the
land which we had seen on our right since yesterday morning consisted
of several large islands which have been distinguished by the names of
Goulburn, Elliott, and Young, but the land on our left preserved its
unbroken appearance and when we encamped we were still uncertain
whether it was the eastern side of a deep sound or merely a large
island. It differed remarkably from the main shore, being very rugged,
rocky, and sterile, whereas the outline of the main on the opposite
side was even and its hills covered with a comparatively good sward of
grass exhibiting little naked rock. There was no drift timber but the
shores near the encampment were strewed with small pieces of willow
which indicated our vicinity to the mouth of a river. This fuel enabled
us to make a hearty supper from a small deer killed this evening.

The shallows we passed this day were covered with shoals of _capelin_,
the angmaggœük of the Esquimaux. It was known to Augustus who informed
us that it frequents the coast of Hudson’s Bay and is delicate eating.
The course and distance made was south by east-half-east, thirty-three
miles.

After paddling twelve miles in the morning of the 5th we had the
mortification to find the inlet terminated by a river, the size of
which we could not ascertain as the entrance was blocked by shoals. Its
mouth lies in latitude 66° 30′ North, longitude 107° 53′ West. I have
named this stream Back as a mark of my friendship for my associate.[30]
We were somewhat consoled for the loss of time in exploring this inlet
by the success of Junius in killing a musk-ox, the first we had seen on
the coast; and afterwards by the acquisition of the flesh of a bear
that was shot as we were returning up the eastern side in the evening.
The latter proved to be a female in very excellent condition; and our
Canadian voyagers whose appetite for fat meat is insatiable were
delighted.

 [30] From subsequent conversation with the Copper Indians we were
 inclined to suppose this may be the Thlueetessy described by Black
 Meat mentioned in a former part of the narrative.


We encamped on the shores of a sandy bay and set the nets and, finding
a quantity of dried willows on the beach, we were enabled to cook the
bear’s flesh which was superior to any meat we tasted on the coast. The
water fell two feet at this place during the night. Our nets produced a
great variety of fish, namely a salmon trout, some round-fish,
tittameg, bleak, star-fish, several herrings and a flat fish resembling
plaice, but covered on the back with horny excrescences.

On the 6th we were detained in the encampment by stormy weather until
five P.M. when we embarked and paddled along the northern shore of the
inlet, the weather still continuing foggy but the wind moderate.
Observing on the beach a she-bear with three young ones we landed a
party to attack them but, being approached without due caution, they
took the alarm and scaled a precipitous rocky hill with a rapidity that
baffled all pursuit. At eight o’clock, the fog changing into rain, we
encamped. Many seals were seen this day but as they kept in deep water
we did not fire at them.

On August 7th the atmosphere was charged with fog and rain all the day,
but as the wind was moderate we pursued our journey; our situation
however was very unpleasant, being quite wet and without room to
stretch a limb, much less to obtain warmth by exercise. We passed a
cove which I have named after my friend Mr. W.H. Tinney, and proceeded
along the coast until five P.M. when we put up on a rocky point nearly
opposite to our encampment on the 3rd, having come twenty-three miles
on a north-north-west course.

We were detained on the 8th by a northerly gale which blew violently
throughout the day attended by fog and rain. Some of the men went out
to hunt but they saw no other animal than a white wolf which could not
be approached. The fresh meat being expended a little pemmican was
served out this evening.

The gale abated on the morning of the 9th and the sea, which it had
raised, having greatly subsided, we embarked at seven A.M. and, after
paddling three or four miles, opened Sir J.A. Gordon’s Bay into which
we penetrated thirteen miles and then discovered from the summit of a
hill that it would be in vain to proceed in this direction in search of
a passage out of the inlet.

Our breakfast diminished our provision to two bags of pemmican and a
single meal of dried meat. The men began to apprehend absolute want of
food and we had to listen to their gloomy forebodings of the deer
entirely quitting the coast in a few days. As we were embarking however
a large bear was discovered on the opposite shore which we had the good
fortune to kill, and the sight of this fat meat relieved their fears
for the present. Dr. Richardson found in the stomach of this animal the
remains of a seal, several marmots (_Arctomys richardsonii_) a large
quantity of the liquorice root of Mackenzie (_hedysarum_) which is
common on these shores, and some berries. There was also intermixed
with these substances a small quantity of grass.

We got again into the main inlet and paddled along its eastern shore
until forty minutes after eight A.M. when we encamped in a small cove.
We found a single log of driftwood; it was pine and sufficiently large
to enable us to cook a portion of the bear which had a slight fishy
taste but was deemed very palatable.

August 10.

We followed up the east border of the inlet about twenty-four miles and
at length emerged into the opens sea, a body of islands to the westward
concealing the channel by which we had entered. Here our progress was
arrested by returning bad weather. We killed a bear and its young cub
of this year on the beach near our encampment. We heartily
congratulated ourselves at having arrived at the eastern entrance of
this inlet which had cost us nine invaluable days in exploring. It
contains several secure harbours, especially near the mouth of Back’s
River where there is a sandy bottom in forty fathoms.

On the 3rd and 4th of August we observed a fall of more than two feet
in the water during the night. There are various irregular and partial
currents in the inlet which may be attributed to the wind. I have
distinguished it by the name of Bathurst’s Inlet after the noble
Secretary of State under whose orders I had the honour to act. It runs
about seventy-six miles south-east from Cape Everitt but in coasting
its shores we went about one hundred and seventy-four geographical
miles. It is remarkable that none of the Indians with whom we had
spoken mentioned this inlet, and we subsequently learned that in their
journeys they strike across from the mouth of one river to the mouth of
another without tracing the intermediate line of coast.

August 11.

Embarking at five A.M. we rounded Point Everitt and then encountered a
strong breeze and heavy swell which, by causing the canoes to pitch
very much, greatly impeded our progress. Some deer being seen grazing
in a valley near the beach we landed and sent St. Germain and Adam in
pursuit of them who soon killed three which were very small and lean.
Their appearance however quite revived the spirits of our men who had
suspected that the deer had retired to the woods. It would appear from
our not having seen any in passing along the shores of Bathurst’s Inlet
that at this season they confine themselves to the sea-coast and the
islands. The magpie-berries (_Arbutus alpina_) were found quite ripe at
this place, and very abundant on the acclivities of the hills. We also
ascended the highest hill and gained a view of a distant chain of
islands extending as far as the eye could reach, and perceived a few
patches of ice still lingering round to some of them, but in every
other part the sea was quite open. Resuming our voyage after noon we
proceeded along the coast which is fringed by islands, and at five P.M.
entered another bay where we were for some time involved in our late
difficulties by the intricacy of the passages, but we cleared them in
the afternoon and encamped near the northern entrance of the bay at a
spot which had recently been visited by a small party of Esquimaux, as
the remains of some eggs containing young were lying beside some
half-burnt firewood. There were also several piles of stones put up by
them. I have named this bay after my friend Captain David Buchan of the
Royal Navy. It appears to be a safe anchorage, well sheltered from the
wind and sea by islands; the bottom is sandy, the shores high and
composed of red sandstone. Two deer were seen on its beach but could
not be approached. The distance we made today was eighteen miles and
three-quarters.

Embarking at four on the morning of the 12th we proceeded against a
fresh piercing north-east wind which raised the waves to a height that
quite terrified our people, accustomed only to the navigation of rivers
and lakes. We were obliged however to persevere in our advance, feeling
as we did that the short season for our operations was hastening away,
but after rounding Cape Croker the wind became so strong that we could
proceed no farther. The distance we had made was only six miles on a
north-east by east course. The shore on which we encamped is formed of
the _débris_ of red sandstone and is destitute of vegetation. The beach
furnished no driftwood and we dispensed with our usual meal rather than
expend our pemmican. Several deer were seen but the hunters could not
approach them; they killed two swans. We observed the latitude 68° 1′
20″ where we had halted to breakfast this morning.

August 13.

Though the wind was not much diminished we were urged by the want of
firewood to venture upon proceeding. We paddled close to the shore for
some miles and then ran before the breeze with reefed sails scarcely
two feet in depth. Both the canoes received much water and one of them
struck twice on sunken rocks. At the end of eighteen miles we halted to
breakfast in a bay which I have named after Vice-Admiral Sir William
Johnstone Hope, one of the Lords of the Admiralty.

We found here a considerable quantity of small willows such as are
brought down by the rivers we had hitherto seen, and hence we judged
that a river discharges itself into the bottom of this bay. A paddle
was also found which Augustus on examination declared to be made after
the fashion of the White Goose Esquimaux, a tribe with whom his
countrymen had had some trading communication as has been mentioned in
a former part of the narrative.

This morning we passed the embouchure of a pretty large stream and saw
the vestiges of an Esquimaux encampment not above a month old. Having
obtained the latitude 68° 6′ 40″ North we recommenced our voyage under
sail, taking the precaution to embark all the pieces of willow we could
collect, as we had found the driftwood become more scarce as we
advanced. Our course was directed to a distant point which we supposed
to be a cape, and the land stretching to the westward of it to be
islands, but we soon found ourselves in an extensive bay from which no
outlet could be perceived but the one by which we had entered. On
examination however from the top of a hill we perceived a winding
shallow passage running to the north-west which we followed for a short
time and then encamped, having come twenty-three miles north by east
half east.

Some articles left by the Esquimaux attracted our attention; we found a
winter sledge raised upon four stones, with some snow-shovels and a
small piece of whalebone. An ice-chisel, a knife and some beads were
left at this pile. The shores of this bay, which I have named after Sir
George Warrender, are low and clayey and the country for many miles is
level and much intersected with water, but we had not leisure to
ascertain whether they were branches of the bay or freshwater lakes.
Some white geese were seen this evening and some young gray ones were
caught on the beach being unable to fly. We fired at two reindeer but
without success.

On August 14th we paddled the whole day along the northern shores of
the sound, returning towards its mouth. The land we were now tracing is
generally so flat that it could not be descried from the canoes at the
distance of four miles and is invisible from the opposite side of the
sound, otherwise a short traverse might have saved us some days. The
few eminences that are on this side were mistaken for islands when seen
from the opposite shore; they are for the most part cliffs of basalt
and are not above one hundred feet high; the subjacent strata are of
white sandstone. The rocks are mostly confined to the capes and shores,
the soil inland being flat, clayey, and barren. Most of the headlands
showed traces of visits from the Esquimaux but none of them recent.
Many ducks were seen, belonging to a species termed by the voyagers
from their cry caccawees. We also saw some gray geese and swans. The
only seal we procured during our voyage was killed this day; it
happened to be blind and our men imagining it to be in bad health would
not taste the flesh; we however were less nice.

We encamped at the end of twenty-four miles’ march on the north-west
side of the bay to which I have given the name of my friend Captain
Parry, now employed in the interesting research for a North-West
Passage. Driftwood had become very scarce and we found none near the
encampment; a fire however was not required as we served out pemmican
for supper and the evening was unusually warm.

On the following morning the breeze was fresh and the waves rather
high. In paddling along the west side of Parry’s Bay we saw several
deer but, owing to the openness of the country, the hunters could not
approach them. They killed however two swans that were moulting,
several cranes and many gray geese. We procured also some caccawees
which were then moulting and assembled in immense flocks. In the
evening, having rounded Point Beechy and passed Hurd’s Islands, we were
exposed to much inconvenience and danger from a heavy rolling sea, the
canoes receiving many severe blows and shipping a good deal of water,
which induced us to encamp at five P.M. opposite to Cape Croker which
we had passed on the morning of the 12th; the channel which lay between
our situation and it being about seven miles wide. We had now reached
the northern point of entrance into this sound which I have named in
honour of Lord Viscount Melville, the first Lord of the Admiralty. It
is thirty miles wide from east to west and twenty from north to south,
and in coasting it we had sailed eighty-seven and a quarter
geographical miles. Shortly after the tents were pitched Mr. Back
reported from the steersman that both canoes had sustained material
injury during this day’s voyage. I found on examination that fifteen
timbers of the first canoe were broken, some of them in two places, and
that the second canoe was so loose in the frame that its timbers could
not be bound in the usual secure manner, and consequently there was
danger of its bark separating from the gunwales if exposed to a heavy
sea. Distressing as were these circumstances they gave me less pain
than the discovery that our people, who had hitherto displayed in
following us through dangers and difficulties no less novel than
appalling to them a courage beyond our expectation, now felt serious
apprehensions for their safety which so possessed their minds that they
were not restrained even by the presence of their officers from
expressing them. Their fears we imagined had been principally excited
by the interpreters, St. Germain and Adam, who from the outset had
foreboded every calamity; and we now strongly suspected that their
recent want of success in hunting had proceeded from an intentional
relaxation in their efforts to kill deer in order that the want of
provision might compel us to put a period to our voyage.

I must now mention that many concurrent circumstances had caused me
during the few last days to meditate on the approach of this painful
necessity. The strong breezes we had encountered for some days led me
to fear that the season was breaking up and severe weather would soon
ensue which we could not sustain in a country destitute of fuel. Our
stock of provision was now reduced to a quantity of pemmican only
sufficient for three days’ consumption and the prospect of increasing
it was not encouraging for, though reindeer were seen, they could not
be easily approached on the level shores we were now coasting, besides
it was to be apprehended they would soon migrate to the south. It was
evident that the time spent in exploring the Arctic and Melville Sounds
and Bathurst’s Inlet had precluded the hope of reaching Repulse Bay,
which at the outset of the voyage we had fondly cherished, and it was
equally obvious that, as our distance from any of the trading
establishments would increase as we proceeded, the hazardous traverse
across the barren grounds which we should have to make if compelled to
abandon the canoes upon any part of the coast would become greater.

I this evening communicated to the officers my sentiments on these
points as well as respecting our return and was happy to find that
their opinions coincided with my own. We were all convinced of the
necessity of putting a speedy termination to our advance as our hope of
meeting the Esquimaux and procuring provision from them could now
scarcely be retained, but yet we were desirous of proceeding until the
land should be seen trending again to the eastward, that we might be
satisfied of its separation from what we had conceived, in passing from
Cape Barrow to Bathurst’s Inlet, to be a great chain of islands. As it
was needful however at all events to set a limit to our voyage I
announced my determination of returning after four days’ examination,
unless indeed we should previously meet the Esquimaux and be enabled to
make some arrangement for passing the winter with them. This
communication was joyfully received by the men and we hoped that the
industry of our hunters being once more excited we should be able to
add to our stock of provision.

It may here be remarked that we observed the first regular return of
the tides in Warrender’s and Parry’s Bays, but their set could not be
ascertained. The rise of water did not amount to more than two feet.
Course today south one quarter east-nine miles and a quarter.

August 16.

Some rain fell in the night but the morning was unusually fine. We set
forward at five A.M. and the men paddled cheerfully along the coast for
ten miles when a dense fog caused us to land on Slate-clay Point. Here
we found more traces of the Esquimaux and the skull of a man placed
between two rocks. The fog dispersed at noon and we discerned a group
of islands to the northward which I have named after Vice-Admiral Sir
George Cockburn, one of the Lords of the Admiralty. Reembarking we
rounded the point and entered Walker’s Bay (so-called after my friend
Admiral Walker) where as in other instances the low beach which lay
between several high trap cliffs could not be distinguished until we
had coasted down the east side nearly to the bottom of the bay. When
the continuity of the land was perceived we crossed to the western
shore and on landing discovered a channel leading through a group of
islands. Having passed through this channel we ran under sail by the
Porden Islands, across Riley’s Bay and, rounding a cape which now bears
the name of my lamented friend Captain Flinders, had the pleasure to
find the coast trending north-north-east, with the sea in the offing
unusually clear of islands, a circumstance which afforded matter of
wonder to our Canadians who had not previously had an uninterrupted
view of the ocean.

Our course was continued along the coast until eight P.M. when a change
in the wind and a threatening thunder-squall induced us to encamp, but
the water was so shallow that we found some difficulty in approaching
the shore. Large pieces of driftwood gave us assurance that we had
finally escaped from the bays. Our tents were scarcely pitched before
we were assailed by a heavy squall and rain, which was succeeded by a
violent gale from west-north-west which thrice overset the tents during
the night. The wind blew with equal violence on the following day and
the sea rolled furiously upon the beach. The Canadians had now an
opportunity of witnessing the effect of a storm upon the sea and the
sight increased their desire of quitting it.

Our hunters were sent out and saw many deer but the flatness of the
country defeated their attempts to approach them; they brought however
a few unfledged geese. As there was no appearance of increasing our
stock of provision the allowance was limited to a handful of pemmican
and a small portion of portable soup to each man per day. The
thermometer this afternoon stood to 41°. The following observations
were obtained: latitude 68° 18′ 50″ North, longitude 110° 5′ 15″ West,
but 109° 25′ 00″ West was used in the construction of the chart as the
chronometers were found, on our return to Hood’s River, to have altered
their rates; variation 44° 15′ 46″ East and dip of the needle 89° 31′
12″.

On August 18th, the stormy weather and sea continuing, there was no
prospect of our being able to embark. Dr. Richardson, Mr. Back, and I
therefore set out on foot to discover whether the land within a day’s
march inclined more to the east. We went from ten to twelve miles along
the coast, which continued flat, and kept the same direction as the
encampment. The most distant land we saw had the same bearing
north-north-east, and appeared like two islands which we estimated to
be six or seven miles off; the shore on their side seemingly tended
more to the east so that it is probable Point Turnagain, for so this
spot was named, forms the pitch of a low flat cape.

Augustus killed a deer in the afternoon but the men were not able to
find it. The hunters found the burrows of a number of white foxes and
Hepburn killed one of these animals, which proved excellent eating,
equal to the young geese with which it was boiled and far superior to
the lean deer we had upon the coast. Large flocks of geese passed over
the tents flying to the southward. The lowest temperature today was
38°.

Though it will appear from the chart that the position of Point
Turnagain is only six degrees and a half to the east of the mouth of
the Copper-Mine River, we sailed, in tracing the deeply-indented coast,
five hundred and fifty-five geographical miles, which is little less
than the direct distance between the Copper-Mine River and Repulse Bay,
supposing the latter to be in the longitude assigned to it by
Middleton.

When the many perplexing incidents which occurred during the survey of
the coast are considered in connection with the shortness of the period
during which operations of the kind can be carried on, and the distance
we had to travel before we could gain a place of shelter for the
winter, I trust it will be judged that we prosecuted the enterprise as
far as was prudent and abandoned it only under a well-founded
conviction that a farther advance would endanger the lives of the whole
party and prevent the knowledge of what had been done from reaching
England. The active assistance I received from the officers in
contending with the fears of the men demands my warmest gratitude.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE PROBABILITY OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.


Our researches, as far as they have gone, favour the opinion of those
who contend for the practicability of a North-West Passage. The general
line of coast probably runs east and west, nearly in the latitude
assigned to Mackenzie’s River, the Sound into which Kotzebue entered,
and Repulse Bay, and I think there is little doubt of a continued sea
in or about that line of direction. The existence of whales too on this
part of the coast, evidenced by the whalebone we found in Esquimaux
Cove, may be considered as an argument for an open sea; and a
connection with Hudson’s Bay is rendered more probable from the same
kind of fish abounding on the coasts we visited, and on those to the
north of Churchill River. I allude more particularly to the Capelin or
Salmo arcticus which we found in large shoals in Bathurst’s Inlet and
which not only abounds, as Augustus told us, in the bays in his
country, but swarms in the Greenland firths.[31] The portion of the sea
over which we passed is navigable for vessels of any size; the ice we
met, particularly after quitting Detention Harbour, would not have
arrested a strong boat. The chain of islands affords shelter from all
heavy seas and there are good harbours at convenient distances. I
entertain indeed sanguine hopes that the skill and exertions of my
friend Captain Parry will soon render this question no longer
problematical. His task is doubtless an arduous one and if ultimately
successful may occupy two and perhaps three seasons but, confiding as I
do from personal knowledge in his perseverance and talent for
surmounting difficulties, the strength of his ships, and the abundance
of provisions with which they are stored, I have very little
apprehension of his safety. As I understand his object was to keep the
coast of America close on board he will find in the spring of the year,
before the breaking up of the ice can permit him to pursue his voyage,
herds of deer flocking in abundance to all parts of the coast, which
may be procured without difficulty, and even later in the season
additions to his stock of provision may be obtained on many parts of
the coast, should circumstances give him leisure to send out hunting
parties. With the trawl or seine nets also he may almost everywhere get
abundance of fish even without retarding his progress. Under these
circumstances I do not conceive that he runs any hazard of wanting
provisions should his voyage be prolonged even beyond the latest period
of time which is calculated upon. Drift timber may be gathered at many
places in considerable quantities and there is a fair prospect of his
opening a communication with the Esquimaux who come down to the coast
to kill seals in the spring previous to the ice breaking up, and from
whom, if he succeeds in conciliating their goodwill, he may obtain
provision and much useful assistance.

 [31] Arctic Zoology volume ii. page 394.


If he makes for Copper-Mine River, as he probably will do, he will not
find it in the longitude as laid down on the charts, but he will
probably find what would be more interesting to him, a post which we
erected on the 26th August at the mouth of Hood’s River which is
nearly, as will appear hereafter, in that longitude, with a flag upon
it and a letter at the foot of it, which may convey to him some useful
information. It is possible however that he may keep outside of the
range of islands which skirt this part of the coast.




CHAPTER 12.

JOURNEY ACROSS THE BARREN GROUNDS. DIFFICULTY AND DELAY IN CROSSING
COPPER-MINE RIVER. MELANCHOLY AND FATAL RESULTS THEREOF. EXTREME MISERY
OF THE WHOLE PARTY. MURDER OF MR. HOOD. DEATH OF SEVERAL OF THE
CANADIANS. DESOLATE STATE OF FORT ENTERPRISE. DISTRESS SUFFERED AT THAT
PLACE. DR. RICHARDSON’S NARRATIVE. MR. BACK’S NARRATIVE. CONCLUSION.


JOURNEY ACROSS THE BARREN GROUNDS.


August 17, 1821.

My original intention, whenever the season should compel us to
relinquish the survey, had been to return by the Copper-Mine River and,
in pursuance of my arrangement with the Hook, to travel to Slave Lake
through the line of woods extending thither by the Great Bear and
Marten Lakes, but our scanty stock of provision and the length of the
voyage rendered it necessary to make for a nearer place. We had already
found that the country between Cape Barrow and the Copper-Mine River
would not supply our wants, and this it seemed probable would now be
still the case, besides at this advanced season we expected the
frequent recurrence of gales which would cause great detention if not
danger in proceeding along that very rocky part of the coast.

I determined therefore to make at once for Arctic Sound where we had
found the animals more numerous than at any other place and, entering
Hood’s River, to advance up that stream as far as it was navigable and
then to construct small canoes out of the materials of the larger ones,
which could be carried in crossing the barren grounds to Fort
Enterprise.

August 19.

We were almost beaten out of our comfortless abodes by rain during the
night and this morning the gale continued without diminution. The
thermometer fell to 33°. Two men were sent with Junius to search for
the deer which Augustus had killed. Junius returned in the evening,
bringing part of the meat but, owing to the thickness of the weather,
his companions parted from him and did not make their appearance.
Divine service was read. On the 20th we were presented with the most
chilling prospect, the small pools of water being frozen over, the
ground covered with snow, and the thermometer at the freezing-point at
midday. Flights of geese were passing to the southward. The wind
however was more moderate, having changed to the eastward. Considerable
anxiety prevailing respecting Belanger and Michel, the two men who
strayed from Junius yesterday, the rest were sent out to look for them.
The search was successful and they all returned in the evening. The
stragglers were much fatigued and had suffered severely from the cold,
one of them having his thighs frozen and, what under our present
circumstances was most grievous, they had thrown away all the meat. The
wind during the night returned to the north-west quarter, blew more
violently than ever, and raised a very turbulent sea. The next day did
not improve our condition, the snow remained on the ground, and the
small pools were frozen. Our hunters were sent out but they returned
after a fatiguing day’s march without having seen any animals. We made
a scanty meal off a handful of pemmican, after which only half a bag
remained.

The wind abated after midnight and the surf diminished rapidly, which
caused us to be on the alert at a very early hour on the 22nd, but we
had to wait until six A.M. for the return of Augustus who had continued
out all night on an unsuccessful pursuit of deer. It appears that he
had walked a few miles further along the coast than the party had done
on the 18th and, from a sketch he drew on the sand, we were confirmed
in our former opinion that the shore inclined more to the eastward
beyond Point Turnagain. He also drew a river of considerable size that
discharges its waters into Walker’s Bay, on the banks of which stream
he saw a piece of wood such as the Esquimaux use in producing fire, and
other marks so fresh that he supposed they had recently visited the
spot. We therefore left several iron materials for them and, embarking
without delay, prepared to retrace our steps.[32] Our men, cheered by
the prospect of returning, showed the utmost alacrity and, paddling
with unusual vigour, carried us across Riley’s and Walker’s Bays, a
distance of twenty miles before noon, when we landed on Slate-clay
Point as the wind had freshened too much to permit us to continue the
voyage. The whole party went to hunt but returned without success in
the evening, drenched with the heavy rain which commenced soon after
they had set out. Several deer were seen but could not be approached in
this naked country and, as our stock of pemmican did not admit of
serving out two meals, we went dinnerless to bed.

 [32] It is a curious coincidence that our Expedition left Point
 Turnagain on August 22,—on the same day that Captain Parry sailed out
 of Repulse Bay. The parties were then distant from each other 539
 miles.


Soon after our departure this day a sealed tin-case, sufficiently
buoyant to float, was thrown overboard, containing a short account of
our proceedings and the position of the most conspicuous points. The
wind blew off the land, the water was smooth and, as the sea is in this
part more free from islands than in any other, there was every
probability of its being driven off the shore into the current which,
as I have before mentioned, we suppose, from the circumstance of
Mackenzie’s River being the only known stream that brings down the wood
we have found along the shores, to set to the eastward.

August 23.

A severe frost caused us to pass a comfortless night. At two P.M. we
set sail and the men voluntarily launched out to make a traverse of
fifteen miles across Melville Sound before a strong wind and heavy sea.
The privation of food under which our voyagers were then labouring
absorbed every other terror; otherwise the most powerful persuasion
could not have induced them to attempt such a traverse. It was with the
utmost difficulty that the canoes were kept from turning their
broadsides to the waves, though we sometimes steered with all the
paddles. One of them narrowly escaped being overset by this accident,
which occurred in a mid-channel where the waves were so high that the
masthead of our canoe was often hid from the other, though it was
sailing within hail.

The traverse however was made; we were then near a high rocky lee shore
on which a heavy surf was beating. The wind being on the beam, the
canoes drifted fast to leeward and, on rounding a point, the recoil of
the sea from the rocks was so great that they were with difficulty kept
from foundering. We looked in vain for a sheltered bay to land in but
at length, being unable to weather another point, we were obliged to
put ashore on the open beach which fortunately was sandy at this spot.
The debarkation was effected fortunately without further injury than
splitting the head of the second canoe, which was easily repaired.

Our encampment being near the spot where we killed the deer on the
11th, almost the whole party went out to hunt, but returned in the
evening without having seen any game. The berries however were ripe and
plentiful and with the addition of some country tea furnished a supper.
There were some showers in the afternoon and the weather was cold, the
thermometer being 42°, but the evening and night were calm and fine. It
may be remarked that the mosquitoes disappeared when the late gales
commenced.

August 24.

Embarking at three A.M. we stretched across the eastern entrance of
Bathurst’s Inlet and arrived at an island which I have named after the
Right Honourable Colonel Barry of Newton Barry. Some deer being seen on
the beach the hunters went in pursuit of them and succeeded in killing
three females which enabled us to save our last remaining meal of
pemmican. They saw also some fresh tracks of musk-oxen on the banks of
a small stream which flowed into a lake in the centre of the island.
These animals must have crossed a channel at least three miles wide to
reach the nearest of these islands. Some specimens of variegated
pebbles and jasper were found here embedded in the amygdaloidal rock.

Reembarking at two P.M. and continuing through what was supposed to be
a channel between two islands we found our passage barred by a gravelly
isthmus of only ten yards in width; the canoes and cargoes were carried
across it and we passed into Bathurst’s Inlet through another similar
channel bounded on both sides by steep rocky hills. The wind then
changing from South-East to North-West brought heavy rain, and we
encamped at seven P.M. having advanced eighteen miles.

August 25.

Starting this morning with a fresh breeze in our favour we soon reached
that part of Barry’s Island where the canoes were detained on the 2nd
and 3rd of this month and, contrary to what we then experienced, the
deer were now plentiful. The hunters killed two and relieved us from
all apprehension of immediate want of food. From their assembling at
this time in such numbers on the islands nearest to the coast we
conjectured that they were about to retire to the main shore. Those we
saw were generally females with their young and all of them very lean.

The wind continued in the same direction until we had rounded Point
Wollaston and then changed to a quarter which enabled us to steer for
Hood’s River, which we ascended as high as the first rapid and
encamped. Here terminated our voyage on the Arctic Sea during which we
had gone over six hundred and fifty geographical miles. Our Canadian
voyagers could not restrain their joy at having turned their backs on
the sea, and passed the evening in talking over their past adventures
with much humour and no little exaggeration. The consideration that the
most painful, and certainly the most hazardous, part of the journey was
yet to come did not depress their spirits at all. It is due to their
character to mention that they displayed much courage in encountering
the dangers of the sea, magnified to them by their novelty.

The shores between Cape Barrow and Cape Flinders, including the
extensive branches of Arctic and Melville Sounds and Bathurst’s Inlet,
may be comprehended in one great gulf which I have distinguished by the
appellation of George IV’s Coronation Gulf in honour of His Most
Gracious Majesty, the latter name being added to mark the time of its
discovery. The archipelago of islands which fringe the coast from
Copper-Mine River to Point Turnagain I have named in honour of His
Royal Highness the Duke of York.

It may be deserving of notice that the extremes in temperature of the
seawater during our voyage were 53 and 35°, but its general temperature
was between 43 and 48°. Throughout our return from Point Turnagain we
observed that the sea had risen several feet above marks left at our
former encampments. This may perhaps be attributed to the north-west
gales.

August 26.

Previous to our departure this morning an assortment of iron materials,
beads, looking-glasses, and other articles were put up in a conspicuous
situation for the Esquimaux and the English Union was planted on the
loftiest sandhill where it might be seen by any ships passing in the
offing. Here also was deposited in a tin box a letter containing an
outline of our proceedings, the latitude and longitude of the principal
places, and the course we intended to pursue towards Slave Lake.

Embarking at eight A.M. we proceeded up the river which is full of
sandy shoals but sufficiently deep for canoes in the channels. It is
from one hundred to two hundred yards wide and is bounded by high and
steep banks of clay. We encamped at a cascade of eighteen or twenty
feet high which is produced by a ridge of rock crossing the river and
the nets were set. A mile below this cascade Hood’s River is joined by
a stream half its own size which I have called James’ Branch. Bear and
deer tracks had been numerous on the banks of the river when we were
here before but not a single recent one was to be seen at this time.
Crédit however killed a small deer at some distance inland which, with
the addition of berries, furnished a delightful repast this evening.
The weather was remarkably fine and the temperature so mild that the
mosquitoes again made their appearance, but not in any great numbers.
Our distance made today was not more than six miles.

The next morning the net furnished us with ten white-fish and trout.
Having made a further deposit of ironwork for the Esquimaux we pursued
our voyage up the river, but the shoals and rapids in this part were so
frequent that we walked along the banks the whole day and the crews
laboured hard in carrying the canoes thus lightened over the shoals or
dragging them up the rapids, yet our journey in a direct line was only
about seven miles. In the evening we encamped at the lower end of a
narrow chasm through which the river flows for upwards of a mile. The
walls of this chasm are upwards of two hundred feet high, quite
perpendicular and in some places only a few yards apart. The river
precipitates itself into it over a rock, forming two magnificent and
picturesque falls close to each other. The upper fall is about sixty
feet high and the lower one at least one hundred but perhaps
considerably more, for the narrowness of the chasm into which it fell
prevented us from seeing its bottom and we could merely discern the top
of the spray far beneath our feet. The lower fall is divided into two
by an insulated column of rock which rises about forty feet above it.
The whole descent of the river at this place probably exceeds two
hundred and fifty feet. The rock is very fine felspathose sandstone. It
has a smooth surface and a light red colour. I have named these
magnificent cascades Wilberforce Falls as a tribute of my respect for
that distinguished philanthropist and Christian. Messrs. Back and Hood
took beautiful sketches of this majestic scene.

The river, being surveyed from the summit of a hill above these falls,
appeared so rapid and shallow that it seemed useless to attempt
proceeding any farther in the large canoes. I therefore determined on
constructing out of their materials two smaller ones of sufficient size
to contain three persons for the purpose of crossing any river that
might obstruct our progress. This operation was accordingly commenced
and by the 31st, both the canoes being finished, we prepared for our
departure on the following day.

The leather which had been preserved for making shoes was equally
divided among the men, two pairs of flannel socks were given to each
person, and such articles of warm clothing as remained were issued to
those who most required them. They were also furnished with one of the
officers’ tents. This being done I communicated to the men my intention
of proceeding in as direct a course as possible to the part of Point
Lake opposite our spring encampment, which was only distant one hundred
and forty-nine miles in a straight line. They received the
communication cheerfully, considered the journey to be short, and left
me in high spirits to arrange their own packages. The stores, books,
etc., which were not absolutely necessary to be carried were then put
up in boxes to be left _en cache_ here, in order that the men’s burdens
might be as light as possible.

The next morning was warm and very fine. Everyone was on the alert at
an early hour, being anxious to commence the journey. Our luggage
consisted of ammunition, nets, hatchets, ice chisels, astronomical
instruments, clothing, blankets, three kettles, and the two canoes,
which were each carried by one man. The officers carried such a portion
of their own things as their strength would permit; the weight carried
by each man was about ninety pounds, and with this we advanced at the
rate of about a mile an hour including rests. In the evening the
hunters killed a lean cow out of a large drove of musk-oxen; but the
men were too much laden to carry more than a small portion of its
flesh. The alluvial soil which, towards the mouth of the river, spreads
into plains covered with grass and willows, was now giving place to a
more barren and hilly country, so that we could but just collect
sufficient brushwood to cook our suppers. The part of the river we
skirted this day was shallow and flowed over a bed of sand, its width
about one hundred and twenty yards. About midnight our tent was blown
down by a squall and we were completely drenched with rain before it
could be repitched.

On the morning of the 1st of September a fall of snow took place; the
canoes became a cause of delay from the difficulty of carrying them in
a high wind, and they sustained much damage through the falls of those
who had charge of them. The face of the country was broken by hills of
moderate elevation but the ground was plentifully strewed with small
stones which, to men bearing heavy burdens and whose feet were
protected only by soft moose-skin shoes, occasioned great pain. At the
end of eleven miles we encamped and sent for a musk-ox and a deer which
St. Germain and Augustus had killed. The day was extremely cold, the
thermometer varying between 34 and 36°. In the afternoon a heavy fall
of snow took place on the wind changing from north-west to south-west.
We found no wood at the encampment but made a fire of moss to cook the
supper and crept under our blankets for warmth. At sunrise the
thermometer was at 31° and the wind fresh from north-west, but the
weather became mild in the course of the forenoon and the snow
disappeared from the gravel. The afternoon was remarkably fine and the
thermometer rose to 50°. One of the hunters killed a musk-ox. The hills
in this part are lower and more round-backed than those we passed
yesterday, exhibiting but little naked rock; they were covered with
lichens.

Having ascertained from the summit of the highest hill near the tents
that the river continued to preserve a west course and, fearing that by
pursuing it farther we might lose much time and unnecessarily walk over
a great deal of ground, I determined on quitting its banks the next day
and making as directly as we could for Point Lake. We accordingly
followed the river on the 3rd only to the place where the musk-ox had
been killed last evening and, after the meat was procured, crossed the
river in our two canoes lashed together. We now emerged from the valley
of the river and entered a level but very barren country, varied only
by small lakes and marshes, the ground being covered with small stones.
Many old tracks of reindeer were seen in the clayey soil and some more
recent traces of the musk-ox. We encamped on the borders of Wright’s
River which flows to the eastward, the direct distance walked today
being ten miles and three-quarters. The next morning was very fine and
as the day advanced the weather became quite warm. We set out at six
A.M. and, having forded the river, walked over a perfectly level
country interspersed with small lakes which communicated with each
other by streams running in various directions. No berry-bearing plants
were found in this part, the surface of the earth being thinly covered
in the moister places with a few grasses, and on the drier spots with
lichens.

Having walked twelve miles and a half we encamped at seven P.M. and
distributed our last piece of pemmican and a little arrowroot for
supper which afforded but a scanty meal. This evening was warm but dark
clouds overspread the sky. Our men now began to find their burdens very
oppressive and were much fatigued by this day’s march but did not
complain. One of them was lame from an inflammation in the knee. Heavy
rain commenced at midnight and continued without intermission until
five in the morning, when it was succeeded by snow on the wind changing
to north-west, which soon increased to a violent gale. As we had
nothing to eat and were destitute of the means of making a fire, we
remained in our beds all the day, but the covering of our blankets was
insufficient to prevent us from feeling the severity of the frost and
suffering inconvenience from the drifting of the snow into our tents.
There was no abatement of the storm next day; our tents were completely
frozen and the snow had drifted around them to a depth of three feet,
and even in the inside there was a covering of several inches on our
blankets. Our suffering from cold in a comfortless canvas tent in such
weather with the temperature at 20° and without fire will easily be
imagined; it was however less than that which we felt from hunger.

The morning of the 7th cleared up a little but the wind was still
strong and the weather extremely cold. From the unusual continuance of
the storm we feared the winter had set in with all its rigour and that
by longer delay we should only be exposed to an accumulation of
difficulties; we therefore prepared for our journey although we were in
a very unfit condition for starting, being weak from fasting and our
garments stiffened by the frost. We had no means of making a fire to
thaw them, the moss, at all times difficult to kindle, being now
covered with ice and snow. A considerable time was consumed in packing
up the frozen tents and bed clothes, the wind blowing so strong that no
one could keep his hands long out of his mittens.

Just as we were about to commence our march I was seized with a
fainting fit in consequence of exhaustion and sudden exposure to the
wind but, after eating a morsel of portable soup, I recovered so far as
to be able to move on. I was unwilling at first to take this morsel of
soup, which was diminishing the small and only remaining meal for the
party, but several of the men urged me to it with much kindness. The
ground was covered a foot deep with snow, the margins of the lakes were
encrusted with ice, and the swamps over which we had to pass were
entirely frozen but the ice, not being sufficiently strong to bear us,
we frequently plunged knee-deep in water. Those who carried the canoes
were repeatedly blown down by the violence of the wind and they often
fell from making an insecure step on a slippery stone; on one of these
occasions the largest canoe was so much broken as to be rendered
utterly unserviceable. This we felt was a serious disaster as the
remaining canoe having through mistake been made too small, it was
doubtful whether it would be sufficient to carry us across a river.
Indeed we had found it necessary in crossing Hood’s River to lash the
two canoes together. As there was some suspicion that Benoit, who
carried the canoe, had broken it intentionally, he having on a former
occasion been overheard by some of the men to say that he would do so
when he got it in charge, we closely examined him on the point; he
roundly denied having used the expressions attributed to him, and
insisted that it was broken by his falling accidentally and, as he
brought men to attest the latter fact who saw him tumble, we did not
press the matter further. I may here remark that our people had
murmured a good deal at having to carry two canoes, though they were
informed of the necessity of taking both in case it should be deemed
advisable to divide the party, which it had been thought probable we
should be obliged to do if animals proved scarce, in order to give the
whole the better chance of procuring subsistence, and also for the
purpose of sending forward some of the best walkers to search for
Indians and to get them to meet us with supplies of provision. The
power of doing this was now at an end. As the accident could not be
remedied we turned it to the best account by making a fire of the bark
and timbers of the broken vessel and cooked the remainder of our
portable soup and arrowroot. This was a scanty meal after three days’
fasting but it served to allay the pangs of hunger and enabled us to
proceed at a quicker pace than before. The depth of the snow caused us
to march in Indian file, that is in each other’s steps, the voyagers
taking it in turn to lead the party. A distant object was pointed out
to this man in the direction we wished to take and Mr. Hood followed
immediately behind him to renew the bearings and keep him from
deviating more than could be helped from the mark. It may be here
observed that we proceeded in this manner throughout our route across
the barren grounds.

In the afternoon we got into a more hilly country where the ground was
strewed with large stones. The surface of these was covered with
lichens of the genus _gyrophora_ which the Canadians term _tripe de
roche_. A considerable quantity was gathered and with half a partridge
each (which we shot in the course of the day) furnished a slender
supper which we cooked with a few willows dug up from beneath the snow.
We passed a comfortless night in our damp clothes but took the
precaution of sleeping upon our socks and shoes to prevent them from
freezing. This plan was afterwards adopted throughout the journey.

At half-past five in the morning we proceeded and after walking about
two miles came to Cracroft’s River, flowing to the westward with a very
rapid current over a rocky channel. We had much difficulty in crossing
this, the canoe being useless, not only from the bottom of the channel
being obstructed by large stones, but also from its requiring gumming,
an operation which, owing to the want of wood and the frost, we were
unable to perform. However after following the course of the river some
distance we effected a passage by means of a range of large rocks that
crossed a rapid. As the current was strong and many of the rocks were
covered with water to the depth of two or three feet, the men were
exposed to much danger in carrying their heavy burdens across, and
several of them actually slipped into the stream but were immediately
rescued by the others. Junius went farther up the river in search of a
better crossing-place and did not rejoin us this day. As several of the
party were drenched from head to foot and we were all wet to the
middle, our clothes became stiff with the frost and we walked with much
pain for the remainder of the day. The march was continued to a late
hour from our anxiety to rejoin the hunters who had gone before, but we
were obliged to encamp at the end of ten miles and a quarter without
seeing them. Our only meal today consisted of a partridge each (which
the hunters shot) mixed with _tripe de roche_. This repast, although
scanty for men with appetites such as our daily fatigue created, proved
a cheerful one and was received with thankfulness. Most of the men had
to sleep in the open air in consequence of the absence of Crédit who
carried their tent, but we fortunately found an unusual quantity of
roots to make a fire, which prevented their suffering much from the
cold though the thermometer was at 17°.

We started at six on the 9th and at the end of two miles regained our
hunters who were halting on the borders of a lake amidst a clump of
stunted willows. This lake stretched to the westward as far as we could
see and its waters were discharged by a rapid stream one hundred and
fifty yards wide. Being entirely ignorant where we might be led by
pursuing the course of the lake, and dreading the idea of going a mile
unnecessarily out of the way, we determined on crossing the river if
possible, and the canoe was gummed for the purpose, the willows
furnishing us with fire. But we had to await the return of Junius
before we could make the traverse. In the meantime we gathered a little
_tripe de roche_, and breakfasted upon it and a few partridges that
were killed in the morning. St. Germain and Adam were sent upon some
recent tracks of deer. Junius arrived in the afternoon and informed us
that he had seen a large herd of musk-oxen on the banks of Cracroft’s
River, and had wounded one of them but it escaped. He brought about
four pounds of meat, the remains of a deer that had been devoured by
the wolves. The poor fellow was much fatigued, having walked throughout
the night but, as the weather was particularly favourable for our
crossing the river, we could not allow him to rest. After he had taken
some refreshment we proceeded to the river. The canoe being put into
the water was found extremely ticklish, but it was managed with much
dexterity by St. Germain, Adam, and Peltier, who ferried over one
passenger at a time, causing him to lie flat in its bottom, by no means
a pleasant position owing to its leakiness, but there was no
alternative. The transport of the whole party was effected by five
o’clock and we walked about two miles farther and encamped, having come
five miles and three-quarters on a south-west course. Two young alpine
hares were shot by St. Germain which with the small piece of meat
brought in by Junius furnished the supper of the whole party. There was
no _tripe de roche_ here. The country had now become decidedly hilly
and was covered with snow. The lake preserved its western direction as
far as I could see from the summit of the highest mountain near the
encampment. We subsequently learned from the Copper Indians that the
part at which we had crossed the river was the _Congecatha-wha-chaga_
of Hearne, of which I had little idea at the time, not only from the
difference of latitude, but also from its being so much farther east of
the mouth of the Copper-Mine River than his track is laid down, he only
making one degree and three-quarters’ difference of longitude and we
upwards of four. Had I been aware of the fact several days’ harassing
march and a disastrous accident would have been prevented by keeping on
the western side of the lake instead of crossing the river. We were
informed also that this river is the Anatessy or River of Strangers and
is supposed to fall into Bathurst’s Inlet, but although the Indians
have visited its mouth their description was not sufficient to identify
it with any of the rivers whose mouths we had seen. It probably
discharges itself in that part of the coast which was hid from our view
by Goulbourn’s or Elliott’s Islands.

September 10.

We had a cold north wind and the atmosphere was foggy. The thermometer
18° at five A.M. In the course of our march this morning we passed many
small lakes and the ground, becoming higher and more hilly as we
receded from the river, was covered to a much greater depth with snow.
This rendered walking not only extremely laborious but also hazardous
in the highest degree, for the sides of the hills, as is usual
throughout the barren grounds, abounding in accumulations of large
angular stones, it often happened that the men fell into the
interstices with their loads on their backs, being deceived by the
smooth appearance of the drifted snow. If anyone had broken a limb here
his fate would have been melancholy indeed; we could neither have
remained with him nor carried him on. We halted at ten to gather _tripe
de roche_, but it was so frozen that we were quite benumbed with cold
before a sufficiency could be collected even for a scanty meal. On
proceeding our men were somewhat cheered by observing on the sandy
summit of a hill, from whence the snow had been blown, the summer track
of a man, and afterwards by seeing several deer tracks on the snow.
About noon the weather cleared up a little and, to our great joy, we
saw a herd of musk-oxen grazing in a valley below us. The party
instantly halted and the best hunters were sent out; they approached
the animals with the utmost caution, no less than two hours being
consumed before they got within gunshot. In the meantime we beheld
their proceedings with extreme anxiety, and many secret prayers were
doubtless offered up for their success. At length they opened their
fire and we had the satisfaction of seeing one of the largest cows
fall; another was wounded but escaped. This success infused spirit into
our starving party. To skin and cut up the animal was the work of a few
minutes. The contents of the stomach were devoured upon the spot, and
the raw intestines which were next attacked were pronounced by the most
delicate amongst us to be excellent. A few willows whose tops were seen
peeping through the snow in the bottom of the valley were quickly
grubbed, the tents pitched, and supper cooked and devoured with
avidity. This was the sixth day since we had had a good meal, the
_tripe de roche_, even where we got enough, only serving to allay the
pangs of hunger for a short time. After supper two of the hunters went
in pursuit of the herd but could not get near them. I do not think that
we witnessed through the course of our journey a more striking proof of
the wise dispensation of the Almighty and of the weakness of our own
judgment than on this day. We had considered the dense fog which
prevailed throughout the morning as almost the greatest inconvenience
that could have befallen us, since it rendered the air extremely cold
and prevented us from distinguishing any distant object towards which
our course could be directed. Yet this very darkness enabled the party
to get to the top of the hill which bounded the valley wherein the
musk-oxen were grazing without being perceived. Had the herd discovered
us and taken alarm our hunters in their present state of debility would
in all probability have failed in approaching them.

We were detained all the next day by a strong southerly wind and were
much incommoded in the tents by the drift snow. The temperature was
20°. The average for the last ten days about 24°. We restricted
ourselves to one meal this day as we were at rest and there was only
meat remaining sufficient for the morrow.

The gale had not diminished on the 12th and, as we were fearful of its
continuance for some time, we determined on going forward; our only
doubt regarded the preservation of the canoe, but the men promised to
pay particular attention to it, and the most careful persons were
appointed to take it in charge. The snow was two feet deep and the
ground much broken, which rendered the march extremely painful. The
whole party complained more of faintness and weakness than they had
ever done before; their strength seemed to have been impaired by the
recent supply of animal food. In the afternoon the wind abated and the
snow ceased; cheered with the change we proceeded forward at a quicker
pace and encamped at six P.M. having come eleven miles. Our supper
consumed the last of our meat.

We set out on the 13th in thick hazy weather and, after an hour’s
march, had the extreme mortification to find ourselves on the borders
of a large lake; neither of its extremities could be seen and, as the
portion which lay to the east seemed the widest, we coasted along to
the westward portion in search of a crossing-place. This lake being
bounded by steep and lofty hills our march was very fatiguing. Those
sides which were exposed to the sun were free from snow and we found
upon them some excellent berries. We encamped at six P.M. having come
only six miles and a half. Crédit was then missing and he did not
return during the night. We supped off a single partridge and some
_tripe de roche;_ this unpalatable weed was now quite nauseous to the
whole party and in several it produced bowel complaints. Mr. Hood was
the greatest sufferer from this cause. This evening we were extremely
distressed at discovering that our improvident companions since we left
Hood’s River had thrown away three of the fishing-nets and burnt the
floats; they knew we had brought them to procure subsistence for the
party when the animals should fail, and we could scarcely believe the
fact of their having wilfully deprived themselves of this resource,
especially when we considered that most of them had passed the greater
part of their servitude in situations where the nets alone had supplied
them with food. Being thus deprived of our principal resource, that of
fishing, and the men evidently getting weaker every day, it became
necessary to lighten their burdens of everything except ammunition,
clothing, and the instruments that were required to find our way. I
therefore issued directions to deposit at this encampment the dipping
needle, azimuth compass, magnet, a large thermometer, and a few books
we had carried, having torn out of these such parts as we should
require to work the observations for latitude and longitude. I also
promised, as an excitement to the efforts in hunting, my gun to St.
Germain, and an ample compensation to Adam or any of the other men who
should kill any animals. Mr. Hood on this occasion lent his gun to
Michel the Iroquois, who was very eager in the chase and often
successful.

September 14.

This morning, the officers being assembled round a small fire, Perrault
presented each of us with a small piece of meat which he had saved from
his allowance. It was received with great thankfulness, and such an act
of self-denial and kindness being totally unexpected in a Canadian
voyager filled our eyes with tears. In directing our course to a river
issuing from the lake we met Crédit who communicated the joyful
intelligence of his having killed two deer in the morning. We instantly
halted and, having shared the deer that was nearest to us, prepared
breakfast. After which the other deer was sent for and we went down to
the river, which was about three hundred yards wide and flowed with
great velocity through a broken rocky channel. Having searched for a
part where the current was most smooth, the canoe was placed in the
water at the head of a rapid, and St. Germain, Solomon Belanger, and I
embarked in order to cross. We went from the shore very well, but in
mid-channel the canoe became difficult to manage under our burden as
the breeze was fresh. The current drove us to the edge of the rapid,
when Belanger unluckily applied his paddle to avert the apparent danger
of being forced down it, and lost his balance. The canoe was overset in
consequence in the middle of the rapid. We fortunately kept hold of it
until we touched a rock where the water did not reach higher than our
waists; here we kept our footing, notwithstanding the strength of the
current, until the water was emptied out of the canoe. Belanger then
held the canoe steady whilst St. Germain placed me in it and afterwards
embarked himself in a very dexterous manner. It was impossible however
to embark Belanger, as the canoe would have been hurried down the rapid
the moment he should have raised his foot from the rock on which he
stood. We were therefore compelled to leave him in his perilous
situation. We had not gone twenty yards before the canoe, striking on a
sunken rock, went down. The place being shallow we were again enabled
to empty it and the third attempt brought us to the shore. In the
meantime Belanger was suffering extremely, immersed to his middle in
the centre of a rapid, the temperature of which was very little above
the freezing-point, and the upper part of his body covered with wet
clothes, exposed in a temperature not much above zero to a strong
breeze. He called piteously for relief and St. Germain on his return
endeavoured to embark him but in vain. The canoe was hurried down the
rapid and when he landed he was rendered by the cold incapable of
further exertion and Adam attempted to embark Belanger but found it
impossible. An attempt was next made to carry out to him a line made of
the slings of the men’s loads. This also failed, the current acting so
strongly upon it as to prevent the canoe from steering and it was
finally broken and carried down the stream. At length when Belanger’s
strength seemed almost exhausted the canoe reached him with a small
cord belonging to one of the nets and he was dragged perfectly
senseless through the rapid. By the direction of Dr. Richardson he was
instantly stripped and, being rolled up in blankets, two men undressed
themselves and went to bed with him: but it was some hours before he
recovered his warmth and sensations. As soon as Belanger was placed in
his bed the officers sent over my blankets and a person to make a fire.
Augustus brought the canoe over and in returning he was obliged to
descend both the rapids before he could get across the stream, which
hazardous service he performed with the greatest coolness and judgment.
It is impossible to describe my sensations as I witnessed the various
unsuccessful attempts to relieve Belanger. The distance prevented my
seeing distinctly what was going on and I continued pacing up and down
upon the rock on which I landed, regardless of the coldness of my
drenched and stiffening garments. The canoe in every attempt to reach
him was hurried down the rapid, and was lost to view amongst the rocky
islets with a rapidity that seemed to threaten certain destruction;
once indeed I fancied that I saw it overwhelmed in the waves. Such an
event would have been fatal to the whole party. Separated as I was from
my companions without gun, ammunition, hatchet, or the means of making
a fire, and in wet clothes, my doom would have been speedily sealed. My
companions too, driven to the necessity of coasting the lake, must have
sunk under the fatigue of rounding its innumerable arms and bays which
as we have learned from the Indians are very extensive. By the goodness
of Providence however we were spared at that time and some of us have
been permitted to offer up our thanksgivings in a civilised land for
the signal deliverances we then and afterwards experienced.

By this accident I had the misfortune to lose my portfolio containing
my journal from Fort Enterprise together with all the astronomical and
meteorological observations made during the descent of the Copper-Mine
River and along the sea-coast (except those for the dip and variation).
I was in the habit of carrying it strapped across my shoulders but had
taken it off on entering the canoe to reduce the upper weight. The
results of most of the observations for latitude and longitude had been
registered in the sketch-books so that we preserved the requisites for
the construction of the chart. The meteorological observations not
having been copied were lost. My companions, Dr. Richardson, Mr. Back,
and Mr. Hood, had been so careful in noting every occurrence in their
journals that the loss of mine could fortunately be well supplied.
These friends immediately offered me their documents and every
assistance in drawing up another narrative, of which kindness I availed
myself at the earliest opportunity afterwards.

September 15.

The rest of the party were brought across this morning and we were
delighted to find Belanger so much recovered as to be able to proceed,
but we could not set out until noon as the men had to prepare
substitutes for the slings which were lost yesterday. Soon after
leaving the encampment we discerned a herd of deer and after a long
chase a fine male was killed by Perrault, several others were wounded
but they escaped. After this we passed round the north end of a branch
of the lake and ascended the Willingham Mountains, keeping near the
border of the lake. These hills were steep, craggy, and covered with
snow. We encamped at seven and enjoyed a substantial meal. The party
were in good spirits this evening at the recollection of having crossed
the rapid and being in possession of provision for the next day.
Besides we had taken the precaution of bringing away the skin of the
deer to eat when the meat should fail. The temperature at six P.M. was
30°.

We started at seven next morning and marched until ten when the
appearance of a few willows peeping through the snow induced us to halt
and breakfast. Recommencing the journey at noon we passed over a more
rugged country where the hills were separated by deep ravines whose
steep sides were equally difficult to descend and to ascend, and the
toil and suffering we experienced were greatly increased.

The party was quite fatigued when we encamped, having come ten miles
and three-quarters. We observed many summer deer roads and some recent
tracks. Some marks that had been put up by the Indians were also
noticed. We have since learned that this is a regular deer pass and, on
that account, annually frequented by the Copper Indians. The lake is
called by them Contwoyto or Rum Lake in consequence of Mr. Hearne
having here given the Indians who accompanied him some of that liquor.
Fish is not found here.

We walked next day over a more level country but it was strewed with
large stones. These galled our feet a good deal; we contrived however
to wade through the snow at a tolerably quick pace until five P.M.,
having proceeded twelve miles and a half. We had made today our proper
course south by east which we could not venture upon doing before for
fear of falling again upon some branch of the Contwoyto. Some deer were
seen in the morning but the hunters failed of killing any and in the
afternoon we fell into the track of a large herd which had passed the
day before but did not overtake them. In consequence of this want of
success we had no breakfast and but a scanty supper, but we allayed the
pangs of hunger by eating pieces of singed hide. A little _tripe de
roche_[33] was also obtained. These would have satisfied us in ordinary
times but we were now almost exhausted by slender fare and travel and
our appetites had become ravenous. We looked however with humble
confidence to the Great Author and Giver of all good for a continuance
of the support which had hitherto been always supplied to us at our
greatest need. The thermometer varied today between 25 and 28°. The
wind blew fresh from the south.

 [33] The different kinds of _gyrophora_ are termed indiscriminately by
 the voyagers _tripe de roche_.


On the 18th the atmosphere was hazy but the day was more pleasant for
walking than usual. The country was level and gravelly and the snow
very deep. We went for a short time along a deeply-beaten road made by
the reindeer which turned suddenly off to the south-west, a direction
so wide of our course that we could not venture upon following it. All
the small lakes were frozen and we marched across those which lay in
our track. We supped off the _tripe de roche_ which had been gathered
during our halts in the course of the march. Thermometer at six P.M.
32°.

Showers of snow fell without intermission through the night but they
ceased in the morning and we set out at the usual hour. The men were
very faint from hunger and marched with difficulty, having to oppose a
fresh breeze and to wade through snow two feet deep. We gained however
ten miles by four o’clock and then encamped. The canoe was
unfortunately broken by the fall of the person who had it in charge. No
_tripe de roche_ was seen today but in clearing the snow to pitch the
tents we found a quantity of Iceland moss which was boiled for supper.
This weed not having been soaked proved so bitter that few of the party
could eat more than a few spoonfuls.

Our blankets did not suffice this evening to keep us in tolerable
warmth; the slightest breeze seeming to pierce our debilitated frames.
The reader will probably be desirous to know how we passed our time in
such a comfortless situation: the first operation after encamping was
to thaw our frozen shoes if a sufficient fire could be made, and dry
ones were put on; each person then wrote his notes of the daily
occurrences and evening prayers were read; as soon as supper was
prepared it was eaten, generally in the dark, and we went to bed and
kept up a cheerful conversation until our blankets were thawed by the
heat of our bodies and we had gathered sufficient warmth to enable us
to fall asleep. On many nights we had not even the luxury of going to
bed in dry clothes for when the fire was insufficient to dry our shoes
we durst not venture to pull them off lest they should freeze so hard
as to be unfit to put on in the morning and therefore inconvenient to
carry.

On the 20th we got into a hilly country and the marching became much
more laborious, even the stoutest experienced great difficulty in
climbing the craggy eminences. Mr. Hood was particularly weak and was
obliged to relinquish his station of second in the line which Dr.
Richardson now took to direct the leading man in keeping the appointed
course. I was also unable to keep pace with the men who put forth their
utmost speed, encouraged by the hope which our reckoning had led us to
form of seeing Point Lake in the evening, but we were obliged to encamp
without gaining a view of it. We had not seen either deer or their
tracks through the day, and this circumstance, joined to the
disappointment of not discovering the lake, rendered our voyagers very
desponding, and the meagre supper of _tripe de roche_ was little
calculated to elevate their spirits. They now threatened to throw away
their bundles and quit us, which rash act they would probably have
committed if they had known what track to pursue.

September 21.

We set out at seven this morning in dark foggy weather and changed our
course two points to the westward. The party were very feeble and the
men much dispirited; we made slow progress, having to march over a
hilly and very rugged country.

Just before noon the sun beamed through the haze for the first time for
six days and we obtained an observation in latitude 65° 7′ 06″ North,
which was six miles to the southward of that part of Point Lake to the
way our course was directed. By this observation we discovered that we
had kept to the eastward of the proper course, which may be attributed
partly to the difficulty of preserving a straight line through an
unknown country, unassisted by celestial observations and in such thick
weather that our view was often limited to a few hundred yards, but
chiefly to our total ignorance of the amount of the variation of the
compass.

We altered the course immediately to west-south-west and fired guns to
apprise the hunters who were out of our view and ignorant of our having
done so. After walking about two miles we waited to collect the
stragglers. Two partridges were killed and these with some _tripe de
roche_ furnished our supper. Notwithstanding a full explanation was
given to the men of the reasons for altering the course, and they were
assured that the observation had enabled us to discover our exact
distance from Fort Enterprise, they could not divest themselves of the
idea of our having lost our way, and a gloom was spread over every
countenance. At this encampment Dr. Richardson was obliged to deposit
his specimens of plants and minerals collected on the sea-coast, being
unable to carry them any farther. The way made today was five miles and
a quarter.

September 22.

After walking about two miles this morning we came upon the borders of
an extensive lake whose extremities could not be discerned in
consequence of the density of the atmosphere but, as its shores seemed
to approach nearer to each other to the southward than to the
northward, we determined on tracing it in that direction. We were
grieved at finding the lake expand very much beyond the contracted part
we had first seen and incline to the eastward of south. As however it
was considered more than probable, from the direction and size of the
body of water we were now tracing, that it was a branch of Point Lake,
and as in any case we knew that by passing round its south end we must
shortly come to the Copper-Mine River, our course was continued in that
direction. The appearance of some dwarf pines and willows, larger than
usual, induced us to suppose the river was near. We encamped early
having come eight miles. Our supper consisted of _tripe de roche_ and
half a partridge each.

Our progress next day was extremely slow from the difficulty of
managing the canoe in passing over the hills as the breeze was fresh.
Peltier, who had it in charge, having received several severe falls,
became impatient and insisted on leaving his burden as it had already
been much injured by the accidents of this day, and no arguments we
could use were sufficient to prevail on him to continue carrying it.
Vaillant was therefore directed to take it and we proceeded forward.
Having found that he got on very well and was walking even faster than
Mr. Hood could follow in his present debilitated state, I pushed
forward to stop the rest of the party who had got out of sight during
the delay which the discussion respecting the canoe had occasioned. I
accidentally passed the body of the men and followed the tracks of two
persons who had separated from the rest until two P.M. when, not seeing
any person, I retraced my steps, and on my way met Dr. Richardson who
had also missed the party whilst he was employed gathering _tripe de
roche_, and we went back together in search of them. We found they had
halted among some willows where they had picked up some pieces of skin
and a few bones of deer that had been devoured by the wolves last
spring. They had rendered the bones friable by burning and eaten them
as well as the skin; and several of them had added their old shoes to
the repast. Peltier and Vaillant were with them, having left the canoe
which they said was so completely broken by another fall as to be
rendered incapable of repair and entirely useless. The anguish this
intelligence occasioned may be conceived but it is beyond my power to
describe it. Impressed however with the necessity of taking it forward,
even in the state these men represented it to be, we urgently desired
them to fetch it, but they declined going and the strength of the
officers was inadequate to the task. To their infatuated obstinacy on
this occasion a great portion of the melancholy circumstances which
attended our subsequent progress may perhaps be attributed. The men now
seemed to have lost all hope of being preserved and all the arguments
we could use failed in stimulating them to the least exertion. After
consuming the remains of the bones and horns of the deer we resumed our
march, and in the evening reached a contracted part of the lake which,
perceiving it to be shallow, we forded and encamped on the opposite
side. Heavy rain began soon afterwards and continued all night. On the
following morning the rain had so wasted the snow that the tracks of
Mr. Back and his companions, who had gone before with the hunters, were
traced with difficulty, and the frequent showers during the day almost
obliterated them. The men became furious at the apprehension of being
deserted by the hunters and some of the strongest, throwing down their
bundles, prepared to set out after them, intending to leave the more
weak to follow as they could. The entreaties and threats of the
officers however prevented their executing this mad scheme, but not
before Solomon Belanger was despatched with orders for Mr. Back to halt
until we should join him. Soon afterwards a thick fog came on, but we
continued our march and overtook Mr. Back, who had been detained in
consequence of his companions having followed some recent tracks of
deer. After halting an hour, during which we refreshed ourselves with
eating our old shoes and a few scraps of leather, we set forward in the
hope of ascertaining whether an adjoining piece of water was the
Copper-Mine River or not, but were soon compelled to return and encamp
for fear of a separation of the party, as we could not see each other
at ten yards’ distance. The fog diminishing towards evening, Augustus
was sent to examine the water but, having lost his way, he did not
reach the tents before midnight when he brought the information of its
being a lake. We supped upon _tripe de roche_ and enjoyed a comfortable
fire, having found some pines seven or eight feet high in a valley near
the encampment.

The bounty of Providence was most seasonably manifested to us next
morning in our killing five small deer out of a herd which came in
sight as we were on the point of starting. This unexpected supply
reanimated the drooping spirits of our men and filled every heart with
gratitude.

The voyagers instantly petitioned for a day’s rest which we were most
reluctant to grant, being aware of the importance of every moment at
this critical period of our journey. But they so earnestly and strongly
pleaded their recent sufferings and their conviction that the quiet
enjoyment of two substantial meals after eight days’ famine would
enable them to proceed next day more vigorously, that we could not
resist their entreaties. The flesh, the skins, and even the contents of
the stomachs of the deer were equally distributed among the party by
Mr. Hood who had volunteered, on the departure of Mr. Wentzel, to
perform the duty of issuing the provision. This invidious task he had
all along performed with great impartiality, but seldom without
producing some grumbling amongst the Canadians, and on the present
occasion the hunters were displeased that the heads and some other
parts had not been added to their portions. It is proper to remark that
Mr. Hood always took the smallest portion for his own mess, but this
weighed little with these men as long as their own appetites remained
unsatisfied. We all suffered much inconvenience from eating animal food
after our long abstinence, but particularly those men who indulged
themselves beyond moderation. The Canadians, with their usual
thoughtlessness, had consumed above a third of their portions of meat
that evening.

We set out early on the 26th and, after walking about three miles along
the lake, came to the river which we at once recognised from its size
to be the Copper-Mine. It flowed to the northward and, after winding
about five miles terminated in Point Lake. Its current was swift, and
there were two rapids in this part of its course which in a canoe we
could have crossed with ease and safety. These rapids, as well as every
other part of the river, were carefully examined in search of a ford
but, finding none, the expedients occurred of attempting to cross on a
raft made of the willows which were growing there, or in a vessel
framed with willows and covered with the canvas of the tents, but both
these schemes were abandoned through the obstinacy of the interpreters
and the most experienced voyagers, who declared that they would prove
inadequate to the conveyance of the party and that much time would be
lost in the attempt. The men in fact did not believe that this was the
Copper-Mine River and, so little confidence had they in our reckoning,
and so much had they bewildered themselves on the march, that some of
them asserted it was Hood’s River and others that it was the
Bethetessy. (A river which rises from a lake to the northward of Rum
Lake and holds a course to the sea parallel with that of the
Copper-Mine.) In short their despondency had returned, and they all
despaired of seeing Fort Enterprise again. However the steady
assurances of the officers that we were actually on the banks of the
Copper-Mine River, and that the distance to Fort Enterprise did not
exceed forty miles, made some impression upon them, which was increased
upon our finding some bear-berry plants (_Arbutus uva ursi_), which are
reported by the Indians not to grow to the eastward of that river. They
then deplored their folly and impatience in breaking the canoe, being
all of opinion that had it not been so completely demolished on the
23rd it might have been repaired sufficiently to take the party over.
We again closely interrogated Peltier and Vaillant as to its state,
with the intention of sending for it; but they persisted in the
declaration that it was in a totally unserviceable condition. St.
Germain, being again called upon to endeavour to construct a canoe
frame with willows, stated that he was unable to make one sufficiently
large. It became necessary therefore to search for pines of sufficient
size to form a raft and, being aware that such trees grow on the
borders of Point Lake, we considered it best to trace its shores in
search of them; we therefore resumed our march, carefully looking but
in vain for a fordable part, and encamped at the east end of Point
Lake.

As there was little danger of our losing the path of our hunters whilst
we coasted the shores of this lake I determined on again sending Mr.
Back forward with the interpreters to hunt. I had in view in this
arrangement the further object of enabling Mr. Back to get across the
lake with two of these men to convey the earliest possible account of
our situation to the Indians. Accordingly I instructed him to halt at
the first pines he should come to and then prepare a raft and, if his
hunters had killed animals so that the party could be supported whilst
we were making our raft, he was to cross immediately with St. Germain
and Beauparlant and send the Indians to us as quickly as possible with
supplies of meat.

We had this evening the pain of discovering that two of our men had
stolen part of the officers’ provision which had been allotted to us
with strict impartiality. This conduct was the more reprehensible as it
was plain that we were suffering even in a greater degree than
themselves from the effects of famine, owing to our being of a less
robust habit and less accustomed to privations. We had no means of
punishing this crime but by the threat that they should forfeit their
wages, which had now ceased to operate.

Mr. Back and his companions set out at six in the morning and we
started at seven. As the snow had entirely disappeared and there were
no means of distinguishing the footsteps of stragglers, I gave strict
orders previously to setting out for all the party to keep together,
and especially I desired the two Esquimaux not to leave us, they having
often strayed in search of the remains of animals. Our people however,
through despondency, had become careless and disobedient and had ceased
to dread punishment or hope for reward. Much time was lost in halting
and firing guns to collect them, but the labour of walking was so much
lightened by the disappearance of the snow that we advanced seven or
eight miles along the lake before noon, exclusive of the loss of
distance in rounding its numerous bays. At length we came to an arm
running away to the north-east and apparently connected with the lake
which we had coasted on the 22nd, 23rd and 24th of the month.

The idea of again rounding such an extensive piece of water and of
travelling over so barren a country was dreadful, and we feared that
other arms equally large might obstruct our path, and that the strength
of the party would entirely fail long before we could reach the only
part where we were certain of finding wood, distant in a direct line
twenty-five miles. While we halted to consider of this subject and to
collect the party, the carcass of a deer was discovered in the cleft of
a rock into which it had fallen in the spring. It was putrid but little
less acceptable to us on that account in our present circumstances and,
a fire being kindled, a large portion was devoured on the spot,
affording us an unexpected breakfast for, in order to husband our small
remaining portion of meat we had agreed to make only one scanty meal a
day. The men, cheered by this unlooked-for supply, became sanguine in
the hope of being able to cross the stream on a raft of willows,
although they had before declared such a project impracticable, and
they unanimously entreated us to return back to the rapid, a request
which accorded with our own opinion and was therefore acceded to.
Crédit and Junius however were missing, and it was also necessary to
send notice of our intention to Mr. Back and his party. Augustus, being
promised a reward, undertook the task and we agreed to wait for him at
the rapid. It was supposed he could not fail meeting with the two
stragglers on his way to or from Mr. Back, as it was likely they would
keep on the borders of the lake. He accordingly set out after Mr. Back
whilst we returned about a mile towards the rapid and encamped in a
deep valley amongst some large willows. We supped on the remains of the
putrid deer and the men, having gone to the spot where it was found,
scraped together the contents of its intestines which were scattered on
the rock and added them to their meal. We also enjoyed the luxury today
of eating a large quantity of excellent blueberries and cranberries
(_Vaccinium uliginosum_ and _V. vitis idæa_) which were laid bare by
the melting of the snow, but nothing could allay our inordinate
appetites.

In the night we heard the report of Crédit’s gun in answer to our
signal muskets, and he rejoined us in the morning, but we got no
intelligence of Junius. We set out about an hour after daybreak, and
encamped at two P.M. between the rapids where the river was about one
hundred and thirty yards wide, being its narrowest part.

DIFFICULTY AND DELAY IN CROSSING COPPER-MINE RIVER.


Eight deer were seen by Michel and Crédit who loitered behind the rest
of the party, but they could not approach them. A great many shots were
fired by those in the rear at partridges but they missed, or at least
did not choose to add what they killed to the common stock. We
subsequently learned that the hunters often secreted the partridges
they shot and ate them unknown to the officers. Some _tripe de roche_
was collected which we boiled for supper with the moiety of the
remainder of our deer’s meat. The men commenced cutting the willows for
the construction of the raft. As an incitement to exertion I promised a
reward of three hundred livres to the first person who should convey a
line across the river by which the raft could be managed in
transporting the party.

MELANCHOLY AND FATAL RESULTS THEREOF.


September 29.

Strong south-east winds with fog in the morning, more moderate in the
evening. Temperature of the rapid 38°. The men began at an early hour
to bind the willows in fagots for the construction of the raft, and it
was finished by seven but, as the willows were green, it proved to be
very little buoyant, and was unable to support more than one man at a
time. Even on this however we hoped the whole party might be
transported by hauling it from one side to the other, provided a line
could be carried to the other bank. Several attempts were made by
Belanger and Benoit, the strongest men of the party, to convey the raft
across the stream, but they failed for want of oars. A pole constructed
by tying the tent poles together was too short to reach the bottom at a
short distance from the shore, and a paddle which had been carried from
the sea-coast by Dr. Richardson did not possess sufficient power to
move the raft in opposition to a strong breeze which blew from the
other side. All the men suffered extremely from the coldness of the
water in which they were necessarily immersed up to the waists in their
endeavours to aid Belanger and Benoit and, having witnessed repeated
failures, they began to consider the scheme as hopeless. At this time
Dr. Richardson, prompted by a desire of relieving his suffering
companions, proposed to swim across the stream with a line and to haul
the raft over. He launched into the stream with the line round his
middle but when he had got a short distance from the bank his arms
became benumbed with cold and he lost the power of moving them; still
he persevered and, turning on his back, had nearly gained the opposite
bank when his legs also became powerless and, to our infinite alarm, we
beheld him sink. We instantly hauled upon the line and he came again on
the surface and was gradually drawn ashore in an almost lifeless state.
Being rolled up in blankets he was placed before a good fire of willows
and fortunately was just able to speak sufficiently to give some slight
directions respecting the manner of treating him. He recovered strength
gradually and through the blessing of God was enabled in the course of
a few hours to converse and by the evening was sufficiently recovered
to remove into the tent. We then regretted to learn that the skin of
his whole left side was deprived of feeling in consequence of exposure
to too great heat. He did not perfectly recover the sensation of that
side until the following summer. I cannot describe what everyone felt
at beholding the skeleton which the Doctor’s debilitated frame
exhibited. When he stripped the Canadians simultaneously exclaimed “Ah!
que nous sommes maigres!” I shall best explain his state and that of
the party by the following extract from his journal: “It may be worthy
of remark that I should have had little hesitation in any former period
of my life at plunging into water even below 38° Fahrenheit, but at
this time I was reduced almost to skin and bone and, like the rest of
the party, suffered from degrees of cold that would have been
disregarded in health and vigour. During the whole of our march we
experienced that no quantity of clothing would keep us warm whilst we
fasted, but on those occasions on which we were enabled to go to bed
with full stomachs we passed the night in a warm and comfortable
manner.”

In following the detail of our friend’s narrow escape I have omitted to
mention that when he was about to step into the water he put his foot
on a dagger which cut him to the bone, but this misfortune could not
stop him from attempting the execution of his generous undertaking.

In the evening Augustus came in. He had walked a day and a half beyond
the place from whence we turned back but had neither seen Junius nor
Mr. Back. Of the former he had seen no traces but he had followed the
tracks of Mr. Back’s party for a considerable distance until the
hardness of the ground rendered them imperceptible. Junius was well
equipped with ammunition, blankets, knives, a kettle, and other
necessaries; and it was the opinion of Augustus that when he found he
could not rejoin the party he would endeavour to gain the woods on the
west end of Point Lake and follow the river until he fell in with the
Esquimaux who frequent its mouth. The Indians too with whom we have
since conversed upon this subject are confident that he would be able
to subsist himself during the winter. Crédit on his hunting excursion
today found a cap which our people recognised to belong to one of the
hunters who had left us in the spring. This circumstance produced the
conviction of our being on the banks of the Copper-Mine River which all
the assertions of the officers had hitherto failed in effecting with
some of the party, and it had the happy consequence of reviving their
spirits considerably. We consumed the last of our deer’s meat this
evening at supper.

Next morning the men went out in search of dry willows and collected
eight large fagots with which they formed a more buoyant raft than the
former but, the wind being still adverse and strong, they delayed
attempting to cross until a more favourable opportunity. Pleased
however with the appearance of this raft they collected some _tripe de
roche_ and made a cheerful supper. Dr. Richardson was gaining strength
but his leg was much swelled and very painful. An observation for
latitude placed the encampment in 65° 00′ 00″ North, the longitude
being 112° 20′ 00″ West, deduced from the last observation.

On the morning of the 1st of October the wind was strong and the
weather as unfavourable as before for crossing on the raft. We were
rejoiced to see Mr. Back and his party in the afternoon. They had
traced the lake about fifteen miles farther than we did and found it
undoubtedly connected, as we had supposed, with the lake we fell in
with on the 22nd of September and, dreading as we had done, the idea of
coasting its barren shores, they returned to make an attempt at
crossing here. St. Germain now proposed to make a canoe of the
fragments of painted canvas in which we wrapped our bedding. This
scheme appearing practicable, a party was sent to our encampment of the
24th and 25th last to collect pitch amongst the small pines that grew
there to pay over the seams of the canoe.

In the afternoon we had a heavy fall of snow which continued all night.
A small quantity of _tripe de roche_ was gathered; and Crédit, who had
been hunting, brought in the antlers and back bone of a deer which had
been killed in the summer. The wolves and birds of prey had picked them
clean but there still remained a quantity of the spinal marrow which
they had not been able to extract. This, although putrid, was esteemed
a valuable prize and the spine being divided into portions was
distributed equally. After eating the marrow, which was so acrid as to
excoriate the lips, we rendered the bones friable by burning and ate
them also.

On the following morning the ground was covered with snow to the depth
of a foot and a half and the weather was very stormy. These
circumstances rendered the men again extremely despondent; a settled
gloom hung over their countenances and they refused to pick _tripe de
roche_, choosing rather to go entirely without eating than to make any
exertion. The party which went for gum returned early in the morning
without having found any, but St. Germain said he could still make the
canoe with the willows covered with canvas, and removed with Adam to a
clump of willows for that purpose. Mr. Back accompanied them to
stimulate his exertion as we feared the lowness of his spirits would
cause him to be slow in his operations. Augustus went to fish at the
rapid but, a large trout having carried away his bait, we had nothing
to replace it.

The snow-storm continued all the night and during the forenoon of the
3rd. Having persuaded the people to gather some _tripe de roche_, I
partook of a meal with them and afterwards set out with the intention
of going to St. Germain to hasten his operations, but though he was
only three-quarters of a mile distant I spent three hours in a vain
attempt to reach him, my strength being unequal to the labour of wading
through the deep snow, and I returned quite exhausted and much shaken
by the numerous falls I had got. My associates were all in the same
debilitated state and poor Hood was reduced to a perfect shadow from
the severe bowel complaints which the _tripe de roche_ never failed to
give him. Back was so feeble as to require the support of a stick in
walking, and Dr. Richardson had lameness superadded to weakness. The
voyagers were somewhat stronger than ourselves but more indisposed to
exertion on account of their despondency. The sensation of hunger was
no longer felt by any of us, yet we were scarcely able to converse upon
any other subject than the pleasures of eating. We were much indebted
to Hepburn at this crisis. The officers were unable from weakness to
gather _tripe de roche_ themselves and Samandré, who had acted as our
cook on the journey from the coast, sharing in the despair of the rest
of the Canadians, refused to make the slightest exertion. Hepburn on
the contrary, animated by a firm reliance on the beneficence of the
Supreme Being, tempered with resignation to His will, was indefatigable
in his exertions to serve us and daily collected all the _tripe de
roche_ that was used in the officers’ mess. Mr. Hood could not partake
of this miserable fare, and a partridge which had been reserved for him
was I lament to say this day stolen by one of the men.

October 4.

The canoe being finished it was brought to the encampment and, the
whole party being assembled in anxious expectation on the beach, St.
Germain embarked and, amidst our prayers for his success, succeeded in
reaching the opposite shore. The canoe was then drawn back again and
another person transported, and in this manner, by drawing it backwards
and forwards, we were all conveyed over without any serious accident.
By these frequent traverses the canoe was materially injured, and
latterly it filled each time with water before reaching the shore, so
that all our garments and bedding were wet and there was not a
sufficiency of willows upon the side on which we now were to make a
fire to dry them.

That no time might be lost in procuring relief I immediately despatched
Mr. Back with St. Germain, Solomon Belanger, and Beauparlant to search
for the Indians, directing him to go to Fort Enterprise where we
expected they would be or where at least a note from Mr. Wentzel would
be found to direct us in our search for them. If St. Germain should
kill any animals on his way a portion of the meat was to be put up
securely for us and conspicuous marks placed over it.

It is impossible to imagine a more gratifying change than was produced
in our voyagers after we were all safely landed on the southern banks
of the river. Their spirits immediately revived, each of them shook the
officers cordially by the hand and declared they now considered the
worst of their difficulties over as they did not doubt of reaching Fort
Enterprise in a few days, even in their feeble condition. We had indeed
every reason to be grateful and our joy would have been complete had it
not been mingled with sincere regret at the separation of our poor
Esquimaux, the faithful Junius.

EXTREME MISERY OF THE WHOLE PARTY.


The want of _tripe de roche_ caused us to go supperless to bed. Showers
of snow fell frequently during the night. The breeze was light next
morning, the weather cold and clear. We were all on foot by daybreak
but, from the frozen state of our tents and bedclothes, it was long
before the bundles could be made and as usual the men lingered over a
small fire they had kindled so that it was eight o’clock before we
started. Our advance from the depth of the snow was slow, and about
noon, coming to a spot where there was some _tripe de roche_, we
stopped to collect it and breakfasted. Mr. Hood, who was now very
feeble, and Dr. Richardson, who attached himself to him, walked
together at a gentle pace in the rear of the party. I kept with the
foremost men to cause them to halt occasionally until the stragglers
came up. Resuming our march after breakfast we followed the track of
Mr. Back’s party and encamped early as all of us were much fatigued,
particularly Crédit who, having today carried the men’s tent, it being
his turn so to do, was so exhausted that when he reached the encampment
he was unable to stand. The _tripe de roche_ disagreed with this man
and with Vaillant in consequence of which they were the first whose
strength totally failed. We had a small quantity of this weed in the
evening and the rest of our supper was made up of scraps of roasted
leather. The distance walked today was six miles. As Crédit was very
weak in the morning his load was reduced to little more than his
personal luggage, consisting of his blanket, shoes and gun. Previous to
setting out the whole party ate the remains of their old shoes and
whatever scraps of leather they had to strengthen their stomachs for
the fatigue of the day’s journey. We left the encampment at nine and
pursued our route over a range of black hills. The wind, having
increased to a strong gale in the course of the morning, became
piercingly cold and the drift rendered it difficult for those in the
rear to follow the track over the heights, whilst in the valleys where
it was sufficiently marked from the depth of the snow the labour of
walking was proportionably great. Those in advance made as usual
frequent halts, yet being unable from the severity of the weather to
remain long still they were obliged to move on before the rear could
come up and the party of course straggled very much.

About noon, Samandré coming up, informed us that Crédit and Vaillant
could advance no farther. Some willows being discovered in a valley
near us I proposed to halt the party there whilst Dr. Richardson went
back to visit them. I hoped too that when the sufferers received the
information of a fire being kindled at so short a distance they would
be cheered, and use their utmost efforts to reach it, but this proved a
vain hope. The Doctor found Vaillant about a mile and a half in the
rear, much exhausted with cold and fatigue. Having encouraged him to
advance to the fire, after repeated solicitations he made the attempt,
but fell down amongst the deep snow at every step. Leaving him in this
situation the Doctor went about half a mile farther back to the spot
where Crédit was said to have halted and, the track being nearly
obliterated by the snowdrift, it became unsafe for him to go farther.
Returning he passed Vaillant who, having moved only a few yards in his
absence, had fallen down, was unable to rise, and could scarcely answer
his questions. Being unable to afford him any effectual assistance he
hastened on to inform us of his situation. When J.B. Belanger had heard
the melancholy account he went immediately to aid Vaillant and bring up
his burden. Respecting Crédit we were informed by Samandré that he had
stopped a short distance behind Vaillant, but that his intention was to
return to the encampment of the preceding evening.

When Belanger came back with Vaillant’s load he informed us that he had
found him lying on his back, benumbed with cold and incapable of being
roused. The stoutest men of the party were now earnestly entreated to
bring him to the fire, but they declared themselves unequal to the
task, and on the contrary urged me to allow them to throw down their
loads and proceed to Fort Enterprise with the utmost speed. A
compliance with their desire would have caused the loss of the whole
party, for the men were totally ignorant of the course to be pursued,
and none of the officers who could have directed the march were
sufficiently strong to keep up at the pace they would then walk,
besides, even supposing them to have found their way, the strongest men
would certainly have deserted the weak. Something however was
absolutely necessary to be done to relieve them as much as possible
from their burdens, and the officers consulted on the subject. Mr. Hood
and Dr. Richardson proposed to remain behind with a single attendant at
the first place where sufficient wood and _tripe de roche_ should be
found for ten days’ consumption, and that I should proceed as
expeditiously as possible with the men to the house and thence send
them immediate relief. They strongly urged that this arrangement would
contribute to the safety of the rest of the party by relieving them
from the burden of a tent and several other articles, and that they
might afford aid to Crédit if he should unexpectedly come up. I was
distressed beyond description at the thought of leaving them in such a
dangerous situation and for a long time combated their proposal, but
they strenuously urged that this step afforded the only chance of
safety for the party and I reluctantly acceded to it. The ammunition,
of which we had a small barrel, was also to be left with them, and it
was hoped that this deposit would be a strong inducement for the
Indians to venture across the barren grounds to their aid. We
communicated this resolution to the men who were cheered at the
slightest prospect of alleviation to their present miseries and
promised with great appearance of earnestness to return to those
officers upon the first supply of food.

The party then moved on; Vaillant’s blanket and other necessaries were
left in the track at the request of the Canadians, without any hope
however of his being able to reach them. After marching till dusk
without seeing a favourable place for encamping, night compelled us to
take shelter under the lee of a hill amongst some willows, with which,
after many attempts, we at length made a fire. It was not sufficient
however to warm the whole party, much less to thaw our shoes, and the
weather not permitting the gathering of _tripe de roche_ we had nothing
to cook. The painful retrospection of the melancholy events of the day
banished sleep, and we shuddered as we contemplated the dreadful
effects of this bitterly cold night on our two companions, if still
living. Some faint hopes were entertained of Crédit’s surviving the
storm as he was provided with a good blanket and had leather to eat.

The weather was mild next morning. We left the encampment at nine and
at a little before noon came to a pretty extensive thicket of small
willows near which there appeared a supply of _tripe de roche_ on the
face of the rocks. At this place Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood determined
to remain with John Hepburn who volunteered to stop with them. The tent
was securely pitched, a few willows collected, and the ammunition and
all other articles were deposited, except each man’s clothing, one
tent, a sufficiency of ammunition for the journey, and the officers’
journals. I had only one blanket which was carried for me and two pair
of shoes. The offer was now made for any of the men who felt themselves
too weak to proceed to remain with the officers but none of them
accepted it. Michel alone felt some inclination to do so. After we had
united in thanksgiving and prayers to Almighty God I separated from my
companions, deeply afflicted that a train of melancholy circumstances
should have demanded of me the severe trial of parting in such a
condition from friends who had become endeared to me by their constant
kindness and cooperation, and a participation of numerous sufferings.
This trial I could not have been induced to undergo but for the reasons
they had so strongly urged the day before, to which my own judgment
assented and for the sanguine hope I felt of either finding a supply of
provision at Fort Enterprise or meeting the Indians in the immediate
vicinity of that place, according to my arrangements with Mr. Wentzel
and Akaitcho. Previously to our starting Peltier and Benoit repeated
their promises to return to them with provision if any should be found
at the house or to guide the Indians to them if any were met.

Greatly as Mr. Hood was exhausted, and indeed incapable as he must have
proved of encountering the fatigue of our very next day’s journey, so
that I felt his resolution to be prudent, I was sensible that his
determination to remain was chiefly prompted by the disinterested and
generous wish to remove impediments to the progress of the rest. Dr.
Richardson and Hepburn, who were both in a state of strength to keep
pace with the men besides, this motive which they shared with him, were
influenced in their resolution to remain, the former by the desire
which had distinguished his character throughout the Expedition of
devoting himself to the succour of the weak, and the latter by the
zealous attachment he had ever shown towards his officers.

We set out without waiting to take any of the _tripe de roche_ and,
walking at a tolerable pace, in an hour arrived at a fine group of
pines about a mile and a quarter from the tent. We sincerely regretted
not having seen these before we separated from our companions as they
would have been better supplied with fuel here and there appeared to be
more _tripe de roche_ than where we had left them.

Descending afterwards into a more level country we found the snow very
deep and the labour of wading through it so fatigued the whole party
that we were compelled to encamp after a march of four miles and a
half. Belanger and Michel were left far behind and when they arrived at
the encampment appeared quite exhausted. The former, bursting into
tears, declared his inability to proceed and begged me to let him go
back next morning to the tent and shortly afterwards Michel made the
same request. I was in hopes they might recover a little strength by
the night’s rest and therefore deferred giving any permission UNTIL
morning. The sudden failure in the strength of these men cast a gloom
over the rest, which I tried in vain to remove by repeated assurances
that the distance to Fort Enterprise was short and that we should in
all probability reach it in four days. Not being able to find any
_tripe de roche_ we drank an infusion of the Labrador tea plant (_Ledum
palustre_), and ate a few morsels of burnt leather for supper. We were
unable to raise the tent and found its weight too great to carry it on;
we therefore cut it up and took a part of the canvas for a cover. The
night was bitterly cold and though we lay as close to each other as
possible, having no shelter, we could not keep ourselves sufficiently
warm to sleep. A strong gale came on after midnight which increased the
severity of the weather. In the morning Belanger and Michel renewed
their request to be permitted to go back to the tent, assuring me they
were still weaker than on the preceding evening and less capable of
going forward, and they urged that the stopping at a place where there
was a supply of _tripe de roche_ was their only chance of preserving
life; under these circumstances I could not do otherwise than yield to
their desire. I wrote a note to Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood informing
them of the pines we had passed and recommending their removing
thither. Having found that Michel was carrying a considerable quantity
of ammunition I desired him to divide it among my party, leaving him
only ten balls and a little shot to kill any animals he might meet on
his way to the tent. This man was very particular in his inquiries
respecting the direction of the house and the course we meant to
pursue; he also said that if he should be able he would go and search
for Vaillant and Crédit; and he requested my permission to take
Vaillant’s blanket if he should find it, to which I agreed and
mentioned it in my notes to the officers.

Scarcely were these arrangements finished before Perrault and Fontano
were seized with a fit of dizziness and betrayed other symptoms of
extreme debility. Some tea was quickly prepared for them and after
drinking it and eating a few morsels of burnt leather they recovered
and expressed their desire to go forward, but the other men, alarmed at
what they had just witnessed, became doubtful of their own strength
and, giving way to absolute dejection, declared their inability to
move. I now earnestly pressed upon them the necessity of continuing our
journey as the only means of saving their own lives as well as those of
our friends at the tent, and after much entreaty got them to set out at
ten A.M. Belanger and Michel were left at the encampment and proposed
to start shortly afterwards. By the time we had gone about two hundred
yards Perrault became again dizzy and desired us to halt which we did
until he, recovering, offered to march on. Ten minutes more had hardly
elapsed before he again desired us to stop and, bursting into tears,
declared he was totally exhausted and unable to accompany us farther.
As the encampment was not more than a quarter of a mile distant we
recommended that he should return to it and rejoin Belanger and Michel
whom we knew to be still there from perceiving the smoke of a fresh
fire, and because they had not made any preparation for starting when
we quitted them. He readily acquiesced in the proposition and, having
taken a friendly leave of each of us, and enjoined us to make all the
haste we could in sending relief, he turned back, keeping his gun and
ammunition. We watched him until he was nearly at the fire and then
proceeded. During these detentions Augustus becoming impatient of the
delay had walked on and we lost sight of him. The labour we experienced
in wading through the deep snow induced us to cross a moderate-sized
lake which lay in our track, but we found this operation far more
harassing. As the surface of the ice was perfectly smooth we slipped at
almost every step and were frequently blown down by the wind with such
force as to shake our whole frames.

Poor Fontano was completely exhausted by the labour of this traverse
and we made a halt until his strength was recruited, by which time the
party was benumbed with cold. Proceeding again he got on tolerably well
for a little time but, being again seized with faintness and dizziness,
he fell often and at length exclaimed that he could go no farther. We
immediately stopped and endeavoured to encourage him to persevere until
we should find some willows to encamp; he insisted however that he
could not march any longer through this deep snow, and said that, if he
should even reach our encampment this evening, he must be left there,
provided _tripe de roche_ could not be procured to recruit his
strength. The poor man was overwhelmed with grief and seemed desirous
to remain at that spot. We were about two miles from the place where
the other men had been left and, as the track to it was beaten, we
proposed to him to return thither as we thought it probable he would
find the men still there; at any rate he would be able to get fuel to
keep him warm during the night, and on the next day he could follow
their track to the officers’ tent and, should the path be covered by
the snow, the pines we had passed yesterday would guide him as they
were yet in view.

I cannot describe my anguish on the occasion of separating from another
companion under circumstances so distressing. There was however no
alternative. The extreme debility of the rest of the party put the
carrying him quite out of the question, as he himself admitted, and it
was evident that the frequent delays he must occasion if he accompanied
us and did not gain strength would endanger the lives of the whole. By
returning he had the prospect of getting to the tent where _tripe de
roche_ could be obtained, which agreed with him better than with any
other of the party, and which he was always very assiduous in
gathering. After some hesitation he determined on going back and set
out, having bid each of us farewell in the tenderest manner. We watched
him with inexpressible anxiety for some time, and were rejoiced to
find, though he got on slowly, that he kept on his legs better than
before. Antonio Fontano was an Italian and had served for many years in
De Meuron’s regiment. He had spoken to me that very morning and after
his first attack of dizziness about his father, and had begged that,
should he survive, I would take him with me to England and put him in
the way of reaching home.

The party was now reduced to five persons, Adam, Peltier, Benoit,
Samandré and myself. Continuing the journey we came after an hour’s
walk to some willows and encamped under the shelter of a rock, having
walked in the whole four miles and a half. We made an attempt to gather
some _tripe de roche_ but could not, owing to the severity of the
weather. Our supper therefore consisted of tea and a few morsels of
leather.

Augustus did not make his appearance but we felt no alarm at his
absence, supposing he would go to the tent if he missed our track.
Having fire we procured a little sleep. Next morning the breeze was
light and the weather mild which enabled us to collect some _tripe de
roche_, and to enjoy the only meal we had had for four days. We derived
great benefit from it and walked with considerably more ease than
yesterday. Without the strength it supplied we should certainly have
been unable to oppose the strong breeze we met in the afternoon. After
walking about five miles we came upon the borders of Marten Lake and
were rejoiced to find it frozen so that we could continue our course
straight for Fort Enterprise. We encamped at the first rapid in Winter
River amidst willows and alders, but these were so frozen and the snow
fell so thick that the men had great difficulty in making a fire. This
proving insufficient to warm us or even thaw our shoes, and having no
food to prepare, we crept under our blankets. The arrival in a
well-known part raised the spirits of the men to a high pitch, and we
kept up a cheerful conversation until sleep overpowered us. The night
was very stormy and the morning scarcely less so but, being desirous to
reach the house this day, we commenced our journey very early. We were
gratified by the sight of a large herd of reindeer on the side of the
hill near the track, but our only hunter Adam was too feeble to pursue
them. Our shoes and garments were stiffened by the frost and we walked
in great pain until we arrived at some stunted pines, at which we
halted, made a good fire, and procured the refreshment of tea. The
weather becoming fine in the afternoon we continued our journey, passed
the Dog-Rib Rock, and encamped among a clump of pines of considerable
growth about a mile farther on. Here we enjoyed the comfort of a large
fire for the first time since our departure from the sea-coast, but
this gratification was purchased at the expense of many severe falls in
crossing a stony valley to get to these trees. There was no _tripe de
roche_, and we drank tea and ate some of our shoes for supper. Next
morning after taking the usual repast of tea we proceeded to the house.
Musing on what we were likely to find there our minds were agitated
between hope and fear and, contrary to the custom we had kept up of
supporting our spirits by conversation, we went silently forward.

DESOLATE STATE OF FORT ENTERPRISE.


At length we reached Fort Enterprise and to our infinite disappointment
and grief found it a perfectly desolate habitation. There was no
deposit of provision, no trace of the Indians, no letter from Mr.
Wentzel to point out where the Indians might be found. It would be
impossible to describe our sensations after entering this miserable
abode and discovering how we had been neglected; the whole party shed
tears, not so much for our own fate as for that of our friends in the
rear, whose lives depended entirely on our sending immediate relief
from this place.

I found a note however from Mr. Back, stating that he had reached the
house two days before and was going in search of the Indians at a part
where St. Germain deemed it probable they might be found. If he was
unsuccessful he purposed walking to Fort Providence and sending succour
from thence, but he doubted whether either he or his party could
perform the journey to that place in their present debilitated state.
It was evident that any supply that could be sent from Fort Providence
would be long in reaching us, neither could it be sufficient to enable
us to afford any assistance to our companions behind, and that the only
relief for them must be procured from the Indians. I resolved therefore
on going also in search of them, but my companions were absolutely
incapable of proceeding and I thought by halting two or three days they
might gather a little strength whilst the delay would afford us the
chance of learning whether Mr. Back had seen the Indians.

DISTRESS SUFFERED AT THAT PLACE.


We now looked round for the means of subsistence and were gratified to
find several deer-skins which had been thrown away during our former
residence. The bones were gathered from the heap of ashes; these with
the skins and the addition of _tripe de roche_, we considered would
support us tolerably well for a time. As to the house, the parchment
being torn from the windows, the apartment we selected for our abode
was exposed to all the rigour of the season. We endeavoured to exclude
the wind as much as possible by placing loose boards against the
apertures. The temperature was now between 15 and 20° below zero. We
procured fuel by pulling up the flooring of the other rooms, and water
for cooking by melting the snow. Whilst we were seated round the fire,
singeing the deer-skin for supper, we were rejoiced by the unexpected
entrance of Augustus. He had followed quite a different course from
ours and the circumstance of his having found his way through a part of
the country he had never been in before must be considered a remarkable
proof of sagacity. The unusual earliness of this winter became manifest
to us from the state of things at this spot. Last year at the same
season and still later there had been very little snow on the ground
and we were surrounded by vast herds of reindeer; now there were but
few recent tracks of these animals and the snow was upwards of two feet
deep. Winter River was then open, now it was frozen two feet thick.

When I arose the following morning my body and limbs were so swollen
that I was unable to walk more than a few yards. Adam was in a still
worse condition, being absolutely incapable of rising without
assistance. My other companions happily experienced this inconvenience
in a less degree and went to collect bones and some _tripe de roche_
which supplied us with two meals. The bones were quite acrid and the
soup extracted from them excoriated the mouth if taken alone, but it
was somewhat milder when boiled with _tripe de roche_, and we even
thought the mixture palatable with the addition of salt, of which a
cask had been fortunately left here in the spring. Augustus today set
two fishing-lines below the rapid. On his way thither he saw two deer
but had not strength to follow them.

On the 13th the wind blew violently from south-east and the snow
drifted so much that the party were confined to the house. In the
afternoon of the following day Belanger arrived with a note from Mr.
Back stating that he had seen no trace of the Indians, and desiring
further instructions as to the course he should pursue. Belanger’s
situation however required our first care as he came in almost
speechless and covered with ice, having fallen into a rapid and, for
the third time since we left the coast, narrowly escaped drowning. He
did not recover sufficiently to answer our questions until we had
rubbed him for some time, changed his dress, and given him some warm
soup. My companions nursed him with the greatest kindness and the
desire of restoring him to health seemed to absorb all regard for their
own situation. I witnessed with peculiar pleasure this conduct, so
different from that which they had recently pursued when every tender
feeling was suspended by the desire of self-preservation. They now no
longer betrayed impatience or despondency but were composed and
cheerful and had entirely given up the practice of swearing, to which
the Canadian voyagers are so lamentably addicted. Our conversation
naturally turned upon the prospect of getting relief and upon the means
which were best adapted for obtaining it. The absence of all traces of
Indians on Winter River convinced me that they were at this time on the
way to Fort Providence and that, by proceeding towards that post, we
should overtake them as they move slowly when they have their families
with them. This route also offered us the prospect of killing deer in
the vicinity of Reindeer Lake, in which neighbourhood our men in their
journey to and fro last winter had always found them abundant. Upon
these grounds I determined on taking the route to Fort Providence as
soon as possible, and wrote to Mr. Back, desiring him to join me at
Reindeer Lake and detailing the occurrences since we parted, that our
friends might receive relief in case of any accident happening to me.

Belanger did not recover sufficient strength to leave us before the
18th. His answers as to the exact part of Round-Rock Lake in which he
had left Mr. Back were very unsatisfactory, and we could only collect
that it was at a considerable distance, and that he was still going on
with the intention of halting at the place where Akaitcho was encamped
last summer, about thirty miles off. This distance appeared so great
that I told Belanger it was very unsafe for him to attempt it alone and
that he would be several days in accomplishing it. He stated however
that, as the track was beaten, he should experience little fatigue, and
seemed so confident that I suffered him to depart with a supply of
singed hide. Next day I received information which explained why he was
so unwilling to acquaint us with the situation of Mr. Back’s party. He
dreaded that I should resolve upon joining it when our numbers would be
so great as to consume at once everything St. Germain might kill, if by
accident he should be successful in hunting. He even endeavoured to
entice away our other hunter, Adam, and proposed to him to carry off
the only kettle we had and without which we could not have subsisted
two days. Adam’s inability to move however precluded him from agreeing
to the proposal but he could assign no reason for not acquainting me
with it previous to Belanger’s departure. I was at first inclined to
consider the whole matter as a fiction of Adam’s, but he persisted in
his story without wavering, and Belanger when we met again confessed
that every part of it was true. It is painful to have to record a fact
so derogatory to human nature but I have deemed it proper to mention it
to show the difficulties we had to contend with, and the effect which
distress had in warping the feelings and understanding of the most
diligent and obedient of our party, for such Belanger had been always
esteemed up to this time.

In making arrangements for our departure Adam disclosed to me for the
first time that he was affected with oedematous swellings in some parts
of the body to such a degree as to preclude the slightest attempt at
marching and, upon my expressing my surprise at his having hitherto
concealed from me the extent of his malady, among other explanations
the details of the preceding story came out. It now became necessary to
abandon the original intention of proceeding with the whole party
towards Fort Providence and, Peltier and Samandré having volunteered to
remain with Adam, I determined on setting out with Benoit and Augustus,
intending to send them relief by the first party of Indians we should
meet. My clothes were so much torn as to be quite inadequate to screen
me from the wind and Peltier and Samandré, fearing that I might suffer
on the journey in consequence, kindly exchanged with me parts of their
dress, desiring me to send them skins in return by the Indians. Having
patched up three pairs of snowshoes and singed a quantity of skin for
the journey we started on the morning of the 20th. Previous to my
departure I packed up the journals of the officers, the charts, and
some other documents, together with a letter addressed to the
Under-Secretary of State detailing the occurrences of the Expedition up
to this period, which package was given in charge to Peltier and
Samandré with directions that it should be brought away by the Indians
who might come to them. I also instructed them to send succour
immediately on its arrival to our companions in the rear, which they
solemnly promised to do, and I left a letter for my friends, Richardson
and Hood, to be sent at the same time. I thought it necessary to
admonish Peltier, Samandré, and Adam to eat two meals every day in
order to keep up their strength, which they promised me they would do.
No language that I can use could adequately describe the parting scene.
I shall only say there was far more calmness and resignation to the
Divine will evince by everyone than could have been expected. We were
all cheered by the hope that the Indians would be found by the one
party and relief sent to the other. Those who remained entreated us to
make all the haste we could and expressed their hope of seeing the
Indians in ten or twelve days.

At first starting we were so feeble as scarcely to be able to move
forwards and the descent of the bank of the river through the deep snow
was a severe labour. When we came upon the ice where the snow was less
deep we got on better, but after walking six hours we had only gained
four miles and were then compelled by fatigue to encamp on the borders
of Round-Rock Lake. Augustus tried for fish here but without success so
that our fare was skin and tea. Composing ourselves to rest we lay
close to each other for warmth. We found the night bitterly cold and
the wind pierced through our famished frames.

The next morning was mild and pleasant for travelling and we set out
after breakfast. We had not however gone many yards before I had the
misfortune to break my snowshoes by falling between two rocks. This
accident prevented me from keeping pace with Benoit and Augustus and in
the attempt I became quite exhausted. Feeling convinced that their
being delayed on my account might prove of fatal consequence to the
rest I resolved on returning to the house and letting them proceed
alone in search of the Indians. I therefore halted them only whilst I
wrote a note to Mr. Back, stating the reason of my return, and desiring
he would send meat from Reindeer Lake by these men if St. Germain
should kill any animals there. If Benoit should miss Mr. Back I
directed him to proceed to Fort Providence and furnished him with a
letter to the gentleman in charge of it, requesting that immediate
supplies might be sent to us.

On my return to the house I found Samandré very dispirited and too
weak, as he said, to render any assistance to Peltier, upon whom the
whole labour of getting wood and collecting the means of subsistence
would have devolved. Conscious too that his strength would have been
unequal to these tasks they had determined upon taking only one meal
each day, so that I felt my going back particularly fortunate as I
hoped to stimulate Samandré to exertion and at any rate could
contribute some help to Peltier. I undertook the office of cooking and
insisted they should eat twice a day whenever food could be procured
but, as I was too weak to pound the bones, Peltier agreed to do that in
addition to his more fatiguing task of getting wood. We had a violent
snow-storm all the next day and this gloomy weather increased the
depression of spirits under which Adam and Samandré were labouring.
Neither of them would quit their beds and they scarcely ceased from
shedding tears all day; in vain did Peltier and myself endeavour to
cheer them. We had even to use much entreaty before they would take the
meals we had prepared for them. Our situation was indeed distressing
but in comparison with that of our friends in the rear we thought it
happy. Their condition gave us unceasing solicitude and was the
principal subject of our conversation.

Though the weather was stormy on the 26th Samandré assisted me to
gather _tripe de roche_. Adam, who was very ill and could not now be
prevailed upon to eat this weed, subsisted principally on bones, though
he also partook of the soup. The _tripe de roche_ had hitherto afforded
us our chief support, and we naturally felt great uneasiness at the
prospect of being deprived of it by its being so frozen as to render it
impossible for us to gather it.

We perceived our strength decline every day and every exertion began to
be irksome; when we were once seated the greatest effort was necessary
in order to rise, and we had frequently to lift each other from our
seats, but even in this pitiable condition we conversed cheerfully,
being sanguine as to the speedy arrival of the Indians. We calculated
indeed that if they should be near the situation where they had
remained last winter our men would have reached them by this day.
Having expended all the wood which we could procure from our present
dwelling, without danger of its fall, Peltier began this day to pull
down the partitions of the adjoining houses. Though these were only
distant about twenty yards yet the increase of labour in carrying the
wood fatigued him so much that by the evening he was exhausted. On the
next day his weakness was such, especially in the arms of which he
chiefly complained, that he with difficulty lifted the hatchet; still
he persevered whilst Samandré and I assisted him in bringing in the
wood, but our united strength could only collect sufficient to
replenish the fire four times in the course of the day. As the insides
of our mouths had become sore from eating the bone-soup we relinquished
the use of it and now boiled the skin, which mode of dressing we found
more palatable than frying it, as we had hitherto done.

On the 29th Peltier felt his pains more severe and could only cut a few
pieces of wood. Samandré, who was still almost as weak, relieved him a
little time and I aided them in carrying in the wood. We endeavoured to
pick some _tripe de roche_, but in vain, as it was entirely frozen. In
turning up the snow, in searching for bones, I found several pieces of
bark which proved a valuable acquisition as we were almost destitute of
dry wood proper for kindling the fire. We saw a herd of reindeer
sporting on the river about half a mile from the house; they remained
there a long time but none of the party felt themselves strong enough
to go after them, nor was there one of us who could have fired a gun
without resting it.

MURDER OF MR. HOOD. DEATH OF SEVERAL OF THE CANADIANS.


Whilst we were seated round the fire this evening, discoursing about
the anticipated relief, the conversation was suddenly interrupted by
Peltier’s exclaiming with joy “_Ah! le monde!_” imagining that he heard
the Indians in the other room; immediately afterwards to his bitter
disappointment Dr. Richardson and Hepburn entered, each carrying his
bundle. Peltier however soon recovered himself enough to express his
delight at their safe arrival and his regret that their companions were
not with them. When I saw them alone my own mind was instantly filled
with apprehensions respecting my friend Hood and our other companions,
which were immediately confirmed by the Doctor’s melancholy
communication that Mr. Hood and Michel were dead. Perrault and Fontano
had neither reached the tent nor been heard of by them. This
intelligence produced a melancholy despondency in the minds of my party
and on that account the particulars were deferred until another
opportunity. We were all shocked at beholding the emaciated
countenances of the Doctor and Hepburn as they strongly evidenced their
extremely debilitated state. The alteration in our appearance was
equally distressing to them for since the swellings had subsided we
were little more than skin and bone. The Doctor particularly remarked
the sepulchral tone of our voices which he requested us to make more
cheerful if possible, unconscious that his own partook of the same key.

Hepburn, having shot a partridge which was brought to the house, the
Doctor tore out the feathers and, having held it to the fire a few
minutes, divided it into six portions. I and my three companions
ravenously devoured our shares as it was the first morsel of flesh any
of us had tasted for thirty-one days, unless indeed the small gristly
particles which we found occasionally adhering to the pounded bones may
be termed flesh. Our spirits were revived by this small supply and the
Doctor endeavoured to raise them still higher by the prospect of
Hepburn’s being able to kill a deer next day, as they had seen and even
fired at several near the house. He endeavoured too to rouse us into
some attention to the comfort of our apartment, and particularly to
roll up in the day our blankets which (expressly for the convenience of
Adam and Samandré) we had been in the habit of leaving by the fire
where we lay on them. The Doctor having brought his prayer-book and
testament, some prayers and psalms and portions of scripture
appropriate to our situation were read and we retired to bed.

Next morning the Doctor and Hepburn went out early in search of deer,
but though they saw several herds and fired some shots they were not so
fortunate as to kill any, being too weak to hold their guns steadily.
The cold compelled the former to return soon but Hepburn persisted
until late in the evening.

My occupation was to search for skins under the snow, it being now our
object immediately to get all that we would, but I had not strength to
drag in more than two of those which were within twenty yards of the
house until the Doctor came and assisted me. We made up our stock to
twenty-six but several of them were putrid and scarcely eatable, even
by men suffering the extremity of famine. Peltier and Samandré
continued very weak and dispirited and they were unable to cut
firewood. Hepburn had in consequence that laborious task to perform
after he came back. The Doctor having scarified the swelled parts of
Adam’s body a large quantity of water flowed out, and he obtained some
ease but still kept his bed.

After our usual supper of singed skin and bone-soup Dr. Richardson
acquainted me with the afflicting circumstances attending the death of
Mr. Hood and Michel, and detailed the occurrences subsequent to my
departure from them which I shall give from his Journal in his own
words, but I must here be permitted to express the heart-felt sorrow
with which I was overwhelmed at the loss of so many companions,
especially of my friend Mr. Hood to whose zealous and able cooperation
I had been indebted for so much invaluable assistance during the
Expedition, whilst the excellent qualities of his heart engaged my
warmest regard. His scientific observations together with his maps and
drawings (a small part of which only appear in this work) evince a
variety of talent which, had his life been spared, must have rendered
him a distinguished ornament to his profession, and which will cause
his death to be felt as a loss to the service.

DR. RICHARDSON’S NARRATIVE.


After Captain Franklin had bidden us farewell we remained seated by the
fireside as long as the willows the men had cut for us before they
departed lasted. We had no _tripe de roche_ that day but drank an
infusion of the country tea-plant, which was grateful from its warmth
although it afforded no sustenance. We then retired to bed where we
remained all the next day as the weather was stormy, and the snow-drift
so heavy as to destroy every prospect of success in our endeavours to
light a fire with the green and frozen willows which were our only
fuel. Through the extreme kindness and forethought of a lady the party,
previous to leaving London, had been furnished with a small collection
of religious books, of which we still retained two or three of the most
portable, and they proved of incalculable benefit to us. We read
portions of them to each other as we lay in bed, in addition to the
morning and evening service, and found that they inspired us on each
perusal with so strong a sense of the omnipresence of a beneficent God
that our situation even in these wilds appeared no longer destitute,
and we conversed not only with calmness but with cheerfulness,
detailing with unrestrained confidence the past events of our lives and
dwelling with hope on our future prospects. Had my poor friend been
spared to revisit his native land I should look back to this period
with unalloyed delight.

On the morning of the 9th the weather although still cold was clear,
and I went out in quest of _tripe de roche_, leaving Hepburn to cut
willows for a fire and Mr. Hood in bed. I had no success as yesterday’s
snow-drift was so frozen on the surface of the rocks that I could not
collect any of the weed, but on my return to the tent I found that
Michel the Iroquois had come with a note from Mr. Franklin which stated
that, this man and Jean Baptiste Belanger being unable to proceed, were
about to return to us, and that a mile beyond our present encampment
there was a clump of pine-trees to which he recommended us to remove
the tent. Michel informed us that he quitted Mr. Franklin’s party
yesterday morning but that having missed his way he had passed the
night on the snow a mile or two to the northward of us. Belanger he
said, being impatient, left the fire about two hours earlier and, as he
had not arrived, he supposed must have gone astray. It will be seen in
the sequel that we had more than sufficient reason to doubt the truth
of this story.

Michel now produced a hare and a partridge which he had killed in the
morning. This unexpected supply of provision was received by us with a
deep sense of gratitude to the Almighty for His goodness, and we looked
upon Michel as the instrument He had chosen to preserve all our lives.
He complained of cold and Mr. Hood offered to share his buffalo robe
with him at night. I gave him one of two shirts which I wore whilst
Hepburn in the warmth of his heart exclaimed “How I shall love this man
if I find that he does not tell lies like the others.” Our meals being
finished we arranged that the greatest part of the things should be
carried to the pines the next day and, after reading the evening
service, retired to bed full of hope.

Early in the morning Hepburn, Michel, and myself, carried the
ammunition and most of the other heavy articles to the pines. Michel
was our guide and it did not occur to us at the time that his
conducting us perfectly straight was incompatible with his story of
having mistaken his road in coming to us. He now informed us that he
had on his way to the tent left on the hill above the pines a gun and
forty-eight balls which Perrault had given to him when with the rest of
Mr. Franklin’s party he took leave of him. It will be seen on a
reference to Mr. Franklin’s journal that Perrault carried his gun and
ammunition with him when they parted from Michel and Belanger. After we
had made a fire and drank a little of the country tea Hepburn and I
returned to the tent where we arrived in the evening, much exhausted
with our journey. Michel preferred sleeping where he was and requested
us to leave him the hatchet, which we did after he had promised to come
early in the morning to assist us in carrying the tent and bedding. Mr.
Hood remained in bed all day. Seeing nothing of Belanger today we gave
him up for lost.

On the 11th, after waiting until late in the morning for Michel who did
not come, Hepburn and I loaded ourselves with the bedding and,
accompanied by Mr. Hood, set out for the pines. Mr. Hood was much
affected with dimness of sight, giddiness, and other symptoms of
extreme debility, which caused us to move very slowly and to make
frequent halts.

On arriving at the pines we were much alarmed to find that Michel was
absent. We feared that he had lost his way in coming to us in the
morning, although it was not easy to conjecture how that could have
happened, as our footsteps of yesterday were very distinct. Hepburn
went back for the tent and returned with it after dusk, completely worn
out with the fatigue of the day. Michel too arrived at the same time
and relieved our anxiety on his account. He reported that he had been
in chase of some deer which passed near his sleeping-place in the
morning and, although he did not come up with them, yet that he found a
wolf which had been killed by the stroke of a deer’s horn and had
brought a part of it. We implicitly believed this story then, but
afterwards became convinced from circumstances, the detail of which may
be spared, that it must have been a portion of the body of Belanger or
Perrault. A question of moment here presents itself, namely whether he
actually murdered these men, or either of them, or whether he found the
bodies in the snow. Captain Franklin, who is the best able to judge of
this matter from knowing their situation when he parted from them,
suggested the former idea, and that both Belanger and Perrault had been
sacrificed. When Perrault turned back Captain Franklin watched him
until he reached a small group of willows which was immediately
adjoining to the fire and concealed it from view, and at this time the
smoke of fresh fuel was distinctly visible. Captain Franklin
conjectures that Michel, having already destroyed Belanger, completed
his crime by Perrault’s death in order to screen himself from
detection. Although this opinion is founded only on circumstances and
is unsupported by direct evidence it has been judged proper to mention
it, especially as the subsequent conduct of the man showed that he was
capable of committing such a deed. The circumstances are very strong.
It is not easy to assign any other adequate motive for his concealing
from us that Perrault had turned back, while his request overnight that
we should leave him the hatchet and his cumbering himself with it when
he went out in the morning, unlike a hunter who makes use only of his
knife when he kills a deer, seem to indicate that he took it for the
purpose of cutting up something that he knew to be frozen. These
opinions however are the result of subsequent consideration. We passed
this night in the open air.

On the following morning the tent was pitched; Michel went out early,
refused my offer to accompany him, and remained out the whole day. He
would not sleep in the tent at night but chose to lie at the fireside.

On the 13th there was a heavy gale of wind and we passed the day by the
fire. Next day about two P.M., the gale abating, Michel set out as he
said to hunt but returned unexpectedly in a very short time. This
conduct surprised us and his contradictory and evasory answers to our
questions excited some suspicions but they did not turn towards the
truth.

October 15th.

In the course of this day Michel expressed much regret that he had
stayed behind Mr. Franklin’s party, and declared that he would set out
for the house at once if he knew the way. We endeavoured to sooth him
and to raise his hopes of the Indians speedily coming to our relief but
without success. He refused to assist us in cutting wood but about
noon, after much solicitation, he set out to hunt. Hepburn gathered a
kettleful of _tripe de roche_, but froze his fingers. Both Hepburn and
I fatigued ourselves much today in pursuing a flock of partridges from
one part to another of the group of willows in which the hut was
situated, but we were too weak to be able to approach them with
sufficient caution. In the evening Michel returned, having met with no
success.

Next day he refused either to hunt or cut wood, spoke in a very surly
manner, and threatened to leave us. Under these circumstances Mr. Hood
and I deemed it better to promise if he would hunt diligently for four
days that then we would give Hepburn a letter for Mr. Franklin, a
compass, inform him what course to pursue, and let them proceed
together to the fort. The non-arrival of the Indians to our relief now
led us to fear that some accident had happened to Mr. Franklin, and we
placed no confidence in the exertions of the Canadians that accompanied
him but we had the fullest confidence in Hepburn’s returning the moment
he could obtain assistance.

On the 17th I went to conduct Michel to where Vaillant’s blanket was
left and after walking about three miles pointed out the hills to him
at a distance, and returned to the hut, having gathered a bagful of
_tripe de roche_ on the way. It was easier to gather this weed on a
march than at the tent, for the exercise of walking produced a glow of
heat which enabled us to withstand for a time the cold to which we were
exposed in scraping the frozen surface of the rocks. On the contrary
when we left the fire to collect it in the neighbourhood of the hut we
became chilled at once and were obliged to return very quickly.

Michel proposed to remain out all night and to hunt next day on his way
back. He returned in the afternoon of the 18th, having found the
blanket together with a bag containing two pistols and some other
things which had been left beside it. We had some _tripe de roche_ in
the evening but Mr. Hood, from the constant griping it produced, was
unable to eat more than one or two spoonfuls. He was now so weak as to
be scarcely able to sit up at the fireside and complained that the
least breeze of wind seemed to blow through his frame. He also suffered
much from cold during the night. We lay close to each other but the
heat of the body was no longer sufficient to thaw the frozen rime
formed by our breaths on the blankets that covered him.

At this period we avoided as much as possible conversing upon the
hopelessness of our situation and generally endeavoured to lead the
conversation towards our future prospects in life. The fact is that
with the decay of our strength our minds decayed, and we were no longer
able to bear the contemplation of the horrors that surrounded us. Each
of us, if I may be allowed to judge from my own case, excused himself
from so doing by a desire of not shocking the feelings of others, for
we were sensible of one another’s weakness of intellect though blind to
our own. Yet we were calm and resigned to our fate, not a murmur
escaped us, and we were punctual and fervent in our addresses to the
Supreme Being.

On the 19th Michel refused to hunt or even to assist in carrying a log
of wood to the fire which was too heavy for Hepburn’s strength and
mine. Mr. Hood endeavoured to point out to him the necessity and duty
of exertion, and the cruelty of his quitting us without leaving
something for our support, but the discourse, far from producing any
beneficial effect, seemed only to excite his anger and, amongst other
expressions, he made use of the following remarkable one: “It is no use
hunting, there are no animals, you had better kill and eat me.” At
length however he went out but returned very soon with a report that he
had seen three deer which he was unable to follow from having wet his
foot in a small stream of water thinly covered with ice and being
consequently obliged to come to the fire. The day was rather mild and
Hepburn and I gathered a large kettleful of _tripe de roche;_ Michel
slept in the tent this night.

Sunday, October 20.

In the morning we again urged Michel to go a-hunting that he might if
possible leave us some provision, tomorrow being the day appointed for
his quitting us, but he showed great unwillingness to go out and
lingered about the fire under the pretence of cleaning his gun. After
we had read the morning service I went about noon to gather some _tripe
de roche_, leaving Mr. Hood sitting before the tent at the fireside
arguing with Michel; Hepburn was employed cutting down a tree at a
short distance from the tent, being desirous of accumulating a quantity
of firewood before he left us. A short time after I went out I heard
the report of a gun, and about ten minutes afterwards Hepburn called to
me in a voice of great alarm to come directly. When I arrived I found
poor Hood lying lifeless at the fireside, a ball having apparently
entered his forehead. I was at first horror-struck with the idea that
in a fit of despondency he had hurried himself into the presence of his
Almighty Judge by an act of his own hand, but the conduct of Michel
soon gave rise to other thoughts, and excited suspicions which were
confirmed when, upon examining the body, I discovered that the shot had
entered the back part of the head and passed out at the forehead, and
that the muzzle of the gun had been applied so close as to set fire to
the night-cap behind. The gun, which was of the longest kind supplied
to the Indians, could not have been placed in a position to inflict
such a wound except by a second person. Upon inquiring of Michel how it
happened he replied that Mr. Hood had sent him into the tent for the
short gun and that during his absence the long gun had gone off, he did
not know whether by accident or not. He held the short gun in his hand
at the time he was speaking to me. Hepburn afterwards informed me that
previous to the report of the gun Mr. Hood and Michel were speaking to
each other in an elevated angry tone, that Mr. Hood, being seated at
the fireside, was hid from him by intervening willows, but that on
hearing the report he looked up and saw Michel rising up from before
the tent-door, or just behind where Mr. Hood was seated, and then going
into the tent. Thinking that the gun had been discharged for the
purpose of cleaning it he did not go to the fire at first, and when
Michel called to him that Mr. Hood was dead a considerable time had
elapsed. Although I dared not openly to evince any suspicion that I
thought Michel guilty of the deed, yet he repeatedly protested that he
was incapable of committing such an act, kept constantly on his guard,
and carefully avoided leaving Hepburn and me together. He was evidently
afraid of permitting us to converse in private and whenever Hepburn
spoke he inquired if he accused him of the murder. It is to be remarked
that he understood English very imperfectly yet sufficiently to render
it unsafe for us to speak on the subject in his presence. We removed
the body into a clump of willows behind the tent and, returning to the
fire, read the funeral service in addition to the evening prayers. The
loss of a young officer of such distinguished and varied talents and
application may be felt and duly appreciated by the eminent characters
under whose command he had served, but the calmness with which he
contemplated the probable termination of a life of uncommon promise,
and the patience and fortitude with which he sustained, I may venture
to say, unparalleled bodily sufferings, can only be known to the
companions of his distresses. Owing to the effect that the _tripe de
roche_ invariably had when he ventured to taste it, he undoubtedly
suffered more than any of the survivors of the party. _Bickersteth’s
Scripture Help_ was lying open beside the body as if it had fallen from
his hand, and it is probable that he was reading it at the instant of
his death. We passed the night in the tent together without rest,
everyone being on his guard. Next day, having determined on going to
the fort, we began to patch and prepare our clothes for the journey. We
singed the hair off a part of the buffalo robe that belonged to Mr.
Hood and boiled and ate it. Michel tried to persuade me to go to the
woods on the Copper-Mine River and hunt for deer instead of going to
the fort. In the afternoon, a flock of partridges coming near the tent,
he killed several which he shared with us.

Thick snowy weather and a head-wind prevented us from starting the
following day but on the morning of the 23rd we set out, carrying with
us the remainder of the singed robe. Hepburn and Michel had each a gun
and I carried a small pistol which Hepburn had loaded for me. In the
course of the march Michel alarmed us much by his gestures and conduct,
was constantly muttering to himself, expressed an unwillingness to go
to the fort, and tried to persuade me to go to the southward to the
woods where he said he could maintain himself all the winter by killing
deer. In consequence of this behaviour and the expression of his
countenance I requested him to leave us and to go to the southward by
himself. This proposal increased his ill-nature, he threw out some
obscure hints of freeing himself from all restraint on the morrow, and
I overheard his muttering threats against Hepburn whom he openly
accused of having told stories against him. He also for the first time
assumed such a tone of superiority in addressing me as evinced that he
considered us to be completely in his power and he gave vent to several
expressions of hatred towards the white people or as he termed us in
the idiom of the voyagers, the French, some of whom he said had killed
and eaten his uncle and two of his relations. In short, taking every
circumstance of his conduct into consideration, I came to the
conclusion that he would attempt to destroy us on the first opportunity
that offered, and that he had hitherto abstained from doing so from his
ignorance of his way to the fort, but that he would never suffer us to
go thither in company with him. In the course of the day he had several
times remarked that we were pursuing the same course that Mr. Franklin
was doing when he left him and that, by keeping towards the setting
sun, he could find his way himself. Hepburn and I were not in a
condition to resist even an open attack, nor could we by any device
escape from him. Our united strength was far inferior to his and,
beside his gun, he was armed with two pistols, an Indian bayonet, and a
knife. In the afternoon, coming to a rock on which there was some
_tripe de roche_, he halted and said he would gather it whilst we went
on and that he would soon overtake us. Hepburn and I were now left
together for the first time since Mr. Hood’s death, and he acquainted
me with several material circumstances which he had observed of
Michel’s behaviour and which confirmed me in the opinion that there was
no safety for us except in his death, and he offered to be the
instrument of it. I determined however, as I was thoroughly convinced
of the necessity of such a dreadful act, to take the whole
responsibility upon myself and, immediately upon Michel’s coming up, I
put an end to his life by shooting him through the head with a pistol.
Had my own life alone been threatened I would not have purchased it by
such a measure, but I considered myself as entrusted also with the
protection of Hepburn’s, a man who, by his humane attentions and
devotedness, had so endeared himself to me that I felt more anxiety for
his safety than for my own. Michel had gathered no _tripe de roche_,
and it was evident to us that he had halted for the purpose of putting
his gun in order with the intention of attacking us, perhaps whilst we
were in the act of encamping.

I have dwelt in the preceding part of the narrative upon many
circumstances of Michel’s conduct, not for the purpose of aggravating
his crime, but to put the reader in possession of the reasons that
influenced me in depriving a fellow-creature of life. Up to the period
of his return to the tent his conduct had been good and respectful to
the officers, and in a conversation between Captain Franklin, Mr. Hood,
and myself, at Obstruction Rapid, it had been proposed to give him a
reward upon our arrival at a post. His principles however, unsupported
by a belief in the divine truths of Christianity, were unable to
withstand the pressure of severe distress. His countrymen, the
Iroquois, are generally Christians, but he was totally uninstructed and
ignorant of the duties inculcated by Christianity, and from his long
residence in the Indian country seems to have imbibed or retained the
rules of conduct which the southern Indians prescribe to themselves.

On the two following days we had mild but thick snowy weather and, as
the view was too limited to enable us to preserve a straight course, we
remained encamped amongst a few willows and dwarf pines about five
miles from the tent. We found a species of _cornicularia_, a kind of
lichen that was good to eat when moistened and toasted over the fire,
and we had a good many pieces of singed buffalo hide remaining.

On the 26th, the weather being clear and extremely cold, we resumed our
march which was very painful from the depth of the snow, particularly
on the margins of the small lakes that lay in our route. We frequently
sunk under the load of our blankets and were obliged to assist each
other in getting up. After walking about three miles and a half however
we were cheered by the sight of a large herd of reindeer and Hepburn
went in pursuit of them but, his hand being unsteady through weakness,
he missed. He was so exhausted by this fruitless attempt that we were
obliged to encamp upon the spot although it was a very unfavourable
one.

Next day we had fine and clear but cold weather. We set out early and,
in crossing a hill, found a considerable quantity of _tripe de roche_.
About noon we fell upon Little Marten Lake, having walked about two
miles. The sight of a place that we knew inspired us with fresh vigour
and, there being comparatively little snow on the ice, we advanced at a
pace to which we had lately been unaccustomed. In the afternoon we
crossed a recent track of a wolverine which, from a parallel mark in
the snow, appeared to have been dragging something. Hepburn traced it
and upon the borders of the lake found the spine of a deer that it had
dropped. It was clean picked and at least one season old, but we
extracted the spinal marrow from it which, even in its frozen state,
was so acrid as to excoriate the lips. We encamped within sight of the
Dog-Rib Rock and from the coldness of the night and the want of fuel
rested very ill.

On the 28th we rose at daybreak, but from the want of the small fire
that we usually made in the mornings to warm our fingers, a very long
time was spent in making up our bundles. This task fell to Hepburn’s
share as I suffered so much from the cold as to be unable to take my
hands out of my mittens. We kept a straight course for the Dog-Rib Rock
but, owing to the depth of the snow in the valleys we had to cross, did
not reach it until late in the afternoon. We would have encamped but
did not like to pass a second night without fire and, though scarcely
able to drag our limbs after us, we pushed on to a clump of pines about
a mile to the southward of the rock and arrived at them in the dusk of
the evening. During the last few hundred yards of our march our track
lay over some large stones amongst which I fell down upwards of twenty
times, and became at length so exhausted that I was unable to stand. If
Hepburn had not exerted himself far beyond his strength and speedily
made the encampment and kindled a fire, I must have perished on the
spot. This night we had plenty of dry wood.

On the 29th we had clear and fine weather. We set out at sunrise and
hurried on in our anxiety to reach the house, but our progress was much
impeded by the great depth of the snow in the valleys. Although every
spot of ground over which we travelled today had been repeatedly
trodden by us yet we got bewildered in a small lake. We took it for
Marten Lake, which was three times its size, and fancied that we saw
the rapids and the grounds about the fort, although they were still far
distant. Our disappointment when this illusion was dispelled by our
reaching the end of the lake so operated on our feeble minds as to
exhaust our strength, and we decided upon encamping but, upon ascending
a small eminence to look for a clump of wood, we caught a glimpse of
the Big Stone, a well-known rock upon the summit of a hill opposite to
the fort, and determined upon proceeding. In the evening we saw several
large herds of reindeer but Hepburn, who used to be considered a good
marksman, was now unable to hold the gun straight and although he got
near them all his efforts proved fruitless. In passing through a small
clump of pines we saw a flock of partridges, and he succeeded in
killing one after firing several shots. We came in sight of the fort at
dusk and it is impossible to describe our sensations when, on attaining
the eminence that overlooks it, we beheld the smoke issuing from one of
the chimneys. From not having met with any footsteps in the snow as we
drew nigh our once cheerful residence we had been agitated by many
melancholy forebodings. Upon entering the now desolate building we had
the satisfaction of embracing Captain Franklin, but no words can convey
an idea of the filth and wretchedness that met our eyes on looking
around. Our own misery had stolen upon us by degrees and we were
accustomed to the contemplation of each other’s emaciated figures, but
the ghastly countenances, dilated eyeballs, and sepulchral voices of
Captain Franklin and those with him were more than we could at first
bear.

CONCLUSION OF DR. RICHARDSON’S NARRATIVE.


The morning of the 31st was very cold, the wind being strong from the
north. Hepburn went again in quest of deer and the Doctor endeavoured
to kill some partridges, both were unsuccessful. A large herd of deer
passed close to the house, the Doctor fired once at them but was unable
to pursue them. Adam was easier this day and left his bed. Peltier and
Samandré were much weaker and could not assist in the labours of the
day. Both complained of soreness in the throat and Samandré suffered
much from cramps in his fingers. The Doctor and Hepburn began this day
to cut the wood and also brought it to the house. Being too weak to aid
in these laborious tasks I was employed in searching for bones and
cooking and attending to our more weakly companions.

In the evening Peltier, complaining much of cold, requested of me a
portion of a blanket to repair his shirt and drawers. The mending of
these articles occupied him and Samandré until past one A.M. and their
spirits were so much revived by the employment that they conversed even
cheerfully the whole time. Adam sat up with them. The Doctor, Hepburn,
and myself went to bed. We were afterwards agreeably surprised to see
Peltier and Samandré carry three or four logs of wood across the room
to replenish the fire, which induced us to hope they still possessed
more strength than we had supposed.

November 1.

This day was fine and mild. Hepburn went hunting but was as usual
unsuccessful. As his strength was rapidly declining we advised him to
desist from the pursuit of deer, and only to go out for a short time
and endeavour to kill a few partridges for Peltier and Samandré. The
Doctor obtained a little _tripe de roche_, but Peltier could not eat
any of it, and Samandré only a few spoonfuls, owing to the soreness of
their throats. In the afternoon Peltier was so much exhausted that he
sat up with difficulty and looked piteously; at length he slid from his
stool upon his bed, as we supposed to sleep, and in this composed state
he remained upwards of two hours without our apprehending any danger.
We were then alarmed by hearing a rattling in his throat and on the
Doctor’s examining him he was found to be speechless. He died in the
course of the night. Samandré sat up the greater part of the day and
even assisted in pounding some bones but, on witnessing the melancholy
state of Peltier, he became very low and began to complain of cold and
stiffness of the joints. Being unable to keep up a sufficient fire to
warm him we laid him down and covered him with several blankets. He did
not however appear to get better and I deeply lament to add he also
died before daylight. We removed the bodies of the deceased into the
opposite part of the house but our united strength was inadequate to
the task of interring them or even carrying them down to the river.

It may be worthy of remark that poor Peltier, from the time of Benoit’s
departure, had fixed on the first of November as the time when he
should cease to expect any relief from the Indians, and had repeatedly
said that if they did not arrive by that day he should not survive.

Peltier had endeared himself to each of us by his cheerfulness, his
unceasing activity, and affectionate care and attentions ever since our
arrival at this place. He had nursed Adam with the tenderest solicitude
the whole time. Poor Samandré was willing to have taken his share in
the labours of the party had he not been wholly incapacitated by his
weakness and low spirits. The severe shock occasioned by the sudden
dissolution of our two companions rendered us very melancholy. Adam
became low and despondent, a change which we lamented the more as we
had perceived he had been gaining strength and spirits for the two
preceding days. I was particularly distressed by the thought that the
labour of collecting wood must now devolve upon Dr. Richardson and
Hepburn, and that my debility would disable me from affording them any
material assistance; indeed both of them most kindly urged me not to
make the attempt. They were occupied the whole of the next day in
tearing down the logs of which the storehouse was built but the mud
plastered between them was so hard frozen that the labour of separation
exceeded their strength, and they were completely exhausted by bringing
in wood sufficient for less than twelve hours’ consumption.

I found it necessary in their absence to remain constantly near Adam
and to converse with him in order to prevent his reflecting on our
condition, and to keep up his spirits as far as possible. I also lay by
his side at night.

On the 3rd the weather was very cold though the atmosphere was cloudy.
This morning Hepburn was affected with swelling in his limbs, his
strength as well as that of the Doctor was rapidly declining; they
continued however to be full of hope. Their utmost exertions could only
supply wood to renew the fire thrice and on making it up the last time
we went to bed. Adam was in rather better spirits but he could not bear
to be left alone. Our stock of bones was exhausted by a small quantity
of soup we made this evening. The toil of separating the hair from the
skins, which in fact were our chief support, had now become so
wearisome as to prevent us from eating as much as we should otherwise
have done.

November 4.

Calm and comparatively mild weather. The Doctor and Hepburn, exclusive
of their usual occupation, gathered some _tripe de roche_. I went a few
yards from the house in search of bones and returned quite fatigued,
having found but three. The Doctor again made incisions in Adam’s leg
which discharged a considerable quantity of water and gave him great
relief. We read prayers and a portion of the New Testament in the
morning and evening, as had been our practice since Dr. Richardson’s
arrival, and I may remark that the performance of these duties always
afforded us the greatest consolation, serving to reanimate our hope in
the mercy of the Omnipotent, who alone could save and deliver us.

On the 5th the breezes were light with dark cloudy weather and some
snow. The Doctor and Hepburn were getting much weaker and the limbs of
the latter were now greatly swelled. They came into the house
frequently in the course of the day to rest themselves and when once
seated were unable to rise without the help of one another, or of a
stick. Adam was for the most part in the same low state as yesterday,
but sometimes he surprised us by getting up and walking with an
appearance of increased strength. His looks were now wild and ghastly
and his conversation was often incoherent.

The next day was fine but very cold. The swellings in Adam’s limbs
having subsided he was free from pain and arose this morning in much
better spirits, and spoke of cleaning his gun ready for shooting
partridges or any animals that might appear near the house, but his
tone entirely changed before the day was half over; he became again
dejected and could scarcely be prevailed upon to eat. The Doctor and
Hepburn were almost exhausted. The cutting of one log of wood occupied
the latter half an hour, and the other took as much time to drag it
into the house, though the distance did not exceed thirty yards. I
endeavoured to help the Doctor but my assistance was very trifling. Yet
it was evident that in a day or two if their strength should continue
to decline at the same rate I should be the strongest of the party.

I may here remark that owing to our loss of flesh the hardness of the
floor from which we were only protected by a blanket produced soreness
over the body, and especially those parts on which the weight rested in
lying, yet to turn ourselves for relief was a matter of toil and
difficulty. However during this period and indeed all along after the
acute pains of hunger, which lasted but three or four days, had
subsided, we generally enjoyed the comfort of a few hours’ sleep. The
dreams which for the most part but not always accompanied it were
usually (though not invariably) of a pleasant character, being very
often about the enjoyments of feasting. In the daytime we fell into the
practice of conversing on common and light subjects, although we
sometimes discussed with seriousness and earnestness topics connected
with religion. We generally avoided speaking directly of our present
sufferings or even of the prospect of relief. I observed that in
proportion as our strength decayed our minds exhibited symptoms of
weakness, evinced by a kind of unreasonable pettishness with each
other. Each of us thought the other weaker in intellect than himself,
and more in need of advice and assistance. So trifling a circumstance
as a change of place, recommended by one as being warmer and more
comfortable and refused by the other from a dread of motion, frequently
called forth fretful expressions which were no sooner uttered than
atoned for, to be repeated perhaps in the course of a few minutes. The
same thing often occurred when we endeavoured to assist each other in
carrying wood to the fire; none of us were willing to receive
assistance although the task was disproportioned to our strength. On
one of these occasions Hepburn was so convinced of this waywardness
that he exclaimed, “Dear me, if we are spared to return to England, I
wonder if we shall recover our understandings.”

November 7.

Adam had passed a restless night, being disquieted by gloomy
apprehensions of approaching death, which we tried in vain to dispel.
He was so low in the morning as to be scarcely able to speak. I
remained in bed by his side to cheer him as much as possible. The
Doctor and Hepburn went to cut wood. They had hardly begun their labour
when they were amazed at hearing the report of a musket. They could
scarcely believe that there was really anyone near until they heard a
shout and immediately espied three Indians close to the house. Adam and
I heard the latter noise and I was fearful that a part of the house had
fallen upon one of my companions, a disaster which had in fact been
thought not unlikely. My alarm was only momentary, Dr. Richardson came
in to communicate the joyful intelligence that relief had arrived. He
and myself immediately addressed thanksgivings to the throne of mercy
for this deliverance but poor Adam was in so low a state that he could
scarcely comprehend the information. When the Indians entered he
attempted to rise but sank down again. But for this seasonable
interposition of Providence his existence must have terminated in a few
hours, and that of the rest probably in not many days.

The Indians had left Akaitcho’s encampment on the 5th November, having
been sent by Mr. Back with all possible expedition after he had arrived
at their tents. They brought but a small supply of provision that they
might travel quickly. It consisted of dried deer’s meat, some fat, and
a few tongues. Dr. Richardson, Hepburn and I eagerly devoured the food
which they imprudently presented to us in too great abundance, and in
consequence we suffered dreadfully from indigestion and had no rest the
whole night. Adam, being unable to feed himself, was more judiciously
treated by them and suffered less; his spirits revived hourly. The
circumstance of our eating more food than was proper in our present
condition was another striking proof of the debility of our minds. We
were perfectly aware of the danger, and Dr. Richardson repeatedly
cautioned us to be moderate, but he was himself unable to practise the
caution he so judiciously recommended.

Boudell-kell, the youngest of the Indians, after resting about an hour,
returned to Akaitcho with the intelligence of our situation, and he
conveyed a note from me to Mr. Back, requesting another supply of meat
as soon as possible. The two others, Crooked-Foot and the Rat, remained
to take care of us until we should be able to move forward.

The note received by the Indians from Mr. Back communicated a tale of
distress with regard to himself and his party as painful as that which
we had suffered, as will be seen hereafter by his own narrative.

November 8.

The Indians this morning requested us to remove to an encampment on the
banks of the river as they were unwilling to remain in the house where
the bodies of our deceased companions were lying exposed to view. We
agreed but the day proved too stormy and Dr. Richardson and Hepburn,
having dragged the bodies to a short distance and covered them with
snow, the objections of the Indians to remain in the house were
dissipated, and they began to clear our room of the accumulation of
dirt and fragments of pounded bones. The improved state of our
apartment and the large and cheerful fires they kept up produced in us
a sensation of comfort to which we had long been strangers. In the
evening they brought in a pile of dried wood which was lying on the
riverside and towards which we had often cast a wishful eye, being
unable to drag it up the bank. The Indians set about everything with an
activity that amazed us. Indeed contrasted with our emaciated figures
and extreme debility their frames appeared to us gigantic and their
strength supernatural. These kind creatures next turned their attention
to our personal appearance and prevailed upon us to shave and wash
ourselves. The beards of the Doctor and Hepburn had been untouched
since they left the sea-coast and were become of a hideous length and
peculiarly offensive to the Indians. The Doctor and I suffered
extremely from distension and therefore ate sparingly.[34] Hepburn was
getting better and Adam recovered his strength with amazing rapidity.

 [34] The first alvine discharges after we received food were, as
 Hearne remarks on a similar occasion, attended with excessive pain.
 Previous to the arrival of the Indians the urinary secretion was
 extremely abundant and we were obliged to rise from bed in consequence
 upwards of ten times in a night. This was an extreme annoyance in our
 reduced state. It may perhaps be attributed to the quantity of the
 country tea that we drank.


November 9.

This morning was pleasantly fine. Crooked-Foot caught four large trout
in Winter Lake which were very much prized, especially by the Doctor
and myself, who had taken a dislike to meat in consequence of our
sufferings from repletion which rendered us almost incapable of moving.
Adam and Hepburn in a good measure escaped this pain. Though the night
was stormy and our apartment freely admitted the wind we felt no
inconvenience, the Indians were so very careful in covering us up and
in keeping a good fire, and our plentiful cheer gave such power of
resisting the cold, that we could scarcely believe otherwise than that
the season had become milder.

On the 13th the weather was stormy with constant snow. The Indians
became desponding at the non-arrival of the supply and would neither go
to hunt nor fish. They frequently expressed their fears of some
misfortune having befallen Boudel-kell, and in the evening went off
suddenly without apprising us of their intention, having first given to
each of us a handful of pounded meat which they had reserved. Their
departure at first gave rise to a suspicion of their having deserted
us, not meaning to return, especially as the explanations of Adam, who
appeared to be in their secret, were very unsatisfactory. At length by
interrogations we got from him the information that they designed to
march night and day until they should reach Akaitcho’s encampment
whence they would send us aid. As we had combated their fears about
Boudell-kell they perhaps apprehended that we should oppose their
determination and therefore concealed it. We were now left a second
time without food, and with appetites recovered and strongly excited by
recent indulgence.

On the following day the Doctor and Hepburn resumed their former
occupation of collecting wood and I was able to assist a little in
bringing it into the house. Adam, whose expectation of the arrival of
the Indians had been raised by the fineness of the weather, became
towards night very desponding and refused to eat the singed skin. The
night was stormy and there was a heavy fall of snow. The next day he
became still more dejected. About eleven Hepburn, who had gone out for
the wood, came in with the intelligence that a party appeared upon the
river. The room was instantly swept and, in compliance with the
prejudices of the Indians, every scrap of skin was carefully removed
out of sight, for these simple people imagine that burning deer-skin
renders them unsuccessful in hunting. The party proved to be
Crooked-Foot, Thooeeyorre, and the Fop, with the wives of the two
latter dragging provisions. They were accompanied by Benoit, one of our
own men.

We were rejoiced to learn by a note from Mr. Back dated November 11
that he and his companions had so recruited their strength that they
were preparing to proceed to Fort Providence. Adam recovered his
spirits on the arrival of the Indians and even walked about the room
with an appearance of strength and activity that surprised us all. As
it was of consequence to get amongst the reindeer before our present
supply should fail we made preparations for quitting Fort Enterprise
the next day and accordingly, at an early hour on the 16th, having
united in thanksgiving and prayer, the whole party left the house after
breakfast. Our feelings on quitting the fort where we had formerly
enjoyed much comfort, if not happiness, and latterly experienced a
degree of misery scarcely to be paralleled, may be more easily
conceived than described. The Indians treated us with the utmost
tenderness, gave us their snowshoes, and walked without themselves,
keeping by our sides that they might lift us when we fell. We descended
Winter River and about noon crossed the head of Round-Rock Lake,
distant about three miles from the house, where we were obliged to halt
as Dr. Richardson was unable to proceed. The swellings in his limbs
rendered him by much the weakest of the party. The Indians prepared our
encampment, cooked for us, and fed us as if we had been children,
evincing humanity that would have done honour to the most civilised
people. The night was mild and fatigue made us sleep soundly.

From this period to the 26th of November we gradually improved through
their kindness and attention, and on that day arrived in safety at the
abode of our chief and companion Akaitcho. We were received by the
party assembled in the leader’s tent with looks of compassion and
profound silence which lasted about a quarter of an hour and by which
they meant to express their condolence for our sufferings. The
conversation did not begin until we had tasted food. The chief Akaitcho
showed us the most friendly hospitality and all sorts of personal
attention, even to cooking for us with his own hands, an office which
he never performs for himself. Annoethaiyazzeh and Humpy, the chief’s
two brothers, and several of our hunters, with their families were
encamped here together with a number of old men and women. In the
course of the day we were visited by every person of the band, not
merely from curiosity, but a desire to evince their tender sympathy in
our late distress. We learned that Mr. Back with St. Germain and
Belanger had gone to Fort Providence and that, previous to his
departure, he had left a letter in a _cache_ of pounded meat which we
had missed two days ago. As we supposed that this letter might acquaint
us with his intentions more fully than we could gather from the
Indians, through our imperfect knowledge of their language, Augustus,
the Esquimaux, whom we found here in perfect health, and an Indian lad
were despatched to bring it.

We found several of the Indian families in great affliction for the
loss of three of their relatives who had been drowned in the August
preceding by the upsetting of a canoe near Fort Enterprise. They
bewailed the melancholy accident every morning and evening by repeating
the names of the persons in a loud singing tone which was frequently
interrupted by bursts of tears. One woman was so affected by the loss
of her only son that she seemed deprived of reason and wandered about
the tents the whole day, crying and singing out his name.

On the 1st of December we removed with the Indians to the southward.

On the 4th we again set off after the Indians about noon, and soon
overtook them, as they had halted to drag from the water and cut up and
share a moose-deer that had been drowned in a rapid part of the river,
partially covered with ice. These operations detained us a long time
which was the more disagreeable as the weather was extremely unpleasant
from cold low fogs. We were all much fatigued at the hour of
encampment, which was after dark, though the day’s journey did not
exceed four miles. At every halt the elderly men of the tribe made
holes in the ice and put in their lines. One of them shared the produce
of his fishery with us this evening.

In the afternoon of the 6th Belanger and another Canadian arrived from
Fort Providence, sent by Mr. Weeks with two trains of dogs, some
spirits and tobacco for the Indians, a change of dress for ourselves,
and a little tea and sugar. They also brought letters for us from
England and from Mr. Back and Mr. Wentzel. By the former we received
the gratifying intelligence of the successful termination of Captain
Parry’s voyage, and were informed of the promotion of myself and Mr.
Back, and of poor Hood, our grief for whose loss was renewed by this
intelligence.

The letter from Mr. Back stated that the rival Companies in the fur
trade had united but that, owing to some cause which had not been
explained to him, the goods intended as rewards to Akaitcho and his
band which we had demanded in the spring from the North-West Company
were not sent. There were however some stores lying for us at
Moose-Deer Island, which had been ordered for the equipment of our
voyagers, and Mr. Back had gone across to that establishment to make a
selection of the articles we could spare for a temporary present to the
Indians. The disappointment at the non-arrival of the goods was
seriously felt by us as we had looked forward with pleasure to the time
when we should be enabled to recompense our kind Indian friends for
their tender sympathy in our distresses, and the assistance they had so
cheerfully and promptly rendered. I now regretted to find that Mr.
Wentzel and his party, in their return from the sea, had suffered
severely on their march along the Copper-Mine River, having on one
occasion, as he mentioned, had no food but _tripe de roche_ for eleven
days.

All the Indians flocked to our encampment to learn the news and to
receive the articles brought for them. Having got some spirits and
tobacco they withdrew to the tent of the chief and passed the greater
part of the night in singing. We had now the indescribable
gratification of changing our linen which had been worn ever since our
departure from the sea-coast.

December 8.

After a long conference with Akaitcho we took leave of him and his kind
companions and set out with two sledges, heavily laden with provision
and bedding, drawn by the dogs, and conducted by Belanger and the
Canadian sent by Mr. Weeks. Hepburn and Augustus jointly dragged a
smaller sledge laden principally with their own bedding. Adam and
Benoit were left to follow with the Indians. We encamped on the
Grassy-Lake Portage, having walked about nine miles, principally on the
Yellow Knife River. It was open at the rapids and in these places we
had to ascend its banks and walk through the woods for some distance,
which was very fatiguing, especially to Dr. Richardson whose feet were
severely galled in consequence of some defect in his snowshoes.

On the 11th however we arrived at the fort which was still under the
charge of Mr. Weeks. He welcomed us in the most kind manner,
immediately gave us changes of dress, and did everything in his power
to make us comfortable.

Our sensations on being once more in a comfortable dwelling after the
series of hardships and miseries we had experienced may be imagined.
Our first act was again to return our grateful praises to the Almighty
for the manifold instances of His mercy towards us. Having found here
some articles which Mr. Back had sent across from Moose-Deer Island I
determined on awaiting the arrival of Akaitcho and his party in order
to present these to them and to assure them of the promised reward as
soon as it could possibly be procured.

In the afternoon of the 14th Akaitcho with his whole band came to the
fort. He smoked his customary pipe and made an address to Mr. Weeks in
the hall previous to his coming into the room in which Dr. Richardson
and I were. We discovered at the commencement of his speech to us that
he had been informed that our expected supplies had not come. He spoke
of this circumstance as a disappointment indeed sufficiently severe to
himself, to whom his band looked up for the protection of their
interests, but without attaching any blame to us. “The world goes
badly,” he said “all are poor; you are poor, the traders appear to be
poor, I and my party are poor likewise, and since the goods have not
come in we cannot have them. I do not regret having supplied you with
provisions for a Copper Indian can never permit white men to suffer
from want of food on his lands without flying to their aid. I trust
however that we shall, as you say, receive what is due next autumn, and
at all events,” he added in a tone of good humour, “it is the first
time that the white people have been indebted to the Copper Indians.”
We assured him the supplies should certainly be sent to him by the
autumn if not before. He then cheerfully received the small present we
made to himself and, although we could give a few things only to those
who had been most active in our service, the others who perhaps thought
themselves equally deserving did not murmur at being left out in the
distribution. Akaitcho afterwards expressed a strong desire that we
should represent the character of his nation in a favourable light to
our countrymen. “I know,” he said, “you write down every occurrence in
your books, but probably you have only noticed the bad things we have
said and done, and have omitted the good.” In the course of the
desultory conversation which ensued he said that he had been always
told by us to consider the traders in the same light as ourselves, and
that for his part he looked upon both as equally respectable. This
assurance, made in the presence of Mr. Weeks, was particularly
gratifying to us as it completely disproved the defence that had been
set up respecting the injurious reports circulated against us amongst
the Indians in the spring, namely that they were in retaliation for our
endeavours to lower the traders in the eyes of the Indians. I take this
opportunity of stating my opinion that Mr. Weeks, in spreading these
reports, was actuated by a mistaken idea that he was serving the
interest of his employers. On the present occasion we felt indebted to
him for the sympathy he displayed for our distresses, and the kindness
with which he administered to our personal wants. After this conference
such Indians as were indebted to the Company were paid for the
provision they had given us by deducting a corresponding sum from their
debts; in the same way we gave a reward of sixteen skins of beaver to
each of the persons who had come to our relief at Fort Enterprise. As
the debts of Akaitcho and his hunters had been effaced at the time of
his engagement with us we placed a sum equal to the amount of provision
they had recently supplied to their credit on the Company’s books.
These things being, through the moderation of the Indians, adjusted
with an unexpected facility, we gave them a keg of mixed liquors (five
parts water) and distributed among them several fathoms of tobacco, and
they retired to their tents to spend the night in merriment.

Adam, our interpreter, being desirous of uniting himself with the
Copper Indians, applied to me for his discharge which I granted, and
gave him a bill on the Hudson’s Bay Company for the amount of his
wages. These arrangements being completed we prepared to cross the
lake.

Mr. Weeks provided Dr. Richardson and I with a cariole each and we set
out at eleven A.M. on the 15th for Moose-Deer Island. Our party
consisted of Belanger who had charge of a sledge laden with the bedding
and drawn by two dogs, our two cariole men, Benoit and Augustus.
Previous to our departure we had another conference with Akaitcho who,
as well as the rest of his party, bade us farewell with a warmth of
manner rare among the Indians.

The badness of Belanger’s dogs and the roughness of the ice impeded our
progress very much and obliged us to encamp early. We had a good fire
made of the driftwood which lines the shores of this lake in great
quantities. The next day was very cold. We began the journey at nine
A.M. and encamped at the Big Cape, having made another short march in
consequence of the roughness of the ice.

On the 17th we encamped on the most southerly of the Reindeer Islands.
This night was very stormy but, the wind abating in the morning, we
proceeded and by sunset reached the fishing-huts of the Company at
Stony Point. Here we found Mr. Andrews, a clerk of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, who regaled us with a supper of excellent white-fish for which
this part of Slave Lake is particularly celebrated. Two men with
sledges arrived soon afterwards, sent by Mr. McVicar, who expected us
about this time. We set off in the morning before daybreak with several
companions and arrived at Moose-Deer Island about one P.M. Here we were
received with the utmost hospitality by Mr. McVicar, the chief trader
of the Hudson’s Bay Company in this district, as well as by his
assistant Mr. McAuley. We had also the happiness of joining our friend
Mr. Back; our feelings on this occasion can be well imagined and we
were deeply impressed with gratitude to him for his exertions in
sending the supply of food to Fort Enterprise, to which under Divine
Providence we felt the preservation of our lives to be owing. He gave
us an affecting detail of the proceedings of his party since our
separation, the substance of which I shall convey to the reader by the
following extracts from his Journal.

MR. BACK’S NARRATIVE.


October 4, 1821.

Captain Franklin having directed me to proceed with St. Germain,
Belanger, and Beauparlant to Fort Enterprise, in the hope of obtaining
relief for the party, I took leave of my companions and set out on my
journey through a very swampy country which, with the cloudy state of
the weather and a keen north-east wind, accompanied by frequent
snow-showers, retarded us so much that we had scarcely got more than
four miles before we halted for the night and made a meal of _tripe de
roche_ and some old leather.

On the 5th we set out early amidst extremely deep snow, sinking
frequently in it up to the thighs, a labour in our enfeebled and almost
worn-out state that nothing but the cheering hopes of reaching the
house and affording relief to our friends could have enabled us to
support. As we advanced we found to our mortification that the _tripe
de roche_, hitherto our sole dependence, began to be scarce, so that we
could only collect sufficient to make half a kettleful which, with the
addition of a partridge each that St. Germain had killed, yielded a
tolerable meal; during this day I felt very weak and sore in the
joints, particularly between the shoulders. At eight we encamped among
a small clump of willows.

On the 6th we set out at an early hour, pursuing our route over a range
of hills at the foot of one of which we saw several large pines and a
great quantity of willows, a sight that encouraged us to quicken our
pace as we were now certain we could not be far from the woods. Indeed
we were making considerable progress when Belanger unfortunately broke
through the ice and sank up to the hips. The weather being cold, he was
in danger of freezing, but some brushwood on the borders of the lake
enabled us to make a fire to dry him. At the same time we took the
opportunity of refreshing ourselves with a kettle of swamp tea.

My increasing debility had for some time obliged me to use a stick for
the purpose of extending my arms, the pain in my shoulders being so
acute that I could not bear them to remain in the usual position for
two minutes together. We halted at five among some small brushwood and
made a sorry meal of an old pair of leather trousers and some swamp
tea.

The night was cold with a hard frost and though two persons slept
together yet we could not by any means keep ourselves warm, but
remained trembling the whole time. The following morning we crossed
several lakes, occasionally seeing the recent tracks of deer, and at
noon we fell upon Marten Lake; it happened to be at the exact spot
where we had been the last year with the canoes yet, though I
immediately recognised the place, the men would not believe it to be
the same; at length by pointing out several marks and relating
circumstances connected with them they recovered their memory, and a
simultaneous expression of “Mon Dieu, nous sommes sauves,” broke from
the whole. Contrary to our expectations the lake was frozen
sufficiently to bear us, so that we were excused from making the tours
of the different bays. This circumstance seemed to impart fresh vigour
to us and we walked as fast as the extreme smoothness of the ice would
permit, intending to reach the Slave Rock that night, but an unforeseen
and almost fatal accident prevented the prosecution of our plan:
Belanger (who seemed the victim of misfortune) again broke through the
ice in a deep part near the head of the rapid, but was timely saved by
our fastening our worsted belts together and pulling him out. By urging
him forwards as quick as his icy garments would admit to prevent his
freezing, we reached a few pines and kindled a fire, but it was late
before he even felt warm, though he was so near the flame as to burn
his hair twice, and to add to our distress (since we could not pursue
them) three wolves crossed the lake close to us.

The night of the 7th was extremely stormy and about ten the following
morning, on attempting to go on, we found it totally impossible, being
too feeble to oppose the wind and drift which frequently blew us over
and, on attempting to cross a small lake that lay in our way, drove us
faster backwards than with every effort we could get forwards; we
therefore encamped under the shelter of a small clump of pines, secure
from the south-west storm that was raging around us. In the evening,
there being no _tripe de roche_, we were compelled to satisfy, or
rather allay, the cravings of hunger by eating a gun cover and a pair
of old shoes; at this time I had scarcely strength to get on my legs.

The wind did not in the least abate during the night but in the morning
of the 9th it changed to north-east and became moderate. We took
advantage of this circumstance and, rising with great difficulty, set
out, though had it not been for the hope of reaching the house I am
certain, from the excessive faintness which almost overpowered me, that
I must have remained where I was. We passed the Slave Rock and, making
frequent halts, arrived within a short distance of Fort Enterprise, but
as we perceived neither any marks of Indians nor even of animals, the
men began absolutely to despair, on a nearer approach however the
tracks of large herds of deer which had only passed a few hours tended
a little to revive their spirits, and shortly after we crossed the
ruinous threshold of the long-sought spot, but what was our surprise,
what our sensations, at beholding everything in the most desolate and
neglected state; the doors and windows of that room in which we
expected to find provision had been thrown down and the wild animals of
the woods had resorted there as to a place of shelter and retreat. Mr.
Wentzel had taken away the trunks and papers but had left no note to
guide us to the Indians. This was to us the most grievous
disappointment: without the assistance of the Indians, bereft of every
resource, we felt ourselves reduced to the most miserable state, which
was rendered still worse from the recollection that our friends in the
rear were as miserable as ourselves. For the moment however hunger
prevailed and each began to gnaw the scraps of putrid and frozen meat
that were lying about without waiting to prepare them. A fire however
was made and the neck and bones of a deer found in the house were
boiled and devoured.

I determined to remain a day here to repose; then to go in search of
the Indians and, in the event of missing them, to proceed to the first
trading establishment which was distant about one hundred and thirty
miles, and from thence to send succour to my companions. This indeed I
should have done immediately as the most certain manner of executing my
purpose, had there been any probability of the river and lakes being
frozen to the southward, or had we possessed sufficient strength to
have clambered over the rocks and mountains which impeded the direct
way, but as we were aware of our inability to do so I listened to St.
Germain’s proposal, which was to follow the deer into the woods (so
long as they did not lead us out of our route to the Indians) and if
possible to collect sufficient food to carry us to Fort Providence. We
now set about making mittens and snowshoes whilst Belanger searched
under the snow and collected a mass of old bones which, when burned and
used with a little salt, we found palatable enough and made a tolerable
meal. At night St. Germain returned, having seen plenty of tracks but
no animals; the day was cloudy with fresh breezes and the river was
frozen at the borders.

On the 11th we prepared for our journey, having first collected a few
old skins of deer to serve us as food, and written a note to be left
for our commander to apprise him of our intentions. We pursued the
course of the river to the lower lake when St. Germain fell in, which
obliged us to encamp directly to prevent his being frozen; indeed we
were all glad to rest for, in our meagre and reduced state, it was
impossible to resist the weather which at any other time would have
been thought fine; my toes were frozen and, although wrapped up in a
blanket, I could not keep my hands warm.

The 12th was exceedingly cold with fresh breezes. Our meal at night
consisted of scraps of old deer-skins and swamp tea and the men
complained greatly of their increasing debility. The following morning
I sent St. Germain to hunt, intending to go some distance down the
lake, but the weather becoming exceedingly thick with snow-storms we
were prevented from moving. He returned without success, not having
seen any animals. We had nothing to eat.

In the morning of the 14th the part of the lake before us was quite
frozen. There was so much uncertainty in St. Germain’s answers as to
the chance of any Indians being in the direction we were then going
(although he had previously said that the leader had told him he should
be there) and he gave so much dissatisfaction in his hunting excursions
that I was induced to send a note to the Commander, whom I supposed to
be by this time at Fort Enterprise, to inform him of our situation; not
that I imagined for a moment he could amend it, but that by all
returning to the fort we might perhaps have better success in hunting;
with this view I despatched Belanger, much against his inclination, and
told him to return as quickly as possible to a place about four miles
farther on where we intended to fish and to await his arrival. The men
were so weak this day that I could get neither of them to move from the
encampment, and it was only necessity that compelled them to cut wood
for fuel, in performing which operation Beauparlant’s face became so
dreadfully swelled that he could scarcely see; I myself lost my temper
on the most trivial circumstances and was become very peevish; the day
was fine but cold with a freezing north-east wind. We had nothing to
eat.

October 15.

The night was calm and clear but it was not before two in the afternoon
that we set out, and the one was so weak and the other so full of
complaints that we did not get more than three-quarters of a mile from
our last encampment before we were obliged to put up, but in this
distance we were fortunate enough to kill a partridge, the bones of
which were eaten and the remainder reserved for baits to fish with. We
however collected sufficient _tripe de roche_ to make a meal and I
anxiously awaited Belanger’s return to know what course to take. I was
now so much reduced that my shoulders were as if they would fall from
my body, my legs seemed unable to support me and, in the disposition in
which I then found myself, had it not been for the remembrance of my
friends behind who relied on me for relief as well as the persons of
whom I had charge, I certainly should have preferred remaining where I
was to the miserable pain of attempting to move.

October 16.

We waited until two in the afternoon for Belanger but, not seeing
anything of him on the lake, we set out, purposing to encamp at the
Narrows, the place which was said to be so good for fishing and where,
according to St. Germain’s account, the Indians never failed to catch
plenty; its distance at most could not be more than two miles. We had
not proceeded far before Beauparlant began to complain of increasing
weakness, but this was so usual with us that no particular notice was
taken of it, for in fact there was little difference, all being alike
feeble: among other things he said whilst we were resting that he
should never get beyond the next encampment for his strength had quite
failed him. I endeavoured to encourage him by explaining the mercy of
the Supreme Being who ever beholds with an eye of pity those that seek
His aid. This passed as common discourse. When he inquired where we
were to put up St. Germain pointed to a small clump of pines near us,
the only place indeed that offered for fuel. “Well,” replied the poor
man, “take your axe, Mr. Back, and I will follow at my leisure, I shall
join you by the time the encampment is made.” This is a usual practice
of the country and St. Germain and myself went on towards the spot; it
was five o’clock and not very cold but rather milder than we had
experienced it for some time when, on leaving the ice, we saw a number
of crows perched on the top of some high pines near us. St. Germain
immediately said there must be some dead animal thereabouts and
proceeded to search, when we saw several heads of deer half buried in
the snow and ice without eyes or tongues, the previous severity of the
weather having obliged the wolves and other animals to abandon them. An
expression of “Oh merciful God! we are saved,” broke from us both, and
with feelings more easily imagined than described we shook hands, not
knowing what to say for joy. It was twilight and a fog was rapidly
darkening the surface of the lake when St. Germain commenced making the
encampment; the task was too laborious for me to render him any
assistance and, had we not thus providentially found provision, I feel
convinced that the next twenty-four hours would have terminated my
existence. But this good fortune in some measure renovated me for the
moment and, putting out my whole strength, I contrived to collect a few
heads and with incredible difficulty carried them singly about thirty
paces to the fire.

Darkness stole on us apace and I became extremely anxious about
Beauparlant; several guns were fired to each of which he answered. We
then called out and again heard his responses though faintly, when I
told St. Germain to go and look for him as I had not strength myself,
being quite exhausted. He said that he had already placed a pine branch
on the ice and he could then scarcely find his way back, but if he went
now he should certainly be lost. In this situation I could only hope
that, as Beauparlant had my blanket and everything requisite to light a
fire, he might have encamped at a little distance from us.

October 17.

The night was cold and clear but we could not sleep at all from the
pains of having eaten. We suffered the most excruciating torments
though I in particular did not eat a quarter of what would have
satisfied me; it might have been from using a quantity of raw or frozen
sinews of the legs of deer, which neither of us could avoid doing, so
great was our hunger. In the morning, being much agitated for the
safety of Beauparlant, I desired St. Germain to go in search of him and
to return with him as quick as possible, when I would have something
prepared for them to eat.

It was however late when he arrived, with a small bundle which
Beauparlant was accustomed to carry and, with tears in his eyes, told
me that he had found our poor companion dead. Dead! I could not believe
him. “It is so sir,” said St. Germain, “after hallooing and calling his
name to no purpose I went towards our last encampment about
three-quarters of a mile and found him stretched upon his back on a
sandbank frozen to death, his limbs all extended and swelled enormously
and as hard as the ice that was near him; his bundle was behind him as
if it had rolled away when he fell, and the blanket which he wore
around his neck and shoulders thrown on one side. Seeing that there was
no longer life in him I threw your covering over him and placed his
snowshoes on the top of it.”

I had not even thought of so serious an occurrence in our little party
and for a short time was obliged to give vent to my grief. Left with
one person and both of us weak, no appearance of Belanger, a likelihood
that great calamity had taken place amongst our other companions, still
upwards of seventeen days’ march from the nearest establishment, and
myself unable to carry a burden; all these things pressed heavy on me,
and how to get to the Indians or to the fort I did not know but, that I
might not depress St. Germain’s spirits, I suppressed the feelings to
which these thoughts gave rise and made some arrangements for the
journey to Fort Providence.

October 18.

While we were this day occupied in scraping together the remains of
some deer’s meat we observed Belanger coming round a point apparently
scarcely moving. I went to meet him and made immediate inquiries about
my friends. Five, with the Captain, he said, were at the house, the
rest were left near the river unable to proceed, but he was too weak to
relate the whole. He was conducted to the encampment and paid every
attention to, and by degrees we heard the remainder of his tragic tale,
at which the interpreter could not avoid crying. He then gave me a
letter from my friend the Commander which indeed was truly afflicting.
The simple story of Belanger I could hear, but when I read it in
another language, mingled with the pious resignation of a good man, I
could not sustain it any longer. The poor man was much affected at the
death of our lamented companion but his appetite prevailed over every
other feeling and, had I permitted it, he would have done himself an
injury; for after two hours’ eating, principally skin and sinews, he
complained of hunger. The day was cloudy with snow and fresh breezes
from the north-east by east.

The last evening as well as this morning the 19th I mentioned my wishes
to the men that we should proceed towards Reindeer Lake, but this
proposal met with a direct refusal. Belanger stated his inability to
move and St. Germain used similar language, adding for the first time
that he did not know the route, and that it was of no use to go in the
direction I mentioned, which was the one agreed upon between the
Commander and myself. I then insisted that we should go by the known
route and join the Commander, but they would not hear of it; they would
remain where they were until they had regained their strength; they
said I wanted to expose them again to death (_faire perir_). In vain
did I use every argument to the contrary for they were equally heedless
to all. Thus situated I was compelled to remain, and from this time to
the 25th we employed ourselves in looking about for the remnants of the
deer and pieces of skin which even the wolves had left and, by pounding
the bones, we were enabled to make a sort of soup which strengthened us
greatly, though each still complained of weakness. It was not without
the greatest difficulty that I could restrain the men from eating every
scrap they found, though they were well aware of the necessity there
was of being economical in our present situation and to save whatever
they could for our journey; yet they could not resist the temptation
and whenever my back was turned they seldom failed to snatch at the
nearest piece to them, whether cooked or raw.

We had set fishing-lines but without any success, and we often saw
large herds of deer crossing the lake at full speed and wolves pursuing
them.

The night of the 25th was cold with hard frost. Early the next morning
I sent the men to cover the body of our departed companion Beauparlant
with the trunks and branches of trees which they did and, shortly after
their return, I opened his bundle and found it contained two papers of
vermilion, several strings of beads, some fire-steels, flints, awls,
fish-hooks, rings, linen, and the glass of an artificial horizon. My
two men began to recover a little as well as myself, though I was by
far the weakest of the three; the soles of my feet were cracked all
over and the other parts were as hard as horn from constant walking. I
again urged the necessity of advancing to join the Commander’s party
but they said they were not sufficiently strong.

On the 27th we discovered the remains of a deer on which we feasted.
The night was unusually cold and ice formed in a pint-pot within two
feet of the fire. The coruscations of the Aurora Borealis were
beautifully brilliant; they served to show us eight wolves which we had
some trouble to frighten away from our collection of deer’s bones and,
between their howling and the constant cracking of the ice, we did not
get much rest.

Having collected with great care and by self-denial two small packets
of dried meat or sinews sufficient (for men who knew what it was to
fast) to last for eight days at the rate of one indifferent meal per
day, we prepared to set out on the 30th. I calculated that we should be
about fourteen days in reaching Fort Providence and, allowing that we
neither killed deer nor found Indians, we could but be unprovided with
food six days and this we heeded not whilst the prospect of obtaining
full relief was before us. Accordingly we set out against a keen
north-east wind in order to gain the known route to Fort Providence. We
saw a number of wolves and some crows on the middle of the lake and,
supposing such an assemblage was not met idly, we made for them and
came in for a share of a deer which they had killed a short time
before, and thus added a couple of meals to our stock. By four P.M. we
gained the head of the lake or the direct road to Fort Providence and,
some dry wood being at hand, we encamped; by accident it was the same
place where the Commander’s party had slept on the 19th, the day on
which I supposed they had left Fort Enterprise, but the encampment was
so small that we feared great mortality had taken place amongst them,
and I am sorry to say the stubborn resolution of my men not to go to
the house prevented me from determining this most anxious point, so
that I now almost dreaded passing their encampments lest I should see
some of our unfortunate friends dead at each spot. Our fire was hardly
kindled when a fine herd of deer passed close to us. St. Germain
pursued them a short distance but with his usual want of success so
that we made a meal off the muscles and sinews we had dried, though
they were so tough that we could scarcely cut them. My hands were
benumbed throughout the march and we were all stiff and fatigued. The
marching of two days weakened us all very much and the more so on
account of our exertion to follow the tracks of our Commander’s party,
but we lost them and concluded that they were not before us. Though the
weather was not cold I was frozen in the face and was so reduced and
affected by these constant calamities, as well in mind as in body, that
I found much difficulty in proceeding even with the advantages I had
enjoyed.

November 3.

We set out before day, though in fact we were all much fitter to remain
from the excessive pain which we suffered in our joints, and proceeded
till one P.M. without halting, when Belanger who was before stopped and
cried out “Footsteps of Indians.” It is needless to mention the joy
that brightened the countenances of each at this unlooked-for sight; we
knew relief must be at hand and considered our sufferings at an end.
St. Germain inspected the tracks and said that three persons had passed
the day before, and that he knew the remainder must be advancing to the
southward as was customary with these Indians when they sent to the
trading establishment on the first ice. On this information we encamped
and, being too weak to walk myself, I sent St. Germain to follow the
tracks, with instructions to the chief of the Indians to provide
immediate assistance for such of our friends as might be at Fort
Enterprise, as well as for ourselves, and to lose no time in returning
to me. I was now so exhausted that, had we not seen the tracks this
day, I must have remained at the next encampment until the men could
have sent aid from Fort Providence. We had finished our small portion
of sinews and were preparing for rest when an Indian boy made his
appearance with meat. St. Germain had arrived before sunset at the
tents of Akaitcho whom he found at the spot where he had wintered last
year, but imagine my surprise when he gave me a note from the Commander
and said that Benoit and Augustus, two of the men, had just joined
them. The note was so confused by the pencil marks being partly rubbed
out that I could not decipher it clearly, but it informed me that he
had attempted to come with the two men but, finding his strength
inadequate to the task, he relinquished his design and returned to Fort
Enterprise to await relief with the others. There was another note for
the gentleman in charge of Fort Providence desiring him to send meat,
blankets, shoes, and tobacco. Akaitcho wished me to join him on the
ensuing day at a place which the boy knew where they were going to
fish, and I was the more anxious to do so on account of my companions,
but particularly that I might hear a full relation of what had happened
and of the Commander’s true situation, which I suspected to be much
worse than he had described.

In the afternoon I joined the Indians and repeated to Akaitcho what St.
Germain had told him; he seemed much affected and said he would have
sent relief directly though I had not been there; indeed his conduct
was generous and humane. The next morning at an early hour three
Indians with loaded sledges of meat, skins, shoes, and a blanket, set
out for Fort Enterprise; one of them was to return directly with an
answer from Captain Franklin to whom I wrote but, in the event of his
death, he was to bring away all the papers he could find, and he
promised to travel with such haste as to be able to return to us on the
fourth day. I was now somewhat more at ease, having done all in my
power to succour my unfortunate companions, but was very anxious for
the return of the messenger. The Indians brought me meat in small
quantities though sufficient for our daily consumption and, as we had a
little ammunition, many were paid on the spot for what they gave.

On the 9th I had the satisfaction of seeing the Indian arrive from Fort
Enterprise. At first he said they were all dead but shortly after he
gave me a note which was from the Commander and then I learned all the
fatal particulars which had befallen them. I now proposed that the
chief should immediately send three sledges loaded with meat to Fort
Enterprise, should make a _cache_ of provision at our present
encampment, and also that he should here await the arrival of the
Commander. By noon two large trains laden with meat were sent off for
Fort Enterprise. The next day we proceeded on our journey and arrived
at Fort Providence on the 21st of November.

CONCLUSION OF MR. BACK’S NARRATIVE.

CONCLUSION.

I have little now to add to the melancholy detail into which I felt it
proper to enter, but I cannot omit to state that the unremitting care
and attentions of our kind friends Mr. McVicar and Mr. McAuley, united
with our improved diet to promote to the restoration of our health, so
that by the end of February the swellings of our limbs which had
returned upon us entirely subsided, and we were able to walk to any
part of the island. Our appetites gradually moderated and we nearly
regained our ordinary state of body before the spring. Hepburn alone
suffered from a severe attack of rheumatism which confined him to his
bed for some weeks. The usual symptoms of spring having appeared, on
the 25th of May we prepared to embark for Fort Chipewyan. Fortunately
on the following morning a canoe arrived from that place with the whole
of the stores which we required for the payment of Akaitcho and the
hunters. It was extremely gratifying to us to be thus enabled, previous
to our departure, to make arrangements respecting the requital of our
late Indian companions, and the more so as we had recently discovered
that Akaitcho and the whole of his tribe, in consequence of the death
of the leader’s mother and the wife of our old guide Keskarrah, had
broken and destroyed every useful article belonging to them and were in
the greatest distress. It was an additional pleasure to find our stock
of ammunition more than sufficient to pay them what was due, and that
we could make a considerable present of this most essential article to
every individual that had been attached to the Expedition.

We quitted Moose-Deer Island at five P.M. on the 26th, accompanied by
Mr. McVicar and Mr. McAuley and nearly all the voyagers at the
establishment, having resided there about five months, not a day of
which had passed without our having cause of gratitude for the kind and
unvaried attentions of Mr. McVicar and Mr. McAuley. These gentlemen
accompanied us as far as Fort Chipewyan where we arrived on the 2nd of
June, here we met Mr. Wentzel and the four men who had been sent with
him from the mouth of the Copper-Mine River, and I think it due to that
gentleman to give his own explanation of the unfortunate circumstances
which prevented him from fulfilling my instructions respecting the
provisions to have been left for us at Fort Enterprise.[35]

In a subsequent conversation he stated to me that the two Indians who
were actually with him at Fort Enterprise whilst he remained there
altering his canoe were prevented from hunting, one by an accidental
lameness, the other by the fear of meeting alone some of the Dog-Rib
Indians.

We were here furnished with a canoe by Mr. Smith and a bowman to act as
our guide and, having left Fort Chipewyan on the 5th, we arrived on the
4th of July at Norway House. Finding at this place that canoes were
about to go down to Montreal I gave all our Canadian voyagers their
discharges and sent them by those vessels, furnishing them with orders
on the Agent of the Hudson’s Bay Company for the amount of their wages.
We carried Augustus down to York Factory where we arrived on the 14th
of July, and were received with every mark of attention and kindness by
Mr. Simpson the Governor, Mr. McTavish, and indeed by all the officers
of the United Companies. And thus terminated our long, fatiguing, and
disastrous travels in North America, having journeyed by water and by
land (including our navigation of the Polar Sea) five thousand five
hundred and fifty miles.

MR. WENTZEL’S EXPLANATION.


 [35] After you sent me back from the mouth of the Copper-Mine River
 and I had overtaken the Leader, Guides, and Hunters, on the fifth day,
 leaving the sea-coast, as well as our journey up the River, they
 always expressed the same desire of fulfilling their promises,
 although somewhat dissatisfied at being exposed to privation while on
 our return from a scarcity of animals for, as I have already stated in
 my first communication from Moose-Deer Island, we had been eleven days
 with no other food but _tripe de roche_. In the course of this time an
 Indian with his wife and child, who were travelling in company with
 us, were left in the rear and are since supposed to have perished
 through want, as no intelligence had been received of them at Fort
 Providence in December last. On the seventh day after I had joined the
 Leader, etc. etc., and journeying on together, all the Indians
 excepting Petit Pied and Bald-Head left me to seek their families and
 crossed Point Lake at the Crow’s Nest, where Humpy had promised to
 meet his brother Ekehcho[36] with the families but did not fulfil, nor
 did any of my party of Indians know where to find them, for we had
 frequently made fires to apprise them of our approach yet none
 appeared in return as answers. This disappointment as might be
 expected served to increase the ill-humour of the Leader and party,
 the brooding of which (agreeably to Indian custom) was liberally
 discharged on me, in bitter reproach for having led them from their
 families and exposed them to dangers and hardships which, but for my
 influence, they said they might have spared themselves. Nevertheless
 they still continued to profess the sincerest desire of meeting your
 wishes in making _caches_ of provisions and remaining until a late
 season on the road that leads from Fort Enterprise to Fort Providence,
 through which the Expedition-men had travelled so often the year
 before, remarking however at the same time that they had not the least
 hopes of ever seeing one person return from the Expedition. These
 alarming fears I never could persuade them to dismiss from their
 minds; they always sneered at what they called my credulity. “If,”
 said the Gros Pied[37] “the Great Chief (meaning Captain Franklin) or
 any of his party should pass at my tents, he or they shall be welcome
 to all my provisions or anything else that I may have.” And I am
 sincerely happy to understand by your communication that in this he
 had kept his word, in sending you with such promptitude and liberality
 the assistance your truly dreadful situation required. But the party
 of Indians on whom I had placed the utmost confidence and dependence
 was Humpy and the White Capot Guide with their sons and several of the
 discharged hunters from the Expedition. This party was well-disposed
 and readily promised to collect provisions for the possible return of
 the Expedition, provided they could get a supply of ammunition from
 Fort Providence, for when I came up with them they were actually
 starving and converting old axes into ball, having no other
 substitute; this was unlucky. Yet they were well inclined and I
 expected to find means at Fort Providence to send them a supply, in
 which I was however disappointed, for I found that establishment quite
 destitute of necessaries, and then shortly after I had left them they
 had the misfortune of losing three of their hunters who were drowned
 in Marten Lake; this accident was of all others the most fatal that
 could have happened, a truth which no one who has the least knowledge
 of the Indian character will deny, and as they were nearly connected
 by relationship to the Leader, Humpy, and White Capot Guide, the three
 leading men of this part of the Copper Indian Tribe, it had the effect
 of unhinging (if I may use the expression) the minds of all these
 families and finally destroying all the fond hopes I had so sanguinely
 conceived of their assisting the Expedition, should it come back by
 the Annadessé River of which they were not certain.
    As to my not leaving a letter at Fort Enterprise it was because by
    some mischance you had forgot to give me paper when we parted.[38]
    I however wrote this news on a plank in pencil and placed it in the
    top of your former bedstead where I left it. Since it has not been
    found there some Indians must have gone to the house after my
    departure and destroyed it. These details, Sir, I have been induced
    to enter into (rather unexpectedly) in justification of myself and
    hope it will be satisfactory.


 [36] Akaitcho the Leader


 [37] Also Akaitcho.


 [38] I certainly offered Mr. Wentzel some paper when he quitted us but
 he declined it, having then a notebook, and Mr. Back gave him a
 pencil.