THE LIFE OF
THOMAS, LORD COCHRANE, TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD, G.C.B.,

ADMIRAL OF THE RED, REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET, ETC., ETC.,


COMPLETING "THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A SEAMAN."

by THOMAS, ELEVENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD,
AND H.R. FOX BOURNE,
AUTHOR OF "ENGLISH SEAMEN UNDER THE TUDORS," ETC. ETC.

IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I.

Published 1869.


TO MISS ANGELA BURDETT COUTTS,
WHOSE HONOURED FATHER
WAS THE FIRMEST AND MOST CONSTANT FRIEND AND SUPPORTER
OF MY FATHER,
DURING A CAREER DEVOTED TO THE WELFARE OF HIS COUNTRY
AND THE HONOUR OF HIS PROFESSION,
AND WHOM IT IS MY HAPPINESS AND PRIVILEGE TO CALL MY FRIEND,
THIS WORK IS DEDICATED,
WITH ALL RESPECT AND REGARD,
BY
HER ATTACHED AND FAITHFUL SERVANT,

DUNDONALD.




PREFACE.


In these Volumes is recounted the public life of my late father from
the period to which the narrative was brought down by himself in his
unfinished "Autobiography of a Seaman." The completion of that work
was prevented by his death, which occurred almost immediately after
the publication of the Second Volume, eight years and a half ago.
I had hoped to supplement it sooner; but in this hope I have been
thwarted.

My father's papers were, at the time of his death, in the hands of
a gentleman who had assisted him in the preparation of his
"Autobiography," and to this gentleman was entrusted the completion
of the work. Illness and other occupations, however, interfered, and,
after a lapse of about two years, he died, leaving the papers, of
which no use had been made by him, to fall into the possession of
others. Only after long delay and considerable trouble and expense was
I able to recover them and realize my long-cherished purpose.

Further delay in the publication of this book has arisen from my
having been compelled, as my father's executor, to make three long and
laborious journeys to Brazil, which have engrossed much time.

At length, however, I find myself able to pay the debt which I
owe both to my father's memory and to the public, by whom the
"Autobiography of a Seaman" was read with so much interest. At the
beginning of last year I placed all the necessary documents in the
hands of my friend, Mr. H.R. Fox Bourne, asking him to handle them
with the same zeal of research and impartiality of judgment which he
has shown in his already published works. I have also furnished
him with my own reminiscences of so much of my father's life as was
personally known to me; and he has availed himself of all the help
that could be obtained from other sources of information, both private
and public. He has written the book to the best of his ability, and I
have done my utmost to help him in making it as complete and accurate
as possible. We hope that the late Earl of Dundonald's life and
character have been all the better delineated in that the work has
grown out of the personal knowledge of his son and the unbiassed
judgment of a stranger.

A long time having elapsed since the publication of the "Autobiography
of a Seaman," it has been thought well to give a brief recapitulation
of its story in an opening chapter.

The four following chapters recount my father's history during the
five years following the cruel Stock Exchange trial, the subject last
treated of in the "Autobiography." It is not strange that the
harsh treatment to which he was subjected should have led him into
opposition, in which there was some violence, which he afterwards
condemned, against the Government of the day. But, if there were
circumstances to be regretted in this portion of his career, it shows
almost more plainly than any other with what strength of philanthropy
he sought to aid the poor and the oppressed.

His occupations as Chief Admiral, first of Chili and afterwards
of Brazil, were described by himself in two volumes, entitled, "A
Narrative of Services in Chili, Peru, and Brazil." Therefore, the
seven chapters of the present work which describe these episodes
have been made as concise as possible. Only the most memorable
circumstances have been dwelt upon, and the details introduced have
been drawn to some extent from documents not included in the volumes
referred to.

There was no reason for abridgment in treating of my father's
connection with Greece. In the service of that country he was less
able to achieve beneficial results than in Chili and Brazil; but
as, on that ground, he has been frequently traduced by critics and
historians, it seemed especially important to show how his successes
were greater than these critics and historians have represented, and
how his failures sprang from the faults of others and from misfortunes
by which he was the chief sufferer. The documents left by him,
moreover, afford abundant material for illustrating an eventful period
in modern history. The chapters referring to Greece and Greek affairs,
accordingly, enter with especial fullness into the circumstances
of Lord Dundonald's life at this time, and his connection with
contemporary politics.

Eight other chapters recount all that was of most public interest in
the thirty years of my father's life after his return from Greece.
Except during a brief period of active service in his profession,
when he had command of the British squadron in North American and West
Indian waters, those thirty years were chiefly spent in efforts—by
scientific research, by mechanical experiment, and by persevering
argument—to increase the naval power of his country, and in efforts
no less zealous to secure for himself that full reversal of the
wrongful sentence passed upon him in a former generation, which
could only be attained by public restitution of the official rank and
national honours of which he had been deprived.

This restitution was begun by his Majesty King William IV., and
completed by our present most gracious Queen and the Prince Consort.
By the kindnesses which he received from these illustrious persons,
my father's later years were cheered; and I can never cease to be
profoundly grateful to my Sovereign, and her revered husband, for the
personal interest with which they listened to my prayer immediately
after his death. Through their gracious influence, the same banner of
the Bath that had been taken from him nearly fifty years before, was
restored to its place in Westminster Abbey, and allowed to float
over his remains at their time of burial. Thus the last stain upon my
father's memory was wiped out.

DUNDONALD. London, May 24th, 1869.


CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

[1775-1814.]

Introduction.—Lord Cochrane's Ancestry.—His First Occupations in
the Navy.—His Cruise in the _Speedy_ and Capture of the _Gamo_.—His
Exploits in the _Pallas_.—The beginning of his Parliamentary
Life.—His two Elections as Member for Honiton.—His Election for
Westminster.—Further Seamanship.—The Basque Roads Affair.—The
Court-Martial on Lord Gambier, and its injurious effects on Lord
Cochrane's Naval Career.—His Parliamentary Occupations.—His Visit to
Malta and its Issues.—The Antecedents and Consequences of the Stock
Exchange Trial - 1

CHAPTER II.

[1814.]

The Issue of the Stock Exchange Trial.—Lord Cochrane's Committal to
the King's Bench Prison.—The Debate upon his Case in the House of
Commons, and his Speech on that Occasion.—His Expulsion from the
House, and Re-election as Member for Westminster.—The Withdrawal of
his Sentence to the Pillory.—The Removal of his Insignia as a Knight
of the Bath - 35

CHAPTER III.

[1814-1815.]

Lord Cochrane's Bearing in the King's Bench Prison.—His Street
Lamps.—His Escape, and the Motives for it.—His Capture in the House
of Commons, and subsequent Treatment.—His Confinement in the Strong
Room of the King's Bench Prison.—His Release - 48

CHAPTER IV.

[1815-1816.]

Lord Cochrane's Return to the House of Commons.—His Share in the
Refusal of the Duke of Cumberland's Marriage Pension.—His Charges
against Lord Ellenborough, and their Rejection by the House.—His
Popularity.—The Part taken by him in Public Meetings for the Relief
of the People.—The London Tavern Meeting.—His further Prosecution,
Trial at Guildford, and subsequent Imprisonment.—The Payment of his
Fines by a Penny Subscription.—The Congratulations of his Westminster
Constituents - 74

CHAPTER V.

[1817-1818.]

The State of Politics in England in 1817 and 1818, and Lord Cochrane's
Share in them.—His Work as a Radical in and out of Parliament.—His
futile Efforts to obtain the Prize Money due for his Services at
Basque Roads.—The Holly Hill Siege.—The Preparations for his
Enterprise in South America.—His last Speech in Parliament - 109

CHAPTER VI.

[1810-1817.]

The Antecedents of Lord Cochrane's Employments in South
America.—The War of Independence in the Spanish
Colonies.—Mexico.—Venezuela.—Colombia.—Chili.—The first
Chilian Insurrection.—The Carreras and O'Higgins.—The Battle of
Rancagua.—O'Higgins's Successes.—The Establishment of the Chilian
Republic.—Lord Cochrane invited to enter the Chilian Service - 137

CHAPTER VII.

[1818-1820.]

Lord Cochrane's Voyage to Chili.—His Reception at Valparaiso and
Santiago.—The Disorganization of the Chilian Fleet.—First Signs
of Disaffection.—The Naval Forces of the Chilians and the
Spaniards.—Lord Cochrane's first Expedition to Peru.—His Attack on
Callao.—"Drake the Dragon" and "Cochrane the Devil."—Lord Cochrane's
Successes in Overawing the Spaniards, in Treasure-taking, and
in Encouragement of the Peruvians to join in the War of
Independence.—His Plan for another Attack on Callao.—His
Difficulties in Equipping the Expedition.—The Failure of
the Attempt.—His Plan for Storming Valdivia.—Its Successful
Accomplishment - 148

CHAPTER VIII.

[1820-1822.]

Lord Cochrane's Return to Valparaiso.—His Relations with the Chilian
Senate.—The third Expedition to Peru.—General San Martin.—The
Capture of the _Esmeralda_, and its Issue.—Lord Cochrane's subsequent
Work.—San Martin's Treachery.—His Assumption of the Protectorate
of Peru.—His Base Proposals to Lord Cochrane.—Lord Cochrane's
Condemnation of them.—The Troubles of the Chilian Squadron.—Lord
Cochrane's Seizure of Treasure at Ancon, and Employment of it in
Paying his Officers and Men.—His Stay at Guayaquil.—The Advantages
of Free Trade.—Lord Cochrane's Cruise along the Mexican Coast
in Search of the remaining Spanish Frigates.—Their Annexation by
Peru.—Lord Cochrane's last Visit to Callao - 177

CHAPTER IX.

[1822-1823.]

Lord Cochrane's Return to Valparaiso,—The Conduct of the Chilian
Government towards him.—His Resignation of Chilian Employment, and
Acceptance of Employment under the Emperor of Brazil.—His subsequent
Correspondence with the Government of Chili.—The Results of his
Chilian Service. - 208

CHAPTER X.

[1823.]

The Antecedents of Brazilian Independence.—Pedro I.'s Accession.—The
Internal and External Troubles of the New Empire.—Lord Cochrane's
Invitation to Brazil.—His Arrival at Rio de Janeiro, and Acceptance
of Brazilian Service.—His first Occupations.—The bad condition of
the Squadron, and the consequent Failure of his first Attack on the
Portuguese off Bahia.—His Plans for Improving the Fleet, and their
Success.—His Night Visit to Bahia, and the consequent Flight of the
Enemy.—Lord Cochrane's Pursuit of them.—His Visit to Maranham,
and Annexation of that Province and of Para.—His Return to Rio de
Janeiro.—The Honours conferred upon him. - 223

CHAPTER XI.

[1823-1824.]

The Nature of the Rewards bestowed on Lord Cochrane for his first
Services to Brazil.—Pedro I. and the Portuguese Faction.—Lord
Cochrane's Advice to the Emperor.—The Troubles brought upon him by
it.—The Conduct of the Government towards him and the Fleet.—The
withholding of Prize-money and Pay.—Personal Indignities to Lord
Cochrane.—An Amusing Episode.—Lord Cochrane's Threat of Resignation,
and its Effect.—Sir James Mackintosh's Allusion to him in the House
of Commons - 246

CHAPTER XII.

[1824-1825.]

The Insurrection in Pernambuco.—Lord Cochrane's Expedition to
suppress it.—The Success of his Work.—His Stay at Maranham.—The
Disorganized State of Affairs in that Province.—Lord Cochrane's
efforts to restore Order and good Government.—Their result in further
Trouble to himself.—His Cruise in the _Piranga_, and Return to
England.—His Treatment there.—His Retirement from Brazilian
Service.—His Letter to the Emperor Pedro I.—The End of his South
American Employments - 266

CHAPTER XIII.

[1820-1825.]

The Greek Revolution and its Antecedents.—The Modern Greeks.—The
Friendly Society.—Sultan Mahmud and Ali Pasha's Rebellion.—The
Beginning of the Greek Insurrection.—Count John Capodistrias.—Prince
Alexander Hypsilantes.—The Revolution in the Morca.—Theodore
Kolokotrones.—The Revolution in the Islands.—The Greek Navy and its
Character.—The Excesses of the Greeks.—Their bad Government.—Prince
Alexander Mavrocordatos.—The Progress of the Revolution.—The
Spoliation of Chios.—English Philhellenes; Thomas Gordon, Frank Abney
Hastings, Lord Byron.—The first Greek Loan, and the bad uses to
which it was put.—Reverses of the Greeks.—Ibrahim and his
Successes.—Mavrocordatos's Letter to Lord Cochrane - 286

CHAPTER XIV.

[1825-1826.]

Lord Cochrane's Dismissal from Brazilian Service, and his Acceptance
of Employment as Chief Admiral of the Greeks.—The Greek Committee and
the Greek Deputies in London.—The Terms of Lord Cochrane's Agreement,
and the consequent Preparations.—His Visit to Scotland.—Sir Walter
Scott's Verses on Lady Cochrane.—Lord Cochrane's forced Retirement to
Boulogne, and thence to Brussels.—The Delays in fitting out the
Greek Armament.—Captain Hastings, Mr. Hobhouse, and Sir Francis
Burdett.—Captain Hastings's Memoir on the Greek Leaders and
their Characters.—The first Consequences of Lord Cochrane's new
Enterprise.—The Duke of Wellington's Message to Lord Cochrane.—The
Greek Deputies' Proposal to Lord Cochrane and his Answer.—The Final
Arrangements for his Departure.—The Messiah of the Greeks. - 318

CHAPTER XV.

[1826-1827.]

Lord Cochrane's Departure for Greece.—His Visit to London and
Voyage to the Mediterranean.—His Stay at Messina, and afterwards
at Marseilles.—The Delays in Completing the Steamships, and the
consequent Injury to the Greek Cause, and serious Embarrassment
to Lord Cochrane.—His Correspondence with Messrs. J. and S.
Ricardo.—His Letter to the Greek Government.—Chevalíer Eynard, and
the Continental Philhellenes.—Lord Cochrane's Final Departure and
Arrival in Greece. - 355

CHAPTER XVI.

[1826-1827.]

The Progress of Affairs in Greece.—The Siege of Missolonghi.—Its
Fall.—The Bad Government and Mismanagement of the Greeks.—General
Ponsonby's Account of them.—The Effect of Lord Cochrane's Promised
Assistance.—The Fears of the Turks, as shown in their Correspondence
with Mr. Canning.—The Arrival of Captain Hastings in Greece, with the
_Karteria_.—His Opinion of Greek Captains and Sailors.—The Frigate
_Hellas_,—Letters to Lord Cochrane from Admiral Miaoulis and the
Governing Commission of Greece. - 368

APPENDIX.

I. (Page 22.)—"Resumé of the Services of the late Earl of Dundonald,
none of which have been Requited or Officially Recognised," by Thomas,
Eleventh Earl of Dundonald. - 389

II. (Page 23.)—Part of a Speech delivered by Lord Cochrane in the
House of Commons, on the 11th of May, 1809, on Naval Abuses. - 397

III. (Page 258.)—A Letter written by Lord Cochrane to the Secretary
of State of Brazil on the 3rd of May, 1824. - 400




THE LIFE
OF
THOMAS, TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD.




CHAPTER I.


INTRODUCTION.—LORD COCHRANE'S ANCESTRY.—HIS FIRST OCCUPATIONS IN
THE NAVY.—HIS CRUISE IN THE "SPEEDY" AND CAPTURE OF THE "GAMO."—HIS
EXPLOITS IN THE "PALLAS."—THE BEGINNING OF HIS PARLIAMENTARY
LIFE.—HIS TWO ELECTIONS AS MEMBER FOR HONITON.—HIS ELECTION FOR
WESTMINSTER.—FURTHER SEAMANSHIP.—THE BASQUE ROADS AFFAIR.—THE
COURT-MARTIAL ON LORD GAMBIER, AND ITS INJURIOUS EFFECTS ON LORD
COCHRANE'S NAVAL CAREER.—HIS PARLIAMENTARY OCCUPATIONS.—HIS VISIT TO
MALTA AND ITS ISSUES.—THE ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE STOCK
EXCHANGE TRIAL.


[1775-1814.]

Thomas, Loud Cochrane, tenth Earl of Dundonald, was born at Annsfield,
in Lanark, on the 14th of December, 1775, and died in London on the
31st of October, 1860. Shortly before his death he wrote two volumes,
styled "The Autobiography of a Seaman," which set forth his history
down to 1814, the fortieth year of his age. To those volumes the
present work, recounting his career during the ensuing six-and-forty
years, is intended to serve as a sequel. Before entering upon the
later narrative, however, it will be necessary briefly to recapitulate
the incidents that have been already detailed.

The Earl of Dundonald was descended from a long line of knights and
barons, chiefly resident in Renfrew and Ayr, many of whom were men
of mark in Scottish history during the thirteenth and following
centuries. Robert Cochran was the especial favourite and foremost
counsellor of James III., who made him Earl of Mar; but the favours
heaped upon him, and perhaps a certain arrogance in the use of those
favours, led to so much opposition from his peers and rivals that he
was assassinated by them in 1480.[A]

[Footnote A: Pinkerton, the historian, gives some curious details,
illustrating not only Robert Cochran's character, but also the
condition of government and society in Scotland four centuries ago.
"The Scottish army," he says, "amounting to about fifty thousand, had
crowded to the royal banner at Burrough Muir, near Edinburgh, whence
they marched to Soutray and to Lauder, at which place they encamped
between the church and the village. Cochran, Earl of Mar, conducted
the artillery. On the morning after their arrival at Lauder, the peers
assembled in a secret council, in the church, and deliberated upon
their designs of revenge…. Cochran, ignorant of their designs, left
the royal presence to proceed to the council. The earl was attended by
three hundred men, armed with light battle-axes, and distinguished
by his livery of white with black fillets. He was clothed in a riding
cloak of black velvet, and wore a large chain of gold around his
neck; his horn of the chase, or of battle, was adorned with gold
and precious stones, and his helmet, overlaid with the same valuable
metal, was borne before him. Approaching the door of the church,
he commanded an attendant to knock with authority; and Sir Robert
Douglas, of Lochleven, who guarded the passage, inquiring the name,
was answered, 'Tis I, the Earl of Mar.' Cochran and some of his
friends were admitted. Angus advanced to him, and pulling the gold
chain from his neck, said, 'A rope will become thee better,' while
Douglas of Lochleven seized his hunting-horn, declaring that he had
been too long a hunter of mischief. Rather astonished than alarmed,
Cochran said, 'My lords, is it jest or earnest?' To which it was
replied, 'It is good earnest, and so thou shalt find it; for thou
and thy accomplices have too long abused our prince's favour. But no
longer expect such advantage, for thou and thy followers shall now
reap the deserved reward.' Having secured Mar, the lords despatched
some men-at-arms to the king's pavilion, conducted by two or three
moderate leaders, who amused James, while their followers seized the
favourites. Sir William Roger and others were instantly hanged over
the bridge at Lauder. Cochran was now brought out, his hands bound
with a rope, and thus conducted to the bridge, and hanged above his
fellows."] Later scions of the family prospered, and in 1641, Sir
William Cochrane was raised to the peerage, as Lord Cochrane of
Cowden, by Charles I. For his adherence to the royal cause this
nobleman was fined 5000£ by the Long Parliament in 1654; and, in
recompense for his loyalty, he was made first Earl of Dundonald by
Charles II. in 1669. His successors were faithful to the Stuarts, and
thereby they suffered heavily. Archibald, the ninth Earl, inheriting a
patrimony much reduced by the loyalty and zeal of his ancestors, spent
it all in the scientific pursuits to which he devoted himself, and
in which he was the friendly rival of Watt, Priestley, Cavendish, and
other leading chemists and mechanicians of two or three generations
ago. His eldest son, heir to little more than a famous name and a
chivalrous and enterprising disposition, had to fight his own way in
the world.

Lord Cochrane—as the subject of these memoirs was styled in courtesy
until his accession to the peerage in 1831—was intended by his father
for the army, in which he received a captain's commission. But his
own predilections were in favour of a seaman's life, and accordingly,
after brief schooling, he joined the _Hind_, as a midshipman, in June,
1793, when he was nearly eighteen years of age.

During the next seven years he learnt his craft in various ships
and seas, being helped in many ways by his uncle, the Hon. Alexander
Cochrane, but profiting most by his own ready wit and hearty love
of his profession. Having been promoted to the rank of lieutenant in
1794, he was made commander of the _Speedy_ early in 1800. This little
sloop, not larger than a coasting brig, but crowded with eighty-four
men and six officers, seemed to be intended only for playing at war.
Her whole armament consisted of fourteen 4-pounders. When her new
commander tried to add to these a couple of 12-pounders, the deck
proved too small and the timbers too weak for them, and they had to be
returned. So Lilliputian was his cabin, that, to shave himself, Lord
Cochrane was obliged to thrust his head out of the skylight and make a
dressing-table of the quarter-deck.

Yet the _Speedy_, ably commanded, was quite large enough to be of
good service. Cruising in her along the Spanish coast, Lord Cochrane
succeeded in capturing many gunboats and merchantmen, and the enemy
soon learnt to regard her with especial dread. On one memorable
occasion, the 6th of May, 1801, he fell in with the _Gamo_, a Spanish
frigate furnished with six times as many men as were in the _Speedy_ and with seven times her weight of shot. Lord Cochrane, boldly
advancing, locked his little craft in the enemy's rigging. It was, in
miniature, a contest as unequal as that by which Sir Francis Drake and
his fellows overcame the Great Armada of Spain in 1588, and with like
result. The heavy shot of the _Gamo_ riddled the _Speedy's_ sails,
but, passing overhead, did no mischief to her hulk or her men. During
an hour there was desperate fighting with small arms, and twice
the Spaniards tried in vain to board their sturdy little foe. Lord
Cochrane then determined to meet them on their own deck, and the
daring project was facilitated by one of the smart expedients in which
he was never wanting. Before going into action, "knowing," as he said,
"that the final struggle would be a desperate one, and calculating
on the superstitious wonder which forms an element in the Spanish
character," he had ordered his crew to blacken their faces; and, "what
with this and the excitement of combat, more ferocious-looking objects
could scarcely be imagined." With these men following him he promptly
gained the frigate's deck, and then their strong arms and hideous
faces soon frightened the Spaniards into submission.

The senior officer of the _Gamo_ asked for a certificate of his
bravery, and received one testifying that he had conducted himself
"like a true Spaniard." To Spain, of course, this was no sarcasm,
and on the strength of the document its holder soon obtained further
promotion.

That achievement, which cost only three men's lives, led to
consequences greater than could have been expected. Lord Cochrane,
after three months' waiting, received the rank of post captain. But
his desire that the services of Lieutenant Parker, his second in
command, should also be recompensed led to a correspondence with Earl
St. Vincent which turned him from a jealous superior into a bitter
enemy. In reply to Lord Cochrane's recommendation, Earl St. Vincent
alleged that "it was unusual to promote two officers for such a
service,—besides which the small number of men killed on board the
_Speedy_ did not warrant the application." Lord Cochrane answered,
with incautious honesty, that "his lordship's reasons for not
promoting Lieutenant Parker, because there were only three men killed
on board the _Speedy_, were in opposition to his lordship's own
promotion to an earldom, as well as that of his flag-captain to
knighthood, and his other officers to increased rank and honours; for
that, in the battle from which his lordship derived his title there
was only one man killed on board his own flagship." That was language
too plain to be forgiven.

In July, 1801, the _Speedy_ was captured by three French
line-of-battle ships, whose senior in command, Captain Pallière,
declined to accept the sword of an officer "who had," as he said,
"for so many hours struggled against impossibility," and asked Lord
Cochrane, though a prisoner, still to wear it. He, however, was
refused employment as commander of another ship. Thereupon, with
characteristic energy, he devoted his forced leisure from professional
pursuits to a year of student life at Edinburgh, where, in 1802, Lord
Palmerston was his class-fellow under Professor Dugald Stewart.

This occupation, however, was disturbed by the renewal of war with
France in 1803. Lord Cochrane, though with difficulty, then obtained
permission to return to active service, the _Arab_, one of the
craziest little ships in the navy, being assigned to him. On his
representing that she was too rotten for use off the French coast, he
was ordered to employ her in cruising in the North Sea and protecting
the fisheries north-east of the Orkneys, "where," as he said, "no
vessel fished, and consequently there were no fisheries to protect."
This ignominious work lasted for a year. It was brought to a close
in December, 1804, soon after the appointment of Lord Melville, in
succession to Earl St. Vincent, as First Lord of the Admiralty.

By him Lord Cochrane was transferred from the _Arab_ to the _Pallas_,
a new and smart frigate of thirty-two guns, and allowed to use her in
a famous cruise of prize-taking among the Azores and off the coast
of Portugal. This was followed in 1806 by farther work in the same
frigate, the closing portion of which was especially memorable. Being
off the Basque Roads at the end of April he fixed his attention upon a
frigate, the _Minerve_, and three brigs, forming an important part of
the French squadron in the Mediterranean. After three weeks' waiting,
on the 14th of May, he saw the frigate and the brigs approaching him,
and promptly prepared to attack them. He was not deterred by knowing
that the _Minerve_ alone, carrying forty guns, was far stronger than
the _Pallas_, which had also to withstand the force of the three
brigs, each with sixteen guns, and to be prepared for the fire of the
batteries on the Isle d'Aix. "This morning, when close to Isle d'Aix,
reconnoitring the French squadron," he wrote concisely to his admiral,
"it gave me great joy to find our late opponent, the black frigate,
and her companions, the three brigs, getting under sail. We formed
high expectations that the long wished-for opportunity was at last
arrived. The _Pallas_ remained under topsails by the wind to await
them. At half-past eleven a smart point-blank firing commenced on both
sides, which was severely felt by the enemy. The main topsail-yard
of one of the brigs was cut through, and the frigate lost her
after-sails. The batteries on I'lsle d'Aix opened on the _Pallas_, and
a cannonade continued, interrupted on our part only by the necessity
we were under to make various tacks to avoid the shoals, till one
o'clock, when our endeavour to gain the wind of the enemy and get
between him and the batteries proved successful. An effectual distance
was now chosen. A few broadsides were poured in. The enemy's fire
slackened. I ordered ours to cease, and directed Mr. Sutherland, the
master, to run the frigate on board, with intention effectually to
prevent her retreat. The enemy's side thrust our guns back into the
ports. The whole were then discharged. The effect and crash were
dreadful. Their decks were deserted. Three pistol-shots were the
unequal return. With confidence I say that the frigate would have
been lost to France, had not the unequal collision torn away our
fore-topmast, jib-boom, fore and maintop-sails, spritsail-yards,
bumpkin, cathead, chainplates, fore-rigging, foresail, and bower
anchor, with which last I intended to hook on; but all proved
insufficient. She would yet have been lost to France, had not the
French admiral, seeing his frigate's foreyard gone, her rigging
ruined, and the danger she was in, sent two others to her assistance.
The _Pallas_ being a wreck, we came out with what sail could be set,
and his Majesty's sloop the _Kingfisher_ afterwards took us in tow."
The exploit was none the less valiant in that it was partly a failure.

The waiting-times before and after that cruise were occupied by Lord
Cochrane with brief commencement of parliamentary life. Long before
this time Lord Cochrane had resolved on entering the House of Commons,
in order to expose the naval abuses which were then rife, and which he
had never been deterred, by consideration of his own interests, from
boldly denouncing. He stood for Honiton in 1805, and was defeated
through his refusal to vie with his opponent in the art of bribery. He
contrived, however, to profit by corruption while he punished it.
As soon as the election was over, he gave ten guineas to each of the
constituents who had freely voted for him. The consequence of this was
his triumphant return at the new election, which took place in July,
1806. When his supporters asked for like payment to that made in the
previous instance, it was bluntly refused. "The former gift," said
Lord Cochrane, "was for your disinterested conduct in not taking the
bribe of five pounds from the agents of my opponent. For me now to pay
you would be a violation of my principles."

A short cruise in the Basque Roads prevented Lord Cochrane from
occupying in the House of Commons the seat thus won, and in April,
1807, very soon after his return, Parliament was again dissolved. He
then resolved to stand for Westminster, with Sir Francis Burdett for
his associate. Both were returned, and Lord Cochrane held his seat for
eleven years. In 1807, however, he had only time to bring forward two
motions respecting sinecures and naval abuses, which issued in violent
but unproductive discussion, when he received orders to join the fleet
in the Mediterranean as captain of the _Imperiéuse_. Naval employment
was grudgingly accorded to him; but it was thought wiser to give him
work abroad than to suffer under his free speech at home.

This employment was marked by many brilliant deeds, which procured
for him, on his surrendering his command of the _Imperiéuse_ after
eighteen months' duration, the reproach of having spent more sails,
stores, gunpowder, and shot than had been used by any other captain in
the service.

The most brilliant deed of all, one of the most brilliant deeds in
the whole naval history of England, was his well-known exploit in the
Basque Roads on the 11th, 12th, and 13th of April, 1809. Much against
his will, he was persuaded by Lord Mulgrave, at that time First
Lord of the Admiralty, to bear the responsibility of attacking and
attempting to destroy the French squadron by means of fireships
and explosion-vessels. The project was opposed by Lord Gambier, the
Admiral of the Fleet, as being at once "hazardous, if not desperate,"
and "a horrible and anti-Christian mode of warfare;" and consequently
he gave no hearty co-operation. On Lord Cochrane devolved the whole
duty of preparing for and executing the project. His own words will
best tell the story.

"On the 11th of April," he said, "it blew hard, with a high sea. As
all preparations were complete, I did not consider the state of
the weather a justifiable impediment to the attack; so that, after
nightfall, the officers who volunteered to command the fireships were
assembled on board the _Caledonia_, and supplied with instructions
according to the plan previously laid down by myself. The _Impérieuse_ had proceeded to the edge of the Boyart Shoal, close to which she
anchored with an explosion-vessel made fast to her stern, it being my
intention, after firing the one of which I was about to take charge,
to return to her for the other, to be employed as circumstances might
require. At a short distance from the _Impérieuse_ were anchored
the frigates _Aigle_, _Unicorn_, and _Pallas_, for the purpose of
receiving the crews of the fireships on their return, as well as to
support the boats of the fleet assembled alongside the _Cæsar_, to
assist the fireships. The boats of the fleet were not, however, for
some reason or other made use of at all.

"Having myself embarked on board the largest explosion-vessel,
accompanied by Lieut. Bissel and a volunteer crew of four men only,
we led the way to the attack. The night was dark, and, as the wind was
fair, though blowing hard, we soon neared the estimated position
of the advanced French ships, for it was too dark to discern them.
Judging our distance, therefore, as well as we could, with regard to
the time the fuse was calculated to burn, the crew of four men entered
the gig, under the direction of Lieut. Bissel, whilst I kindled the
portfires, and then, descending into the boat, urged the men to pull
for their lives, which they did with a will, though, as wind and sea
were strong against us, without making the expected progress.

"To our consternation, the fuses, which had been constructed to burn
fifteen minutes, lasted little more than half that time, when the
vessel blew up, filling the air with shells, grenades, and rockets;
whilst the downward and lateral force of the explosion raised
a solitary mountain of water, from the breaking of which in all
directions our little boat narrowly escaped being swamped. The
explosion-vessel did her work well, the effect constituting one of the
grandest artificial spectacles imaginable. For a moment, the sky was
red with the lurid glare arising from the simultaneous ignition of
fifteen hundred barrels of powder. On this gigantic flash subsiding,
the air seemed alive with shells, grenades, rockets, and masses of
timber, the wreck of the shattered vessel. The sea was convulsed as
by an earthquake, rising, as has been said, in a huge wave, on whose
crest our boat was lifted like a cork, and as suddenly dropped into
a vast trough, out of which as it closed upon us with the rush of a
whirlpool, none expected to emerge. In a few minutes nothing but
a heavy rolling sea had to be encountered, all having again become
silence and darkness."

In spite of its bursting too soon, the explosion-vessel did excellent
work. The strong boom, composed of large spars bound by heavy chains,
and firmly anchored at various points in its length of more than a
mile, which was supposed to constitute an impassable barrier between
the English ships that were outside and the French ships locked behind
it, was broken in several parts. The enemy's ships were thoroughly
disorganised by the sudden and appalling occurrence of the explosion.
In their alarm and confusion, many of them fired into one another,
and all might have been easily destroyed had the first success of the
explosion-vessel been properly followed up. Unfortunately, however, on
returning to the _Impérieuse_, Lord Cochrane found that there had been
gross mismanagement of the fireships, which, according to his plans,
were to have been despatched against various sections of the French
fleet while it was too confused to protect itself. One of them, fired
at the wrong time and sent in a wrong direction, nearly destroyed
the _Impérieuse_ and caused the wasting of a second explosion-vessel,
which was meant to be held in reserve. The others, if not as
mischievous in their effects, were almost as useless. "Of all the
fire-ships, upwards of twenty in number," said Lord Cochrane, "only
four reached the enemy's position, and not one did any damage. The
_Impérieuse_ lay three miles from the enemy, so that the one which was
near setting fire to her became useless at the outset; whilst several
others were kindled a mile and a half to the windward of this, or four
miles and a half from the enemy. Of the remainder, many were at once
rendered harmless from being brought to on the wrong tack. Six passed
a mile to windward of the French fleet, and one grounded on Oleron."

Though the full success of Lord Cochrane's scheme was thus prevented,
however, the work done by it was considerable. "As the fireships began
to light up the roads," he said, "we could observe the enemy's fleet
in great confusion. Without doubt, taking every fireship for an
explosion-vessel, and being deceived as to their distance, not only
did the French make no effort to divert them from their course, but
some of their ships cut their cables and were seen drifting away
broadside on to the wind and tide, whilst others made sail, as the
only alternative to escape from what they evidently considered certain
destruction. At daylight on the morning of the 12th, not a spar of the
boom was anywhere visible, and, with the exception of the _Foudroyant_ and _Cassard_, the whole of the enemy's vessels were helplessly
aground. The flag-ship, _L'Océan_, a three-decker, drawing the most
water, lay outermost on the north-west edge of the Palles Shoal,
nearest the deep water, where she was most exposed to attack; whilst
all, by the fall of the tide, were lying on their bilge, with
their bottoms completely exposed to shot, and therefore beyond the
possibility of resistance."

The French fleet had not been destroyed; yet it was so paralysed by
the shock that its utter defeat seemed easy to Lord Cochrane. To the
mast of the _Impérieuse_, between six o'clock in the morning of the
12th and one in the afternoon, he hoisted signal after signal, urging
Lord Gambier, who was with the main body of the fleet about fourteen
miles off, to make an attack. Failing in all these, and growing
desperate in his zeal, especially as every hour of delay was enabling
the French to recover themselves and rendering success less sure, he
suffered his single frigate to drift towards the enemy. "I did not
venture to make sail," wrote Lord Cochrane, in his very modest account
of this daring exploit, "lest the movement might be seen from the
flag-ship, and a signal of recall should defeat my purpose of making
an attack with the _Impérieuse_ ; my object being to compel the
Commander-in-Chief to send vessels to our assistance. We drifted by
the wind and tide slowly past the fortifications on Isle d'Aix; but,
though they fired at us with every gun that could be brought to bear,
the distance was too great to inflict damage. Proceeding thus till
1.30 p.m., we then suddenly made sail after the nearest of the enemy's
vessels escaping. In order to divert our attention from the vessels
we were pursuing, these having thrown their guns overboard, the
_Calcutta_, a store-ship carrying fifty-six guns, which was still
aground, broadside on, began firing at us. Before proceeding further,
it became therefore necessary to attack her, and at 1.50 we shortened
sail and returned the fire. At 2.0 the _Impérieuse_ came to an anchor
in five fathoms, and, veering to half a cable, kept fast the spring,
firing upon the _Calcutta_ with our broadside, and at the same time
upon the _Aquillon_ and _Ville de Varsovie_, two line-of-battle ships,
each of seventy-four guns, with our forecastle and bow guns, both
these ships being aground stern on, in an opposite direction. After
some time we had the satisfaction of observing several ships sent
to our assistance, namely, the _Emerald_, the _Unicorn_, the
_Indefatigable_, the _Valiant_, the _Revenge_, the _Pallas_, and the
_Aigle_. On seeing this, the captain and the crew of the _Calcutta_ abandoned their vessel, of which the boats of the _Impérieuse_ took
possession before the vessels sent to our assistance came down." Soon
after the arrival of the new ships, the two other vessels were also
forced to surrender.

Most of the ships sent to his assistance returned to Lord Grambier on
the 13th. Lord Cochrane, seeing that it would be easy for him to do
much further mischief, made ready for the work on the morrow. But from
this he was prevented by the inexcusable conduct of Lord Gambier, who,
having discountenanced the attempt with the fireships, now not
only refused to take part in the victory which his comrade had made
possible, but also hindered its achievement by him.

Lord Cochrane had already overstepped the strict duty of a
subordinate, though acting only as became an English sailor. The
fireships with which he had been ordered to ruin the enemy's fleet had
partly failed through the error of others. "It was then," he said, "a
question with me whether I should disappoint the expectations of my
country, be set down as a charlatan by the Admiralty, whose hopes had
been raised by my plan, and have my future prospects destroyed, or
force on an action which some had induced an easy Commander-in-Chief
to believe impracticable." He did force on some fighting, which
was altogether disastrous to the enemy, and rich in tokens of his
unflinching heroism; but it was in violation of repeated orders,
dubiously worded, from Lord Grambier, and, when at last an order was
issued in terms too distinct to allow of any further evasion, he had
no alternative but to abandon the enterprise. He was at once sent
back to England, to be rewarded with much popular favour, and with a
knighthood of the Order of the Bath, conferred by George III., but to
become the victim of an official persecution, which, embittering his
whole life, lasted almost to its close.

It must be admitted that this persecution was in great measure
provoked by Lord Cochrane's own fearless conduct. He was reasonably
aggrieved at the effort made by the Admiralty authorities to attribute
to Lord Gambier, who had taken no part at all in the achievements in
Basque Roads, all the merit of their success. To use his own caustic
but accurate words, "The only victory gained by Lord Gambier in Basque
Roads was that of bringing his ships to anchor there, whilst the
enemy's ships were quietly heaving off from the banks on which they
had been driven nine miles distant from the fleet." When for this
proceeding it was determined to honour Lord Gambier with the thanks
of Parliament, Lord Cochrane, as member for Westminster, announced his
intention of opposing the motion. As a bribe to silence he was offered
an important command by Lord Mulgrave, and it was proposed that his
name should be included in the vote of thanks. The bribe being
refused and the opposition persisted in, Lord Gambier demanded a
court-martial, in which, as he alleged, to controvert the insinuations
thrown out against him by Lord Cochrane.

The history of this court-martial, its antecedents and its
consequences, furnishes an episode almost unique in the annals
of official injustice. As a preparation for it, Lord Gambier, in
obedience to orders from the Admiralty, supplemented his first account
of the victory by another of entirely different tenour. In the first,
written on the spot, he had avowed that he could not speak highly
enough of Lord Cochrane's vigour and gallantry in approaching the
enemy,—conduct, he said, "which could not be exceeded by any feat of
valour hitherto achieved by the British Navy." In the record, written
four weeks later and in London, he altogether ignored Lord Cochrane's
services, and transferred the entire merit to himself.

The whole conduct of the court-martial was in keeping with that
prelude. No effort was spared in stifling all the evidence on Lord
Cochrane's side, and in adducing false testimony against him. Logbooks
and witnesses alike were tampered with. In support of his scheme for
annihilating the whole French fleet, Lord Cochrane produced in court
a chart showing the relative position of the various points in Aix
Roads, and of the overhanging fort which was to protect the French
ships. This chart, left lying upon the table, was tacitly accepted by
the authorities of the Admiralty as a trustworthy document, and
duly preserved among the official records. But at the time the court
refused to receive it in evidence, and adopted instead two falsified
charts, in which, by the introduction of imaginary shoals and the
narrowing of the channel to Aix Roads from two miles to one, the
success of the scheme appeared impossible. Although this gross
deception was more than suspected, both then and afterwards, by Lord
Cochrane, his repeated applications to the Admiralty for permission to
inspect the documents were steadily refused. It was not till more than
fifty years after the period of the court-martial that he was able to
prove the scandalous fraud.[A]

[Footnote A: Readers of "The Autobiography of a Seaman" need not be
reminded of the copious and convincing evidence of the way in which he
was treated by this court-martial that was adduced by Lord Dundonald
in that work.]

The result of the court-martial was, of course, such as from the first
had been intended. Lord Grambier was acquitted, and unlimited blame
was, by inference, thrown upon Lord Cochrane. The coveted vote
of thanks was promptly obtained from the House of Commons; Lord
Cochrane's proposal that the minutes of the court-martial be first
investigated being, through ministerial influence, summarily rejected.

These proceedings determined the course which men in power were to
adopt, and fixed Lord Cochrane's future. It was a future to be made up
of cruel disregard and of revengeful persecution.[A]

[Footnote A: See Appendix (I.).]

Soon after the close of the trial, the brave seaman applied to the
Admiralty for permission to rejoin his old frigate, the _Impérieuse_,
and accompanied his application with a bold plan for attacking the
French fleet in the Scheldt. He received an insulting answer to the
effect that, if he would be ready to quit the country in a week, and
then to occupy a position subordinate to that which he had formerly
held, his services would be accepted. On his replying that his
great desire to be employed in his profession made him willing to
do anything, and that all he wished for was a little longer time for
preparation, no further communication was vouchsafed to him. He was
quietly superseded in the command of the _Impérieuse_, and received no
other ship.

Out of this ill-treatment, however, resulted some benefit to the
nation. Lord Cochrane employed much of his forced leisure, during the
next few years, in exposing abuses that were then over-abundant, and
in strenuously advocating reform. In Parliament, voting always with
his friend Sir Francis Burdett and the Radical party, he limited
his exertions to naval matters, and such as were within his own
experience. Herein there was plenty to occupy him, and much that it is
now amusing to look back upon.[A]

[Footnote A: See Appendix (II.).]

One scandalous grievance led to a memorable episode in his life. The
many prizes taken by him in the Mediterranean, which, according to
rule, had been sent to the Maltese Admiralty Court for condemnation,
had been encumbered with such preposterous charges that, instead of
realizing anything by his captures, he was made out to be largely
in debt to the Court. The principal agent of this Court was a Mr.
Jackson, who illegally held office as at the same time marshal and
proctor. "The consequence was," said Lord Cochrane, "that every
prize placed in his hands as proctor had to pass through his hands
as marshal; whilst as proctor it was further in his power to consult
himself as marshal as often as he pleased, and to any extent he
pleased. The amount of self-consultation may be imagined." As proctor
he charged for visiting himself, and as marshal he charged for
receiving visits from himself. As marshal he was paid for instructing
himself, and as proctor he was paid for listening to his own
instructions. Ten shillings and twopence three farthings was the
customary charge for an oath to the effect that he had served a
monition on himself. Of the sheets composing the bill for services of
these sorts presented to him, Lord Cochrane formed a roll which, when
unfolded and exhibited in Parliament, stretched from the Speaker's
table to the bar of the House.

Not content, however, with laughing at the official robberies
committed upon him, he determined, early in 1811, to proceed to Malta
and personally investigate the matter. Reaching Valetta long before he
was expected, he immediately presented himself at the court-house,
and asked for a copy of the table of fees authorized by the Crown,
and which, according to directions, ought to have been placed
conspicuously in the public room. The existence of such a document
being denied, he proceeded to hunt for it himself, and, after long and
careful search, found it concealed in an out-of-the-way corner of
the building. Having taken possession of it, he was carrying off the
prize, which he intended to exhibit in the House of Commons, in token
of the extent to which he and others had been defrauded, when he
was arrested for contempt of court. He protested that the arrest was
illegal, seeing that, as the court had not been sitting, no insult
could have been offered to it. The plea was not accepted, and he
was sent to gaol. No ground for punishment, however, could be found
against him; and, after refusing to help the authorities out of their
embarrassment by going at large on bail, and insisting on a proper
exculpation or nothing at all, he let himself out of window by means
of a rope. A gig was waiting for him, by which he was enabled to
overtake the packet-boat that had quitted Malta shortly before,
to return to London, and to present the document seized by him to
Parliament a month before the official report of his escapade reached
home.[A]

[Footnote A: This letter from the Duke of Kent to Lord Cochrane will
help to show that, even after the time of his Admiralty persecution,
he was not without friends and admirers in high quarters:—"Kensington
Palace, 7th July, 1812. My dear Lord,—I trust the acquaintance I
have the satisfaction to possess with your lordship, and the long
and intimate friendship subsisting between myself and your brother,
Lieut.-Colonel Basil Cochrane, will warrant my intruding upon you for
the purpose of seconding the wishes expressed by a young naval protégé
of mine, and I cannot help adding my earnest request that when your
distinguished zeal and talents in your profession are again called
into action by Government, you will kindly oblige me by taking
Lieutenant Edgar under your wing and protection; he is a fine young
man, and I think would not disgrace the wardroom of your lordship's
ship. I remain, with my sincere regard, my dear lord, yours
faithfully, EDWARD.

"
_The Right Honourable Lord Cochrane_."]

An imprisonment of very different character occurred after an interval
of nearly three years. This was in consequence of the famous Stock
Exchange trial, the episode last treated of by the Earl of Dundonald
in his Autobiography, and not quite recounted to the end before death
stayed his hand.

From 1809 to 1813, Lord Cochrane was allowed to take no active part in
the work of his profession. But at the close of the latter year, his
uncle, Sir Alexander Cochrane, having been selected for the command
of the fleet on the North American station, appointed him his
flag-captain—an appointment resting only with the Commander-in-Chief,
and one with which the Government could not interfere. It was always
Lord Cochrane's belief that the implacable enmity of his foes in the
Admiralty Office—determined to prevent by irregular means, since no
regular course was open to them, his return to naval work—helped
to bring about the cruel persecution by which his whole life was
embittered. But it must be admitted that the dishonesty of one of his
own kinsmen—about which a chivalrous sense of honour caused him to be
reticent during nearly fifty years—conduced to this result.

The chief agent of the fraud practised upon him was a foreigner, named
De Berenger. This man, clever and unscrupulous, had been associated
with Mr. Cochrane Johnstone, an uncle of Lord Cochrane's, in certain
stock-jobbing transactions. In that or in some other way he became
known to Lord Cochrane and to his other uncle, Sir Alexander Cochrane;
and, being a smart chemist and pyrotechnist, it was proposed that he
should accompany Lord Cochrane to North America, and assist him in the
trial of his recently-discovered method of attacking forts and fleets
in a secret and irresistible manner. With that object—of course
clandestine—Sir Alexander Cochrane sought the permission of the
Admiralty to employ De Berenger as a teacher of sharp-shooting, in
which he was a well-known adept. This was not granted, and near the
end of 1813, Sir Alexander set sail for Halifax, leaving Lord Cochrane
to follow in the _Tonnant_, in charge of a convoy, and in getting
the _Tonnant_ ready for sea his lordship was busy during January and
February, 1814. In the former month De Berenger sought him out and
earnestly requested that, his official appointment being refused, he
might be taken on board in a private capacity and allowed to rely
upon the success of his work for recompense. Lord Cochrane declined
to employ him without some sort of sanction from the Admiralty, and
De Berenger left him with the avowed intention of doing his utmost to
procure this sanction.

He was otherwise occupied. Being in urgent need of money, with which
to evade the grasp of his numerous creditors, he returned to his
stock-jobbing pursuits—if indeed he had not been engaging in them
all along; using his proposal for employment under Lord Cochrane as a
blind or as a secondary resource. Instead of furthering his efforts to
obtain this employment, he contrived a plan for causing a sudden rise
in the funds, and thereby securing a large profit to himself and his
accomplices. On the 20th of February he presented himself at the Ship
Hotel at Dover, disguised as a foreigner and calling himself Colonel
De Bourg, professing that he brought intelligence from France to
the effect that Buonaparte had been killed by the Cossacks, that the
allied armies were in full march towards Paris, and that a speedy
cessation of the war was certain. Thence he hurried up to London and
was traced to have gone, on the following morning, to Lord Cochrane's
house. The ostensible object of that visit was to renew his
application for employment on board the _Tonnant_. The real object
was, by means of a trick, to get possession of a hat and cloak, with
which to disguise himself afresh, and thus try to elude the pursuit
of agents of the Stock Exchange, who would soon seek to punish him for
his fraud. The disguise was given to him in all innocence, and might
have been successful, had not Lord Cochrane, on finding how grossly
he had been deceived, volunteered to assist in punishing the culprit.
Leaving the _Tonnant_, in which he was about to start from Chatham, he
returned to London, and gave full information as to his share in the
transaction, with the view of furthering the cause of justice and
clearing himself from all blame.

That was prevented by as wanton a prosecution and as malicious a
perverting of the forms of justice and the principles of equity as the
annals of English law, not often abused even in a much less degree,
can show. The straightforward evidence furnished by him was made
the handle to an elaborate machinery of falsehood and perjury for
effecting his own ruin. The solicitor who had managed the cause of the
Admiralty at the court-martial on Lord Gambier, and therein proved his
skill, was entrusted with the ugly work. By him an elaborate case for
prosecution was trumped up, and Lord Cochrane, hindered from sailing
to North America in the _Tonnant_, and hindered from obtaining any
other employment in his country's service during four-and-thirty
years, was, on the 8th of June, placed in the prisoner's dock at the
Court of King's Bench on a charge of conspiring with his uncle, Mr.
Cochrane Johnstone, with De Berenger, and with some other persons,
to defraud the Stock Exchange. Lord Ellenborough, who presided at the
trial, delivered a charge which was even more virulent and more marked
by political spite than was his wont, and the too compliant jury
brought in a verdict of "guilty." Lord Cochrane vainly sought for a
new trial, and vainly adduced abundant proof of his innocence. The
chance of justice that is every Englishman's right was denied to him.
He was sentenced to an hour's detention in the pillory at the entrance
of the Royal Exchange, to a year's imprisonment in the King's Bench
Prison, and to a fine of a thousand pounds.

The first part of the sentence was not insisted upon, as Sir Francis
Burdett, Lord Cochrane's noble-hearted colleague as member for
Westminster, avowed his intention of standing also in the pillory, if
his friend was subjected to that indignity, and of thus encouraging
the storm of popular indignation, that, without any such
encouragement, would probably have led to consequences which
the Government, already hated by all Englishmen who loved their
birthright, dared not brook. But the unworthy vengeance of his
persecutors was amply satisfied in other ways. He had already suffered
more than most men. "Neglect," he said, "I was accustomed to. But when
an alleged offence was laid to my charge, in which, on the honour of
a man now on the brink of the grave, I had not the slightest
participation, and from which I never benefited, nor thought to
benefit one farthing, and when this allegation was, by political
rancour and legal chicanery, consummated in an unmerited conviction
and an outrageous sentence, my heart for the first time sank within
me, as conscious of a blow, the effect of which it has required all my
energies to sustain."

It is needless now to say anything in proof of Lord Cochrane's
innocence of the charge brought against him. The world has long since
reversed the verdict passed at Lord Ellenborough's dictation. That
an officer and a gentleman of Lord Cochrane's reputation should have
demeaned himself by becoming a party to the fraud of which he was
accused, is, to say the least, improbable. That, if he had been guilty
of that fraud, he should not have availed himself of the only benefit
that could be derived from it by investing in the stocks when they
were low and selling out during the brief time of their artificial
value, is far more improbable. That, when the fraud was perpetrated,
and its chief instrument was undiscovered, he should have left the
_Tonnant_ in order to expose him, instead of taking him away from
England, and so almost ensuring the preservation of the secret, is
utterly impossible.

His only faults were too great faith in his own innocence and a too
chivalrous desire to protect, or rather to abstain from injuring, his
unworthy kinsman. "I must be here distinctly understood," it was said
by Lord Brougham, in his "Historic Sketches of British Statesmen," "to
deny the accuracy of the opinion which Lord Ellenborough appears to
have formed in this case, and deeply to lament the verdict of
'guilty' which the jury returned after three hours' consultation
and hesitation. If Lord Cochrane was at all aware of his uncle Mr.
Cochrane Johnstone's proceedings, it was the whole extent of his
privity to the fact. Having been one of the counsel engaged in the
cause, I can speak with some confidence respecting it, and I take upon
me to assert that Lord Cochrane's conviction was mainly owing to the
extreme repugnance which he felt to giving up his uncle, or taking
those precautions for his own safety which would have operated against
that near relation. Even when he, the real criminal, had confessed his
guilt by taking to flight, and the other defendants were brought up
for judgment, we, the counsel, could not persuade Lord Cochrane to
shake himself loose from the contamination by abandoning him."

Part of a letter addressed to the Earl of Dundonald in 1859, on the
anniversary of his eighty-fourth birthday, and shortly after the
publication of the first volume of his "Autobiography of a Seaman," by
the daughter of the man whose wrong-doing had conduced so terribly
to his misfortunes, may here be fitly quoted:—"You are still active,
still in health," says the writer, "and you have just given to the
world a striking proof of the vigour of your mind and intellect. Many
years I cannot wish for you; but may you live to finish your book,
and, if it please God, may you and I have a peaceful death-bed. We
have both suffered much mental anguish, though in various degrees; for
yours was indeed the hardest lot that an honourable man can be called
on to bear. Oh, my dear cousin, let me say once more, whilst we are
still here, how, ever since that miserable time, I have felt that you
suffered for my poor father's fault—how agonizing that conviction
was—how thankful I am that _tardy justice_ was done you. May God
return you fourfold for your generous though misplaced confidence in
him, and for all your subsequent forbearance!"

Another extract from a letter, from one out of a multitude of tributes
to the Earl of Dundonald's honourable bearing, which were tendered
after his death, shall close this introductory chapter. "Five years
after the trial of Lord Cochrane," wrote Sir Fitzroy Kelly, now Lord
Chief Baron, on the 17th of December, 1860, "I began to study for the
bar, and very soon became acquainted with and interested in his case,
and I have thought of it much and long during more than forty years;
and I am profoundly convinced that, had he been defended singly and
separately from the others accused, or had he at the last moment,
before judgment was pronounced, applied, with competent legal advice
and assistance, for a new trial, he would have been unhesitatingly and
honourably acquitted. We cannot blot out this dark page from our legal
and judicial history."




CHAPTER II.


THE ISSUE OF THE STOCK EXCHANGE TRIAL.—LORD COCHRANE'S COMMITTAL TO
THE KING'S BENCH PRISON.—THE DEBATE UPON HIS CASE IN THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS, AND HIS SPEECH ON THAT OCCASION.—HIS EXPULSION FROM THE
HOUSE, AND RE-ELECTION AS MEMBER FOR WESTMINSTER.—THE WITHDRAWAL OF
HIS SENTENCE TO THE PILLORY.—THE REMOVAL OF HIS INSIGNIA AS A KNIGHT
OF THE BATH.


[1814.]

The famous and infamous Stock Exchange trial occupied the 8th and 9th
of June, 1814; but the sentence was deferred until the 21st of the
same month, in consequence of Lord Cochrane's demand for a new trial.
That demand was not complied with, in spite of the production
of overwhelming evidence to justify it; and the victim of Lord
Ellenborough and the tyrannical Government of the day was at once
conveyed to the King's Bench Prison. No time was lost in heaping upon
him all the indignities which, in accordance with precedent and in
excess of all precedent, might supplement his degradation.

The first was a notice of motion which would result in his expulsion
from the House of Commons. Lord Cochrane promptly availed himself of
the opening thus afforded for a public avowal of his innocence. To
the Hon. Charles Abbot, then Speaker of the House, he wrote from his
prison on the 23rd of June. "Sir," runs the letter, "I respectfully
entreat you to communicate to the Honourable House of Commons my
earnest desire and prayer that no question arising out of the late
convictions in the Court of King's Bench may be agitated without
affording me timely notice and full opportunity of attending in my
place for the justification of my character. From the House of Commons
I hope to obtain that justice of which too implicit reliance on the
consciousness of my innocence, and circumstances over which I had no
control, have hitherto deprived me. The painful situation in which I
am placed is known to the House, and I trust that I shall be enabled
to demonstrate that a more injured man has never sought redress
from those to whose justice I now appeal for the preservation of my
character and existence."

In compliance with that request, and with parliamentary rules, Lord
Cochrane was conveyed from the King's Bench Prison to the House of
Commons, and allowed to read a carefully-prepared statement of his
case, on the 5th of July, the day fixed for investigation of the
subject. From this statement it is not necessary to cite the clear
and conclusive recapitulation of the evidence adduced at the trial, or
refused admission therein because it was too convincing, in proof of
Lord Cochrane's innocence; but room must be found for some passages
illustrating the independent temper of the speaker and the perversions
of justice to which he fell a victim.

"I am not here, sir," he said, "to bespeak compassion or to pave the
way to pardon. Both ideas are alike repugnant to my feelings. That the
public in general have felt indignation at the sentence that has been
passed upon me does honour to their hearts, and tends still to make
my country dear to me, in spite of what I have suffered from the
malignity of persons in power. But, sir, I am not here to complain of
the hardship of my case or about the cruelty of judges, who, for
an act which was never till now ever known or thought to be a legal
offence, have laid upon me a sentence more heavy than they have
ever yet laid upon persons clearly convicted of the most horrid
of crimes—crimes of which nature herself cries aloud against the
commission. If, therefore, it was my object to complain of the cruelty
of my judges, I should bid the public look into the calendar, and see
if they could find a punishment like that inflicted on me; inflicted
by these same judges on any one of these unnatural wretches. It is
not, however, my business to complain of the cruelty of this sentence.
I am here to assert, for the third time, my innocence in the most
unqualified and solemn manner; I am here to expose the unfairness of
the proceedings against me previous to the trial, at the trial,
and subsequent to it; I am here to expose the long train of artful
villainies which have been practised against me hitherto with so much
success.

"I am persuaded, sir, that the House will easily perceive, and every
honourable man, I am sure, participate in my feelings, that the
fine, the imprisonment, the pillory—even that pillory to which I am
condemned—are nothing, that they weigh not as a feather, when put
in the balance against my desire to show that I have been unjustly
condemned. Therefore, sir, I trust that the House will give a fair and
impartial hearing to what I have to say respecting the conduct of
my enemies, to expose which conduct is a duty which I owe to my
constituents, and to my country, not less than to myself.

"In the first place, sir, I here, in the presence of this House, and
with the eyes of the country fixed upon me, most solemnly declare that
I am wholly innocent of the crime which has been laid to my
charge, and for which I have been condemned to the most infamous of
punishments. Having repeated this assertion of my innocence, I next
proceed to complain of the means that have been made use of to effect
my destruction. And first, sir, was it ever before known in this or in
any other country, that the prosecutor should form a sort of court of
his own erection, call witnesses before it of his own choosing, and,
under offers of great rewards, take minutes of the evidence of such
witnesses, and publish those minutes to the world under the forms and
appearances of a judicial proceeding? Was it ever before known, that
steps like these were taken previous to an indictment,—previous to
the bringing of an intended victim into a court of justice? Was there
ever before known so regular, so systematic a scheme for exciting
suspicion against a man, and for implanting an immovable prejudice
against him in the minds of a whole nation, previous to the preferring
a Bill of Indictment, in order that the grand jury, be it composed
of whomsoever it might, should be predisposed to find the bill? I ask
you, sir, and I ask the House, whether it was ever before known, that
means like these were resorted to, previous to a man's being legally
accused? But, sir, what must the world think, when they see some of
those to whom the welfare and the honour of the nation are committed
covertly co-operating with a Committee of the Stock Exchange, and
becoming their associates in so nefarious a scheme? Nevertheless, sir,
this fact is now notorious to the whole world. I must confess I was
not prepared to believe the thing possible."

Thereupon followed a detailed examination of the charges brought
against Lord Cochrane, and of the way in which those charges were
handled, special complaint being made concerning the malicious bearing
of Lord Ellenborough. "It must be in the recollection of the House,"
said Lord Cochrane, "as it is in that of the public, that he urged,
that he compelled, the counsel to enter upon my defence _after
midnight_, at the end of fifteen hours from the commencement of the
trial, when that counsel declared himself quite exhausted, and when
the jury, who were to decide, were in a state of such weariness as to
render attention to what was said totally impossible. The speeches
of the counsel being ended, the judge, at _half-past three in the
morning_, adjourned the court till ten; thus separating the evidence
from the argument, and reserving his own strength, and the strength
of my adversaries' advocates, for the close; giving to both the great
advantage of time to consider the reply, and to insert and arrange
arguments to meet those which had been urged in my defence."

All his treatment by Lord Ellenborough, as Lord Cochrane urged, was of
that sort, or worse. "Of all tyrannies, sir," he said, "the worst
is that which exercises its vengeance under the guise of judicial
proceedings, and especially if a jury make part of the means by which
its base purposes are effected. The man who is flung into prison, or
sent to the scaffold, at the nod of an avowed despotism, has at least
the consolation to know that his sufferings bring down upon that
despotism the execration of mankind; but he who is entrapped
and entangled in the meshes of a crafty and corrupt system of
jurisprudence; who is pursued imperceptibly by a law with leaden
feet and iron jaws; who is not put upon his trial till the ear of the
public has been poisoned, and its heart steeled against him,—falls,
at last, without being cheered with a hope of seeing his tyrants
execrated even by the warmest of his friends. In their principle, the
ancient and settled laws of England are excellent; but of late years,
so many injurious and fatal alterations in the law have taken place,
that any man who ventures to meddle with public affairs, and to oppose
persons in power, is sure and certain, sooner or later, to suffer in
some way or other.

"Sir, the punishment which the malice of my enemies has procured to be
inflicted on me is not, in my mind, worth a moment's reflection. The
judge supposed, apparently, that the sentence of the pillory would
disgrace and mortify me. I can assure him, and I now solemnly assure
this House, my constituents, and my country, that I would rather stand
in my own name, in the pillory, every day of my life, under such a
sentence, than I would sit upon the bench in the name and with the
real character of Lord Ellenborough for one single hour.

"Something has been said, sir, in this House, as I have heard, about
an application for a mitigation of my sentence, in a certain quarter,
where, it is observed, that mercy never failed to flow; but I can
assure the House that an application for pardon, extorted from me, is
one of the things which even a partial judge and a packed jury have
not the power to accomplish. No, sir; I will seek for, and I look for,
pardon _nowhere_, for _I have committed no crime_. I have sought for,
I still seek for, and I confidently expect JUSTICE; not, however, at
the hands of those by whose machinations I have been brought to
what they regard as my ruin, but at the hands of my enlightened and
virtuous constituents, to whose exertions the nation owes that there
is still a voice to cry out against that haughty and inexorable
tyranny which commands silence to all but parasites and hypocrites."

Thus ended Lord Cochrane's written argument. It was followed by, a few
words spoken on the spur of the moment: "Having so long occupied
its time, I will not trouble the House longer than to implore it to
investigate the circumstances of my case. I think I have stated enough
to induce it to call for the minutes of the trial. All I wish is an
inquiry. Many important facts yet remain to be considered, and I
trust that the House will not come to a decision with its eyes shut.
I entreat, I implore investigation. It is true that a sentence of a
court of law has been pronounced against me; but that punishment is
nothing, and will to me seem nothing, in comparison with what it is in
the power of the House to inflict. I have already suffered much;
but if after a deliberate and a fair investigation the House shall
determine that I am guilty, then let me be deserted and abandoned by
the world. I shall submit without repining to any the most dreadful
penalty that the House can assign. I solemnly declare before Almighty
God that I am ignorant of the whole transaction. Into the hearts of
men we cannot penetrate; we cannot dive into their inmost thoughts;
but my heart I lay open, and my most secret thoughts I disclose to
the House. I entreat the strictest scrutiny and a patient hearing. I
implore it at your hands, as an act of justice, and once more I call
upon my Maker, upon Almighty God, to bear witness that I am innocent.
He knows my heart, He knows all its secrets, and He knows that I am
innocent."

An animated debate followed upon that eloquent address. Viscount
Castlereagh complained that Lord Cochrane, instead of defending
himself, had only libelled Lord Ellenborough and the noblest
institutions of the land. Other speakers expressed similar opinions;
but others testified to the consistent character of Lord Cochrane,
rendering it impossible that he should be guilty of the offence
with which he was charged; and others again confessed that, having
previously had doubts in the matter, those doubts had been removed by
the high-minded tone and the powerful arguments of his defence. But in
the end the House adopted the view set forth by Lord Castlereagh; that
its duty was simply to accept the verdict of the Court of the King's
Bench, and, according to precedent, to expel the member declared
guilty by that court, without daring to revive the question of his
guilt or innocence; and that it would be better for an innocent man
thus to suffer, than for the House to assail "the bulwarks of English
liberty," by turning itself into a Star Chamber, or an Inquisition,
and attempting to interfere with "the regular administration of
justice." The proposal that Lord Cochrane's case should be referred to
a Select Committee was rejected without a division. The motion that he
should be expelled from the House was carried by a hundred and forty
members, against forty-four dissentients.

That new act of injustice, however, though it added much to Lord
Cochrane's suffering, brought him no fresh disgrace. It only led
to his triumphant re-election as member for Westminster, under
circumstances that were reasonably consoling to him. His seat having
been taken from him on the 5th of July, a great meeting of the
electors, attended by five thousand people, was held on the 11th.
It was there unanimously resolved that Lord Cochrane was perfectly
innocent of the Stock Exchange fraud, that he was a fit and proper
person to represent the City of Westminster in Parliament, and that
his re-election should be secured without any expense to him. Richard
Brinsley Sheridan, his stout opponent at the previous election, who
was now urged to oppose him again, honourably refused to do so; and
therefore the election passed without a contest. But contest would
only have added to its glory; unless, indeed, the people, over-zealous
in their expression of sympathy for their representative, had been
provoked thereby to violent exhibition of their temper. Even without
such provocation the turmoil of the re-election day, the 16th of July,
was great; angry crowds assembled in the streets, and menacing words
against the Government and its myrmidons were loudly uttered. The
wisdom of Sir Francis Burdett and other leaders of the popular party,
however, prevented anything worse than angry speech.

"Amongst all the occurrences of my life," said Lord Cochrane,
writing from the King's Bench Prison to thank the electors for their
confidence in him, "I can call to memory no one which has produced so
great a degree of exultation in my breast as this, that, after all the
machinations of corruption have been able to effect against me, the
citizens of Westminster have, with unanimous voice, pronounced me
worthy of continuing to be one of their representatives in Parliament.
With regard to the case, the agitation of which has been the cause
of this most gratifying result, I am in no apprehension as to the
opinions and feelings of the world, and especially of the people
of England, who, though they may be occasionally misled, are never
deliberately cruel or unjust. Only let it be said of me: 'The Stock
Exchange has accused; Lord Ellenborough has charged for guilty; the
special jury have found that guilt; the Court have sentenced to the
pillory; the House of Commons have expelled; and the Citizens of
Westminster have re-elected,'—only let this be the record placed
against my name, and I shall be proud to stand in the calendar of
criminals all the days of my life."

The worst part of the sentence passed upon Lord Cochrane, as has been
already said, was not carried out. The 10th of August had been fixed
as the day on which he was to stand in the pillory for an hour in
front of the Royal Exchange. But the danger of a disturbance among the
people, and of fierce opposition in the House of Commons hindered the
perpetration of this indignity. Some sentences of a letter addressed
to Lord Ebrington, deprecating his motion in Parliament for a
remission of this part of the sentence, are too characteristic,
however, to be left unquoted. "I did not expect," said Lord Cochrane,
"to be treated by your lordship as an object of mercy, on the grounds
of past services, or severity of sentence. I cannot allow myself to be
indebted to that tenderness of disposition which has led your lordship
to form an erroneous estimate of the amount of punishment due to the
crimes of which I have been accused; nor can I for a moment consent
that any past services of mine should be prostituted to the purpose of
protecting me from any part of the vengeance of the laws against which
I, if at all, have grossly offended. If I am guilty, I richly merit
the whole of the sentence that has been passed upon me. If innocent,
one penalty cannot be inflicted with more justice than another."

If the degradation of the pillory was remitted, another degradation
quite as painful to Lord Cochrane was substituted for it. His name
having, on the 25th of June, been struck off the list of naval
officers in the Admiralty, the Knights Companions of the Bath promptly
held a chapter to consider the propriety of expelling him from their
ranks. That was soon done, and no time was lost in making the insult
as thorough as possible. At one o'clock in the morning of the 11th
of August, the Bath King at Arms repaired to King Henry the Seventh's
Chapel in Westminster Abbey, and there, under a warrant signed by Lord
Sidmouth, the Secretary of State, removed the banner of Lord Cochrane,
which was suspended between those of Lord Beresford and Sir Brent
Spencer. His arms were next unscrewed, and his helmet, sword, and
other insignia were taken down from the stall. The banner was then
kicked out of the chapel and down the steps by the official, eager to
omit no possible indignity. It was an indignity unparalleled since the
establishment of the order in 1725.




CHAPTER III.


LORD COCHRANE'S BEARING IN THE KING'S BENCH PRISON—HIS STREET
LAMPS.—HIS ESCAPE, AND THE MOTIVES FOR IT.—HIS CAPTURE IN THE HOUSE
OF COMMONS, AND SUBSEQUENT TREATMENT.—HIS CONFINEMENT IN THE STRONG
ROOM OF THE KING'S BENCH PRISON.—HIS RELEASE.


[1814-1815.]

During the first period of his imprisonment Lord Cochrane was not
treated with more than usual severity. Two rooms in the King's Bench
State House were provided for him, in which, of course, all the
expenses of his maintenance devolved upon himself. He was led
to understand that, if he chose to ask for it, he might have the
privilege of "the rules," which would have allowed him, on certain
conditions, a range of about half-a-mile round the prison. But he
did not choose to ask. Rather, he said, than seek any favour from
the Government, he would lie in a dungeon all through the term of his
unjust imprisonment. Throughout that period he resolutely avowed his
perfect innocence, to friends and foes alike; and the consciousness
of his innocence helped him to bear up under a degradation that, to
a nature as sensitive and chivalrous as his, was doubly bitter. Good
friends, like Sir Francis Burdett, came to cheer him in his solitude,
and over-zealous, yet honest, friends, like William Cobbett, came to
take counsel with him as to ways of keeping alive and quickening the
popular indignation which, without any stimulants from headstrong
demagogues, was strong enough on his behalf.

The tedium of his captivity was further relieved by his devotion to
those scientific and mechanical pursuits which, all through life,
yielded employment very solacing to himself, and very profitable to
the world. While in the King's Bench Prison he was especially occupied
in completing a plan for lighting the public streets by means of a
lamp invented by him, in which the main principle was the introduction
of a steady current of fresh air into the globes, whereby all the oil
was fairly burnt, and a brilliant light was always maintained. In this
way lamps much cheaper than those previously in use were found to have
a far greater illuminating power. Early in October, 1814, the lamps
in St. Ann's parish, Westminster, numbering eight hundred in all, were
taken down and replaced by four hundred constructed on Lord Cochrane's
plan; and even political opponents spoke in acknowledgment of the
excellent result of the change. Had it not been for the introduction
of gas, the superiority of these new lamps must soon have compelled
their adoption all over London. It is curious that the discovery of
the illuminating power of gas—undoubtedly due to his father—should
have superseded one of Lord Cochrane's most promising inventions as
soon as it had been brought to recognized perfection.

In such pursuits nine months of the unjust imprisonment were passed.
"Lord Cochrane has hitherto borne all his hardships with great
fortitude," wrote one of his most intimate friends on the 10th of
November, "and, if there are any more in store for him, I hope he will
continue to be cheerful and courageous." "His lordship always hopes
for the best, and is never afraid of the worst," said the same
authority on the 9th of December, "and therefore he is in good
spirits."

This fearless disposition led, in March, 1815, to a bold step, which
some of Lord Cochrane's best friends deprecated. Knowing that he
was unjustly imprisoned, he conceived that, since his re-election
as member for Westminster, the imprisonment was illegal as well as
unjust, in that it was contrary to the privilege of Parliament. The
law provides that "no Member of Parliament can be imprisoned either
for non-payment of a fine to the King, or for any other cause than
treason, felony, or refusing to give security for the peace." It
may be questioned whether, in the presence of this law, his first
imprisonment, even under the sentence of the Court of King's Bench,
was legal. But having been imprisoned, and having been expelled from
the House of Commons, it is clear that his subsequent re-election
could not interfere with the fulfilment, of the sentence passed
against him, especially as he had not been able to make good his title
to membership by taking the prescribed oaths and claiming a seat in
the House. He, however—acting as it would seem under the advice of
William Cobbett and other unsafe counsellors—thought otherwise,
and considered that he was only vindicating a high constitutional
principle, against the exercise of despotic power by the Government,
in making his escape from the King's Bench Prison. "I did not quit
these walls," he said in a letter addressed to the electors
of Westminster, on the 12th of April, "to escape from personal
oppression, but, at the hazard of my life, to assert that right to
liberty which, as a member of the community, I have never forfeited,
and that right, which I received from you, to attack in its very den
the corruption which threatens to annihilate the liberties of us all.
I did not quit them to fly from the justice of my country, but to
expose the wickedness, fraud, and hypocrisy of those who elude that
justice by committing their enormities under the colour of its name.
I did not quit them from the childish motive of impatience under
suffering. I stayed long enough to evince that I could endure
restraint as a pain, but not as a penalty. I stayed long enough to be
certain that my persecutors were conscious of their injustice, and to
feel that my submission to their unmerited inflictions was losing the
dignity of resignation, and sinking into the ignominious endurance of
an insult."

The escape was effected on the 6th of March, and by the same means
which had proved successful in Lord Cochrane's retreat from the
gaol at Malta, just four years before. His rooms in the King's Bench
Prison, being on the upper storey of the building known as the
State House, were nearly as high as the wall which formed the prison
boundary, and the windows were only a few feet distant from it.
The possibility of escape by this way, however, had never been
contemplated, and therefore the windows were unprotected by bars.
Accordingly Lord Cochrane, having been supplied, from time to time, by
the same servant who had aided him at Malta, with a quantity of small
strong rope, managed, soon after midnight, and while the watchman
going his rounds was in a distant part of the prison, to get out of
window and climb on to the roof of the building. Thence he threw a
running noose over the iron spikes placed on the wall, and, exercising
the agility that he had acquired during his seaman's occupations,
easily gained the summit—to be somewhat discomfited by having to sit
upon the iron spikes while he fastened his rope to one of them and
prepared, with its help, to slip down to the pavement on the outer
side of the wall. The rope was not strong enough, however, to bear his
weight; it snapped when he was some twenty-five feet from the ground,
and caused him to fall with his back upon the stone pavement. There he
lay, in an almost unconscious state, for a considerable time. But no
passer-by observed him; and before daylight he was able to crawl to
the house of an old nurse of his eldest son's, who gladly afforded him
concealment.

Long concealment was not intended by him. "If it had not been," he
said, "for the commotion excited by that obnoxious, injurious, and
arbitrary measure, the Corn Bill, which began to evince itself on
the day of my departure from prison, I should have lost no time in
proceeding to the House of Commons; but, conjecturing that the spirit
of disturbance might derive some encouragement from my unexpected
appearance at that time, and having no inclination to promote tumult,
I resolved to defer my appearance at the House, and, if possible,
to conceal my departure from the prison, until the order of the
metropolis should be restored."

To the same effect was a letter addressed by Lord Cochrane to the
Speaker of the House of Commons on the 9th of March. "I respectfully
request," he said therein, "that you will state to the honourable
the House of Commons, that I should immediately and personally
have communicated to them my departure from the custody of Lord
Ellenborough, by whom I have been long most unjustly detained; but I
judged it better to endeavour to conceal my absence, and to defer my
appearance in the House until the public agitation excited by the Corn
Bill should subside. And I have further to request that you will also
communicate to the House that it is my intention, on an early day, to
present myself for the purpose of taking my seat and moving an inquiry
into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough."

On the day of that letter's delivery, the 10th of March—also famous
as the day on which Buonaparte's escape from Elba was published in
England—Lord Cochrane's gaolers discovered that he was no longer
in his prison. Immediately a hue and cry was raised. This notice was
issued: "Escaped from the King's Bench Prison, on Monday the 6th day
of March, instant, Lord Cochrane. He is about five feet eleven inches
in height,[A] thin and narrow-chested, with sandy hair and full eyes,
red whiskers and eyebrows. Whoever will apprehend and secure Lord
Cochrane in any of His Majesty's gaols in the kingdom shall have a
reward of three hundred guineas from William Jones, Marshal of the
King's Bench."

[Footnote A: He was really about six feet two inches in height, and
broad in proportion.]

Great search was made in consequence of that notice, and Lord
Cochrane's disappearance was an eleven days' wonder. Every newspaper
had each day a new statement as to his whereabouts. Some declared that
he had gone mad, and, as a madman's freak, was hiding himself in some
corner of the prison; others that he was lodging at an apothecary's
shop in London. According to one report, he had been seen at Hastings,
according to another, at Farnham, and according to another, in Jersey;
while others declared that he had been discovered in France and
elsewhere on the Continent.

None of the thousands whom political spite or the hope of reward set
in search of him thought of looking for him in his real resting-place.
"As soon as I had written to the Speaker," he said, "I went into
Hampshire, where I remained eleven days, and till within one day of my
appearance in the House of Commons. During that period I was occupied
in regulating my affairs in that county, and in riding about the
county, as was well known to the people of the neighbourhood, none of
whom were base enough to be seduced by a bribe to deliver an injured
man into the hands of his oppressors."

At his own house, known as Holly Hill, in the south of Hampshire, Lord
Cochrane remained quietly, though with no attempt to hide himself,
until the 20th of March. He then, in fulfilment of his original
purpose, returned to London, and on the following day entered the
House of Commons at about two o'clock in the afternoon. Very great
was the astonishment among the officials in attendance caused by his
appearance, "dressed," according to one of the newspaper reports, "in
his usual costume, grey pantaloons, frogged great-coat, &c.;" and by
some of them the intelligence of his arrival was promptly communicated
to the Marshal of the King's Bench. In the meanwhile, considering
himself safe within the precincts of the House at any rate, he
proceeded to occupy his customary seat. To that it was objected that,
until he had taken the oaths and complied with the prescribed forms
consequent on his re-election, he had no right within the building.
He answered that he was willing to do this, and, to see that all was
according to rule, went at once to the clerks' office. There it was
pretended that the writ of his re-election had not yet been received,
and that it must first be procured from the Crown Office, in Chancery
Lane. Awaiting the return of the messenger, ostensibly despatched for
this purpose, he again entered the House, and there he was found, at a
few minutes before four, by Mr. Jones, the marshal, who, on receiving
the information sent to him, had hurried up, with a Bow Street runner
and some tipstaves. The runner, walking up to Lord Cochrane and
touching him on the shoulder, bluntly claimed him as his prisoner.
Lord Cochrane asked by what authority he dared to arrest a Member of
Parliament in the House of Commons. "My lord," answered the man, "my
authority is the public proclamation of the Marshal of the King's
Bench Prison, offering a reward for your apprehension." Lord Cochrane
declared that he neither acknowledged, nor would yield to, any
such authority, that he was there to resume his seat as one of the
representatives of the City of Westminster, and that any who dared to
touch him would do so at their peril. Two tipstaves thereupon rudely
seized him by the arms. He again cautioned them that the Marshal of
the King's Bench had no authority within those walls, and that their
conduct was altogether illegal. The answer was that he had better
go quietly; his reply that he would not go at all. Other officers,
however, came up. After a short struggle, he was overpowered, and, on
his refusing to walk, he was carried out of the House on the shoulders
of the tipstaves and constables.

There was a halt, however, in this disgraceful march. The Bow Street
runner expressed a fear that Lord Cochrane had firearms concealed
under his clothes, and he was accordingly taken into one of the
committee-rooms to be searched. Nothing more dangerous was found about
him than a packet of snuff. "If I had thought of that before," said
Lord Cochrane, not quite wisely, "you should have had it in your
eyes!" On this incident was founded a foolish story, to be told next
day, amid a score of exaggerations and falsehoods, in the Government
newspapers. "Being asked why he had provided himself with such a
quantity of snuff," we there read, "he said he had bought a canister
for the purpose of throwing it in the eyes of those who might attempt
to secure him, unless the opposing force should be too strong for
resistance, observing that he had found the use of a similar weapon
when he was in the Bay of Rosas, as he had thrown a mixture of lime,
sand, &c., upon the Frenchmen who attempted to board his ship, and
found it effectual." Another zealous organ of the Government added
that he had also provided himself with a bottle of vitriol, to be used
in the same way.

Had a penknife been found in his pocket, perhaps the Marshal of the
King's Bench, the Bow Street runner, the tipstaves, and the constables
would all have fled, deeming that the possession of so deadly an
instrument made the retention of their captive too dangerous a thing
to be attempted. The snuff having been seized, however, he was again
lodged on the officers' shoulders and so conveyed into the courtyard.
He then said that, being now beyond the privilege of the House, he was
willing to proceed quietly. A coach was called, and he was taken back
to the King's Bench Prison.

The indignity thus offered to him was small indeed in comparison with
the indignity offered to the Parliament of England. In former times
the slightest encroachment by the Crown, by the Government, or by
any humbler part of the executive, was fiercely resented; and to this
resentment some of the greatest and most memorable crises in the long
fight for English liberty are due. But rarely had there been a
more flagrant, never a more wanton, infringement of the hardly-won
privileges of the House of Commons. Had Lord Cochrane been detected
and seized violently in some out-of-the-way hiding-place, the
over-zealous servants of the Crown would have had some excuse for
their conduct. But in appearing publicly in the House, he showed to
all the world that he was no runaway from justice, that he was willing
to submit to its honest administration by honest hands, that all he
sought was a fair hearing and a fair judgment upon his case, and that,
believing it impossible to obtain that through the elaborate machinery
of oppression which then went by the name of administration
of justice, he now only asserted his right, the right of every
Englishman, and especially the right of a Member of Parliament, to
appeal from the agents of the law to the makers of the law, to call
upon the legislators of his country to see whether he had not been
wrongfully used by the men who, though practically too much their
masters, were in theory only their servants.

"I did not go to the House of Commons," he said, "to complain about
losses or sufferings, about fine or imprisonment; or of property, to
the amount of ten times the fine, of which I had been cheated by this
malicious prosecution. I did not go to the House to complain of
the mockery of having been heard in my defence, and answered by a
reference to the decision from which that defence was an appeal. I did
not go there to complain of those who expelled me from my profession.
I did not go to the House to complain _generally_ of the advisers of
the Crown. But I went there to complain of the conduct of him who has
indeed the right of recommending to mercy, but whose privilege, as
a Privy Councillor, of advising the confirmation of his own
condemnations, and of interposing between the victims of
legal vengeance and the justice of the throne, is spurious and
unconstitutional. When it is considered that my intention of going to
the House of Commons was announced on the day on which my absence from
the prison was discovered; I say, when it is considered that, as soon
as it was known that I had left the prison, it was also known that I
had left it for the express purpose of going to the House of Commons
to move for an inquiry into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough; when it
is considered that every engine was set to work to tempt or intimidate
me from that purpose, to frighten me out of the country or allure me
back to the custody of the marshal, that assurances were given that
the doors should be kept open for my admission at any hour of the
night, and that I should be received with secresy, courtesy, and
indemnity; and when it is considered that I was afterwards seized in
the House of Commons, in defiance of the privileges of the House—can
there be a doubt that the object of that apprehension was less the
accomplishment of the sentence of the court than the prevention of
the exposure which I was prepared to make of the injustice of that
sentence? That recourse should have been had to violence to stifle the
accusations which I was prepared to bring forward, that terror of the
truth should have so superseded a wonted reverence for parliamentary
privileges as to have admitted the intrusion of tipstaves and
thief-takers into the House of Commons, to seize the person of an
individual elected to serve as a member of that House, and avowedly
attendant for that purpose, is extraordinary, though not unnatural."

It must be admitted that the question of breach of privilege was
somewhat more complicated than Lord Cochrane considered. His opponents
did not think with him that he was still a member of the House of
Commons. That membership had been taken from him, formally, though
wrongfully, by his expulsion on the 5th of July, and he had
himself recognized the expulsion by accepting re-election from the
constituents of Westminster on the 16th of the same month. According
to precedent, however, that re-election could not be perfected until
the customary oaths had been taken; and, through a trick contrived
in the clerks' office, he was hindered from taking them before the
arrival of the marshal and his consequent arrest. Yet there can be no
doubt that, in the special circumstances of the case, this arrest was
especially indecorous, and, in the method of effecting it, altogether
illegal. If he had no right in the House of Commons, he was a common
trespasser, and ought to have been at once removed by the servants of
the House, who alone could have power to touch him within the walls.
To allow him a seat therein, without molestation, until the arrival
of the servants of the King's Bench Prison, and then to allow those
servants to enter the House and act upon an authority that could there
be no authority, was wholly unwarrantable, a gross insult to Lord
Cochrane, and, to the customs of the House of Commons, an insult yet
more gross. But to the hardship and the insult alike the House of
Commons, servile in its devotion to the Government of the day, was
blind.

A miserable farce ensued. While the House was sitting, a few hours
after Lord Cochrane's capture, a letter from the Marshal of the King's
Bench was read by the Speaker, in which his bold act was formally
reported and apologized for. "I humbly hope," he there said, "that I
have not committed any breach of privilege by the steps I have taken;
and that, if I have done wrong, it will be attributed to error in
judgment, and not to any intention of doing anything that might give
offence."

The short debate that followed the reading of that letter is very
noteworthy. Lord Castlereagh spoke first, and dictated the view to
be taken by all loyal members of the House. "From the nature of the
arrest and the circumstances attending it, I do not think, sir," he
said, "that the House is called upon to interfere. I am not aware, as
the House was not actually sitting, with the mace on the table and the
Speaker in the chair, when the arrest took place, that any breach of
privilege has been committed. It must be quite obvious to every man
that the marshal has not acted wilfully in violation of the privileges
of the House. No blame can attach to him, since he has submitted
himself to the judgment of the House of Commons after having done
that which he considered his duty as a civil officer. Having had Lord
Cochrane in his custody, from which he escaped, the marshal was bound
not to pass over any justifiable means of putting him under arrest
whenever a fair opportunity occurred."

Most of the members thought, with Lord Castlereagh, that this was
a "fair opportunity." Only one, Mr. Tierney—and he very
feebly—ventured to express an opposite opinion. "I consider this,"
he said, "to be the case of a member regularly elected to serve in
Parliament, and coming down to take his seat. Now, sir, the House is
regularly adjourned until ten o'clock in the morning; and I recollect
occasions when the Speaker did take the chair at that hour. Suppose,
then, a member, about to take his seat, came down here at an early
hour, with the proper documents in his hand, and desired to be
instructed in the mode of proceeding, and, while waiting, an officer
entered, arrested him, and took his person away, would not this be a
case to call for the interference of the House?" Mr. Tierney admitted
that he approved of Lord Cochrane's arrest, but feared it might become
a precedent and be put to the "improper purpose" of sanctioning the
arrest of members more deserving of consideration.

To please him, and to satisfy the formalities, therefore, the question
was referred to a committee of privileges. This committee reported, on
the 23rd of March, "that, under the particular circumstances, it did
not appear that the privileges of Parliament had been violated, so as
to call for the interposition of the House;" and the House of Commons
being satisfied with that opinion, no further attention was paid to
the subject.

In the meanwhile Lord Cochrane was being punished, with inexcusable
severity, for his contempt of the authority of Lord Ellenborough and
Mr. Jones. A member of the House, during the discussion of the 21st of
March, had said that he had just come from the King's Bench Prison.
"I found Lord Cochrane," he had averred, "confined there in a strong
room, fourteen feet square, without windows, fireplace, table, or
bed. I do not think it can be necessary for the purpose of security
to confine him in this manner. According to my own feelings, it is a
place unfit for the noble lord, or for any other person whatsoever."

In this Strong Room, however, Lord Cochrane was detained for more
than three weeks. It was partly underground, devoid of ventilation or
necessary warmth, and, according to the testimony of Dr. Buchan, one
of the physicians who visited him in it, "rendered extremely damp and
unpleasant by the exudations coming through the wall."

On being taken to this den immediately after his capture, Lord
Cochrane was informed by Mr. Jones that he would be detained in it for
a short time only, until the apartments over the lobby of the prison
were prepared for his reception. That was done in a few days; but no
intimation of a change was made until the 1st of April, when a message
to that effect was sent to the prisoner. On the following day he
received a letter from Mr. Jones informing him that, if he would
anticipate the payment of the fine of 1000£ levied against him, and
would also pledge himself, and give security for the keeping of the
promise, to make no further effort to escape, he might be allowed to
occupy the more comfortable quarters. "It is no new thing," said Lord
Cochrane, "for a prisoner to escape or to be retaken; but to require
of any prisoner a bond and securities not to repeat such escape was,
I think, a proposition without precedent, and such as the marshal knew
could not be complied with by me without humiliation, and therefore
could not be proposed by him without insult. Besides, he had my
assurance that if I were again to quit his custody (which I gave him
no reason to believe I should attempt, and which, as I observed and
believe, it was as easy for me to effect from that room as from any
other part of the prison), I should proceed no further than to the
House of Commons, and that where he found me before he might find me
again; I having had no other object in view than that of expressing,
by some peculiar act, the keen sense which I entertained of _peculiar_ injustice, and of endeavouring to bring such additional proofs of that
injustice before the House as were not in my possession when I was
heard in my defence." Mr. Jones, however, resolved to keep his captive
in the Strong Room, unless he would promise to resign himself to
captivity in a less obnoxious part of the prison.

Even for that negative favour the marshal took great credit to himself
in a document which he issued at the time. "If a humane and kind
concern for this unfortunate nobleman," he there averred, "had not
softened the solicitude which I naturally felt for my own security, I
could have committed him, on my own warrant for the escape, to the new
gaol in Horsemonger Lane, for the space of a month; and that power
is still within my jurisdiction. Had I thought proper to exercise it,
Lord Cochrane would then have been confined in a solitary cell with a
stone floor, with windows impenetrably barred and without glass; nor
would it have proved half the size of the Strong Room in the King's
Bench, which has a boarded floor and glazed lights." That statement
reasonably stirred the anger of Lord Cochrane. "Though the solitary
cell in Horsemonger Lane," he answered, "may be half the size of the
Strong Room, it could not, I apprehend, have been more gloomy, damp,
filthy, or injurious to health than the last-mentioned dungeon. And
since Mr. Jones could only have confined me in the former place for
a month, and did confine me in the latter for twenty-six days, I can
scarcely see that degree of difference which should entitle him to
those 'grateful sentiments for his mode of acting on the occasion'
which, he submits to the public, it is my duty to entertain. The
'glazed lights' mentioned by Mr. Jones were not put up till I had been
thirty hours in the place, and I have always understood that I was
indebted for them to the good offices of Mr. Bennet and Mr. Lambton,
who happened [as part of a Parliamentary Committee] to be prosecuting
their inquiry into the state of the prison at the time of my return.
For these and all other mercies of the said marshal, my gratitude is
due to their friendship and sense of duty, and to his dread of their
discoveries and proceedings."

It is clear that nothing but fear of the consequences induced Mr.
Jones to remove Lord Cochrane from the Strong Room, after twenty-six
days of confinement therein. On the 12th of April the prisoner issued
an address to the electors of Westminster, detailing some of the
hardships to which he was being subjected; and its publication
immediately roused so much popular interest that the authorities of
King's Bench Prison deemed it necessary to make at any rate a show of
amelioration in his treatment. On the 13th, his physician, Dr. Buchan,
was allowed to visit him, and his report was such that another medical
man of eminence, Mr. Saumarez, was sent to examine into the state of
the prisoner's health. Part of Dr. Buchan's certificate has already
been quoted. The rest was as follows: "This is to certify that I have
this day visited Lord Cochrane, who is affected with severe pain of
the breast. His pulse is low, his hands cold, and he has many symptoms
of a person about to have typhus or putrid fever. These symptoms are,
in my opinion, produced by the stagnant air of the Strong Room in
which he is now confined." "I hereby certify," wrote Mr. Saumarez,
"that I have visited Lord Cochrane, and am of opinion, from the state
of his health at this time, that it is essentially necessary that he
should be removed from the room which he now inhabits to one which
is better ventilated, and in which there is a fireplace. His lordship
complains of pain in the chest, with difficulty of respiration,
accompanied with great coldness of the hands; and, from the general
state of his health, there is great reason to fear that a low typhus
may come on."

The only result of those medical opinions was a renewal of the
offer to remove Lord Cochrane to the rooms prepared for him, on the
conditions previously specified by Mr. Jones. Lord Cochrane answered
that he would rather die than submit to such an insulting arrangement.
He published the doctors' certificates, however, on the 15th of April,
and their effect upon the public was so great that the authorities
were forced on the following day to take him out of his dungeon. Mr.
Jones's account of this step is worth quoting. "I again tried," he
reported, "to induce Lord Cochrane's friends and relations to give me
any kind of undertaking against another escape. On their refusal, I
determined myself to become his friend, and, at my own risk, to remove
him to the rooms which have been already mentioned, and where, I am
confident, he can have no cause of complaint. These rooms not being
altogether safe against such a person as Lord Cochrane, should he
determine to risk another escape, I must look to the laws of my
country as a safeguard, in the hope that the terrors of them will
discourage him from attempting a repetition of his offence, and
prevent him from incurring the penalties of another indictment."

Lord Cochrane never really intended to attempt a second escape. Had it
been otherwise, the illness induced by his confinement in the Strong
Room would have restrained him. Being placed in healthier apartments
on the 16th of April, he quietly remained there for the remainder of
his term of imprisonment. On the 20th of June he was informed that,
the term being now at an end, he was at liberty to depart on payment
of the fine of 1000£ levied against him. This he at first refused
to do, and accordingly he was detained in prison for a fortnight more;
but at length the entreaties of his friends prevailed. On the 3rd of
July he tendered to the Marshal of the King's Bench a 1000£ note,
with this memorable endorsement: "My health having suffered by long
and close confinement, and my oppressors being resolved to deprive
me of property or life, I submit to robbery to protect myself from
murder, in the hope that I shall live to bring the delinquents to
justice." Upon that the prison doors were opened for him, and he was
able once more to fight for the justice so cruelly withheld from
him, and to make his innocence entirely clear to all whose selfish
interests did not force them to be blind to the truth.




CHAPTER IV.


LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.—HIS SHARE IN THE
REFUSAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S MARRIAGE PENSION.—HIS CHARGES
AGAINST LORD ELLENBOROUGH, AND THEIR REJECTION BY THE HOUSE.—HIS
POPULARITY.—THE PART TAKEN BY HIM IN PUBLIC MEETINGS FOR THE RELIEF
OF THE PEOPLE.—THE LONDON TAVERN MEETING.—HIS FURTHER PROSECUTION,
TRIAL AT GUILDFORD, AND SUBSEQUENT IMPRISONMENT.—THE PAYMENT OF HIS
FINES BY A PENNY SUBSCRIPTION.—THE CONGRATULATIONS OF HIS WESTMINSTER
CONSTITUENTS.


[1815-1816.]

Released from imprisonment on Monday, the 3rd of July, Lord Cochrane
resumed his seat in the House of Commons on the evening of the
same day, just in time to secure the defeat of a measure which was
especially obnoxious to his Radical friends. The Duke of Cumberland
having lately married a daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz,
it was proposed to augment his income of about 20,000£ a year by
a further pension of 6000£ A bill to that effect was brought in by
Lord Castlereagh, and, after much sullen opposition from independent
members, allowed a first reading by a majority of seventeen. On the
second division the majority was reduced to twelve. The bill was
brought on for the third reading on the 3rd of July, and would have
been passed through the House of Commons by the Speaker's casting vote
but for Lord Cochrane's sudden appearance. His vote secured a majority
against it, and thereby it was finally overthrown. Great, on the
morrow, were the rejoicings of his supporters. "What a triumph," it
was said in a friendly newspaper, "is this to innocence! After being
sentenced to the scandalous and disgraceful punishment of the pillory,
after being confined in a loathsome dungeon, fined 1000£ in money
to the king, disgracefully removed from that service in which he had
attained such high honours and rendered to his country such essential
service, his escutcheon kicked out of Westminster Abbey, his order
of knighthood taken from him; in short, after having every possible
indignity which the most malignant imagination could invent heaped
upon him in every way, his single vote, on the very first day of his
returning to his parliamentary duties, has been the means of obtaining
a signal victory over those under whose persecution he had been so
long suffering."

The one victory upon which Lord Cochrane set his heart, however—the
reversal of the unjust sentence passed upon him, and the consequent
restoration of the honours and offices that were now doubly dear to
him—he was not able to obtain. On the 6th of July, just before the
prorogation of Parliament, he gave notice that, early in the next
session, he should move for the appointment of a committee to inquire
into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough and others towards him during
the Stock Exchange trial. In arranging for this new effort at
self-justification, he was partly occupied during the ensuing autumn
and winter, and the question was brought prominently before the House
of Commons in the spring of 1816; only to issue, however, in further
injustice and disappointment.

His purpose from the first was, of course, virtually the impeachment
of Lord Ellenborough; and that object was yet more apparent from the
altered shape which the question assumed when introduced in the new
session. During the recess, Lord Cochrane, with the help of advisers,
some of whom were more zealous than wise, William Cobbett being the
chief, had prepared an elaborate series of "charges of partiality,
misrepresentation, injustice, and oppression against the Lord Chief
Justice;" and these were formally introduced to the House of Commons
on the 5th of March. "When I recollect," said Lord Cochrane on that
occasion, "the imputations cast upon my character, and circulated
industriously previous to any legal proceedings, the conduct pursued
at my trial, the verdict obtained, the ineffectual endeavours; to
procure a revision of my case in the Court of King's Bench, and the
infamous sentence there pronounced, together with my expulsion from
this House without being suffered to expose its injustice—when I call
to mind my dismissal from a service in which I have spent the fairest
portion of my life, at least without reproach, and my illegal and
unmerited deprivation of the order of the Bath—it is impossible
to speak without emotion. I have but one course now left to pursue,
namely, to show that the charge of the Lord Chief Justice, on which he
directed the jury to decide, was not only unsupported by, but was
in direct contradiction to, the evidence on which it professed to
be founded. This is the best course to pursue both in justice to the
learned judge and to myself. Either I am unfit to sit in this House,
or the judge has no right to his place on the bench. I have courted
investigation in every shape; and I trust that the learned lord will
not shrink from it or suffer his friends on the opposite side to evade
the consideration of these charges by 'the previous question.'"

Lord Cochrane thereupon tendered to the House thirteen charges against
Lord Ellenborough, in which every point of importance in the Stock
Exchange trial was minutely detailed and discussed; and these charges
being read, therein occupying nearly three hours, were ordered to be
printed. A fourteenth charge, bearing upon Lord Ellenborough's conduct
subsequent to the trial, was introduced on the 29th of March; but
this, as it included aspersions upon the character of another judge,
Sir Simon Le Blanc, was objected to and withdrawn. There was further
discussion on the subject on the 1st and the 29th of April; but not
much was done until the 30th of April.

On that evening, Lord Cochrane formally moved that his charges against
Lord Ellenborough should be referred to a Committee of the whole
House, and that evidence in support of them should be heard at the
bar. A lengthy discussion then ensued, the most notable speeches
being made by the Solicitor-General, Sir Francis Burdett, and the
Attorney-General.

The Solicitor-General of course opposed the motion. "As the House, on
the one hand," he said, "should jealously watch over the conduct of
judges, so, on the other, it should protect them when deserving of
protection, not only as a debt of justice due to the judges, but as
a debt due to justice herself, in order that the public confidence in
the purity of the administration of our laws may not be disappointed,
and that the course of that administration may continue the admiration
of the world; for, unless the judges are protected in the exercise of
their functions, the public opinion of the excellence of our laws will
be inevitably weakened,—and to weaken public opinion is to weaken
justice herself."

That sort of argument, too frivolous and faulty, it might be supposed,
to influence any one, had weight with the House of Commons to which it
was addressed; and the Solicitor-General adduced much more of it.
To him the spotless character of Lord Ellenborough appeared to be an
ample defence against Lord Cochrane's charges. "Never," he said, with
a truthfulness that posterity can appreciate, "never was there an
individual at the bar or on the bench less liable to the imputation
of corrupt motives; never was there one more remarkable for
independence—I will say, sturdy independence—of character, than the
noble and learned lord. For twelve years he has presided on the bench
with unsullied honour, displaying a perfect knowledge of the
law; evincing as much legal knowledge as was ever amassed by any
individual; and now, in the latter part of his life, when he has
arrived at the highest dignity to which a man can arrive, by a
promotion well-earned at the bar, and doubly well-earned at the bench,
we are told that he has sacrificed all his honours by acting from
corrupt motives!"

Sir Francis Burdett replied effectively to the speeches of the
Solicitor-General and others who sided with him, and nobly defended
his friend. He showed that the proposal to refuse investigation of
this case because it might weaken the cause of justice, by making the
conduct of the administrators of justice contemptible, was worse than
frivolous. "Such language," he averred, "would operate against the
investigation of any charges whatever against any judge; would indeed
form a barrier against the exercise of the best privilege of this
House—the privilege of inquiring into the conduct of courts of
justice. It would serve equally well to shelter even those judges
who have been dragged from the bench for their misconduct." He then
reviewed the incidents of the Stock Exchange trial, and urged that
Lord Cochrane had good reason for bringing forward his charges. "The
question for the House to consider is, 'Do these charges, if admitted,
contain criminal matter for the consideration of the House?' I
conceive that they do. No doubt the judges who condemned Russell and
Sidney were, at the time, spoken of as men of high character, who
could not be supposed to suffer any base motives to influence their
conduct. Such arguments as those ought to be banished from this House.
It is our duty to look, with constitutional suspicion on jealousy, on
the proceedings of the judges; and, when a grave charge is solemnly
brought forward, justice to the country, as well as to the judge,
demands an inquiry into it."

That, however, was refused. After a long speech from the
Attorney-General, and an eloquent reply by Lord Cochrane, the House
divided on the motion. Eighty-nine members voted against it. Its only
supporters were Sir Francis Burdett and Lord Cochrane himself. Not
only did the House refuse to listen to the allegations against Lord
Ellenborough; in the excess of its devotion to such law and such order
as the Government of the day appointed, it even resolved that all the
entries in its record of proceedings which referred to this subject
should be expunged from the journals. Lord Cochrane made no
resistance to this further insult thrown upon him. "It gives me great
satisfaction," he said, in the brief and dignified speech with which
he closed the discussion, "to think that the vote which has been come
to has been come to without any of my charges having been disproved.
Whatever may be done with them now, they will find their way to
posterity, and posterity will form a different judgment concerning
them than that which has been adopted by this House. So long as I have
a seat in this House, however, I will continue to bring them forward,
year by year and time after time, until I am allowed the opportunity
of establishing the truth of my allegations."

Other occupations prevented the full realization of that purpose. But
to the end of his life Lord Cochrane used every occasion of asserting
his innocence and courting a full investigation of all the incidents
on which his assertion was based. Posterity, as he truly prophesied,
has learnt to endorse his judgment; and therefore, in the ensuing
pages, it will not be necessary to adduce from his letters and actions
more than occasional illustrations of the temper which animated him
throughout with reference to this heaviest of all his heavy troubles.

By these troubles, however, even in the time of their greatest
pressure, he was not overcome; and in the midst of them he found time
and heart for active labour in the good work of various sorts that was
always dear to him. He used the advantages of his liberty in striving
to perfect the invention of improved street lamps and lighting
material that had occupied him while in prison, and to procure their
general adoption. His place in Parliament, moreover, all through the
session of 1816, was employed not only in seeking justice for himself,
but also in furthering every project advanced for benefiting the
community and checking the pernicious action of the Government. A
zealous, honest Whig before, he was now as zealous and as honest
as ever in all his political conduct. And his devotion to the best
interests of the people was yet more apparent in his unflagging
labours, out of Parliament, for the public good. His great abilities,
rendered all the more prominent by the cruel persecution to which he
had been and still was subjected, made him a leading champion of the
people during the turmoil to which misgovernment at home, and the
distracted state of foreign politics, gave a special stimulus in 1816.

A long list might be made of the great meetings which he attended,
and took part in, both among his own constituents of Westminster
and elsewhere, for the consideration of popular grievances and their
remedies. One such meeting, attended by Henry Brougham and Sir Francis
Burdett among others, was held in Palace Yard, Westminster, on the
1st of March, for the purpose of petitioning Parliament against the
renewal of the property-tax and the maintenance of a standing army in
time of peace. Lord Cochrane, the hero of the day, on account of "the
spirit of opposition which he had shown to the infringement of the
constitution and the grievances of the people," won for himself new
favour by the boldness with which he denounced the policy of the
Government, which, boasting that it was ruining the French nation, was
at the same time bringing misery also upon Englishmen by the excessive
taxation and the reckless extravagance to which it resorted.

A smaller, but much more momentous meeting assembled at the City
of London Tavern on the 29th of July, under the auspices of the
Association for the Relief of the Manufacturing and Labouring Poor.
Instigated in a spirit of praiseworthy charity by many of the most
influential persons of the day, it was used by Lord Cochrane for the
enforcement of the views as to public right and public duty, and the
mutual relations of the rich and the poor, which were forced upon him
by his recent troubles, and the relations in which he was at this time
placed with some over-zealous champions of popular reform, and some
unreasonable exponents of popular grievances. That his conduct on this
occasion was extravagant and even factious, he afterwards heartily
regretted. Yet as a memorable illustration of the power and
earnestness with which he fought for what seemed to him to be right,
as well with word as with sword, its details, as reported at the time,
may be here set forth at length.

About half-past one o'clock the Duke of York entered and took
the chair, supported on his right by the Duke of Kent, and on
his left by the Duke of Cambridge. He was accompanied on
his entrance by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of
London, the Duke of Rutland, Lord Manvers, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, Mr. Wilberforce, and other distinguished
individuals.

His Royal Highness the Duke of York immediately
proceeded to open the business of the day, by observing that the
present meeting had been called to consider and, as far as possible,
to alleviate the present distress and sufferings of the labouring
classes of the community. These distresses were, he feared, too well
known to all who heard him to require any description; and all he
had to add to the bare statement of them was the expression of his
confidence that the liberality which had been so signally manifested
in the course of foreign distress would not be found wanting when the
direction of it was to be towards the comfort and relief of our own
countrymen at home.

THE DUKE OF KENT, after alluding to the exertions of the Committee of
1812, observed that the immediate object was to raise a fund, in
the subsequent accumulation and management of which many ulterior
arrangements might be projected, and from which charity might soon
emanate in a thousand directions. He doubted not that every county and
every town would be quick to imitate the example of the metropolis.
The association of 1812 had at least the merit of producing this
effect, and had spread through the whole land that spirit of active
benevolence which he was feebly invoking on this occasion. He trusted
that it was necessary for him to say but little more to insure the
adoption of the resolution which he should have the honour to propose.
He confessed he felt gratified when he saw so great a concourse of
his countrymen assembled together for such a purpose, and additional
gratification at seeing by whom they were supported. He was sure,
then, that he should not plead in vain to the national liberality; but
that the remedy would be promptly afforded to an evil which he trusted
would be found but temporary. If they should be so happy as but to
succeed in discovering new sources of employment to supply the place
of those channels which had been suddenly shut up, he should
indeed despond if we did not soon restore the country to that
same flourishing condition which had long made her the envy of
the world. The royal Duke then moved the first resolution,
as follows:—"That the transition from a state of extensive
warfare to a system of peace has occasioned a stagnation of
employment and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the
situation of many parts of the community, and producing many
instances of great local distress."

The resolution was seconded by Mr. Harman.

Lord Cochrane offered himself to the attention of the meeting,
but was for some time unable to proceed, his voice being lost
in the huzzas and hisses which his presence called forth.
Silence being at length in some measure obtained, his lordship
said he would not have addressed the meeting but that, having
received a circular letter from the committee, and feeling
the importance of the subject, he would have thought it a
dereliction of his duty if he refrained from attending. He
rose thus early because the observations he had to submit
would not be suitable if made when the other resolutions were
put. The first resolution was, in his opinion, founded on
a gross fallacy; and this was his reason for saying so. The
existing distresses could not be truly ascribed to any sudden
transition from war to peace. Could it be pretended that it
was peace which had occasioned the fall in the value of all
agricultural produce? Or could any man venture to assert that
the difficulties and sufferings of the manufacturing classes
had any other cause than a prodigious and enormous burthen of
taxation? He was much gratified at seeing the royal Dukes so
active in promoting a generous and laudable undertaking, and
he hoped he should not be understood as treating them with
disrespect when he repeated that the resolution was founded
on an entire fallacy. But, not to content himself with a mere
assertion of his own belief,
he had brought official documents to prove the correctness
of his statements; and if he should be wrong, he saw the
Chancellor of the Exchequer near him, who would have the
opportunity of correcting his misrepresentation. This brief
statement, he believed, would be quite sufficient to show that
the financial situation of the country was such as to render
any attempts of that meeting for the purpose of extending
general relief utterly ineffectual. The whole revenue of the
kingdom was 62,267,450£, deducting the property-tax, and
the revenue was thus expended. The interest of the national
debt, including the interest of unfunded exchequer bills, was
upwards of 40,300,000£, leaving to support the expenses of
Government only about 22,000,000£ It was this enormous sum
which now hung round our necks—it was this, which unnecessary
extravagance had caused to increase from year to year to its
present terrible amount, which was the cause of all the
evils of the country at this moment. This taxation, and
extravagance, for which the country was now suffering, was
supported and sanctioned by those who had derived and still
derived large emoluments from them. These were truths that
the people ought to know; for they were the source of their
burthens, and the origin of all the mischief. It was this
profuse expenditure of the public money, to say no worse of
it, that occasioned the present calamities. It was the lavish
expenditure to meet a compliant list of placemen that brought
the country to its present state. The deficiency in the
revenue occasioned by the enormous interest of the national
debt, which ministers would have to supply, would, according
to the present disbursements and receipts, amount to
11,578,000£ unless that expenditure were reduced, every
such attempt as they were at present making would, he was
convinced, prove abortive: it was a mere topical application
while a mortal distemper was raging within. He had taken
no notice in his estimate of the charges for sinecures or
the bounties on exports and imports: and yet the returns upon
which he went, exclusive of these charges, showed a deficit
for the ensuing year of 3,500,000£ Were those who heard him
prepared to make this good? It was, he believed, undeniable
that nothing could equalize our revenue with our expenditure,
but the putting down entirely the army and navy, or the
extinction of one half of the national debt; but when he
looked to the actual receipt of the last quarter and found
a falling off of 2,400,000£, which, with a corresponding
decrease in the three succeeding quarters, must create a new
deficit of 10,000,000£, and, added to the 3,500,000£
to which he had alluded, would form a sum equal to the whole
amount of the boasted sinking-fund, he felt that it was worse
than trifling to suppose we could go on upon the present
system. Were they prepared to make up this enormous
deficiency? [A voice from the crowd cried "Yes."] He was happy
to hear it: he supposed it was some fund-holder who answered,
and if any class could do so, it was the fund-holders. They
alone had the ability, they alone now derived any returns
from their property; but even if they should be both able and
willing, still it would only remain a positive deficit made
good, and no new facility would be derived for alleviating
the existing burthens. The burthens and distresses must
still remain what they were before. He spoke not now upon
conjecture, or loose calculation, he had brought his authority
with him. These were the records from which he derived his
statements—the official returns of the Treasury; and
if false, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was present to
contradict them. He was glad, he confessed, to see him, for
those who heard him were, no doubt, aware that it was not
always in the House of Commons that a minister could discover
the genuine sentiments of the people. If, therefore, no other
person should move an amendment, he should feel it his duty
to propose an omission of that part of the resolution which
ascribed the distressed state of the country to the transition
from a state of war to a state of peace, and to state the
cause to be an enormous debt, and a lavish expenditure. He had
come there with the expectation of seeing the Duke of Rutland
in the chair; and with some hopes, as he took the lead upon
this occasion, that it was his intention to surrender that
sinecure of 9,000£ a-year which he was now in the habit
of putting in his pocket. He still trusted that all who were
present and were also holders of sinecures had it in their
intention to sacrifice them to their liberality and their
justice; and that they did not come there to aid the
distresses of their country by paying half-a-crown per cent,
out of the hundreds which they took from it. If they did not,
all he could say was, that to him their pretended charity was
little better than a fraud. Without, however, taking up more
of their time, he should move his amendment, with this one
additional observation, that it would be a disgrace to an
enlightened meeting, and particularly to a meeting which might
be considered as comprising an aggregate mass of the property
and intellect of the country, to place a fallacy upon the
record of their proceedings, and to build all their following
resolutions upon an assertion which had no foundation in
truth. He concluded by moving the following amendment to the
first resolution:—"That the enormous load of the national
debt, together with the large military establishment and the
profuse expenditure of public money, was the real cause of the
present public distress."

Mr. Wilberforce said he was himself too much of an Englishman,
and had been too long engaged in political discussions to feel
any surprise that those who felt warmly on such a subject as
the present should be anxious to give
expression to their sentiments: but he could not help thinking
that, upon cool reflection, the noble lord would be of opinion
that his own object would be better attained if he confined
himself, on this occasion, to the distinct question under
consideration. The noble lord said the country was in a
crisis, and would they apply a mere topical remedy? but he
might ask the noble lord if he would refuse to assuage the
pain of a temporary distemper because he had it not in his
power at once to cure it radically? To him the existing
distress appeared to be a distemper which rather called for
immediate alleviation, than for the speculative discussion of
its cause. He thought the most charitable and manly course to
be pursued—and that which must be most congenial to what
he knew to be the noble lord's own charitable and manly
disposition—was not to call upon the meeting to give any
opinion upon a political question not under consideration,
so as to divert them from pursuing it with diligence and
confidence, but to postpone to a better opportunity a
discussion of this nature, and to unite cordially in the
general cause of finding employment and encouragement for our
suffering fellow-citizens. If the noble lord would reflect
upon the best mode of relieving the distresses of the people,
he would find his amendment not likely to have that tendency.
Let him reserve all discussion on the question it involved
until he could do it without interrupting the stream of
charity, and until he could enter upon it under fair and
proper circumstances. He (Mr. Wilberforce), in a proper place,
would not shrink from meeting the noble lord on that inquiry;
he was twice as old in public life as the noble lord could
pretend to be, and fully as independent; yet he would not have
easily supposed any man, however young in politics, could have
started such topics there. For his part, he should be sorry to
take advantage of any credit which might be
to supposed to belong to him upon such an occasion as this to
cast reproaches upon those who were concurring with him in a
benevolent design. The meeting must on the present occasion
feel how much indebted it stood to the royal personages for
their attendance. They had come to listen to a discussion
which had for its avowed and direct object the relief of the
people, and they were in the room suddenly called upon to lay
aside the practical part of their inquiry and to enter upon
a distinct pursuit. Was such a course fair towards those
illustrious individuals? Was it that which was likely
to induce them to listen to proposals for their personal
co-operation on occasions of benevolence, if they had no
security against the occupation of their time for discussions
of a different character? In conclusion, he entreated the
noble lord, of whose real disposition to relieve the people
of England he had no doubt, and whose motives he could justly
appreciate, to withdraw his amendment.

Lord Cochrane thanked the honourable gentleman for his
personal civilities towards him, and said that he would feel
no hesitation in withdrawing his amendment if the honourable
gentleman would state to the meeting, on his own personal
veracity and honour, that he believed that the original
resolution contained the true cause of the public distress,
and the amendment the false one. If the honourable gentleman
would say that—if any respectable man present would say
it—he would be satisfied.

Mr. Cotes said he was entirely unconnected with the noble
lord, and had never even had the honour of speaking, to him.
He agreed, however, with him in thinking that this was a
moment when the eyes of the public ought to be open to their
real situation. The amendment harmonized entirely with all
the opinions which he had been able to form upon subject. Mr.
Wilberforce, to whose humane and benevolent
Mr. character he was happy to pay his acknowledgments, had
attempted to get rid of the noble lord's amendment by a sort
of side-wind; but to his judgment there was no incompatibility
between the object of the meeting and the amendment. There was
nothing irrelevant in it; it naturally grew out of the course
adopted by the chair, and in which a cause of the prevailing
distress was distinctly specified. The question was, then,
ought their resolutions to go forth to the public with a
falsehood upon the face of them? Ought they not to state the
true cause, since His Royal Highness by mistake had assigned
a fallacious one? Mr. Wilberforce, with his usual ability, but
in a manner that still marked its duplicity—he meant the
word in no offensive sense—had asked, would he enter into
a political discussion when we were called upon to extend
relief? He begged to state this was not the true question: it
was whether they would found all the future proceedings
upon error and misstatement, or upon incontrovertible facts.
Another question was, would they be satisfied to patch up the
wounds of the country for a short period or seek to remedy
the disease in its spring and in its sources before it became
still more alarming and incurable? The Duke of Kent said he
had offered the resolution as it had been put into his hand;
and if he had conceived there had been any mention of a course
upon which difference of opinion could exist, he hoped they
knew him sufficiently to believe that he should have been
incapable of requiring their assent to it. He now, therefore,
proposed an omission of all that part of the resolution
which had any reference whatever to the cause of the present
distress. He knew the noble lord well enough—and he had known
him in early life—to be assured that he would agree with him,
at least in a declaration as to the fact. Their common object,
he believed, was to afford relief and to admit its necessity
without assigning
either one cause or another. For his own part, it had not been
his intention to attend a political discussion. He would never
enter the arena of politics with the noble lord; but he begged
leave to say, he considered himself as competent to plead
the cause of humanity, to advocate the interests of the
weather-beaten sufferer, as the noble lord could be. There
were, however, other times and other places for men to engage
in discussion of party politics, and he therefore implored the
noble lord not to distract the attention of the meeting by the
introduction of these; and to keep solely in view that they
had met as the friends of benevolence, not as the advocates of
a party. His Royal Highness then proposed to alter the motion
as follows:—

"Resolved that there do at this moment exist a stagnation
of employment and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the
situation of many parts of the community, and producing many
instances of great local distress."

Lord Cochrane, in reply, stated that he had no wish to excite
a difference of opinion on such an occasion, and that, after
the alteration in the resolution, nothing gave him more
pleasure than the opportunity of withdrawing his amendment;
but, in justification of what he had done, it became necessary
for him to say that he never would have thought of his
amendment if it had not been for the assertion as to the cause
of existing distress—he had no doubt in his mind as to the
nature of that cause, and he held it but just and honourable
that if a cause must be assigned, it should be the true one.
After returning thanks to Mr. Wilberforce and the Duke of Kent
for their expressions of personal civility, the noble lord
consented to withdraw his motion so far as he was personally
concerned in it.

Considerable opposition, however, from various parts of the
hall was manifested to this mode of withdrawing the
amendment, and a great deal of disturbance took place. At last
the resolution, as altered by the Duke of Kent, was put and
carried.

The Duke of Cambridge, in his speech, which followed, returned
his warm thanks to the noble lord for the handsome manner in
which he had withdrawn his amendment. He moved the following
resolution, which was unanimously agreed to:—

"From the experienced generosity of the British nation it may
be confidently expected that those who are able to afford the
means of relief to their fellow-subjects will contribute their
utmost endeavours to remedy or alleviate the sufferings of
those who are particularly distressed."

The Archbishop of Canterbury moved the following resolution,
which was seconded and carried unanimously: "That although it
is obviously impossible for any association of individuals to
attempt a general relief of difficulties affecting so large a
proportion of the public, yet that it has been proved by
the experience of this association that most important and
extensive benefits may be derived from the co-operation and
correspondence of a society in the metropolis encouraging the
efforts of those benevolent individuals who may be disposed to
associate themselves in the different districts for the relief
of their several neighbourhoods."

The Duke of Rutland afterwards addressed the meeting,
and moved that a subscription be immediately opened, and
contributions generally solicited for carrying into effect the
objects of this association; which was seconded, and agreed
to.

The Earl of Manvers, after stating that he had opposed the
amendment of the noble lord (Lord Cochrane) solely from his
anxiety to preserve the unanimity of the meeting, as it was
only by becoming unanimous they could gain their
object, moved: "That subscribers of 100£ and upwards be
added to the committee of the Association for the Relief of
the Manufacturing and Labouring Poor; that the committee have
full power to dispose of the funds to be collected, and to
name sub-committees for correspondence."

    The motion was seconded by Sir T. Bell, and unanimously
    carried.

    The Bishop of London proposed a vote of thanks to the Duke of
    York, which Mr. C. Barclay was about to second, but—

Lord Cochrane again stepped forward and gained the attention
of the meeting. He repeated the explanation of the motives
for withdrawing his proposed amendment, adding, that he had no
wish again to press that amendment upon the consideration
of the meeting. But he could not forbear from observing what
would have been the fate of such a proposition, if brought
forward in another place, which he need not name. For there,
instead of being requested to withdraw the proposition, it
would have been met by a direct negative or by 'the previous
question,' in support of which, no doubt, a majority of that
assembly, miscalled the representatives of the people, would
have voted. Yet the manner in which this, a meeting of the
people, would have decided, was pretty obvious; and hence it
might be inferred how far the people concurred in sentiment
and feeling with the House of Commons. That the proposed, or
any charitable subscription, must be inadequate to relieve the
actual distress of the country was a proposition which could
not be disputed, but yet he did not intend to oppose that
subscription; on the contrary, he should give it every
possible support in his power; and it was, he felt, a
consolation to them that there were still some persons in this
country who could afford something to relieve the poor; but
he was afraid that neither the landowner nor the mercantile
interest had the means of
doing so; for the former could obtain no rent, and the latter
no trade—the only persons, in fact, who were able to assist
the poor under present circumstances were the placemen, the
sinecurists, and the fund-holders, who must give up at least
half of their ill-gotten gains in order to effect the object.
With this impression fixed upon his mind, he felt it his duty
to propose an additional resolution, that the ministers of
the crown, that the Government of the country, who wielded
the power of Parliament, were alone competent to remove and
to alleviate the national distress. This, indeed, was evident
from the statement of our financial situation which he
had already made. He had called upon the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, who was present, to contradict that statement if
he could; but the right honourable gentleman had felt it
expedient not to utter one word, as the meeting had witnessed.
Yet from that statement it must be obvious, as he had already
observed, that the military and naval situation of the country
must be abandoned, or at least half the national debt must be
extinguished, for the resources of the empire could not endure
such burthens. The noble lord concluded with expressing his
intention when the present resolutions were got over, to move
another, stating the real cause of the present distress,
and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer and his majesty's
ministers were alone capable of affording serious relief to
the present distress.

    Mr. Barclay seconded the motion of the Right Reverend the
    Bishop of London, to which Lord Cochrane assured the meeting
    he entertained no objection.

    Great confusion prevailed in the meeting, some crying out
    for Lord Cochrane's motion, while others were equally loud in
    testifying their anxiety for the vote of thanks.

The Duke of Kent then put the motion.

Lord Cochrane said that his sole object was to have an
opportunity of moving his resolution after the present was
disposed of.

A person from a distant part of the room exclaimed: "That resolution
shall not be put, for it is a libel on the Parliament." Several other
remarks were made, but they were generally unintelligible from the
violent uproar and confusion that prevailed. Loud cries of "Put Lord
Cochrane's motion first" were mixed with the cry of "Chair, chair."

The Duke of Kent said that he had attended this meeting with a view
to assist in promoting an object of charity, and he had no doubt that
such was the intention of the noble lord (Cochrane). Of this he
was sure from the noble lord's own declaration, as well as from his
knowledge of the noble lord's feelings. The noble lord had, indeed,
himself stated that he had no wish to introduce any political, or to
press any, measure likely to interfere with the object of the
meeting. Therefore, he called upon the noble lord, in consistency, in
politeness and urbanity, not to urge any political principle; and the
noble lord must be aware that his proposition had a strong political
tendency. The proposition was indeed such, that the noble lord must be
aware that it was calculated to injure the subscription, for those who
were not of the noble lord's opinion in politics were but too likely
to leave the room if that proposition were pressed to a vote, and thus
a material object of charity would suffer through a desire to urge a
declaration of a mere political opinion.

Lord Cochrane disclaimed any wish to provoke political discussion.
He expressed his desire merely to declare a truth which no man
could venture to dispute in any popular assembly, in order that
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and others present, might have an
opportunity of reporting to Government the decided sentiment
and real feeling of the people.

The Archbishop of Canterbury begged leave to call back the
attention of the meeting to the motion before it, and which,
he had no doubt, would be unanimously adopted. This motion,
the most reverend prelate added, was not intended in any
degree to interfere with the motion of the noble lord.

Amid loud cries of "Put Lord Cochrane's motion first, for if
the motion of thanks be disposed of, the Duke of York will
leave the chair, and the noble lord's motion will not be put
at all," the Duke of Kent declared that there could be
no intention to get rid of the noble lord's motion by any
side-wind.

The motion of thanks was then passed while Lord Cochrane was
engaged in writing his motion, and the Duke of York, having
bowed to the meeting, immediately withdrew, amidst loud
hissings, and cries of "Shame! shame! a trick! a trick!"

The Duke of Kent, whose head was turned towards Lord Cochrane,
was much surprised and disappointed at discovering the absence
of the chairman.

The general cry was then raised: "The Duke of Kent to the
chair."

His Royal Highness addressed the meeting. Having, he said,
pledged himself on proposing the last resolution that there
was no intention of getting rid of Lord Cochrane's motion by
any side-wind, he felt himself in a very awkward predicament.
"But," he added, "I hope that, as liberal Englishmen, you
will consider my situation and who I am; and that after my
illustrious relatives have retired from the meeting, you
will not insist upon my taking the chair for the purpose of
pressing the declaration of a political opinion;
but that you will commend my motives, and do justice to
those feelings which determine the propriety of my immediate
departure." His Royal Highness accordingly withdrew.

The majority of the meeting still remained, calling for the
nomination of another chairman, and pressing the adoption of
Lord Cochrane's motion; but the noble lord also withdrew, and
the meeting separated.

That meeting was memorable. If Lord Cochrane's bearing at it was
factious, it must be remembered how greatly he had suffered and how
earnestly he desired to save the people at large from the sufferings
entailed upon them by the Government which he and they had learnt to
regard with a common dislike. By exposing what appeared to him and
many others to be the hypocrisy of seeming philanthropists, and
showing what he deemed the only real cause and the only real remedy
of the national distress, he only acted as a brave and honest man, and
his work was appreciated by the masses in whose interest it was done.
A thrill of satisfaction ran through the land. During the ensuing
weeks and months congratulations were heaped upon him from all
quarters, and from nearly every class of society. If he had lessened
the resources of the Association for the Belief of the Manufacturing
and Labouring Poor, he was thanked even for this, since it was
believed to be a good thing for shallow charity to be stayed, in order
that the cause of real justice might be promoted.

The thanks were all the heartier because of the fresh persecution to
which Lord Cochrane was subjected on account of his patriotism. This
persecution was in the shape of legal proceedings instituted against
him by the Marshal of the King's Bench Prison for his escape therefrom
on the 10th of March, 1815. The action had been formally commenced
almost immediately after the alleged offence, but on technical
grounds, and perhaps from the consciousness that he was already
punished enough, it was delayed for more than a year. As the
previous punishment, however, had not been enough to silence him, the
Government determined to revive the old charge as a further act of
vengeance. At the special instigation of Lord Ellenborough, as it
was averred, the prosecution had been renewed in May, 1816, almost
immediately after the rejection by the House of Commons of Lord
Cochrane's charges against the vindictive and unprincipled judge; but
the time was too far gone for trial to take place during the summer
term. It was again renewed, and at length successfully, directly after
Lord Cochrane's fresh exhibition of his hostility to the Government at
the London Tavern meeting.

The trial was at Guildford, on the 17th of August. Its history and
issue may best be told in the words of an autobiographical fragment,
written by Lord Dundonald shortly before his death. "I was accompanied
to Guildford," he said, "by Sir Francis Burdett and several other
leading inhabitants of Westminster, whose names are forgotten by me. I
took neither counsel nor witnesses, having determined to rest my case
on the point of law that 'no Member of Parliament can be imprisoned,
either for non-payment of a fine to the king, or for any other cause
than treason or felony, or refusing to give security to keep the
peace,' my inference being that as I was illegally imprisoned, I had
committed no illegality in escaping. I read to the jury a general
statement, on which they unequivocally expressed their conviction that
the trial had better not have been instituted, for that the punishment
already sustained was more than adequate to the offence alleged to
have been committed. The judge, however, interfered, and told the
jury that, as I had admitted the escape in my statement, they had no
alternative but to bring in a verdict of guilty, which was reluctantly
done, and judgment was deferred.

"After the trial I returned to my house in Hampshire, and not hearing
anything more of the affair, naturally concluded that, in the face of
the opinion expressed by the jury, the Government would be ashamed to
prosecute the matter further. Not liking, however, to trust to their
mercy, whilst their malevolence might be exercised at an inconvenient
season, or made to depend upon my political conduct, I directed my
attorney to inquire whether it was intended to put in execution the
sentence at Guildford. The reply was that no steps had been taken,
and the impression was, that Government would be against further
proceedings, lest they should tend to increase my popularity.
Considering that this might be a feint to put me off my guard, I went
to London for the purpose of attending a large political meeting, in
the conduct of which I participated. Shortly afterwards I received
a summons to appear at Westminster Hall and receive judgment on the
verdict; the judgment being that I was condemned to pay a fine of
100£ to the Crown.

"On my refusal to pay the fine, on the 21st of November, I was again
taken into custody, I alleging that the sentence would amount to
perpetual imprisonment, for that I would never pay a fine imposed for
escaping from an illegal detention.

"On my being taken back to prison, however, a meeting of the electors
of Westminster was held, at which it was determined that the amount
of the fine should be paid by a penny subscription, no person being
allowed to subscribe more. This plan was adopted in order that the
public throughout the kingdom might have an opportunity of manifesting
their disapprobation of the oppressive way in which I was being
treated. Though I knew nothing of the intentions of the committee at
the time, it was expected that the subscription would amount to a
much larger sum than the fine, and resolved that the surplus should be
devoted to the re-imbursement of the former fine of 1000£ and of the
expenses to which I had been put at the trial. Receiving-houses were
accordingly opened in the metropolis and in various other large towns,
and the amount of the fine of 100£ was speedily collected in London
alone.

"Meanwhile meetings were constantly being held to petition Parliament
for reform, and at these my name and sufferings formed a prominent
topic, so that the Government would have been glad to be rid of
me. After one of these meetings in Spafields, for the purpose of
requesting Sir Francis Burdett and myself to present a petition to
Parliament, a serious riot took place in the city of London, in which
a gentleman was shot by the military. The Government, in alarm lest
the people should proceed to the King's Bench and liberate me, did me
the honour to send a company of infantry to guard me, the officers of
the prison being ordered to admit no strangers whatever. The troops
were further ordered to continue their attendance till I was released
from custody.

"The subscription having been completed in pence, sent from all parts
of the kingdom, my secretary, Mr. Jackson, applied to the Master of
the Crown Office to receive the amount of the fine in coppers. This
was refused, as not being a legal tender. The Master, however, in
token of the suffering to which I had so unworthily been subjected,
said that, as payment of the fine in such a manner marked the sense of
the people on my case, he would not oppose himself to the expression
of public sentiment, but would take 10£ of the sum in coppers. This
was accordingly paid, and the remainder in notes and silver, which
were given by various tradesmen in exchange for the coppers of the
people, whose money was thus literally appropriated to the payment of
the fine.

"Finding, on my liberation, whole chests filled with penny pieces, I
wrote to the committee, stating that sufficient had been collected.
The reply was that the subscription should go on till the amount of
the fine of 1000£ was paid in addition. The whole of the amount of
the fine was thus realized, with something beyond—I do not recollect
how much—towards my law expenses, which had necessarily been
excessive. Taking, however, the 1100£ paid in pence, this
alone showed that two million six hundred and forty thousand
persons—composing a very large portion of the adult population of
the kingdom—sympathised with me. Not one of my persecutors could have
elicited such an expression of public sympathy."

The fine being thus paid, Lord Cochrane was released from the King's
Bench Prison on the 7th of December, after a confinement of sixteen
days, which was attended by all the wanton severity shown to him
during his previous incarceration. Having been apprehended on a
Thursday, he was, on his arrival at the King's Bench, placed in an
unhealthy room protected by an iron grating. In the evening, having
complained of such unusual treatment, he was informed that it was
under the express directions of the Marshal. Next day, being seriously
unwell, a physician was sent to him, who reported that he was
suffering from palpitation of the heart and other symptoms of
dangerous excitement, which made it necessary that he should be
removed to better quarters. Accordingly, worse quarters were found for
him, in a damp, dark, and very imperfectly-ventilated room, entirely
devoid of furniture, in the middle of the building. Stedfastly
refusing to go there, he was allowed to remain for that night in
the room, first assigned to him. On Saturday morning, just as he
was sitting down to breakfast, he was ordered to proceed to his new
dungeon. Again refusing, his untasted breakfast was forcibly taken
from him until he consented to eat it in the appointed place. Thither
he accordingly went, and there he was detained for the fortnight that
passed before his liberation.

On the 17th of December an enthusiastic meeting of the citizens of
Westminster was held to congratulate Lord Cochrane upon his release.
"We, your lordship's constituents," it was stated in an address
adopted by that meeting, "beg leave, on the present occasion, to
declare that, after having had long and ample means for inquiry and
reflection, we remain in the full and entire conviction of the perfect
innocence of your lordship of every part of the offence laid to your
charge at the outset of that series of persecutions by which, during
the last three years of your life, you have been incessantly harassed.
But, indeed, those persons must have very little knowledge of public
affairs, and particularly of your distinguished naval and political
career, who do not clearly perceive that all those persecutions have
arisen from your public virtues, and who are not well convinced that,
if you had not served the people by your exposure of the abuses in the
prize courts, by your endeavours to restore to the right owners
the immense sums unjustly alienated under the names of Droits of
Admiralty, by your honest explanation of the causes which prevented
the naval renown of your country being complete at Basque Roads, and
by having caused to be produced in Parliament, and published to the
nation, that memorable account of sinecures, pensions, and grants
which so usefully enlightened the public, you never would have
been prosecuted for a pretended fraud on the funds. Your lordship's
constituents, being thus fully sensible that you have suffered and are
still suffering solely for their and their country's sake, would deem
themselves amongst the most ungrateful of mankind were they to neglect
this occasion to tender you the most solemn assurances of their
unabated attachment and their most resolute support, and, whilst they
are endeavouring to discharge their duty towards your lordship, they
entertain the consoling reflection that the day is not distant when
you will mainly assist in carrying forward that measure of radical
parliamentary reform which alone can be a safeguard against all sorts
of oppressions, and especially oppressions under which your lordship
has so long and so severely suffered."

To that honourable address an honourable reply was penned by Lord
Cochrane on the 24th of December, and presented to the electors of
Westminster at another meeting assembled for the purpose on the 1st of
January ensuing.

The direct persecution which began with the Stock Exchange trial and
its antecedents was now at an end, after three years of gross and
untiring vindictiveness. Indirect persecution was to continue for more
than thirty years.




CHAPTER V.


THE STATE OF POLITICS IN ENGLAND IN 1817 AND 1818, AND LORD COCHRANE's
SHARE IN THEM.—HIS WORK AS A RADICAL IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT.—HIS
FUTILE ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN THE PRIZE MONEY DUE FOR HIS SERVICES
AT BASQUE ROADS.—THE HOLLY HILL BATTLE.—THE PREPARATIONS FOR HIS
ENTERPRISE IN SOUTH AMERICA.—HIS LAST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT.

[1817-1818.]

The years 1817 and 1818 were years of great political turmoil. The
English people, weary of the European wars, which in two-and-twenty
years had raised the national debt from 230,000,000£ to
860,000,000£, thus causing a taxation which amounted, in the average,
to 25£ a year upon every family of five persons, were in no mood to
be made happy even by the restitution of peace. Partly by necessity,
partly by the bad management of the Government and its officials, the
war-burdens were continued, and to the starving multitudes they were
more burdensome than ever. Angry complaints were uttered openly, and
repeated again and again with steadily-increasing vehemence, in all
parts of the country. That the ministers and agents of the Crown were
grievously at fault was patent to all; and it is not strange that, in
the excitement and the misery that prevailed, they should be blamed
even more than was their due. But the men in power did not choose to
be blamed at all; they denied that any fault attached to them, and
fiercely reprobated every complaint as sedition, every opponent as a
lawless and unpatriotic demagogue. Hence the Government and the people
came to be at deadly feud. Most right was with the people, and their
bold assertion of that right, albeit sometimes in wrong ways, has
secured memorable benefits in later times; but power was still with
the Government, and it was used even more roughly than in former
years.

That Lord Cochrane, having suffered so much from the vindictive
persecution of the Tories, should have thrown in his lot with its
most extreme opponents, is not to be wondered at. During 1817 he was
intimately associated with the popular party in all its efforts for
the redress of grievances and in all the assertions of its real and
fancied rights. In and out of Parliament he was alike active and
outspoken. The history of his public conduct at this time forms
no small section of the history of the Radical movement during the
period. It resulted naturally from the circumstances in which he had
lately been placed. Energetic in thought and action, a ready writer
and an able speaker, his recent sufferings helped to place him in the
foremost rank of patriots, as they were called by friends—demagogues,
as they were called by enemies. With the exception of Sir Francis
Burdett, than whom he even went further, the people had, outside their
own ranks, no sturdier champion.

If there had been any doubt before as to his line of action, there
could be no doubt after the re-assembling of Parliament in January,
1817. During the recess, monster meetings had been held in all parts
of the country to consider the popular troubles and to insist upon
popular reforms. Lord Cochrane agreed to present to the House of
Commons many of the petitions that resulted from these meetings, and
this he did on the 29th of January, the very day of the re-opening of
Parliament.

In anticipation of this measure, there was a great assembling of
reform delegates from all parts of England, and of others favourable
to their purpose, in front of Lord Cochrane's residence at No. 7,
Palace Yard, Westminster. Shortly before two o'clock Lord Cochrane
showed himself at the window, and announced that he was now on his
way to the House, there to watch over the rights and liberties of the
people, and that he would shortly return and let them know what was
passing. This he did at four o'clock, part of the interval being
occupied with a fervid address from Henry Hunt. On his reappearance,
Lord Cochrane stated that the speech with which the Prince Regent had
opened Parliament had not disappointed his expectations, for it was
wholly disappointing to the people. The Regent had complained of the
disaffection pervading the country, and had announced his intention of
using all the power given him by the Constitution for its suppression.
Lord Cochrane expressed his confident hope that the people, having
the right on their side, would so demean themselves as to give their
enemies no ground of charge against them; for those enemies desired
nothing so much as riot and disorder.

Thereupon an immense bundle of petitions was handed him, and he
himself was placed in a chair, and so conveyed on men's shoulders to
the door of Westminster Hall, where the crowd dispersed in an orderly
way.

In the House, before the motion for an address in answer to the Prince
Regent's speech, Lord Cochrane rose to present a petition, signed by
more than twenty thousand inhabitants of Bristol, setting forth the
present distress of the country, the increase of paupers and beggars,
the grievous lack of employment for industrious persons, and
the misery that resulted from this state of things. In these
circumstances, the petitioners urged, it was in vain to pretend to
relieve the sufferers by giving them soup, while, for the support of
sinecure placemen, pensioners without number, and an insatiable
civil list, half their earnings were taken from them by the enormous
taxation under which the country groaned. After considerable
opposition, the petition was allowed to lie on the table.

Lord Cochrane then presented a smaller but much more outspoken
petition from the inhabitants of Quirk, in Yorkshire. "The
petitioners," it was there urged, "have a full and immovable
conviction—a conviction which they believe to be universal throughout
the kingdom—that the House does not, in any constitutional or
rational sense, represent the nation; that, when the people have
ceased to be represented, the Constitution is subverted; that taxation
without representation is a state of slavery; that the scourge
of taxation without representation has now reached a severity too
harassing and vexatious, too intolerable and degrading, to be longer
endured without resistance by all possible means warranted by the
Constitution; that such a condition of affairs has now been reached
that contending factions are alike guilty of their country's wrongs,
alike forgetful of her rights, mocking the public patience with
repeated, protracted, and disgusting debates on questions of
refinement in the complicated and abstruse science of taxation, as if
in such refinement, and not in a reformed representation, as if in a
consolidated corruption, and not in a renovated Constitution,
relief were to be found; that thus there are left no human means of
redressing the people's wrongs or composing their distracted minds,
or of preventing the subversion of liberty and the establishment of
despotism, unless by calling the collected wisdom and virtue of the
community into counsel by the election of a free Parliament; and
therefore, considering that, through the usurpation of borough
factions and other causes, the people have been put even out of a
condition to consent to taxes; and considering also that, until their
sacred right of election shall be restored, no free Parliament can
have existence, it is necessary that the House shall, without delay,
pass a law for putting the aggrieved and much-aroused people in
possession of their undoubted right to representation co-extensive
with taxation, to an equal distribution of such representation
throughout the community, and to Parliaments of a continuance
according to the Constitution, namely, not exceeding one year."

A long discussion ensued as to whether this petition should be
accepted by the House or rejected as an insulting libel. Several
members of the House denounced it. Other members, while objecting to
its terms, urged its acceptance. Among them the most notable was
Mr. Brougham. The petition, he said, was rudely worded, and its
recommendations were such as no wise lover of the English Constitution
could wholly subscribe to; but it pointed to real grievances and
recommended improvements which were necessary to the well-being of the
State, and therefore it ought to be admitted. Mr. Canning was one of
those who insisted upon its rejection, and this was ultimately done by
a majority of 87, 48 being in favour of the petition, and 135 against
it.

Four other petitions presented by Lord Cochrane, being to the same
effect, were also rejected; and two, more moderate in their language,
were accepted. Lord Cochrane thus succeeded, at any rate, in forcing
the House during several hours to take into consideration the troubled
state of the country, and the pressing need, as it seemed to great
masses of the people, of thorough parliamentary reform.

"You will see by the 'Debates,'" he wrote next day to a friend, "that
I presented a number of petitions last night, and had a hard battle to
fight. Today I am quite indisposed, by reason of the corruption of the
Honourable House. It is impossible to support a bad cause by honest
means. God knows where all these base projects will end." That his own
cause was a good one, and that the means used by him were honest, he
had no doubt. In the same letter he referred to the opposition offered
to him, even by some of his own relatives, on account of his conduct.
"Mr. Cochrane has thought proper to disavow, through the public
papers, any connection with my politics. The consciousness that I am
acting as I ought makes that light which I should otherwise feel as a
heavy clog in following that course which I think honour and justice
require."

Therefore he persevered in his Herculean task. Having presented and
spoken upon others in the interval, he presented another monster
petition to the House on the 5th of February. It was signed, he said,
by twenty-four thousand inhabitants of London and the neighbourhood.
It complained of the unbearable weight of taxation and the distresses
of the country, and of the squandering of the money extracted from the
pockets of an oppressed and impoverished people to support sinecure
placemen and pensioners. "It appears to me," he said, "surprising that
there should be any set of men so cruel and unjust as to wallow in
wealth at the public expense while poor wretches are starving at every
corner of the streets." He represented that the petition was drawn
up in temperate, respectful language,—more temperate, indeed, than
he should have employed had he dictated its phrases. He urged that the
people had good cause for complaint as to the way in which Parliament
neglected their interests, and good ground for asserting that the
system of parliamentary representation then afforded them was no real
representation at all. Members entered the House only in pursuit of
their own selfish ends, and the Government encouraged this state of
things by fostering a system of wholesale bribery and corruption,
degrading in itself and fraught with terrible mischief to the
community. What wonder, then, that the people should pray, as they did
in this petition, for a thorough reform, and should point to annual
Parliaments and universal suffrage as the only efficient remedies?

It is needless to recapitulate all the arguments offered again
and again by Lord Cochrane, with ever fresh-force and cogency, in
presenting massive petitions to the House, and in introducing into
the occasional debates on reform with which the House amused itself
a vigour and practicalness in which few other members cared to
sympathize. Nor need we enumerate all the meetings, in London and the
provinces, in which he took prominent part. It is enough to say that
in Parliament he always spoke with exceeding boldness, and that upon
the people, notwithstanding the contrary assertions of his detractors,
he always enjoined, if not conciliation and forbearance, at any rate
such action as was within the strict letter of the law, and most
likely, in the end, to obtain the realization of their wishes. On all
occasions he defended them from the charges of sedition and conspiracy
brought against them by their opponents, and proved, to all who were
open to proof, that their objects were patriotic, and were being
sought in patriotic ways.

Of this, however, the Government did not choose to be convinced.
Taking advantage of some intemperate speeches of demagogues, making
much of some violent handbills circulated by police-officers under
secret instructions, mightily exaggerating a few lawless acts,—as
when a drunken old sailor summoned the keepers of the Tower of London
to surrender,—they procured, on the 26th of February, the suspension
of the Habeas Corpus Act. Therefrom resulted, at any rate, some good.
The Whigs, who had hitherto mainly supported the Tory Government, were
now turned against it, and with them the wiser Radicals, like Lord
Cochrane, sought to effect a coalition. "You will perceive by the
papers," he said in a letter dated February the 28th, "that I have
resolved to steer another political course, seeing that the only means
of averting military despotism from the country is to unite the people
and the Whigs, so far as they can be induced to co-operate, which they
must do if they wish to preserve the remainder of the Constitution.
The 'Times' of yesterday contains the fullest account of the late
debates on the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and by that report
you will perceive that the Whigs really made a good stand."

In that temper, Lord Cochrane spoke at a Westminster meeting, held
on the 11th of March, "to take into consideration the propriety
of agreeing to an address to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent,
beseeching that he will, in his well-known solicitude for the freedom
and happiness of His Majesty's subjects, remove from his royal
councils those ministers who appear resolved to adopt no effectual
measures of economy and retrenchment, but, on the contrary, to
persevere in measures calculated to drive a suffering people to
despair."

There was some flattery or some mockery, or something of both, in
that announcement; and both, with much earnest enunciation of popular
grievances, were in Lord Cochrane's speech on the subject. He said
that the Regent had as much cause as the people to complain of his
present ministers, seeing how shamelessly they sought to hide from him
the real state of the country. It was to be expected, from the early
habits and character of the Regent, that he would anxiously pursue
the interests of the nation, if, instead of being in the hands of an
odious oligarchy, he could act for himself. This, at any rate, Lord
Cochrane maintained should be urged upon him, for if something were
not quickly done for the relief of the nation, trade and commerce
would soon be utterly ruined, and the whole community would share the
misery that had so long oppressed the lower orders. He again dwelt
forcibly on the causes of this misery, and again denounced the conduct
of the ministers and placemen who, while squandering the hardly-earned
pounds of the people, claimed respect for their exemplary charity
in doling out a few farthings for "the relief of the poor." In the
previous year, he showed, Lord Castlereagh, "the bell-wether of the
House of Commons," and thirteen other persons, had drawn from the
revenues of the country 309,861£, and out of that amount had given
back, in "sinecure soup," only 1505£

On a hundred other occasions, both outside of the House of Commons and
within its walls, Lord Cochrane continued fearlessly to set forth
the troubles of the people and the wrong-doing of its governors. In
Parliament petitions without number were presented, and, amid all
sorts of contumely, defended by him; and he took a no less active part
in various important discussions, of which it will suffice, by way of
illustration, to name the debates of the 3rd, 14th, and 28th of March,
on the famous Seditious Meetings Bill, and that of the 13th of March
on the depressed condition of English trade and its causes—a subject
which was recurred to by Mr. Brougham in his memorable motion of the
11th of July on the state of the nation.

Six weeks before that, on the 20th of May, Lord Cochrane spoke on
another famous motion—that made by his friend Sir Francis Burdett
in favour of parliamentary reform. Once more, he complained that the
existing House of Commons in no way represented the people, and was
entirely regardless of its interests. Nothing better, he alleged,
could be hoped for, without a radical change in the system of
representation. "But," he continued, "reform we must have, whether we
will or no. The state of the country is such that things cannot much
longer be conducted as they now are. There is a general call for
reform. If the call is not obeyed, thank God the evil will produce
its own remedy, the mass of corruption will destroy itself, for the
maggots it engenders will eat it up. The members of this House are the
maggots of the Constitution. They are the locusts that devour it and
cause all the evils that are complained of. There is nothing wicked
which does not emanate from this House. In it originate all knavery,
perjury, and fraud. You well know all this. You also know that the
means by which the great majority of the House is returned is one
great cause of the corruption of the whole people. It has been said,
'Let the people reform themselves;' but if sums of money are offered
for seats within these walls, there will always be found men ready to
receive them. It is impossible to imagine that the profuse expenditure
of the late war would have taken place, had it not been for a corrupt
majority devoted to their selfish interests. At least it would have
had a shorter duration, from being carried on in a more effective
manner, had it not been conducive to the views of many to prevent its
speedy termination. Much has been said about the glorious result of
the war; but has not lavish expenditure loaded us with taxation which
is impoverishing the people and annihilating commerce? Are not vessels
seen everywhere with brooms at their mastheads? Are not sailors
starving? Is not agriculture languishing? Are not our manufactures in
the most distressed state?"

Lord Cochrane asserted that the real revolutionists of England were
the ministers and their followers. "I am persuaded that no man without
doors wishes the subversion of the Constitution; but within it,
bribery and corruption stand for the Constitution. Mr. Pitt himself
confessed that no honest man could hold the situation of minister for
any length of time. There can be no honest minister until measures
have been taken to purge and purify the House. If this be not done,
it is in vain to hope for a renewal of successful enterprise in this
country: the sun of the country is set for ever. It may indeed exist
as a petty military German despotism, with horsemen parading up and
down, with large whiskers, with sabres ringing by their horses' sides,
with fantastically-shaped caps of fantastical colours on their
heads; but this country cannot thus be made a great military power.
A previous speaker has instanced juries as one of the benefits of the
Constitution; but I will affirm, with respect to the manner in which
juries are chosen under the present system, that justice is much
better administered, in a more summary manner, with less expense, and
no chicanery, by the Dey of Algiers. If this country were erected at
once into a downright, honest, open despotism, the people would be
gainers. If a judge or despot then proved a rogue, he would at
once appear in his true character; but now villany can be artfully
concealed under the verdict of a packed jury. I am satisfied that the
present system of corruption is more detrimental to the country than a
despotism."

No other speaker spoke so boldly as Lord Cochrane; but his eloquent
words were substantially endorsed by many; by Sir Samuel Romilly and
Mr. Brougham in especial; and on a division, though 265 voted
against Sir Francis Burdett's motion, it was supported by a
minority—unusually large for the time—of 77.

Slowly but surely the better principles of government for which
Lord Cochrane fought so persistently were gaining ground, destined
ultimately to produce the changes in national temper which made plain
the duty and expediency of adopting the changes in political systems
in which the years 1832 and 1867 are epochs. In after years, Lord
Cochrane himself clearly saw that he had been rash in his advocacy
of the sweeping reforms which the excited people deemed necessary for
their welfare in the years of trouble and misgovernment consequent on
the tedious war-time ending with the battle of Waterloo. But he never
had cause to regret the honest zeal and the generous sympathy with
which he strove, though in violent ways, to lessen the weight of the
popular distresses.

Distresses were not wanting to himself during this period. The weight
of his former troubles still hung heavily upon him. He could not
forget the terrible disgrace—none the less terrible because it was
unmerited—that had befallen him. And in pecuniary ways he was a
grievous sufferer by them. In losing his naval employment he lost
the income on which he had counted. His resources were thus seriously
crippled; and the scientific pursuits, in which he still persevered,
failed to bring to him the profit that he anticipated.

In one characteristic way—only one among many—the Government
persecution still clung to him. In the distribution of prize-money
for the achievement at Basque Roads all the officers and crews of
Lord Grambier's fleet had been considered entitled to share. To this
arrangement Lord Cochrane objected. He urged that as the whole triumph
was due to the _Impérieuse_ and the few ships actually engaged with
her, the reward ought to be limited to them. "I am preparing to
proceed in the Court of Admiralty on the question of head-money for
Basque Roads," he wrote on the 5th of November, 1816; "my affidavit
has reluctantly been admitted, though strenuously opposed, on the
ground that I was not to be believed on my oath!"

Lord Cochrane's council in this case was Dr. Lushington, afterwards
the eminent judge of the Admiralty Court. Dr. Lushington showed
plainly that the greater part of the fleet, having taken no share in
the action, had no right to head-money, and that therefore all ought
to be divided among those who actually shared with Lord Cochrane
the danger and the success of the enterprise. But Sir William Scott
(afterwards Lord Stowell), the judge at that time, was not disposed
to sanction this view. Therefore he thwarted it by delays. The case
having been postponed from November, 1816, was brought up again in the
first term of 1817. "The judge has again delayed his decision," wrote
Lord Cochrane on the 28th of February, the day of the announcement,
"and I believe has done so until next session. He gave a curious
reason for this, namely, that I took part at the Westminster meeting
against the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act!"

At the next session it was again postponed, all the time available
for its consideration being taken up with a frivolous discussion as to
Lord Cochrane's right to give evidence. "They have gone the length,"
wrote his secretary, Mr. Jackson, on the 3rd of May, "of denying Lord
Cochrane's credibility in a court of justice. They had no other way
of answering his affidavit, which would have gained his cause in the
Court of Admiralty, as it proved that the French ships in Basque Roads
were destroyed by his own exertions in fighting without orders from
the Admiral. The denial-of Lord Cochrane's competency to give evidence
has excited a great deal of interest, and the Court of Admiralty was
quite crowded on Tuesday, when the question came on to be discussed.
I thought that our counsel had much the best of the argument, and I
believe the judge, Sir William Scott, thought so too, as he put off
his sentence to a future day." On the future day the judge admitted as
much. "We have gained a bit of a victory in the Admiralty Court," said
the same writer in a letter dated the 9th of June, "the judge having
been compelled to pronounce in favour of his lordship's right to
be believed on his oath." The time taken by him to arrive at this
decision, however, was so long that the case had to be adjourned to
November term, and thereby Lord Cochrane's enemies so far attained
their object, that it was impossible for him, in November term, to
renew the suit.

In the interval he had gone to France, preparatory to a much longer
and more momentous journey to South America, in anticipation of which
he was winding up his affairs and realizing his property during and
after the summer of 1817.

In this settlement of accounts there was at any rate one amusing
incident. It will be remembered that, on the occasion of his being
elected Member of Parliament for Honiton in 1806, Lord Cochrane had
refused to follow the almost universal fashion of bribery, but, after
the election was over, had thoughtlessly yielded to the proposal
of his agent that he should entertain his constituents at a public
supper.[A] This entertainment, either through spite or through wanton
extravagance, was turned by those to whom the management of it was
assigned into a great occasion of feasting for all the inhabitants of
the town; and for defrayment of the expenses thus incurred a claim
for more than 1200£ was afterwards made upon Lord Cochrane. Through
eleven years he bluntly refused to pay the preposterous demand; but
his creditors had the law upon their side, and in the spring of 1817
an order was granted for putting an execution into his house at Holly
Hill.

[Footnote A: 'The Autobiography of a Seaman,' vol. i. pp. 203, 204.]

Lord Cochrane, however, having resisted the demand thus far,
determined to resist to the end. For more than six weeks he prevented
the agents of the law from entering the house. "I still hold out,"
he said in a letter to his secretary, "though the castle has several
times been threatened in great force. The trumpeter is now blowing for
a parley, but no one appears on the ramparts. Explosion-bags are set
in the lower embrasures, and all the garrison is under arms." In
the explosion-bags there was nothing more dangerous than powdered
charcoal; but, supposing they contained gunpowder or some other
combustible, the sheriff of Hampshire and twenty-five officers were
held at bay by them, until at length one official, more daring than
the rest, jumped in at an open window, to find Lord Cochrane sitting
at breakfast and to be complimented by him upon the wonderful bravery
which he had shown in coming up to a building defended by charcoal
dust.

That battle with the sheriff and bailiffs of Hampshire occupied nearly
the whole of April and May, 1817. In the latter month, if not before,
Lord Cochrane began to think seriously of proceeding to join in
battles of a more serious sort in South America, under inducements and
with issues that will presently be detailed. "His lordship has made up
his mind to go to South America," wrote his secretary on the 31st of
May. "Numbers of gentlemen of great respectability are desirous of
accompanying him, and even Sir Francis Burdett has declared that he
feels a great temptation to do so; but Lord Cochrane discourages all.
They think he is going to immolate the Spaniards by his secret plans;
but he is not going to do anything of the kind, having promised the
Prince Regent not to divulge or use them otherwise than in the service
of his country."

With this expedition in view, and purposing to start upon it nearly a
year sooner than he found himself able to do, Lord Cochrane sold Holly
Hill and his other property in Hampshire, in July. In August he went
for a few months to France, partly for the benefit of Lady Cochrane's
health, partly, as it would seem, in the hope of introducing into
that country the lamps which he had lately invented, and from which he
hoped to derive considerable profit.

To this matter, and to his efforts to obtain some share, at any rate,
of his rights from the English Government, the letters written by
him from France chiefly refer. But there are in them some notes and
illustrations of more general interest. "I am quite astonished at the
state of Boulogne," he wrote thence on the 14th of August. "Neither
the town nor the heights are fortified; so great was Napoleon's
confidence in the terror of his name and the knowledge he possessed
of the stupidity and ignorance of our Government." In a letter from
Paris, dated the 23rd of August, we read: "Everything is looking much
more settled than when I was formerly here, and I do really think that
the Government, from the conciliatory measures wisely adopted, will
stand their ground against the adherents of Buonaparte. We are to have
a great rejoicing to-morrow. All Paris will be dancing, fiddling, and
singing. They are a light-hearted people. I wish I could join in their
fun. I was hopeful that I should; but the cursed recollection of the
injustice that has been done to me is never out of my mind; so that
all my pleasures are blasted, from whatever source they might be
expected to arise."

That last sentence fairly indicates the state of Lord Cochrane's mind
during these painful years. Weighed down by troubles heavy enough to
break the heart of an ordinary man, he fought nobly for the thorough
justification of his character and for the protection of others from
such persecution as had befallen him. In both objects, altogether
praise-worthy in themselves, he may have sometimes been intemperate;
but ample excuse for far greater intemperance would be found in the
troubles that oppressed him. "The cursed recollection of the injustice
that has been done to me is never out of my mind; all my pleasures are
blasted!"

In the same temper, after a lapse of nine months, about which it is
only necessary to say that, like their forerunners, they were
employed in private cares, and, especially after the reassembling of
Parliament, in zealous action for the public good, he made his last
speech in the House of Commons on the 2nd of June, 1818. The occasion
was a debate upon a second motion by Sir Francis Burdett in favour of
parliamentary reform, more cogent and effective than that of the
20th of May, 1817, to Lord Cochrane's share in which we have already
referred. The former speech was wholly of public interest. This has a
personal significance, very painful and very memorable. It brings to a
pathetic close the saddest epoch in Lord Cochrane's life—so very full
of sadness.

"I rise, sir," he said, "to second the motion of my honourable friend.
In what I have to say, I do not presume to think that I can add to
the able arguments that have just been uttered; but it is my duty
distinctly to declare my opinions on the subject. When I recollect all
the proceedings of this House, I confess that I do not entertain much
hope of a favourable result to the present motion. To me it seems
chiefly serviceable as an exhibition of sound principles, and as
showing the people for what they ought to petition. I shall perhaps be
told that it is unparliamentary to say there are any representatives
of the people in this House who have sold themselves to the purposes
and views of any set of men in power; but the history of the
degenerate senate of that once free people, the Romans, will serve
to show how far corruption may make inroads upon public virtue or
patriotism. The tyranny inflicted on the Roman people, and on mankind
in general, under the form of acts passed by the Roman senate, will
ever prove a useful memento to nations which have any freedom to lose.
It is not for me to prophesy when our case will be like theirs; but
this I will say, that those who are the slaves of a despotic
monarch are far less reprehensible for their actions than those who
voluntarily sell themselves when they have the means of remaining
free.

"And here," he continued, in sentences broken by his emotions, "as it
is probably the last time I shall ever have the honour of addressing
the House on any subject, I am anxious to tell its members what I
think of their conduct. It is now nearly eleven years since I have
had the honour of a seat in this House, and since then there have
been very few measures in which I could agree with the opinions of the
majority. To say that these measures were contrary to justice would
not be parliamentary. I will not even go into the inquiry whether
they tend to the national good or not; but I will merely appeal to the
feelings of the landholders present, I will appeal to the knowledge
of those members who are engaged in commerce, and ask them whether the
acts of the legislative body have not been of a description, during
the late war, that would, if not for the timely intervention of the
use of machinery, have sent this nation to total ruin? The country is
burthened to a degree which, but for this intervention, it would have
been impossible for the people to bear. The cause of these measures
having such an effect upon the country has been examined and gone
into by my honourable colleague (Sir Francis Burdett); they are to
be traced to that patronage and influence which, a number of powerful
individuals possess over the nomination of a great proportion of the
members of this House; a power which, devolving on a few, becomes
thereby the more liable to be affected by the influence of the Crown;
and which has in fact been rendered almost entirely subservient to
that influence. To reform the abuses which arise out of this system
is the object of my honourable friend's motion. I will not, cannot,
anticipate the success of the motion; but I will say, as has been
said before by the great Chatham, the father of Mr. Pitt, that, if the
House does not reform itself from within, it will be reformed with
a vengeance from without. The people will take up the subject, and
a reform will take place which will make many members regret their
apathy in now refusing that reform which might be rendered efficient
and permanent. But, unfortunately, in the present formation of the
House, it appears to me that from within no reform can be expected,
and for the truth of this I appeal to the experience of the few
members, less than a hundred, who are now present, nearly six hundred
being absent; I appeal to their experience to say whether they have
ever known of any one instance in which a petition of the people for
reform has been taken into consideration, or any redress afforded in
consequence of such a petition? This I regret, because I foresee the
consequence which must necessarily result from it. I do trust and
hope that before it is too late some measures shall be adopted for
redressing the grievances of the people; for certain I am that
unless some measures are taken to stop the feelings which the people
entertain towards this House and to restore their confidence in it,
you will one day have ample cause to repent the line of conduct you
have pursued. The gentlemen who now sit on the benches opposite
with such triumphant feelings will one day repent their conduct. The
commotions to which that conduct will inevitably give rise will shake,
not only this House, but the whole framework of Government and society
to its foundations. I have been actuated by the wish to prevent this,
and I have had no other intention.

"I shall not trespass longer on your time," he continued, in a few
broken sentences, uttered painfully and with agitation that aroused
much sympathy in the House. "The situation I have held for
eleven years in this House I owe to the favour of the electors of
Westminster. The feelings of my heart are gratified by the manner
in which they have acted towards me. They have rescued me from a
desperate and wicked conspiracy which has nearly involved me in total
ruin. I forgive those who have so done; and I hope when they depart to
their graves they will be equally able to forgive themselves. All
this is foreign to the subject before the House, but I trust you will
forgive me. I shall not trespass on your time longer now—perhaps
never again on any subject. I hope his Majesty's ministers will take
into their serious consideration what I now say. I do not utter it
with any feelings of hostility—such feelings have now left me—but
I trust they will take my warning, and save the country by abandoning
the present system before it is too late."




CHAPTER VI.


THE ANTECEDENTS OF LORD COCHRANE'S EMPLOYMENTS IN AMERICA.—THE WAR
OF INDEPENDENCE IN THE SPANISH COLONIES.—MEXICO.—VENEZUELA.
—COLOMBIA.—CHILI.—THE FIRST CHILIAN INSURRECTION.—THE CARRERAS
AND O'HIGGINS.—THE BATTLE OF BANCAGUA.—O'HIGGINS'S SUCCESSES.—THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHILIAN REPUBLIC.—LORD COCHRANE INVITED TO ENTER
THE CHILIAN SERVICE.


(1810—1817.)

To an understanding of Lord Cochrane's share in the South American
wars of independence a brief recapitulation of their antecedents, and
of the state of affairs at the time of his first connection with them,
is necessary.

The Spanish possessions in both North and South America, which had
reached nearly their full dimensions before the close of the sixteenth
century, had been retained, with little opposition from without,
and with still less from within, down to the close of the eighteenth
century. These possessions, including Mexico and Central America, New
Granada, Venezuela, Peru, La Plata, and Chili, covered an area larger
than that of Europe, more than twice as large as that of the present
United States. Through half a dozen generations they had been governed
with all the short-sighted tyranny for which the Spanish Government is
famous; the resources of the countries had been crippled in order that
each day's greed might be satisfied; and the inhabitants, who, for the
most part, were the mixed offspring of Spanish and native parents,
had been kept in abject dependence and in ignorant ferocity. There
was plenty of internal hatred and strife; but no serious thought of
winning their liberty and working out their own regeneration seems to
have existed among the people of the several provinces, until it was
suggested by the triumphant success of the United States in throwing
off the stronger but much less oppressive thraldom of Great Britain.
That success having been achieved, however, it was soon emulated by
the colonial subjects of Spain.

The first leader of agitation was Francisco Miranda, a Venezuelan
Creole. He visited England in 1790, and received some encouragement in
his revolutionary projects from Pitt. He went to France in 1792, and
there, while waiting some years for fit occasion of prosecuting the
work on which his heart was set, he helped to fight the battle of the
revolution against the Bourbons and the worn-out feudalism of which
they were representatives. During his absence, in 1794, conspiracies
against Spain arose in Mexico and New Granada, and, these continuing,
he went in 1794, armed by secret promises of assistance from Pitt, to
help in fomenting them. They prospered for several years; and in 1806
Miranda obtained substantial aid from Sir Alexander Cochrane, Lord
Cochrane's uncle, then the admiral in command of the West India
station. But in 1806 Pitt died. The Whigs came into power, and with
their coming occurred a change in the English policy. In 1807, General
Crawfurd was ordered to throw obstacles in the way of Miranda, then
heading a formidable insurrection. The result was a temporary check
to the work of revolution. In 1810 Miranda renewed his enterprise
in Venezuela, still with poor success; and in the same year a fresh
revolt was stirred up in Mexico by Miguel Hidalgo, of Costilla, a
priest of Dolores. Hidalgo's insurrection was foolish in design and
bloodthirsty in execution. It was continued, in better spirit, but
with poor success, by Morelos and Rayon, who, sustaining a serious
defeat in 1815, left the strife to degenerate into a coarse bandit
struggle, very disastrous to Spain, but hardly beneficial to the cause
of Mexican independence.

In the meanwhile a more prosperous and worthier contest was being
waged in South America. Besides the efforts of Miranda in Venezuela,
which were renewed between 1810 and 1812, when he was taken prisoner
and sent to Spain, there to die in a dungeon, a separate standard of
revolt was raised in Quito by Narinno and his friends in 1809. After
fighting desperately, in guerilla fashion, for five years, Narinno
was captured and forced to share Miranda's lot. A greater man, the
greatest hero of South American independence, Simon Bolivar, succeeded
them.

Bolivar, a native of Caraccas, had passed many years in Europe, when
in 1810, at the age of twenty-seven, he went to serve under Miranda
in Venezuela. Miranda's defeat in 1812 compelled him to retire to New
Granada, but there he did good service. He improved the fighting ways
and extended the fighting area, and in December, 1814, was appointed
captain-general of Venezuela and New Granada, soon, however, to be
driven back and forced to take shelter in Jamaica by the superior
strength of Morillo, the Spanish general, who arrived with a
formidable army in 1815. In 1816 Bolivar again showed himself in the
field at the head of his famous liberating army, which, crossing
over from Trinidad, and gaining reinforcements at every step, planted
freedom, such as it was, all along the northern parts of South
America, in which the new republic of Colombia was founded under his
presidency, in the neighbouring district of New Granada, and down to
the La Plata province, where he established the republic of Bolivia,
so named in his honour. With these patriotic labours he was busied
upon land, while Lord Cochrane was securing the independence of the
Spanish colonies by his brave warfare on the sea.

As the cause of liberty progressed in South America, it became
apparent that it had poor chance of permanence, while the
revolutionists were unable to cope with the Spaniards in naval
strife or to wrest from Spain her strongholds on the coast. This was
especially the case with the maritime provinces of Chili and Peru.
Peru, held firmly by the army garrisoned in Lima, to which Callao
served as an almost impregnable port, had been unable to share in the
contest waged on the other side of the Andes; and Chili, though
strong enough to declare its independence, was too weak to maintain it
without foreign aid.

The Chilian struggle began in 1810, when the Spanish captain-general,
Carrasco, was deposed, and a native government set up under Count de
la Conquista. By this government the sovereignty of Spain was still
recognised, although various reforms were adopted which Spain could
not be expected to endorse. Accordingly, in April, 1811, an attempt
was made by the Spanish soldiers to overturn the new order of
things. The result was that, after brief fighting, the revolutionists
triumphed, and the yoke of Spain was thrown off.

But the independence of Chili, thus easily begun, was not easily
continued. Three brothers, Jose Miguel, Juan Jose, and Luis Carreras,
and their sister, styled the Anne Boleyn of Chili, determined to
pervert the public weal to their own aggrandisement. Winning their way
into popularity, they overturned the national congress that had been
established in June, and in December set up a new junta, with Jose
Miguel Carrera at its head. A dismal period of misrule ensued, which
encouraged the Spanish generals, Pareja and Sanchez, to attempt the
reconquest of Chili in 1813. Pareja and Sanchez were successfully
resisted, and a better man, General Bernardo O'Higgins, the republican
son of an Irishman who had been Viceroy of Peru, was put at the
head of affairs. He succeeded to the command of the Chilian army in
November, 1813, when a fresh attack from the Spaniards was expected.
At first his good soldiership was successful. The enemy, having come
almost to the gates of Santiago, was forced to retire in May, 1814;
and the Chilian cause might have continued to prosper under O'Higgins,
had not the Carreras contrived, in hopes of reinstating themselves in
power, to divide the republican interests, and so, while encouraging
renewed invasion by the Spaniards from Lima, make their resistance
more difficult. Wisely deeming it right to set aside every other
consideration than the necessity of saving Chili from the danger
pressing upon it from without, O'Higgins effected a junction with the
Carreras, hoping thus to bring the whole force of the republic against
the royalist army, larger than its predecessors, which was marching
towards Santiago and Valparaiso. Had his magnanimous proposals been
properly acted upon, the issue might have been very different. But
the Carreras, even in the most urgent hour of danger, could not forget
their private ambitions. Holding aloof with their part of the army,
they allowed O'Higgins and his force of nine hundred to be defeated
by four thousand royalists under General Osorio, in the preliminary
fight which took place at the end of September. They were guilty of
like treachery during the great battle of the 1st of October. On that
day the royalists entered Rancagua, the town in which O'Higgins and
his little band had taken shelter. They were fiercely resisted, and
the fighting lasted through thirty-six hours. So brave was the conduct
of the patriots that the Spanish general was, after some hours'
contest, on the point of retreating. He saw that he would have no
chance of success, had the Carreras brought up their troops, as
was expected by both sides of the combatants. But the Carreras,
short-sighted in their selfishness, and nothing loth that O'Higgins
should be defeated, still held aloof. Thereupon the Spaniards took
heart, and made one more desperate effort. With hatchets and swords
they forced their way, inch by inch and hour by hour, into the centre
of the town. There, in an open square, O'Higgins, with two hundred
men—all the remnant of his little army—made a last resistance. When
only a few dozen of his soldiers were left alive, and when he himself
was seriously wounded, he determined, not to surrender, but to end the
battle. The residue of the patriots dashed through the town, cutting
a road through the astonished crowd of their opponents, and effected
a retreat in which those opponents, though more than twenty times as
numerous, durst not pursue them.

That memorable battle of Rancagua caused throughout the American
continent, and, across the Atlantic, through Europe, a thrill of
sympathy for the Chilian war of independence. But its immediate
effects were most disastrous. The Carreras, too selfish to fight
before, were now too cowardly. They and their followers fled.
O'Higgins had barely soldiers enough left to serve as a weak escort
to the fourteen hundred old men, women, and children who crossed the
Andes with him on foot, to pass two years and a half in voluntary
exile at Mendoza.

During those two years and a half the Spaniards were masters in
Santiago, and Chili was once more a Spanish province, in which the
inhabitants were punished terribly in confiscations, imprisonments,
and executions for their recent defection. Deliverance, however,
was at hand. General San Martin, through whom chiefly La Plata had
achieved its freedom, gave assistance to O'Higgins and the Chilian
patriots. The main body of the Spanish army, numbering about five
thousand, had been stationed on the heights of Chacabuco, whence
Santiago, Valparaiso, and the other leading towns of Chili were
overawed. On the 12th of February, 1817, San Martin and O'Higgins,
with a force nearly as large, surprised this garrison, and, with
excellent strategy and very little loss of life, to the patriots at
any rate, it was entirely subdued. Santiago was entered in triumph on
the 14th of February, and a few weeks served for the entire dispersion
of the royalist forces. The supreme directorship of the renovated
republic was offered to San Martin. On his declining the honour, it
was assigned, to the satisfaction of all parties, to O'Higgins.

The new dictator and the wisest of his counsellors, however, were not
satisfied with the temporary advantage that they had achieved. They
knew that armies would continue to come down from Peru, the defeat
of which, even if that could be relied upon, would waste all the
resources of the republic. They knew, too, that the Spanish war-ships
which supplied Peru with troops and ammunition from home, passing the
Chilian coast on their way, would seriously hinder the commerce on
which the young state had to depend for its development, even if
they did not destroy that commerce at its starting-point by seizing
Valparaiso and the other ports. Therefore they resolved to seek
for efficient help from Europe. With that end Don Jose Alvarez,
a high-minded patriot, who had done much good service to Chili in
previous years, was immediately sent to Europe, commissioned to borrow
money, to build or buy warships, and in all the ways in his power to
enlist the sympathies of the English people in the republican cause.
In the last of these projects, at any rate, he succeeded beyond all
reasonable expectation.

Beaching London in April, 1817, Alvarez was welcomed by many friends
of South American freedom—Sir Francis Burdett, Sir James Mackintosh,
Mr. Henry Brougham, and Mr. Edward Ellice among the number. Lord
Cochrane was just then out of London, fighting his amusing battle with
the sheriffs and bailiffs of Hampshire; but as soon as that business
was over he took foremost place among the friends of Don Alvarez and
the Chilian cause which he represented. With a message to him, indeed,
Alvarez was specially commissioned. He was invited by the Chilian
Government to undertake the organization and command of an improved
naval force, and so, by exercise of the prowess which he had displayed
in the Mediterranean and elsewhere, to render invaluable service to
the young republic.

He promptly accepted the invitation, being induced thereto by many
sufficient reasons. Sick at heart, as we have seen, under the cruel
treatment to which for so many years he had been subjected by his
enemies in power, he saw here an opportunity of, at the same
time, escaping from his persecutors, returning to active work in
a profession very dear to him, and giving efficient aid to a noble
enterprise.




CHAPTER VII.


LORD COCHRANE'S VOYAGE TO CHILI.—HIS RECEPTION AT VALPARAISO AND
SANTIAGO.—THE DISORGANIZATION OF THE CHILIAN FLEET.—FIRST SIGNS
OF DISAFFECTION.—THE NAVAL FORCES OF THE CHILIANS AND THE
SPANIARDS.—LORD COCHRANE'S FIRST EXPEDITION TO PERU.—HIS ATTACK ON
CALLAO.—"DRAKE THE DRAGON" AND "COCHRANE THE DEVIL."—LORD COCHRANE'S
SUCCESSES IN OVERAWING THE SPANIARDS, IN TREASURE-TAKING, AND
IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE PERUVIANS TO JOIN IN THE WAR OF
INDEPENDENCE.—HIS PLAN FOE ANOTHER ATTACK ON CALLAO.—HIS
DIFFICULTIES IN EQUIPPING THE EXPEDITION.—THE FAILURE OF
THE ATTEMPT.—HIS PLAN FOR STORMING VALDIVIA.—ITS SUCCESSFUL
ACCOMPLISHMENT.


[1818-1820.]

Having accepted, in May, 1817, the offer conveyed to him by the
Chilian Government through Don Jose Alvarez, Lord Cochrane's departure
from England was delayed for more than a year. This was chiefly on
account of the war-steamer, the _Rising Star_, which it was arranged
to build and equip in London under his superintendence. But the work
proceeded so slowly, in consequence of the difficulty experienced by
Alvarez in raising the requisite funds, that, at last, Lord Cochrane,
being urgently needed in South America, where the Spaniards were
steadily gaining ground, was requested to leave the superintendence
of the _Rising Star_ in other hands, and to cross the Atlantic without
her.

Accompanied by Lady Cochrane and his two children, he went first from
Rye to Boulogne, and there, on the 15th of August, 1818, embarked in
the _Rose_, a merchantman which had formerly been a warsloop. The long
voyage was uninteresting until Cape Horn was reached. There, and in
passing along the rugged coast-line of Tierra del Fuego, Lord Cochrane
was struck by its wild scenery. He watched the lazy penguins that
crowded on the rocks, among evergreens that showed brightly amid the
imposing mass of snow, and caught with hooks the lazier sea-pigeons
that skimmed the heavy waves and hovered round the bulwarks and got
entangled among the rigging of the _Rose_. He shot several of the
huge albatrosses that floated fearlessly over the deck, but was not
successful in his efforts to catch the fish that were seen coming to
the surface of the troubled sea. The sea was made so boisterous by
rain and snow, and such a stiff wind blew from the west, that for two
or three days the _Rose_ could not double the Cape. She was forced to
tack towards the south until a favourable gale set in, which carried
her safely to Valparaiso.

Valparaiso was reached on the 28th of November, after ten weeks passed
on shipboard. There and at Santiago, the seat of government, to which
he proceeded as soon as the congratulations of his new friends
would allow him, Lord Cochrane was heartily welcomed. So profuse and
prolonged were the entertainments in his favour—splendid dinners,
at which zealous patriots tendered their hearty compliments, being
followed by yet more splendid balls, at which handsome women showed
their gratitude in smiles, and eagerly sought the honour of being led
by him through the dances which were their chief delight—that he had
to remind his guests that he had come to Chili not to feast but to
fight.

There was prompt need of fighting. The Spaniards had a strong land
force pressing up from the south and threatening to invest Santiago.
Their formidable fleet swept the seas, and was being organized for an
attack on Valparaiso. Admiral Blanco Encalada had just returned from
a cruise in which he had succeeded in capturing, in Talcuanho Bay, a
fine Spanish fifty-gun frigate, the Maria Isabel; but his fleet
was ill-ordered and poorly equipped, quite unable, without thorough
re-organization, to withstand the superior force of the enemy. An
instance of the bad state of affairs was induced by Lord Cochrane's
arrival, and seemed likely to cause serious trouble to him and worse
misfortune to his Chilian employers. One of the republican vessels was
the _Hecate_, a sloop of eighteen guns which had been sold out of the
British navy and bought as a speculation by Captains Guise and Spry.
Having first offered her in vain to the Buenos Ayrean Government,
they had brought her on to Chili, and there contrived to sell her with
advantage and to be themselves taken into the Chilian service. They
and another volunteer, Captain Worcester, a North American, liking
the ascendancy over Admiral Bianco which their experience had won
for them, formed a cabal with the object of securing Admiral Blanco's
continuance in the chief command, or its equal division between him
and Lord Cochrane. Nothing but the Chilian admiral's disinterested
patriotism prevented a serious rupture. He steadily withstood all
temptations to his vanity, and avowed his determination to accept no
greater honour—if there could be a greater—than that of serving as
second in command under the brave Englishman who had come to fight
for the independence of Chili. Thus, though some troubles afterwards
sprang from the disaffections of Guise, Spry, and Worcester, the
mischief schemed by them was prevented at starting.

A few days after his arrival Lord Cochrane received his commission as
"Vice-Admiral of Chili, Admiral, and Commander-in-Chief of the
Naval Forces of the Republic." His flag was hoisted, on the 22nd
of December, on board the _Maria Isabel_, now rechristened the
_O'Higgins_, and fitted out as the principal ship in the small Chilian
fleet. The other vessels of the fleet were the _San Martin_, formerly
an Indiaman in the English service, of fifty-six guns; the _Lautaro_,
also an old Indiaman, of forty-four guns; the _Galvarino_, as the
_Hecate_ of Captains Cruise and Spry was now styled, of eighteen guns;
the _Chacabuco_, of twenty guns; the _Aracauno_, of sixteen guns; and
a sloop of fourteen guns named the _Puyrredon_.

The Spanish fleet, which these seven ships had to withstand, comprised
fourteen vessels and twenty-seven gunboats. Of the former three were
frigates, the _Esmeralda_, of forty-four guns, the _Venganza_, of
forty-two guns, and the _Sebastiana_, of twenty-eight guns; four were
brigs, the _Maypeu_, of eighteen guns, the _Pezuela_, of twenty-two
guns, the _Potrilla_, of eighteen guns, and another, whose name is not
recorded, also of eighteen guns. There was a schooner, name unknown,
which carried one large gun and twenty culverins. The rest were armed
merchantmen, the _Resolution_, of thirty-six guns; the _Cleopatra_, of
twenty-eight guns; the _La Focha_, of twenty guns; the _Guarmey_, of
eighteen guns; the Fernando, of twenty-six guns, and the San Antonio,
of eighteen guns. Only ten out of the fourteen, however, were ready
for sea; and before the whole naval force could be got ready for
service, it had been partly broken up by Lord Cochrane.

There was delay, also, in getting the Chilian fleet under sail. After
waiting at Valparaiso as long as he deemed prudent, Lord Cochrane left
the three smaller vessels to complete their equipment under Admiral
Blanco's direction, and passed out of port on the 16th of January,
with the O'Higgins, the San Martin, the Lautaro, and the Chacabuco. He
had hardly started before a mutiny broke out on board the last-named
vessel, which compelled him to halt at Coquimbo long enough to try
and punish the mutineers. Resuming the voyage, he proceeded along the
Chilian and Peruvian coast as far northward as Callao Bay, where he
cruised about for some days, awaiting an opportunity of attacking the
Spanish shipping there collected in considerable force.

While thus waiting he employed his leisure in observations, great and
small, of the sort and in the way characteristic of him all through
life. One of his rough notes runs thus:—"Cormorants resort in
enormous nights, coming in the morning from the northward to Callao
Bay, and proceeding along shore to the southward, diving in regular
succession one after another on the fish which, driven at the same
time from below by shoals of porpoises, seem to have no chance but to
be devoured under water or scooped up in the large bags pendent from
the enormous bills of the cormorants." "Prodigious seals," we read in
another note, "inhabit the rocks, whose grave faces and grey beards
look more like the human countenance than the faces of most other
animals. They are very unwieldy in their movements when on shore, but
most expert in the water. There is a small kind of duck in the bay,
which, from the clearness of the water, can be seen flying with its
wings under water in chase of small fry, which it speedily overtakes
from its prodigious speed."

From note-making of that sort, Lord Cochrane turned to more serious
business. The batteries of Callao and of San Lorenzo, a little island
in the bay which helped to form the port, mounted one hundred and
sixty guns, and more than twice as many were at the command of vessels
there lying-to. Direct attack of a force so very much superior to
that of the Chilian fleet seemed out of the question. Therefore
Lord Cochrane bethought him of a subterfuge. Learning that two North
American war-ships were expected at Callao, he determined to personate
them with the _O'Higgins_ and _Lautaro_, and so enter the port under
alien colours. It was then carnival-time, and on the 21st of February,
deeming that the Spaniards were more likely to be off their guard, he
proposed "to make a feint of sending a boat ashore with despatches,
and in the mean time suddenly to dash at the frigates and cut them
out." Unfortunately a dense fog set in, which lasted till the 28th,
and made it impossible for him to effect his purpose before the
carnival was over. Let the sequel be told in his own words.

"On the 28th, hearing heavy firing and imagining that one of the ships
was engaged with the enemy, I stood with the flag-ship into the
bay. The other ships, imagining the same thing, also steered in the
direction of the firing, when, the fog clearing for a moment, we
discovered each other, as well as a strange sail near us. This proved
to be a Spanish gunboat, with a lieutenant and twenty men, who, on
being made prisoners, informed us that the firing was a salute
in honour of the Viceroy, who had that morning been on a visit of
inspection to the batteries and shipping, and was then on board the
brig-of-war _Pezuela_, which we saw crowding sail in the direction
of the batteries. The fog, again coming on, suggested to me the
possibility of a direct attack. Accordingly, still maintaining our
disguise under American colours, the _O'Higgins_ and _Lautaro_ stood
towards the batteries, narrowly escaping going ashore in the fog. The
Viceroy, having no doubt witnessed the capture of the gunboat, had,
however, provided for our reception, the garrison being at their guns,
and the crews of the ships-of-war at their quarters. Notwithstanding
the great odds, I determined to persist in an attack, as our
withdrawing, without firing a shot, would produce an effect upon the
minds of the Spaniards the reverse of that intended. I had sufficient
experience in war to know that moral effect, even if the result of a
degree of temerity, will not unfrequently supply the place of superior
force.

"The wind falling light, I did not venture on laying the flag-ship and
the _Lautaro_ alongside the Spanish frigates, as I at first intended,
but anchored with springs on our cables, abreast of the shipping,
which was arranged in a half-moon of two lines, the rear-rank being
judiciously disposed so as to cover the intervals of the ships in the
front line. A dead calm succeeded, and we were for two hours exposed
to a heavy fire from the batteries, in addition to that from the
two frigates, the brigs _Pezuela_ and _Maypeu_, and seven or eight
gunboats. Nevertheless the northern angle of one of the principal
forts was silenced by our fire. As soon as a breeze sprang up, we
weighed anchor, standing to and fro in front of the batteries,
and returning their fire, until Captain Guise, who commanded the
_Lautaro_, being severely wounded, that ship sheered off and never
again came within range. As, from want of wind, or doubt of the
result, neither the _San Martin_ nor the _Chacabuco_ had ever got
within fire, the flag-ship was thus left alone, and I was reluctantly
compelled to relinquish the attack. I withdrew to the island of San
Lorenzo, about three miles distant from the forts; the Spaniards,
though nearly quadruple our numbers, exclusive of their gunboats, not
venturing to follow us.

"The action having been commenced in a fog, the Spaniards imagined
that all the Chilian vessels were engaged. They were not a little
surprised, as it again cleared, to find that their own frigate, the
quondam _Maria Isabella_, was almost their only opponent. So much were
they dispirited by this discovery that, as soon as possible after the
close of the contest, their ships-of-war were dismantled, the topmasts
and spars being formed into a double boom across the anchorage, so as
to prevent approach. The Spaniards were also previously unaware of my
being in command of the Chilian squadron. On becoming acquainted with
this fact, they bestowed upon me the not very complimentary title of
'El Diablo,' by which I was afterwards known amongst them."

Two hundred and forty years before, almost to a day, Sir Francis
Drake—whom, of all English seamen, Lord Cochrane most resembled in
chivalrous daring and in chivalrous hatred of oppression—had secretly
led his little _Golden Hind_ into the harbour of Callao, and there
despoiled a Spanish fleet of seventeen vessels; for which and for his
other brave achievements he won the nickname of El Dracone. Drake the
Dragon and Cochrane the Devil were kinsmen in noble hatred, and noble
punishment, of Spanish wrong-doing.

Retiring to San Lorenzo, after the fight in Callao Bay on the 28th
of February, Lord Cochrane occupied the island, and from it blockaded
Callao for five weeks. On the island he found thirty-seven Chilian
soldiers, whom the Spaniards had made prisoners eight years before.
"The unhappy men," he said, "had ever since been forced to work in
chains under the supervision of a military guard—now prisoners in
turn; their sleeping-place during the whole of this period being a
filthy shed, in which they were every night chained by one leg to an
iron bar." Yet worse, as he was informed by the poor fellows whom he
freed from their misery, was the condition of some Chilian officers
and seamen imprisoned in Lima, and so cruelly chained that the fetters
had worn bare their ankles to the bone. He accordingly, under a flag
of truce, sent to the Spanish Viceroy, Don Joaquim de la Pezuela,
offering to exchange for these Chilian prisoners a larger number of
Spaniards captured by himself and others. This proposal was bluntly
refused by the Viceroy, who took occasion, in his letter, to avow
his surprise that a British nobleman should come to fight for a
rebel community "unacknowledged by all the powers of the globe."
Lord Cochrane replied that "a British nobleman was a free man, and
therefore had a right to assist any country which was endeavouring to
re-establish the rights of aggrieved humanity." "I have," he added,
"adopted the cause of Chili with the same freedom of judgment that I
previously exercised when refusing the offer of an admiral's rank in
Spain, made to me not long ago by the Spanish ambassador in London."

Except in blockading Callao and repairing his ships little was done by
Lord Cochrane during his stay at San Lorenzo. On the 1st of March he
went into the harbour again and opened a destructive fire upon
the Spanish gunboats, but as these soon sought shelter under the
batteries, which the _O'Higgins_ and the _Lautaro_ were not strong
enough to oppose, the demonstration did not last long. Unsuccessful
also was an attempt made upon the batteries, with the aid of an
explosion-vessel, on the 22nd of March. The explosion-vessel, when
just within musket-range, was struck by a round shot, and foundered,
thus spoiling the intended enterprise. But other plans fared better.

At the beginning of April, Lord Cochrane left San Lorenzo and
proceeded to Huacho, a few leagues north of Callao. Its inhabitants
were for the most part in sympathy with the republican cause, and the
Spanish garrison fled at almost the first gunshot, leaving a large
quantity of government property and specie in the hands of the
assailants. Much other treasure, which proved very serviceable to
the impoverished Chilian exchequer, was captured by the little fleet
during a two months' cruise about the coast of Peru, both north and
south of Callao. Everywhere, too, the Spanish cause was weakened,
and the natives were encouraged to share in the great work of South
American rebellion against a tyranny of three centuries' duration. "It
was my object," said Lord Cochrane, "to make friends of the Peruvian
people, by adopting towards them a conciliatory course, and by strict
care that none but Spanish property should be taken. Confidence was
thus inspired, and the universal dissatisfaction with Spanish rule
speedily became changed into an earnest desire to be freed from it."

Having cruised about the Peruvian coast during April and May, Lord
Cochrane returned to Valparaiso on the 16th of June. "The objects of
the first expedition," he said, "had been fully accomplished, namely,
to reconnoitre, with a view to future operations, when the squadron
should be rendered efficient; but more especially to ascertain the
inclinations of the Peruvians—a point of the first importance to
Chili, as being obliged to be constantly on the alert for her own
newly-acquired liberties so long as the Spaniards were in undisturbed
possession of Peru. To the accomplishment of these objects had been
superadded the restriction of the Spanish naval force to the
shelter of the forts, the defeat of their military forces wherever
encountered, and the capture of no inconsiderable amount of treasure."
That was work enough to be done by four small ships, ill-manned and
ill-provisioned, during a five months' absence from Valparaiso; and
the Chilians were not ungrateful.

Their gratitude, however, was not strong enough to make them zealous
co-operators in his schemes for their benefit. Lord Cochrane was eager
to start upon another expedition, in which he hoped for yet greater
success. But for this were needed preparations which the poverty and
mismanagement of the Chilian Government made almost impossible. He
asked for a thousand troops with which to facilitate a second attack
on Callao. This force, certainly not a large one, was promised, but,
when he was about to embark, only ninety soldiers were ready, and even
then a private subscription had to be raised for giving them decent
clothing instead of the rags in which they appeared. For the assault
on Callao, also, an ample supply of rockets was required. An engineer
named Goldsack had gone from England to construct them, and, that
there might be no stinting in the work, Lord Cochrane offered to
surrender all his share of prize-money. The offer was refused; but, to
save money, their manufacture was assigned to some Spanish prisoners,
who showed their patriotism in making them so badly that, when tried,
they were found utterly worthless. There were other instances of false
economy, whereby Lord Cochrane's intended services to his Chilian
employers were seriously hindered. The vessels were refitted, however,
and a new one, an American-built corvette, named the _Independencia_,
of twenty-eight guns, was added to the number.

After nearly three months' stay at Valparaiso, he again set sail on
the 12th of September, 1819. Admiral Blanco was his second in command,
and his squadron consisted of the _O'Higgins_, the _San Martin_, the
_Lautaro_, the _Independencia_, the _Galvarino_, the _Araucano_, and
the _Puyrredon_, mounting two hundred and twenty guns in all. There
were also two old vessels, to be used as fireships.

The fleet entered Callao Roads on the 29th of September. On this
occasion there was no subterfuge. On the 30th Lord Cochrane despatched
a boat to Callao with a flag of truce, and a challenge to the Viceroy
to send out his ships—nearly twice as strong as those of Chili in
guns and men—for a fair fight in the open sea. The challenge was
bluntly rejected, and an attack on the batteries and the ships in
harbour was then planned. On the 1st of October, the smaller vessels
reconnoitred the bay, and there was some fighting, in which the
_Araucano_ was damaged. Throughout the night of the 2nd, a formidable
attack was attempted, in which the main reliance was placed in the
Goldsack rockets; but, in consequence of the treacherous handling
of the Spanish soldiers who had filled them, they proved worse than
useless, doing nearly as much injury to the men who fired them as
to the enemy. Only one gunboat was sunk by the shells from a raft
commanded by Major Miller, who also did some damage to the forts and
shipping. On the night of the 4th, Lord Cochrane amused himself, while
a fireship was being prepared, by causing a burning tar-barrel to be
drifted with the tide towards the enemy's shipping. It was, in the
darkness, supposed to be a much more formidable antagonist, and
volleys of Spanish shot were spent upon it. On the following evening
a fireship was despatched; but this also was a failure. A sudden calm
prevented her progress. She was riddled through and through by the
enemy's guns, and, rapidly gaining water in consequence, had to be
fired so much too soon that she exploded before getting near enough to
work any serious mischief among the Spanish shipping.

By these misfortunes Lord Cochrane was altogether disheartened. The
rockets, on which he had chiefly relied, had proved worthless, and,
one fireship having been wasted, he did not care to risk the loss of
the other. He found too that the Spaniards, profiting by the warning
which he had previously given, had so strengthened their booms that it
was quite impossible, with the small force at his command, to get at
them or to reach the port. His store of provisions, also, was nearly
exhausted, and the fresh supply promised from Chili had not arrived.
He therefore reluctantly, for the time, abandoned his project for
taking Callao.

He continued to watch the port for a few weeks, however, hoping for
some chance opportunity of injuring it; and, in the interval, sent
three hundred and fifty soldiers and marines, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Charles and Major Miller, in the _Lautaro_, the _Galvarino_, and the
remaining fireship, commanded by Captain Guise, to attack Pisco and
procure from it and the neighbourhood the requisite provisions. This
was satisfactorily done; but the sickness of many of his men caused
his further detention at Santa, whither he had gone from Callao. On
the 21st of November the sick were sent to Valparaiso, in the charge
of the _San Martin_, the _Independencia_, and the _Araucano_. With the
remaining ships, the _O'Higgins_, the _Lautaro_, the _Galvarino_, and
the _Puyrredon_, Lord Cochrane proceeded to the mouth of the River
Guayaquil. There, on the 28th of the month, he captured two large
Spanish vessels, one of twenty and the other of sixteen guns, laden
with timber, and took possession of the village of Puna. At Guayaquil
there was another delay of a fortnight, owing to a mutiny attempted
by Captains Guise and Spry, whose treacherous disposition has already
been mentioned.

Not till the middle of December was he able to escape from the
troubles brought upon him by others, and to return to work worthy of
his great name and character. Then, however, sending one of his ships,
with the prizes, to Valparaiso, and leaving two others to watch
the Peruvian coast, he started, with only his flag-ship, upon an
enterprise as brilliant in conception and execution as any in his
whole eventful history. "The Chilian people," he said, "expected
impossibilities; and I. had for some time been revolving in my mind
a plan to achieve one which should gratify them, and allay my own
wounded feelings. I had now only one ship, so that there were no
other inclinations to consult; and I felt quite sure of Major Miller's
concurrence where there was any fighting to be done. My design was,
with the flag-ship alone, to capture by a _coup de main_ the
numerous forts and garrison of Valdivia, a fortress previously deemed
impregnable, and thus to counteract the disappointment which would
ensue in Chili from our want of success at Callao. The enterprise
was a desperate one; nevertheless, I was not about to do anything
desperate, having resolved that, unless I was fully satisfied as to
its practicability, I would not attempt it. Rashness, though often
imputed to me, forms no part of my composition. There is a rashness
without calculation of consequences; but with that calculation
well-founded, it is no longer rashness. And thus, now that I was
unfettered by people who did not second my operations as they ought
to have done, I made up my mind to take Valdivia, if the attempt came
within the scope of my calculations."

Valdivia was the stronghold and centre of Spanish attack upon Chili
from the south, just as were Lima and Callao on the north. To reach it
Lord Cochrane had to sail northwards along the coast of Peru and Chili
to some distance below Valparaiso. This he did without loss of time,
to work out an excellent strategy which will be best understood from
his own report of it.

"The first step," he said, "clearly was to reconnoitre Valdivia. The
flag-ship arrived on the 18th of January, 1820, under Spanish colours,
and made a signal for a pilot, who—as the Spaniards mistook the
_O'Higgins_ for a ship of their own—promptly came off, together with
a complimentary retinue of an officer and four soldiers, all of whom
were made prisoners as soon as they came on board. The pilot was
ordered to take us into the channels leading to the forts, whilst the
officer and his men, knowing there was little chance of their finding
their way on shore again, thought it most conducive to their interests
to supply all the information demanded, the result being increased
confidence on my part as to the possibility of a successful attack.
Amongst other information obtained was the expected arrival of the
Spanish brig _Potrillo_, with money on board for the payment of the
garrison.

"As we were busily employing ourselves in inspecting the channels, the
officer commanding the garrison began to suspect that our object might
not altogether be pacific, a suspicion which was confirmed by the
detention of his officer. Suddenly a heavy fire was opened upon
us from the various forts, to which we did not reply, but, our
reconnoissance being now complete, withdrew beyond its reach. Two days
were occupied in reconnoitring. On the third day the _Potrillo_ hove
in sight, and she, being also deceived by our Spanish colours, was
captured without a shot, twenty thousand dollars and some important
despatches being found on board."

That first business having been satisfactorily achieved, Lord Cochrane
proceeded to Concepcion, there to ask and obtain from its Chilian
governor, General Freire, a force of two hundred and fifty soldiers,
under Major Beauchef, a French volunteer. In Talcahuano Bay, moreover,
he found a Chilian schooner, the _Montezuma_, and a Brazilian brig,
the _Intrepido_. He attached the former to his service, and accepted
the volunteered aid of the latter. With this augmented but still
insignificant force, very defective in some important respects, he
returned to Valdivia. "The flag-ship," he said, "had only two naval
officers on board, one of these being under arrest for disobedience
of orders, whilst the other was incapable of performing the duty of
lieutenant; so that I had to act as admiral, captain and lieutenant,
taking my turn in the watch—or rather being constantly on the
watch—as the only available officer was so incompetent."

"We sailed from Talcahuano on the 25th of January," the narrative
proceeds, "when I communicated my intentions to the military officers,
who displayed great eagerness in the cause—alone questioning their
success from motives of prudence. On my explaining to them that, if
unexpected projects are energetically put in execution, they almost
invariably succeed in spite of odds, they willingly entered into my
plans.

"On the night of the 29th, we were off the island of Quiriquina, in
a dead calm. From excessive fatigue in the execution of subordinate
duties, I had lain down to rest, leaving the ship in charge of
the lieutenant, who took advantage of my absence to retire also,
surrendering the watch to the care of a midshipman, who fell asleep.
Knowing our dangerous position, I had left strict orders that I was
to be called the moment a breeze sprang up; but these orders were
neglected. A sudden wind took the ship unawares, and the midshipman,
in attempting to bring her round, ran her upon the sharp edge of a
rock, where she lay beating, suspended, as it were, upon her keel;
and, had the swell increased, she must inevitably have gone to pieces.

"We were forty miles from the mainland, the brig and schooner being
both out of sight. The first impulse, both of officers and crew, was
to abandon the ship, but, as we had six hundred men on board, whilst
not more than a hundred and fifty could have entered the boats, this
would have been but a scramble for life. Pointing out to the men that
those who escaped could only reach the coast of Arauco, where they
would meet nothing but torture and inevitable death at the hands of
the Indians, I with some difficulty got them to adopt the alternative
of attempting to save the ship. The first sounding gave five feet
of water in the hold, and the pumps were entirely out of order. Our
carpenter, who was only one by name, was incompetent to repair them;
but, having myself some skill in carpentry, I took off my coat, and
by midnight, got them into working order, the water in the meanwhile
gaining on us, though the whole crew were engaged in baling it out
with buckets.

"To our great delight, the leak did not increase, upon which I got
out the stream anchor and commenced heaving off the ship; the officers
clamoured first to ascertain the extent of the leak; but this I
expressly forbade, as calculated to damp the energy of the men,
whilst, as we now gained on the leak, there was no doubt the ship
would swim as far as Valdivia, which was the chief point to be
regarded, the capture of the fortress being my object, after which the
ship might be repaired at leisure. As there was no lack of physical
force on board, she was at length floated; but the powder magazine
having been under water, the ammunition of every kind, except a little
upon deck and in the cartouche-boxes of the troops, was rendered
unserviceable; though about this I cared little, as it involved the
necessity of using the bayonet in our anticipated attack; and to
facing this weapon the Spaniards had, in every case, evinced a rooted
aversion."

The _O'Higgins_, thus bravely saved from wreck, was soon joined by the
_Intrepido_ and the _Montezuma_, and these vessels being now most fit
for action, as many men as possible were transferred to them, and the
_O'Higgins_ was ordered to stand out to sea, only to be made use of in
case of need. The _Montezuma_ now became the flag-ship, and with her
and her consort Lord Cochrane sailed into Valdivia Harbour on the 2nd
of February.

"The fortifications of Valdivia," he said, "are placed on both sides
of a channel three quarters of a mile in width, and command the
entrance, anchorage, and river leading to the town, crossing their
fire in all directions so effectually that, with proper caution on the
part of the garrison, no ship could enter without suffering severely,
while she would be equally exposed at anchor. The principal forts on
the western shore are placed in the following order:—El Ingles, San
Carlos, Amargos, Chorocomayo, Alto, and Corral Castle. Those on the
eastern side are Niebla, directly opposite Amargos, and Piojo; whilst
on the island of Manzanera is a strong fort mounted with guns of large
calibre, commanding the whole range of the entrance channel. These
forts and a few others, fifteen in all, would render the place in the
hands of a skilful garrison almost impregnable, the shores on
which they stand being inaccessible by reason of the surf, with the
exception of a small landing-place at Fort Ingles.

"It was to this landing-place that we first directed our attention,
anchoring the brig and schooner off the guns of Fort Ingles on the
afternoon of February the 3rd, amidst a swell which rendered immediate
disembarkation impracticable. The troops were carefully kept below;
and, to avert the suspicion of the Spaniards, we had trumped up a
story of our having just arrived from Cadiz and being in want of a
pilot. They told us to send a boat for one. To this we replied that
our boats had been washed away in the passage round Cape Horn.
Not being quite satisfied, they began to assemble troops at the
landing-place, firing alarm-guns, and rapidly bringing up the
garrisons of the western forts to Fort Ingles, but not molesting us.

"Unfortunately for the credit of the story about the loss of the
boats, which were at the time carefully concealed under the lee of the
vessels, one drifted astern, so that our object became apparent, and
the guns of Fort Ingles, under which we lay, forthwith opened upon
us, the first shots passing through the sides of the _Intrepido_ and
killing two men, so that it became necessary to land in spite of the
swell. We had only two launches and a gig. I directed the operation in
the gig, whilst Major Miller, with forty-four marines, pushed off in
the first launch, under the fire of the party at the landing-place,
on to which they soon leaped, driving the Spaniards before them at
the point of the bayonet. The second launch then pushed off from the
_Intrepido_, while the other was returning; and in this way, in less
than an hour, three hundred men had made good their footing on shore.

"The most difficult task, the capture of the forts, was to come. The
only way in which the first, Fort Ingles, could be approached, was
by a precipitous path, along which the men could only pass in single
file, the fort itself being inaccessible except by a ladder, which the
enemy, after being routed by Major Miller, had drawn up.

"As soon as it was dark, a picked party, under the guidance of one
of the Spanish prisoners, silently advanced to the attack. This party
having taken up its position, the main body moved forward, cheering
and firing in the air, to intimate to the Spaniards that their
chief reliance was on the bayonet. The enemy, meanwhile, kept up
an incessant fire of artillery and musketry in the direction of the
shouts, but without effect, as no aim could be taken in the dark.

"Whilst the patriots were thus noisily advancing, a gallant young
officer, Ensign Vidal, got under the inland flank of the fort, and,
with a few men, contrived to tear up some pallisades, by which a
bridge was made across the ditch. In that way he and his small party
entered and formed noiselessly under cover of some branches of trees,
while the garrison, numbering about eight hundred soldiers, were
directing their whole attention in an opposite direction.

"A volley from Vidal's party convinced the Spaniards that they had
been taken in flank. Without waiting to ascertain the number of those
who had outflanked them, they instantly took to flight, filling with a
like panic a column of three hundred men drawn up behind the fort.
The Chilians, who were now well up, bayoneted them by dozens as they
attempted to gain the forts; and when the forts were opened to receive
them the patriots entered at the same time, and thus drove them from
fort to fort into the Castle of Corral, together with two hundred more
who had abandoned some guns advantageously placed on a height at Fort
Chorocomayo. The Corral was stormed with equal rapidity, a number
of the enemy escaping in boats to Valdivia, others plunging into the
forest. Upwards of a hundred fell into our hands, and on the following
morning the like number were found to have been bayoneted. Our loss
was seven men killed and nineteen wounded.

"On the 5th, the _Intrepido_ and _Montezuma_, which had been left near
Fort Ingles, entered the harbour, being fired at in their passage by
Fort Niebla, on the eastern shore. On their coming to an anchor at the
Corral, two hundred men were again embarked to attack Forts Niebla,
Carbonero, and Piojo. The _O'Higgins_ also appeared in sight off the
mouth of the harbour. The Spaniards thereupon summarily abandoned the
forts on the eastern side; no doubt judging that, as the western forts
had been captured without the aid of the frigate, they had, now that
she had arrived, no chance of successfully defending them.

"On the 6th, the troops were again embarked to pursue the flying
garrison up the river, when we received a flag of truce, informing us
that the enemy had abandoned the town, after plundering the private
houses and magazines, and with the governor, Colonel Montoya, had
fled in the direction of Chiloe. The booty which fell into our
hands, exclusive of the value of the forts and public buildings, was
considerable, Valdivia being the chief military depôt in the southern
side of the continent. Amongst the military stores were upwards of 50
tons of gunpowder, 10,000 cannon-shot, 170,000 musket-cartridges, a
large quantity of small arms, 128 guns, of which 53 were brass and the
remainder iron, the ship _Dolores_ —afterwards sold at Valparaiso for
twenty thousand dollars—with public stores sold for the like value,
and plate, of which General Sanchez had previously stripped the
churches of Concepcion, valued at sixteen thousand dollars."
Those prizes compensated over and over again for the loss of the
_Intrepido_, which grounded in the channel, and the injuries done to
the _O'Higgins_ on her way to Valdivia.

But the value of Lord Cochrane's capture of this stronghold was not to
be counted in money. By its daring conception and easy completion
the Spaniards, besides losing their great southern starting-point for
attacks on Chili and the other states that were fighting for their
freedom, lost heart, to a great extent, in their whole South American
warfare. They saw that their insurgent colonists had now found a
champion too bold, too cautious, too honest, and too prosperous for
them any longer to hope that they could succeed in their efforts to
win back the dependencies which were shaking off the thraldom of three
centuries.




CHAPTER VIII.


LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO VALPARAISO.—HIS ILL-TREATMENT BY
THE CHILIAN SENATE.—THE THIRD EXPEDITION TO PERU.—GENERAL SAN
MARTIN.—THE CAPTURE OF THE "ESMERALDA," AND ITS ISSUE.—LORD
COCHRANE'S SUBSEQUENT WORK.—SAN MARTIN'S TREACHERY.—HIS
ASSUMPTION OF THE PROTECTORATE OF PERU.—HIS BASE PROPOSALS TO LORD
COCHRANE.—LORD COCHRANE'S CONDEMNATION OF THEM.—THE TROUBLES OF THE
CHILIAN SQUADRON.—LORD COCHRANE'S SEIZURE OF TREASURE AT ANCON,
AND EMPLOYMENT OF IT IN PAYING HIS OFFICERS AND MEN.—HIS STAY AT
GUAYAQUIL.—THE ADVANTAGES OF FREE TRADE.—LORD COCHRANE'S
CRUISE ALONG THE MEXICAN COAST IN SEARCH OF THE REMAINING SPANISH
FRIGATES.—THEIR ANNEXATION BY PERU.—LORD COCHRANE'S LAST VISIT TO
CALLAO.


[1820-1822.]

Lord Cochrane returned to Valparaiso on the 27th of February, 1820.
By General O'Higgins, the Supreme Director, and by the populace he was
enthusiastically received. But Zenteno, the Minister of Marine, and
other members of the Government, jealous of the fresh renown which he
had won by his conquest of Valdivia, showed their jealousy in various
offensive ways.

In anticipation of his failure they had prepared an elaborate charge
of insubordination, in that he had not come back direct from
Callao. Now that he had triumphed, they sought at first to have him
reprimanded for attempting so hazardous an exploit, and afterwards
to rob him of his due on the ground that his achievement was
insignificant and valueless. When they were compelled by the voice of
the people to declare publicly that "the capture of Valdivia was the
happy result of an admirably-arranged plan and of the most daring
execution," they refused to award either to him or to his comrades any
other recompense than was contained in the verbal compliment; and,
on his refusing to give up his prizes until the seamen had been
paid their arrears of wages, he was threatened with prosecution for
detention of the national property.

The threat was impotent, as the people of Chili would not for a moment
have permitted such an indignity to their champion. But so irritating
were this and other attempted persecutions to Lord Cochrane that, on
the 14th of May, he tendered to the Supreme Director his resignation
of service under the Chilian Government. That proposal was, of course,
rejected; but with the rejection came a promise of better treatment.
The seamen were paid in July, and the Valdivian prize-money was
nominally awarded. Lord Cochrane's share amounted to 67,000 dollars,
and to this was added a grant of land at Rio Clara. But the money was
never paid, and the estate was forcibly seized a few years afterwards.

Other annoyances, which need not here be detailed, were offered to
Lord Cochrane, and thus six months were wasted by Zenteno and his
associates in the Chilian senate. "The senate," said Lord Cochrane,
"was an anomaly in state government. It consisted of five members,
whose functions were to remain only during the first struggles of the
country for independence; but this body had now assumed a permanent
right to dictatorial control, whilst there was no appeal from their
arbitrary conduct, except to themselves. They arrogated the title
of 'Most Excellent,' whilst the Supreme Director was simply 'His
Excellency;' his position, though nominally head of the executive,
being really that of mouthpiece to the senate, which, assuming all
power, deprived the Executive Government of its legitimate influence,
so that no armament could be equipped, no public work undertaken,
no troops raised, and no taxes levied, except by the consent of this
irresponsible body. For such a clique the plain, simple good sense
of the Supreme Director was no match. He was led to believe that a
crooked policy was a necessary evil of government, and, as such a
policy was adverse to his own nature, he was the more easily induced
to surrender its administration to others who were free from his
conscientious principles." Those sentences explain the treatment to
which, now and afterwards, Lord Cochrane was subjected.

He was allowed, however, to do further excellent service to the nation
which had already begun to reward him with nothing but ingratitude. As
soon as the Chilian Government could turn from its spiteful exercise
to its proper duty of consolidating the independence of the insurgents
from Spanish dominion, it was resolved to despatch as strong a force
as could be raised for another and more formidable expedition to
Peru, whereby at the same time the Peruvians should be freed from the
tyranny by which they were still oppressed, and the Chilians should be
rid of the constant danger that they incurred from the presence of a
Spanish army in Lima, Callao, and other garrisons, ready to bear down
upon them again and again, as it had often done before. In 1819 Lord
Cochrane had vainly asked for a suitable land force with which to aid
his attack upon Callao. It was now resolved to organize a Liberating
Army, after the fashion of that with which Bolivar had nobly scoured
the northern districts of South America, and to place it under the
direction of General San Martin, in co-operation with whom Lord
Cochrane was to pursue his work as chief admiral of the fleet.
San Martin had fought worthily in La Plata, and he had earned the
gratitude of the Chilians by winning back their freedom in conjunction
with O'Higgins in 1817. Vanity and ambition, however, had since
unhinged him, and he now proved himself a champion of liberty very
inferior, both in prowess and in honesty, to Bolivar.

His army, numbering four thousand two hundred men, was collected by
the 21st of August, and on that day it was embarked at Valparaiso in
the whole Chilian squadron. Lord Cochrane proposed to go at once to
Chilca, the nearest point both to Lima and to Callao. San Martin,
however, decided upon Pisco as a safer landing-place, and there the
troops were deposited on the 8th of September. For fifty days they
were detained there, and the fleet was forced to share their idleness,
capturing only a few passing merchantmen. On the 28th of October they
were re-embarked, and Lord Cochrane again urged a vigorous attack on
the capital and its port. Again he was thwarted by San Martin, who
requested to be landed at Ancon, considerably to the north of Callao,
and as unsuitable a halting-place as was the southerly town of Pisco.
Lord Cochrane had to comply; but he bethought him of a plan for
achieving a great work, in spite of San Martin. Sending the main body
of his fleet to Ancon with the troops, no the 20th, he retained
the _O'Higgins_, the _Independencia_, and the _Lautaro_, with the
professed object of merely blockading Callao at a safe distance.
"The fact was," he said, "that, annoyed, in common with the whole
expedition, at this irresolution on the part of General San Martin, I
determined that the means of Chili, furnished with great difficulty,
should not be wholly wasted, without some attempt at accomplishing the
object of the expedition. I accordingly formed a plan of attack with
the three ships which I had kept back, though, being apprehensive
that my design would be opposed by General San Martin, I had not
even mentioned to him my intentions. This design was, to cut out the
_Esmeralda_ frigate from under the fortifications, and also to get
possession of another ship, on board of which we had learned that a
million of dollars was embarked."

The plan was certainly a bold one. The _Esmeralda_, of forty-four
guns, was the finest Spanish ship in the Pacific Ocean. Now especially
well armed and manned, in readiness for any work that had to be done,
she was lying in Callao Harbour, protected by three hundred pieces
of artillery on shore and by a strong boom with chain moorings,
by twenty-seven gunboats and several armed block-ships. These
considerations, however, only induced Lord Cochrane to proceed
cautiously upon his enterprise. Three days were spent in preparations,
the purpose of which was known only to himself and to his chief
officers. On the afternoon of the 5th of November he issued this
proclamation:—"Marines and seamen,—This night we shall give the
enemy a mortal blow. To-morrow you will present yourself proudly
before Callao, and all your comrades will envy your good fortune.
One hour of courage and resolution is all that is required for you
to triumph. Remember that you have conquered in Valdivia, and have no
fear of those who have hitherto fled from you. The value of all the
vessels captured in Callao will be yours, and the same reward will be
distributed amongst you as has been offered by the Spaniards in Lima
to those who should capture any of the Chilian squadron. The moment of
glory is approaching. I hope that the Chilians will fight as they have
been accustomed to do, and that the English will act as they have ever
done at home and abroad."

A request was made for volunteers, and the whole body of seamen and
marines on board the three ships offered to follow Lord Cochrane
wherever he might lead. This was more than he wanted. "A hundred
and sixty seamen and eighty marines," said Lord Cochrane, whose own
narrative of the sequel will best describe it, "were placed, after
dark, in fourteen boats alongside the flag-ship, each man, armed with
cutlass and pistol, being, for distinction's sake, dressed in white,
with a blue band on the left arm. The Spaniards, I expected, would
be off their guard, and consider themselves safe from attack for that
night, since, by way of ruse, the other ships had been sent out of the
bay under the charge of Captain Foster, as though in pursuit of some
vessels in the offing.

"At ten o'clock all was in readiness, the boats being formed in two
divisions, the first commanded by Flag-Captain Crosbie and the second
by Captain Gruise,—my boat leading. The strictest silence and the
exclusive use of cutlasses were enjoined; so that, as the oars were
muffled and the night was dark, the enemy had not the least suspicion
of the impending attack.

"It was just upon midnight when we neared the small opening left in
the boom, our plan being well-nigh frustrated by the vigilance of a
guard-boat upon which my launch had unluckily stumbled. The challenge
was given, upon which, in an undertone, I threatened the occupants of
the boat with instant death if they made the least alarm. No reply
was made to the threat, and in a few minutes our gallant fellows
were alongside the frigate in line, boarding at several points
simultaneously. The Spaniards were completely taken by surprise,
the whole, with the exception of the sentries, being asleep at their
quarters; and great was the havoc made amongst them by the Chilian
cutlasses whilst they were recovering themselves. Retreating to the
forecastle, they there made a gallant stand, and it was not until the
third charge that the position was carried. The fight was for a short
time renewed on the quarterdeck, where the Spanish marines fell to
a man, the rest of the enemy leaping overboard and into the hold to
escape slaughter.

"On boarding the ship by the main-chains, I was knocked back by the
sentry's musket, and falling on the tholl-pin of the boat, it entered
my back near the spine, inflicting a severe injury, which caused me
many years of subsequent suffering. Immediately regaining my footing,
I reascended the side, and, when on deck, was shot through the thigh.
But, binding a handkerchief tightly round the wound, I managed, though
with great difficulty, to direct the contest to its close.

"The whole affair, from beginning to end, occupied only a quarter of
an hour, our loss being eleven killed and thirty wounded, whilst that
of the Spaniards was a hundred and sixty, many of whom fell under
the cutlasses of the Chilians before they could stand to their arms.
Greater bravery I never saw displayed than by our gallant fellows.
Before boarding, the duties of all had been appointed, and a party
was told off to take possession of the tops. We had not been on deck
a minute, when I hailed the foretop, and was instantly answered by our
own men, an equally prompt answer being returned from the frigate's
main-top. No British man-of-war's crew could have excelled this minute
attention to orders.

"The uproar speedily alarmed the garrison, who, hastening to their
guns, opened fire on their own frigate, thus paying us the compliment
of having taken it; though, even in this case, their own men must
still have been on board, so that firing on them was a wanton
proceeding. Several Spaniards were killed or wounded by the shot of
the fortress. Amongst the wounded was Captain Coig, the commander of
the _Esmeralda_, who, after he was made prisoner, received a severe
contusion by a shot from his own party.

"The fire from the fortress was, however, neutralized by a successful
expedient. There were two foreign ships of war present during the
contest, the United States frigate _Macedonian_ and the British
frigate _Hyperion_ ; and these, as had been previously agreed upon with
the Spanish authorities in case of a night attack, hoisted peculiar
lights as signals, to prevent being fired upon. This contingency being
provided for by us, as soon as the fortress commenced its fire on the
_Esmeralda_, we also ran up similar lights, so that the garrison did
not know which vessel to fire at. The _Hyperion_ and _Macedonian_ were several times struck, while the _Esmeralda_ was comparatively
untouched. Upon this the neutral vessels cut their cables and moved
away. Contrary to my orders, Captain Gruise then cut the _Esmeralda's_ cables also, so that there was nothing to be done but to loose her
topsails and follow. The fortress thereupon ceased its fire.

"I had distinctly ordered that the cables of the _Esmeralda_ were not
to be cut, but that after taking her, the force was to capture the
_Maypeu_, a brig of war previously taken from Chili, and then to
attack and cut adrift every ship near, there being plenty of time
before us. I had no doubt that, when the _Esmeralda_ was taken, the
Spaniards would desert the other ships as fast as their boats would
permit them, so that the whole might have been either captured or
burnt. To this end all my previous plans had been arranged; but, on
my being placed _hors de combat_ by my wounds, Captain Gruise, on whom
the command of the prize devolved, chose to interpose his own judgment
and content himself with the _Esmeralda_ alone; the reason assigned
being that the English had broken into her spirit-room and were
getting drunk, whilst the Chilians were disorganized by plundering.
It was a great mistake. If we could capture the _Esmeralda_ with her
picked and well-appointed crew, there would have been little or no
difficulty in cutting the other ships adrift in succession. It would
only have been the rout of Valdivia over again, chasing the enemy,
without loss, from ship to ship instead of from fort to fort."

Lord Cochrane's exploit, however, though less complete than he had
intended, was as successful in its issue as it was brilliant in its
achievement. "This loss of the _Esmeralda_," wrote Captain Basil Hall,
then commanding a British war-ship in South American waters, "was a
death-blow to the Spanish naval force in that quarter of the world;
for, although there were still two Spanish frigates and some smaller
vessels in the Pacific, they never afterwards ventured to show
themselves, but left Lord Cochrane undisputed master of the coast."
The speedy liberation of Peru was its direct consequence, although
that good work was seriously impaired by the continued and increasing
misconduct of General San Martin, inducing troubles, of which Lord
Cochrane received his full share.

In the first burst of his enthusiasm at the intelligence of Lord
Cochrane's action, San Martin was generous for once. "The importance
of the service you have rendered to the country, my lord," he wrote on
the 10th of November, "by the capture of the frigate _Esmeralda_, and
the brilliant manner in which you conducted the gallant officers and
seamen under your orders to accomplish that noble enterprise, have
augmented the gratitude due to your former services by the Government,
as well as that of all interested in the public welfare and in your
fame. All those who participated in the risks and glory of the deed
also deserve well of their countrymen; and I have the satisfaction to
be the medium of transmitting the sentiments of admiration which such
transcendent success has excited in the chiefs of the army under my
command." "It is impossible for me to eulogize in proper language,"
he also wrote to the Chilian administration, "the daring enterprise
of the 5th of November, by which Lord Cochrane has decided the
superiority of our naval forces, augmented the splendour and power of
Chili, and secured the success of this campaign."

A few days later, however, San Martin wrote in very different terms.
"Before the General-in-Chief left the Vice-Admiral of the squadron,"
he said, in a bulletin to the army, "they agreed on the execution of
a memorable project, sufficient to astonish intrepidity itself, and to
make the history of the liberating expedition of Peru eternal." "This
glory," he added, "was reserved for the Liberating Army, whose efforts
have snatched the victims of tyranny from its hands." Thus impudently
did he arrogate to himself a share, at any rate, in the initiation of
a project which Lord Cochrane, knowing that he would oppose it, had
purposely kept secret from him, and assign the whole merit of its
completion to the army which his vacillation and incompetence were
holding in unwelcome inactivity.

Lord Cochrane was too much accustomed to personal injustice, however,
to be very greatly troubled by that fresh indignity. It was a far
heavier trouble to him that his first triumph was not allowed to be
supplemented by prompt completion of the work on which, and not on
any individual aggrandisement, his heart was set—the establishment of
Peruvian as well as Chilian freedom.

San Martin, having done nothing hitherto but allow his army to waste
its strength and squander its resources, first at Pisco and afterwards
at Ancon, now fixed upon Huacha as another loitering-place. Thither
Lord Cochrane had to convey it, before he was permitted to resume the
blockade of Callao. This blockade lasted, though not all the while
under his personal direction, for eight months.

"Several attempts were now made," said Lord Cochrane, with reference
to the first few weeks of the blockade, "to entice the remaining
Spanish naval force from their shelter under the batteries by placing
the _Esmeralda_ apparently within reach, and the flagship herself in
situations of some danger. One day I carried her through an intricate
strait called the Boqueron, in which nothing beyond a fifty-ton
schooner was ever seen. The Spaniards, expecting every moment to see
the ship strike, manned their gunboats, ready to attack as soon as she
was aground; of which there was little danger, for we had found, and
buoyed off with small bits of wood invisible to the enemy, a channel
through which a vessel could pass without much difficulty. At another
time, the Esmeralda being in a more than usually tempting position,
the Spanish gunboats ventured out in the hope of recapturing her, and
for an hour maintained a smart fire; but on seeing the _O'Higgins_ manoeuvring to cut them off, they precipitately retreated."

In ways like those the Spaniards were locked in, and harassed, in
Callao Bay. Good result came in the steady weakening of the Spanish
cause. On the 3rd of December, six hundred and fifty soldiers deserted
to the Chilian army. On the 8th they were followed by forty officers;
and after that hardly a day passed without some important defections
to the patriot force.'

Unfortunately, however, there was weakness also among the patriots.
San Martin, idle himself, determined to profit by the advantages,
direct and indirect, which Lord Cochrane's prowess had secured and
was securing. It began to be no secret that, as soon as Peru was
freed from the Spanish yoke, he proposed to subject it to a military
despotism of his own. This being resented by Lord Cochrane, who on
other grounds could have little sympathy or respect for his associate,
coolness arose between the leaders. Lord Cochrane, anxious to do
some more important work, if only a few troops might be allowed to
co-operate with his sailors, was forced to share some of San Martin's
inactivity. In March, 1821, he offered, if two thousand soldiers were
assigned to him, to capture Lima; and when this offer was rejected, he
declared himself willing to undertake the work with half the number of
men. With difficulty he at last obtained a force of six hundred; and
by them and the fleet nearly all the subsequent fighting in Peru
was done. Lord Cochrane did not venture upon a direct assault on the
capital with so small an army; but he used it vigorously from point to
point on the coast, between Callao and Arica, and thus compelled the
capitulation of Lima on the 6th of July.

Again, as heretofore, he was thanked in the first moment of triumph,
to be slighted at leisure. Lord Cochrane, on entering the city, was
welcomed as the great deliverer of Peru: the medals distributed on
the 28th of July—the day on which Peru's independence was
proclaimed—testified that the honour was due to General San Martin
and his Liberating Army. That, however, was only part of a policy long
before devised. "It is now became evident to me," said Lord Cochrane,
"that the army had been kept inert for the purpose of preserving it
entire to further the ambitious views of the General, and that, with
the whole force now at Lima, the inhabitants were completely at the
mercy of their pretended liberator, but in reality their conqueror."

With that policy, however much he reprobated it, Lord Cochrane wisely
judged that it was not for him to quarrel. "As the existence of this
self-constituted authority," he said, "was no less at variance with
the institutions of the Chilian Republic than with its solemn
promises to the Peruvians, I hoisted my flag on board the _O'Higgins_,
determined to adhere solely to the interests of Chili; but not
interfering in any way with General San Martin's proceedings till they
interfered with me in my capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilian
navy." He was not, therefore, in Lima on the 3rd of August, when San
Martin issued a proclamation declaring himself Protector of Peru, and
appointing three of his creatures as his Ministers of State. Of the
way in which he became acquainted of this violent and lawless measure,
a precise description has been given by an eye-witness, Mr. W.B.
Stevenson.

"On the following morning, the 4th of August," he says, "Lord
Cochrane, uninformed of the change which had taken place in the
title of San Martin, visited the palace, and began to beg the
General-in-Chief to propose some means for the payment of the seamen
who had served their time and fulfilled their contract. To this San
Martin answered that 'he would never pay the Chilian squadron unless
it was sold to Peru, and then the payment should be considered part of
the purchase-money.' Lord Cochrane replied that 'by such a transaction
the squadron of Chili would be transferred to Peru by merely paying
what was due to the officers and crews for services done to that
State.' San Martin knit his brows and, turning to his ministers,
Garcia and Monteagudo, ordered them to retire; to which his lordship
objected, stating that, 'as he was not master of the Spanish language,
he wished them to remain as interpreters, being fearful that some
expression, not rightly understood, might be considered offensive.'
San Martin now turned round to the Admiral and said, 'Are you aware,
my lord, that I am Protector of Peru?' 'No,' said his lordship. 'I
ordered my secretaries to inform you of it,' returned San Martin.
'That is now unnecessary, for you have personally informed me,' said
his lordship: 'I hope that the friendship which has existed between
General San Martin and myself will continue to exist between the
Protector of Peru and myself.' San Martin then, rubbing his hands,
said, 'I have only to say that I am Protector of Peru.' The manner
in which this last sentence was expressed roused the Admiral, who,
advancing, said, 'Then it becomes me, as senior officer of Chili,
and consequently the representative of the nation, to request the
fulfilment of all the promises made to Chili and the squadron; but
first, and principally, the squadron.' San Martin returned, 'Chili!
Chili! I will never pay a single real to Chili! As to the squadron,
you may take it where you please, and go where you choose. A couple
of schooners are quite enough for me.' On hearing this Garcia left the
room, and Monteagudo walked to the balcony. San Martin paced the room
for a short time, and, turning to his lordship, said, 'Forget, my
lord, what is past.' The Admiral replied, 'I will when I can,' and
immediately left the palace.[A] "One thing has been omitted in
the preceding narrative," said Lord Cochrane. "General San Martin,
following me to the staircase, had the temerity to propose to me
to follow his example—namely, to break faith with the Chilian
Government, to which we had both sworn, to abandon the squadron to his
interests, and to accept the higher grade of First Admiral of Peru.
I need scarcely say that a proposition so dishonourable was declined;
when, in a tone of irritation, he declared that 'he would neither give
the seamen their arrears of pay nor the gratuity he had promised.'"

[Footnote A: W.B. Stevenson, "Twenty Years' Residence in South
America." 1825.]

Lord Cochrane lost no time in returning to his flagship in Callao
Roads. Thence, however, on the 7th of August, he wrote a letter to San
Martin, couched in terms as temperate and persuasive as he could bring
himself to use. "My dear General," he there said, "I address you
for the last time under your late designation, being aware that the
liberty I may take as a friend might not be deemed decorous to you
under the title of Protector, for I shall not, with a gentleman of
your understanding, take into account, as a motive for abstaining to
speak truth, any chance of your resentment. Nay, were I certain that
such would be the effect of this letter, I would nevertheless perform
such an act of friendship, in repayment of the support you gave me
at a time when the basest plots were laid for my dismissal from the
Chilian service. Permit me to give you the experience of eleven years,
during which I sat in the first senate in the world, and to say what I
anticipate on the one hand, and what I fear on the other—nay, what
I foresee. You have it in your power to be the Napoleon of South
America; but you have also the power to choose your course, and if the
first steps are false, the eminence on which you stand will, as though
from the brink of a precipice, make your fall the more heavy and the
more certain. The real strength of government is public opinion. What
would the world say, were the Protector of Peru, as his first act, to
cancel the bonds of San Martin, even though gratitude may be a private
and not a public virtue? What would they say, were the Protector to
refuse to pay the expense of that expedition which placed him in his
present elevated situation? What would they say, were it promulgated
to the world that he intended not even to remunerate those employed
in the navy which contributed to his success?" Much more to the same
effect Lord Cochrane wrote, urging honesty upon San Martin as the only
path by which he could win for himself a permanent success, and making
a special claim upon his honesty in the interests of the seamen and
naval officers, to whom neither pay nor prize-money had been given
since their departure from Chili nearly a year before.

It was all in vain. San Martin wrote, on the 9th of August, a
letter making professions of virtue and acknowledging much personal
indebtedness to Lord Cochrane and the fleet, but evading the whole
question at issue. "I am disposed," he said, "to recompense valour
displayed in the cause of the country. But you know, my lord, that the
wages of the crews do not come under these circumstances, and that I,
never having engaged to pay the amount, am not obliged to do so. That
debt is due from Chili, whose Government engaged the seamen."

Lord Cochrane knew that Chili would decline to pay for work that, if
intended to be done in its interests, had been perverted from that
intention; and his crews, also knowing it, became reasonably mutinous.
After much further correspondence—in which San Martin suggested as
his only remedy that Lord Cochrane should accept the dishonourable
proposal made to him, and, becoming himself First Admiral of Peru,
should induce the fleet to join in the same rebellion against Chili to
which the army had been brought by its general, and in which Captains
Guise and Spry, always evil-minded, had already joined—Lord Cochrane
adopted a bold but altogether justifiable manoeuvre. A large quantity
of treasure, seized from the Spaniards, having been deposited by San
Martin at Ancon, he sailed thither, in the middle of September, and
quietly took possession of it. So much as lawful owners could be
found for was given up to them. With the residue, amounting to 285,000
dollars, Lord Cochrane paid off the year's arrears to every officer
and man in his employ, taking nothing for himself, but reserving the
small surplus for the pressing exigencies and re-equipment of the
squadron.

It is unnecessary to detail the angry correspondence that arose out
of that rough act of justice. Before the money was distributed,
treacherous offers to restore it and enter into rebellious league with
San Martin were made to Lord Cochrane; and with these were alternated
mock-virtuous complaints and bombastic threats. Both bribes and
threats were treated by him with equal contempt.

"After a lapse of nearly forty years' anxious consideration," he wrote
in 1858, "I cannot reproach myself with having done any wrong in
the seizure of the money of the Protectorial Government. General San
Martin and myself had been in our respective departments deputed to
liberate Peru from Spain, and to give to the Peruvians the same free
institutions which Chili herself enjoyed. The first part of our object
had been fully effected by the achievements and vigilance of the
squadron; the second part was frustrated by General San Martin
arrogating to himself despotic power, which set at naught the wishes
and voice of the people. As 'my fortune in common with his own' was
only to be secured by acquiescence in the wrong he had done to Chili
by casting off his allegiance to her, and by upholding him in the
still greater wrong he was inflicting on Peru, I did not choose to
sacrifice my self-esteem and professional character by lending myself
as an instrument to purposes so unworthy. I did all in my power
to warn General San Martin of the consequences of ambition so
ill-directed, but the warning was neglected, if not despised. Chili
trusted to him to defray the expenses of the squadron, when its
objects, as laid down by the Supreme Director, should be accomplished;
but, in place of fulfilling the obligation, he permitted the squadron
to starve, its crews to go in rags, and the ships to be in perpetual
danger for want of the proper equipment which Chili could not afford
to give them when they sailed from Valparaiso. The pretence for this
neglect was want of means, though, at the same time, money to a
vast amount was sent away from the capital to Ancon. Seeing that no
intention existed on the part of the Protector's Government to do
justice to the Chilian squadron, whilst every effort was made to
excite discontent among the officers and men with the purpose of
procuring their transfer to Peru, I seized the public money, satisfied
the men, and saved the navy to the Chilian Republic, which afterwards
warmly thanked me for what I had done. Despite the obloquy cast upon
me by the Protector's Government, there was nothing wrong in the
course I pursued, if only for the reason that, if the Chilian squadron
was to be preserved, it was impossible for me to have done otherwise.
Years of reflection have only produced the conviction that, were I
again placed in similar circumstances, I should adopt precisely the
same course."

In spite of his treachery to the Chilian Government, General San
Martin professed to retain his functions as Commander-in-Chief of the
Chilian liberating expedition to Peru; and, accordingly, when he found
it useless to make further efforts, by bribes or threats, to seduce
Lord Cochrane from his allegiance, he ordered him to return at once to
Valparaiso. This order Lord Cochrane refused to obey, seeing that the
work entrusted to him—the entire destruction of the Spanish squadron
in the Pacific—had not yet been completed.

He determined to complete that work, first going to Guayaquil to
repair and refit his ships, which San Martin would not allow him to do
in any Peruvian port. He was thus employed during six weeks following
the 18th of October, 1821.

On his departure, a complimentary address from the townsmen afforded
him an opportunity of offering some good advice on a matter in which
his long and intelligent political experience showed him that they
were especially at fault. The inhabitants of Guayaquil, like many
other young communities, sought to increase their revenues and
strengthen their independence by violent restrictions upon foreign
commerce and arbitrary support of native monopolists. Lord Cochrane
eloquently propounded to them the doctrine of free trade. "Let your
public press," he said, "declare the consequences of monopoly, and
affix your names to the defence of your enlightened system. Let it
show, if your province contains eighty thousand inhabitants, and if
eighty of these are privileged merchants according to the old system,
that nine hundred and ninety-nine persons out of a thousand must
suffer because their cotton, coffee, tobacco, timber, and other
productions, must come into the hands of the monopolist, as the only
purchaser of what they have to sell, and the only seller of what they
must necessarily buy; the effect being that he will buy at the lowest
possible rate and sell at the dearest, so that not only are the nine
hundred and ninety-nine injured, but the lands will remain waste, the
manufactories without workmen, and the people will be lazy and poor
for want of a stimulus, it being a law of nature that no man will
labour solely for the gain of another. Tell the monopolist that the
true method of acquiring general riches, political power, and even his
own private advantage, is to sell his country's produce as high, and
foreign goods as low, as possible, and that public competition can
alone accomplish this. Let foreign merchants, who bring capital,
and those who practise any art or handicraft, be permitted to settle
freely. Thus a competition will be formed, from which all must reap
advantage. Then will land and fixed property increase in value. The
magazines, instead of being the receptacles of filth and crime, will
be full of the richest foreign and domestic productions; and all will
be energy and activity, because the reward will be in proportion to
the labour. Your river will be filled with ships, and the monopolist
degraded and shamed. You will bless the day in which Omnipotence
permitted to be rent asunder the veil of obscurity, under which the
despotism of Spain, the abominable tyranny of the Inquisition, and the
want of liberty of the press, so long hid the truth from your sight.
Let your customs' duties be moderate, in order to promote the greatest
possible consumption of foreign and domestic goods; then smuggling
will cease and the returns to the treasury increase. Let every man
do as he pleases as regards his own property, views, and interests;
because each individual will watch over his own with more zeal than
senates, ministers, or kings. By your enlarged views set an example
to the New World; and thus, as Guayaquil is, from its situation,
the central republic, it will become the centre of the agriculture,
commerce, and riches of the Pacific."

Lord Cochrane left Guayaquil on the 3rd of December, and cruised
northwards in search of the _Prueba_ and the _Venganza_, the only two
remaining Spanish frigates, which had made their escape from Callao
and gone in the direction of Mexico. He sailed along the Colombian
and Mexican coasts as far as Acapulco, where he called on the 29th
of January, 1822, without finding the objects of his search. He there
learned, on the 2nd of February, from an in-coming merchantman, that
the frigates had eluded him and were now somewhere to the southwards.
Upon that he at once retraced his course, and, in spite of a storm
which nearly wrecked his two best ships, one of them being the
captured _Esmeralda_, now christened the _Valdivia_, was at Guayaquil
again on the 13th of March. There, as he expected, from information
received on the passage, he found the _Venganza._ Both the frigates
had been compelled, by want of provisions, to run the risk of halting
at Guayaquil, whither also an envoy from San Martin had arrived,
instructed to tempt the Guayaquilians into friendship with Peru and
jealousy of Chili. On the appearance of the Spanish frigates, he had
persuaded their captains, as the only means of averting the certain
ruin that Lord Cochrane was planning for them, quietly to surrender to
the Peruvian Government. In this way Chili was cheated of its prizes,
although Lord Cochrane's main object, the entire overthrow of the
Spanish war shipping in the Pacific, was accomplished without further
use of powder and shot. The _Prueba_ had been sent to Callao, and the
_Venganza_ was now being refitted at Guayaquil.

Lord Cochrane had now done all that it was possible for him to do in
fulfilment of the naval mission on which he had quitted Chili a year
and a half before. Proceeding southward, he anchored in Callao Roads
from the 25th of April till the 10th of May. San Martin's Government,
fearing punishment for their misdeeds, prepared to defend Callao. Lord
Cochrane, however, wrote to say that he had no intention of making
war upon the Peruvians; that all he asked was adequate payment for
the services rendered to them by his officers and seamen. In the
same letter he denounced the new treachery that had been shown with
reference to the _Venganza_ and the _Prueba_.

The answer to that letter was a visit from San Martin's chief
minister, who begged Lord Cochrane to recall it, and impudently
repeated the old offers of service under the Peruvian Government,
adding that San Martin had written a private letter to the same
effect. "Tell the Protector from me," said Lord Cochrane, "that if,
after the conduct he has pursued, he had sent me a private letter, it
would certainly have been returned unanswered. You may also tell him
that it is not my wish to injure him, that I neither fear him nor hate
him, but that I disapprove of his conduct."

Lord Cochrane's brief stay off Callao sufficed to convince him that,
though the people of Peru were being for the time subjected to a
tyranny almost equal to that practised by Spain, no one was likely to
be long in fear of San Martin, as his treacheries and his vices were
already bringing upon him well-deserved disgrace and punishment. To
that purport Lord Cochrane wrote to O'Higgins on the 2nd of May. "As
the attached and sincere friend of your excellency," he said, "I hope
you will take into your serious consideration the propriety of at once
fixing the Chilian Government upon a base not to be shaken by the
fall of the present tyranny in Peru, of which there are not only
indications, but the result is inevitable—unless, indeed, the
mischievous counsels of vain and mercenary men can suffice to prop up
a fabric of the most barbarous political architecture, serving as a
screen from whence to dart their weapons against the heart of liberty.
Thank God, my hands are free from the stain of labouring in any such
work; and having finished all you gave me to do, I may now rest till
you shall command my further endeavours for the honour and security of
my adopted land."




CHAPTER IX.


LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO VALPARAISO.—HIS FURTHER ILL-TREATMENT BY
THE CHILIAN GOVERNMENT.—HIS RESIGNATION OF CHILIAN EMPLOYMENT, AND
ACCEPTANCE OF EMPLOYMENT UNDER THE EMPEROR OF BRAZIL.—HIS SUBSEQUENT
CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF CHILI.—THE RESULTS OF HIS
CHILIAN SERVICE.


[1822-1823.]

Lord Cochrane returned to Valparaiso on the 3rd of June, 1822, having
been absent more than twenty months. An enthusiastic welcome awaited
him. Medals were struck in his honour, and in various ephemeral ways
the public gratitude was expressed.

It was, however, only ephemeral. There was no substantial recognition
of his great services. His men were left unpaid, and he himself was
subjected to further indignities of the sort already described. It is
not necessary here to give any detailed account of them, or to enter
into a particular rehearsal of his efforts during the next six months
to continue his beneficial services to Chili. He had done the great
service for which he had been invited to South America. In the course
of about three years he had scoured the Pacific of the Spanish ships,
which had offered an obstacle too serious for the patriots to overcome
by any force or wisdom of their own. He had made it possible for
them to assert their independence of a foreign yoke, and, if their
patriotism had been genuine enough, to work out internal reforms, by
which the sometime colonies of Spain in South America might have been
able to vie in greatness with the sometime colonies of England in the
northern continent. The benefits which he conferred especially upon
Chili were shared by all the liberated communities along the whole
Pacific coastline up to Mexico. But all were alike ungrateful, except
in fitful words and in sentiments that prompted to no action.

Shortly after his return to Chili, Lord Cochrane went to live upon the
estates that had been conferred upon him. Soon, however, he was forced
to go back to Valparaiso, there to look after the interests of the
officers and crews who had served him and Chili during the previous
fighting time. His earnest arguments on their behalf were not heeded.
The poor fellows were left to starve and be perished by the cold of
a South American winter, against which the pitiful rags in which they
were clothed afforded no protection. And before long fresh incidents
arose which made it impossible for him to persevere in fighting their
battle.

General San Martin, having run his course of petty tyranny in Peru,
was soon forced to resign his protectorate and seek safety in Chili.
He reached Valparaiso on the 12th of October, and then Lord Cochrane,
who had long before seen good reasons for suspecting it, was convinced
that Zenteno and many other influential men in Chili were in league
with him. He claimed that San Martin should be tried by court-martial
for his treasons, known to all the world. Instead of that San Martin
was loaded with honours, and fresh indignities were heaped upon
his chief accuser. This monstrous action of the ministers led to a
revolution, which, if Lord Cochrane had stayed to the end, might have
proved much to his advantage. But the revolution, headed by General
Freire, an honest man, had for its object the overthrow of O'Higgins,
also an honest man, though too weak to withstand the influences
brought to bear upon him by the bad men by whom he was surrounded.
Lord Cochrane refused Freire's offers to join in opposition to
O'Higgins, always, as far as his small powers permitted, his good
friend. He preferred to abandon Chili, or rather to allow it to
abandon one who had done for it so much and had received so little in
return. "The difficulties," he said, in a dignified letter addressed
to General O'Higgins, still nominally the Supreme Director, in which
he virtually resigned his appointment as Vice-Admiral of the Republic,
"the difficulties which I have experienced in accomplishing the naval
enterprises successfully achieved during the period of my command as
Admiral of Chili have not been mastered without responsibility such as
I would scarcely again undertake, not because I would hesitate to make
any personal sacrifice in a cause of so much interest, but because
even these favourable results have led to the total alienation of
the sympathies of meritorious officers—whose co-operation was
indispensable—in consequence of the conduct of the Government.
That which has made most impression on their minds has been, not the
privations they have suffered, nor the withholding of their pay
and other dues, but the absence of any public acknowledgment by the
Government of the honours and distinctions promised for their fidelity
and constancy to Chili; especially at a time when no temptation was
withheld that could induce them to abandon the cause of Chili for the
service of the Protector of Peru. Ever since that time, though there
was no want of means or knowledge of facts on the part of the Chilian
Government, it has submitted itself to the influence of the agents
of an individual whose power, having ceased in Peru, has been again
resumed in Chili. The effect of this on me is so keen that I cannot
trust myself in words to express my personal feelings. Whatever I
have recommended or asked for the good of the naval service has been
scouted or denied, though acquiescence would have placed Chili in
the first rank of maritime states in this quarter of the globe. My
requisitions and suggestions were founded on the practice of the first
naval service in the world—that of England. They have, however, met
with no consideration, as though their object had been directed to
my own personal benefit. Until now I have never eaten the bread of
idleness. I cannot reconcile to my mind a state of inactivity which
might even now impose upon the Chilian Republic an annual pension for
past services; especially as an Admiral of Peru is actually in command
of a portion of the Chilian squadron, whilst other vessels are sent to
sea without the orders under which they act being communicated to
me, and are despatched through the instrumentality of the governor of
Valparaiso [Zenteno]. I mention these circumstances incidentally as
having confirmed me in the resolution to withdraw myself from Chili
for a time, asking nothing for myself during my absence; whilst, as
regards the sums owing to me, I forbear to press for their payment
till the Government shall be more freed from its difficulties. I have
complied with all that my public duty demanded, and, if I have
not been able to accomplish more, the deficiency has arisen from
circumstances beyond my control. At any rate, having the world still
before me, I hope to prove that it is not owing to me. I have received
proposals from Mexico, from Brazil, and from a European state, but
have not as yet accepted any of these offers. Nevertheless, the habits
of my life do not permit me to refuse my services to those labouring
under oppression, as Chili was before the annihilation of the Spanish
naval force in the Pacific. In this I am prepared to justify whatever
course I may pursue. In thus taking leave of Chili, I do so with
sentiments of deep regret that I have not been suffered to be more
useful to the cause of liberty, and that I am compelled to separate
myself from individuals with whom I hoped to live for a long period,
without violating such sentiments of honour as, were they broken,
would render me odious to myself and despicable in their eyes."

That letter sufficiently explains the reasons which induced Lord
Cochrane to resign his Chilian command. He had, as he said, received
invitations to enter the service of Brazil, of Mexico, and of Greece.
The Mexican offer he declined at once, as acceptance of it would
involve little of the active work in fighting which, if for a good
cause, was always attractive to him. Assistance of the Greeks who, a
year and a half before, had begun to throw off their long servitude to
Turkey, and who were now fighting desperately for their freedom,
was an enterprise on which he would gladly have embarked, but
the invitation from Brazil was more pressing, and he therefore
conditionally accepted it. "The war in the Pacific," he said, on the
29th of November, in answer to two letters written on behalf of the
newly-elected Emperor of Brazil, "having been happily terminated by
the total destruction of the Spanish naval force, I am, of course,
free for the crusade of liberty in any other quarter of the globe. I
confess, however, that I have not hitherto directed my attention
to the Brazils; considering that the struggle for the liberties of
Greece, the most oppressed of modern states, afforded the fairest
opportunity for enterprise and exertion. I have to-day tendered my
ultimate resignation to the Government of Chili, and am not at this
moment aware that any material delay will be necessary previous to my
setting off, by way of Cape Horn, for Rio de Janeiro; it being, in the
meantime, understood that I hold myself free to decline, as well as
entitled to accept, the offer which has, through you, been made to me
by his Imperial Majesty. I only mention this from a desire to preserve
a consistency of character, should the Government (which I by no means
anticipate) differ so widely in its nature from those which I have
been in the habit of supporting as to render the proposed situation
repugnant to my principles, and so justly expose me to suspicion, and
render me unworthy the confidence of his Majesty and the nation."

In accordance with the terms of that letter, Lord Cochrane wrote as we
have seen to the Supreme Director of Chili, not completely resigning
his employment, but proposing to absent himself for an indefinite
period. His proposal was at once accepted by the Chilian Government,
to whom his honesty and his popularity with the people made him
particularly obnoxious. He thereupon made prompt arrangements for his
departure. He quitted Valparaiso on the 18th of January, 1823, in a
vessel chartered for his own use and that of several European officers
and seamen, who, like him, were tired of Chilian ingratitude, and who
begged to be employed under him wherever he might serve.

Of the subsequent occurrences in the Western States, for which he had
done so much, and tried to do so much more than was permitted, it is
enough to say that Peru, sadly abused by San Martin, and almost won
back to Spain, was rescued by the valour and wisdom of Bolivar, and
that Chili, destined to much future trouble through the bad action
of its false patriots, was temporarily benefited by the successful
revolution which placed General Freire in the Supreme Directorship.

Lord Cochrane had not been absent three months before a new Minister
of Marine wrote to inform him of Freire's accession and to solicit his
return. From this, however, he excused himself, on the grounds that
he had now entered into engagements with Brazil which he was bound
to fulfil, and that his past treatment by the Chilian Government
discouraged him from renewal of relations which had been so full of
annoyance to him. "On my quitting Chili," he said in his reply, "there
was no looking to the past without regret, nor to the future without
despair, for I had learned by experience what were the views and
motives which guided the counsels of the State. Believe me that
nothing but a thorough conviction that it was impracticable to
render the good people of Chili any further service under existing
circumstances, or to live in tranquillity under such a system, could
have induced me to remove myself from a country which I had vainly
hoped would have afforded me that tranquil asylum which, after
the anxieties I had suffered, I felt needful to my repose. My
inclinations, too, were decidedly in favour of a residence in Chili,
from a feeling of the congeniality which subsisted between my own
habits and the manners and customs of the people, those few only
excepted who were corrupted by contiguity with the court, or debased
in their minds and practices by that species of Spanish colonial
education which inculcates duplicity as the chief qualification of
statesmen in all their dealings, both with individuals and the
public. I now speak more particularly of the persons lately in power,
excepting, however, the Supreme Director, whom I believe to have been
the dupe of their deceit. Point out to me one engagement that has been
honourably fulfilled, one military enterprise of which the professed
object has not been perverted, or one solemn pledge that has not been
forfeited. Look at my representations on the necessities of the navy,
and see how they were relieved. Look at my memorial, proposing to
establish a nursery for seamen by encouraging the coasting trade, and
compare its principles with the code of Rodriguez, which annihilated
both. You will see in this, as in all other cases, that whatever I
recommended, in regard to the promotion of the good of the marine, was
set at nought, or opposed by measures directly the reverse. Look to
the orders which I received, and see whether I had more liberty of
action than a schoolboy in the execution of his task. Sir, that which
I suffered from anxiety of mind whilst in the Chilian service, I will
never again endure for any consideration. To organize new crews, to
navigate ships destitute of sails, cordage, provisions, and stores,
to secure them in port without anchors and cables, except so far as I
could supply these essentials by accidental means, were difficulties
sufficiently harassing; but to live amongst officers and men
discontented and mutinous on account of arrears of pay and other
numerous privations, to be compelled to incur the responsibility
of seizing by force from Peru funds for their payment, in order to
prevent worse consequences to Chili, and then to be exposed to the
reproach of one party for such seizure, and the suspicions of
another that the sums were not duly applied, are all circumstances so
disagreeable and so disgusting that, until I have certain proof that
the present ministers are disposed to act in another manner, I cannot
possibly consent to renew my services where, under such circumstances,
they would be wholly unavailing to the true interests of the people."

Writing thus to the Minister of Marine, Lord Cochrane wrote also at
the same time to General Freire, who, as has been said, asked him to
join his revolutionary movement. "It would give me great pleasure, my
respected friend, to learn that the change which has been effected in
the government of Chili proves alike conducive to your happiness and
to the interests of the State. For my own part, like yourself, I have
suffered so long and so much that I could not bear the neglect and
double-dealing of those in power any longer, but adopted other means
of freeing myself from an unpleasant situation. Not being under
those imperious obligations which, as a native Chilian, rendered it
incumbent on you to rescue your country from the mischiefs with which
it was assailed, I could not accept your offer. My heart was with you
in the measures you adopted for their removal; and my hand was only
restrained by a conviction that my interference, as a foreigner, in
the internal affairs of the State would not only have been improper
in itself, but would have tended to shake that confidence in my
undeviating rectitude which it was my ambition that the people of
Chili should ever justly entertain. Permit me to add my opinion that,
whoever may possess the supreme authority in Chili, until after the
present generation, educated as it has been under the Spanish colonial
yoke, shall have passed away, will have to contend with so much error
and so many prejudices as to be disappointed in his utmost endeavours
to pursue steadily the course best calculated to promote the freedom
and happiness of the people. I admire the middle and lower classes
of Chili, but I have ever found the senate, the ministers, and the
convention actuated by the narrowest policy, which led them to adopt
the worst measures. It is my earnest wish that you may find better men
to co-operate with you. If so, you may be fortunate and may succeed in
what you have most at heart, the promotion of your country's good."

For the real welfare of Chili Lord Cochrane was always eager; but in
the treatment which he himself experienced he had strong proof, both
during his four years' active service under the republic and in all
after times, of the difficulties in the way of its advancement.
Not only was he subjected to the contumely and neglect of which he
complained in the letters just quoted from: he was also directly
mulcted to a very large extent in the scanty recompense for his
services to which he was legally entitled, and indirectly injured to
a yet larger extent. "I was compelled to quit Chili," he wrote at
a later date, "without any of the emoluments due to my position as
Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, or any share of the sums belonging
to myself and the officers and seamen; which sums, on the faith of
repayment, had, at my solicitation, been appropriated to the repairs
and maintenance of the squadron generally, but more especially at
Guayaquil and Acapulco, when in pursuit of the _Prueba_ and the
_Venganza_. Neither was any compensation made for the value of stores
captured and collected by the squadron, whereby its efficiency was
chiefly maintained during the whole period of the Peruvian blockade.
The Supreme Director of Chili, recognizing the justice of payment
being made by the Peruvians for at least the value of the _Esmeralda_,
the capture of which inflicted the death-blow on Spanish power, sent
me a bill on the Peruvian Government for 120,000 dollars, which
was dishonoured, and has never since been paid by any succeeding
Government. Even the 40,000 dollars stipulated by the authorities
at Guayaquil as the penalty for giving up the _Venganza_ was never
liquidated. No compensation for the severe wounds received during the
capture of the _Esmeralda_ was either offered or received.
Shortly after my departure for Brazil, the Government forcibly and
indefensibly resumed the estate at Rio Clara, which had been awarded
to me and my family in perpetuity, as a remuneration for the capture
of Valdivia, and my bailiff, who had been left upon it for its
management and direction, was summarily ejected. Unhappily, this
ingratitude for services rendered was the least misfortune which my
devotedness to Chili brought upon me. On my return to England in
1825, after the termination of my services in Brazil, I found myself
involved in litigation on account of the seizure of neutral vessels
by authority of the then unacknowledged Government of Chili. These
litigations cost me, directly, upwards of 14,000£, and, indirectly,
more than double that amount. Thus, in place of receiving anything for
my efforts in the cause of Chilian and Peruvian independence, I was a
loser of upwards of 25,000£, this being more than double the
whole amount I had received as pay whilst in command of the Chilian
squadron."




CHAPTER X.


THE ANTECEDENTS OF BRAZILIAN INDEPENDENCE.—PEDRO I.'s ACCESSION.—THE
INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE NEW EMPIRE.—LORD COCHRANE'S
INVITATION TO BRAZIL.—HIS ARRIVAL AT RIO DE JANEIRO, AND ACCEPTANCE
OF BRAZILIAN SERVICE.—HIS FIRST MISFORTUNES.—THE BAD CONDITION OF
HIS SQUADRON, AND THE CONSEQUENT FAILURE OF HIS FIRST ATTACK ON THE
PORTUGUESE OFF BAHIA.—HIS PLANS FOR IMPROVING THE FLEET, AND THEIR
SUCCESS.—HIS NIGHT VISIT TO BAHIA, AND THE CONSEQUENT FLIGHT OF THE
ENEMY.—LORD COCHRANE'S PURSUIT OF THEM.—HIS VISIT TO MARANHAM,
AND ANNEXATION OF THAT PROVINCE AND OF PARÀ.—HIS RETURN TO RIO DE
JANEIRO.—THE HONOURS CONFERRED UPON HIM.

[1823.]

In 1808, King John VI. of Portugal, driven by Buonaparte from his
European dominions, took refuge in his great colonial possession of
Brazil, and the result of his emigration was considerable enlargement
of the liberties of the Brazilians. Thereby the immense Portuguese
colony in South America was prevented from following in the
revolutionary steps of the numerous Spanish provinces adjoining it.
In Brazil, however, during the ensuing years party faction produced
nearly as much turmoil as attended the struggle for independence in
Chili and the other Spanish, colonies. Those Brazilians who were
still intimately connected with the inhabitants of the mother country
rallied under Portuguese leaders, and did their utmost to maintain
the Portuguese supremacy over the colony. Quite as many, on the other
hand, were eager to take advantage of the new state of things as a
means of consolidating the freedom of Brazil. Plots and counterplots,
broils and insurrections, lasted, almost without intermission, until
1821, when King John returned to Portugal, leaving his son, Don Pedro,
as lieutenant and regent, to cope with yet greater difficulties. The
Cortes of Portugal, able to get back their king, desired also to bring
back Brazil to all its former servitude. So great was the opposition
thus provoked that the native or true Brazilian party induced Don
Pedro to throw off allegiance to his father. In October, 1822, the
independence of the colony was publicly declared, and on the 1st of
December Don Pedro assumed the title of Emperor of Brazil.

Only the southern part of Brazil, however, acknowledged his authority.
The northern provinces, including Bahia, Maranham, and Para, were
ruled by the Portuguese faction and held by Portuguese troops. A
formidable fleet, moreover, swept the seas, and the independent
provinces were threatened with speedy subjection to the sway of
Portugal.

That was the state of affairs in the young empire of Brazil during the
months in which Lord Cochrane, having destroyed the Spanish fleet
in the Pacific, was being subjected to the worst ingratitude of his
Chilian employers. Don Pedro and his advisers, hearing of this, lost
no time in inviting him to enter the service of the Brazilian nation.
Equal rank and position to those held by him under Chili were offered
to him. "Abandonnez vous, milord," wrote the official who conveyed the
Emperor's message, on the 4th of November, 1822, "à la reconnaisance
Brésilienne, à la munificence du Prince, à la probité sans tache de
l'actuel Gouvernement; on vous fera justice; on ne rabaissera
d'un seul point la haute considération, rang, grade, caractère, et
avantages qui vous sont dûs." In yet stronger terms a second letter
was written soon afterwards. "Venez, milord; l'honneur vous invite;
la gloire vous appelle. Venez donner à nos armes navales cet ordre
merveilleux et discipline incomparable de puissante Albion."

Lord Cochrane, as we have seen, accepted this invitation; not,
however, without some misgivings, which, in the end, were fully
justified. Having quitted Valparaiso on the 18th of January, 1823, he
arrived at Rio de Janeiro on the 13th of March. He had not been there
a week before he discovered that, while all classes were anxious to
secure his aid, the Emperor Pedro I. stood almost alone in the desire
to treat him honourably and in a way worthy of his character and
reputation. Vague promises were made to him; but, when a statement
of his position was asked for in writing, very different terms were
employed. He was only to have the rank of a subordinate admiral, with
pay of less amount than the Chilian pension that he had resigned. His
employment was to be temporary and informal, subjecting him to the
chance of dismissal at any moment. When, however, resenting these
trickeries, he announced his intention of proceeding at once to
Europe, and accepting the Greek service offered to him, a different
tone was adopted. Under the Emperor's signature he was appointed, on
the 21st of March, First Admiral of the National and Imperial Navy,
with emoluments equal to those he had received from Chili.

He did not then know, though he was soon to learn it by hard
experience, how strong, even at the imperial court, was the influence
of the Portuguese party, and by what meanness and trickery it sought
to maintain and augment that influence. "Where the Portuguese party
was really to blame," he afterwards said, "was in this,—that, seeing
disorder everywhere more or less prevalent, they strained every nerve
to increase it, hoping to paralyze further attempts at independence by
exposing whole provinces to the evils of anarchy and confusion. Their
loyalty also partook more of self-interest than of attachment to the
supremacy of Portugal; for the commercial classes, which formed the
real strength of the Portuguese faction, hoped, by preserving the
authority of the mother country in her distant provinces, to obtain as
their reward the revival of old trade monopolies which, twelve years
before, had been thrown open, enabling the English traders—whom
they cordially hated—to supersede them in their own markets. Being
a citizen of the rival nation, their aversion to me personally was
undisguised—the more so, perhaps, that they believed me capable
of achieving at Bahia, whither the squadron was destined, that
irreparable injury to their own cause which the imperial troops had
been unable to effect. Had I, at the time, been aware of the influence
and latent power of the Portuguese party in the empire, nothing would
have induced me to accept the command of the Brazilian navy; for to
contend with faction is more dangerous than to engage an enemy, and a
contest of intrigue is foreign to my nature and inclination."

Having entered the Brazilian service, however, Lord Cochrane applied
himself to his work with characteristic energy and success. He hoisted
his flag on board the _Pedro Primiero_ on the 21st of March, and
put to sea on the 3rd of April. His squadron consisted of the _Pedro
Primiero_, a fine and well-appointed ship, rated rather too highly for
seventy-four guns, commanded by Captain Crosbie; of the _Piranga_, a
fine frigate, entrusted to Captain Jowett; of the _Maria de Gloria_,
a showy but comparatively worthless clipper, mounting thirty-two
small guns, under Captain Beaurepaire; of the _Liberal_, under Captain
Garcaõ. He was accompanied by two old vessels, the _Guarani_ and
the _Real_, to be used as fireships. Two other ships of war, the
_Nitherohy_, assigned to Captain Taylor, and the _Carolina_, were left
behind to complete their equipment, and the first of these joined
the squadron on its way to Bahia, which, being the nearest of the
disaffected provinces, was the first to be subdued.

The coast of Bahia was reached on the 1st of May, and Lord Cochrane
was arranging to blockade its capital and port, on the 4th, when the
Portuguese fleet came out of the harbour. It comprised the _Don Joaõ_,
of seventy-four guns; the _Constitucaõ_, of fifty; the _Perola_, of
forty-four; the _Princeza Real_, of twenty-eight; the _Regeneracaõ_,
the _Dez de Fevereiro_, the _San Gaulter_, the _Principe de Brazil_,
and the _Restauracaõ_, of twenty-six each; the _Calypso_ and the
_Activa_, of twenty-two; the _Audaz_, of twenty; and the _Canceicaõ_,
of eight; being one line-of-battle ship, five frigates, five
corvettes, a brig, and a schooner. Lord Cochrane did not venture with
his small and as yet untried force to attack the whole squadron, but
he proceeded to cut off the four rearmost ships. This he did with the
_Pedro Primiero_, but, to his disgust, the other vessels, heedless
of his orders, failed to follow him. "Had the rest of the Brazilian
squadron," he said, "come down in obedience to signals, the ships cut
off might have been taken or dismantled, as with the flag-ship I
could have kept the others at bay, and no doubt have crippled all in
a position to render them assistance. To my astonishment, the signals
were disregarded, and no efforts were made to second my operations."
The _Pedro Primiero_, after fighting alone for some time, and during
that time even doing but little mischief, by reason of the clumsy way
in which her guns were handled, had to be withdrawn.

At that failure Lord Cochrane was reasonably chagrined. Worse than the
fact that the Portuguese had escaped uninjured for this once, was the
knowledge that he could not hope thoroughly to punish them without
first effecting great reform in the materials at his disposal. On the
5th of May he wrote to the Government to complain of the miserable
condition of the ships and crews provided for him by the Brazilian
Government. "From the defective sailing and manning of the squadron,"
he said, "it seems to me that the _Pedro Primiero_ is the only one
that can assail an enemy's ship-of-war, or act in the face of a
superior force so as not to compromise the interests of the empire and
the character of the officers commanding. Even this ship, in common
with the rest, is so ill-equipped as to be much less efficient than
she otherwise would be. Our cartridges are all unfit for service,
and I have been obliged to cut up every flag and ensign that could
be spared to render them serviceable, so as to prevent the men's arms
being blown off whilst working the guns. The guns are without locks.
The bed of the mortar which I received on board this ship was crushed
on the first fire, being entirely rotten. The fuses for the shells are
formed of such wretched composition that it will not take fire with
the discharge of the mortar. Even the powder is so bad that six pounds
will not throw out shells more than a thousand yards. The marines
understand neither gun exercise, the use of small arms, nor the sword,
and yet have so high an opinion of themselves that they will not
assist to wash the decks, or even to clean out their own berths, but
sit and look on whilst these operations are being performed by seamen.
I warned the Minister of Marine that every native of Portugal put on
board the squadron, with the exception of officers of known character,
would prove prejudicial to the expedition, and yesterday we had clear
proof of the fact. The Portuguese stationed in the magazine actually
withheld the powder whilst this ship was in the midst of the enemy,
and I have since learnt that they did so from feelings of attachment
to their own countrymen. I enclose two letters, one from the officer
commanding the _Real_, whose crew were on the point of carrying that
vessel into the enemy's squadron for the purpose of delivering her
up. I have also reason to believe that the conduct of the _Liberal_ yesterday in not bearing down upon the enemy, and not complying with
the signal which I had made to break the line, was owing to her being
manned by Portuguese. The _Maria de Gloria_ also has a great number
of Portuguese, which is the more to be regretted as otherwise her
superior sailing, with the zeal and activity of her captain, would
render her an effective vessel. To disclose to you the truth, it
appears to me that one half of the squadron is necessary to watch over
the other half. Assuredly this is a system which ought to be put an
end to without delay."

Other indignant complaints of that sort, which need not here be
repeated, were reasonably made by Lord Cochrane. The bad equipment
of his squadron, both in men and in material, had hindered him, at
starting, from achieving a brilliant success over the enemy, and
though his subsequent achievements were of unsurpassed brilliance,
he was to the end seriously hindered by the wilful and accidental
mismanagement of his employers.

Lord Cochrane lost no time, however, in correcting by his own prudent
action the evil effects of this mismanagement. Not choosing to run the
risk of a second failure, and believing that two good ships would be
more serviceable than any number of bad ones, he took his squadron to
the Moro San Paulo, where he transferred all the best men and the most
serviceable fittings to the flag-ship and the _Maria de Gloria_. There
he left the other vessels to be improved as far as possible, directing
that instruction should be given in seamanship to all the incompetent
men who showed any promise of being made efficient, and that several
small prizes which he had taken on his way from Rio de Janeiro should
be turned into fireships for future use. With the two refitted ships
he then went back to Bahia, to watch its whole coast and blockade the
port.

The wisdom of this course was at once apparent. Several minor captures
were made; the supplies of Bahia were cut off, and the enemy's
squadron was locked in the harbour for three weeks. Lord Cochrane went
to the Moro San Paulo on the 26th, leaving the _Maria de Gloria_ to
overlook the port, and then the Portuguese fleet ventured out for a
few days. It dared not show fight, however, and was driven back by the
flag-ship, which returned on the 2nd of June. "On the 11th of June,"
said Lord Cochrane, "information was received that the enemy was
seriously thinking of evacuating the port before the fireships were
completed. I therefore ordered the _Maria de Gloria_ to water and
re-victual for three months, so as to be in readiness for anything
which might occur, as, in case the rumour proved correct, our
operations might take a different turn to those previous intended.
The _Piranga_ was also directed to have everything in readiness for
weighing immediately on the flag-ship appearing off the Moro and
making signals to that effect. The whole squadron was at the same time
ordered to re-victual, and to place its surplus articles in a large
shed constructed of trees and branches felled in the neighbourhood of
the Moro. Whilst the other ships were thus engaged, I determined to
increase the panic of the enemy with the flag-ship alone. The position
of their fleet was about nine miles up the bay, under shelter of
fortifications, so that an attack by day would have been more perilous
than prudent. Nevertheless, it appeared practicable to pay them a
hostile visit on the first dark night, when, if we were unable
to effect any serious mischief, it would at least be possible
to ascertain their exact position, and to judge what could be
accomplished when the fireships were brought to bear upon them.

"Accordingly," the narrative proceeds, "having during the day
carefully taken bearings at the mouth of the river, on the night
of the 12th of June, I decided on making the attempt, which might
possibly result in the destruction of part of the enemy's fleet, in
consequence of the confused manner in which the ships were
anchored. As soon as it became dark we proceeded up the river; but,
unfortunately, when we were within hail of the outermost ship, the
wind failed, and, the tide soon after turning, our plan of attack was
rendered abortive. Determined, however, to complete the reconnoisance,
we threaded our way amongst the outermost vessels. In spite of the
darkness, the presence of a strange ship under sail was discovered,
and some beat to quarters, hailing to know what ship it was. The
reply, 'An English vessel,' satisfied them, however, and so our
investigation was not molested. The chief object thus accomplished, we
succeeded in dropping out with the ebb-tide, now rapidly running,
and were enabled to steady our course stern-foremost with the stream
anchor adrag, whereby we reached our former position."

That exploit was more daring than Lord Cochrane's modest description
would imply; and, though the bold hope that it might be possible for
a single invading ship to conquer the whole Portuguese squadron in its
moorings was not realized, the effect was all that could be desired.
The Portuguese Admiral and his chief officers were at a ball in
Bahia while Lord Cochrane was quietly sailing round and amongst their
squadron, and the report of this achievement was brought to them in
the midst of their festivities. "What!" exclaimed the Admiral,
"Lord Cochrane's line-of-battle ship in the very midst of our fleet!
Impossible! No large ship can have come up in the dark." When it was
known that the thing had really been done, and that the construction
of fireships at the Moro San Paulo was being rapidly proceeded with,
the Portuguese authorities, both naval and military, considered that
it would be no longer safe to remain in Bahia Harbour. They were
seriously inconvenienced, moreover, by the success with which Lord
Cochrane had blockaded the port and all its approaches. "The means
of subsistence fail us, and we cannot secure the entrance of any
provisions," said the Commander-in-Chief, in the proclamation
intimating that the so-called defenders of the province were
thinking of abandoning their post. This they did after a fortnight's
consideration. On the 2nd of July the whole squadron of thirteen
war-vessels and about seventy merchantmen and transports, filled with a
large body of troops, evacuated the port.

That was a movement with which Lord Cochrane was well pleased. He had
been in doubt as to the prudence of leading his small fleet into a
desperate action in the harbour, by which the inexperience of his
crews might ruin everything, and which might have to be followed
by fighting on land. But now that the Portuguese, both soldiers and
sailors, were in the open sea, he could give them chase without much
risk, as, in the event of their turning round upon him with more
valour than he gave them credit for, the worst that could happen would
be his forced abandonment of the pursuit. The valour was not shown.
No sooner were the Portuguese out of port, with their sails set for
Maranham, where they hoped to join other ships and troops, and so
augment their strength, than Lord Cochrane proceeded to follow them
and dog their progress.

His scheme was a bold one, but as successful as it was bold.
Attended first by the _Maria de Gloria_ alone, and afterwards by the
_Carolina_, the _Nitherohy_, and a small merchant brig, the _Colonel
Allen_, in which he had placed a few guns, he pursued and harassed
the cumbrous crowd of Portuguese warships, troop-ships, and trading
vessels, about eighty in all, through fourteen days. The chase,
indeed, was practically conducted by his flag-ship, the _Pedro
Primiero_, alone. The other vessels were ordered to look out for any
of the enemy's fleet that lagged behind or were borne away from the
main body of the fugitives, either to the right hand or to the left.
Of these there were plenty, and none were allowed to escape. The
pursuers had easy work in prize-taking. "I have the honour to inform
you," wrote Lord Cochrane in a concise despatch to the Brazilian
Minister of Marine, on the 7th of July, "that half the enemy's army,
their colours, cannon, ammunition, stores, and baggage have been
taken. We are still in pursuit, and shall endeavour to intercept the
remainder of the troops, and shall then look after the ships of war,
which would have been my first object but that, in pursuing
this course, the military would have escaped to occasion further
hostilities against the Brazilian empire."

Most of his prizes and prisoners Lord Cochrane sent into Pernambuco,
the port then nearest to him, and he despatched two officers to hold
Bahia for Brazil. With his flag-ship he continued his pursuit of the
enemy, losing them once during a fog, and, when, he found them,
being prevented from doing all the mischief which he hoped, as a calm
enabled them to keep close together and present a front too formidable
for attack by a single assailant. The Portuguese, however, continued
their flight as soon as the wind permitted. Lord Cochrane did not
trouble them much during the day, but each night he swept down on
them, like a hawk upon its prey, and harassed them with wonderful
effect. They were chased past Fernando Island, past the Equator, and
more than half way to Cape Verde. Then, on the 16th of July, Lord
Cochrane, after a parting broadside, left them to make their way in
peace to Lisbon, there to tell how, by one daring vessel, thirteen
ships of war had been ignominiously driven home, accompanied by only
thirteen out of the seventy vessels that had placed themselves under
their protection.

Lord Cochrane would have continued the pursuit still farther, had not
some of the troop-ships contrived to escape; and as he was anxious
that these should not get into shelter at Maranham, or, if there,
should not have time to recover their spirits, he deemed it best to
hasten thither. He reached Maranham before them, and thus found it
possible to carry through an excellent expedient which he had devised
on the way.

Maranham, the wealthiest province of the old Brazilian colony, was
best guarded by the Portuguese, and now served as the centre and
stronghold of resistance to the authority of the new Emperor. Lord
Cochrane's plan had for its object nothing less than the annexation of
the whole province singlehanded and without a blow. With this intent,
he entered the River Maranham, which served as a harbour to the port
of the same name, on the 26th of July, with Portuguese colours flying
from the mast of the _Pedro Primiero_. The authorities, deceived
thereby, promptly sent a messenger with despatches and congratulations
on the safe arrival of what was supposed to be a valuable
reinforcement from Portugal. The messenger was soon undeceived, but
Lord Cochrane at once made him the agent of a much more elaborate
and altogether justifiable deception Announcing to him that the swift
sailing of the _Pedro Primiero_ had brought her first to Maranham, but
that she was being followed by a formidable squadron, intended for the
invasion of the province, he sent him back with letters to the same
effect, addressed to the Portuguese commandant and to the local Junta
of Maranham. "The naval and military forces under my command," he
wrote to the former, "leave me no room to doubt the success of
the enterprise in which I am about to engage, in order to free the
province of Maranham from foreign domination, and to allow the people
free choice of government. Of the flight of the Portuguese naval and
military forces from Bahia you are aware. I have now to inform you of
the capture of two-thirds of the transports and troops, with all their
stores and ammunition. I am anxious not to let loose the imperial
troops of Bahia upon Maranham, exasperated as they are at the injuries
and cruelties exercised towards themselves and their countrymen, as
well as by the plunder of the people and churches of Bahia. It is
for you to decide whether the inhabitants of these countries shall be
further exasperated by resistance, which appears to me unavailing, and
alike prejudicial to the best interests of Portugal and Brazil," "The
forces of his Imperial Majesty," he said to the Junta, "having freed
the city and province of Bahia from the enemies of independence, I now
hasten—in conformity with the will of his Majesty that the beautiful
province of Maranham should be free also—to offer to the oppressed
inhabitants whatever aid and protection they need against a foreign
yoke; desiring to accomplish their liberation and to hail them
as brethren and friends. Should there, however, be any who, from
self-interested motives, oppose themselves to the deliverance of their
country, let such be assured that the naval and military forces which
have driven the Portuguese from the south are again ready to draw the
sword in the like just cause, and the result cannot be long doubtful."

Those mingled promises and threats took prompt effect. On the
following day, the 27th of July, after a conditional offer of
capitulation had been rejected, the members of the Junta, the Bishop
of Maranham, and other leading persons, went on board the _Pedro
Primiero_ to tender their submission to the Emperor of Brazil. The
city and forts were surrendered without reserve, and in less than
twenty-four hours from Lord Cochrane's first appearance in the river
the flag of Portugal was replaced by that of Brazil. A great province
had been added to the dominions of Pedro I. without bloodshed, and
with no more expenditure of ammunition than was needed for the volleys
discharged in honour of the triumph.

The liberation of Maranham was publicly celebrated on the 28th of
July, and on the following day the Portuguese troops embarked for
Europe, special concessions being made to them by Lord Cochrane, who
deemed it well that they should be out of the way before the device
by which he had outwitted them was made known. No resentment was to
be expected from the civilians, as even those most hearty in their
adherence to the Portuguese faction in Brazil would not dare to offer
direct opposition to the sentiments of the majority. But Lord Cochrane
wisely set himself to conciliate all. "To the inhabitants of the
city," he said, "I was careful to accord complete liberty, claiming
in return that perfect order should be preserved and property of all
kinds respected. The delight of the people was unbounded at being
freed from a terrible system of exaction and imprisonment which, when
I entered the river, was being carried on with unrelenting rigour by
the Portuguese authorities towards all suspected of a leaning to
the Imperial Government. Instead of retaliating, as would have been
gratifying to those so recently labouring under oppression, I directed
oaths to the constitution to be administered, not to Brazilians only,
but also to all Portuguese who chose to remain and conform to the new
order of things; a privilege of which many influential persons of that
nation availed themselves."

With the capture of Maranham alone, however, Lord Cochrane was not
satisfied. Without a day's delay, he despatched a Portuguese brig
which he had seized in the river and christened by its name, under
Captain Grenfell, to follow at Parà, the only important province of
Brazil still under the Portuguese yoke, the same course which he
had just adopted with such wonderful success. He himself found it
necessary to remain at Maranham for more than two months, where he had
to curb with a strong hand the passions of the liberated inhabitants,
eager to use their liberty in lawless ways and to retaliate upon the
Portuguese still resident among them for all the hardships which they
had hitherto endured.

On the 20th of September, having heard that Captain Grenfell had
entirely succeeded in his designs on Parà, he started for Rio de
Janeiro, and there he arrived on the 9th of November. "I immediately
forwarded to the Minister of Marine," he said, "a recapitulation of
all transactions since my departure seven months before; namely,—the
evacuation of Bahia by the Portuguese in consequence of our nocturnal
visit, connected with the dread of my reputed skill in the use of
fireships, arising from the affair of Basque Roads; the pursuit of
their fleet beyond the Equator, and the dispersion of its convoy; the
capture and disabling of the transports filled with troops intended
to maintain Portuguese domination on Maranham and Parà; the device
adopted to obtain the surrender, to the _Pedro Primiero_ alone, of
the enemy's naval and military forces at Maranham; the capitulation of
Parà, with the ships of war, to my summons sent by Captain Grenfell;
the deliverance of the Brazilian patriots whom the Portuguese had
imprisoned; the declaration of independence by the intermediate
provinces thus liberated, and their union with the empire; the
appointment of provisional governments; the embarkation and departure
of every Portuguese soldier from Brazil; and the enthusiasm with which
all my measures—though unauthorised and therefore extra-official—had
been, received by the people of the northern provinces, who, thus
relieved from the dread of further oppression, had everywhere
acknowledged and proclaimed his Majesty as constitutional Emperor."

Lord Cochrane's services had, indeed, been, many of them,
"unauthorised and therefore extra-official." He had been sent out
merely to recover Bahia; but, besides doing that, he had gained for
Brazil other territories more than half as large as Europe. For this,
however, nothing but gratitude could be shown, and the gratitude was,
for the time at any rate, unalloyed. On the very day of the _Pedro
Primiero's_ return, the Emperor went on board to offer his thanks in
person. Further, thanks were voted by the legislature, and tendered by
all classes of the people.

"Taking into consideration the great services which your excellency
has just rendered to the nation," wrote the Emperor on the 25th of
November, "and desiring to give your excellency a public testimonial
of gratitude for those high and extraordinary services on behalf
of the generous Brazilian people, who will ever preserve a lively
remembrance of such illustrious acts, I deem it right to confer upon
your excellency the title of Marquis of Maranham." The decoration
of the Imperial Order of the Cruizeiro was also bestowed upon Lord
Cochrane, and on the 19th of December he was made a Privy Councillor
of Brazil, the highest honour which it was in the Emperor's power to
grant. On the same day he also received from the Emperor a charter
confirming his rank and emoluments as First Admiral of Brazil, "seeing
how advantageous it would be for the interests of this empire to avail
itself of the skill of so valuable an officer," and in recognition of
"the valour, intelligence, and activity by which he had distinguished
himself in the different services with which he had been entrusted."




CHAPTER XI.


THE NATURE OF THE REWARDS BESTOWED ON LORD COCHRANE FOR HIS FIRST
SERVICES TO BRAZIL.—PEDRO I. AND THE PORTUGUESE FACTION.—LORD
COCHRANE'S ADVICE TO THE EMPEROR.—THE FRESH TROUBLES BROUGHT UPON HIM
BY IT.—THE UNJUST TREATMENT ADOPTED TOWARDS HIM AND THE FLEET.—THE
WITHHOLDING OF PRIZE-MONEY AND PAY.—PERSONAL INDIGNITIES TO LORD
COCHRANE.—AN AMUSING EPISODE.—LORD COCHRANE'S THREAT OF RESIGNATION,
AND ITS EFFECT.—SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH'S ALLUSION TO LORD COCHRANE IN
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.


[1823-1824.]

All the rewards bestowed upon Lord Cochrane for his wonderful
successes in the northern part of Brazil, except the confirmation of
his patent as First Admiral, be it noted, were unsubstantial. He had
for ever crushed the power of Portugal in South America; he had added
vast provinces to the imperial dominion, and had thus augmented the
imperial revenues by considerably more than a million dollars a-year,
besides the great and immediate profits of his prize-taking. And all
this had been done with a small fleet, poorly equipped and unpaid.
The ships entrusted to him had been rendered efficient by his own
ingenuity, unaided by the Government, and with scant addition to his
resources from the numerous captures made by him. In excess of his
instructions, and with nothing but cheap compliments and cheaper
promises to encourage him, he had acquired Maranham and Parà, and all
the provinces dependent upon them, as well as Bahia. Relying on the
honour of his employers, he had pledged his own honour, that on their
returning to Rio de Janeiro, his crews, who were clamouring for
some part, at any rate, of the wages due to them, should be fully
recompensed, and he had the reasonable expectation, that, out of
the abundant wealth that he had gained for Brazil, he himself should
receive his lawful share of the prize-money gained by his exertions.
Instead of that he and his subordinates, both officers and men, were
subjected to an unparalleled course of meanness, trickery, and fraud.

This partly resulted from an unfortunate change in the Government that
had occurred during his absence. When he left Rio de Janeiro, Pedro
I.'s chief secretary of state had been Don José Bonifacio de Andrada
y Silva, a wise and patriotic Brazilian. The Emperor and his minister
had all along been seriously crippled in fulfilment of their good
purposes by subordinates of the Portuguese faction, who persistently
twisted their instructions, when they did not act in direct
opposition to those instructions, so as to promote their own and their
countrymen's selfish and unpatriotic objects; but there had been hope
that the zeal of Pedro and José de Andrada would overcome these evil
devices, and secure the healthy consolidation of the empire. When Lord
Cochrane returned, however, he found that the honest minister had
been deposed, that his party had been ousted, and that the Emperor was
surrounded by bad counsellors, who, unable to pervert his judgment,
were strong enough to restrain its action, and who were robbing him,
one by one, of all his constitutional functions, and doing their
best to bring Brazil into a state of anarchy, with a view to the
re-establishment of Portuguese authority in its old or in some new but
no less obnoxious form. The Emperor, desiring to do well, had hardly
improved his position, a few days before the _Pedro Primiero's_ arrival, by violently dissolving the Legislative Assembly, banishing
some of its members, and threatening to place Rio de Janeiro itself
under military law.

That was the state of affairs when Lord Cochrane entered the port.
Only five days afterwards, on the 14th of November, 1823, he wrote a
bold letter to the Emperor. "My sense of the impropriety of intruding
myself on the attention of your Imperial Majesty on any subject
unconnected with the official position with which your Majesty has
been pleased to honour me," he said, "could only have been overcome by
an irresistible desire, under existing circumstances, to contribute to
the service of your Majesty, and the empire. The conduct of the late
Legislative Assembly, which sought to derogate from the dignity and
prerogatives of your Majesty, even presuming to require you to divest
yourself of your crown in their presence—which deprived you of your
Council of State and denied you a voice in the enactment of laws and
the formation of the constitution—and which dared to object to your
exercising the only remaining function of royalty, that of rewarding
services and conferring honours—could no longer be tolerated; and
the justice and wisdom of your Imperial Majesty in dissolving such
an assembly will be duly appreciated by discerning men, and by those
whose love of good order and their country supersedes their ambition
or personal interests. There are, however, individuals who will
wickedly take advantage of the late proceedings to kindle the flames
of discord, and throw the empire into anarchy and confusion, unless
timely prevented by the wisdom and energy of your Imperial Majesty.
The declaration that you will give to your people a practical
constitution, more free even than that which the late Assembly
professed an intention to establish, cannot—considering the spirit
which now pervades South America—have the effect of averting
impending evils, unless your Imperial Majesty shall be pleased to
dissipate all doubts by at once declaring—before the news of the
recent events can be dispersed throughout the provinces, and before
the discontented members of the late congress can return to their
constituents—what is the precise nature of that constitution which
your Imperial Majesty intends to bestow. As no monarch is more happy
or more truly powerful than the limited monarch of England, surrounded
by a free people, enriched by that industry which the security of
property by means of just laws never fails to create, permit me humbly
and respectfully to suggest, that if your Majesty were to decree that
the English constitution, in its most perfect practical form—which,
with slight alteration, and chiefly in name, is also the constitution
of the United States of North America—shall be the model for the
government of Brazil under your Imperial Majesty, with power to the
Constituent Assembly to alter particular parts as local circumstances
may render advisable, it would excite the sympathy of powerful states
abroad, and the firm allegiance of the Brazilian people to your
Majesty's throne. Were your Majesty, by a few brief lines in the
'Gazette,' to announce your intention so to do, and were you to banish
all distrust from the public mind by removing from your person for a
time, and finding employment on honourable missions abroad for, those
Portuguese individuals of whom the Brazilians are jealous, the purity
of your Majesty's motives would be secured from the possibility of
misrepresentation, the factions which disturb the country would be
silenced or converted, and the feelings of the world, especially those
of England and North America, would be interested in promoting the
glory, happiness, and prosperity of your Imperial Majesty."

That advice, in the main adopted by the Emperor, led to a
reconstruction of the Brazilian Constitution in its present shape, and
so added another to the many great benefits which Brazil owes to Lord
Cochrane. But the whole, and especially the last part of it, being
directly at variance with the plans and interests of the Portuguese
faction, it won for him much hatred and many personal troubles.

"That I, a foreigner, having nothing to do with national politics," he
said, "should have counselled his Majesty to banish those who opposed
him, was not to be borne, and the resentment caused by my recent
services was increased to bitter enmity for meddling in affairs which,
it was considered, did not concern me; though I could have had no
other object than the good of the empire by the establishment of
a constitution which should give it stability in the estimation of
European states."

Consequently, in return for the great services he had conferred to
Brazil, he received, as had been the case in Chili, little but insult
and injury, the course of insult and injury being hardly stayed
even during the period in which he was needed to engage in further
services. The Emperor honestly tried to be generous; but he could not
rid himself of the Portuguese faction, generally dominant in Brazil,
and his worthy intentions were thwarted in every possible way. With
difficulty could he secure for Lord Cochrane the confirmation of his
patent as First Admiral, which has been already referred to. No great
resistance was made to his conferment of the empty title of Marquis of
Maranham, but he was not allowed to make the grant of land which was
intended to go with the title and enable it to be borne with dignity.
Prevented from being generous, he was even hindered from exercising
the barest justice.

The injustice was shown not only to Lord Cochrane, but also to all
the officers and crews who, serving under him, had enabled Brazil
to maintain its resistance to the tyranny of Portugal, though not to
shake off the tyranny of the faction which still had the interests of
Portugal at heart. It is not necessary to describe in detail the long
course of ill-usage to which he and his subordinates were exposed.
Part of that ill-usage will be best and most briefly indicated by
citing a portion of an eloquent memorial which Lord Cochrane addressed
to the Imperial Government on the 30th of January, 1825.

The memorial began by enumerating the achievements of the fleet at
Bahia, Maranham, Parà, and elsewhere. "The imperial squadron," it
proceeds, "made sail for Rio de Janeiro, in the full expectation of
reaping a reward for their labours; not only because they had been
mainly instrumental in rescuing from the hands of the Portuguese,
and adding to the imperial dominion, one half of the empire; but also
because their hopes seemed to be firmly grounded, independently of
such services, on the capture of upwards of one hundred transports and
merchant vessels, exclusive of ships of war, all of which, they had a
just right to expect, would, under the existing laws, be adjudged to
the captors. The whole of them were seized under Portuguese colours,
with Portuguese registers, manned by Portuguese seamen, having on
board Portuguese troops and ammunition or Portuguese produce and
manufacture. On arriving at Rio de Janeiro, there was no feeling but
one of satisfaction among the officers and seamen, and the Brazilian
marine might from that moment, without the expense of one milrei to
the nation, have been rapidly raised to a state of efficiency and
discipline which had not yet been attained in any marine in South
America, and which the navies of Portugal and Spain do not possess.
It could not, however, be long concealed from the knowledge of the
squadron that political or other reasons had prevented any proceedings
being had in the adjudication of their prizes; and the extraordinary
declaration that was made by the Tribunal of Prizes,—'that they were
not aware that hostilities existed between Brazil and Portugal'—led
to an inquiry of whom that tribunal was composed. All surprise at
so extraordinary a declaration then ceased; but other sentiments
injurious to the imperial service, arose,—those of indignation and
disgust that the power of withholding their rights should be placed
in the hands of persons who were natives of that very nation against
which they were employed in war. His Imperial Majesty, however, having
signified to this tribunal his pleasure that they should delay no
longer in proceeding to the adjudication of the captured vessels,
the result was that, in almost every instance, at the commencement of
their proceedings, the vessels were condemned, not as lawful prizes to
the captors, but as droits to the Crown. His Majesty was then pleased
to desire that the said droits should be granted to the squadron, and
about one-fifth part of the value of the prizes taken was eventually
paid under the denomination of a 'grant of the droits of the Crown.'
But when this decree of his Imperial Majesty was promulgated,
the tribunal altered their course of proceeding, and, instead of
condemning to the Crown, did, in almost every remaining instance,
pronounce the acquittal of the vessels captured, and adjudged them
to be given up to pretended Brazilian owners, notwithstanding that
Brazilian property embarked in enemy's vessels was, by the law,
declared to be forfeited; and that, too, with such indecent
precipitancy that, in cases where the hull only had been claimed, the
cargo also was decreed to be given up to the claimants of the hull,
without any part of it having, at any time, been even pretended to be
their property. Other ships and cargoes were given up without any form
of trial, and without any intimation whatever to the captors and their
agents; and, in most cases, costs and quadruple damages were unjustly
decreed against the captors, to the amount of 300,000 milreis. That
the prizes of which the captors were thus fraudulently deprived,
chiefly under the unlawful and false pretence of their belonging to
Brazilians, were really the property of Portuguese and well known so
to be by the said tribunal, has since been fully demonstrated, by
the arrival in Lisbon of the whole of the vessels liberated by their
decisions. Thus the charge of a system of wilful injustice, brought
by the squadron against the Portuguese Tribunal of Prizes at Rio de
Janeiro, is established beyond the possibility of contradiction."

It was only an aggravation of that injustice that, when Lord Cochrane
claimed the prompt and equitable adjudication of the prizes, an
attempt was made to silence him on the 24th of November by a message
from the Minister of Marine, to the effect that the Emperor would do
everything in his power for him personally. "His Majesty," answered
Lord Cochrane, "has already conferred honours upon me quite equal to
my merits, and the greatest personal favour he can bestow is to urge
on the speedy adjudication of the prizes, so that the officers and
seamen may reap the reward decreed by the Emperor's own authority."

A hardship to the fleet even greater than the withholding of its
prize-money was the withholding of the arrears of pay, which had been
accumulating ever since the departure from Rio de Janeiro in April. On
the 27th of November, three months' wages were offered to men to whom
more than twice the amount was due. This they indignantly refused, and
all Lord Cochrane's tact was needed to restrain them from open mutiny.

In spite of the Emperor's friendship towards Lord Cochrane, or rather
in consequence of it, he was in all sorts of ways insulted by the
ministry, the head of which was now Severiano da Costa. A new ship,
the _Atulanta_, was on the 27th of December, without reference to him,
ordered for service at Monte Video. He was on the same day publicly
described as "Commander of the Naval Forces in the Port of Rio de
Janeiro," being thus placed on a level with other officers in the
service of which, by the Emperor's patent, he was First Admiral, and
no notice was taken of his protest against that insult. On the 24th
of February he was gazetted as "Commander-in-Chief of all the Naval
Forces of the Empire during the present war," by which his functions,
though not now limited in extent, were limited in time. At length,
reasonably indignant at these and other violations of the contract
made with him, he offered to resign his command altogether. "If
I thought that the course pursued towards me was dictated by his
Imperial Majesty," he wrote to the Minister of Marine on the 20th of
March, "it would be impossible for me to remain an hour longer in
his service, and I should feel it my duty, at the earliest possible
moment, to lay my commission at his feet. If I have not done so
before, from the treatment which, in common with the navy. I have
experienced, it has been solely from an anxious desire to promote his
Majesty's real interests. Indeed, to struggle against prejudices, and
at the same time against those in power whose prepossessions are at
variance with the interests of his Majesty and the tranquillity and
independence of Brazil, is a task to which I am by no means equal.
I am, therefore, perfectly willing to resign the situation I
hold, rather than contend against difficulties which appear to me
insurmountable."[A]

[Footnote A: See Appendix (III).]

That letter was answered with complimentary phrases, and Lord Cochrane
was induced to continue in the employment from which he could not be
spared; but there was no diminution of the ill-treatment to which
he was subjected. One special indignity was attended by some amusing
incidents. On the 3rd of June, while he was residing on shore, it was
proposed to search his flag-ship, on the pretext that he had there
concealed large sums of money which were the property of the nation.
"Late in the evening," he said, "I received a visit from Madame
Bonpland, the talented wife of the distinguished French naturalist.
This lady, who had singular opportunities for becoming acquainted with
state secrets, came expressly to inform me that my house was at that
moment surrounded by a guard of soldiers. She further informed me
that, under the pretence of a review to be held at the opposite side
of the harbour early in the following morning, preparations had
been made by the ministers to board the flag-ship, which was to be
thoroughly overhauled whilst I was detained on shore, and all the
money found taken possession of. Thanking my friend for her timely
warning, I clambered over my garden fence, as the only practicable way
to the stables, selected a horse, and, notwithstanding the lateness
of the hour, proceeded to San Christoval, the country palace of the
Emperor, where, on my arrival, I demanded to see his Majesty. The
request being refused by the gentleman in waiting, in such a way as to
confirm the statement of Madame Bonpland, I dared him at his peril to
refuse me admission, adding that the matter on which I had come was
fraught with grave consequences to his Majesty and the empire. 'But,'
said he, 'his Majesty has retired to bed long ago.' 'No matter,' I
replied; 'in bed or not in bed, I demand to see him, in virtue of my
privilege of access to him at all times, and, if you refuse to concede
permission, look to the consequences.' His Majesty was not, however,
asleep, and, the royal chamber being close at hand, he recognized my
voice in the altercation with the attendant. Hastily coming out of his
apartments, he asked what could have brought me there at that time of
night. My reply was that, understanding that the troops ordered for
review were destined to proceed to the flag-ship in search of supposed
treasure, I had come to request his Majesty immediately to appoint
confidential persons to accompany me on board, when the keys of every
chest in the ship should be placed in their hands and every place
thrown open to inspection, but that, if any of his anti-Brazilian
administration ventured to board the ship in perpetration of the
contemplated insult, they would certainly be regarded as pirates and
treated as such; adding at the same time, 'Depend upon it, they are
not more my enemies than the enemies of your Majesty and the empire,
and an intrusion so unwarrantable the officers and crew are bound
to resist.' 'Well,' replied his Majesty, 'you seem to be apprised of
everything; but the plot is not mine, being, as far as I am concerned,
convinced that no money would be found more than we already know of
from yourself.' I then entreated his Majesty to take such steps for
my justification as would be satisfactory to the public. 'There is no
necessity for any,' he replied. 'But how to dispense with the review
is the puzzle. I will be ill in the morning; so go home and think
no more of the matter. I give you my word, your flag shall not be
outraged.' The Emperor kept his word, and in the night was taken
suddenly ill. As his Majesty was really beloved by his Brazilian
subjects, all the native respectability of Rio was early next day on
its way to the palace to inquire after the royal health, and ordering
my carriage, I also proceeded to the palace, lest my absence might
seem singular. On my entering the room,—where the Emperor was in
the act of explaining the nature of his disease to the anxious
inquirers,—his Majesty burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter,
in which I as heartily joined, the bystanders evidently, from the
gravity of their countenances, considering that we had both taken
leave of our senses. The ministers looked astounded, but said nothing.
His Majesty kept his secret, and I was silent."

That anecdote fairly illustrates the treatment adopted towards Lord
Cochrane, and the straits to which the Emperor was reduced in his
efforts to protect him from his enemies in power. The ill-treatment
both of himself and of the whole fleet continuing, he addressed an
indignant protest to his Majesty in July. "The time has at length
arrived," he there said, "when it is impossible to doubt that the
influence which the Portuguese faction has so long exerted, with the
view of depriving the officers and seamen of their stipulated rights,
has succeeded in its object, and has even prevailed against the
expressed wishes and intentions of your Majesty. The determined
perseverance in a course so opposed to justice must come to an end.
The general discontent which prevails in the squadron has rendered
the situation in which I am placed one of the most embarrassing
description; for, though a few may be aware that my own cause of
complaint is equal to theirs, many cannot perceive the consistency
of my patient continuance in the service with disapprobation of the
measures pursued. Even the honours which your Majesty has been pleased
to bestow upon me are deemed by most of the officers, and by the whole
of the men, who know not the assiduity with which I have persevered in
earnest but unavailing remonstrance, as a bribe by which I have been
induced to abandon their interests. Much, therefore, as I prize those
honours, as the gracious gift of your Imperial Majesty, yet, holding
in still dearer estimation my character as an officer and a man, I
cannot hesitate in choosing which to sacrifice when the retention of
both is evidently incompatible. I can, therefore, no longer delay to
demonstrate to the squadron and the world that I am no partner in the
deceptions and oppressions which are practised on the naval service;
and, as the first and most painful step in the performance of this
imperious duty, I crave permission, with all humility and respect,
to return those honours, and lay them at the feet of your Imperial
Majesty. I should, however, fall short of my duty to those who were
induced to enter the service by my example or invitation, were I to
do nothing more than convince them that I had been deceived. It is
incumbent on me to make every effort to obtain for them the fulfilment
of engagements for which I made myself responsible. As far as I am
personally concerned, I could be content to quit the service of your
Imperial Majesty, either with or without the expectation of obtaining
compensation at a future period. After effectually fighting the
battles of freedom and independence on both sides of South America,
and clearing the two seas of every vessel of war, I could submit to
return to my native country unrewarded; but I cannot submit to adopt
any course which shall not redeem my pledge to my brother officers and
seamen."

That and other arguments contained in the same letter, aided by
inducements of a different sort, to be presently referred to, had
partial effect. A small portion of the prize-money and wages due to
the squadron was issued, and Lord Cochrane remained for another year
in the service of Brazil. His weary waiting-time at Rio de Janeiro,
however, extending over nearly nine months, was almost at an end. On
the 2nd of August he left it, never to return.

While the ingratitude shown to him in Brazil was at its worst it is
interesting to notice that a few, at any rate, of his own countrymen
were remembering his past troubles and his present worth. On the 21st
of June, Sir James Mackintosh, in one of the many speeches in the
British House of Commons in which he nobly advocated the recognition
of the independence of the South American states, both as a political
duty and as a necessary measure in the interests of commerce, made a
graceful allusion to Lord Cochrane. "I know," he said, "that I am here
touching on a topic of great delicacy; but I must say that commerce
has been gallantly protected by that extraordinary man who was once a
British officer, who once filled a distinguished post in the
British navy at the brightest period of its annals. I mention this
circumstance with struggling and mingled emotions—emotions of pride
that the individual I speak of is a Briton, emotions of regret that
he is no longer a British officer. Can any one imagine a more gallant
action than the cutting out of the _Esmeralda_ from Callao? Never
was there a greater display of judgment, calmness, and enterprising
British valour than was shown on that memorable occasion. No man ever
felt a more ardent, a more inextinguishable love of country, a more
anxious desire to promote its interests and extend its prosperity,
than the gallant individual to whom I allude. I speak for myself. No
person is responsible for the opinions which I now utter. But ask,
what native of this country can help wishing that such a man were
again amongst us? I hope I shall be excused for saying thus much; but
I cannot avoid fervently wishing that such advice may be given to
the Crown by his Majesty's constitutional advisers as will induce his
Majesty graciously to restore Lord Cochrane to the country which he
so warmly loves, and to that noble service to the glory of which, I am
convinced, he willingly would sacrifice every earthly consideration."




CHAPTER XII.


THE INSURRECTION IN PERNAMBUCO.—LORD COCHRANE's EXPEDITION TO
SUPPRESS IT.—THE SUCCESS OF HIS WORK.—HIS STAY AT MARANHAM.—THE
DISORGANISED STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THAT PROVINCE.—LORD COCHRANE's
EFFORTS TO RESTORE ORDER AND GOOD GOVERNMENT.—THEIR RESULT IN FURTHER
TROUBLE TO HIMSELF.—HIS CRUISE IN THE "PIRANGA," AND RETURN TO
ENGLAND.—THE FRESH INDIGNITIES THERE OFFERED TO HIM.—HIS RETIREMENT
FROM BRAZILIAN SERVICE.—HIS LETTER TO THE EMPEROR PEDRO I.—THE END
OF HIS SOUTH AMERICAN EMPLOYMENTS.

[1824-1825.]

The political turmoils which Lord Cochrane found to be prevalent
in Rio de Janeiro, on his return from Maranham, were, as he had
anticipated, very disastrous to the whole Brazilian empire. The
unpatriotic action of men in power at head-quarters encouraged yet
more unpatriotic action in the outlying and newly-acquired provinces.
Portuguese sympathizers in Pernambuco, in Maranham, and in the
neighbouring districts, following the policy of the Portuguese faction
at the centre of government, and acting even more unworthily,
induced serious trouble; and the trouble was aggravated by the fierce
opposition which was in many cases offered to them. Before the end of
1823 information arrived that an insurrection, having for its object
the establishment in the northern provinces of a government distinct
from both Brazil and Portugal, had broken out in Pernambuco, and
nearly every week brought fresh intelligence of the spread of this
insurrection and of the troubles induced by it. The Emperor Pedro I.
was eager to send thither the squadron under Lord Cochrane, and so to
win back the allegiance of the inhabitants; and for this Lord Cochrane
was no less eager. To the Portuguese partizans, however, whose great
effort was to weaken the resources of the empire, the news of the
insurrection was welcome; and perhaps their strongest inducement to
the long course of injustice detailed in the last chapter was the
knowledge that by so doing they were most successfully preventing the
despatch of an armament strong enough to restore order in the northern
provinces. Herein they prospered. For more than six months the Emperor
was prevented from suppressing the insurrection, which all through
that time was extending and becoming more and more formidable. Not
till July was anything done to satisfy the claims of the seamen for
payment of their prize-money and the arrears of wages due to them,
without which they refused to return to their work and render possible
the equipment and despatch of the squadron; and even then only 200,000
milreis—less than a tenth of the prize-money that was owing—were
granted as an instalment of the payment to be made to them.

With that money, however, Lord Cochrane, using his great personal
influence with the officers and crews, induced them to rejoin the
fleet. The funds were placed in his hands on the 12th of July, 1824,
and equitably disbursed by him during the following three weeks. On
the 2nd of August he set sail in the _Pedro Primiero_ from Rio de
Janeiro, attended by the _Maranham_ and three transports containing
twelve hundred soldiers.

Having landed General Lima and the troops at Alagoas on the 16th,
he arrived off Pernambuco on the 18th. There he found that a strong
republican Government had been set up under the presidentship of
Manoel de Carvalho Pais d'Andrade, whose authority, secret or open,
extended far into the interior and along the adjoining coasts.
"Knowing that it would take some time for the troops to come up," he
said, "I determined to try the effect of a threat of bombardment, and
issued a proclamation remonstrating with the inhabitants on the folly
of permitting themselves to be deceived by men who lacked the ability
to execute their schemes; pointing out, moreover, that persistence in
revolt would involve both the town and its rulers in one common ruin,
for, if forced to the necessity of bombardment, I would reduce the
port and city to insignificance. On the other hand, I assured them
that, if they retraced their steps and rallied round the imperial
throne, thus aiding to protect it from foreign influence, it would be
more gratifying to me to act the part of a mediator, and to restore
Pernambuco to peace, prosperity, and happiness, than to carry out the
work of destruction which would be my only remaining alternative. In
another proclamation I called the attention of the inhabitants to the
distracted state of the Spanish republics on the other side of the
continent, asking whether it would be wise to risk the benefits of
orderly government for social and political confusion, and entreating
them not to compel me to proceed to extremities, as it would become my
duty to destroy their shipping and block up their port, unless, within
eight days, the integrity of the empire were acknowledged."

While waiting to see the result of those proclamations Lord Cochrane
received a message from Carvalho, offering him immediate payment of
400,000 milreis if he would abandon the imperial cause and go over to
the republicans. "Frankness is the distinguishing character of free
men," wrote Carvalho, "but your excellency has not found it in your
connection with the Imperial Government. Your not having been rewarded
for the first expedition affords a justifiable inference that you will
get nothing for the second." That audacious proposal, it need hardly
be said, was indignantly resented by Lord Cochrane. "If I shall have
an opportunity of becoming personally known to your excellency," he
wrote, "I can afford you proof that the opinion you have formed of me
has had its origin in the misrepresentations of those in power, whose
purposes I was incapable of serving."

The threats and promises of Lord Cochrane's proclamation did not lead
to the peaceable surrender of Pernambuco, and at the end of the eight
days' waiting-time he proceeded to bombard the town. In that, however,
he was hindered by bad weather, which made it impossible for him to
enter the shallow water without great risk of shipwreck. He was in
urgent need, also, of anchors and other fittings. Therefore, after
a brief show of attack, which frightened the inhabitants, but had no
other effect, he left the smaller vessels to maintain the blockade,
and went on the 4th of September in the flag-ship to Bahia, there to
procure the necessary articles. On his return he found that General
Lima had marched against Pernambuco on the 11th, and, with the
assistance of the blockading vessels, made an easy capture of it.

There was plenty of other work, however, to be done. All the
northern provinces were disaffected, if not in actual revolt, and, in
compliance with the Emperor's directions, Lord Cochrane proceeded to
visit their ports and reduce them to order. Some other ships having
arrived from Rio de Janeiro, he selected the _Piranga_ and two smaller
vessels for service with the flag-ship, leaving the others at the
disposal of General Lima, and sailed from Pernambuco on the 10th of
October.

He reached Cearà on the 18th, and then, by his mere presence,
compelled the insurgents, who had seized the city, to retire, and
enabled the well-disposed inhabitants to organize a vigorous scheme of
self-protection.

A harder task awaited him at Maranham, at which he arrived on the
9th of November. There the utmost confusion prevailed. The Portuguese
faction had the supremacy, and there were special causes of animosity
and misconduct among the members of the opposite party of native
Brazilians.

"In Maranham," said Lord Cochrane, "as in the other northern provinces
of the empire, there had been no amelioration whatever in the
condition of the people, and, without such amelioration, it was absurd
to place reliance on the hyperbolical professions of devotion to
the Emperor which were now abundantly avowed by those who, before my
arrival, had been foremost in promoting and cherishing disturbance.
The condition of the province, and indeed of all the provinces, was
in no way better than they had been under the dominion of Portugal,
though they presented one of the finest fields imaginable for
improvement. All the old colonial imports and duties remained without
alteration; the manifold hindrances to commerce and agriculture still
existed; and arbitrary power was everywhere exercised uncontrolled: so
that, in place of being benefited by emancipation from the Portuguese
yoke, the condition of the great mass of the population was literally
worse than before. To amend this state of things it was necessary
to begin with the officers of Government, of whose corruption and
arbitrary conduct complaints, signed by whole communities, were daily
arriving from every part of the province. To such an extent, indeed,
wad this misrule carried that neither the lives nor the property of
the inhabitants were safe."

This state of things Lord Cochrane set himself zealously to remedy;
and, during his six months' stay at Maranham, he did all that, with
the bad materials at his disposal and in the harassing circumstances
of his position, it was possible for him to do. Unable to break down
the cabals and intrigues, the mutual jealousies and the unworthy
ambitions that had prevailed previous to his arrival, he held them all
in check while he was present and secured the observance of law and
the freedom of all classes of the community.

Thereby, however, he brought upon himself much fresh hatred. The
governor of the province, being devoted to the Portuguese party and a
chief cause of the existing troubles, had to be suspended and sent to
Rio de Janeiro; and though the suspension occurred after orders had
been despatched by the Emperor for his recall, it afforded an excuse
to the governor and his friends in office for denunciation of Lord
Cochrane's conduct, alleged to be greatly in excess of his powers and
in contempt of the constituted authority. In fact, the same bad policy
that had embarrassed him before, while he was in Rio de Janeiro,
continued to embarrass him yet more during his service in Maranham.
That that service was very helpful to the best interests of Brazil
no one attempted to deny. The French and English consuls, speaking
on behalf of all their countrymen resident in the northern provinces,
overstepped the line of strict neutrality, and entreated him to
persevere in the measures by which he was making it possible for
commerce to prosper and the rules of civilized life to be observed.
The Emperor sent to thank him for his work. "His Majesty," wrote the
secretary on the 2nd of December, "approves of the First Admiral's
determination to establish order and obedience in the northern
provinces, a duty which he has so wisely and judiciously undertaken,
and in which he must continue until the provinces submit themselves
to the authorities lately appointed, and enjoy the benefits of the
paternal government of his Imperial Majesty."

The Emperor, however, was at this time almost powerless. The leaders
of the Portuguese faction reigned, and by them Lord Cochrane continued
to be treated with every possible indignity and insult. Not daring
openly to dismiss him or even to accept the resignation which he
frequently offered, they determined to wear out his patience, and, if
possible, to drive him to some act on which they could fasten as
an excuse for degrading him. They partly succeeded, though the only
wonder is that Lord Cochrane should have been, for so long a time, as
patient as he proved. His temper is well shown in the numerous
letters which he addressed to Pedro I. and the Government during these
harassing months. "The condescension," he wrote, "with which your
Imperial Majesty has been pleased to permit me to approach your royal
person, on matters regarding the public service, and even on those
more particularly relating to myself, emboldens me to adopt the only
means in my power, at this distance, of craving that your Majesty will
be graciously pleased to judge of my conduct in the imperial service
by the result of my endeavours to promote your Majesty's interests,
and not by the false reports spread by those who, for reasons best
known to themselves, desire to alienate your Majesty's mind from me,
and thus to bring about my removal from your Majesty's service. I
trust that your Imperial Majesty will please to believe me to be
sensible that the honours which you have so graciously bestowed upon
me it is my duty not to tarnish, and that your Majesty will further
believe that, highly as I prize those honours, I hold the maintenance
of my reputation in my native country in equal estimation. I
respectfully crave permission to add that, perceiving it is impossible
to continue in the service of your Imperial Majesty without at
all times subjecting my professional character, under the present
management of the Marine Department, to great risks, I trust your
Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant me leave to retire
from your imperial service, in which it appears to me I have now
accomplished all that can be expected from me, the authority of your
Imperial Majesty being established throughout the whole extent of
Brazil."

That request was not granted, or in any way answered; and the
statement that the whole of Brazil was finally subjected to the
Emperor's authority proved to be not quite correct. Fresh turmoils
arose in Parà, and Lord Cochrane had to send thither a small force,
by which order was restored. He himself found ample employment in
restraining the factions that could not be suppressed at Maranham.

That was the state of things in the early months of 1825, until
unlooked-for circumstances arose, by which Lord Cochrane's Brazilian
employment was brought to a termination in a way that he had not
anticipated. "The anxiety occasioned by the constant harassing which
I had undergone, unalleviated by any acknowledgment on the part of the
Imperial Government of the services which had a second time saved the
empire from intestine war, anarchy, and revolution," he said, "began
to make serious inroads on my health; whilst that of the officers and
men, in consequence of the great heat and pestilential exhalations of
the climate, and of the double duty which they had to perform afloat
and ashore, was even less satisfactory. As I saw no advantage in
longer contending with factious intrigues at Maranham, unsupported and
neglected as I was by the Administration at Rio de Janeiro, I resolved
upon a short run into a more bracing northerly atmosphere, which would
answer the double purpose of restoring our health and of giving us a
clear offing for our subsequent voyage to the capital.

"Accordingly," the narrative proceeds, "I shifted my flag into the
_Piranga_, despatched the _Pedro Primiero_ to Rio, and, leaving
Captain Manson, of the _Cacique_, in charge of the naval department
at Maranham, put to sea on the 18th of May. On the 21st we crossed
the Equator, and, meeting with a succession of easterly winds, were
carried to the northward of the Azores, passing St. Michael's on the
11th of June. It had been my intention to sail into the latitude of
the Azores, and then to return to Rio de Janeiro. But, strong gales
coming on, we made the unpleasant discovery that the frigate's
main-topmast was sprung, and, when putting her about, the main and
main-topsail yards were discovered to be unserviceable. For the
condition of the ship's spars I had depended on others, not deeming
it necessary to take upon myself such investigation. It was, however,
possible that we might have patched these up, had not the running
rigging been as rotten as the masts, and we had no spare cordage on
board. A still worse disaster was that the salt provisions shipped at
Maranham were reported bad, mercantile ingenuity having resorted to
the device of placing good meat at the top and bottom of the barrels,
whilst the middle, being composed of unsound articles, had tainted
the whole, thereby rendering it not only unpalatable but positively
dangerous to health. The good provisions on board being little more
than sufficient for a week's subsistence, a direct return to Rio de
Janeiro was out of the question."

It was therefore absolutely necessary to seek some nearer harbour; but
Lord Cochrane was considerably embarrassed in his choice of a
port. Portugal was an enemy's country, and Spain, by reason of his
achievements in Chili and Peru, was no less hostile to him. France had
not yet recognised the independence of Brazil, and therefore a stay on
any part of its coast might lead to difficulties. England afforded the
only safe halting-place, though there Lord Cochrane was uncertain as
to the way in which, in consequence of the Foreign Enlistment Act,
he might be received. To England, however, he resolved to go; and,
sighting its coast on the 25th of June, he anchored at Spithead on
the following day. Salutes were exchanged with a British ship lying
in harbour, and in the afternoon he landed at Portsmouth, to be
enthusiastically welcomed by nearly all classes of his countrymen,
whose admiration for his personal character and his excellence as a
naval officer was heightened by the renown of his exploits in South
America during an absence of six years and a half.

His subsequent relations with Brazil can be briefly told. His
unavoidable return to England afforded just the excuse which his
enemies in Brazil had been seeking for ousting him from his command.
They and the Chevalier Manoel Rodriguez Gameiro Pessoa, the Brazilian
Envoy in London, who altogether sympathised with them, chose to regard
this occurrence as an act of desertion. Lord Cochrane lost no time in
reporting his arrival and requesting to be provided with the necessary
means for refitting the _Piranga_ and preparing for a speedy return to
Rio de Janeiro. To expedite matters, he even advanced 2000£ out of
his own property—which was never repaid to him—for this purpose. His
repeated applications for instructions were either unheeded or only
answered with insult. He was ordered to return to Brazil at once,
towards which no assistance was given to him; and at the same time
his officers and crew were ordered to repudiate his authority and to
return without him.

Lord Cochrane had no room to doubt that by going back to Brazil he
should only expose himself to yet worse treatment than that from which
he had been suffering during nearly two years; but at the same time
he was resolved to do nothing at variance with his duty to the Emperor
from whom he had received his commission, and nothing invalidating his
claims to the recompense which was clearly due to him. At length he
was relieved from some of his perplexities, after they had lasted more
than three months. On the 3rd of November, 1825, peace was declared
between Brazil and Portugal; and thereby his relations with his
employers were materially altered. The work which he had pledged
himself to do was completed, and he was justified in resigning his
command, or at any rate in declining to resume it until the causes of
his recent troubles were removed.

This he did in a letter addressed to the Emperor Pedro I., from
London, on the 10th of November. "The gracious condescension which I
experienced from your Imperial Majesty, from the first moment of my
arrival in the Brazils, the honorary distinctions which I received
from your Majesty, and the attention with which you were pleased to
listen to all my personal representations relating to the promotion
of the naval power of your empire," he wrote, "have impressed upon
my mind a high sense of the honour which your Majesty conferred, and
forbid my entertaining any other sentiments than those of attachment
to your Majesty and devotion to your true interests. But, whilst I
express these my unfeigned sentiments towards your Imperial Majesty,
it is with infinite pain and regret that I recall to my recollection
the conduct that has been pursued towards the naval service, and to
myself personally, since the members of the Brazilian administration
of José Bonifacio de Andrade were superseded by persons devoted to
the views and interests of Portugal,—views and interests which are
directly opposed to the adoption of that line of conduct which can
alone promote and secure the true interests and glory of your Imperial
Majesty, founded on the tranquillity and happiness of the Brazilian
people. Without imputing to such ministers as Severiano, Gomez, and
Barboza disaffection to the person of your Imperial Majesty, it is
sufficient to know that they are men bigoted to the unenlightened
opinions of their ancestors of four centuries ago, that they are men
who, from their limited intercourse with the world, from the paucity
of the literature of their native language, and from their want of
all rational instruction in the service of government and political
economy, have no conception of governing Brazil by any other than the
same wretched and crooked policy to which the nation had been so long
subjected in its condition as a colony. Nothing further need be said,
while we acquit them of treason, to convict them of unfitness to be
the counsellors of your Imperial Majesty.

"None but such ministers as these could have endeavoured to impress
upon the mind of your Imperial Majesty that the refugee Portuguese
from the provinces and many thousands from Europe, collected in Rio
de Janeiro, were the only true friends and supporters of the imperial
crown of Brazil. None but such ministers would have endeavoured to
impress your Imperial Majesty with a belief that the Brazilian people
were inimical to your person and the imperial crown, merely because
they were hostile to the system pursued by those ministers. None but
such ministers would have placed in important offices of trust the
natives of a nation with which your Imperial Majesty was at war. None
but such ministers would have endeavoured to induce your Imperial
Majesty to believe that officers who had abandoned their King and
native country for their own private interests could be depended on as
faithful servants to a hostile Government and a foreign land. None but
such ministers could have induced your Imperial Majesty to place
in the command of your fortresses, regiments, and ships of war such
individuals as these. None but such ministers would have attempted to
excite in the breast of your Imperial Majesty suspicions with respect
to the fidelity of myself and of those other officers who, by the most
zealous exertions, had proved our devotion to the best interests
of your Imperial Majesty and your Brazilian people. None but such
ministers would have endeavoured by insults and acts of the grossest
injustice, to drive us from the service of your Imperial Majesty and
to place Portuguese officers in our stead. And, above all, none but
such ministers could have suggested to your Imperial Majesty that
extraordinary proceeding which was projected to take place on the
night of the 3rd of June, 1824, a proceeding which, had it not been
averted by a timely discovery and prompt interposition on my part,
would have tarnished for ever the glory of your Imperial Majesty, and
which, if it had failed to prove fatal to myself and officers, must
inevitably have driven us from your imperial service. When placed
in competition with this plot of these ministers and the false
insinuations by which they induced your Imperial Majesty to listen to
their insidious counsel, all their previous intrigues, and those of
the whole Portuguese faction, to ruin the naval power of Brazil, sink
into insignificance. But for the advancement of Portuguese interests
there was nothing too treacherous or malignant for such ministers and
such men as these to insinuate to your Imperial Majesty, especially
when they had discovered that it was not possible by their unjust
conduct to provoke me to abandon the service of Brazil so long as my
exertions could be useful to secure its independence, which I believed
to be alike the object of your Imperial Majesty and the interest of
the Brazilian people.

"If the counsels of such persons should prove fatal to the interests
of your Imperial Majesty, no one will regret the event more sincerely
than myself. My only consolation will be the knowledge that your
Imperial Majesty cannot but be conscious that I, individually, have
discharged my duty, both in a military and in a private capacity,
towards your Majesty, whose true interest, I may venture to add, I
have held in greater regard than my own; for, had I connived at the
views of the Portuguese faction, even without dereliction of my duty
as an officer, I might have shared amply in the honours and emoluments
which such influence has enabled these persons to obtain, instead of
being deprived, by their means, of even the ordinary rewards of my
labours in the cause of independence which your Imperial Majesty had
engaged me to maintain,—which cause I neither have abandoned nor will
abandon, if ever it should be in my power successfully to renew my
exertions for the true interests of your Imperial Majesty and those of
the Brazilian people.

"Meanwhile my office as Commander-in-Chief of your Imperial Majesty's
Naval Forces having terminated by the conclusion of peace and by the
decree promulgated on the 28th of February, 1824, I have notified to
your Imperial Majesty's Envoy, the Chevalier de Gameiro, that I have
directed my flag to be struck this day. Praying that the war now
terminated abroad may be accompanied by tranquillity at home, I
respectfully take leave of your Imperial Majesty."

All Lord Cochrane's subsequent correspondence with Brazil had for its
object the recovery of the payments due to him and to his officers and
crews for the great services done by them to the empire. Lord Cochrane
had saved that empire from being brought back to the position of
a Portuguese colony, and had enabled it to enter on a career of
independence. In return for it he was subjected to more than two years
of galling insult, was deprived of his proper share of the prizes
taken by him and his squadron, was refused the estate in Maranham
which the Emperor, more grateful than his ministers, had bestowed upon
him, and was mulcted of a portion of his pay and of all the pension
to which he was entitled by imperial decree and the ordinances of the
Government. His services to Brazil, like his services to Chili, adding
much to his renown as a disinterested champion of liberty and an
unrivalled seaman and warrior, brought upon him personally little but
trouble and misfortune. Only near the end of his life, when a worthy
Emperor and honest ministers succeeded to power, was any recompence
accorded to him.




CHAPTER XIII.


THE GREEK REVOLUTION AND ITS ANTECEDENTS.—THE MODERN GREEKS.—THE
FRIENDLY SOCIETY.—SULTAN MAHMUD AND ALI PASHA'S REBELLION.—THE
BEGINNING OF THE GREEK INSURRECTION.—COUNT JOHN CAPODISTRIAS.—PRINCE
ALEXANDER HYPSILANTES.—THE REVOLUTION IN THE MOREA.—THEODORE
KOLKOTRONES.—THE REVOLUTION IN THE ISLANDS.—THE GREEK NAVY AND ITS
CHARACTER.—THE EXCESSES OF THE GREEKS.—THEIR BAD GOVERNMENT.—PRINCE
ALEXANDER MAVROCORDATOS.—THE PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.—THE
SPOLIATION OF THE CHIOS.—ENGLISH PHILHELLENES; THOMAS GORDON, FRANK
ABNEY HASTINGS, LORD BYRON.—THE FIRST GREEK LOAN, AND THE BAD USES
TO WHICH IT WAS PUT.—REVERSES OF THE GREEKS.—IBRAHIM AND HIS
SUCCESSES.—MAVROCORDATOS'S LETTER TO LORD COCHRANE.


[1820-1825.]

While Lord Cochrane was rendering efficient service to the cause of
freedom in South America, another war of independence was being waged
in Europe; and he had hardly been at home a week before solicitations
pressed upon him from all quarters that he should lend his great name
and great abilities to this war also. As he consented to do so, and
almost from the moment of his arrival was intimately connected with
the Greek Revolution, the previous stages of this memorable episode,
the incidents that occurred during his absence in Chili and Brazil,
need to be here reviewed and recapitulated.

The Greek Revolution began openly in 1821. But there had been long
previous forebodings of it. The dwellers in the land once peopled by
the noble race which planned and perfected the arts and graces, the
true refinements and the solid virtues that are the basis of our
modern civilization, had been for four centuries and more the slaves
of the Turks. They were hardly Greeks, if by that name is implied
descent from the inhabitants of classic Greece. With the old stock had
been blended, from generation to generation, so many foreign elements
that nearly all trace of the original blood had disappeared, and the
modern Greeks had nothing but their residence and their language to
justify them in maintaining the old title. But their slavery was only
too real. Oppressed by the Ottomans on account of their race and their
religion, the oppression was none the less in that it induced many of
them to cast off the last shreds of freedom and deck themselves in the
coarser, but, to slavish minds, the pleasanter bondage of trickery and
meanness. During the eighteenth century, many Greeks rose to eminence
in the Turkish service, and proved harder task-masters to their
brethren than the Turks themselves generally were. The hope of further
aggrandisement, however, led them to scheme the overthrow of their
Ottoman employers, and their projects were greatly aided by the truer,
albeit short-sighted, patriotism that animated the greater number of
their kinsmen. They groaned under Turkish thraldom, and yearned to
be freed from it, in the temper so well described and so worthily
denounced by Lord Byron in 1811:—

  "And many dream withal the hour is nigh
  That gives them back their fathers' heritage:
  For foreign arms and aid they loudly sigh,
  Nor solely dare encounter hostile rage.
  Hereditary bondsmen! know ye not
  Who would be free themselves must strike the blow?
  By their right arm the conquest must be wrought.
  Will Gaul or Muscovite redress ye?—No!
  True, they may lay your proud despoilers low,
  But not for you will Freedom's altars flame."

The Greeks, all but a few genuine patriots, thought otherwise. They
sought deliverance at the hands of Gauls and Muscovites; and, as the
Muscovites had good reason for desiring the overthrow of Turkey, they
listened to their prayers, and other ties than that of community in
religion bound the persecuted Greeks to Russia. The Philiké Hetaira,
or Friendly Society, chief representative of a very general movement,
was founded at Odessa in 1814. It was a secret society, which speedily
had ramifications among the Greek Christians in every part of Turkey,
encouraging them to prepare for insurrection as soon as the Czar
Alexander I. deemed it expedient to aid them by open invasion of
Turkey, or as soon as they themselves could take the initiative,
trusting to Russia to complete the work of revolution. The Friendly
Society increased its influence and multiplied its visionary schemes
during many years previous to 1821.

Its strength was augmented by the political condition of Turkey at the
time. The Sultan Mahmud—a true type of the Ottoman sovereign at
his worst—had attempted to perfect his power by a long train of
cruelties, of which murder was the lightest. Defeating his own purpose
thereby, he aroused the opposition of Mahometan as well as Christian
subjects, and induced the rebellious schemes of Ali Pasha of Joannina,
the boldest of his vassals. In Albania Ali ruled with a cruelty that
was hardly inferior to Mahmud's. Byron tells how his

  "dread command
  Is lawless law; for with a bloody hand
  He sways a nation turbulent and told."

The cruelty could be tolerated; but not opposition to Mahmud's
will. Long and growing jealousy existed between the Sultan and his
tributary. At length, in 1820, there was an open rupture. Ali was
denounced as a traitor, and ordered to surrender his pashalik. Instead
of so doing, he organized his army for prompt rebellion, trusting for
success partly to the support of the Greeks. Most of the Greeks held
aloof; but the Suliots, a race of Christian marauders, the fiercest of
the fierce community of Albanians, sided with him, and for more than a
year rendered him valuable aid by reason of their hereditary skill in
lawless warfare. Not till January, 1822, was Ali forced to surrender,
and then only, perhaps, through the defection of the Suliots.

The Suliots, dissatisfied with Ali's recompense for their services,
had gone over to the Greeks, who, not caring to serve under Ali in his
rebellion, had welcomed that rebellion as a Heaven-sent opportunity
for realising their long-cherished hopes. The Turkish garrisons in
Greece being half unmanned in order that the strongest possible force
might be used in subduing Ali, and Turkish government in the peninsula
being at a standstill, the Greeks found themselves in an excellent
position for asserting their freedom. Had they been less degraded than
they were by their long centuries of slavery, or had there been some
better organization than that which the purposes and the methods of
the Friendly Society afforded for developing the latent patriotism
which was honest and wide-spread, they might have achieved a triumph
worthy of the classic name they bore and the heroic ancestry that they
claimed.

Unfortunately, the Friendly Society, already degenerated from the
unworthy aim with which it started, now an elaborate machinery of
personal ambition, private greed, and local spite, the willing tool of
Russia, was master of the situation. The mastery, however, was by no
means thorough. The society had dispossessed all other organizations,
but had no organization of its own adequate to the working out of
a successful rebellion. Its machinery was tolerably perfect, but
efficient motive-power was wanting. Its exchequer was empty; its
counsels were divided; above all, it had alienated the sympathies of
the worthiest patriots of Greece. Finding itself suddenly in the
way of triumph, it was incapable of rightly progressing in that way.
Obstacles of its own raising, and obstacles raised by others, stood
in the path, and only a very wise man had the chance of successfully
removing them.

The wise man did not exist, or was not to be obtained. Perhaps the
wisest, though, as later history proved, not very wise, was Count John
Capodistrias, a native of Corfu. Born in 1777, he had gone to Italy to
study and practise medicine. There also he studied, afterwards to put
in practice, the effete Machiavellianism then in vogue. In 1803 he
entered political life as secretary to the lately-founded republic
of the Ionian Islands. Napoleon's annexation of the Ionian Islands in
1807 drove him into the service of Russia, and, as Russian agent, he
advocated, at the Vienna Conference of 1815, the reconstruction of the
Ionian republic. The partial concession of Great Britain towards that
project, by which the Ionian Islands were established as a sort of
commonwealth, dependent upon England, enabled him to live and work
in Corfu, awaiting the realization of his own patriotic schemes, and
watching the patriotic movement in Greece. Italian in his education,
and Russian in his sympathies, he was still an honest Greek, worthier
and abler than most other influential Greeks. "He had many virtues and
great abilities," says a competent critic. "His conduct was firm and
disinterested, his manners simple and dignified. His personal feelings
were warm, and, as a consequence of this virtue, they were sometimes
so strong as to warp his judgment. He wanted the equanimity and
impartiality of mind, and the elevation of soul necessary to make
a great man."[A] In spite of his defects, he might have done good
service to the Greek Revolution, had he accepted the offer of its
leadership, shrewdly tendered to him by the Friendly Society. But this
he declined, having no liking for the society, and no trust in its
methods and designs.

[Footnote A: Finlay, "History of the Greek Revolution" (1861), vol.
ii., p. 196. Mr. Finlay served as a volunteer in Greece under Captain
Abney Hastings. His work is certainly the best on the subject, though
we shall have in later pages to differ widely from its strictures on
Lord Cochrane's motives and action. But our complaints will be less
against his history than against the two other leading ones—General
Gordon's "History of the Greek Revolution" (1832), and M. Trikoupes's
"[Greek: Historia tês Hellênikês Epanastaseôs]" (1853-6), which is not
very much more than a paraphrase of Gordon's work.]

The Friendly Society then sought and found a leader, far inferior
to Count Capodistrias, in Prince Alexander Hypsilantes, the son of a
Hospodar of Wallachia who had been deposed in 1806. Hypsilantes had
been educated in Russia, and had there risen to some rank, high enough
at any rate to quicken his ambition and vanity, both as a soldier and
as a courtier. He was not without virtues; but he was utterly unfit
for the duties imposed upon him as leader of the Greek Revolution.
Not a Greek himself, his purpose in accepting the office seems to have
been to make Greece an appendage of the despotic monarchy, which, by
means of the political crisis, he hoped to establish in Wallachia,
under Russian protection. With that view, in March 1821, he led the
first crude army of Greek and other Christian rebels into Moldavia.
There and in Wallachia he stirred up a brief revolt, attended by
military blunders and lawless atrocities which soon brought vengeance
upon himself and made a false beginning of the revolutionary work.
Moldavia and Wallachia were quickly restored to Turkish rule, and
Hypsilantes had in June to fly for safety into Austria. But the bad
example that he set, and the evil influence that he and his promoters
and followers of the Friendly Society exerted, initiated a false
policy and encouraged a pernicious course of action, by which the
cause of the Greeks was injured for years.

The real Greek revolution began in the Morea. There the Friendly
Society did good work in showing the people that the hour for action
had come; but its direction of that action was for the most part
mischievous. The worst Greeks were the leaders, and, under their
guidance, the play of evil passions—inevitable in all efforts of the
oppressed to overturn their oppressors—was developed to a grievous
extent. Turkish blood was first shed on the 25th of March, 1821, and
within a week the whole of the Morea was in a ferment of rebellion. By
the 22nd of April, which was Easter Sunday, it is reckoned that from
ten to fifteen thousand Mahometans had been slaughtered in cold blood,
and about three thousand Turkish homes destroyed.

The promoters of all that wanton atrocity were the directors of the
Friendly Society, among whom the Archimandrate Gregorios Dikaios,
nicknamed Pappa Phlesas, and Petros Mavromichales, or Petro-Bey, were
the most conspicuous. Its principal agents were the klepht or brigand
chieftains, best represented by Theodore Kolokotrones.

Born about 1770, of a family devoted to the use of arms in predatory
ways, Kolokotrones had led a lawless life until 1806, when the Greek
peasantry called in the assistance of their Turkish rulers in hunting
down their persecutors of their own race, and when, several of his
family being slain, he himself had to seek refuge in Zante. There he
maintained himself, partly by piracy, partly by cattle-dealing.
In 1810 the English annexation of the Ionian Islands led to his
employment, first as captain and afterwards as major, in the Greek
contingent of the British army. He had amassed much wealth, and was
in the prime of life when, in January, 1821, he returned to his early
home, to revive his old brigand life under the name of legitimate
warfare. His thorough knowledge of the country, its passes and its
strongholds, and his familiarity with the modes of fighting proper to
them, his handsome person and agreeable deportment, his shrewd wit and
persuasive oratory, made him one of the most influential agents of
the Revolution at its commencement, and his influence grew during the
ensuing years.

The flame of rebellion, having spread through the Morea during the
early weeks of April, extended rapidly over the adjoining districts of
the mainland. By the end of June the insurgents were masters of
nearly all the country now possessed by modern Greece. Their cause
was heartily espoused by the Suliots of Albania and other
fellow-Christians in the various Turkish provinces, and their kinsmen
of the outlying islands were eager to join in the work of national
regeneration, and to contribute largely to the completion of that work
by their naval prowess.

It was naval prowess, as our later pages will abundantly show, of
a very barbarous and undeveloped sort. Besides the two principal
seaports on the mainland, Tricheri on Mount Pelion and Galaxidhi on
the Gulf of Corinth, there were famous colonies of Greek seamen in the
islands of Psara and Kasos, and similar colonies of Albanians in Hydra
and Spetzas. These and the other islands had long practised irregular
commerce, and protected that commerce by irregular fighting with the
Turks. At the first sound of revolution they threw in their lot with
the insurgents of the mainland, and thus a nondescript navy of some
four hundred brigs and schooners, of from sixty to four hundred tons'
burthen, and manned by about twelve thousand sailors, adepts alike
in trade and piracy, but very unskilled in orderly warfare, and very
feebly inspired by anything like disinterested patriotism, was ready
to use and abuse its powers during the ensuing seven years' fight for
Greek independence.

During the summer of 1821, while the continental Greeks were rushing
to arms, murdering the Turkish residents among them by thousands, and
thus bringing down upon themselves, or upon those of their own race
who, as peasants and burghers, took no important share in actual
fighting, the murderous vengeance of the Turkish troops sent to
attempt the suppression of the revolt, these sailors were pursuing an
easier and more profitable game. The Turkish ports were not warlike,
and the Turkish trading ships were not prepared for fighting. In May,
a formidable crowd of vessels left the islands on a cruise, from which
they soon returned with an immense store of booty. Early in June, the
best Turkish fleet that could be brought together, consisting of two
line-of-battle ships, three frigates, and three sloops, went out to
harass, if not to destroy, the swarm of smaller enemies. Jakomaki
Tombazes, with thirty-seven of these smaller enemies, set off to meet
them, and falling in with one of the ships, gave her chase, till, in
the roads of Eripos, she was attacked on the 8th of June, and, with
the help of a fireship, destroyed with a loss of nearly four hundred
men. That victory caused the flight of the other Turkish vessels, and
was the beginning of much cruel work at sea and with ships, which,
not often daring to meet in open fight, wrought terrible mischief to
unprotected ports and islands.

The mischief wrought upon the land was yet more terrible. A seething
tide of Greek and Moslem blood heaved to and fro, as, during the
second half of 1821, each party in turn gained temporary ascendency in
one district after another. Greeks murdered Turks, and Turks murdered
Greeks, with equal ferocity; or perhaps the ferocity of the Greeks,
stirred by bad leaders to revenge themselves for all their previous
sufferings, even surpassed that of the Turks. Of their cruelty a
glaring instance occurred in their capture of Navarino. The Turkish
inhabitants having held out as long as a mouthful of food was left
in the town, were forced to capitulate on the 19th of August. It was
promised that, upon their surrendering, the Greek vessels were to
convey them, their wearing apparel, and their household furniture,
either to Egypt or to Tunis. No sooner were the gates opened than
a wholesale plunder and slaughter ensued. A Greek ecclesiastic has
described the scene. "Women wounded with musket-balls and sabre-cuts
rushed to the sea, seeking to escape, and were deliberately shot.
Mothers robbed of their clothes, with infants in their arms, plunged
into the water to conceal themselves from shame, and they were then
made a mark for inhuman riflemen. Greeks seized infants from their
mothers' breasts and dashed them against the rocks. Children, three
and four years old, were hurled, living, into the sea, and left to
drown. When the massacre was ended, the dead bodies washed ashore, or
piled on the beach, threatened to cause a pestilence."[A] At the sack
of Tripolitza, on the 8th of October, about eight thousand Moslems
were murdered, the last two thousand, chiefly women and children,
being taken into a neighbouring ravine, there to be slaughtered at
leisure. Two years afterwards a ghastly heap of bones attested the
inhuman deed.

[Footnote A: Finlay, vol. i.; p. 263, citing Phrantzes.]

In ways like these the first stage of the Greek Revolution was
achieved. Before the close of 1821, it appeared to the Greeks
themselves, to their Moslem enemies, and to their many friends in
England, France, and other countries, that the triumph was complete.
Unfortunately, the same bad motives and the same bad methods that had
so grievously polluted the torrent of patriotism continued to poison
and disturb the stream which might otherwise have been henceforth
clear, steady, and health-giving. Greece was free, but, unless another
and a much harder revolution could be effected in the temper and
conduct of its own people, unfit to put its freedom to good use or
even to maintain it. "The rapid success of the Greeks during the first
few weeks of the revolution," says their ablest historian, "threw the
management of much civil and financial business into the hands of the
proësti and demogeronts in office. The primates, who already exercised
great official authority, instantly appropriated that which had been
hitherto exercised by murdered voivodes and beys. Every primate strove
to make himself a little independent potentate, and every captain of
a district assumed the powers of a commander-in-chief. The Revolution,
before six months had passed, seemed to have peopled Greece with a
host of little Ali Pashas. When the primate and the captain acted in
concert, they collected the public revenues; administered the Turkish
property, which was declared national; enrolled, paid, and provisioned
as many troops as circumstances required, or as they thought fit;
named officers; formed a local guard for the primate of the best
soldiers in the place, who were thus often withdrawn from the public
service; and organised a local police and a local treasury. This I
system of local self-government, constituted in a very self-willed
manner, and relieved from almost all responsibility, was soon
established as a natural result of the Revolution over all Greece.
The Sultan's authority having ceased, every primate assumed the
prerogatives of the Sultan. For a few weeks this state of things was
unavoidable, and, to an able and honest chief or government, it would
have facilitated the establishment of a strong central authority; but
by the vices of Greek society it was perpetuated into an organised
anarchy. No improvement was made in financial arrangements, or in the
system of taxation; no measures were adopted for rendering property
more secure; no attempt was made to create an equitable administration
of justice; no courts of law were established; and no financial
accounts were published. Governments were formed, constitutions were
drawn up, national assemblies met, orators debated, and laws were
passed according to the political fashion patronised by the liberals
of the day. But no effort was made to prevent the Government
being virtually absolute, unless it was by rendering it absolutely
powerless. The constitutions were framed to remain a dead letter. The
national assemblies were nothing but conferences of parties, and the
laws passed were intended to fascinate Western Europe, not to operate
with effect in Greece."[A]

[Footnote A: Finlay, vol. i., pp. 280, 281.]

The supreme government of Greece had been assumed in June by Prince
Demetrius Hypsilantes, a worthier man than his brother Alexander, but
by no means equal to the task he took in hand. At first the brigand
chiefs and local potentates, not willing to surrender any of the power
they had acquired, were disposed to render to him nominal submission,
believing that his name and his Russian influence would be serviceable
to the cause of Greece. But Hypsilantes showed himself utterly
incompetent, and it was soon apparent that his sympathies were wholly
alien to those both of the Greek people and of their military and
civil leaders. Therefore another master had to be chosen. Kolokotrones
might have succeeded to the dignity, and he certainly had vigour
enough of disposition, and enough honesty and dishonesty combined, to
make the position one of power as well as of dignity. For that very
reason, however, his comrades and rivals were unwilling to place him
in it. They desired a president skilful enough to hold the reins of
government with a very loose hand, yet so as to keep them from getting
hopelessly entangled—one who should be a smart secretary and adviser,
without assuming the functions of a director.

Such a man they found in Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos, then about
thirty-two years old. He was a kinsman of a Hospodar of Wallachia,
by whom he had in his youth been employed in political matters. After
that he had resided in France, where he acquired much fresh knowledge,
and where his popularity helped to quicken sympathy on behalf of
the Greek Revolution at its first outburst. He had lately come
to Missolonghi with a ship-load of ammunition and other material,
procured and brought at his own expense, and soon attained
considerable influence. Always courteous in his manners, only
ungenerous in his actions where the interests of others came into
collision with his own, less strong-willed and less ambitious than
most of his associates, those associates were hardly jealous of his
popularity at home, and wholly pleased with his popularity among
foreigners. It was a clear gain to their cause to have Shelley writing
his "Hellas," and dedicating the poem to Mavrocordatos, as "a token of
admiration, sympathy, and friendship."

Mavrocordatos was named President of Greece in the Constitution of
Epidaurus, chiefly his own workmanship, which was proclaimed on the
13th of January—New Year's Day, according to the reckoning of the
Greek Church—1822. It is not necessary here to detail his own acts or
those of his real or professing subordinates. All we have to do is to
furnish a general account, and a few characteristic illustrations, of
the course of events during the Greek Revolution, in explanation of
the state of parties and of politics at the time of Lord Cochrane's
advent among them. These events were marked by continuance of the same
selfish policy, divided interests, class prejudice, and individual
jealousy that have been already referred to. The mass of the Greek
people were, as they had been from the first, zealous in their desire
for freedom, and, having won it, they were not unwilling to use it
honestly. For their faults their leaders are chiefly to be blamed; and
in apology for those leaders, it must be remembered that they were an
assemblage of soldiers who had been schooled in oriental brigandage,
of priests whose education had been in a corrupt form of Christianity
made more corrupt by persecution, of merchants who had found it hard
to trade without trickery, and of seamen who had been taught to
regard piracy as an honourable vocation. Perhaps we have less cause to
condemn them for the errors and vices that they exhibited during their
fight for freedom, than to wonder that those errors and vices were not
more reprehensible in themselves and disastrous in their issues.

For about six years the fight was maintained without foreign aid, save
that given by private volunteers and generous champions in Western
Europe, against a state numerically nearly twenty times as strong as
the little community of revolutionists. In it, along with much wanton
cruelty, was displayed much excellent heroism. But the heroism was
reckless and undisciplined, and therefore often worse than useless.

Memorable instances both of recklessness and of want of discipline
appeared in the attempts made to wrest Chios from the Turks in 1822.
The Greek inhabitants of this island, on whom the Turkish yoke pressed
lightly, had refused to join in the insurgent movement of their
brethren on the mainland and in the neighbouring islands. But it was
considered that a little coercion would induce them to share in
the Revolution and convert their prosperous island into a Greek
possession. Therefore, in March, a small force of two thousand five
hundred men crossed the archipelago, took possession of Koutari,
the principal town, and proceeded to invest the Turkish citadel.
The Chiots, though perhaps not very willingly, took part in the
enterprise; but the invading party was quite unequal to the work it
had undertaken. In April a formidable Turkish squadron arrived, and
by it Chios was easily recovered, to become the scene of vindictive
atrocities, which brought all the terrified inhabitants who were
not slaughtered, or who could not escape, into abject submission.
Thereupon, on the 10th of May, a Greek fleet of fifty-six vessels was
despatched by Mavrocordatos to attempt a more thorough capture of the
island. Its commander was Andreas Miaoulis, a Hydriot merchant, who
proved himself the best sea-captain among the Greeks. Had Miaoulis
been able, as he wished, to start sooner and meet the Turkish squadron
on its way to Chios, a brilliant victory might have resulted, instead
of one of the saddest catastrophes in the whole Greek war. Being
deterred therefrom by the vacillation of Mavrocordatos and the
insubordination of his captains and their crews, he was only able to
reach the island when it was again in the hands of the enemy, and when
all was ready for withstanding him. There was useless fighting on the
31st of May and the two following days. On the 18th of June, Miaoulis
made another attack; but he was only able to destroy the Turkish
flag-ship, and nearly all on board, by means of a fire-vessel. His
fleet was unmanageable, and he had to abandon the enterprise and to
leave the unfortunate Chiots to endure further punishment for offences
that were not their own. This punishment was so terrible that, in six
months, the population of Chios was reduced from one hundred thousand
to thirty thousand. Twenty thousand managed to escape. Fifty thousand
were either put to death or sold as slaves in Asia Minor.

That failure of the Greeks at Chios, quickly followed by their
defeat on land at Petta, greatly disheartened the revolutionists.
Mavrocordatos virtually resigned his presidentship, and there was
anarchy in Greece till 1828. Athens, captured from the Turks in June,
1822, became the centre of jealous rivalry and visionary scheming,
mismanagement, and government that was worse than no government at
all. Odysseus, the vilest of the vile men whom the Revolution brought
to the surface, was its master for some time; and, when he played
traitor to the Turks, he was succeeded by others hardly better than
himself.

In spite of some heavy disasters, however, the Greeks were so far
successful during 1822 that in 1823 they were able to hold their
newly-acquired territory and to wrest some more fortresses from their
enemies. The real heroism that they had displayed, moreover—the foul
cruelties of which they were guilty and the selfish courses which they
pursued being hardly reported to their friends, and, when reported,
hardly believed—awakened keen sympathy on their behalf. Shelley and
Byron, and many others of less note, had sung their virtues and their
sufferings in noble verse and enlarged upon them in eloquent prose,
and in England and France, in Switzerland, Germany, and the United
States, a strong party of Philhellenes was organized to collect money
and send recruits for their assistance.

The two Philhellenes of greatest note who served in Greece during the
earlier years of the Revolution were Thomas Gordon and Frank Abney
Hastings. Gordon, who attained the rank of general in the army of
independence, had the advantage of a long previous and thorough
acquaintance with the character of both Turks and Greeks and with the
languages that they spoke. He watched all the revolutionary movements
from the beginning, and took part in many of them. In the "History
of the Greek Revolution," which he published in 1832, he gave such
a vivid and, in the main, so accurate an account of them that his
narrative has formed the basis of the more ambitious work of the
native historian, Mr. Trikoupes. Of the vices and errors of the
people on whose behalf he fought and wrote he spoke boldly. "Whatever
national or individual wrong the Greeks may have endured," he said
in one place, "it is impossible to justify the ferocity of their
vengeance or to deny that a comparison instituted between them and the
Ottoman generals, Mehemet Aboulaboud, Omer Vrioni, and the Kehaya Bey
of Kurshid, would give to the latter the palm of humanity. Humanity,
however, is a word quite out of place when applied either to them or
to their opponents." In another page, further denouncing the Greek
leaders, he wrote: "Panourias was the worst of these local despots,
whom some writers have elevated into heroes. He was, in fact, an
ignoble robber, hardened in evil. He enriched himself with the spoils
of the Mahometans; yet he and his retinue of brigands compelled the
people to maintain them at free quarters, in idleness and luxury,
exacting not only bread, meat, wine, and forage, but also sugar and
coffee. Hence springs the reflection that the Greeks had cause to
repent their early predilection for the klephts, who were almost all,
beginning with Kolokotrones, infamous for the sordid perversity of
their dispositions."[A] Gordon's disinterested and brave efforts to
bring about a better state of things and to help on the cause of
real patriotism in Greece were highly praiseworthy; but, as another
historian has truly said, "he did not possess the activity and
decision of character necessary to obtain commanding influence in
council, or to initiate daring measures in the field."[B]

[Footnote A: Gordon, vol. i., pp. 313, 400.]

[Footnote B: Finlay, vol. ii., p. 129.]

Frank Abney Hastings was an abler man. Born in 1794, he was started in
the naval profession when only eleven years old. Six months after the
commencement of his midshipman's life he was present, on board the
_Neptune_, at the battle of Trafalgar, and during the ensuing fourteen
years he served in nearly every quarter of the globe. His independent
spirit, however—something akin to Lord Cochrane's—brought him into
disfavour, and, in 1819, for challenging a superior officer who had
insulted him, he was dismissed from the British navy. Disheartened and
disgusted, he resided in France for about three years. At length he
resolved to go and fight for the Greeks, partly out of sympathy for
their cause, partly as a relief from the misery of forced idleness,
partly with the view of developing a plan which he had been devising
for extending the use of steamships in naval warfare,—to which last
excellent improvement he greatly contributed. He arrived at Hydra in
April, 1822, just in time to take part in the fighting off Chios.
One of his ingenious suggestions, made to Andreas Miaoulis, and its
reception, have been described by himself. "I proposed to direct a
fireship and three other vessels upon the frigate, and, when near the
enemy, to set fire to certain combustibles which should throw out
a great flame. The enemy would naturally conclude they were all
fireships. The vessels were then to attach themselves to the frigate,
fire broadsides, double-shotted, throwing on board the enemy at the
same time combustible balls which gave a great smoke without flame.
This would doubtless induce him to believe he was on fire, and give
a most favourable opportunity for boarding him. However, the admiral
returned my plan, saying only [Greek: kalo], without asking a single
question, or wishing me to explain its details; and I observed a kind
of insolent contempt in his manner. This interview with the admiral
disgusted me. They place you in a position in which it is impossible
to render any service, and then they boast of their own superiority,
and of the uselessness of the Franks, as they call us, in Turkish
warfare." Miaoulis, however, soon gained wisdom and made good use of
Captain Hastings, who spent more than 7000£—all his patrimony—in
serving the Greeks. He was almost the only officer in their employ
who, during the earlier years of the Revolution, succeeded in
establishing any sort of discipline or good management.

Lord Byron, the most illustrious of all the early Philhellenes, used
to say, shortly before his death, that with Napier at the head of the
army and Hastings in command of a fleet the triumph of Greece might
be insured. Byron was then at Missolonghi, whither he had gone in
January, 1824, to die in April. Long before, while stirring up the
sympathy of all lovers of liberty for the cause of regeneration in
Greece, he had shown that regeneration could be by no means a short or
easy work, and now he had to report that the real work was hardly
yet begun—nay, that it seemed almost further off than ever. "Of the
Greeks," he wrote, "I can't say much good hitherto, and I do not like
to speak ill of them, though they do of one another."

It was chiefly at Byron's instigation that the first Greek loan was
contracted, in London, early in 1824. Its proceeds, 300,000£, were
spent partly in unprofitable outlay upon ships, ammunition, and the
like, of which the people were in no position to make good use, but
mostly in civil war and in pandering to the greed and vanity of the
members of the Government and their subordinate officials. "Phanariots
and doctors in medicine," says an eye-witness, "who, in the month
of April, 1824, were clad in ragged coats, and who lived on scanty
rations, threw off that patriotic chrysalis before summer was past,
and emerged in all the splendour of brigand life, fluttering about in
rich Albanian habiliments, refulgent with brilliant and unused arms,
and followed by diminutive pipe-bearers and tall henchmen."[A]

[Footnote A: Finky, vol. ii. p. 39.]

Even the scanty allowance made by the Greek Government out of its
newly-acquired wealth for fighting purposes was for the most part
squandered almost as frivolously. One general who drew pay and rations
for seven hundred soldiers went to fight and die at Sphakteria at
the head of seventeen armed peasants.[A] And that is only a glaring
instance of peculations that were all but universal.

[Footnote A: Trikoupes, vol. iii., p. 206.]

That being the degradation to which the leaders of the Greek
Revolution had sunk, it is not strange that its gains in previous
years should have begun in 1824 to be followed by heavy losses. The
Greek people—the peasants and burghers—were still patriots, though
ill-trained and misdirected. They could defend their own homesteads
with unsurpassed heroism, and hold their own mountains and valleys
with fierce persistency. But they were unfit for distant fighting,
even when their chiefs consented to employ them in it. Sultan Mahmud,
therefore, who had been profiting by the hard experience of former
years, and whose strength had been steadily growing while the power
of the insurgents had been rapidly weakening, entered on a new and
successful policy. He left the Greeks to waste their energies in their
own possessions, and resolved to recapture, one after another, the
outposts and ill-protected islands. For this he took especial care
in augmenting his navy, and, besides developing his own resources,
induced his powerful and turbulent vassal, Mohammed Ali, the Pasha of
Egypt, to equip a formidable fleet and entrust it to his son Ibrahim,
on whom was conferred the title of Vizier of the Morea.

Even without that aid Mahmud was able to do much in furtherance of his
purpose. The island of Kasos was easily recovered, and full vengeance
was wreaked on its Greek inhabitants on the 20th of June. Soon
afterwards Psara was seized and punished yet more hardly.

On the 19th of July Ibrahim left Alexandria with a naval force which
swept the southern seas of Greek pirates or privateers. On the 1st
of September he effected a junction with the Turkish fleet at Budrun.
Their united strength comprised forty-six ships, frigates, and
corvettes, and about three hundred transports, large and small. The
Greek fleet, between seventy and eighty sail, would have been strong
enough to withstand it under any sort of good management; but good
management was wanting, and the crews were quite beyond the control of
their masters. The result was that in a series of small battles during
the autumn of 1824 the Mahometans were generally successful, and their
enemies found themselves at the close of the year terribly discomfited
The little organization previously existing was destroyed, and the
revolutionists felt that they had no prospect of advantageously
carrying on their strife at sea without assistance and guidance that
could not be looked for among themselves.

Their troubles were increased in the following year. In February and
March, 1825, Ibrahim landed a formidable army in the Morea, and began
a course of operations in which the land forces and the fleet
combined to dispossess the Greeks of their chief strongholds. The
strongly-fortified island of Sphakteria, the portal of Navarino and
Pylos, was taken on the 8th of May. Pylos capitulated on the 11th,
and Navarino on the 21st of the same month. Other citadels, one after
another, were surrendered; and Ibrahim and his army spent the summer
in scouring the Morea and punishing its inhabitants, with the utmost
severity, for the lawless brigandage and the devoted patriotism of
which they had been guilty during the past four years.

The result was altogether disheartening to the Greeks. They saw that
their condition was indeed desperate. George Konduriottes, a Hydriot
merchant, an Albanian who could not speak Greek, and who was alike
unable to govern himself or others, had, in June, 1824, been named
president of the republic, and since then the rival interests of the
primates, the priests, and the military leaders had been steadily
causing the decay of all that was left of patriotism and increase of
the selfishness that had so long been rampant.

There was one consequence of this degradation, however, which promised
to be very beneficial. Seeing that their cause was being rapidly
weakened, and that their hard-fought battle for liberty was in danger
of speedy and ignominious reversal by their own divisions, by the
stealthy encroachments of the Ottomans in the north, and by the more
energetic advances of the Egyptians in the south, the Greeks resolved
to abandon some of their jealousies and greeds, to look for a saviour
from without, and, on his coming, to try and submit themselves
honestly and heartily to his leadership. The issue of that resolution
was the following letter, written by Mavrocordatos, then Secretary to
the National Assembly:—

"Milord,—Tandis que vos rares talens étaient consacrés à procurer le
bonheur d'un pays séparé par un espace immense de la Grèce, celle-ci
ne voyait pas sans admiration, sans intérêt, sans une espèce de
jalousie secrète même, les succès brillants qui ont toujours couronné
vos nobles efforts, et rendu à l'indépendance un des plus beaux, des
plus riches pays du monde. Votre retour en Angleterre a excité la plus
vive joie dans le coeur du citoyen Grèc et de ses représentans par
l'espoir flattereur qu'ils commencent à concevoir que, celui qui s'est
si noblement dédié à procurer le bonheur d'une nation, ne refusera
pas d'en faire autant pour celui d'une autre, qui ne lui offre pas
une carrière moins brillante et moins digne de lui et par son nom
historique, et par ses malheurs passés et par ses efforts actuels pour
reconquérir sa liberté et son indépendance. Les mers qui rappellent
les victoires des Thémistocles et des Timon, ne seront pas un théâtre
indifférent pour celui qui sait apprécier les grands hommes, et un des
premiers amiraux de notre siècle ne verra qu' avec plaisir qu'il est
appellé à renouveler les beaux jours de Salamine et de Mycale à la
tête des Miaoulis, des Sachtouris et des Kanaris.

"C'est avec la plus grande satisfaction, milord, que je me vois chargé
de faire, au nom du Gouvernement, à votre seigneurie, la proposition
du commandement général des forces navales de la Grèce. Si votre
seigneurie est disposée à l'accepter, Messieurs les Deputés
du Gouvernement Grèc à Londres ont toute l'autorisation et les
instructions nécessaires pour combiner avec elle sur les moyens à
mettre à sa disposition, afin d'utiliser le plutôt possible
votre noble décision et accélérer l'heureux moment que la Grèce
reconnaissante et enthousiasmée vous verra combattre pour la cause de
sa liberté.

"Je profite de cette occasion pour prier votre seigneurie de vouloir
bien agréer l'assurance de mon respect et de la plus haute estime avec
laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'être, milord, de votre seigneurie le très
humble et très obéissant serviteur,

"A. Mavrocordatos,

"Naples de Romanie,

"Secre-genl d'Etat.

"
_le 20 Août_, —————- 1825 1er 7bre

"A Sa Seigneurie le très Honorable Lord Cochrane, à Londres."




CHAPTER XIV.


LORD COCHRANE's DISMISSAL FROM BRAZILIAN SERVICE, AND HIS ACCEPTANCE
OF EMPLOYMENT AS CHIEF ADMIRAL OF THE GREEKS.—THE GREEK COMMITTEE AND
THE GREEK DEPUTIES IN LONDON—THE TERMS OF LORD COCHRANE's AGREEMENT,
AND THE CONSEQUENT PREPARATIONS.—HIS VISIT TO SCOTLAND—SIR WALTER
SCOTT'S VERSES ON LADY COCHRANE.—LORD COCHRANE'S FORCED RETIREMENT TO
BOULOGNE, AND THENCE TO BRUSSELS.—THE DELAYS IN FITTING OUT THE
GREEK ARMAMENT.—CAPTAIN HASTINGS, MR. HOBHOUSE, AND SIR FRANCES
BURDETT.—CAPTAIN HASTINGS'S MEMOIR ON THE GREEK LEADERS AND
THEIR CHARACTERS.—THE FIRST CONSEQUENCE OF LORD COCHRANE's NEW
ENTERPRISE.—THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S INDIRECT MESSAGE TO LORD
COCHRANE.—THE GREEK DEPUTIES' PROPOSAL TO LORD COCHRANE AND HIS
ANSWER.—THE FINAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR HIS DEPARTURE.—THE MESSIAH OF THE
GREEKS.

[1825-1826.]

The letter from Mavrocordatos quoted in the last chapter was only part
of a series of negotiations that had been long pending. Lord Cochrane,
as we have seen, had arrived at Portsmouth on the 26th of June, 1825,
in command of a Brazilian war-ship and still holding office as First
Admiral of the Empire of Brazil. His intention in visiting England
had been only to effect the necessary repairs in his ship before going
back to Rio de Janeiro. He had no sooner arrived, however, than it was
clear to him, from the vague and insolent language of the Brazilian
envoy in London, that it was designed by that official, if not by the
authorities in Rio de Janeiro, to oust him from his command. During
four months he remained in uncertainty, determined not willingly to
retire from his Brazilian service, but gradually convinced by the
increasing insolence of the envoy's treatment of him that it would
be inexpedient for him hastily to return to Brazil, where, before
his departure, he had experienced the grossest ingratitude for his
brilliant achievements and neglect and abuse of all sorts. At length,
in November, upon learning that his captain and crew had been formally
instructed to "cast off all subordination" to him, he deemed that he
had no alternative but to consider himself dismissed from Brazilian
employment and free to enter upon a new engagement.

That engagement had been urged upon him even while he was in South
America by his friends in England, who were also devoted friends to
the cause of Greek independence, and the proposal had been renewed
very soon after his arrival at Portsmouth. It was so freely talked of
among all classes of the English public and so openly discussed in the
newspapers before the middle of August that by it Lord Cochrane's last
relations with the Brazilian envoy were seriously complicated. "Lord
Cochrane is looking very well, after eight years of harassing and
ungrateful service," wrote Sir Francis Burdett on the 20th of August,
"and, I trust, will be the liberator of Greece. What a glorious
title!"

It is needless to say that Sir Francis Burdett, always the noble
and disinterested champion of the oppressed, and the far-seeing and
fearless advocate of liberty both at home and abroad, was a leading
member of the Greek Committee in London. This committee was a
counterpart—though composed of more illustrious members than any of
the others—of Philhellenic associations that had been organized in
nearly every capital of Europe and in the chief towns of the United
States. Everywhere a keen sympathy was aroused on behalf of the
down-trodden Greeks; and the sympathy only showed itself more
zealously when it appeared that the Greeks were still burdened with
the moral degradation of their long centuries of slavery, and needed
the guidance and support of men more fortunately trained than they
had been in ways of freedom. Such a man, and foremost among such men,
always generous, wise, and earnest, was Sir Francis Burdett, Lord
Cochrane's oldest and best political friend, his readiest adviser
and stoutest defender all through the weary time of his subjection to
unmerited disgrace and heartless contumely. Another leading member
of the Greek Committee was Mr. John Cam Hobhouse, afterwards Lord
Broughton, Lord Byron's friend and fellow-traveller, now Sir Francis
Burdett's colleague in the representation of Westminster as successor
to Lord Cochrane. Another of high note was Mr. Edward Ellice, eminent
alike as a merchant and as a statesman. Another, no less eminent, was
Joseph Hume. Another was Mr. (afterwards Sir) John Bowring, secretary
to the Greek Committee. By them and many others the progress of the
Greek Revolution was carefully watched and its best interests were
strenuously advocated, and by all the return of Lord Cochrane to
England and the prospect of his enlistment in the Philhellenic
enterprise afforded hearty satisfaction. To them the real liberty of
Greece was a cherished object; and one and all united in welcoming the
great promoter of Chilian and Brazilian independence as the liberator
of Greece.

Other honest friends of Greece were less sanguine, and more disposed
to urge caution upon Lord Cochrane. "My very dear friend," wrote one
of them, Dr. William Porter, from Bristol on the 25th of August, "I
will not suffer you to be longer in England without welcoming you; for
your health, happiness, and fame are all dear to me. I have followed
you in your Transatlantic career with deep feelings of anxiety for
your life, but none for your glory: I know you too well to entertain
a fear for that. I had hoped that you would repose on your laurels and
enjoy the evening of life in peace, but am told that you are about to
launch a thunderbolt against the Grand Seignior on behalf of Greece.
I wish to see Greece free; but could also wish you to rest from your
labours. For a sexagenarian to command a fleet in ordinary war is an
easy task, and even threescore and ten might do it; but fifty years
are too many to conduct a naval war for a people whose pretensions to
nautical skill you will find on a thousand occasions to give rise to
jealousies against you. You will also find that on some important day
they will withhold their co-operation, in order to rob you of your
glory. The cause of Greece is, nevertheless, a glorious cause. Our
remembrance of what their ancestors did at Salamis, at Marathon, at
Thermopylae, gives an additional interest to all that concerns them.
But, to say the truth of them, they are a race of tigers, and their
ancestors were the same. I shall be glad to see them fall upon their
aigretted keeper and his pashas; but, confound them! I would not
answer for their destroying the man that would break their fetters and
set them loose in all the power of recognised freedom."

There was much truth in those opinions, and Lord Cochrane was not
blind to it. That he, though now in his fiftieth year, was too old
for any difficult seamanship or daring warfare that came in his way
he certainly was not inclined to admit; but he was not quite as
enthusiastic as Sir Francis Burdett and many of his other friends
regarding the immediate purposes and the ultimate issue of the Greek
Revolution. He was now as hearty a lover of liberty, and as willing
to employ all his great experience and his excellent ability in its
service, as he had been eight years before when he went to aid the
cause of South American independence. But both in Chili and in Brazil
he had suffered much himself, and, what was yet more galling to one
of his generous disposition, had seen how grievously his disinterested
efforts for the benefit of others had been stultified, by the
selfishness and imprudence, the meanness and treachery of those whom
he had done his utmost to direct in a sure and rapid way of freedom.
He feared, and had good reason for fearing, like disappointments in
any relations into which he might enter with Greece. Therefore, though
he readily consented to work for the Hellenic revolutionists, as he
had worked for the Chilians and Brazilians, he did so with
something of a forlorn hope, with a fear—which in the end was fully
justified—that thereby his own troubles might only be augmented, and
that his philanthropic plans might in great measure be frustrated.
Coming newly to England, where the real state of affairs in Greece,
the selfishness of the leaders, the want of discipline among
the masses, and the consequent weakness and embarrassment to the
revolutionary cause, were not thoroughly understood, and where this
understanding was especially difficult for him without previous
acquaintance even with all the details that were known and apprehended
by his friends, he yet saw enough to lead him to the belief that
the work they wished him to do in Greece would be harder and more
thankless than they supposed.

This must be remembered as an answer to the first of the
misstatements—misstatements that will have to be controverted
at every stage of the ensuing narrative—which were carefully
disseminated, and have been persistently recorded by political
opponents and jealous rivals of Lord Cochrane. It has been alleged
that he was induced by mercenary motives, and by them alone, to enter
the service of the Greeks. His sole inducements were a desire to do
his best on all occasions towards the punishment of oppressors and
the relief of the oppressed, and a desire, hardly less strong, to seek
relief in the naval enterprise that was always very dear to him
from the oppression under which he himself suffered so heavily.
The ingratitude that he had lately experienced in Chili and Brazil,
however, bringing upon him much present embarrassment in lawsuits and
other troubles, led him to use what was only common prudence in his
negotiations with the Greek Committee and with the Greek deputies,
John Orlando and Andreas Luriottis, who were in London at the time,
and on whom devolved the formal arrangements for employing him and
providing him with suitable equipments for his work.

These were done with help of a second Greek loan, contracted in London
in 1825, for 2,000,000£ Out of this sum it was agreed that Lord
Cochrane was to receive 37,000£ at starting, and a further sum of
20,000£ on the completion of his services; and that he was to be
provided with a suitable squadron, for which purpose 150,000£ were
to be expended in the construction of six steamships in England, and a
like sum on the building and fitting out of two sixty-gun frigates in
the United States. With the disappointments that he had experienced
in Chili and Brazil fresh in his mind, he refused to enter on this new
engagement without a formidable little fleet, manned by English and
American seamen, and under his exclusive direction; and he further
stipulated that the entire Greek fleet should be at his sole
command, and that he should have full power to carry out his views
independently of the Greek Government.

These arrangements were completed on the 16th of August, except that
Lord Cochrane, not having yet been actually dismissed by the Brazilian
envoy, refused formally to pledge himself to his new employers. In
conjunction with Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. Ellice, and
the Ricardos, as contractors, however, he made all the preliminary
arrangements, and before the end of August he went for a two months'
visit to his native county and other parts of Scotland, from which he
had been absent more than twenty years.

One incident in that visit was noteworthy. On the 3rd of October, Lord
and Lady Cochrane, being in Edinburgh, went to the theatre, where
an eager crowd assembled to do them honour. Into the after-piece an
allusion to South America was specially introduced. Upon that
the whole audience rose and, turning to the seats occupied by the
visitors, showed their admiration by plaudits so long and so vehement
that Lady Cochrane, overpowered by her feelings, burst into tears.
Thereupon Sir Walter Scott, who was in the theatre, wrote the
following verses:—

  "I knew thee, lady, by that glorious eye,
  By that pure brow and those dark locks of thine,
  I knew thee for a soldier's bride, and high
  My full heart bounded: for the golden mine
  Of heavenly thought kindled at sight of thee,
  Radiant with all the stars of memory.

  "I knew thee, and, albeit, myself unknown,
  I called on Heaven to bless thee for thy love,
  The strength, the constancy thou long hast shown,
  Each selfish aim, each womanish fear above:
  And, lady, Heaven is with thee; thou art blest,
  Blest in whatever thy immortal soul loves best.

  "Thy name, ask Brazil, for she knows it well;
  It is a name a hero gave to thee;
  In every letter lurks there not a spell,—
  The mighty spell of immortality?
  Ye sail together down time's glittering stream;
  Around your heads two glittering haloes gleam.

  "Even now, as through the air the plaudits rung,
  I marked the smiles that in her features came;
  She caught the word that fell from every tongue,
  And her eye brightened at her Cochrane's name;
  And brighter yet became her bright eyes' blaze;
  It was his country, and she felt the praise,—

  "Ay, even as a woman, and his bride, should feel,
  With all the warmth of an o'erflowing soul:
  Unshaken she had seen the ensanguined steel,
  Unshaken she had heard war's thunders roll,
  But now her noble heart could find relief
  In tears alone, though not the tears of grief.

  "May the gods guard thee, lady, whereso'er
  Thou wanderest in thy love and loveliness!
  For thee may every scene and sky be fair,
  Each hour instinct with more than happiness!
  May all thou valuest be good and great,
  And be thy wishes thy own future fate!"

Those aspirations were very far from realised. Even during his brief
holiday in Scotland, Lord Cochrane was troubled by the news that Mr.
Galloway, the engineer to whom had been entrusted the chief work in
constructing steam-boilers for the Greek vessels, was proceeding very
slowly with his task. "My conviction is," wrote Mr. Ellice, "that
Galloway, in undertaking so much, has promised what he can never
perform, and that it will be Christmas, if not later, before the
whole work is completed. No engines are to be got either in Glasgow or
Liverpool. You know I am not sanguine, and the sooner you are here to
judge for yourself the better. There has been no hesitation about the
means from the beginning, but money will not produce steam-engines and
vessels in these times."

In consequence of that letter, Lord Cochrane hurried up to London at
once, intending personally to superintend and hasten on the work. He
arrived on the 3rd of November; but only to find that fresh troubles
were in store for him. He had already been exposed to vexatious
litigation, arising out of groundless and malicious prosecutions with
reference to his Brazilian enterprise. He was now informed that a more
serious prosecution was being initiated. The Foreign Enlistment Act,
passed shortly after his acceptance of service under the Chilian
Republic, and at the special instigation of the Spanish Government,
had made his work in South America an indictable offence; but it was
supposed that no action would be taken against him now that he had
returned to England. As soon as it was publicly known, however, that
he was about to embark in a new enterprise, on behalf of Greece, steps
were taken to restrain him by means of an indictment on the score of
his former employment. "There is a most unchristian league against
us," he wrote to his secretary, "and fearful odds too. To be
prosecuted at home, and not permitted to go abroad, is the devil. How
can I be prosecuted for fighting in Brazil for the heir-apparent
to the throne, who, whilst his father was held in restraint by the
rebellious Cortes, contended for the legitimate rights of the royal
House of Braganza, then the ally of England, who had, during the
contest, by the presence of her consuls and other official agents,
sanctioned the acts of the Prince Regent of Brazil?"

It soon became clear, however, that the Government had found some
justification of its conduct, and that active measures were being
adopted for Lord Cochrane's punishment. He was warned by Mr. Brougham
that, if he stayed many days longer in England, he would be arrested
and so prevented not only from facilitating the construction of the
Greek vessels, but even from going to Greece at all. Therefore, at the
earnest advice of his friends, he left London for Calais on the 9th
of November, soon to proceed to Boulogne, where he was joined by his
family, and where he waited for six weeks, vainly hoping that in
his absence the contractors and their overseers would see that the
ship-building was promptly and properly executed.

While at Boulogne, foreseeing the troubles that would ensue from
these new difficulties, he was half inclined to abandon his Greek
engagement, and in that temper he wrote to Sir Francis Burdett for
advice. "I have taken four-and-twenty hours," wrote his good friend
in answer, on the 18th of November, "to consider your last letter, and
have not one moment varied in my first opinion as to the propriety
of your persevering in your glorious career. According to Brougham's
opinion, you cannot be put in a worse situation,—that is, more in
peril of Government here,—by continuing foreign service in the Greek
cause than you already stand in by having served the Emperor of the
Brazils. In my opinion you will be in a great deal less; for, the
greater your renown, the less power will your enemies have, whatever
may be their inclination, to meddle with you. Perhaps they only at
present desist to look out for a better opportunity, 'reculer pour
mieux sauter,' like the tiger. I don't mean to accuse them of this
baseness; but, should it be the case, the less you do the more power
they will have to injure you, if so inclined. Were they to prosecute
you for having served the Brazilian Emperor, it would call forth no
public sympathy, or but slight, in your favour. The case would be
thought very hard, to be sure; but that would be all. Not so, should
you triumph in the Greek cause. Transcendent glory would not only
crown but protect you. No minister would dare to wag a finger—no, nor
even Crown lawyer a tongue—against you; and, if they did, the feeling
of the whole English public would surround you with an impenetrable
shield. Fines would be paid; imprisonment protested and petitioned
against; in short, I am convinced the nation would be in a flame, and
you in far less danger of any attempt to your injury than at present.
This, my dear Lord Cochrane, is my firm conviction."

Encouraged by that letter and other like expressions of opinion from
his English friends, Lord Cochrane determined to persevere in his
Greek enterprise, and to reside at Boulogne until the fleet that was
being prepared for him was ready for service. He had to wait, however,
very much longer than had been anticipated, and he was unable to wait
all the time in Boulogne. There also prosecution threatened him. About
the middle of December he heard that proceedings were about to be
instituted against him for his detention, while in the Pacific, of a
French brig named _La Gazelle_, the real inducement thereto being in
the fact, as it was reported, that the French Government had espoused
the cause of the Pasha of Egypt, and so was averse to such a plan
for destroying the Egyptian fleet under Ibrahim as Lord Cochrane
was concocting. Therefore, he deemed it expedient to quit French
territory, and accordingly he left Boulogne on the 23rd of December,
and took up his residence at Brussels, with his family, on the 28th of
the same month.

Through four weary months and more he was waiting at Brussels,
harassed by the prosecutions arising out of the lawsuits that have
been already alluded to, in reference to which he said in one letter,
"I think I must make up my mind, though it is a hard task, to quit
England for ever;" harassed even more by the knowledge that the
building and fitting out of the vessels for his Greek expedition were
being delayed on frivolous pretexts and for selfish ends, which his
presence in London, if that had been possible, might, to a great
extent, have averted. "The welfare of Greece at this moment rests much
on your lordship," wrote Orlando, the chief deputy in London, "and
I dare hope that you will hasten her triumph:" yet Orlando and his
fellows were idling in London, profiting by delays that increased
their opportunities of peculation, and doing nothing to quicken the
construction of the fleet. Galloway, the engineer, wrote again and
again to promise that his work should be done in three weeks,—it was
always "three weeks hence;" yet he was well informed that Galloway
was wilfully negligent, though he did not know till afterwards that
Galloway, having private connections with the Pasha of Egypt, never
intended to do the work which he was employed to do. Lord Cochrane had
good friends at home in Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Hobhouse, and others;
but they were not competent to take personal supervision of the
details. He had an experienced deputy in Captain Abney Hastings, who
had come from Greece some time before, and who was now to return
as Lord Cochrane's second in command; but Captain Hastings,
single-handed, could not exert much influence upon the rogues with
whom he had to deal. "The _Perseverance_," he wrote of the largest of
the ships, which was to be ready first, on the 10th of December, "may
perhaps be ready to sail in six weeks—Mr. Galloway has said three
weeks for the last month; but to his professions I do not, and have
not for a length of time, paid the slightest attention. I believe he
does all he can do; all I object against him is that he promises
more than he can perform, and promises with the determination of not
performing it. The _Perseverance_ is a fine vessel. Her power of two
forty-horses will, however, be feeble. I suspect you are not quite
aware of the delay which will take place." Lord Cochrane soon became
quite aware of the delay, but was unable to prevent it, and the
next few months were passed by him in tedious anxiety and ceaseless
chagrin.

There was one desperate mode of lessening the delay—for Lord Cochrane
to go out in the _Perseverance_ as soon as it was ready to start,
leaving the other vessels to follow as soon as they were ready.
Captain Abney Hastings went to Brussels on purpose to urge him to that
course, and Mr. Hobhouse also recommended it. "There are two points,"
he wrote on the 23rd of December, "to which your attention will
probably be chiefly directed by Captain Hastings. These are, the
expediency of your going with the _Perseverance_, instead of waiting
for the other boats, and the propriety of immediately disposing of the
two frigates in America"—about which frequent reports had arrived,
showing that their preparation was in even worse hands than was that
of the London vessels—"to the highest bidder. As to the first, I
am confident that, although it would have been desirable to have got
together the whole force in the first instance, yet, as the salvation
of Greece is a question of time only, and as it will be probably so
late either as May or June next before the two larger boats can leave
the river, it would be in every way inexpedient for you to wait until
you could have the whole armament under your orders. Be assured, your
presence in Greece would do more than the activity of any man living,
and, as far as anything can be done in pushing forward the business at
home, neither time nor pains shall be spared. I wish indeed you could
have the whole of the boats at once; but Galloway has determined
otherwise, and we must do the next best thing. Captain Hastings will
tell you how much may be done even by one steam-vessel, commanded by
you, and directing the operations of the fire-vessels. On such a
topic I should not have the presumption to enlarge to you. As to the
American frigates, it is Mr. Ellice's decided opinion, as well as my
own, that you should have the money instead of the frigates. First and
last, the frigates _never will be finished_. The rogues at New York
demand 60,000£ above the 157,000£ which they have already received,
and protest they will not complete their work without the additional
sum. Now 70,000£ in your hands will be better than the _hopes_ —and
they will be nothing but _hopes_ —of having the frigates. If you agree
in this view, perhaps you will be so good as to state it in writing,
which may remove Mr. Ricardo's objections."

Lord Cochrane was tempted to follow Captain Hastings's and Mr.
Hobhouse's advice; but he first, as was his wont, sought Sir Francis
Burdett's opinion; and Sir Francis dissuaded him, for the time, at any
rate. "I would by no means have you proceed with the first vessel, nor
at all without adequate means," he wrote on the 15th of January, 1826;
"for besides thinking of the Greeks, for whom I am, I own, greatly
interested, I must think, and certainly not with less interest, of
you, and, I may add, in some degree of myself too; for I am placed
under much responsibility, and I don't mean to be a party to making
shipwreck of you and your great naval reputation; nor will I ever
consent to your going upon a forlorn and desperate attempt—that is,
without the means necessary for the fair chance of success—in other
words, adequate means. Although you have worked miracles, we can never
be justified in expecting them, and still less in requiring them."

Following that sound advice, Lord Cochrane resolved to wait until, at
any rate, a good part of his fleet was ready. He wrote to that effect,
and in as good spirits as he could muster, to Mr. Hobhouse, who in
the answer which he despatched on the 5th of February acknowledged the
wisdom of the decision. "I am very glad to perceive," he said in that
answer, "that you have good heart and hope for the great cause.
I assure you we have been doing all we can to induce the parties
concerned to second your wishes in every respect; and I now learn from
Mr. Hastings, who is our sheet anchor, that matters go on pretty well.
I hope you write every now and then to Galloway, in whose hands is the
fate of Greece—the worse our luck, for he is the great cause of our
sad delay."

"You see our House is opened," said Mr. Hobhouse in the same letter.
"Not a word of Greece in the Speech, and I spoke to Hume and Wilson,
and begged them not to touch upon the subject. It is much better to
keep all quiet, in order to prevent angry words from the ministers,
who, if nothing is said, will, I think, shut their eyes at what we are
doing. There is a very prevalent notion here that the (Holy) Alliance
have resolved to recommend something to Turkey in favour of the
Greeks. Whether this is true or not signifies nothing. The Turks will
promise anything, and do just what suits them. They have always lost
in war, for more than a hundred years, and have uniformly gained by
diplomacy. They will never abandon the hope of reconquering Greece
until driven out of Europe themselves, which they ought to be. By
the way, the Greeks really appear to have been doing a little better
lately; but I still fear these disciplined Arabians. I have written
a very strong letter to Prince Mavrocordatos, telling them to hold
out:—no surrender on any terms. I have not mentioned your name; but I
have stated vaguely that they may expect the promised assistance early
in the spring. It would indeed be a fine thing if you could commence
operations during the Rhamadan; but I fear that is impossible. Any
time, however, will do against the stupid, besotted Turks. Were they
not led by Frenchmen, even the Greeks would beat them."

Of the leisure forced upon him, Lord Cochrane made good use in
studying for himself the character of "the stupid, besotted Turks,"
and the nature of the war that was being waged against them by the
Greeks; and he asked Mr. Hobhouse to procure for him all the books
published on the subject or in any way related to it, of which he was
not already master. "With respect to books," wrote Mr. Hobhouse, in
reply to this request, "there are very few that are not what you have
found those you have read to be, namely, romances; but I will take
care to send out with you such as are the best, together with the
most useful map that can be got." More than fifty volumes were thus
collected for Lord Cochrane's use.

From Captain Abney Hastings, moreover, he obtained precise information
about Greek waters, forts, and armaments, as well as "a list of the
names of the principal persons in Greece, with their characters." This
list, as showing the opinions of an intelligent Englishman, based
on personal knowledge, as to the parties and persons with whom Lord
Cochrane was soon to deal, is worth quoting entire, especially as it
was the chief basis of Lord Cochrane's own judgment during this time
of study and preparation.

I. Archontes, or men influential by their riches.

Lazaros Konduriottes.—A Hydriot merchant, the elder of the two
brothers, who are the most wealthy men in that island, and even in all
Greece. This one, by intrigue, by distributing his money adroitly
in Hydra, and keeping in pay the most dissolute and unruly of the
sailors, and protecting them in the commission of their crimes,
has acquired almost unlimited power at Hydra. He asserts democracy,
appealing on all occasions to the people, who are his creatures. The
other primates hate him, of course. Lazaros has the reputation of
being clever. He never quits Hydra for an instant, for fear of finding
himself supplanted on his return.

George Konduriottes.—Brother of the former, and, like him a Hydriot
merchant; an ignorant weak man; said to be vindictive; espouses the
party of his brother at Hydra, by which means he has obtained the
Presidency [of Greece]. He made the land captains his enemies, and had
not good men enough to form an army of his own, viz., regular troops.
His penetration went no further than bribing one captain to destroy
another; which had for effect merely the changing the names of
chieftains without diminishing the power. I understand he has lately
retired to Hydra, and takes no active part in affairs.

EMANUEL TOMBAZES.—A Hydriot merchant and captain. There are two
brothers, at the head of the party opposed to Konduriottes. This
man was the first who ventured on the voyage from the Black Sea to
Marseilles in a latteen-rigged vessel. This traffic afterwards gave
birth to the colossal fortunes in Hydra. These men are the most
enlightened in Hydra. This one is dignified, energetic, and a good
sailor. However, he lost in Candia much of the reputation he had
previously acquired; but with all the errors he committed there, the
loss of that island is not attributable to him. 'Twould have been
lost, under similar circumstances, had Cæsar commanded there.
Konduriottes and his adherents hate him, of course, and did all they
could to paralyze his operations in Crete. All considered, this man is
more capable of introducing order and regularity into the ships than
any other Greek.

JAKOMAKI TOMBAZES.—A Hydriot merchant and captain, brother of the
former. He commanded the fleet the first year of the Revolution, and
to him is due the introduction of fire-vessels, by which he destroyed
the first Turkish line-of-battle ship at Mytelene. He is perhaps the
best-informed Hydriot; but he wants decision, and demands the advice
of everybody at the moment he should be acting. This man takes little
part in politics and follows his mercantile pursuits. His hobby-horse
is ship-building, in which art he is such a proficient as to be
quite the Seppings of Hydra. As to the rest, he is a very worthy,
warm-hearted man, but excessively phlegmatic.

MIAOULIS.—A Hydriot merchant and captain, who obtained command of the
Hydriot fleet after Jakomaki resigned. He is a very dignified,
worthy old man, possesses personal courage and decision, and is less
intriguing than any Greek that I know.

SAKTOURES.—A Hydriot captain. He has risen from a sailor, and is
considered by the Archontes rather in the light of a _parvenu_. He is
courageous and enterprising, but a bit of a pirate.

BONDOMES, SAMADHOFF, GHIKA, ORLANDO.—Hydriot merchants without
anything but their money to recommend them.

PEPINOS.—A Hydriot sailor of the clan of Tombazes, who has
distinguished himself frequently in fireships.

KANARIS.—A Psarian sailor; the most distinguished of the commanders
of fire-vessels.

BOTAZES.—A Spetziot merchant; the most influential person in his
island. But the Hydriot merchants possess so much property in Spetziot
vessels that, in some measure, they rule that island.

PETRO-BEY [or PETROS MAVROMICHALES].—The principal Archonte of Maina;
was governor of that province under the Turks. A fat, stupid, worthy
man; is sincere in the cause, in which he has lost two if not three
sons.

DELIYANNES.—A Moreot Archonte, and one of the most intriguing and
ambitious; was formerly sworn enemy to Kolokotrones and the captains,
but, having betrothed his daughter to Kolokotrones's son, they have
become allies. This man, if not the richest Archonte in the Morea, is
the one who affected the most pomp in the time of the Turks, and
he cannot now easily brook his diminished influence. He is reported
clever and unprincipled.

NOTABAS.—A Moreot Archonte, considered the most ancient of the noble
families in the Morea; is a well-meaning old blockhead; has a son, a
good-looking youth, who commanded the Government forces against the
captains in 1824; is said to be an egregious coward.

LONDOS.—A Moreot Archonte; was much flattered by the Government, but
afterwards leagued against them. He is a drunkard, and a man of no
consideration but for his wealth.[A]

[Footnote A: Lord Byron used to describe an evening passed in the
company of Londos at Vostitza, when both were young men. After supper
Londos, who had the face and figure of a chimpanzee, sprang upon
a table, and commenced singing through his nose Rhiga's "Hymn to
Liberty." A new cadi, passing near the house, inquired the cause of
the discordant hubbub. A native Mussulman replied, "It is only the
young primate Londos, who is drunk, and is singing hymns to the new
franaghia of the Greeks, whom they call 'Eleftheria.'"—Finlay, vol.
ii., p. 35.]

ZAIMES.—A Moreot Archonte; said to possess considerable talent, and
he exercises a very considerable influence. His brother was formerly a
deputy in England.

SISSINES.—A Moreot Archonte; was formerly a doctor at Patras; has
risen into wealth and consequence since the Revolution; has great
talent, and is a great rogue.

SOTIRES XARALAMBI.—A Moreot Archonte of influence. I do not know his
character.

SPELIOTOPOLOS.—A Moreot Archonte, whose name would never have
been heard by a foreigner, if he had not been made a member of the
executive body; a stupid old man, possessing little influence of any
kind.

KOLETTES.—A Romeliot; was formerly doctor to Ali Pasha; possesses
some talent; has held various situations in the ministry; is detested,
yet I know not why. I never could ascertain any act of his that
merited the dislike he has inspired a large party with. I fancy 'tis
alone attributable to jealousy—the peculiar feature of the Greek
character. It must nevertheless be acknowledged that he has sometimes
made himself ridiculous by assuming the sword, for which profession
he is totally incapacitated by want of courage. He is, however, poor,
although in employment since the commencement of the Revolution.

THIKOUPES.—An Archonte of Missolonghi; of some importance from the
English education he has received from Lord Guildford; a worthy man,
possessed of instruction, but, I think, not genius. He has married
Mavrocordatos's sister.

II. Phanaeiots.

[DEMETRIUS] HYPSILANTES.—Is of a Phanariot family; was a Russian
officer; although young, is bald and feeble. His appearance and voice
are much against him. He does not so much want talent as ferocity. He
possesses personal courage and probity, and may be said to be the only
honest man that has figured upon the stage of the Revolution. He does
not favour, but has never openly opposed, the party of the captains.
He felt he had not the power to do it with success, and therefore
showed his good sense in refraining. The Archontes, fearing the
influence he might acquire would destroy theirs, have uniformly
opposed him, secretly and openly; and they hate one another so
cordially now that it is impossible they should ever unite.

MAVROCORDATOS.—Of a Phanariot family; came forward under the auspices
of Hypsilantes, and then tried to supplant him; and to do this he made
himself the tool of the Hydriots, who, as soon as they had obtained
all power in their hands, endeavoured to kick down the stepping-stool
by which they had mounted. Perceiving this, he entered into
negotiations with the captains, and frightened the Hydriots into an
acknowledgment of some power for himself. He possesses quickness and
intrigue; but I doubt if he has solid talent, and it is reported that
he is particularly careful not to court danger.

III. Captains or Land-Chieftains.

KOLOKOTRONES.—A captain of the Morea, and the most powerful one in
all Greece. He owes this partly to the numerous ramifications of his
family, partly to his reputation as a hereditary robber, and also
to the wealth he has amassed in his vocation. He is a fine,
decided-looking man, and knows perfectly all the localities of the
country for carrying on mountain warfare, and he knows also, better
than any other, how to manage the Greek mountaineers. He is, however,
entirely ignorant of any other species of warfare, and is not
sufficiently civilized to look forward for any other advantage to
himself or his country than that of possessing the mountains and
keeping the Turks at bay. He proposed destroying all the fortresses
except Nauplia. 'Twas an error of Mavrocordatos to have made this man
an open enemy to himself and to organization. Had he been allowed to
have profited by order, he would have espoused it. At present he may
be considered irreconcilably opposed to order and the Hydriot party.

NIKETAS.—There are two of this name; but the only one that merits
notice is the Moreot captain, a relation of Kolokrotones. He is
as ignorant and dirty as the rest of his brethren, but bears the
reputation of being disinterested and courageous. He is always poor.
All the chieftains are good bottle-men; but this one excels them so
much that 'tis confidently asserted he drinks three bottles of rum per
day.

STAIKOS.—A Moreot captain who took part early with the Hydriot party
from jealousy of Kolokotrones. When that party gained the ascendency,
not finding himself sufficiently rewarded, he joined the captains.

MOMGINOS.—A Mainot chieftain, a rival of Petro-Bey; is
undistinguished, except by his colossal stature and ferocious
countenance.

GOURA.—A Romeliot captain; was a soldier of Odysseus, and employed
by him in various assassinations, and thus he rose to preferment and
supplanted his protector, and at length assassinated him. This man
possesses courage and extreme ferocity, but is remarkably ignorant.
In the hands of a similar master, he would have been a perfect Tristan
l'Hermite. To supplant Odysseus, he was obliged to range himself with
the Hydriot party.

CONSTANTINE BOTZARES.—A Suliot captain; nephew to the celebrated
Makrys, who, from all accounts, was a phenomenon among the captains.
This man bears a good character.

KARAÏSKAKES, RANGO, KALTZAS, ZAVELLA, &c. &c.—Romeliot captains; all
more or less opposed to order, according as they see it suits their
immediate interest.

That estimate of the Greek heroes—in the main wonderfully
accurate—was certainly not encouraging to Lord Cochrane. He
determined, however, to go on with the work he had entered upon, and
in doing his duty to the Greeks, to try to bring into healthy play the
real patriotism that was being perverted by such unworthy leaders.

Great benefit was conferred upon the Greeks by his entering into their
service from its very beginning, in spite of the obstacles which were
thrown in his way at starting, and which materially damaged all his
subsequent work on their behalf. No sooner was it known that he was
coming to aid them with his unsurpassed bravery and his unrivalled
genius than they took heart and held out against the Turkish and
Egyptian foes to whom they had just before been inclined to yield.
And his enlistment in their cause had another effect, of which they
themselves were ignorant. The mere announcement that he intended to
fight and win for them, as he had fought and won for Chili, for Peru,
and for Brazil, while it caused both England and France to do their
utmost in hindering him from achieving an end which was more thorough
than they desired, forced both England and France to shake off the
listlessness with which they had regarded the contest during nearly
five years, and initiate the temporizing action by which Greece was
prevented from becoming as great and independent a state as it might
have been, yet by which a smaller independence was secured for it.
Hardly had Lord Cochrane consented to serve as admiral of the Greeks
than the Duke of Wellington was despatched, in the beginning of 1826,
on a mission to Russia, which issued in the protocol of April, 1826,
and the treaty of July, 1827—both having for their avowed object the
pacification of Greece—and in the battle of Navarino, by which that
pacification was secured.

The Duke of Wellington passed through Brussels, on his way to
St. Petersburg, in March, 1826. Halting there, he informed the
hotel-keeper that he could see no one _except Lord Cochrane_, which
was as distinct an intimation that he desired an interview as,
in accordance with the rules of etiquette, he could make. The
hotel-keeper, however, was too dull to take the hint. He did not
acquaint Lord Cochrane of the indirect message intended for him
until the Duke of Wellington had proceeded on his journey. Thus was
prevented a meeting between one of England's greatest soldiers and one
of her greatest sailors, which could not but have been very memorable
in itself, and which might have been far more memorable in its
political consequences.

The meeting was hindered, and, without listening either to the
personal courtesies or to the diplomatic arguments of the Duke of
Wellington, Lord Cochrane continued his preparations for active
service in Greek waters. The details of these preparations and their
practical execution, as has been shown, he was forced to leave in
other and less competent hands, and their actual supervision was still
impossible to him. Gradually the irritating and wasteful obstacles for
which Mr. Galloway was chiefly responsible induced him to resolve upon
following the advice tendered in December by Mr. Hobhouse and Captain
Hastings—that is, to go to Greece with a small portion only of
the naval armament for which he had stipulated, and which his most
cautious friends deemed necessary to his enterprise. To this he was
driven, not only by a desire to do something worthy of his great name,
and something really helpful to the cause which he had espoused,
but also by the knowledge that the tedious delays that arose were
squandering all the money with which he had counted upon rendering his
work efficient when he could get to Greece.

Of this he received frequent and clear intimation from all his
friends in London, though from none so emphatically as from the Greek
deputies, Orlando and Luriottis, who, being themselves grievously to
blame for their peculations and their bad management, threw all the
blame upon Mr. Galloway and the other defaulters. Finding that the
proceeds of the second Greek loan were being rapidly exhausted by
their own and others' wrong-doing, they were even audacious enough to
propose to Lord Cochrane that, not abandoning his Greek engagement,
but rather continuing it under conditions involving much greater risk
and anxiety than had been anticipated, he should return the 37,000£
which had been handed over to Sir Francis Burdett on his account, and
take as sole security for his ultimate recompense the two frigates
half built in America, acknowledged to be of so little value that no
purchaser could be found for them. "Our only desire." they said,
"is to rescue the millions of souls that are praying with a thousand
supplications that they may not fall victims to the despair which is
only averted by the hope of your lordship's arrival."

To that preposterous request Lord Cochrane made a very temperate
answer. "I have perused your letter of the 18th," he wrote on the 28th
of February, "with the utmost attention, and have since considered its
contents with the most anxious desire to promote the objects you have
in view in all ways in my power. But I have not been able to convince
myself that, under existing circumstances, there is any means by which
Greece can be so readily saved as by steady perseverance in equipping
the steam-vessels, which are so admirably calculated to cut off the
enemies' communication with Alexandria and Constantinople, and for
towing fire-vessels and explosion-vessels by night into ports and
places where the hostile squadrons anchor on the shores of Greece.
With steam-vessels constructed for such purposes, and a few gunboats
carrying heavy cannon, I have no doubt but that the Morea might in a
few weeks be cleared of the enemy's naval force. I wish I could give
you, without writing a volume, a clear view of the numerous reasons,
derived from thirty-five years' experience, which induce me to prefer
a force that can move in all directions in the obscurity of night
through narrow channels, in shoal water, and with silence and
celerity, over a naval armament of the usual kind, though of far
superior force. You would then perceive with what efficacy the counsel
of Demosthenes to your countrymen might be carried into effect by
desultory attacks on the enemy; and, in fact, you would perceive that
steam-vessels, whenever they shall be brought into war for hostile
purposes, will prove the most formidable means that ever has been
employed in naval warfare. Indeed, it is my opinion that twenty-four
vessels moved by steam (such as the largest constructed for
your service) could commence at St. Petersburg, and finish at
Constantinople, the destruction of every ship of war in the European
ports. I therefore hold that you ought to strain every nerve to get
the steam-vessels equipped. For on these, next to the valour of
the Greeks themselves, depends the fate of Greece, and not on large
unwieldy ships, immovable in calms, and ill-calculated for nocturnal
operations on the shores of the Morea and adjacent islands. Having
thus repeated to you my opinions, I have only to add that, if
you judge you can follow a better course, I release you from the
engagement you entered into with me, and I am ready to return you the
37,000£ on your receiving as part thereof 72,500 Greek scrip, at
the price I gave for it on the day following my engagement (under the
faith of the stipulations then entered into), as a further stimulus
to my exertion, by casting my property, as well as my life, into the
scale with Greece. This release I am ready to make at once; but I
cannot consent to accept as security, for the fruits of seven years'
toil, vessels manned by Americans, whose pay and provisions I see no
adequate or regular means of providing. But should the 150,000£
placed at the disposal of the Committee not prove sufficient for the
objects _I have required_, I will advance the 37,000£ for the pay
and provisions necessary for the steamboats on the security of the
boats themselves. Thus you have the option of releasing me from
the service, or of continuing my engagement, although I shall lose
severely by my temporary acceptance of your offer."

In that letter Lord Cochrane conceded more than ought to have been
expected of him. In a supplementary letter written on the same day
he added: "I again assure you that I am ready to do whatever is
reasonable for the interest of Greece; but it cannot be expected that
for such interest I ought to sacrifice totally those of my family
and myself, as would be the case were I to give up both the means I
possess to obtain justice in South America and my indemnification, on
so slender a security as that offered to me. Believe me, I should have
tendered the 37,000£, without reference to the Greek scrip I
had purchased, had it not been evident to me that, under such
circumstances, the security of your public funds would be dependent
on chances which I cannot foresee, and over which I should have no
control."

Thus temperately rebuked, the Greek deputies did not urge their
proposal any further. They only wrote to promise all possible
expedition in completing the steam-vessels. Lord Cochrane, however,
voluntarily acceded to one of their wishes. Hearing that the largest
of the steamers, the _Perseverance_, was nearly ready for sea, and
that Mr. Galloway had again solemnly pledged himself to complete the
others in a short time, he determined not to wait for the whole force,
but to start at once for the Mediterranean. It had been all along
decided that the _Perseverance_ should be placed under Captain
Hastings's command; and it was now arranged that he should take her to
Greece as soon as she was ready, and that Lord Cochrane should follow
in a schooner, the _Unicorn_, of 158 tons. It was not intended, of
course, that with that boat alone he should go all the way to Greece;
but it was considered—perhaps not very wisely—that if he were
actually on his way to Greece, the completion of the other five
steamships would be proceeded with more rapidly; and he agreed that,
as soon as he was joined in the Mediterranean by the first two of
these, the _Enterprise_ and the _Irresistible_, he would hasten on
to the Archipelago, and there make the best of the small force at his
disposal. Not only was it supposed that Mr. Galloway and the other
agents would thus be induced to more vigorous action: it was also
deemed that the effect of this step upon the Hellenic nation would
be very beneficial. "As soon as the Greek Government know that your
lordship is on your way to Greece," wrote the London deputies on the
13th of April, "their courage will be animated, and their confidence
renewed. We may with truth assert that your lordship is regarded by
all classes of our countrymen as a Messiah, who is to come to their
deliverance; and, from the enthusiasm which will prevail amongst the
people, we may venture to predict that your lordship's valour and
success at sea will give energy and victory to their arms on land."

With the new arrangements necessitated by this change of plans the
last two or three weeks of April and the first of May were occupied.
Lord Cochrane put to sea on the 8th of May. "As a Greek citizen," one
of the deputies in London, Andreas Luriottis, had written on the
17th of April, "I cannot refrain from expressing my sincere gratitude
towards your lordship for the resolution which you have taken to
depart almost immediately for Greece. This generous determination, at
a moment when my country is really in want of every assistance, cannot
be regarded with indifference by my countrymen, who already look upon
your lordship as a Messiah. Your talents and intrepidity cannot allow
us for a moment to doubt of success. My countrymen will afford you
every assistance, and confer on you all the powers necessary for your
undertaking; although your lordship must be aware that Greece, after
five years' struggle, cannot be expected to present a very favourable
aspect to a stranger. Your lordship will, however, find men full of
devotion and courage—men who have founded, their best hopes on you,
and from whom, under such a leader, everything may be expected. Your
lordship's previous exploits encourage me to hope that Greece will not
be less successful than the Brazils, since the materials she offers
for cultivation are superior. With patience and perseverance in the
outset, all difficulties will soon vanish, and the course will be
direct and unimpeded. The resources of Greece are not to be despised,
and, if successful, she will find ample means to reward those who will
have devoted themselves to her service and to the cause of liberty."




CHAPTER XV.


LORD COCHRANE'S DEPARTURE FOR GREECE.—HIS VISIT TO LONDON AND
VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—HIS STAY AT MESSINA, AND AFTERWARDS
AT MARSEILLES.—THE DELAYS IN COMPLETING THE STEAMSHIPS, AND THE
CONSEQUENT INJURY TO THE GREEK CAUSE, AND SERIOUS EMBARRASSMENT
TO LORD COCHRANE.—HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH MESSRS. J. AND S.
RICARDO.—HIS LETTER TO THE GREEK GOVERNMENT.—CHEVALIER EYNARD, AND
THE CONTINENTAL PHILHELLENES.—LORD COCHRANE'S FINAL DEPARTURE, AND
ARRIVAL IN GREECE.


[1826-1827.]

Lord Cochrane, having passed from Brussels to Flushing, sailed thence
in the _Unicorn_ on the 8th of May, 1826. Before proceeding to the
Mediterranean, he determined, in spite of the personal risk he would
thus be subjected to through the Foreign Enlistment Act, to see for
himself in what state were the preparations for his enterprise in
Greece. He accordingly landed at Weymouth, and hurrying up to London,
spent the greater part of Sunday, the 16th of May, in Mr. Galloway's
building yard at Greenwich.

He found that the _Perseverance_ was apparently completed, though
waiting for some finishing touches to be put to her boilers. "The two
other vessels," he said, "were filled with pieces of the high-pressure
engines, all unfixed, and scattered about in the engine-room and on
deck. The boilers were in the small boats, and occupied nearly one
half of their length, Mr. Galloway having, through inattention or
otherwise, caused them to be made of the same dimensions as the
boilers for the great vessels, which, by the by, had been improperly
increased from sixteen feet, the length determined on, to twenty-three
feet." The inspection was unsatisfactory; but Mr. Galloway pledged
himself on his honour that the _Perseverance_ should start in a day or
two, that the _Enterprise_ and the _Irresistible_ should be completed
and sent to sea within a fortnight, and that the other three vessels
should be out of hand in less than a month.

Trusting to that promise, or at any rate hoping that it might be
fulfilled, and after a parting interview with Sir Francis Burdett, Mr.
Ellice, and other friends, Lord Cochrane left London on Monday, and
joined the _Unicorn_, at Dartford, on the 20th of May. It had
been arranged that he should wait in British waters for the first
instalment of his little fleet, at any rate. With that object he
called at Falmouth, and, receiving no satisfactory information there,
went to make a longer halt in Bantry Bay. At length, hearing that the
_Perseverance_ had actually started, with Captain Hastings for its
commander, and that the other two large vessels were on the point of
leaving the Thames, he left the coast of Ireland on the 12th of June.

He vainly hoped that the vessels would promptly join him in the
Mediterranean, and that within four or five weeks' time he should
be at work in Greek waters. The journey, however, was to last nine
months. The mismanagement and the wilful delays of Mr. Galloway and
the other contractors and agents continued as before. The urgent
need of Greece was unsatisfied; the funds collected for promoting her
deliverance were wantonly perverted; and the looked-for deliverer was
doomed to nearly a year of further inactivity—hateful to him at all
times, but now a special source of annoyance, as it involved not
only idleness to himself, but also serious injury to the cause he had
espoused.

He passed Oporto on the 18th, Lisbon on the 20th, and Gibraltar on the
26th of June. He was off Algiers on the 3rd of July, and on the 12th
he anchored in the harbour of Messina. There, and in the adjoining
waters, he waited nearly three months, in daily expectation of
the arrival of his vessels, Messina having been the appointed
meeting-place. No vessels came, but instead only dismal and
procrastinating letters. "We deeply lament," wrote Messrs. J. and S.
Ricardo, the contractors for the Greek loan, in one of them, dated the
9th of September, "that, after all the exertions which have been used,
we have not yet been able to despatch the two large steam-vessels.
Everything has been ready for some time; but Mr. Galloway's failure
in the engines will now occasion a much longer detention. We leave to
your brother, who writes by the same opportunity, to explain fully to
your lordship how all this has arisen, and what measures it has been
considered expedient to adopt. In the whole of this unfortunate affair
we have endeavoured to follow your wishes; and our conduct towards Mr.
Galloway, who has much to answer for, has been chiefly directed by
his representations." "Galloway is the evil genius that pursues us
everywhere," wrote the same correspondents on the 25th of September;
"his presumption is only equalled by his incompetency. Whatever he has
to do with is miserably deficient. We do not think his misconduct has
been intentional; but it has proved most fatal to the interests of
Greece, and of those engaged in her behalf. On your lordship it has
pressed peculiarly hard; and most sincerely do we lament that an
undertaking, which promised so fairly in the commencement should
hitherto have proved unavailing, and that your power of assisting
this unhappy country should have been rendered nugatory by the want of
means to put it in effect."

Those letters, and others written before and after, did not reach Lord
Cochrane till the end of October. In the meanwhile, finding that the
expected vessels did not arrive at Messina, and that in that place it
was impossible even for him to receive accurate information as to the
progress of affairs in London, he called at Malta about the middle
of September, and thence proceeded to Marseilles, as a convenient
halting-place, in which he had better chance of hearing how matters
were proceeding, and from which he could easily go to meet the vessels
when, if ever, they were ready to join him. He reached Marseilles
on the 12th of October, and on the same day he forwarded a letter
to Messrs. Ricardo. "I wrote to you a few days ago," he said, "from
Malta, and, as the packet sailed with a fair wind, you will receive
that letter very shortly. You will thereby perceive the distressing
suspense in which I have been held, and the inconvenience to which
I have been exposed, by remaining on board this small vessel for a
period of five months, during all the heat of a Mediterranean summer,
without exercise or recreation. This situation has been rendered
the more unpleasant, as I have had no means to inform myself, except
through the public papers, relative to the concern in which we are now
engaged. My patience, however, is now worn out, and I have come here
to learn whether I am to expect the steam-vessels or not,—whether
the scandalous blunders of Mr. Galloway are to be remedied by
those concerned, or if an ill-timed parsimony is to doom Greece to
inevitable destruction; for such will be the consequence, if Ibrahim's
resources are not cut up before the period at which it is usual for
him to commence operations. You know my opinions so well, that it is
unnecessary to repeat them to you. I shall, however, add, that
the intelligence and plans I have obtained since my arrival in the
Mediterranean confirm these opinions, and enable me to predict, with
as much certainty as I ever could do on any enterprise, that if the
vessels and the means to pay six months' expenses are forwarded, there
shall not be a Turkish or Egyptian ship in the Archipelago at the
termination of the winter. It may have been expected that I should
immediately proceed to Greece in this vessel. I might have done so at
an earlier period of my life, before I had proved by experience that
advice is thrown away upon persons in the situation and circumstances
in which the Greek rulers and their people are unfortunately placed.
Having made up my mind on this subject, I must entreat you to let me
know by the earliest possible means what I am to expect in regard to
the steamships. I see by the 'Globe' of the 2nd of last month that the
holders of Greek stock were to have a meeting. I conclude they came
to some resolution, and this resolution I want to know. I wish I could
give them my eyes to see with—they would then pursue a course which
would secure their interests. This, however, is impossible; therefore
they must, like the Greeks, be left to follow their own notions.
I have, however, no objections to your stating to these gentlemen,
either publicly or privately, that I pledge my reputation to free
Greece if they will, by the smallest additional sacrifice that may be
required, put the stipulated force at my disposal."[A]

[Footnote A: This letter, like some others of this nature, is partly
written in cypher, the key to which is lost. Its concluding sentences,
therefore, are not given.]

At Marseilles, Lord Cochrane received information, disheartening
enough, though more encouraging than was justified by the real state
of affairs, with reference to his intended fleet. On the 14th of
October he wrote to explain his position, as he himself understood it,
to the Greek Government. "By the most fortunate accident," he said, "I
have met Mr. Hobhouse here, who, from his correspondence with Messrs.
Ricardo and others in London, enables me to state to you that the two
large steamboats will be completed on the 28th day of this month, and
that they will proceed on the following day for the _rendezvous_ which
I had assigned to them previous to my departure. You may, therefore,
count on their being in Greece about the 14th of next month. The
American frigate is said to be completed and on her way, and I feel a
confident hope that I shall be able here to add a very efficient ship
of war to the before-mentioned vessels.[A] It is probable," he added,
"that many idle reports will be circulated here and through the public
prints, because, under existing circumstances, I find it necessary to
appear now as a person travelling about for private amusement. I can
assure you, however, that the hundred and sixty days which I have
already spent in this small vessel, without ever having my foot on
shore till the day before yesterday, has been a sacrifice which I
should not have made for any other cause than that in which I
am engaged; but I considered it essential to conceal the real
insignificance of my situation and allow rumours to circulate of
squadrons collecting in various parts, judging that the effect would
be to embarrass the operations of the enemy."

[Footnote A: It should here be explained that the building and fitting
out of the two frigates contracted for in New York, at a cost of
150,000£, having been assigned to persons whose mismanagement was
as scandalous as that which perplexed the Greek cause in London, one
of them had been sold, and with the proceeds and some other funds the
other had been completed and fitted out, more than 200,000£ having
been spent upon her. She reached Greece at the end of 1826, there to
be known as the _Hellas_.]

That concealment had to be maintained, and the wearisome delays
continued, for three months more. All the promises of Mr. Galloway and
all the efforts, real or pretended, of the Greek deputies in London,
were vain. The completion of the steam-vessels was retarded on all
sorts of pretexts, and when each little portion of the work was said
to be done, it was found to be so badly executed that it had to be
cancelled and the whole thing done afresh. In this way all the residue
of the loan of 1825 was exhausted, and all for worse than nothing.

Lord Cochrane would never have been able to proceed to Greece at all,
had the Greek deputies, Orlando and Luriottis, who had contracted for
his employment, been his only supporters. Fortunately, however, he had
other and worthier coadjutors. The Greek Committee in Paris did
much on his behalf, and yet more was done by the Philhellenes of
Switzerland, with Chevalier Eynard at their head, of whom one zealous
member, Dr. L.A. Gosse, of Geneva, "well-informed, very zealous, full
of genuine enthusiasm for the cause of humanity, and an excellent
physician," as M. Eynard described him, was about to go in person
to Greece, as administrator of the funds collected by the Swiss
Committee. Lord Cochrane's disconsolate arrival at Marseilles, and the
miserable failure of the plans for his enterprise, had not been known
to M. Eynard and his friends a week, before they set themselves to
remedy the mischief as far as lay in their power. As a first and
chief movement they proposed to buy a French corvette, then lying
in Marseilles Harbour, and fit her out as a stout auxiliary to Lord
Cochrane's little force expected from London and New York. Lord
Cochrane, being consulted on the scheme, eagerly acceded to it in a
letter written on the 25th of October. "As I have yet no certainty,"
he said, "that the person employed to fit the machinery of the
steam-vessels will now perform his task better than he has heretofore
done, I recommend purchasing the corvette, provided that she can be
purchased for the sum of 200,000 francs, and, if funds are wanting, I
personally am willing to advance enough to provision the corvette,
and am ready to proceed in that or any fit vessel. But I am quite
resolved, without a moral certainty of something following me, not
to ruin and disgrace the cause by presenting myself in Greece in a
schooner of two carronades of the smallest calibre."

The corvette was bought and equipped; but in this several weeks
were employed. In the interval, for a week or two after the 8th of
December, Lord Cochrane went to Geneva, there to be the guest of
Chevalier Eynard, to be introduced to Dr. Gosse, and to become
personally acquainted with many other Philhellenes.

Neither Lord Cochrane nor his friends could quite abandon hope of the
ultimate completion of the London steam-vessels. They felt, too,
that with nothing but the new vessel, the American frigate, and the
_Perseverance_, Lord Cochrane would have very poor provision for his
undertaking. "I have this moment received a letter from his lordship,"
wrote M. Eynard to Mr. Hobhouse on the 12th of January, 1827, "wherein
he appears rather disappointed with respect to the scantiness of the
forces and the means placed at his disposal. He informs me that he has
no officers, few sailors; and that, in case the steamers should
not arrive, he will not feel qualified to encounter the Turkish and
Egyptian naval forces, as well as the Algerines, who of all are the
best manned. 'I therefore shall not be able to undertake anything
of moment,' continues his lordship. 'Thus to stake my character and
existence would be a mere Quixotic act. I will put to sea, however,
but still with a heavy heart; yet not until I have with me all
requisites, and my stores and ammunition be embarked likewise.'
Discouragement appears throughout his lordship's letter."

The discouragement is not to be wondered at. It is hardly necessary,
however, to give further illustration of it, or of the troubles
incident to this long waiting-time. Enough has been said to show Lord
Cochrane's position in relation to this deplorable state of affairs,
and to exonerate him from all blame in the matter. That he should have
been blamed at all is only part of the wanton injustice that attended
him nearly all through his life. He had consented, in the autumn
of 1825, to enter the service of the Greeks, on the distinct
understanding that six English-built steamships should be placed at
his disposal, and to facilitate the arrangements he did and bore
far more than could have been expected of him. For the delays and
disasters that befel those arrangements he was in no way responsible:
he was only thereby a very great sufferer. But his sufferings would
have been greater, and he would have been really at fault, had he
consented to go to Greece without any sort of provision, as a few
rash friends and many eager enemies desired him to do, and afterwards
blamed him for not doing.

As it was, he greatly increased his difficulties by at last proceeding
to Greece with the miserable equipment provided for him. In his little
schooner, the _Unicorn_, he left Marseilles on the 14th of February,
1827, and proceeded to St. Tropezy, where the French corvette, the
_Sauveur_, was being fitted out under the direction of Captain Thomas,
a brave and energetic officer. Thence he set sail, with the two
vessels, on the 23rd of February. He reached Poros, and entered
upon his service in Greek waters, on the 19th of March. "He had been
wandering about the Mediterranean in a fine English yacht, purchased
for him out of the proceeds of the loan, in order to accelerate his
arrival in Greece, ever since the month of June, 1826," says the
ablest historian of the Greek Revolution.[A] The preceding paragraphs
will show how much truth is contained in that sarcastic sentence.

[Footnote A: Finlay, vol. ii., p. 137.]




CHAPTER XVI.


THE PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GREECE.—THE SIEGE OF MISSOLONGHI.—ITS
FALL.—THE BAD GOVERNMENT AND MISMANAGEMENT OF THE GREEKS.—GENERAL
PONSONBY'S ACCOUNT OF THEM.—THE EFFECT OF LORD COCHRANE'S PROMISED
ASSISTANCE.—THE FEARS OF THE TURKS, AS SHOWN IN THEIR CORRESPONDENCE
WITH MR. CANNING.—THE ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN HASTINGS IN GREECE, WITH THE
"KARTERIA."—HIS OPINION OF GREEK CAPTAINS AND SAILORS.—THE FRIGATE
"HELLAS."—LETTERS TO LORD COCHRANE FROM ADMIRAL MIAOULIS AND THE
GOVERNING COMMISSION OF GREECE.


[1826-1827.]

During the one-and-twenty weary months that elapsed between Lord
Cochrane's acceptance of service in the Greek War of Independence and
his actual participation in the work, the Revolution passed through a
new and disastrous stage. In the summer of 1825, when the invitation
was sent to him, the disorganisation of the Greeks and the superior
strength of the Turks, and yet more of their Egyptian and Arabian
allies under Ibrahim Pasha, were threatening to undo all that had been
achieved in the previous years. One bold stand had begun to be made,
in which, throughout nearly a whole year, the Greeks fought with
unsurpassed heroism, and then the whole struggle for liberty fell into
the lawless and disordered condition which already had prevailed in
many districts, and which was then to become universal and to offer
obstacles too great even for Lord Cochrane's genius to overcome in
his efforts to revive genuine patriotism and to render thoroughly
successful the cause that he had espoused.

The last great stand was at Missolonghi. Built on the edge of a marshy
plain, bounded on the north by the high hills of Zygos and protected
on the south by shallow lagoons at the mouth of the Gulf of Lepanto,
and chiefly tenanted by hardy fishermen, this town had been the first
in Western Greece to take part in the Revolution. Here in June, 1821,
nearly all the Moslem residents had been slaughtered, the wealthiest
and most serviceable only being spared to become the slaves of their
Christian masters. In the last two months of 1822 the Ottomans
had made a desperate attempt to win back the stronghold; but its
inhabitants, led by Mavrocordatos, who had lately come to join in the
work of regeneration, had resolutely beaten off the invaders and taken
revenge upon the few Turks still resident among them. "The wife of one
of the Turkish inhabitants of Missolonghi," said an English visitor
in 1824, "imploring my pity, begged me to allow her to remain under
my roof, in order to shelter her from the brutality and cruelty of the
Greeks. They had murdered all her relations. A little girl, nine years
old, remained to be the only companion of her misery."[A] Missolonghi
continued to be one of the chief strongholds of independence in
continental Greece; and, the revolutionists being forced into it by
the Turks, who scoured the districts north and east of it in 1824 and
1825, it became in the latter year the main object of attack and the
scene of most desperate resistance. Here were concentrated the chief
energies of the Greek warriors and of their Moslem antagonists, and
here was exhibited the last and most heroic effort of the patriots,
unaided by foreign champions of note, in their long and hard-fought
battle for freedom.

[Footnote A: Millingen, "Memoirs on the Affairs of Greece," p. 99.]

Reshid Pasha, the ablest of the Turkish generals, having advanced into
the neighbourhood of Missolonghi towards the end of April, began to
besiege it in good earnest, at the head of an army of some seven
or eight thousand picked followers, on the 7th of May. While he was
forming his entrenchments and erecting his batteries, the townsmen,
augmented by a number of fierce Suliots and others, were strengthening
their defences. They increased their ramparts, and organised a
garrison of four thousand soldiers and armed peasants, with a thousand
citizens and boatmen as auxiliaries. At first the tide of fortune was
with them. The Turks had to defend themselves as best they could from
numerous sorties, well-planned and well-executed, in May and June; and
fresh courage came to the Greeks with the intelligence that Admiral
Miaoulis was on his way to the port, with as powerful a fleet as he
could muster. While he was being expected, however, on the 10th of
July, the Turkish Capitan Pasha of Greece arrived with fifty-five
vessels. Miaoulis, with forty Greek sail, made his appearance on the
2nd of August. Thus the naval and military forces of both sides were
brought into formidable opposition.

At first the Greeks triumphed on the sea. In the night of the 3rd of
August, Miaoulis, finding that Missolonghi was being greatly troubled
by the blockade established by the Turks, cleverly placed himself to
windward of the enemy's line, and at daybreak on the 4th he dispersed
the squadron nearest the shore. At noon the whole Turkish force came
against him. He met them bravely, but being able to do no more
than hold his own by the ordinary method of warfare, he sent three
fireships against them in the afternoon. The Turks did not wait to be
injured by them. They fled at once, going all the way to Alexandria
in search of safety. Miaoulis then lost no time in seconding his first
exploit by another. A detachment of the army of Eastern Greece, under
the brave generals Karaïskakes and Zavellas, having been sent to
harass Reshid Pasha's operations, the admiral assisted them in a
successful piece of strategy. The Turks were, on the 6th of August,
attacked simultaneously by the ships and by the outlying battalion
of Greeks, while fifteen hundred of the garrison rushed out upon the
invaders. Four Turkish batteries were seized, and a great number of
their defenders were killed and captured; the remainder, after tough
fighting during three hours and a half, being driven so far back that
much of the besieging work had to be done over again.

Miaoulis then went in search of the Ottoman fleet, leaving the
townsmen, who were enabled, by the raising of the blockade, to receive
fresh supplies of food, ammunition, and men, to continue their
defence with a good heart. Reshid Pasha vigorously restored his siege
operations, but, attempting to force his way into the town on the 21st
of September, was again seriously repulsed. The Turks were allowed,
and even tempted, to advance to a point which had been skilfully
undermined by the besieged. The mine was then fired, and a great
number of Moslems were blown into the air, while their comrades,
fleeing in disorder, were further injured by a storm of shot from the
ramparts. A similar device was resorted to, with like success, on the
13th of October. Reshid had to retire to a safe distance and
there build winter quarters for his diminished and starving army.
Karaïskakes and Zavellas entered Missolonghi without hindrance, there
to concert measures which, had they been promptly adopted, might have
utterly destroyed the besieging force.

They delayed their plans too long. The Capitan Pasha having in August
fled in a cowardly way to Alexandria, there effected a junction with
the Egyptians, and returned to the neighbourhood of Missolonghi in
the middle of November with a huge fleet of a hundred and thirty-five
vessels, well supplied with troops and provisions. These he landed at
Patras on the 18th, just in time to be free from any annoyance that
might have been occasioned by Miaoulis, who returned to Missolonghi
on the 28th with a fleet of only thirty-three sail. He had vainly
attacked a part of the Moslem force on its way, and now, after landing
some stores at Missolonghi, made several vain attempts to overcome a
force four times as strong as his own. He soon retired, intending to
return as promptly as he could collect a large fleet and bring with
him further supplies of the provisions of which the Missolonghites
were beginning to be in need.

The need was greater even than he imagined. Not only had the Capitan
Pasha brought temporary assistance, in men and food, to the besieging
force. Yet greater assistance soon came in the shape of an Egyptian
army, led by Ibrahim Pasha himself. An overwhelming power was
thus organized during the last weeks of 1825, and the defenders of
Missolonghi were left to succumb to it, almost unaided. Their previous
successes had induced the Greeks of other districts to believe that
they could continue their defence alone, and almost the only relief
obtained by them was from the Zantiots, who had all along been zealous
in the despatch of money and provisions, and from Miaoulis and the
small fleet and equipment that he was able to collect from the islands
of the Archipelago. Miaoulis returned in January, 1826, and did much
injury to the Turkish and Egyptian vessels. But he could offer no
hindrance to the action of the Turks and Egyptians upon land. The
rainy months of December and January, in which no important attack
could be entered upon, were spent by Ibrahim and his companions in
preparation for future work. The invaders were now well provided
with every requisite. The besieged were in want of nearly everything.
"Invested for ten months," says the contemporary historian,
"frequently on the verge of starvation, thinned by fatigue, watching,
and wounds, they had already buried fifteen hundred soldiers. The
town was in ruins, and they lived amongst the mire and water of their
ditches, exposed to the inclemency of a rigorous season, without shoes
and in tattered clothing. As far as their vision stretched over the
waves they beheld only Turkish flags. The plain was studded with
Mussulman tents and standards; and the gradual appearance of new
batteries more skilfully disposed, the field days of the Arabs, and
the noise of saws and hammers, gave fearful warning. Yet these gallant
Acarnanians, Etolians, and Epirots never flinched for an instant."[A]

[Footnote A: Gordon, vol. ii., p. 253.]

On the 13th of January, Ibrahim Pasha sent to say that he was willing
to treat with them for an honourable surrender if they would convey
their terms by deputies who could speak Albanian, Turkish, and French.
"We are illiterate, and do not understand so many languages," was
their blunt reply; "pashas we do not recognize; but we know how to
handle the sword and gun."[A]

[Footnote A: Ibid.]

Sword and gun were handled with desperate prowess during February and
March and the early part of April. In April, offers of capitulation
were renewed by Ibrahim, and more disinterested attempts to avert
the worst calamity were made by Sir Frederick Adam, the Lord High
Commissioner of the Ionian Islands. Both proposals were stoutly
rejected. The Missolonghiotes declared that they would defend their
town to the last, and trust only in God and in their own strong arms.
But on the 1st of April the last scanty distribution of public rations
was exhausted. For three weeks the inhabitants subsisted upon nothing
but cats, rats, hides, seaweed, and whatever other refuse and vermin
they could collect. At length, on the 22nd of April, finding it
impossible to hold out for a day longer, they resolved to evacuate the
town in a body, and, cutting their way through the enemy, to try to
join Karaïskakes and his small force, who, hiding among the mountain
fastnesses, were vainly seeking for some way of assisting them, and to
whom they now despatched a message, asking them to advance and help to
clear a passage for their flight.

After sunset four bridges of planks were secretly laid over the outer
ditch of Missolonghi, and the inhabitants were ordered to prepare to
leave in two hours. Many—about two thousand—lost heart at last; some
betaking themselves to the powder stores, there, when all hope was
over, to end their lives by easier death than the enemy might allow
them; others, crouching in corners of their homesteads, deeming it
better to be murdered there than in the open country. The rest obeyed
the orders of the generals. All the women dressed themselves as men,
with swords or daggers at their waists. Every child who could hold a
weapon had one placed in his hand. There was bitter leave-taking, and
desperate words of encouragement passed from one to another, as the
patriots were marshalled in the order of their departure;—three
thousand fighting men to open a passage and four thousand women and
children to follow;—the whole being divided into three separate
parties. At length all was ready, and the first party silently passed
out of the town and advanced to the bridges. To their amazement,
they no sooner appeared than they were met by volley after volley of
Turkish fire. A traitor had revealed their plan, and every measure had
been taken for their destruction. Some rushed on in despite; others
hurried back, to fall into confusion, which it was hard indeed to
overcome. They felt, however, that this deadly chance was their only
chance of life, and they pressed on through the fire, and the swords
of their foes, and by the sheer heroism of despair forced a passage
to the mountains. Karaiskakes's aid—apparently through no fault of
his—was only obtained when the worst dangers had been surmounted or
succumbed to. Of the nine thousand persons who were in Missolonghi on
the day of the evacuation, four thousand were killed in the town or on
the way out of it. Only thirteen hundred men and two hundred women and
children lived to reach Salona after more than a week of wandering and
hiding among the mountains.

The long siege of Missolonghi illustrates all the best and some of
the worst features of the Greek Revolution. In it there was patriotism
worthy, in its bursts of splendour, of the nation that claimed descent
from the heroes of Plataea and Thermopylae. But the patriotism was
often fitful in its working, and oftener wholly wanting. The Greeks
could not shake off the pernicious influences that sprang, almost
necessarily, from their long centuries of thraldom. Heroism was
closely linked with treachery and meanness. The worthiest and most
disinterested energy was intimately associated with ignorance as to
the right methods of action, and with wilful action in wrong ways. The
elements of weakness that had been apparent from the first were more
and more developed as the painful struggle reached its termination.
It seems as if, in spite of Reshid Pasha and Ibrahim and their
fierce armies, it would have been easy for Missolonghi and its
brave defenders to have been saved. But rival ambitions and
paltry jealousies divided the leaders of the Revolution. They were
quarrelling while the power that each one coveted for himself was,
step by step, being wrested from them all; and when they tried to do
well their want of discipline often rendered their efforts of small
avail. No adequate attempt was made to relieve Missolonghi by land,
and the brave conduct of Miaoulis on the sea was almost neutralized
by the disorganization of his crews and the selfish policy of the
islanders who sent him out.

"With respect to the Greek army," wrote General Ponsonby to the Duke
of Wellington, from Corfu, on the 15th of June, "it is, generally
speaking, a mob; and a chief can only calculate upon keeping it
together as long as he has provisions to give it or the prospect of
plunder without danger. There is nothing to oppose the Egyptian
army but a mob kept together by the small sums sent by the different
committees in foreign countries. The Greeks have a great horror of
the bayonet, which, however, they have never seen near, except at
Missolonghi. The Suliots, who chiefly formed the garrison of that
place, are fine men, and certainly fought with great courage. Much
has been said of naval actions, but there is no truth in any of the
accounts. The Greeks are better sailors than the Turks, but no action
has been fought since the beginning of the war, if it is understood by
action that there is risk and loss on both sides. The Greeks, however,
have done wonders with their fleet. They have destroyed many large
ships, and, in the month of February last, with twenty-three brigs,
they out-manoeuvred the Turkish fleet of sixty sail, and threw
provisions into Missolonghi. This, though done by seamanship, and not
fighting, was called a great battle and a great victory. I was
within two miles of the fleets, and the cannonade for six hours was
tremendous; but when I spoke to Miaoulis the following morning he told
me he had not lost a man in his fleet."[A]

[Footnote A: "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington," vol. iii., p.
338.]

During the summer and winter following the fall of Missolonghi a
series of small disasters, the aggregate of which was by no means
small, befel the Greeks. It was the opinion of all parties, and
admitted even by jealous rivals, that the tottering cause of
independence was only sustained by the constant and eager expectation
of the arrival of the powerful fleet which was supposed to be on its
way to the Archipelago, under the able leadership of Lord Cochrane,
the world-famous champion of Chilian and Brazilian freedom.

His approach was hardly more a cause of hope to the Greeks than a
subject of fear to the Turks. No sooner was it publicly known that he
had espoused the cause of the insurgents than angry complaints were
made by the Turkish Government to the British ministry, and Mr.
Canning, then Foreign Secretary, had more than once to avow that the
authorities in England knew nothing of his movements, and had done all
that the law rendered possible to restrain him. He had also to promise
that everything legal should be done to keep him in check on his
arrival in Greek waters. "We have heard," he wrote in August to his
cousin, Mr. Stratford Canning, afterwards Lord Stratford de Redcliffe,
the ambassador at Constantinople, "that Lord Cochrane is gone to
the Mediterranean; whether it be really so, we know not." He then
proceeded to define the bearing of English and international law
in the existing circumstances. "Lord Cochrane may enter the Greek
service, and continue therein. He may even, as a Greek commander,
institute (as he did in Brazil) blockades which British officers will
respect, and exercise the belligerent rights of search on British
merchant-ships, without exposing himself to any other penalty than
that which the law will inflict upon him if ever hereafter he shall
again bring himself within its reach, and be duly convicted of the
offence for the punishment of which that law was enacted. If, indeed,
he should do any of such things without a commission he would become a
pirate, and liable to the summary justice to which, without reference
to the municipal laws of his country, he would, as an enemy of the
human race, be liable; and liable just as much from the officers of
any other country as of his own."[A]

[Footnote A: "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington," vol. iii., pp.
357, 358.]

While that correspondence was going on, Lord Cochrane, as we have
seen, was battling with a long series of delays, as irksome to himself
as they were unfortunate to the Greeks. It was not till the 14th of
September, about eight months after the time fixed for the arrival of
his whole fleet, that the first instalment of it, the _Perseverance_,
which he had sent on as soon as it was completed, with Captain Abney
Hastings as its commander, entered the harbour of Nauplia. On the 26th
of October, Captain Hastings wrote a letter, giving curious evidence
of the estimate formed by him of the Greek character. It was left
at Nauplia and addressed to "the commander of the first American
or English vessel that arrives in Greece to join the Greeks." "An
apprenticeship in Greece tolerably long," he wrote, "has taught me the
risks to which anybody newly arrived, and possessed of some place and
power, is exposed. They know me, and they also know that I know them;
yet they have not ceased, and never will cease, intriguing to get this
vessel out of my hands and into their own, which would be
tantamount to ruining her. Knowing all this, I take the liberty
of leaving this letter, to be delivered to the first officer
that arrives in Greece in the command of a vessel, to caution
him not to receive on board his vessel any Greek captain. They
will endeavour, under various pretences, to introduce themselves on
board, and when once they have got a footing, they will gradually
encroach until they feel themselves strong enough to turn out the
original commander. The presence of such men can only be attended with
inconvenience, for, if you are obliged to take a certain number of
Greek sailors, these captains will render subordination among them
impossible by their own irregularity and bad example. If you want
seamen, take some from Hydra, Spetzas, Kranidi, or Poros. The Psarians
may be trusted in very small numbers. Take a few men from one, a few
from another island, and thus you will be best enabled to establish
some kind of discipline. Take a good number of marines. Choose them
from the peasantry and foreign Greeks, and you may make something of
them. You must see, sir, that, in this my advice to the first officer
arriving in command of a vessel, I can have no interest any further
than inasmuch as I wish well to the Greek cause, and therefore do not
wish to see a force that can be of great service rendered ineffective
by falling into the hands of people totally incapable and unwilling to
adopt a single right measure. In Greece there cannot be any military
operations except such as are carried on by foreigners in their
service."

That letter was written after Captain Hastings had endured a month's
annoyance from the trouble brought upon him by the Hydriot officers
and seamen who tried to oust him from the command of his fine vessel,
whose name was now changed from the _Perseverance_ to the _Karteria_.
Unfortunately, his letter, left at Nauplia, did not reach the captain
of the next reinforcement, the American frigate, which arrived at
Egina on the 8th of December. "She was one of the finest ships in the
world," we are told, "carrying sixty-four guns—long 32-pounders on
the main, and 42-pound carronades on the upper deck—and was filled
with flour, ammunition, medicines, and marine stores for eighteen
months' consumption. The Greeks contemplated her with delight, but,
upon the departure of the American officers and seamen who navigated
her out, they discovered that she would be more embarrassing than
useful to them. To manage vessels of such a size was beyond their
capacity, and the mutual jealousy of the islanders suggested to the
Government the absurd notion of putting the frigate into commission,
Hydra, Spetzas, and the Psarian community being desired to send quotas
of men. This plan was now found to be impracticable. Repeated fights
occurred on board. The ship was twice in danger of being wrecked at
Egina, and at Poros she actually drifted ashore, luckily on soft mud.
She was finally given up to Miaoulis, with a Hydriot crew of his own
selection."[A]

[Footnote A: Gordon, vol. ii., p. 326.]

This frigate, christened the _Hellas_, came too late to be of much
service to Admiral Miaoulis, before the arrival of Lord Cochrane. In
the previous summer and autumn, however, he had been harassing and
keeping at bay the Turkish and Egyptian fleets—work in which Hastings
was in time to assist him.

Andreas Miaoulis, one of the least obtrusive, was almost the worthiest
of all the Greek patriots. During five years he had never ceased to do
the best that it was possible for him to do with the bad materials
at his disposal. When the Greek Revolution was at its height, he
had contributed largely to its success; and in the ensuing years
of disaster upon land, he had maintained its dignity on the sea by
offering bold resistance to the great naval power of the combined
Turkish and Egyptian fleets. No better proof of his patriotism could
be given than in the zeal with which he surrendered to Lord Cochrane
the leadership of the fleet which had devolved upon him for so long
and been so ably conducted by him. "I received four days ago," he
wrote from Poros on the 23rd of February, 1827, "your amiable
letter of the 19th of last month, and my great satisfaction at the
announcement of your approaching arrival in Greece is joined with a
special pleasure at the honour you do me in associating me with your
important operations. I shall be happy, my admiral, if, in serving
you, I can do my duty. I await you with impatience."

Just a month before that, on the 23rd of January, a like letter
of congratulation was addressed to Lord Cochrane from Egina by the
Governing Commission of Greece. "The intelligence of your speedy
coming to Greece," they said, "has awakened the liveliest joy and
satisfaction, and has already begun to rekindle in the hearts of
the Greeks that enthusiasm which is the most powerful weapon and the
surest support of a nation that has devoted itself to the recovery of
its most sacred rights. The Government of Greece is waiting with
the utmost impatience for the most zealous defender of the nation's
liberty. It hopes to see you in its midst as soon as possible after
your arrival at Hydra, and then to make you acquainted with the actual
state of Greece, and to furnish you with all the means in its power
for the achievement of the grand results proposed by your lordship."
The letter was signed by Andreas Zaimes, as President of
the Commission, and by seven of its members, among whom were
Mavromichales, or Petro-Bey, who, with Zaimes and two others,
represented the Morea, Spiridion Trikoupes, the deputy for Roumelia,
Zamados from Hydra, Monarchides from Psara, and Demetrakopoulos from
the islands of the Egean Sea.

By the same body was issued, on the 21st of February, a preliminary
commission, intended to protect him in case of any opposition being
raised to his progress by the authorities of other nations. "The
Governing Commission of Greece," it was written, "makes known that
Admiral Lord Cochrane is recognised as being in the service of Greece,
and accordingly has the permission of the Government to hoist the
Greek flag on all the vessels that are under his command. He has
power, also, to fight the enemies of Greece to the utmost of his
power. Therefore the officers of neutral powers, being informed of
this, are implored, not only to offer no opposition to his movements,
but also, if necessary, to supply him with any assistance he may
require, seeing that it is our custom to do the same to all friendly
nations." Armed with this document, and provided with the necessary
means by the Philhellenes of England, France, and Switzerland, Lord
Cochrane proceeded from Marseilles to Greece.




APPENDIX.


I.

(Page 22.)

The following "Resumé of the Services of the late Earl of Dundonald,
none of which have been Requited or Officially Recognized," was
written by his son, one of the authors of the present work, and
printed for private circulation in 1861.

1. The destruction of three heavily-armed French corvettes, near the
mouth of the Garonne, the crew of Lord Cochrane's frigate, _Pallas_,
being at the time, with the exception of forty men, engaged in cutting
out the _Tapageuse_, lying under the protection of two batteries
thirty miles up the river, in which operation they were also
successful, four ships of war being thus captured or destroyed in a
single day. For these services Lord Cochrane obtained nothing but
his share of the _Tapageuse_, sold by auction for a trifling sum,
the Government refusing to purchase her as a ship of war, though of
admirable build and construction. Contrary to the usual rule, no ship
ever taken by Lord Cochrane, throughout his whole career, was ever
allowed to be bought into the navy. For the corvettes, which Lord
Cochrane destroyed with so small a crew, he never received reward or
thanks, the alleged reason being, that, having become wrecks, they
were not in existence, and therefore could not have value attached
to them. This decision of the Admiralty was contrary to custom, as
admitted to the present day. In the late Russian war a gunboat of the
enemy having been driven on shore and wrecked, compensation is said to
have been awarded to the officers and crew of the British vessel
which drove her on shore. The importance of wrecking a gunboat, in
comparison with the destruction of three fast-sailing ships, which
were picking up our merchantmen, in all directions, needs no comment.

2. Lord Cochrane's services on the coast of Catalonia, of which Lord
Collingwood, then commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean, testified
of his lordship to the Admiralty that by his energy and foresight
he had, with a single frigate, stopped a French army from occupying
Eastern Spain. The services by which this was effected were as
follows:—Preventing the reinforcement of the French garrison in
Barcelona, by harassing the newly-arrived troops in their march along
the coast, and organising and assisting the Spanish militia to oppose
their progress, Lord Cochrane himself capturing one of their forts on
shore, and taking the garrison prisoners.

On the approach of a powerful French _corps d'armée_ towards
Barcelona, Lord Cochrane blew up the roads along the coast, and taught
the Spanish peasantry how to do so inland. By blowing up the cliff
roads, near Mongat, Lord Cochrane interposed an insurmountable
obstacle between the army and its artillery, capturing and throwing
into the sea a considerable number of field-pieces, so that the
operations of the French were rendered nugatory. For these services,
Lord Cochrane, notwithstanding the strong representations of Lord
Collingwood to the Board of Admiralty, neither received thanks nor
reward of any kind; notwithstanding that whilst so engaged, and that
voluntarily, in successfully accomplishing the work of an army, he
patriotically gave up all chances of prize money, though easily to be
obtained by cruising after the enemy's vessels. In place of this, he
neither searched for nor captured a single prize, whilst engaged
in harassing the French army on shore, devoting his whole energies
towards the enterprise which he considered most conducive to the
interests of his country.

3. Having effected his object, Lord Cochrane sailed for the Gulf
of Lyons, with the intention of cutting off the enemy's shore
communications. This he accomplished by destroying their signal
stations, telegraphs, and shore batteries along nearly the whole
coast, navigating his frigate with perfect safety throughout this
proverbially perilous part of the Mediterranean. In order further
to paralyse the enemy's movements, Lord Cochrane made a practice
of burning paper near the demolished stations, so as to deceive the
French into the belief that he had burned their signal books; he
rightly judging that from this circumstance they might not deem it
necessary to alter their code of signals. The ruse succeeded, and,
transmitting the signal books to Lord Collingwood, then watching the
enemy's preparations in Toulon, the commander-in-chief was thus
fully apprised, by the enemy's signals, not only of all their naval
movements, but also of the position and movements of all British
ships of war on the French coast. Lord Cochrane's single frigate
thus performed the work of many vessels of observation, and Lord
Collingwood testified of him to the Admiralty that "his resources
seemed to have no end." Notwithstanding this testimony from his
commander-in-chief, Lord Cochrane neither received reward nor thanks
for the service rendered.

4. On his return to the Spanish coast, Lord Cochrane found the French
besieging Rosas, the Spaniards maintaining possession of the citadel,
whilst Fort Trinidad had just been evacuated by the British officer
who had been co-operating with the Spaniards in the larger fortress.
Lord Cochrane, believing that if Fort Trinidad were held till
reinforcements arrived, the French must be compelled to raise the
siege of Rosas, persuaded the Spanish Governor not to surrender, as he
was about to do, on its evacuation by the British officer aforesaid,
and threw himself into the fort with a detachment from the seamen
and marines of the _Impérieuse_, with which frigate he maintained
uninterrupted communication, in spite of the enemy, who, on
ascertaining it to be Lord Cochrane who was keeping them at bay,
redoubled their efforts to capture the fort, the gallant defence of
which is amongst the most remarkable events of naval warfare. Lord
Cochrane held Fort Trinidad till, the Spaniards surrendering the
citadel, he would not allow his men to run further risk in their
behalf, and withdrew the seamen and marines in safety. For this
remarkable exploit Lord Cochrane, though himself severely wounded,
neither received reward nor thanks, except from Lord Collingwood,
who again, without effect, warmly applauded his gallantry to the
Admiralty.

5. Immediately on his arrival at Plymouth, on leave of absence in
consequence of ill health from his extraordinary exertions, Lord
Cochrane was immediately summoned by the Admiralty to Whitehall,
and asked for a plan whereby the French fleet in Basque Roads, then
threatening our West India possessions, might be destroyed at one
blow; this extraordinary request from a junior captain, after the most
experienced officers in the navy had pronounced its impracticability,
forcibly proving the very high opinion entertained by the Admiralty
of Lord Cochrane's skill and resources. He gave in a plan, and was
ordered to execute it, which order he reluctantly obeyed, having done
all in his power to decline an invidious command, for fear of arousing
the jealousy of officers to whom he was junior in the service. What
followed is matter of history, and needs not to be recapitulated.
Yet for the destruction of that powerful armament he neither received
reward nor thanks from the Admiralty, though rewarded by his sovereign
with the highest order of the Bath, a distinction which marked his
Majesty's sense of the important service rendered.

Nine years afterwards head money was awarded to the whole fleet,
of which only the vessels directed by Lord Cochrane and a few sent
afterwards, when too late for effective measures, took part in the
action. The alleged reason of this award was that the _Calcutta_, one
of the ships driven ashore by Lord Cochrane, did not surrender to him,
but to ships sent to his assistance. This was not true, though after
protracted deliberation so ruled by the Admiralty Court, and officers
now living and present in the action have recently come forward to
testify to the ship being in Lord Cochrane's possession before the
arrival of the ships which subsequently came to his assistance. A
small sum was therefore only awarded to him as a junior captain, in
common with those who had been spectators only, and this he declined
to receive. Such was his recompense for a service to the high merit of
which Napoleon himself afterwards testified in the warmest manner; and
it may be mentioned as a further testimony that a French Court Martial
shot Captain Lafont, the commander of the _Calcutta_, because he
surrendered to a vessel of inferior power, viz., Lord Cochrane's
frigate, the _Impérieuse_ of forty-four guns, the _Calcutta_ carrying
sixty guns.[A]

[Footnote A: Captain Lafont was shot on board the _Ocean_, on
September 9, 1809, _for surrendering the Calcutta to a ship of
inferior force_, thus proving that she surrendered to Lord Cochrane
alone, though Sir William Scott ruled in opposition to the facts
adopted by the French Court Martial, which condemned Captain Lafont
to death for the act. The surrender to Lord Cochrane alone is further
proved by the additional fact, that the captains of the _Ville de
Varsovie_ and _Aquilon_, which _did_ surrender to the other ships in
conjunction with Lord Cochrane's frigate, were not even accused, much
less punished for so doing.]

The exploits of Lord Cochrane in the _Speedy_ and _Pallas_ are too
well known in naval history to require recapitulation, and of these
it may be said that the numerous prizes captured by these vessels
constituted their own reward. It may here be mentioned in confirmation
of what has previously been said, that the _Gamo_, a magnificent
xebeque frigate of thirty-two guns, was not allowed to be bought into
the navy, but was sold for a small sum to one of the piratical Barbary
States, notwithstanding that Lord Cochrane had said that if he
were allowed to have her in place of the _Speedy_, then in a very
dilapidated condition, he would sweep the Mediterranean of the enemy's
cruisers and privateers. His capacity so to do may be judged from what
he effected with the _Speedy_, mounting only fourteen 4-pounders.

With regard to the services previously enumerated, the case is
different, notwithstanding their national importance in comparison
with his minor acts, which may be classed as brilliant exploits only.
But that no reward should have been conferred for doing effectively
the work of an army, and that without the cost of a shilling to the
nation beyond the ordinary expenditure of a small frigate, necessary
to be disbursed whether she performed any effective service or not,
is a neglect which, unless repaired in the persons of his successors,
will for ever remain a blot on the British Government. Still more so
will the worse neglect of not having in any way rewarded him for the
destruction of the French fleet in Basque Roads, for though only four
ships were destroyed at the moment, the whole fleet of the enemy was
so damaged by having been driven on shore from terror of the explosive
vessel, fired with Lord Cochrane's own hand, that it eventually became
a wreck; and thus our West India commerce, then the most important
branch of national export and import, was in a month after Lord
Cochrane's arrival from the Mediterranean relieved from the panic
which paralysed it, and restored to its wonted security;—a service
which can only be estimated by the gloom and panic which had
previously pervaded the whole country.

Were reference made to the pension list, and note taken of the
pensions granted to other officers and their successors for services
which in point of national importance do not admit of comparison with
those of Lord Cochrane, the present generation would be surprised at
the national ingratitude manifested towards one, who, in his great
exploits, had so patriotically sacrificed every consideration
of private interest to his country's service. His cruise in the
_Impérieuse_, which has no parallel in naval history, procured for
Lord Cochrane nothing whatever but shattered health from the
incessant anxiety and exertion he had undergone in the profitless but
high-minded course he adopted to thwart the French in their attempts
to establish a permanent footing in Eastern Spain. His exploits in
Basque Roads procured him nothing but absolute ruin; for, from his
refusal as a Member of Parliament to acquiesce in a vote of thanks to
Lord Gambier, even though the same thanks were promised to himself,
may be dated that active political persecution which commenced by
depriving him of further naval employment and did not cease till it
had accomplished his utter ruin, even to striking his name out of the
_Navy List_.

The animosity of this political partisanship towards one who had
effected so much for his country is an anomaly even in political
history. That amended representation of the people in Parliament, for
which he strove up to 1818, had only fourteen years afterwards become
the law of the land, and the boast of some who had persecuted Lord
Cochrane for no offence beyond having been amongst the first to give
expression to the popular will subsequently adopted by themselves.

The efforts of Lord Cochrane in favour of reforming the abuses of the
Navy and of Greenwich Hospital, which at that time brought upon him
the wrath of the Administration, are at this moment seriously engaging
the attention of parliament, as being of paramount national necessity.
The doctrine then openly laid down, that no naval officer in
parliament had a right to interfere with naval administration, has
long been abrogated, and many of the brightest ornaments of the navy
are now amongst the foremost to denounce naval abuses in the House of
Commons. It is, in fact, to them that the country now looks for
that vigilance which shall preserve the navy in a proper state of
efficiency. Yet for these very things was Lord Cochrane persecuted,
though modern Governments, which have been liberal enough to acquiesce
in popular reforms, of which he was the early advocate, have not been
liberal enough to make him amends for the wrongs he suffered as one of
the indefatigable originators of their now-cherished measures. Still
less have they deemed it inconsistent with the honour of this great
country to refrain from rewarding him in the ordinary manner for his
most important services, rendered when others shrank from them, as was
the case at Basque Roads, where his plans, declined by his seniors in
the service, were successfully executed by himself under the greatest
possible discouragement and disadvantage.

But the injustice manifested towards the late Earl of Dundonald did
not end here. Driven from the service of his own country, and without
fortune, he was compelled by his necessities to embark in the service
of foreign states. With his own hand, directed by his own genius,
which had to supply the place of adequate naval force, he liberated
Chili, Peru, and Brazil from thraldom, consolidating the rebellious
provinces of the latter empire on so permanent a basis, that its
internal peace has never again been disturbed. Yet not one of these
states has to this day satisfied the stipulated and indisputable
arrangements by which he was induced to espouse their cause; the
reason of their breach of contract being distinctly traceable to the
course pursued towards Lord Dundonald in England. Seeing that the
British Government paid no attention to the yet more important claims
he had upon its gratitude, the South American States believed that
they might with impunity disregard their own stipulations, and the
dictates of national honour; the chief of one of them having had the
audacity to tell Lord Cochrane that he would find no sympathy in the
British Government.

Three of the most distinguished officers in the British service, Sir
Thomas Hastings, Sir John Burgoyne, and Colonel Colquhoun, have felt
it their duty, when officially reporting on the efficacy of Lord
Dundonald's war plans, to give him the highest credit for having kept
his secret "
_under peculiarly trying circumstances_," and from
pure love of his native country. The "trying circumstances" were
these,—that he had been driven from the service of that country by
the machinations of a political faction, which, in the conscientious
performance of his parliamentary duties, he had offended. Even this
injury, which blasted his whole life and prospects, did not detract
one _iota_ from the love of country, which to the day of his death
was with him a passion; his acute mind well knowing how to draw the
distinction between his country and those who were sacrificing its
best interests to their love of power, if not to less worthy purposes.
Never was praise more honourably given, than in the Ordnance Report
of the above-named distinguished officers, and never was it more nobly
deserved.

Another "peculiarly trying circumstance" alluded to by those officers,
was that, when compelled by actual pecuniary necessity, in consequence
of the deprivation of his rank and pay, and the demands of increasing
family, to accept service under a foreign state as his only means of
subsistence, he lay before the castles of Callao, into which had been
removed for security the whole wealth of the rich capital of Peru,
including bullion and plate, estimated at upwards of a million
sterling, he preserved his war secret, though strongly urged to put
it in execution. Had he listened to the temptation, in six hours
the whole of that wealth must have been in his possession. For not
listening to it, he incurred the enmity of his employers, who urged
that they were entitled to all his professional skill and knowledge,
as a part of his bargain with them; and his non-compliance with their
wishes is doubtless amongst the chief reasons why they have not, to
this day, satisfied their own offered stipulations for his services.
Yet, at the very moment when he was displaying this self-sacrificing
patriotism, lest his country might suffer from his secret being
divulged, the Government of Great Britain had, at the suggestion of
the Spanish Government, passed a "Foreign Enlistment Act," with the
express intention of enveloping him in its meshes.[A]

[Footnote A: On Lord Cochrane's return from Brazil, having occasion
to go before the Attorney-General, on the subject of a patent, that
learned functionary rudely asked him, "
_Whether he was not afraid to
appear in his presence?_ " Lord Cochrane's reply was, "
_No, nor in
the presence of any man living_." Evidence exists that the
Attorney-General asked the Ministry if he should prosecute Lord
Cochrane under the Foreign Enlistment Act, the reply being in the
negative.]

II.

(Page 23.)

As a striking instance of Lord Cochrane's method of exposing naval
abuses, part of a speech delivered by him in the House of Commons, on
the 11th of May, 1809, is here copied from his "Autobiography," vol.
ii. pp. 142-144.

An admiral, worn out in the service, is superannuated at
410£. a year, a captain at 210£., a clerk of the ticket office
retires on 700£. a year! The widow of Admiral Sir Andrew
Mitchell has one third of the allowance given to the widow of
a Commissioner of the Navy.

I will give the House another instance. Four daughters of the
gallant Captain Courtenay have 12£. 10s. each, the daughter of
Admiral Sir Andrew Mitchell has 25£., two daughters of Admiral
Epworth have 25l. each, the daughter of Admiral Keppel 24£.,
the daughter of Captain Mann, who was killed in action, 25£.,
four children of Admiral Moriarty 25£. each. That is—thirteen
daughters of admirals and captains, several of whose fathers
fell in the service of their country, receive from the
gratitude of the nation a sum less than Dame Mary Saxton, the
widow of a commissioner.

The pension list is not formed on any comparative rank or
merit, length of service, or other rational principle, but
appears to me to be dependent on parliamentary influence
alone. Lieutenant Ellison, who lost his arm, is allowed 91£.
5s., Captain Johnstone, who lost his arm, has only 45£.
12s. 6d., Lieutenant Arden, who lost his arm, has 9£.
5s., Lieutenant Campbell, who lost his leg, 40£., and poor
Lieutenant Chambers, who lost both his legs, has only 80£.,
whilst Sir A.S. Hamond retires on 1500£. per annum. The brave
Sir Samuel Hood, who lost his arm, has only 500£., whilst the
late Secretary of the Admiralty retires, in full health, on a
pension of 1500£. per annum.

To speak less in detail, 32 flag officers, 22 captains, 50
lieutenants, 180 masters, 36 surgeons, 23 pursers, 91 boatswains, 97
gunners, 202 carpenters, and 41 cooks, in all 774 persons, cost the
country 4028l. less than the nett proceeds of the sinecures of Lords
Arden (20,358£), Camden (20,536£), and Buckingham (20,693£).

All the superannuated admirals, captains, and lieutenants put
together, have but 1012l. more than Earl Camden's sinecure alone! All
that is paid to the wounded officers of the whole British navy, and
to the wives and children of those dead or killed in action, do
not amount by 214l. to as much as Lord Arden's sinecure alone, viz.
20,358£. What is paid to the mutilated officers themselves is but half
as much.

Is this justice? Is this the treatment which the officers of the
navy deserve at the hands of those who call themselves his Majesty's
Government? Does the country know of this injustice? Will this too be
defended? If I express myself with warmth I trust in the indulgence
of the House. I cannot suppress my feelings. Should 31 commissioners,
commissioners' wives, and clerks have 3899l. more amongst them than
all the wounded officers of the navy of England?

I find upon examination that the Wellesleys receive from the public
34,729£, a sum equal to 426 pairs of lieutenants' legs, calculated at
the rate of allowance of Lieutenant Chambers's legs. Calculating
for the pension of Captain Johnstone's arm, viz. 45l., Lord Arden's
sinecure is equal to the value of 1022 captains' arms. The Marquis
of Buckingham's sinecure alone will maintain the whole ordinary
establishment of the victualling department at Chatham, Dover,
Gibraltar, Sheerness, Downs, Heligoland, Cork, Malta, Mediterranean,
Cape of Good Hope, Rio de Janeiro, and leave 5460£ in the Treasury.
Two of these comfortable sinecures would victual the officers and men
serving in all the ships in ordinary in Great Britain, viz. 117 sail
of the line, 105 frigates, 27 sloops, and 50 hulks. Three of them
would maintain the dockyard establishments at Portsmouth and Plymouth.
The addition of a few more would amount to as much as the whole
ordinary establishments of the royal dockyards at Chatham, Woolwich,
Deptford, and Sheerness; whilst the sinecures and offices executed
wholly by deputy would more than maintain the ordinary establishment
of all the royal dockyards in the kingdom.

Even Mr. Ponsonby, who lately made so pathetic an appeal to the good
sense of the people of England against those whom he was pleased to
term demagogues, actually receives, for having been thirteen months in
office, a sum equal to nine admirals who have spent their lives in
the service of their country; three times as much as all the pensions
given to all the daughters and children of all the admirals,
captains, lieutenants, and other officers who have died in indigent
circumstances, or who have been killed in the service.

III.

(Page 258.)

The following letter, too long to be quoted in the body of the work,
but too important to be omitted, was addressed by Lord Cochrane to
the Brazilian Secretary of State. It gives memorable evidence of
the treatment to which he was subjected by the Portuguese faction in
Brazil.

Rio de Janeiro, May 3rd, 1824.

MOST EXCELLENT SIR,


I have received the honour of your excellency's reply to my letter
of the 30th of March, and as I am thereby taught that the subjects on
which I wrote are not now considered so intimately connected with your
excellency's department as they were by your immediate predecessor,
nor even so far relevant as to justify a direct communication to your
excellency, I should feel it my duty to avoid troubling you farther
on those subjects, were it not that you at the same time have freely
expressed such opinions with respect to my conduct and motives as
justice to myself requires me to controvert and refute.

With regard to your excellency's assurance that it has ever been
the intention of his Imperial Majesty and Council to act favourably
towards me, I can in return assure your excellency that I have never
doubted the just and benign intention of his Imperial Majesty himself,
neither have I doubted that a part of his Privy Council has thought
well of my services; and if I have imagined that a majority has been
prejudiced against me, I have formed that conclusion merely from the
effects which I have seen and experienced, and not from any undue
prepossession against particular individuals, whether Brazilian or
Portuguese. But when your excellency adds that those transactions
between the late minister and myself, which, owing to their having
been conducted verbally, have been ill-understood, have invariably
been decided in a manner favourable to me, I confess myself at a loss
to understand your excellency's meaning, not having any recollection
of such favourable decisions, and therefore not feeling myself
competent either to admit or deny unless in the first place your
excellency shall be pleased to descend to particulars. I do indeed
recollect that the late ministers, professing to have the authority of
his Imperial Majesty, and which, from the personal countenance I
have experienced from that august personage, I am sure they did not
clandestinely assume, proffered to me the command of the imperial
squadron, with every privilege, emolument, and advantage which
I possessed in the command of the navy of Chili; and this, your
excellency is desired to observe, was not a verbal transaction, but
a written one, and therefore not liable to any of those
misunderstandings to which verbal transactions, as your excellency
observes, are naturally subject. Now, in Chili my commission was that
of commander-in-chief of the squadron, without limitation as to time
or any other restriction. My command, of course, was only to cease by
my own voluntary resignation, or by sentence of court-martial, or by
death, or other uncontrollable event. And accordingly the appointment
which I accepted in the service of his Imperial Majesty, and in virtue
of which I sailed in command of the expedition to Bahia, was that of
commander-in-chief of the whole squadron, without limitation as to
time or otherwise; and this, too, your excellency will be pleased
to observe, was not a verbal transaction, but a solemn engagement
in writing, bearing date the 26th day of March, 1823, and now in my
possession. I had also the assurance in writing of the Minister of
Marine, that the formalities of engrossment and registration of
such appointment were only deferred from want of time, and should be
executed immediately after my return.

And now I most respectfully put it home to your excellency whether
these engagements have or have not been fully confirmed and complied
with under the present administration. I ask your excellency whether
the patent which I received, bearing date the 25th November, 1823,
did not contain a clause of limitation by which I might at any time be
dismissed from the service under any pretence or without any pretence
whatever—without even the form of a hearing in my own defence. Then
again I ask your excellency whether my office as commander-in-chief of
the squadron was not reduced for a period of three months—as appears
by every official communication of the Minister of Marine to me during
that period—to the command only of the vessels of war anchored
in this port?[A] and further on this subject I ask your excellency
whether after my repeated remonstrances against this injurious
limitation of my stipulated authority, it was not pretended by the
decree published in the Gazette of the 28th February, that I was then
for the first time, as a mark of special favour, elevated to the rank
of commander-in-chief of the squadron, and that too during the period
only of the existing war: although nothing less than the chief command
had been offered to me at the first, without any restriction as to
time, and although it was only in that capacity I had consented to
enter into the service, and under a written appointment as such I had
then been in the service nearly twelve months. And then I ask your
excellency whether the limitation introduced into the patent of the
25th of November last, in violation of the original agreement, and
confirmed and defined by the decree published on the 28th of February
following; to which may be added the communication which I received
from your excellency, excluding me from taking the oath, and becoming
a party to the constitution, the 149th article of which provides for
the protection of officers until lawfully deprived by sentence of
court-martial; I say that I respectfully ask your excellency whether
these proceedings were not well adapted for the purpose of casting me
off with the utmost facility at the earliest moment that convenience
might dictate; either with or without the admission of those claims
for the future to which past services are usually considered entitled,
as might best suit the inclination of those with whom my dismissal
might originate. And is it not most probable that their inclination
would run counter to those claims, especially when it is considered
that my letter of the 6th of March to the Minister of Marine, in which
I made the inquiry whether my right to half-pay would be recognized
on the termination of the war, has never been answered, although my
application for a reply has been repeated?[B] If then the explicit
engagements in writing between the late minister of his Imperial
Majesty and myself have, as I have shown, been set aside by the
present ministry and council, and other arrangements far less
favourable to me, and destructive of the lawful security of my present
and future rights, have without my consent been substituted in their
stead, where, I entreat your excellency, am I to look for those
favourable constructions of "ill-understood verbal transactions,"
which your excellency requires me to accept as a proof that the
intentions of the present ministry and council, in respect to me, have
ever been of the most favourable and obliging nature?

[Footnote A: This was resorted to, in order to prevent Lord Cochrane
from stationing the cruisers to annoy the enemy, to deprive him of
any interest in future captures, and prevent his opposition to the
unlawful restoration of enemy's property.]

[Footnote B: An answer was at last given, a few days before Lord
Cochrane's assistance was called for to put down the revolution
at Pernambuco; and _half_ of the originally-granted _half-pay_ was
decreed when he should return, after the termination of hostilities,
to his native country.]

I would beg permission, too, to inquire how it happened that
portarias[A] from the Minister of Marine, charging me unjustly from
time to time with neglecting to obey the command of his Imperial
Majesty, were constantly made public, while my answers in refutation
were always suppressed. And why, when I remonstrated against this
injustice, was I answered that the same course should be persisted
in, and that I had no alternative but to acquiesce, or to descend to
a newspaper controversy by publishing my exculpations myself? Is it
possible not to perceive that the _ex parte_ publication of
these accusatory portarias was intended to lower me in the public
estimation, and to prepare the way for the exercise of that power of
summary dismissal which was so unfairly acquired by the means above
described?

[Footnote A: Official communications.]

On the subject of the prizes your excellency is pleased to state: "Les
difficultés survenues dans le jugement des prizes ont eu des motifs si
connus et positifs qu'il est assez doloureux de les voir attribuir à
la mauvaise volonté du Conseil de S.M.I." To this I reply that I know
of no just cause for the delay which has arisen in the decision of the
prizes, and consequently I have a right to impute blame for that delay
to those who have the power to cause it or remove it. If the majority
of the voices in council had been for a prompt condemnation to the
captors of the prizes taken from the Portuguese nation, is
it possible that individuals of that nation would be suffered
to continue to be the judges of those prizes after an experience
of many months has demonstrated either their determination
to do nothing, or nothing favourable to the captors? The
repugnance of Portuguese judges to condemn property captured from
their fellow-countrymen, as a reward to those who have engaged in
hostilities against Portugal, is natural enough, and is the only
well-known and positive cause of the delay with which I am acquainted;
but it is not such a cause for delay as ought to have been permitted
to operate by the ministers and council of his Imperial Majesty, who
are bound in honour and duty to act with fidelity towards those who
have been engaged as auxiliaries in the attainment and maintenance of
the independence of the empire. I did, however, inform your excellency
that I had heard it stated that another difficulty had arisen in the
apprehension that this Government might be under the necessity of
eventually restoring the prizes to the original Portuguese owners as
a condition of peace. But this, your excellency assures me, proves
nothing but that I am a listener to "rapporteurs," whom I ought
to drive from my presence. Unfortunately, however, for this bold
explanation of your excellency, the individual whom I heard make the
observation was no other than his excellency the present Minister of
Marine, Francisco Villala Barboza. If your excellency considers that
gentleman in the light of a "rapporteur," or talebearer, it is not for
me to object; but the imputation of being a listener to or encourager
of talebearers, so rashly advanced by your excellency against me,
is without foundation in truth. It may be necessary for ministers
of state to have their eavesdroppers and informers, but mine is a
straightforward course, which needs no such precautions. And if there
be any who volunteer information or advice, I can appreciate the value
of it, and the motives of those who offer it. Those who know me much
better than your excellency does, will admit that I am in the habit of
thinking for myself, and not apt to act on the suggestions of others,
especially if officiously tendered.

As to the successive appointment and removal of incompetent auditors
of marine, for which your excellency gives credit to the council,
I can only say that the benefit of such repeated changes is by no
means apparent. And to revert again to the difficulty of decision, for
which your excellency intimates there is sufficient cause, I beg leave
to ask your excellency what just reason can exist for not condemning
these prizes to the captors. Can it be denied that the orders
under which I sailed for the blockade of Bahia authorized me to act
hostilely against the ships and property of the crown and subjects of
Portugal? Can it be denied that war was regularly declared between
the two nations? Was it not even promulgated under the sanction of his
Imperial Majesty in a document giving to privateers certain privileges
which it is admitted were possessed by the ships of war in the making
and sale of captures? And yet did not the Prize Tribunal (consisting
chiefly, as I before observed, of Portuguese), on the return of the
squadron, eight months afterwards, pretend to be ignorant whether his
Imperial Majesty was at war or at peace with the kingdom of Portugal?
And did they not under that pretence avoid proceeding to adjudication?
Was not this pretence a false one, or is it one of those well-founded
causes of difficulty to which your excellency alludes? Can it be
denied that the squadron sailed and acted in the full expectation,
grounded on the assurance and engagements of the Government, that all
captures made under the flag of the enemy, whether ships of war or
merchant vessels, were to be prize to the captors? and yet when
the prize judges were at length under the necessity of commencing
proceedings, did they not endeavour to set aside the claims of the
captors by the monstrous pretence that they had no interest in their
captures when made within the distance of two leagues from the shore?
Will your excellency contend that this was a good and sufficient
reason? Was it founded in common sense, or on any rational precedent,
or indeed any precedent whatever? Was it either honest to the squadron
or faithful to the country? Was it not calculated to prevent the
squadron from ever again assailing an invading enemy, or again
expelling him from the shores of the empire? Then, in the next place,
did not these most extraordinary judges pretend that at least all
vessels taken in ports and harbours should be condemned as droits to
the crown, and not as prize to the captors? Was not this another most
pernicious attempt to deprive the imperial squadron not only of its
reward for the past but of any adequate motive for the risk of
future enterprise? And in effect, were not these successive pretences
calculated to operate as invitations to invasions? Did they not tend
to encourage the enemy to resume his occupation of the port of Bahia,
and generally to renew his aggressions against the independence of
the empire on her shores and in her ports without the probability
of resistance by the squadrons of his Imperial Majesty? And have not
these same judges actually condemned almost every prize as a droit
to the crown, thereby doing as much as in them lay to defraud the
squadron and to damp its zeal and destroy its energies? Nay, have
not the auditors of marine actually issued decrees pronouncing the
captures made at Maranhão to have been illegal, alleging that they
were seized under the Brazilian flag, although in truth the flag
of the enemy was flying at the time both in the forts and ships;
declaring me a violator of the law of nations and law of the land;
accusing me of having been guilty of an insult to the Emperor and
the empire, and decreeing costs and damages against me under these
infamous pretences? Can your excellency perceive either justice or
decency in these decrees? Do they in any degree breathe the spirit of
gratitude for the union of so important a province to the empire, or
are they at all in accordance with the distinguished approbation which
his Imperial Majesty himself has evinced of my services at Maranhão?

Can it be unknown to your excellency that the late ministers, acting
doubtless under the sanction of his Imperial Majesty, and assuredly
under the guidance of common sense, held out that the value of ships
of war taken from the enemy was to be the reward of the enterprise of
the captors? And yet are we not now told that a law exists decreeing
all captured men-of-war to the crown, and so rendering the engagements
of the late ministers illegal and nugatory? Can anything be more
contrary to justice, to good faith, to common sense, or to sound
policy? Was it ever expected by any government employing foreign
seamen in a war in which they can have no personal rights at stake,
that those seamen will incur the risk of attacking a superior, or even
an equal, force, without prospect of other reward than their ordinary
pay? Is it not notorious that even in England it is found essential,
or at least highly advantageous, to reward the officers and seamen,
though fighting their own battles, not only with the full value of
captured vessels of war, but even with additional premiums; and was
it ever doubted that such liberal policy has mainly contributed to the
surpassing magnitude of the naval power of that little island, and her
consequent greatness as a nation?

Can your excellency deny that the delay, the neglect, and the conduct
generally of the prize judges, have been the cause of an immense
diminution in the value of the captures? Have not the consequences
been a wanton and shameful waste of property by decay and plunder?
Can your excellency really believe in the existence of a good and
sufficient motive for consigning such property to destruction, rather
than at once awarding it to the captors in recompense for their
services to the empire? Is it not true that all control over the sales
and cargoes of the vessels, most of which are without invoices, have
been taken from the captors and their agents and placed in the hands
of individuals over whom they have no authority or influence, and from
whom they can have no security of receiving a just account? And can
it be doubted that the gracious intentions of his Imperial Majesty, as
announced by himself, of rewarding the captors with the value of
the prizes, are in the utmost danger of being defeated by such
proceedings?

Since the 12th day of February, when his Imperial Majesty was
graciously pleased to signify his pleasure in his own handwriting that
the prizes, though condemned to the crown, should be paid for to
the captors, and that valuators should be appointed to estimate the
amount, is it not true that nothing whatever, up to the date of my
former letter to your excellency, had been done by his ministers
and council in furtherance of such his gracious intentions? On the
contrary, is it not notorious that, since the announcement of the
imperial intention, numerous vessels and cargoes have been arbitrarily
disposed of by authority of the auditors of marine, by being delivered
to pretended owners and others without legal adjudication, and even
without the decency of acquainting the captors or their agents that
the property had been so transferred? And has not the whole cost
of litigation, watching and guarding the vessels and cargoes, been
entirely at the expense of the captors, notwithstanding the disposal
of the property and the receipt of the proceeds by the agents of
Government and others?

So little hope of justice has been presented by the proceedings of the
Prize Tribunal, that it has appeared quite useless to label the stores
found in the naval and military arsenals of Maranhão, or the 66,000
dollars in the chests of the Treasury and Custom House, with double
that sum in bills, all of which was left for the use of the province,
or permitted to be disbursed to satisfy the clamorous troops of Ceara
and Pianhy. Has any remuneration been offered to the navy for these
sacrifices, of which ministers were duly informed by my official
despatches? or has any recompense been awarded for the Portuguese brig
and schooner of war, both completely stored and equipped, which were
surrendered at Maranhão, and which have ever since been employed in
the naval service? To a proportion of all this I should have been
entitled in Chili, as well as in the English service; and why, I ask,
must I here be contented to be deprived of every hope of these the
fruits of my labours? In addition to the prize vessels delivered to
claimants without trial, have not the ministers appropriated others
_to the uses of the state without valuation or recompense_?[A]

[Footnote A: This conduct was afterwards more flagrantly exemplified
on the arrival of the new and noble prize frigate _Imperatrice_, the
equipment whereof had cost the captors 12,000 milreas, which sum has
never been returned.]

In short, is it not true that though more than a year has elapsed
since the sailing of the imperial squadron under my command, and
nearly half a year since its return, after succeeding in expelling the
naval and military forces of the enemy from Bahia, and liberating the
northern provinces, and uniting them to the empire; I say is it not
true that not one shilling of prize money has yet been distributed
to the squadron, and that no prospect is even now apparent of any
distribution being speedily made? Is it not true that the only
substantial reward of the officers and seamen of the squadron for the
important services they have rendered has hitherto been nothing
more than their mere pittance of ordinary pay; and even that in
many instances vexatiously delayed and miserably curtailed? And with
respect to myself individually, is it not notorious that I necessarily
consume my whole pay in my current expenses; that my official rank
cannot be upheld with less, and that it is wholly inadequate to the
due support of the dignity of those high honours which his Imperial
Majesty has been graciously pleased to confer?

Under all these circumstances, it is in vain that I endeavour to
make that discovery which your excellency assures me requires only
a moment's reflection: "Au reste" (your excellency says), "que V'e.
Ex'ce. réfléchisse un moment, celle trouverá que le Gouvernement de
S.M.I. simplement et uniquement pour faire plaisir à V'e. Ex'ce. á
s'est attiré une enormé responsabilité dans les engagemens pris
avec V'e. Ex'ce." It is not one moment only nor one hour that I have
reflected on these words, but without making the promised discovery,
or any probable guess at your excellency's meaning. I would therefore
entreat your excellency to tell me what it is that the Government
has engaged to do. All that I know is they have engaged to pay me a
certain sum per annum as commander-in-chief of the squadron; and this
engagement, I admit, they have so far fulfilled. But the amount is
little more than is received by the commander-in-chief of an English
squadron; and is it not found in that service, and in every regular
or established naval service, that for one officer qualified for any
considerable command there are probably ten that are not qualified;
though all have necessarily been reared and paid at the national
expense? Whereas, in this case, so far from your having been at the
expense of money in order to procure a few that are effective, you
obtained at once, without any previous cost whatever, the services
of myself and the officers that accompanied me, all of whom were
experienced and efficient. Now, the united amount of the salaries you
are engaged to pay to myself and the officers whom I brought with
me does not exceed 25,000 dollars a year. To speak of this as an
"enormous responsibility" as an empire, requires more than a "moment's
reflection" to be clearly understood. The Government did, however,
engage to pay to myself and my brother officers and seamen the value
of our captures from the enemy, pursuant to the practice of all
maritime belligerents, but this engagement has not hitherto been
fulfilled. If, however, your excellency admits the responsibility of
the Government to fulfil this engagement also, I am still equally at
a loss to conceive in what sense that responsibility can be considered
enormous, inasmuch as these prizes were not the property of the state,
nor of individuals belonging to this nation, but were the property of
Portugal, with whom this nation was and is engaged in lawful war.
The payment, therefore, of the value of these prizes to the captors,
supposing even the full value to be paid, does not in effect take
one penny out of the national treasury, or out of the pocket of any
Brazilian. If it be false—and your excellency appears to scout the
idea—that any danger exists of having to pay twice for these prizes;
if there really is no danger of being compelled to purchase peace
with a defeated enemy by restoring them their forfeited property—it
follows that the responsibility of the Government in fulfilling its
engagement with the captors is so far from being enormous, that it is
literally nothing. How the fulfilment of a lawful engagement by the
simple act of paying over to the squadron the value of its prizes
taken in time of war from the foreign enemies of the state (such
payment occasioning no expense, and no loss to the state itself) can
be attended with an enormous responsibility, I am utterly unable to
comprehend. So far as the engagements of the Government with me,
or with the captors in general of the Portuguese prizes, are of
a pecuniary nature, they appear to me to lay no great weight of
responsibility on the herculean shoulders of this vast empire. And it
is only in a pecuniary sense that I can conceive it to be possible for
your excellency to have thought of complaining of the responsibility
attending the fulfilment of the engagements of the Government with me.

It is no less difficult to comprehend how this supposed enormous
responsibility has been incurred, "simplement et uniquement pour faire
plaisir" to me; and it is still more difficult to comprehend how it
happens that your excellency, "after all that you have heard and seen"
(après ce que j'ai entendu et vu), should be at a loss to know in what
manner I am to be contented (je ne saurais pas dequelle maniére on
puisse vous contenter). If, indeed, your excellency imagines that I
ought to be contented with honorary distinctions alone, however highly
I may prize them as the free gift of his Imperial Majesty; if
your excellency is of opinion that I ought with "remercimens et
satisfaction" to put up with those honours in lieu of those stipulated
substantial rewards, which even those very honours render more
necessary; if your excellency thinks that I ought, like the dog in the
fable, to resign the substance for a grasp at the shadow; if this is
all that your excellency knows on the subject of giving me content, it
is then very true that your excellency does not know in what manner it
is to be done. But if, "after all that your excellency has heard and
seen," you would be pleased to render yourself conversant with those
written engagements under which I was induced to enter into the
service, all that your excellency and the rest of the ministers and
council of his Imperial Majesty would then have to do in order
to content me to the full, would be to desist from evading the
performance of those engagements, and to cause them at once to
be fully and honourably fulfilled. And I do believe that my
"Correspondance Officielle une fais rendue publique, en faira foi;"
for I am not conscious that I have ever called on the Government to
incur one farthing of expense on my account beyond the fulfilment of
their written engagements, which were the same as those which I had
with Chili, which were formed precisely on the practice of England.
There was, indeed, a verbal and conditional engagement with the late
ministers that certain losses which I might incur in consequence of
leaving the service of Chili should be made good;[A] and the question
as to the obligation of fulfilling that engagement I submitted (in
my letter of the 6th of March to the Minister of Marine) to the
consideration of their successors. It will be fortunate for me if this
should prove to be one of those "ill-understood verbal transactions"
which your excellency assures me the present ministers and council
always decide in my favour. I shall not in that case be backward to
receive the benefit of the decision with "thanks and satisfaction;"
but I am willing to resign it rather than it should add an
overwhelming weight to that "enormous responsibility" which your
excellency complains has already been incurred with a view to
my contentment. I repeat that I have never asked for more than I
possessed in Chili, or than any officer of the same rank is entitled
to in England; though British officers have heretofore received in the
service of Portugal double the amount of their English pay; and though
the burning climate of Brazil is injurious to health, while those
of Chili and Portugal are salubrious. Your excellency, therefore, is
perfectly welcome to publish the whole of my official correspondence,
because instead of proving, as your excellency asserts, the great
difficulty of contenting me, it would go far to prove the much greater
difficulty of inducing those with whom I have to do to take any one
step for that purpose.

[Footnote A: As the Brazilian Government had obtained possession of a
new corvette, named the _Maria de Gloria_, which cost the Government
of Chili 90,000 dollars, without reimbursing to that State one single
farthing; and by the said act had deprived Lord Cochrane of the
benefit he would have derived, as commander-in-chief, from the
services of that ship in the Pacific, the non-fulfilment of this
engagement seems the more unjust.]

I confess, however, that in order to content me effectually it is
necessary to fulfil not only all written engagements with myself
individually, but generally with all the officers and seamen with
whom, while I hold the command, I consider myself identified; and the
more particularly because, in my own firm reliance on the good faith
of the Government, I did in some sort become responsible for that good
faith to my brother officers and seamen. But with whom, I put it to
your excellency, has good faith been kept? Is it not notorious that
previous to the departure of the expedition to Bahia, declarations
were made to the seamen in writing by the late Minister of Marine,
through my medium, and in printed proclamations, that their dues
should be paid with all possible regularity, and all their arrears
discharged immediately on their return? And is not your excellency
aware that specific contracts were entered into by the accredited
agent of his Imperial Majesty in England, with a number of officers
and seamen, who, in consequence, were induced to quit their native
country and enter into the employ of his Imperial Majesty? Can it be
denied that these declarations and contracts, written and printed,
were known to, and are actually in the possession of the ministers, or
in the hands of the officers of the pay department, and yet is it not
true that they were neglected to be fulfilled for a period of upwards
of three months after the return of the _Pedro Primiero_ ; and was
not the tardy fulfilment which at length took place procured by my
incessant representations and remonstrances?

Permit me also to ask whether the good effects of prompt payment
were not illustrated on the arrival of the frigates _Nitherohy_ and
_Caroline_, which happened just at the period I had succeeded in
procuring payment to be made. Was it not in consequence of immediate
payment that the greater part of the English crew of the _Nitherohy_ remained quietly on board, and are now actually engaged on an
important service to his Imperial Majesty? And, on the other hand, is
it not equally true that the English seamen of the _Pedro Primiero_ were so disheartened and disgusted with the long delay which in their
case had occurred, and the manifest bad faith which had been evinced,
that by far the greater part of them actually abandoned the ship?
And generally, is it not true that the violations of promise, the
obstructions of justice, and the arbitrary acts of severity, have
produced dissatisfaction and irritation in the minds of the officers
and seamen, and done infinite prejudice to the service of his Imperial
Majesty and to the interests and prospects of the empire?

Can it be denied that the treatment to which the officers are exposed
is in the highest degree cruel and unjust? Have they not in many
instances been confined in a fortress or prison-ship without being
told who is their accuser or what is the accusation? And are they not
kept for many months at a time in that cruel state of suspense
and restraint without the means or opportunity of justification or
defence? Have not some of them while incarcerated in the fortress of
the Island of Cobras been deprived of their pay for a great length of
time, and even denied the provisions necessary for their subsistence?
And if, after all, they are brought to trial, are not their judges
composed of the natives of a nation with whom they are at war? Is it
possible that English, or other foreign officers in the service,
can be satisfied with such a system? Can your excellency entertain a
doubt, that open accusation, prompt trial, unsuspected justice, and
speedy punishment, if merited, are essential to the good government of
a naval service? Nay, is it possible that your excellency should not
know that the system of government in the naval service of Portugal is
the most wretched in the world, and consequently the last that ought
to have been adopted for the naval service of Brazil?

And here I would respectfully ask your excellency whether you know of
any one thing recommended by me for the benefit of the naval service
being complied with? Have the laws been revised to adapt them to the
better government of the service? Has a corps of marine artillery
been formed and taught their duty? Have young gentlemen intended for
officers been sent on board to learn their profession? Have young men
been enlisted and sent on board to be bred up as seamen? Or has
any encouragement been given to the employment of Brazilians in the
commerce of the coast?[A]

[Footnote A: It was the policy of Portugal to navigate the
coasting-trade of Brazil by slaves; and that of Spain to allow none
but Indians to exercise the trade of fishermen on the shores of their
South American colonies.]

With regard to those difficulties, delays, and other impediments of
which I have complained as existing in the arsenal and other offices,
and which your excellency supposes me to have represented as being
caused, or at least tolerated, by the minister, and which you are
pleased to characterise as "tout a fait imaginaires, et n'ayant
d'outré source que l'ambition sordide de quelque intrigant," I shall
not now enter into them again at any length, as much that I have
already written tends to refute your excellency's notions on the
subject. That such abuses do really exist I have proved beyond the
power of contradiction; and that they are at least tolerated by
those—whoever they may be—who possess without exercising the means
of preventing, does not require the ingenuity of an "intrigant" to
discover, as the fact is self-evident. I cannot, therefore, admit that
either my complaints or suspicions are "tout a fait imaginaires,"
or that they are "des petitesses," as your excellency is pleased
contemptuously to term them; but whatever they are, they originate in
my own observation, without any assistance from the spectacles of
an "intrigant," with which I am so gratuitously accommodated by your
excellency.

In still further proof, however, of the real existence of the evils
in question, I may just observe that since the return of the _Pedro
Primiero_, that ship has been kept in constant disorder by the delay
in commencing and the idle and negligent mode of executing even the
trifling alterations in the channels, which were necessary to enable
the rigging to be set up, and which, after the lapse of upwards of
five months, is now scarcely finished, though it might have been
accomplished in forty-eight hours. Even the time of caulking was
spun out to a period nearly as long as was occupied last year in the
accomplishment of that thorough repair which the ship then underwent;
and the painting is far from being completed after sixteen or eighteen
days' labour, though a British ship of war is usually painted in a
day. Even my own cabin is in such a state that when I am on board
I have no place to sit down in. All these things may appear to your
excellency as "des petitesses," or even "tout a fait imaginaires,"
but to me they appear matters of a serious nature, injurious and
disgraceful to the service.

I may not, perhaps, succeed in convincing your excellency, but I have
the satisfaction of being inwardly conscious that, independent of my
natural desire to obtain justice for myself and for all the officers
and men of the squadron, no small part of my anxiety for the
fulfilment of the engagements of the Government proceeds from a desire
to see the navy of his Imperial Majesty rendered efficient; which it
can never be unless the same good faith is observed with the officers
and men as is kept between the Government and navy of England, and
unless indeed many other important considerations are attended to,
which appear to have hitherto escaped the regard of the Imperial
Government. Why, for instance, is there that indifference in regard
to the clothing of the men? What but discontent, debasement, and
enervation, can be the effects of that ragged and almost naked
condition in which they have so long been suffered to remain,
notwithstanding the numerous applications that have been made for the
necessary clothing? I would also inquire the reason that officers and
men, strangers to each other, and destitute of attachment and mutual
confidence, are hastily shipped together in vessels of war going on
active service, when better arrangements might easily be made. What
can be expected from the vessels of war just gone out, in case they
should meet with any serious opposition, but disgrace to those by whom
they were so imperfectly and improperly equipped?

If this communication were not already too long, or if, after the
letter I have received from your excellency, it were possible for me
to continue my representations in the hope of redress, I could add to
the list of those causes of complaint which I have already pointed out
many particulars which none but those who are blindly attached to that
wretched system which has been so injurious to the marine and kingdom
of Portugal could consider either trifling or imaginary. But as my
present object has been chiefly to repel those imputations in which
your excellency has so freely indulged, and believing that I have
fully succeeded in that object, and have shown clearly that your
excellency has unjustly and untruly accused me of encouraging
talebearers, making unfounded complaints, and of being of a nature so
avaricious as never to be satisfied—which latter, by-the-by, is
an extraordinary accusation to prefer against me—a man whom your
excellency must know has not hitherto been benefited, after being
more than a year in the service, to the amount of one shilling for the
important services he has rendered, but who, on the contrary, as
he can show by his accounts, has necessarily expended more in his
official situation than he has received in the service; so that the
"remercimens" and the "satisfaction," which your excellency accuses
him of being deficient in, can scarcely yet be due, unless it is
proper to be satisfied and grateful too for less than nothing—having,
I say, fully repelled and refuted these unjust accusations, I shall
avoid troubling your excellency with any further detail. But I repeat
that your excellency has my free consent to cause the whole of my
official correspondence to be published; for in all that I have
advanced with respect to the violations of contracts, and on the
subject of the unsatisfied claims of the squadron, and relative to
the ill-usage of officers under arrest, and to the misconduct of the
judges of prizes, and of those who have the management of the civil
department of the marine,[A] and in all matters whatever in question
between the Government of Brazil and myself, I am confident I may
safely rely on the decision of the public. And if, at the same time,
your excellency can give a satisfactory explanation of the motives of
that line of conduct on the part of the ministers and council, which,
without such explanation, would have the appearance of originating in
bad faith, the publication would be doubly beneficial by placing the
conduct and character of all parties in a proper point of view.

[Footnote A: Also Portuguese.]

    I have the honour to be, Most excellent sir, Your respectful
    and most obedient Servant, COCHRANE AND MARANHAM.

    His Excellency, João Sereriano Maciele da Costa, Secretary of
    State for the Home Department, &c., &c., &c.

END OF VOL. I.


LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.