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The Khasis



By

Major P.R.T. Gurdon, I.A.
Deputy Commissioner Eastern Bengal and Assam
Commission, and Superintendent of
Ethnography in Assam.

With an Introduction by
Sir Charles Lyall, K.C.S.I.


(Published under the orders of the Government of
Eastern Bengal and Assam)

Illustrated





Preface

This book is an attempt to give a systematic account of the Khasi
people, their manners and customs, their ethnological affinities,
their laws and institutions, their religious beliefs, their folk-lore,
their theories as to their origin, and their language.

This account would perhaps have assumed a more elaborate and ambitious
form were it not that the author has been able to give to it only
the scanty leisure of a busy district officer. He has been somewhat
hampered by the fact that his work forms part of a series of official
publications issued at the expense of the Government of Eastern Bengal
and Assam, and that it had to be completed within a prescribed period
of time.

The author gladly takes this opportunity to record his grateful
thanks to many kind friends who have helped him either with actual
contributions to his material, or with not less valued suggestions
and criticisms. The arrangement of the subjects discussed is due to
Sir Bampfylde Fuller, lately Lieutenant-Governor of the Province,
whose kindly interest in the Khasis will long be remembered by them
with affectionate gratitude. The Introduction is from the accomplished
pen of Sir Charles Lyall, to whom the author is also indebted for much
other help and encouragement. It is now many years since Sir Charles
Lyall served in Assam, but his continued regard for the Khasi people
bears eloquent testimony to the attractiveness of their character, and
to the charm which the homely beauty of their native hills exercises
over the minds of all who have had the good fortune to know them.

To Mr. N. L. Hallward thanks are due for the revision of the proof
sheets, and to the Revd. H. P. Knapton for the large share he took in
the preparation of the index. The section dealing with folk-lore could
hardly have been written but for the generosity of the Revd. Doctor
Roberts, of the Welsh Calvinistic Mission in the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills, in placing at the author's disposal his collection of the
legends current among the people. Many others have helped, but the
following names may be specially mentioned, viz.: Mr. J. B. Shadwell,
Mr. S. E. Rita, the Revd. C. H. Jenkins, Mr. C. Shadwell, Mr. Dohory
Ropmay, U Hormu Roy Diengdoh, U Rai Mohan Diengdoh, U Job Solomon,
U Suttra Singh Bordoloi, U San Mawthoh, U Hajam Kishore Singh,
U Nissor Singh, and U Sabor Roy.

A bibliography of the Khasis, which the author has attempted to make
as complete as possible, has been added. The coloured plates, with
one exception, viz., that taken from a sketch by the late Colonel
Woodthorpe, have been reproduced from the pictures of Miss Eirene
Scott-O'Connor (Mrs. Philip Rogers). The reproductions are the work of
Messrs W. Griggs and Sons, as are also the monochromes from photographs
by Mrs. Muriel, Messrs. Ghosal Brothers, and the author. Lastly, the
author wishes to express his thanks to Srijut Jagat Chandra Goswami,
his painstaking assistant, for his care in arranging the author's
somewhat voluminous records, and for his work generally in connection
with this monograph.

P. R. G.



Bibliography


Agricultural Bulletin No. 5 of 1898.
Allen, B. C.--Assam Census Report, 1901.
Allen, W. J.--Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hill Territory, 1868.
Aymonier, Monsieur--"Le Cambodge."
Bivar, Colonel H. S.--Administration Report on the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills District of 1876.
Buchanan Hamilton--"Eastern India." Edited by Montgomery Martin
Dalton, Colonel E. T.--Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal.
Gait, E. A.--Human Sacrifices in Assam, vol. i., J.A.S.B. of 1898.
Grierson, Doctor G. A.--"Linguistic Survey of India," vol. ii.
Henniker, F. C.--Monograph on gold and silver wares in Assam.
Hooker, Sir Joseph--Himalayan Journals.
Hunter, Sir William--Statistical Account of Assam.
Jeebon Roy, U.--_Ka Niam Khasi_
Jenkins, The Rev. Mr.--"Life and Work in Khasia."
_Khasi Mynta_--A monthly journal published at Shillong in the Khasi
language.
Kuhn, Professor E.--_Über Herkunft und Sprache der
transgangetischen Völker_. 1883
Kuhn, Professor E.--_Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde
Hinterindiens_. 1889.
Lindsay, Lord--"Lives of the Lindsays."
Logan, J. R A--series of papers on the Ethnology of the Indo-Pacific
Islands which appeared in the "Journal of the Indian Archipelago."
Mackenzie, Sir Alexander.--Account of the North-Eastern Frontier
Mills, A. J. M.--Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, 1853
Nissor Singh, U--Hints on the study of the Khasi language.
Nissor Singh, U--Khasi-English dictionary.
Oldham, Thomas--On the geological structure of a portion of the Khasi
Hills, Bengal.
Oldham, Thomas--Geology of the Khasi Hills.
Peal, S. E.--On some traces of the Kol-Mon-Anam in the Eastern
Naga Hills.
Pryse, Rev. W.--Introduction to the Khasis language, comprising a
grammar, selections for reading, and a vocabulary.
Records of the Eastern Bengal and Assam Secretariat.
Roberts, The Rev. H.--Khasi grammar.
Robinson--Assam.
Scott, Sir George--Upper Burma Gazetteer.
Shadwell, J. B.--Notes on the Khasis.
Stack E.--Notes on silk in Assam.
Waddell, Colonel--Account of the Assam tribes.J.A S.B.
Ward, Sir William--Introduction to the Assam Land Revenue Manual.
Weinberg, E.--Report on Excise in Assam.
Yule, Sir Henry--Notes on the Khasi Hills and people.




Contents


Introduction xv-xxvii
Section I.--General.

    Habitat  1-2
    Appearance 2-3
    Physical and General Characteristics 3-6
    Geographical Distribution 6-10
    Origin 10-11
    Affinities 11-18
    Dress 18-21
    Tattooing 21
    Jewellery 22-23
    Weapons 23-26

Section II.--Domestic Life.

    Occupation 26-28
    Apiculture 28-30
    Houses 30-33
    Villages 33-35
    Furniture and Household Utensils 36-38
    Musical Instruments 38-39
    Agriculture 39-43
    Crops 43-48
    Hunting 48-49
    Fishing 49-51
    Food 51-52
    Drink 52-54
    Games 54-57
    Manufactures 57-61

Section III.--Laws and Customs.

    Tribal Organization 62-66
    State Organization 66-75
    Marriage 76-79
    Divorce 79-81
    Inheritance 82-85
    Adoption 85-86
    Tenure of Land and Laws regarding Land 86-91

    Laws regarding other Property 91
    Decision of Disputes 91-97
    War 97-98
    Human Sacrifices 98-104

Section IV.--Religion.

    General Character of Popular Beliefs 105-109
    Ancestor Worship 109-113
    Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities 114-116
    Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination 116-120
    Priesthood 120-124
    Ceremonies and Customs attending Birth and Naming of Children
    124-127
    Marriage 127-132
    Ceremonies attending Death 132-139
    Disposal of the Dead 140-144
    Khasi Memorial Stones 144-154
    Festivities, Domestic and Tribal 154-157
    Genna 158-159

Section V.--Folk-Lore.

    Folk-tales 160-187

Section VI.--Miscellaneous.

    Teknonomy 188
    Khasi Method of Calculating Time 188-190
    The Lynngams 190-197

Section VII.--Language 198-215
Appendices.

    A--Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State 216-217
    B--Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State 218-220
    C--Divination by Egg-Breaking 221-222

Index 223-227




Introduction

In 1908 Sir Bampfylde Fuller, then Chief Commissioner of Amman,
proposed and the Government of India sanctioned, the preparation
of a series of monographs on the more important tribes and castes
of the Province, of which this volume is the first. They were to be
undertaken by writers who had special and intimate experience of the
races to be described, the accounts of earlier observers being at the
same time studied and incorporated; a uniform scheme of treatment was
laid down which was to be adhered to in each monograph, and certain
limits of size were prescribed.

Major Gurdon, the author of the following pages, who is also, as
Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam, editor of the whole series,
has enjoyed a long and close acquaintance with the Khasi race,
whose institutions he has here undertaken to describe. Thoroughly
familiar with their language, he has for three years been in charge
as Deputy-Commissioner of the district where they dwell, continually
moving among them, and visiting every part of the beautiful region
which is called by their name. The administration of the Khasi and
Jaintia Hills is an exceptionally interesting field of official
responsibility. About half of the district, including the country
around the capital, Shillong, is outside the limits of British India,
consisting of a collection of small states in political relations,
regulated by treaty with the Government of India, which enjoy almost
complete autonomy in the management of their local affairs. In
the remainder, called the Jaintia Hills, which became British in
1835, it has been the wise policy of the Government to maintain
the indigenous system of administration through officers named
_dolois_, who preside over large areas of country with very little
interference. All the British portion of the hills is what is called a
"Scheduled District" under Acts XIV and XV of 1874, and legislation
which may be inappropriate to the conditions of the people can be,
and is, excluded from operation within it. In these circumstances the
administration is carried on in a manner well calculated to win the
confidence and attachment of the people, who have to hear few of the
burdens which press upon the population elsewhere, and, with the peace
and protection guaranteed by British rule, are able to develop their
institutions upon indigenous lines. It is now more than forty years
since any military operations have been necessary within the hills,
and the advance of the district in prosperity and civilization during
the last half-century has been very striking.

The first contact between the British and the inhabitants of the
Khasi Hills followed upon the acquisition by the East India Company,
in consequence of the grant of the _Diwani_ of Bengal in 1765, of the
district of Sylhet. The Khasis were our neighbours on the north of
that district, and to the north-east was the State of Jaintia,  [1]
ruled over by a chief of Khasi lineage, whose capital, Jaintiapur, was
situated in the plain between the Surma river and the hills. Along this
frontier, the Khasis, though not averse from trade, and in possession
of the quarries which furnished the chief supply of lime to deltaic
Bengal, were also known as troublesome marauders, whose raids were
a terror to the inhabitants of the plains. Captain R.B. Pemberton,
in his Report on the Eastern Frontier (1835), mentions  [2] an attack
on Jaintia by a force under Major Henniker in 1774, supposed to have
been made in retaliation for aggression by the Raja in Sylhet; and
Robert Lindsay, who was Resident and Collector of Sylhet about 1778,
has an interesting account of the hill tribes and the Raja of Jaintia
in the lively narrative embodied in the "Lives of the Lindsays." [3]
Lindsay, who made a large fortune by working the lime quarries and thus
converting into cash the millions of cowries in which the land-revenue
of Sylhet was paid, appears to have imagined that the Khasis, whom
he calls "a tribe of independent Tartars," were in direct relations
with China, and imported thence the silk cloths [4] which they brought
down for sale in the Sylhet markets. A line of forts was established
along the foot of the hills to hold the mountaineers in check, and
a Regulation, No. 1 of 1799, was passed declaring freedom of trade
between them and Sylhet, but prohibiting the supply to them of arms
and ammunition, and forbidding any one to pass the Company's frontier
towards the hills with arms in his hands.

The outbreak of the first Burma War, in 1824, brought us into closer
relations with the Raja of Jaintia, and in April of that year Mr. David
Scott, the Governor-General's Agent on the frontier, marched through
his territory from Sylhet to Assam, emerging at Raha on the Kalang
river, in what is now the Nowgong district. This was the first occasion
on which Europeans had entered the hill territory of the Khasi tribes,
and the account of the march, quoted in Pemberton's Report, [5] is the
earliest authentic information which we possess of the institutions
of the Khasi race. Dr. Buchanan-Hamilton, who spent several years at
the beginning of the 19th Century in collecting information regarding
the people of Eastern India, during which he lived for some time
at Goalpara in the Brahmaputra Valley, confused the Khasis with the
Garos, and his descriptions apply only to the latter people. The name
Garo, however, is still used by the inhabitants of Kamrup in speaking
of their Khasi neighbours to the South, and Hamilton only followed
the local usage. In 1826 Mr. David Scott, after the expulsion of the
Burmese from Assam and the occupation of that province by the Company,
entered the Khasi Hills in order to negotiate for the construction of
a road through the territory of the Khasi Siem or Chief of Nongkhlaw,
which should unite Sylhet with Gauhati. A treaty was concluded with
the chief, and the construction of the road began. At Cherrapunji
Mr. Scott built for himself a house on the plateau which, two years
later, was acquired from the Siem by exchange for land in the plains,
as the site of a sanitarium. [6] Everything seemed to promise well,
when the peace was suddenly broken by an attack made, in April 1829,
by the people of Nongkhlaw on the survey party engaged in laying
out the road, resulting in the massacre of two British officers and
between fifty and sixty natives. This led to a general confederacy of
most or the neighbouring chiefs to resist the British, and a long and
harassing war, which was not brought to a close till 1833. Cherrapunji
then became the headquarters of the Sylhet Light Infantry, whose
commandant was placed in political charge of the district, including
the former dominions in the hills of the Raja of Jaintia, which he
voluntarily relinquished in 1835 on the confiscation of his territory
in the plains.

Cherrapunji, celebrated as the place which has the greatest measured
rainfall on the globe, became a popular station, and the discovery
of coal there, and at several other places in the hills, attracted
to it many visitors, some of whom published accounts of the country
and people. The first detailed description was apparently that of the
Rev. W. Lish, a Baptist missionary, which appeared in a missionary
journal in 1838. In 1840 Capt. Fisher, an officer of the Survey
Department, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
[7] an account which showed that the leading characteristics of the
Khasi race had already been apprehended; he mentions the prevalence of
matriarchy or mother-kinship, notes the absence of polyandry, except
in so far as its place was taken by facile divorce, describes the
religion as a worship of gods of valleys and hills, draws attention to
the system of augury used to ascertain the will of the gods, and gives
an account of the remarkable megalithic monuments which everywhere
stud the higher plateaus. He also recognizes the fact that the Khasis
as a race are totally distinct from the neighbouring hill tribes. In
1841 Mr. W. Robinson, Inspector of Schools in Assam, included an
account of the Khasis in a volume on that province which was printed
at Calcutta. In 1844 Lieut. Yule (afterwards Sir Henry Yule) published
in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society [8] a much more detailed
description of the hills and their inhabitants than had been given
by Fisher. This formed the basis of many subsequent descriptions, the
best known of which is the attractive account contained in the second
volume of Sir Joseph Hooker's _Himalayan Journals_ [9] published
in London in 1854. Sir Joseph visited Cherrapunji in June 1850,
and stayed in the hills until the middle of the following November.

Meanwhile the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Mission, originally
located at Sylhet, had extended their operations to Cherrapunji,
and in 1842 established a branch there. They applied themselves to
the study of the Khasi language, for which, after a trial of the
Bengali, they resolved to adopt the Roman character. Their system of
expressing the sounds of Khasi has since that time continued in use,
and after sixty years' prescription it would be difficult to make a
change. Their Welsh nationality led them to use the vowel _y_ for the
obscure sound represented elsewhere in India by a short _a_ (the _u_
in the English _but_), and for the consonantal _y_ to substitute the
vowel _i : w_ is also used as a vowel, but only in diphthongs (_aw,
ew, iw, ow_); in other respects the system agrees fairly well with
the standard adopted elsewhere. Primers for the study of the language
were printed at Calcutta in 1846 and 1852, and in 1855 appeared
the excellent "Introduction to the Khasia language, comprising a
grammar, selections for reading, and a Khasi-English vocabulary," of
the Rev. W. Pryse. There now exists a somewhat extensive literature
in Khasi, both religious and secular. An exhaustive grammar, by the
Rev. H. Roberts, was published in Trübner's series of "Simplified
Grammars" in 1891, and there are dictionaries, English-Khasi (1875}
and Khasi-English (1906), besides many other aids to the study of the
language which need not be mentioned here. It is recognized by the
Calcutta University as sufficiently cultivated to be offered for the
examinations of that body. Two monthly periodicals are published in
it at Shillong, to which place the headquarters of the district were
removed from Cherrapunji in 1864, and which has been the permanent
seat of the Assam Government since the Province was separated from
Bengal in 1874.

The isolation of the Khasi race, in the midst of a great encircling
population all of whom belong to the Tibeto-Burman stock, and the
remarkable features presented by their language and institutions,
soon attracted the attention of comparative philologists and
ethnologists. An account of their researches will be found in
Dr. Grierson's _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. ii. Here it will
be sufficient to mention the important work of Mr. J. R. Logan, who,
in a series of papers published at Singapore between 1850 and 1857 in
the _Journal of the Indian Archipelago_ (of which he was the editor),
demonstrated the relationship which exists between the Khasis and
certain peoples of Further India, the chief representatives of whom are
the Mons or Talaings of Pegu and Tenasserim, the Khmers of Cambodia,
and the majority of the inhabitants of Annam. He was even able, through
the means of vocabularies furnished to him by the late Bishop Bigandet,
to discover the nearest kinsmen of the Khasis in the Palaungs, a tribe
inhabiting one of the Shan States to the north-east of Mandalay on the
middle Salween. With the progress of research it became apparent that
the Mon-Khmer group of Indo-China thus constituted, to which the Khasis
belong, was in some way connected with the large linguistic family
in the Indian Peninsula once called Kolarian, but now more generally
known as _Munda_, who inhabit the hilly region of Chutia Nagpur
and parts of the Satpura range in the Central Provinces. Of these
tribes the principal are the Santhals, the Mundas, and the Korkus. In
physical characters they differ greatly from the Indo-Chinese Khasis,
but the points of resemblance in their languages and in some of their
institutions cannot be denied; and the exact nature of the relation
between them is as yet one of the unsolved problems of ethnology.

The work of Logan was carried further by Prof. Ernst Kuhn, of Munich,
who in 1888 and 1889 published important contributions to our knowledge
of the languages and peoples of Further India. More recently our
acquaintance with the phonology of Khasi and its relatives has been
still further advanced by the labours of Pater W. Schmidt, of Vienna,
whose latest work, _Die Mon-Khmer Völker, ein Bindeglied zwischen
Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens_ (Braunschweig, 1906),
has established the relationship of Khasi not only to the Mon-Khmer
languages, but also to Nicobarese and several dialects spoken by wild
tribes in the Malay Peninsula.

There still remains much to be done before the speech of the Khasi
nation can be considered to have been thoroughly investigated. In
the _Linguistic Survey_ four dialects are dealt with, the standard
literary form, founded on the language of Cherrapunji, the _Pnar_ or
_Synteng_, of Jowai, the _War_, spoken in the valleys on the southern
face of the hills, and the _Lyngngam_, spoken in the tract adjacent to
the Garos on the west. Major Gurdon (p. 203) mentions a fifth, that
of Jirang or Mynnar, spoken in the extreme north, and there may be
others. A great desideratum for linguistic purposes is a more adequate
method of recording sounds, and especially differences of tone, than
that adopted for the standard speech, which though sufficient for
practical purposes, does not accurately represent either the quantity
or the quality of the vowels, and leaves something to be desired
as regards the consonants (especially those only faintly sounded or
suppressed). These things, no doubt, will come in time. The immense
advance which has been made in education by the Khasis during the last
half-century has enabled some among them to appreciate the interesting
field for exploration and study which their own country and people
afford; and there is reason to hope that with European guidance the
work of record will progress by the agency of indigenous students.

It remains to summarize briefly the principal distinctive features of
this vigorous and sturdy race, who have preserved their independence
and their ancestral institutions through many centuries in the face
of the attractions offered by the alien forms of culture around them.

In the first place, their social organization presents one of the
most perfect examples still surviving of matriarchal institutions,
carried out with a logic and thoroughness which, to those accustomed
to regard the status and authority of the father as the foundation
of society, are exceedingly remarkable. Not only is the mother
the head and source, and only bond of union, of the family: in the
most primitive part of the hills, the Synteng country, she is the
only owner of real property, and through her alone is inheritance
transmitted. The father has no kinship with his children, who belong
to their mother's clan; what he earns goes to his own matriarchal
stock, and at his death his bones are deposited in the cromlech of his
mother's kin. In Jowai he neither lives nor eats in his wife's house,
but visits it only after dark (p. 76). In the veneration of ancestors,
which is the foundation of the tribal piety, the primal ancestress
(_Ka Iawbei_) and her brother are the only persons regarded. The
flat memorial stones set up to perpetuate the memory of the dead are
called after the woman who represents the clan (_maw kynthei_ p. 150),
and the standing stones ranged behind them are dedicated to the male
kinsmen on the mother's side.

In harmony with this scheme of ancestor worship, the other spirits
to whom propitiation is offered are mainly female, though here male
personages also figure (pp. 106-109). The powers of sickness and
death are all female, and these are those most frequently worshipped
(p. 107). The two protectors of the household are goddesses (p. 112),
though with them is also revered the first father of the clan,
_U Thawlang_.

Priestesses assist at all sacrifices, and the male officiants are
only their deputies (p. 121); in one important state, Khyrim, the
High Priestess and actual head of the State is a woman, who combines
in her person sacerdotal and regal functions (p. 70).

The Khasi language, so far as known, is the only member of the
Mon-Khmer family which possesses a grammatical gender, distinguishing
all nouns as masculine and feminine; and here also the feminine
nouns immensely preponderate (p. 206). The pronouns of the second
(me, pha) and third person (u, ka) have separate forms for the sexes
in the singular, but in the plural only one is used (phi, ki), and
this is the plural form of the feminine singular.

It may perhaps be ascribed to the pre-eminence accorded by the
Khasis to the female sex that successive censuses have shown that the
women of this race considerably exceed the men in number. According
to the census of 1901, there are 1,118 females to every 1,000 male
Khasis. This excess, however, is surpassed by that of the Lushais,
1,191 to 1,000, and it may possibly be due to the greater risks to life
encountered by the men, who venture far into the plains as traders and
porters, while the women stay at home. Habits of intemperance, which
are confined to the male sex, may also explain a greater mortality
among them.

It would be interesting to investigate the effect on reproduction
of the system of matriarchy which governs Khasi family life. The
increase of the race is very slow. In the census of 1891 there were
enumerated only 117 children under 5 to every hundred married women
between 15 and 40, and in 1901 this number fell to 108. It has been
suggested that the independence of the wife, and the facilities which
exist for divorce, lead to restrictions upon child-bearing, and thus
keep the population stationary. The question might with advantage be
examined at the census of 1911.

The next characteristic of the Khasis which marks them out for special
notice is their method of divination for ascertaining the causes of
misfortune and the remedies to be applied. All forms of animistic
religion make it their chief business to avert the wrath of the
gods, to which calamities of all kinds--sickness, storm, murrain,
loss of harvest--are ascribed, by some kind of propitiation; and in
this the Khasis are not singular. But it is somewhat surprising to
find among them the identical method of _extispicium_ which was in use
among the Romans, as well as an analogous development in the shape of
egg-breaking, fully described by Major Gurdon (p. 221), which seems
to have been known to diviners in ancient Hellas. [10] This method has
(with much else in Khasi practice) been adopted by the former subjects
of the Khasis, the Mikirs; but it does not appear to be prevalent
among any other of the animistic tribes within the boundaries of India.

The third remarkable feature of Khasi usage is the custom, which
prevails to this day, of setting up great memorials of rough stone,
of the same style and character as the _menhirs_ and _cromlechs_ which
are found in Western Europe, Northern Africa, and Western Asia. It
is very surprising to a visitor, unprepared for the sight by previous
information, to find himself on arrival at the plateau in the midst of
great groups of standing and table stones exactly like those he may
have seen in Brittany, the Channel Islands, the south of England,
or the Western Isles. Unfortunately the great earthquake of June
1897 overthrew many of the finest of these megalithic monuments;
but several still remain, and of these Major Gurdon has given an
excellent description (pp. 144 sqq.), with an explanation of the
different forms which they assume and the objects with which they
are erected. Other races in India besides the Khasis set up stone
memorials; but none, perhaps, to the same extent or with the same
systematic purpose and arrangement.

In conclusion, I have only to commend this work to the consideration
of all interested in the accurate and detailed description of primitive
custom. I lived myself for many years among the Khasis, and endeavoured
to find out what I could about them; but much of what Major Gurdon
records is new to me, though the book generally agrees with what I
was able to gather of their institutions and characteristics. It is,
I think, an excellent example of research, and well fitted to stand
at the head of a series which may be expected to make an important
contribution to the data of anthropology.

C. J. Lyall.

_November_, 1906.




THE KHASIS


CHAPTER I

General


Habitat.

The Khasis reside in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district of
Assam. They number 176,614 souls, which total is made up of:--


        Khasis                              107,515
        Syntengs                             47,883
        Christian Khasis                     17,125
        Khasis inhabiting other districts     4,091

                                            176,614


The Khasi and Jaintia Hills district is situated between 25° 1' and 26°
5' North Latitude, and between 90° 47' and 92° 52' East Longitude. It
contains an area of 6,157 square miles, with a total population at
the Census of 1901 of 202,250 souls. In addition to the Khasis there
are some members of Bodo tribes inhabiting parts of the district.

The Lynngam tribe appears to have been reckoned in 1901 as Khasi,
there being no separate record at the last Census of these people.

The district is split up into two divisions, the Khasi Hills proper
and the Jaintia Hills. The Khasi Hills form the western portion of
the district and the Jaintia Hills the eastern. The Khasis inhabit
the Khasi Hills proper, and the Syntengs, or Pnars, the Jaintia
Hills. The latter hills take their name from the Rajas of Jaintia, the
former rulers of this part of the country, who had as their capital
Jaintiapur, a place situated at the foot of the Jaintia Hills on the
southern side, which now falls within the boundaries of the Sylhet
district. The Lynngams inhabit the western portion of the Khasi Hills
proper. A line drawn north and south through the village of Nongstoin
may be said to form their eastern boundary, and the Kamrup and Sylhet
districts their northern and southern boundaries, respectively. The
people known as _Bhois_ in these hills, who are many of them really
Mikirs, live in the low hills to the north and north-east of the
district, the term "Bhoi" being a territorial name rather than
tribal. The eastern boundary of the Lynngam country may be said to
form their north-western boundary. The Wárs inhabit the precipitous
slopes and deep valleys to the south of the district. Their country
extends along the entire southern boundary of the district to the
Jadukata, or Kenchi-iong, river where the Lynngam territory may be
said to commence towards the south. There are some Hadem colonies
in the extreme eastern portions of the Jaintia Hills. It is these
colonies which are sometimes referred to by other writers as "Kuki
Colonies." They are settlers from the North Cachar Sub-division of the
Cachar district within recent years. It is possible that the title
Hadem may have some connection with _Hidimba_, the ancient name for
the North Cachar Hills.


Appearance.

The colour of the Khasi skin may be described as being usually
brown, varying from dark to a light yellowish brown, according to
locality. The complexion of the people who inhabit the uplands is of
a somewhat lighter shade, and many of the women, especially those who
live at Nongkrem, Laitlyngkot, Mawphlang, and other villages of the
surrounding high plateaux possess that pretty gipsy complexion that
is seen in the South of Europe amongst the peasants. The people of
Cherrapunji village are specially fair. The Syntengs of the Jaintia
Hills are darker than the Khasi uplanders. The Wárs who live in the
low valleys are frequently more swarthy than the Khasis. The Bhois
have the flabby-looking yellow skin of the Mikirs, and the Lynngams
are darker than the Khakis. The Lynngams are probably the darkest
complexioned people in the hills, and if one met them in the plains
one would not be able to distinguish them from the ordinary Kachari or
Rabha. The nose in the Khasi is somewhat depressed, the nostrils being
often large and prominent. The forehead is broad and the space between
the eyes is often considerable. The skull may be said to be almost
brachy-cephalic, the average cephalic index of 77 Khasi subjects,
measured by Col. Waddell and Major Hare, I.M.S., being as high as 77.3
and 77.9, respectively. According to these data the Khasis are more
brachy-cephalic than the Aryans, whose measurements appear in Crooke's
tables, more brachy-cephalic than the 100 Mundas whose measurements
appear in Risley's tables, more brachy-cephalic than the Dravidians,
but less brachy-cephalic than the Burmans, whose measurements also
appear in Crooke's tables. It would be interesting to compare some head
measurements of Khasis with Japanese, but unfortunately the necessary
data are not available in the case of the latter people. The Khasi
head may be styled sub-brachy-cephalic. Eyes are of medium size,
in colour black or brown. In the Jaintia Hills hazel eyes are not
uncommon, especially amongst females. Eyelids are somewhat obliquely
set, but not so acutely as in the Chinese and some other Mongols. Jaws
frequently are prognathous, mouth large, with sometimes rather thick
lips. Hair black, straight, and worn long, the hair of people who
adopt the old style being caught up in a knot at the back. Some
males cut the hair short with the exception of a single lock at the
back, which is called _u niuhtrong_ or _u niuh-' iawbei_ (i.e. the
grandmother's lock.) The forepart of the head is often shaven. It
is quite the exception to see a beard, although the moustache is not
infrequently worn. The Lynngams pull out the hairs of the moustache
with the exception of a few hairs an either side of the upper lip.


Physical and General Characteristics

The Khasis are usually short in stature, with bodies well nourished,
and the males are extremely muscular. The trunk is long in proportion
to the rest of the body, and broad at the waist; calves are very
highly developed. The women, when young are comely, of a buxom type,
and, like the men, with highly-developed calves, the latter always
being considered a beauty. The children are frequently remarkably
pretty. Khasis carry very heavy burdens, it being the custom for the
coolie of the country to carry a maund, or 82 lbs. weight, or even
more occasionally, on his back, the load being fixed by means of a
cane band which is worn across the forehead; women carry almost as
heavy loads as the men. The coolies, both male and female, commonly
do the journey between Cherrapunji and Shillong, or between Shillong
and Jowai, in one day, carrying the heavy loads above mentioned. Each
of the above journeys is some thirty miles. They carry their great
loads of rice and salt from Therria to Cherrapunji, an ascent of about
4,000 feet in some three to four miles, in the day. The Khasis are
probably the best porters in the north of India, and have frequently
been requisitioned for transport purposes on military expeditions.

The people are cheerful in disposition, and are light-hearted by
nature, and, unlike the plains people, seem to thoroughly appreciate
a joke. It is pleasant to hear on the road down to Theriaghat from
Cherrapunji, in the early morning the whole hillside resounding with
the scraps of song and peals of laughter of the coolies, as they run
nimbly down the short cuts on their way to market. The women are
specially cheerful, and pass the time of day and bandy jokes with
passers-by with quite an absence of reserve. The Khasis are certainly
more industrious than the Assamese, are generally good-tempered,
but are occasionally prone to sudden outbursts of anger, accompanied
by violence. They are fond of music, and rapidly learn the hymn
tunes which are taught them by the Welsh missionaries. Khasis are
devoted to their offspring, and the women make excellent nurses for
European children, frequently becoming much attached to their little
charges. The people, like the Japanese, are fond of nature. A Khasi
loves a day out in the woods, where he thoroughly enjoys himself. If
he does not go out shooting or fishing, he is content to sit still
and contemplate nature. He has a separate name for each of the
commoner birds and flowers. He also has names for many butterflies
and moths. These are traits which are not found usually in the people
of India. He is not above manual labour, and even the Khasi clerk
in the Government offices is quite ready to take his turn at the
hoe in his potato garden. The men make excellent stonemasons and
carpenters, and are ready to learn fancy carpentry and mechanical
work. They are inveterate chewers of _supari_ and the pan leaf (when
they can get the latter), both men, women, and children; distances in
the interior being often measured by the number of betel-nuts that
are usually chewed on a journey. They are not addicted usually to
the use of opium or other intoxicating drugs. They are, however,
hard drinkers, and consume large quantities of spirit distilled
from rice or millet. Rice beer is also manufactured; this is used
not only as a beverage, but also for ceremonial purposes. Spirit
drinking is confined more to the inhabitants of the high plateaux
and to the people of the Wár country, the Bhois and Lynngams being
content to partake of rice beer. The Mikirs who inhabit what is
known as the "Bhoi" country, lying to the north of the district,
consume a good deal of opium, but it must be remembered that they
reside in a malarious _terai_ country, and that the use of opium,
or same other prophylactic, is probably beneficial as a preventive
of fever. The Khasis, like other people of Indo-Chinese origin,
are much addicted to gambling. The people, and especially those who
inhabit the Wár country, are fond of litigation. Col. Bivar remarks,
"As regards truthfulness the people do not excel, for they rarely
speak the truth unless to suit their own interests." Col. Bivar might
have confined this observation to the people who live in the larger
centres of population, or who have been much in contact with the
denizens of the plains. The inhabitants of the far interior are, as
a rule, simple and straightforward people, and are quite as truthful
and honest as peasants one meets in other countries. My impression
is that the Khasis are not less truthful certainly than other Indian
communities. McCosh, writing in 1837, speaks well of the Khasis. The
following is his opinion of them:--"They are a powerful, athletic
race of men, rather below the middle size, with a manliness of gait
and demeanour. They are fond of their mountains, and look down with
contempt upon the degenerate race of the plains, jealous of their
power, brave in action, and have an aversion to falsehood."

Khasis of the interior who have adopted Christianity are generally
cleaner in their persons than the non-Christians, and their women dress
better than the latter and have an air of self-respect about them. The
houses in a Christian village are also far superior, especially where
there are resident European missionaries. Khasis who have become
Christians often take to religion with much earnestness (witness the
recent religious revival in these hills, which is estimated by the
Welsh missionaries to have added between 4,000 and 5,000 converts
to Christianity), and are model Sabbatarians, it being a pleasing
sight to see men, women, and children trooping to church on a Sunday
dressed in their best, and with quite the Sunday expression on their
faces one sees in England. It is a pleasure to hear the sound of the
distant church bell on the hill-side on a Sunday evening, soon to be
succeeded by the beautiful Welsh hymn tunes which, when wafted across
the valleys, carry one's thoughts far away. The Welsh missionaries
have done, and continue to do, an immense amount of good amongst these
people. It would be an evil day for the Khasis if anything should
occur to arrest the progress of the mission work in the Khasi Hills.


Geographical Distribution.

The Khasis inhabit the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, although there are a
few Khasi settlers in the neighbouring plains districts. The Census
Report of 1901 gives the following figures of Khasi residents in
the plains:


        Cachar                                333
        Sylbet                              3,083
        Goalpara                                4
        Kamrup                                191
        Darrong                                90
        Nowgong                                29
        Sibnagar                               62
        Lakhimpur                              22
        Lushai Hills                           77
        North Cachar                           32
        Naga Hills                             82
        Garo Hills                            117
        Manipur                                69

        Total                               4,091 [11]


The following information regarding the general aspect of the Khasi
and Jaintia Hills district, with some additions, is derived from Sir
William Hunter's Statistical Account of Assam. The district consists
almost entirely of hills, only a very small portion lying in the
plains. The slope of the hills on the southern side is very steep
until a table-land is met with at an elevation of about 4,000 feet at
Cherrapunji. Higher up there is another plateau at Mawphlang. This is
the highest portion of the hills, some villages being found at as high
an elevation as close on 6,000 feet above see level. Fifteen miles to
the east of Mawphlang, and in the same range, is situated the civil
station of Shillong, at an average elevation of about 4,900 feet. The
elevation of the Shillong Peak, the highest hill in the district, is
6,450 feet above sea level. On the northern side of the hills are two
plateaux, one between 1,000 and 2,000 feet below the level of Shillong,
and another at an elevation of about 2,000 feet above sea level. In
general features all these plateaux are much alike, and consist of a
succession of undulating downs, broken here and there by the valleys
of the larger hill streams. In the higher ranges, where the hills have
been denuded of forest, the country is covered with short grass, which
becomes longer and more rank in the lower elevations. This denudation
of forest has been largely due to the wood being used by the Khasis for
fuel for iron smelting in days gone by. The Government, however, has
taken steps to protect the remaining forests from further spoliation. A
remarkable feature is the presence of numerous sacred groves situated
generally just below the brows of the hills. In these woods are to
be found principally oak and rhododendron trees. The fir-tree (Pinus
Khasia) is first met with on the road from Gauhati to Shillong, at
Umsning, at an elevation of about 2,500 feet. In the neighbourhood
of Shillong the fir grows profusely, but the finest fir-trees are
to be seen in the Jowai sub-division. In the vicinity of Nongpoh is
observed the beautiful _nahor_ or _nageswar_, the iron-wood tree. The
latter is also to be found on the southern slopes of the hills in
the Jowai sub-division. There are some _sal_ forests to the west and
south of Nongpoh, where the _sal_ trees are almost as large as those
to be found in the Garo Hills. Between Shillong and Jowai there are
forests of oak, the country being beautifully wooded. Chestnuts and
birches are also fairly common. The low hills on the northern and
western sides of the district are clad with dense forests of bamboo,
of which there are many varieties. The Pandanus or screw-pine is to be
met with on the southern slopes. Regarding the geological formation
of the hills, I extract a few general remarks from the Physical and
Political Geography of Assam. The Shillong plateau consists of a great
mass of gneiss, bare on the northern border, where it is broken into
hills, for the most part low and very irregular in outline, with
numerous outliers in the Lower Assam Valley, even close up to the
Himalayas. In the central region the gneiss is covered by transition
or sub-metamorphic rocks, consisting of a strong band of quartzites
overlying a mass of earthy schists. In the very centre of the range,
where the table-land attains its highest elevation, great masses of
intrusive diorite and granite occur; and the latter is found in dykes
piercing the gneiss and sub-metamorphic series throughout the southern
half of the boundary of the plains. To the south, in contact with
the gneiss and sub-metamorphics is a great volcanic outburst of trap,
which is stratified, and is brought to the surface with the general
rise of elevation along the face of the hills between Shella and
Theriaghat south of Cherrapunji. This has been described as the "Sylhet
trap." South of the main axis of this metamorphic and volcanic mass are
to be found strata of two well defined series: (1) the cretaceous,
and (2) nummulitic. The cretaceous contains several important
coalfields. The nummulitic series, which overlies the cretaceous,
attains a thickness of 900 feet in the Theria river, consisting of
alternating strata of compact limestones and sandstones. It is at
the exposure of these rocks on their downward dip from the edge of
the plateau that are situated the extensive limestone quarries of
the Khasi Hills. There are numerous limestone caves and underground
water-courses on the southern face of the hills. This series contains
coal-beds, e.g. the Cherrafield and that at Lakadong in the Jaintia
Hills. Some description of the remarkable Kyllang Rock may not be out
of place. Sir Joseph Hooker describes it as a dome of red granite,
5,400 feet above sea level, accessible from the north and east, but
almost perpendicular to the southward where the slope is 80° for 600
feet. The elevation is said by Hooker to be 400 feet above the mean
level of the surrounding ridges and 700 feet above the bottom of
the valleys. The south or steepest side is encumbered with enormous
detached blocks, while the north is clothed with forests containing
red tree-rhododendrons and oaks. Hooker says that on its skirts grows
a "white bushy rhododendron" which he found nowhere else. There is,
however, a specimen of it now in the Shillong Lake garden. Numerous
orchids are to be found in the Kyllang wood, notably a beautiful white
one, called by the Khasis _u'tiw kyllang synrai_, which blooms in the
autumn. The view from the top of the rock is very extensive, especially
towards the north, where a magnificent panorama of the Himalayas is
obtained in the autumn. The most remarkable phenomenon of any kind in
the country is undoubtedly the enormous quantity of rain which falls
at Cherrapunji. [12] Practically the whole of the rainfall occurs in
the rains, i.e. from May to October. The remainder of the district is
less rainy. The climate of the central plateau of the Shillong range
is very salubrious, but the low hills in parts of the district are
malarious. The effect of the different climates can at once be seen
by examining the physique of the inhabitants. The Khasis who live
in the high central plateaux are exceptionally healthy and strong,
but those who live in the unhealthy "Bhoi country" to the north, and
in the Lynngam portion to the west of the district, are often stunted
and sickly. Not so, however, the Wárs who live on the southern slopes,
for although their country is very hot at certain times of the year, it
does not appear to be abnormally unhealthy except in certain villages,
such as Shella, Borpunji, Umniuh, and in Narpuh in the Jaintia Hills.


Origin.

The origin of the Khasis is a very vexed question. Although it is
probable that the Khasis have inhabited their present abode for at
any rate a considerable period, there seems to be a fairly general
belief amongst them that they originally came from elsewhere. The
Rev. H. Roberts, in the introduction to his Khasi Grammar, states that
"tradition, such as it is, connects them politically with the Burmese,
to whose king they were up to a comparatively recent date rendering
homage, by sending him an annual tribute in the shape of an axe,
as an emblem merely of submission." Another tradition points out the
north as the direction from which they migrated, and Sylhet as the
terminus of their wanderings, from which they were ultimately driven
back into their present hill fastnesses by a great flood, after a
more or less peaceful occupation of that district. It was on the
occasion of this great flood, the legend runs, that the Khasi lost
the art of writing, the Khasi losing his book whilst he was swimming
at the time of this flood, whereas the Bengali managed to preserve
his. Owing to the Khasis having possessed no written character before
the advent of the Welsh missionaries there are no histories as is the
case with the Ahoms of the Assam Valley, and therefore no record of
their journeys. Mr. Shadwell, the oldest living authority we have on
the Khasis, and one who has been in close touch with the people for
more than half a century, mentions a tradition amongst them that they
originally came into Assam from Burma via the Patkoi range, having
followed the route of one of the Burmese invasions. Mr. Shadwell has
heard them mention the name Patkoi as a hill they met with on their
journey. All this sort of thing is, however, inexpressibly vague. In
the chapter dealing with "Affinities" have been given some reasons for
supposing that the Khasis and other tribes of the Mon-Anam family,
originally occupied a large portion of the Indian continent. Where
the actual cradle of the Mon-Anam race was, is as impossible to
state, as it is to fix upon the exact tract of country from which
the Aryans sprang. With reference to the Khasi branch of the Mon-Anam
family, it would seem reasonable to suppose that if they are not the
autochthons of a portion of the hills on the southern bank of the
Brahmaputra, and if they migrated to Assam from some other country,
it is not unlikely that they followed the direction of the different
irruptions of foreign peoples into Assam of which we have authentic
data, i.e. from south-east to north-west, as was the case with the
Ahom invaders of Assam who invaded Assam from their settlements in the
Shan States via the Patkoi range, the different Burmese invasions,
the movements of the Khamtis and, again, the Singphos, from the
country to the east of the Hukong Valley. Whether the first cousins
of the Khasis, the Mons, moved to their present abode from China,
whether they are the aborigines of the portion of Burma they at
present occupy, or were one of the races "of Turanian origin" who,
as Forbes thinks, originally occupied the valley of the Ganges before
the Aryan invasion, must be left to others more qualified than myself
to determine. Further, it is difficult to clear up the mystery of
the survival, in an isolated position, of people like the Ho-Mundas,
whose language and certain customs exhibit points of similarity with
those of the Khasis, in close proximity to the Dravidian tribes and
at a great distance from the Khasis, there being no people who exhibit
similar characteristics inhabiting countries situated in between; but
we can, I think, reasonably suppose that the Khasis are an offshoot
of the Mon people of Further India in the light of the historical
fact I have quoted, i.e. that the movements of races into Assam
have usually, although not invariably, taken place from the east,
and not from the west. The tendency for outside people to move into
Assam from the east still continues.


Affinities.

The late Mr. S. E. Peal, F.R.G.S., in an interesting and suggestive
paper published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
in 1896, drew attention to certain illustrations of "singular
shoulder-headed celts," found only in the Malay Peninsula till
the year 1875, when they were also discovered in Chota Nagpur, and
figured in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for June of
that year. These "celts" are, as the name implies, ancient stone
implements. Mr. Peal goes on to state the interesting fact that
when he was at Ledo and Tikak, Naga villages, east of Makum, on the
south-east frontier of the Lakhimpur district of Assam, in 1895,
he found iron implements, miniature hoes, used by the Nagas, of a
similar shape to the "shoulder-headed celts" which had been found in
the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur. Now the peculiarly shaped Khasi
hoe or _mo-khiw_, a sketch of which is given, with its far projecting
shoulders, is merely an enlarged edition of the Naga hoe described
by Peal, and may therefore be regarded as a modern representative
in iron, although on an enlarged scale, of the "shoulder-headed
celts." Another interesting point is that, according to Forbes, the
Burmese name for these stone celts is _mo-gyo_. Now the Khasi name
for the hoe is _mo-khiw_. The similarity between the two words seems
very strong. Forbes says the name _mo-gyo_ in Burmese means "cloud
or sky chain," which he interprets "thunderbolt," the popular belief
there, as in other countries, being that these palaeolithic implements
fell from heaven. Although the Khasi name _mo-khiw_ has no connection
whatsoever with aerolites, it is a singular coincidence that the name
for the Khasi hoe of the present day should almost exactly correspond
with the Burmese name for the palaeolithic implement found in Burma and
the Malay Peninsula, and when it is remembered that these stone celts
are of a different shape from that of the stone implements which have
been found in India (with the exception of Chota Nagpur), there would
seem to be some grounds for believing that the Khasis are connected
with people who inhabited the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur at the
time of the Stone Age. [13] That these people were what Logan calls
the Mon-Anam, may possibly be the case. Mr. Peal goes on to state,
"the discovery is interesting for other reasons, it possibly amounts
to a demonstration that Logan (who it is believed was the first to
draw attention to the points of resemblance between the languages of
the Mon-Anam or Mon-Khmêr and those of the Mundas and the Khasis), was
correct in assuming that at one time the Mon-Anam races and influence
extended from the Vindyas all over the Ganges Basin, even over Assam,
the northern border of the Ultra Indian Peninsula." Mr. Peal then
remarks that the Eastern Nagas of the Tirap, Namstik, and Sonkap group
"are strikingly like them (i.e. the Mon-Anam races), in many respects,
the women being particularly robust, with pale colour and at times
rosy cheeks." The interesting statement follows that the men wear the
Khasi-Mikir sleeveless coat. Under the heading of dress this will be
found described as a garment which leaves the neck and arms bare, with
a fringe at the bottom and with a row of tassels across the chest, the
coat being fastened by frogs in front. It is a garment of a distinctive
character and cannot be mistaken; it used to be worn largely by the
Khasis, and is still used extensively by the Syntengs and Lynngams
and by the Mikirs, and that it should have been found amongst these
Eastern Nagas is certainly remarkable. It is to be regretted that the
investigations of the Ethnographical Survey, as at present conducted,
have not extended to these Eastern Nagas, who inhabit tracts either
outside British territory or in very remote places on its confines,
so that we are at present unable to state whether any of these
tribes possess other points of affinity, as regards social customs,
with the Khasis, but it will be noticed in the chapter dealing with
memorial stones that some of the Naga tribes are in the habit of
erecting monoliths somewhat similar in character to those of the
Khasis, and that the Mikirs (who wear the Khasi sleeveless coat),
erect memorial stones exactly similar to those of the Khasis. The
evidence seems to suggest a theory that the Mon-Anam race, including
of course the Khasis, occupied at one time a much larger area in the
mountainous country to the south of the Brahmaputra in Assam than it
does at present. Further references will be found to this point in the
section dealing with memorial stones. The fact that the Ho-Mundas of
Chota Nagpur also erect memorial stones and that they possess death
customs very similar to those of the Khasis, has also been noticed
in the same chapter. We have, therefore, the following points of
similarity as regards customs between the Khasis on the one hand,
certain Eastern Naga tribes, the Mikirs, and the ancient inhabitants
of the Malay Peninsula on the other:--

(a) Peculiarly shaped hoe, i.e. the hoe with far projecting shoulders

    1. Khasis.
    2. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
    3. The ancient inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula.
    4. The ancient inhabitants of Chota Nagpur (the Ho-Mundas?).

(b) Sleeveless coat

    1. Khasis.
    2. Mikirs.
    3. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.

(c) Memorial stones

    1. Khasis.
    2. Mikirs.
    3. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
    4. Ho-Mundas of Chota Nagpur.

I wish to draw no definite conclusions from the above facts, but they
are certainly worth considering with reference to Logan's theory
as stated by Peal; the theory being based on Logan's philological
inquiries. Thanks to the labours of Grierson, Logan, and Kuhn in
the linguistic field, we know that the languages of the Mon-Khmêr
group in Burma and the Malay Peninsula are intimately connected with
Khasi. I say, intimately, advisedly, for not only are roots of words
seen to be similar, but the order of the words in the sentence is
found to be the same, indicating that both these people think in
the same order when wishing to express themselves by speech. There
are also syntactical agreements. We may take it as finally proved
by Dr. Grierson and Professor Kuhn that the Mon-Khmêr, Palaung,
Wa, and Khasi languages are closely connected. In the section of the
Monograph which deals with language some striking similarities between
the languages of these tribes will be pointed out. We have not so far
been able to discover social customs common to the Palaungs and the
Khasis; this is probably due to the conversion of the Palaungs to
Buddhism, the change in the religion of the people having possibly
caused the abandonment of the primitive customs of the tribe. In a
few years' time, if the progressive rate of conversions of Khasis to
Christianity continues, probably the greater number of the Khasi social
customs will have disappeared and others will have taken their place,
so that it cannot be argued that because no manifest social customs
can now be found common to the Khasis and the Palaungs, there is no
connection between these two tribes. The strong linguistic affinity
between these two peoples and the wild _Was_ of Burma points to an
intimate connection between all three in the past. As knowledge of
the habits of the wild _Was_ improves, it is quite possible that
social customs of this tribe may be found to be held in common with
the Khasis. With regard to social affinities it will be interesting
to note the Palaung folk-tale of the origin of their Sawbwa, which is
reproduced in Sir George Scott's Upper Burma Gazetteer. The Sawbwa,
it is related, is descended from the Naga Princess Thusandi who
lived in the _Nat_ tank on the Mongok hills and who laid three eggs,
from one of which was born the ancestor of the Palaung Sawbwa. Here
we see how the Palaung regards the egg, and it is noteworthy that
the Khasis lay great stress on its potency in divination for the
purposes of religious sacrifices, and that at death it is placed on
the stomach of the deceased and is afterwards broken at the funeral
pyre. Amongst some of the tribes of the Malay Archipelago also the
_Gaji-Guru_ or medicine-man "can see from the yolk of an egg, broken
whilst sacramentally counting from one to seven, from what illness
a man is suffering and what has caused it." Here we have an almost
exactly parallel case to the Khasi custom of egg-breaking.

In the Palaung folk-tale above referred to the importance of the egg
in the eyes of Palaung is demonstrated, and we know how the Khasi
regards it. But the folk-tale is also important as suggesting that
the ancient people of Pagan were originally serpent-worshippers,
i.e. Nágás, and it is interesting to note that the Rumai or Palaung
women of the present day "wear a dress which is like the skin of
the Naga (snake)." Is it possible that the Khasi superstition of the
_thlen_, or serpent demon, and its worship, an account of which will
be found under the heading of "Human Sacrifices" in the Monograph,
has anything to do with the ancient snake-worship of the people of
Pagan, and also of the ancient inhabitants of Naga-Dwipa, and that
amongst the wild _Was_ the custom of head-hunting may have taken the
place of the Khasi human sacrifices to the _thlen_?

Notwithstanding that Sir George Scott says the story has very Burman
characteristics, the Palaung folk-tale is further interesting in
that it speaks of the Sawbwa of the Palaungs being descended from a
_princess_. This might be a suggestion of the matriarchate.

It can well be imagined how important a matter it is also, in the light
of Grierson's and Kuhn's linguistic conclusions, to ascertain whether
any of the Mon-Khmêr people in Anam and Cambodia and neighbouring
countries possess social customs in common with the Khasis. In case
it may be possible for French and Siamese ethnologists in Further
India to follow up these inquiries at some subsequent date, it may
be stated that information regarding social customs is required with
reference to the people who speak the following languages in Anam and
Cambodia and Cochin China which belong to the Mon-Khmêr group--_Suk,
Stieng, Bahnar, Anamese, Khamen-Boran, Xong, Samre, Khmu_, and _Lamet_.

Notwithstanding our failure up till now to find any patent and direct
social customs in common between the Khasis and the Palaungs, I am
in hopes that we may yet discover some such affinities. Mr. Lowis,
the Superintendent of Ethnography in Burma, states that there is no
vestige of the matriarchal system among the Palaungs; but there is the
folk-tale I have quoted above. In matters of succession, inheritance,
&c., the Palaungs, Mr. Lowis, says, profess to follow the Shans,
whose customs in this regard have a Buddhistic basis. The Palaungs are
devout Buddhists, and, like the Burmans and Shans, bury their lay dead,
whereas the Khasis invariably burn. There is nothing in the shape
of memorial stones amongst the Palaungs. _Primâ facie_ these appear
to be points of differentiation between the Palaungs and the Khasis;
but they should not, as has already been stated, be regarded as proof
positive that the tribes are not connected, and it is possible that
under the influence of Buddhism the Palaungs may have almost entirely
abandoned their ancient customs, like the Christian Khasis.

Having noticed some similarities as regards birth customs, as
described in Dr. Frazer's "Golden Bough," between the Khasis and
certain inhabitants of the Dutch East Indies, I wrote to the Dutch
authorities in Batavia requesting certain further information. My
application was treated with the greatest courtesy, and I am indebted
to the kindness of the President, his secretary, and Mr. C. M. Pleyte,
Lecturer of Indonesian Ethnology at the Gymnasium of William III.,
at Batavia, for some interesting as well as valuable information. With
reference to possible Malay influence in the countries inhabited by the
people who speak the Mon-Khmêr group of languages in Further India, it
was thought desirable to ascertain whether any of the people inhabiting
the Dutch East Indies possessed anything in common with the Khasis, who
also belong to the Mon-Khmêr group. There are, according to Mr. Pleyte,
pure matriarchal customs to be found amongst the Minangkabe Malays
inhabiting the Padang uplands and adjacent countries, in Sumatra,
in Agam, the fifty Kotas, and Tanah Datar, more or less mixed with
patriarchal institutions; they are equally followed by the tribes
inhabiting parts of Korinchi and other places. The apparently strong
survival of the matriarchate in parts of the island of Sumatra,
as compared with this corresponding most characteristic feature
of the Khasis, is a point for consideration. Mr. Pleyte goes on
to state "regarding ancestor-worship, it may be said that this
is found everywhere throughout the whole Archipelago; even the
tribes that have already adopted Islam, venerate the spirits of
their departed." The same might be said of some of the Khasis who
have accepted Christianity, and much more of the Japanese. I would
here refer the reader to the chapter on "Ancestor-worship." In the
Southern Moluccas the placenta is mixed with ashes, placed in a pot,
and hung on a tree; a similar custom is observed in Mandeling, on
the west coast of Sumatra. This is a custom universally observed
amongst the Khasis at births. Teknonomy to some extent prevails
amongst some of these Malay tribes as with the Khasis. It will be
seen from the above notes that there are some interesting points
of affinity between the Khasis and some of the Malay tribes, and if
we add that the Khasis are decidedly Malay in appearance, we cannot
but wonder whether the Malays have any connection not only with the
Mon-Khmêr family, but also with the Khasis, with the Ho-Mundas, and
with the Naga tribes mentioned by Mr. Peal in his interesting paper
published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, already
referred to. We will study the strong linguistic affinities between
these peoples in the section which deals with language.

M. Aymonier in "Le Cambodge" mentions the matriarchate as having been
prevalent apparently amongst the primitive races of Cambodia, and
notes that the ancient Chinese writers spoke of Queens in Fou-nan
(Cambodia). If the Khmêrs were the ancient people of Cambodia,
here we have an important landmark in common between them and the
Khasis. M. Aymonier goes on to speak of priestesses, and the Cambodian
taboo, _tam_ or _trenam_, which Mr. Lowis, the Superintendent of
Ethnography in Burma, suggests may be akin to the Khasi _sang_.


Dress.

Dress may be divided into two divisions, ancient and modern. It will
be convenient to take the former division first. The Khasi males
of the interior wear the sleeveless coat or _jymphong_, which is a
garment leaving the neck and arms bare, with a fringe at the bottom,
and with a row of tassels across the chest; it is fastened by frogs
in front. This coat, however, may be said to be going out of fashion
in the Khasi Hills, its place being taken by coats of European pattern
in the more civilized centres and by all sorts of nondescript garments
in the interior. The sleeveless coat, however, is still worn by many
Syntengs in the interior and by the Bhois and Lynngams. The men in the
Khasi Hills wear a cap with ear-flaps. The elderly men, or other men
when smartness is desired, wear a white turban, which is fairly large
and is well tied on the head. Males in the Siemship of Nongstoin and
in the North-Western corner of the district wear knitted worsted caps
which are often of a red colour. These are sold at Nongstoin market
at about 8 or 9 annas each. They are brought to Nongstoin by traders
from the Synteng country, and from Shillong, where they are knitted
generally by Synteng women. A small cloth is worn round the waist
and between the legs, one end of which hangs down in front like a
small apron. The Syntengs wear a somewhat differently shaped cap,
having no ear-flaps and with a high-peaked crown. Both Khasi and
Synteng caps are generally of black cloth, having, as often as not,
a thick coating of grease. The old-fashioned Khasi female's dress,
which is that worn by people of the cultivator class of the present
day, is the following:--Next to the skin is worn a garment called _ka
jympien_, which is a piece of cloth wound round the body and fastened
at the loins with a kind of cloth belt, and which hangs down from
the waist to the knee or a little above it. Over this is worn a long
piece of cloth, sometimes of muga silk, called _ka jainsem_. This is
not worn like the Assamese _mekhela_ or Bengali _sari_, for it hangs
loosely from the shoulders down to a little above the ankles, and is
not caught in at the waist--in fact, Khasi women have no waist. It
is kept in position by knotting it over both the shoulders. Over
the _jainsem_ another garment called _ka jain kup_ is worn. This is
thrown over the shoulders like a cloak, the two ends being knotted in
front, it hangs loosely down the back and sides to the ankles. It is
frequently of some gay colour, the fashion in Mawkhar and Cherrapunji
being some pretty shade of French gray or maroon. Over the head and
shoulders is worn a wrapper called _ka tap-moh-khlieh_. This, again,
is frequently of some bright colour, but is often white. There is a
fold in the _jainsem_ which serves as a pocket for keeping odds and
ends. Khasi women in cold weather wear gaiters which are often long
stockings without feet, or, in the case of the poor, pieces of cloth
wound round the legs like putties, or cloth gaiters. I have seen women
at Nongstoin wearing gaiters of leaves. It was explained to me that
these were worn to keep off the leeches. The Khasi women might almost
be said to be excessively clothed--they wear the cloak in such a way
as to hide entirely the graceful contours of the figure. The women
are infinitely more decently clothed than Bengali coolie women, for
instance; but their dress cannot be described as becoming or graceful,
although they show taste as regards the blending of colours in their
different garments.

The dress of the Synteng women is a little different. With them the
_jain khrywang_ takes the place of the Khasi _jainsem_, and is worn by
them in the following manner:--One of the two ends is passed under one
armpit and its two corners are knotted on the opposite shoulder. The
other end is then wound round the body and fastened at the waist,
from which it hangs half way down the calf. Over this they wear a
sort of apron, generally of _muga_ silk. They have the cloak and the
head-wrapper just the same as the Khasi women. The Synteng striped
cloth may be observed in the picture of the Synteng girl in the
plate. Khasi women on festive occasions, such as the annual Nongkrem
puja, do not cover the head. The hair is then decked with jewellery
or with flowers; but on all ordinary occasions Khasi women cover the
head. Wár women, however, often have their heads uncovered.

_Modern dress_.--The up-to-date Khasi male wears knickerbockers
made by a tailor, stockings, and boots; also a tailor-made coat
and waistcoat, a collar without a tie, and a cloth peaked cap. The
young lady of fashion dons a chemise, also often a short coat of
cloth or velvet, stockings, and smart shoes. Of course she wears
the _jainsem_ and cloak, but occasionally she may be seen without
the latter when the weather is warm. It should be mentioned that the
Khasi males are seldom seen without a haversack in which betel-nut,
lime, and other odds and ends are kept; and the female has her purse,
which, however, is not visible, being concealed within the folds of
her lower garment. The haversack of the men is of cloth in the high
plateau and in the Bhoi country, but it is of knitted fibre in the
Wár country. The Syntengs have a cloth bag, which they call _ka muna_.

The Wár men dress very much the same as the neighbouring Sylheti
Hindus. The Wár women, especially the Shella women, wear very
pretty yellow and red checked and striped cloths. The cloak is not
so frequently worn as amongst Khasis, except in cold weather. The
Lynngam dress is very similar to that of the neighbouring Garos. The
males wear the sleeveless coat, or _phong marong_, of cotton striped
red and blue, red and white, or blue and white, fastened in the same
manner as the Khasi coat and with tassels. A small cloth, generally
red or blue, is tied between the legs, one end of it being allowed
to hang down, as with the Khasis, like an apron in front. A round
cap is commonly worn; but the elderly men and people of importance
wear turbans. The females wear short cloths of cotton striped red
and blue, the cloth reaching just above the knee, like the Garos;
married women wear no upper clothing, except in winter, when a red or
blue cotton cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders. The women
wear a profusion of blue bead necklaces and brass earrings like the
Garos. Unmarried girls wear a cloth tightly tied round the figure,
similar to that worn by the Kacharis. A bag of cloth for odds and
ends is carried by the men slung across the shoulder. It should be
mentioned that even in ancient times great people amongst the Khasis,
like Siems, wore waist-cloths, and people of lees consequence on great
occasions, such as dances. The use of waist-cloths among the Khasis
is on the increase, especially among those who live in Shillong and
the neighbouring villages and in Jowai and Cherrapunji.


Tattooing.

None of the Khasis tattoo; the only people in the hills who tattoo
are certain tribes of the Bhoi country which are really Mikir. These
tattoo females on the forehead when they attain the age of puberty,
a straight horizontal line being drawn from the parting of the hair
down the forehead and nose. The line is one-eighth to one-quarter
of an inch broad. The Lynngams occasionally tattoo a ring round the
wrist of females.



Jewellery.

The Khasis, as a people, may be said to be fond of jewellery. The
women are specially partial to gold and coral bead necklaces. The
beads are round and large, and are usually unornamented with filigree
or other work. The coral is imported from Calcutta. The gold bead is
not solid, but a hollow sphere filled with lac. These necklaces are
worn by men as well as women, especially on gala occasions. Some of
the necklaces are comparatively valuable, e.g. that in the possession
of the Mylliem Siem family. The gold and coral beads are prepared
locally by Khasi as well as by foreign goldsmiths. The latter derive
considerable profits from the trade. The Assam Census Report of
1901 shows 133 goldsmiths in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district,
but does not distinguish between Khasis and foreigners. There are
Khasi goldsmiths to be found in Mawkhar, Cherrapunji, Mawlai, and
other villages. Sylheti goldsmiths are, however, more largely employed
than Khasi in Mawsynram and certain other places on the south side of
the hills. In Mr. Henniker's monograph on "gold and silver wares of
Assam" it is stated that the goldsmiths of Karimganj in Sylhet make
specially for Khasis certain articles of jewellery, such as men's and
women's earrings, &c. An article of jewellery which is believed to be
peculiar to the Khasis is the silver or gold crown. This crown is worn
by the young women at dances, such as the annual Nongkrem dance. An
illustration of one will be seen by referring to the plate. These
crowns are circlets of silver or gold ornamented with filigree
work. There is a peak or, strictly speaking, a spike at the back,
called _u'tiew-lasubon_, which stands up some six inches above the
crown. There are long ropes or tassels of silver hanging from the crown
down the back. Earrings are worn both by men and women. The former
affect a pattern peculiar to themselves, viz. large gold pendants of
a circular or oval shape. Women wear different patterns of earrings,
according to locality. An ornament which I believe is also peculiar to
the Khasis is the _rupa-tylli_, or silver collar. This is a broad flat
silver collar which is allowed to hang down over the neck in front,
and which is secured by a fastening behind. Silver chains are worn
by men as well as by women. The men wear them round the waist like
a belt, and the women hang them round their necks, the chains being
allowed to depend as low as the waist. Bracelets are worn by women;
these are either of gold or of silver. The Lynngam males wear bead
necklaces, the beads being sometimes of cornelian gathered from the
beds of the local hill streams, and sometimes of glass obtained from
the plains markets of Damra and Moiskhola. The cornelian necklaces are
much prized by the Lynngams, and are called by them _'pieng blei_,
or gods' necklaces. Like the Garos, the Lynngams wear as many brass
earrings as possible, the lobes of the ears of the females being
frequently greatly distended by their weight. These earrings are made
out of brass wire obtained from the plains markets. The Lynngams wear
silver armlets above the elbow and also on the wrists. It is only a
man who has given a great feast who can wear silver armlets above the
elbows. These armlets are taken off as a sign of mourning, but never
on ordinary occasions. The Lynngams do not wear Khasi jewellery, but
jewellery of a pattern to be seen in the Garo Hills. A distinctive
feature of the Lynngam women is the very large number of blue bead
necklaces they wear. They put on such a large number as to give
them almost the appearance of wearing horse collars. These beads are
obtained from the plains markets, and are of glass. Further detailed
information regarding this subject can be obtained from Mr. Henniker's
monograph, which contains a good plate illustrating the different
articles of jewellery.


Weapons.

The weapons of the Khasis are swords, spears, bows and arrows, and a
circular shield which was used formerly for purposes of defence. The
swords are usually of wrought iron, occasionally of steel, and are
forged in the local smithies. The Khasi sword is of considerable
length, and possesses the peculiarity of not having a handle of
different material from that which is used for the blade. In the Khasi
sword the handle is never made of wood or bone, or of anything except
iron or steel, the result being that the sword is most awkward to hold,
and could never have been of much use as a weapon of offence.

The same spear is used for thrusting and casting. The spear is not
decorated with wool or hair like the spears of the Naga tribes, but it
is nevertheless a serviceable weapon, and would be formidable in the
hand of a resolute man at close quarters. The length of the spear is
about 6 1/2 feet. The shaft is generally of bamboo, although sometimes
of ordinary wood. The spear heads are forged in the local smithies.

The Khasi weapon _par excellence_ is the bow. Although no "Robin
Hoods," the Khasis are very fair archers, and they use the bow largely
for hunting. The Khasi bow (_ka ryntieh_) is of bamboo, and is about 5
feet in height. The longest bow in use is said to be about the height
of a man, the average height amongst the Khasis being about about 5
feet 2 inches to 5 feet 4 inches. The bowstring is of split bamboo,
the bamboos that are used being _u spit, u shken_, and _u siej-lieh_.

The arrows (_ki khnam_) are of two kinds: (_a_) the barbed-headed
(_ki pliang_), and (_b_) the plain-headed (_sop_). Both are made
out of bamboo. The first kind is used for hunting, the latter
for archery matches only. Archery may be styled the Khasi
national game. A description of Khasi archery will be found
under the heading "Games." The feathers of the following birds
are used for arrows:--Vultures, geese, cranes, cormorants, and
hornbills. Arrow-heads are made of iron or steel, and are forged
locally. The distance a Khasi arrow will carry, shot from the ordinary
bow by a man of medium strength, is 150 to 180 yards. The Khasi shield
is circular in shape, of hide, and studded with brass or silver. In
former days shields of rhinoceros hide are said to have been used,
but nowadays buffalo skin is used. The shields would stop an arrow
or turn aside a spear or sword thrust. The present-day shield is used
merely for purposes of display.

Before the advent of the British into the hills the Khasis are said
to have been acquainted with the art of manufacturing gunpowder,
which was prepared in the neighbourhood of Mawsanram, Kynchi, and
Cherra. The gunpowder used to be manufactured of saltpetre, sulphur,
and charcoal, the three ingredients being pounded together in a
mortar. The Jaintia Rajas possessed cannon, two specimens of which
are still to be seen at Jaintiapur. Their dimensions are as follows:--

Length, 9 feet; circumference in the middle, 3 feet 2 inches; diameter
of the bore 3 inches. There are some old cannon also at Lyngkyrdem
and at Kyndiar in the Khyrim State, of the same description as
above. These cannons were captured from the Jaintia Raja by the Siem
of Nongkrem. No specimens of the cannon ball used are unfortunately
available. There are also small mortars, specimens of which are to
be seen in the house of the Siem of Mylliem.

The weapons of the Syntengs are the same as those of the Khasis,
although some of them are called by different names. At Nartiang I saw
an old Khasi gun, which the people say was fired from the shoulder. I
also saw a mortar of the same pattern as the one described amongst
the Khasi weapons.

The Wár and Lynngam weapons are also the same, but with different
names. The only weapons used by the Bhois (Mikirs) are the spear
and bill-hook for cutting down jungle. Butler, writing of the
Mikirs 1854, says, "Unlike any other hill tribes of whom we have
any knowledge, the Mikirs seem devoid of anything approaching to a
martial spirit. They are a quiet, industrious, race of cultivators,
and the only weapons used by them are the spear and _da_ hand-bill
for cutting down jungle. It is said, after an attempt to revolt from
the Assamese rule, they were made to forswear the use of arms, which
is the cause of the present generation having no predilection for war."




CHAPTER II

Domestic Life


Occupation.

The greater proportion of the population subsists by
cultivation. Cultivation of rice may be divided under two headings,
high land or dry cultivation and low land or wet cultivation. The
total number of persons who subsist by agriculture generally in the
hills, is given is the last Census Report as 154,907, but the term
agriculture includes the cultivation of the potato, the orange,
betel-nut and _pán_. A full description of the different forms
of agriculture will be given under the heading "Agriculture." A
considerable number of Khasis earn their livelihood as porters,
carrying potatoes to the markets on the Sylhet side of the district,
from whence the crop is conveyed by means of country boats to the
different places of call of river-steamers in the Surma Valley,
the steamers carrying the potatoes to Calcutta. Potatoes are also
largely carried to Shillong by porters, where the tuber is readily
bought by Marwari merchants, who load it in carts to be conveyed by
road to Gauhati, from which station it is again shipped to Calcutta
and Upper Assam. Many persons are also employed in carrying rice
up the hill from Theria to Cherrapunji, Shillong, and on to other
places. Salt is also carried by porters by this route. Many Khasis,
both male and female, live by daily labour in this way, earning as much
as eight annas, and six annas a day, respectively. The Census Report
of 1901 shows some 14,000 "general labourers" in the district, the
greater number of whom are porters and coolies, both male and female,
employed on road work and on building. In Shillong the Government
Offices and the printing press give employment to a certain number
of Khasis. There is also a fair demand for Khasi domestic servants,
both among the Europeans and the Bengali and Assamese clerks who are
employed at the headquarters of the Administration. The manufacture of
country spirit gives employment to a considerable number of persons,
most of whom are females. At a recent census of the country stills
in the district, undertaken by the district officials, the number
of stills has been found to be 1,530. There must be at least one
person employed at each still, so that the number of distillers is
probably not less than 2,000, possibly more. The spirit is distilled
both for home consumption and for purposes of sale, in some villages
almost entirely for sale. In, the Jaintia Hills stock-breeding and
dealing in cattle provides occupation for 1,295 people, according
to the last census. The cattle are reared in the Jaintia Hills and
are driven down to the plains when they reach the age of maturity,
where they find a ready market amongst the Sylhetis. Cattle are also
driven into Shillong for sale from the Jaintia Hills. Another place
for rearing cattle is the Siemship of Nongkhlaw, where there is good
pasturage in the neighbourhood of Mairang. These cattle are either
sold in Shillong or find their way to the Kamrup district by the old
Nongkhlaw road. Cattle-breeding is an industry which is capable of
expansion in these hills. There are a few carpenters to be found in
Shillong and its neighbourhood. The Khasis are said by Col. Waddell
to be unacquainted with the art of weaving; but the fact that a
considerable weaving industry exists amongst the Khyrwang villages
of the Syntengs, and at Mynso and Suhtnga, has been overlooked by
him. The Khyrwangs weave a special pattern of cotton and silk cloth,
striped red and white. In Mynso and Suhtnga similar cloths are woven,
also the sleeveless coat. In former days this industry is said to have
been considerable, but it has been displaced to a large extent of late
years by Manchester piece goods. The number of weavers returned at the
last census in the district was 533. The Khasis and Mikirs of the low
country, or Bhois as they are called, weave cotton cloths which they
dye with the leaves of a plant called _u noli_. This is perhaps the
wild indigo, or _ram_, of the Shan settlers in the Assam Valley. The
weavers are almost always females. An important means of subsistence
is road and building work; a considerable number of coolies, both male
and female, are employed under Government, practically throughout the
year, in this manner, the males earning on an average 8 annas and the
females 6 annas a day. Col Bivar writes that in 1875 the wages for
ordinary male labourers were 4 to 8 annas a day, and for females 21/2
to 4 annas, so that the wages rates have almost doubled in the last
thirty years. Contractors, however, often manage to obtain daily labour
at lower rates than those paid by Government. Stonemasons and skilled
labourers are able to get higher rates. It is easier to obtain coolies
in the Khasi than in the Jaintia Hills, where a large proportion of
the population is employed in cultivation. The Khasis are excellent
labourers, and cheerful and willing, but they at once resent bad
treatment, and are then intractable and hard to manage. Khasis are
averse to working in the plains in the hot-weather months.


Apiculture.

I am indebted to Mr. Rita for the following remarks on apiculture in
the Khasi and Jaintia Hills.

There are two kinds of indigenous bees in the Khasi Hills: one
domesticated, called _u ngap_ (_apis Indica_), and the other _u
lywai_, which is never domesticated, and is very pugnacious; its
hives are difficult of access, being always located in very high
cliffs. A few hives of a third class of bee are now-a-days to be
found in and around the station of Shillong, i.e. the Italian. This
bee was imported into the hills by Messrs. Dobbie and Rita, and the
species became propagated in the following manner. The bees had been
just established in a hive, where they had constructed a brood comb,
when the hive was robbed by some Khasis for the sake of the _larvæ_
it contained, which they wished to consume as food; but the queen bee
escaped and established other colonies, one of which was afterwards
captured by Mr. Rita, the others establishing themselves at places in
the neighbourhood. The hive used by the Khasis is of a very primitive
description. It is usually a hollow piece of wood, about 2 1/2 to 3
ft. in length and 10 or 12 in. in diameter. A small door is placed at
each end of the log, one for the bees to go in and out, and the other
for the removal of the honey when wanted. The honey-combs are broken
and the honey is extracted by squeezing the comb with the hand. Wax is
obtained by placing the comb in boiling water and allowing it to cool,
when the wax floats to the surface. The Khasis do not systematically
tend their bees, as they do not understand how to prevent swarming,
and as the Khasi bee is a prolific swarmer, hives become weak very soon
and a new hive has to be started from a captured natural swarm. The
villages in which bees are regularly kept to any large extent in the
Khasi and Jaintia Hills are Thied-dieng, Mawphoo, Nongwar, Mawlong,
Pynter, Tyrna, and Kongthong, but most of the Wár villagers rear bees
and sell the honey at the neighbouring markets. The collection of
the honey of the wild bee, or _u lywai_, is a hazardous occupation,
the services of some six or seven persons being required, as the combs
of this bee are generally built in the crevices of precipitous rocks,
and sometimes weigh more than half a maund each. When such hives are
discovered the bees are driven out by the smoke of a smouldering fire
lit at the foot of the rock below the hive. Two or three men get to the
top of the precipice, leaving two or three of their companions at the
base. One of the men on the top of the rock is then lowered down in
a sling tied to a strong rope, which is made fast by his companions
above to a tree or boulder. The man in the sling is supplied with
material to light a torch which gives out a thick smoke, with the
aid of which the bees are expelled. The man then cuts out the comb,
which he places in a leather bucket or bag, which, when filled, he
lowers down to the persons in waiting at the foot of the rock. The
wild honey may be distinguished from that of the domestic bee by being
of a reddish colour. Honey from the last-mentioned bee is gathered
twice or thrice in the year, once in the autumn and once or twice in
the spring; that gathered in early spring is not so matured as that
collected in autumn. The flora of the Khasi Hills being so numerous,
there is no necessity for providing bees with artificial food. The
bees are generally able to obtain their sustenance from clover,
anemonies, "golden rod," bush honeysuckle, and numerous shrubs such
as andromeda, daphne, &c., which abound about Shillong. There seem
to be facilities for apiculture on a large scale in these hills, and
certainly the honey which is brought round by the Khasis for sale in
Shillong is excellent, the flavour being quite as good as that of
English honey. Under "Miscellaneous Customs connected with Death"
will be found a reference to the statement that the dead bodies of
Siems used to be embalmed in honey. The existence of the custom is
generally denied by Khasis, but its former prevalence is probable,
as several trustworthy authors have quoted it.


Houses.

The houses of the people are cleaner than might be supposed after
taking into consideration the dirtiness of the clothes and persons
of those who inhabit them. They are as a rule substantial thatched
cottages with plank or stone walls, and raised on a plinth some 2 to
3 ft. from the ground. The only window is a small opening on one side
of the house, which admits but a dim light into the smoke-begrimed
interior. The beams are so low that it is impossible for a person of
ordinary stature to stand erect within. The fire is always burning
on an earthen or stone hearth in the centre. There is no chimney, the
smoke finding its exit as best it can. The firewood is placed to dry
on a swinging frame above the hearth. In the porch are stacked fuel and
odds and ends. The pigs and calves are generally kept in little houses
just outside the main building. The Khasi house is oval-shaped, and is
divided into three rooms, a porch, a centre room, and a retiring-room.

In olden days the Khasis considered nails _sang_, or taboo, and
only used a certain kind of timber for the fender which surrounds
the hearth; but they are not so particular now-a-days. In Mawkhar,
Cherrapunji, and other large villages, the walls of houses are
generally of stone. In Cherrapunji the houses are frequently large,
but the largest house I have seen in the hills is that of the Doloi
of Suhtnga in the Jaintia Hills which measures 74 ft. in length. The
house of the Siem Priestess at Smit in the Khasi Hills is another
large one, being 61 ft. long by 30 ft. broad. In front of the Khasi
house is a little space fenced in on two sides, but open towards the
village street. The Syntengs plaster the space in front of the house
with red earth and cow-dung, this custom being probably a remnant
of Hindu influences. The Khasis have some peculiar customs when they
build a new house. When the house is completed they perform a ceremony,
_kynjoh-hka-skain_, when they tie three pieces of dried fish to the
ridge pole of the house and then jump up and try to pull them down
again. Or they kill a pig, cut a piece of the flesh with the skin
attached, and fix it to the ridge pole, and then endeavour to dislodge
it. The Syntengs at Nartiang worship _U Biskurom_ (Biswakarma) and _Ka
Siem Synshar_ when a house is completed, two fowls being sacrificed,
one to the former, the other to the latter. The feathers of the fowls
are affixed to the centre post of the house, which must be of _u
dieng sning_, a variety of the Khasi oak. The worship of a Hindu god
(Biswakarma), the architect of the Hindu gods, alongside the Khasi
deity _Ka Siem Synshar_, is interesting, and may be explained by
the fact that Nartiang was at one time the summer capital of the
kings of Jaintia, who were Hindus latterly and disseminated Hindu
customs largely amongst the Syntengs. Mr. Rita says that amongst the
Syntengs, a house, the walls of which have been plastered with mud,
is a sign that the householder has an enemy. The plastering no doubt
is executed as a preventive of fire, arson in these hills being a
common form of revenge.

Amongst the Khasis, when a daughter leaves her mother's house and
builds a house in the mother's compound, it is considered _sang_,
or taboo, for the daughter's house to be built on the right-hand side
of the mother's house, it should be built either on the left hand or
at the back of the mother's house.

In Nongstoin it is customary to worship a deity called _u'lei
lap_ (Khasi, _u phan_), by nailing up branches of the Khasi oak,
interspersed with jaw-bones of cattle and the feathers of fowls,
to the principal post, which must be of _u dieng sning_. The Siem
priestess of the Nongkrem State at Smit and the ladies of the Siem
family perform a ceremonial dance before a large post of oak in the
midst of the Siem priestesses' house on the occasion of the annual
goat-killing ceremony. This oak post is furnished according to custom
by the _lyngskor_ or official spokesman of the Siem's Durbar. Another
post of oak in this house is furnished by the people of the State.

The houses of the well-to-do Khasis of the present day in Mawkhar and
Cherrapunji are built after the modern style with iron roofs, chimneys,
glass windows and doors. In Jowai the well-to-do traders have excellent
houses of the European pattern, which are as comfortable as many
of the European subordinates' quarters in Shillong. Some up-to-date
families in Shillong and at Cherra allow themselves muslin curtains
and European furniture.

The houses of the Pnar-Wárs are peculiar. The roof, which is thatched
with the leaves of a palm called _u tynriew_, is hog-backed and the
eaves come down almost to the ground. There are three rooms in the
War as in the Khasi house, although called by different names in the
Wár dialect. The hearth is in the centre room. The houses are built
flush with the ground and are made of bamboos. In the Wár villages of
Nongjri and Umniuh there are small houses erected in the compounds of
the ordinary dwelling-houses called _ieng ksuid_ (spirit houses). In
these houses offerings to the spirits of departed family ancestors
are placed at intervals, this practice being very similar to the more
ancient form of Shintoism. In some Wár villages there are also separate
bachelors' quarters. This custom is in accordance with that of the Naga
tribes. There is no such custom amongst the Khasi Uplanders. The Wár
houses are similar to those of the Pnar Wárs, except that a portion of
the house is generally built on a platform, the main house resting on
the hill-side and the portion on the platform projecting therefrom, the
object being to obtain more space, the area for houses in the village
sites being often limited owing to the steepness of the hill-sides.

The Bhoi and Lynngam houses are practically similar, and may be
described together. They are generally built on fairly high platforms
of bamboo, are frequently 30 to 40 ft. in length, and are divided into
various compartments in order to suit the needs of the family. The
hearth, which is of earth, is in the centre room. There is a platform
at the back of the Lynngam house, and in front of the Bhoi house,
used for drying paddy, spreading chillies, &c., and for sitting on
when the day's work is done. In order to ascend to a Bhoi house, yon
have to climb up a notched pole. The Bhois sacrifice a he-goat and
a fowl to _Rèk-ànglong_ (Khasi, _Ramiew iing_), the household god,
when they build a new house.


Villages.

Unlike the Nagas and Kukis, the Khasis do not build their villages on
the extreme summits of hills, but a little below the tops, generally in
small depressions; in order to obtain some protection from the strong
winds and storms which prevail in these hills at certain times of the
year. According to the late U Jeebon Roy, it is _sang_, or taboo, to
the Khasis to build a house on the last eminence of a range of hills,
this custom having perhaps arisen owing to the necessity of locating
villages with reference to their defence against an enemy. Khasis
build their houses fairly close together, but not as close as houses
in the Bhoi and Lynngam villages. Khasis seldom change the sites of
their villages, to which they are very much attached, where, as a
rule, the family tombs are standing and the _máwbynna_ or memorial
stones. In many villages stone cromlechs and memorial stones are
to be seen which from their appearance show that the villages have
been there for many generations. During the Jaintia rebellion the
village of Jowai was almost entirely destroyed, but as soon as the
rebellion was over the people returned to the old site and rebuilt
their village. Similarly, after the earthquake, the ancient village
sites were not abandoned in many cases, but the people rebuilt their
houses in their former positions, although in Shillong and Cherrapunji
they rebuilt the walls of the houses of wooden materials instead of
stone. There is no such thing as a specially reserved area in the
village for the Siem and the nobility, all the people, rich or poor,
living together in one village, their houses being scattered about
indiscriminately. To the democratic Khasi the ides of the Siem living
apart from his people would be repugnant. In the vicinity of the Khasi
village, often just below the brow of the hill to the leeward side,
are to be seen dark woods of oak and other trees. These are the sacred
groves. Here the villagers worship _U ryngkew U basa_, the tutelary
deity of the village. These groves are taboo, and it is an offence to
cut trees therein for any purpose other than for performing funeral
obsequies. The groves are generally not more than a few hundred yards
away from the villages. The villages of the Syntengs are similar in
character to those of the Khasis. The Wár villages nestle on the
hill-sides of the southern border, and are to be seen peeping out
from the green foliage with which the southern slopes are clad. In the
vicinity of, and actually up to the houses, in the Wár villages, are
to be observed large groves of areca-nut, often twined with the _pan_
creeper, and of plantain trees, which much enhance the beauty of the
scene. Looking at a Wár village from a distance, a darker shade of
green is seen; this denotes the limits of the extensive groves where
the justly celebrated Khasi orange is grown, which is the source of
so much profit to these people. The houses in the Wár villages are
generally closer together than those of the Khasis, probably owing to
apace being limited, and to the villages being located on the slopes
of hills. Generally up the narrow village street, and from house
to house, there are rough steep stone steps, the upper portion of
a village being frequently situated at as high an elevation as 200
to 300 ft. above the lower. In a convenient spot in a Wár village
a clear space is to be seen neatly swept and kept free from weeds,
and surrounded with a stone wall, where the village tribunals sit,
and the elders meet in solemn conclave. Dances also are held here on
festive occasions. At Nongjri village there is a fine rubber tree,
under whose hollow trunk there are certain sacred stones where the
priest performs the village ceremonies.

The Bhoi and Lynngam villages are built in small clearings in
the forest, the houses are close together and are built often in
parallel lines, a fairly broad space being reserved between the
lines of houses to serve as a street. One misses the pretty gardens
of the Wár villages, for Bhois and Lynngams attempt nothing of the
sort, probably because, unlike the Khasi, a Bhoi or Lynngam village
never remains more than two or three years in one spot; generally the
villages of these people are in the vicinity of the forest clearings,
sometimes actually in the midst of them, more especially when the
latter are situated in places where jungle is dense, and there is fear
of attacks from wild animals. In the Lynngam village is to be seen a
high bamboo platform some 20 to 30 ft. from the ground, built in the
midst of the village, where the elders sit and gossip in the evening.

All the villages, Khasi, Wár, Lynngam and Bhoi, swarm with pigs,
which run about the villages unchecked. The pigs feed on all kinds
of filth, and in addition are fed upon the wort and spent wash of the
brewings of country spirit, of rice beer, the latter being carefully
collected and poured into wooden troughs. The pigs are of the usual
black description seen in India. They thrive greatly in the Khasi
villages, and frequently attain extreme obesity.

In the Khasi villages of the high plateaux are often nowadays potato
gardens, the latter being carefully protected from the inroads of pigs,
calves, and goats by dry dikes surmounted by hedges.

I noticed an interesting custom at a Bhoi village in Nongpoh of
barricading the path leading to the village from the forest with
bamboo palisading and bamboo _chevaux de frise_ to keep out the demon
of cholera. In the middle of the barricade there was a wooden door
over which was nailed the skull of a monkey which had been sacrificed
to this demon, which is, as amongst the Syntengs, called _khlam_.


Furniture and Household Utensils.

As in the case of houses, so with reference to furniture, the influence
of civilization shows many changes. The Khasi of the present day who
lives in Mawkhar [14] has a comfortable house regularly divided up
into rooms in the European style with even some European articles
of furniture, but owing probably to the influence of the women,
he still possesses several of the articles of furniture which are
to be met with in the houses of those who still observe the old
style of living. Let us take the furniture of the kitchen to begin
with. Above the hearth is slung by ropes of cane a swinging wooden
framework blackened with the smoke of years, upon which are spread
the faggots of resinous fir-wood used for kindling the fire. Above
this again is a wooden framework fixed on to the beams of the house,
upon which all sorts of odds and ends are kept. Around the fire
are to be seen small wooden stools, upon which the members of the
household sit. Up-to-date Khasis have cane chairs, but the women of
the family, true to the conservative instincts of the sex, prefer
the humble stool to sit upon. Well-to-do Khasis nowadays have, in
addition to the ordinary cooking vessels made of iron and earthenware,
a number of brass utensils. The writer has seen in a Khasi house in
Mawkhar brass drinking vessels of the pattern used in Orissa, of the
description used in Manipur, and of the kind which is in vogue in
Sylhet. The ordinary cultivator, however, uses a waterpot made from
a gourd hollowed out for keeping water and liquor in, and drinks
from a bamboo cylinder. Plates, or more properly speaking dishes,
are of several kinds in the houses of the rich, the two larger ones
being styled _ka pliang kynthei_ (female) and _ka pliang shynrang_
(male). Needless to say, the first mentioned is a larger utensil than
the latter. The ordinary waterpots, _u khiew phiang kynthei_ and _u
khiew phiang shynrang_, are made of brass, the former being a size
larger and having a wider mouth than the latter. The pot for cooking
vegetables is made of iron. Another utensil is made of earthenware;
this is the ordinary cooking pot used in the houses of the poor. Brass
spoons of different sizes are used for stirring the contents of the
different cooking utensils, also a wooden spoon.

In the sleeping-rooms of the well-to-do there are wooden beds
with mattresses and sheets and pillows, clothes being hung upon
clothes-racks, which in one house visited were of the same pattern
as the English "towel horse." The ordinary cultivator and his wife
sleep on mats made of plaited bamboo, which are spread on the bare
boards of the house. There are various kinds of mats to be met with
in the Khasi houses made of plaited cane, of a kind of reed, and of
plaited bamboo. The best kind of mat is prepared from cane. In all
Khasi houses are to be seen _ki knup_, or rain shields, of different
sizes and sometimes of somewhat different shapes. The large shield of
Cherrapunji is used as a protection from rain. Those of Maharam and
Mawiang are each of a peculiar pattern. Smaller shields are used as
protections from the sun or merely for show, and there are specially
small sizes for children. Then there are the different kinds of baskets
(_ki khoh_) which are carried on the back, slung across the forehead
by a cane head-strap. These, again, are of different sizes. They
are, however, always of the same conical shape, being round and
broad-mouthed at the top and gradually tapering to a point at the
bottom. A bamboo cover is used to protect the contents of the basket
from rain. There is a special kind of basket made of cane or bamboo
with a cover, which is used for carrying articles on a journey. These
baskets, again, are of different sizes, the largest and best that the
writer has seen being manufactured at Rambrai, in the south-western
portion of the hills. Paddy is husked in a wooden mortar by means of
a heavy wooden pestle. These are to be seen all over the hills. The
work of husking paddy is performed by the women. A bamboo sieve is
sometimes used for sifting the husked rise, a winnowing fan being
applied to separate the husk. The cleaned rice is exposed to the
sun in a bamboo tray. Paddy is stored in a separate store-house in
large circular bamboo receptacles. These hold sometimes as much as
30 maunds [15] of grain. Large baskets are also used for keeping
paddy in. In every Khasi house is to be found the net bag which is
made out of pineapple fibre, or of _u stein_, the Assamese _riha_
(Boehmeria nivea). These bags are of two sizes, the larger one for
keeping cowries id, the cowrie in former days having been used instead
of current coin in these hills, the smaller far the ever necessary
betel-nut. _Pán_ leaves are kept in a bamboo tube, and tobacco leaves
in a smaller one. Lime, for eating with betel-nut, is kept in a metal
box, sometimes of silver, which is made in two separate parts held
together by a chain. The box is called _ka shanam_, and is used all
over the hills. This box is also used for divination purposes, one end
of it being held in the hand, and the other, by means of the chain,
being allowed to swing like a pendulum. An explanation of this method
of divination will be found in the paragraph dealing with divination.

There is also a pair of squeezers used by the old and toothless for
breaking up betel-nut. In the houses of the well-to-do is to be seen
the ordinary hubble-bubble of India. Outside the houses of cultivators
are wooden troughs hollowed out of the trunks of trees, which are used
either as drinking troughs for cattle or for feeding pigs. A special
set of utensils is used for manufacturing liquor. The Synteng and
Wár articles of furniture and utensils are the same as those of the
Khasis, with different names, a remark which applies also to those of
the Bhois and Lynngams. Both the latter, however, use leaves as plates,
the Bhoi using the wild plantain and the Lynngam a large leaf called
_ka 'la mariong_. The leaves are thrown away after eating, fresh leaves
being gathered for each meal. The Lynngams use a quilt (_ka syllar_)
made out of the bark of a tree of the same name as a bed covering. This
tree is perhaps the same as the Garo _simpak_. In the Bhoi and Lynngam
houses the swinging shelf for keeping firewood is not to be seen, nor
is the latter to be found amongst the submontane Bodo tribes in Assam.


Musical Instruments.

The Khasis have not many musical instruments, and those that they
possess, with one or two exceptions, are of very much the same
description as those of the Assamese. There are several kinds of drums,
viz. _ka nákrá_, which is a large kettledrum made of wood having the
head covered with deerskin; _ka ksing_, which is a cylindrically-shaped
drum rather smaller than the Assamese _dhol_ (_ka ksing kynthei_ takes
its name from the fact that this drum is beaten when women, _kynthei_,
dance), _ka padiah_, a small drum with a handle made of wood; _katasa_,
a small circular drum. Khasi drums are nearly always made of wood,
not of metal, like the drums to be seen in the monasteries of Upper
Assam, or of earthenware, as in Lower Assam.

_Ka duitara_ is a guitar with _muga_ silk strings, which is played
with a little wooden key held in the hand. _Ka maryngod_ is an
instrument much the same as the last, but is played with a bow like
a violin. _Ka marynthing_ is a kind of guitar with one string, played
with the finger.

_Ka tángmuri_ is a wooden pipe, which is played like a flageolet. _Ka
kynsháw_, or _shákuriaw_, are cymbals made of bell metal; _ka sháráti_,
or _ka shingwiang_, is a kind of flute made of bamboo. This instrument
is played at cremation ceremonies, and when the bones and ashes of a
clan are collected and placed in the family tomb, or _máwbah_. This
flute is not played on ordinary occasions. In the folk-lore portion
of the Monograph will be found a tale regarding it. There are other
kinds of flutes which are played on ordinary occasions. The Wárs of
the twenty-five villages in the Khyrim State make a sort of harp out
of reed, which is called _ka 'sing ding phong_. The Khasis also play
a Jews' Harp (_ka mieng_), which is made of bamboo.


Agriculture.

The Khasis are industrious cultivators, although they are behindhand
in some of their methods of cultivation, (e.g. their failure to adopt
the use of the plough in the greater portion of the district); they
are thoroughly aware of the uses of manures. Their system of turning
the sods, allowing them to dry, then burning them, and raking the
ashes over the soil, is much in advance of any system of natural
manuring to be seen elsewhere in the Province. The Khasis use the
following agricultural implements:--A large hoe (_mokhíw heh_),
an axe for felling trees (_u sdie_), a large _da_ for felling trees
(_ka wait lynngam_), two kinds of bill-hooks (_ka wáit prat_ and _ka
wáit khmut_), a sickle (_ka ráshi_), a plough in parts of the Jaintia
Hills (_ka lyngkor_), also a harrow (_ka iuh moi_). In dealing with
agriculture, the lands of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be divided
into the following classes:--(_a_) Forest land, (_b_) wet paddy land
called _háli_ or _pynthor_, (_c_) high grass land or _ka ri lúm_ or
_ka ri phlang_, (d) homestead land (_ka 'dew kypér_). Forest lands
are cleared by the process known as _jhuming_, the trees being felled
early in the winter and allowed to lie till January or February,
when fire is applied, logs of wood being placed at intervals of a
few feet to prevent as far as possible the ashes being blown away by
the wind. The lands are not hoed, nor treated any further, paddy and
millet being sown broadcast, and the seeds of root crops, as well as
of maize and Job's tears, being dibbled into the ground by means of
small hoes. No manure, beyond the wood ashes above mentioned, is used
on this class of land; there is no irrigation, and no other system of
watering is resorted to. The seeds are sown generally when the first
rain falls. This style of cultivation, or _jhum_, is largely resorted
to by the people inhabiting the eastern and southern portions of the
Jaintia Hills, e.g. the Bhois and Lalungs, the Lynngams and Garos
of the western tracts of the district. Wet paddy land (_hali_ or
_pynthor_) is, as the name implies, the land where the kind of paddy
which requires a great deal of water is grown. The bottoms of valleys
are divided up into little compartments by means of fairly high banks
corresponding to the Assamese _alis_, and the water is let in at will
into these compartments by means of skilfully contrived irrigation
channels, sometimes a mile or more in length. The soil is made into
a thick paste in the Jaintia Hills by means of the plough, and in the
Khasi Hills through the agency of the hoe. Droves of cattle also are
driven repeatedly over the paddy-fields until the mud has acquired
the right consistency. The seed is then sown broadcast in the wet
mud. It is not sown first in a seedling bed and then transplanted,
as in Assam and Bengal. When the plants have grown to a height of
about four inches, water is let in again; then comes the weeding,
which has to be done several times. When the crop is ripe, the ears
are cut with a sickle (_ka rashi_) generally, so as to leave almost
the entire stalk, and are left is different parts of the field. A
peculiarity about the Lynngam and the Khasis and Mikirs of the low
hills, or Bhois as they are called, is that they reckon it _sang_,
or taboo, to use the sickle. They reap their grain by pulling the
ear through the hand. The sheaves, after they are dry, are collected
and thrashed out on the spot, either by beating them against a stone
(_shoh kba_), or by men and women treading them out (_iuh kba_). Cattle
are not used for treading out the grain. The grain is then collected
and placed in large bamboo receptacles (_ki thiar_). The paddy-fields
are not manured. The Khasis, when cultivating high lands, select a
clayey soil if they can. In the early part of the winter the sods are
turned over with the hoe, and they are exposed to the action of the
atmosphere for a period of about two months. When the sods are dry,
they are placed in piles, which are generally in rows in the fields,
and by means of ignited bunches of dry grass within the piles a
slow fire is kept up, the piles of sods being gradually reduced to
ashes. This is the "paring and burning process" used in England. The
ashes so obtained are then carefully raked over the field. Sometimes
other manure is also applied, but not when paddy is cultivated. The
soil is now fit to receive the seed, either high-land paddy, millet,
Job's tears, or other crops, as the case may be. The homestead lands
are plentifully manured, and consequently, with attention, produce
good crops. They are cultivated with the hoe.

The cultivation of oranges in the southern portion of the district
ranks equally in importance with that of the potato in the
northern. The orange, which is known in Calcutta as the Chhatak or
Sylhet orange, comes from the warm southern slopes of the hills in
this district, where it is cultivated on an extensive scale. Although
oranges do best when there is considerable heat, they have been known
to do well as high as 3,000 ft.; but the usual limit of elevation
for the growth of oranges in this district is probably about 1,000 to
1,500 ft. The orange of the Khasi Hills has always been famous for its
excellence, and Sir George Birdwood, in his introduction to the "First
Letter Book of the East India Company," page 36, refers to the orange
and lemon of Garhwál, Sikkim, and Khasia as having been carried by Arab
traders into Syria, "whence the Crusaders helped to gradually propagate
them throughout Southern Europe." Therefore, whereas the potato was
imported, the orange would appear to be indigenous in these hills.

_Nurseries_.--The seeds are collected and dried by being exposed to the
sun. In the spring nurseries we prepared, the ground being thoroughly
hoed and the soil pulverized as far as possible. The nursery is walled
with stones. The seeds are then sown, a thin top layer of earth being
applied. The nurseries are regularly watered, and are covered up with
layers of leaves to ensure, as far as possible, the retention of the
necessary moisture. When the plants are 3 or 4 in. high, they are
transplanted to another and larger nursery, the soil of which has
been previously well prepared for the reception of the young plants.

An orangery is prepared in the following manner:--

The shrubs, weeds and small trees are cut down, leaving only the
big trees for the purpose of shade. The plants from the nurseries
are planted from 6 ft. to 9 ft. apart. When they have become young
trees, many of the branches of the sheltering trees mentioned above
are lopped off, so as to admit the necessary amount of sunlight
to the young orange trees. As the orange trees increase in size,
the sheltering trees are gradually felled. The orchard requires
clearing of jungle once in spring and once in autumn. The Khasis do
not manure their orange trees, nor do they dig about and expose the
roots. The price of orange plants is from 75 to 100 plants per rupee
for plants from 1 to 2 ft. in height, and from fifty to seventy-five
plants per rupee for plants from 2 to 5 ft. in height. Orange trees
bear fruit when from five to eight years old in ordinary soils. In
very fertile soils they sometimes bear after four years. A full-grown
tree yields annually as many as 1,000 oranges, but a larger number
is not unknown. The larger portion of the produce is exported from
the district to the plains, and to fruit markets at the foot of the
hills such as Theria, Mawdon, and Phali-Bazar, on the Shella river,
whence it finds its way to the Calcutta and Eastern Bengal markets.

Potatoes are raised on all classes of land, except _hali_, or wet paddy
land. When the land has been properly levelled and hoed, drains are
dug about the field. A cultivator (generally a female), with a basket
of seed potatoes on her back and with a small hoe in her right hand,
digs holes and with the left hand drops two seed-potatoes into each
hole. The holes are about 6 in. in diameter, 6 in. deep, and from
6 to 9 in. apart from one another. Another woman, with a load of
manure in a basket on her back, throws a little manure over the seed
in the hole, and then covers both up with earth. After the plants
have attained the height of about 6 in., they are earthed up. When
the leaves turn yellow, it is a sign that the potatoes are ripe. The
different kinds of sweet potatoes grown and the yam and another kind
of esculent root--_u sohphlang_ (_femingia vestita Benth_.) will be
noticed under the head of "Crops."

The Khasis possess very few agricultural sayings and proverbs, but
the following may be quoted as examples:--

(1) _Wat ju ai thung jingthung ne bet symbai ha uba sniew kti_.

Do not allow plants to be planted or seeds to be sown by one who has
a bad hand.

As elsewhere, there is a belief amongst the Khasis that some people's
touch as regards agriculture is unlucky.

(2) _Thung dieng ne bet symbai haba ngen bnai, ym haba shai u bnai_.

Plant trees or sow seeds not when the moon is waxing, but when it is
on the wane.

(3) _Wei la saw bha ka bneng sepngi jan miet phin sa ioh jingrang
lashai_.

A red sky in the west in the evening is the sign of fine weather
to-morrow.

Cf. our English proverb "a red sky in the morning is a shepherd's
warning, a red sky at night is a shepherd's delight."


Crops.

The varieties of rice found in the Khasi Hills are divided into two
main classes, one grown as a dry crop on high lands, and the other
raised in valleys and hollows which are artificially irrigated from
hill streams. The lowland rice is more productive than that grown
on high lands, the average per acre of the former, according to
the agricultural bulletin, as ascertained from the results of 817
experimental crop cuttings carried out during the fifteen years
preceding the year 1898, being 11.7 maunds of paddy per acre,
as against an average of 9.4 maunds per acre (resulting from 667
cuttings made during the same period) for the latter. [16] The average
out-turn of both kinds is extremely poor, as compared with that of any
description of rice grown in the plains. The rice grown in the hills
is said by the Agricultural Department to be of inferior quality, the
grain when cleaned being of a red colour, and extremely coarse. The
cultivation of potatoes is practically confined to the Khasi Hills,
there being little or none in the Jaintia Hills. The normal out-turn of
the summer crop sown in February and harvested in June is reported by
the Agricultural Department to be five times the quantity of seed used,
and that of the winter crop, sown in August and September on the land
from which the summer crop has been taken, and harvested in December,
twice the quantity of seed. The winter crop is raised chiefly for
the purpose of obtaining seed for the spring sowings, as it is found
difficult to keep potatoes from the summer crop in good condition till
the following spring. The usual quantity of seed used to the acre at
each sowing is about 9 maunds, so that the gross out-turn of an acre
of land cultivated with potatoes during the year may be taken at 63
maunds, and the net out-turn, after deducting the quantity of seed
used, at 45 maunds. The above estimate of the Agricultural Department
rests chiefly on the statements of the cultivators, and has not been
adequately tested by experiment.

Since the appearance of the potato disease in 1885-86 there has been
a great decrease in the area under potato cultivation. In 1881-82
the exports of potatoes from the district were as high as 126,981
maunds. From 1886-87 the exports began annually to decrease until in
1895-96 the very low figure of 8,296 maunds was reached. The figures
of export for the last nine years are as follows:--


        1896-97     16,726 maunds
        1897-98      7,805 maunds
        1898-99      9,272 maunds
        1899-00      5,422 maunds
        1900-01     29,142 maunds
        1901-02     38,251 maunds
        1902-03     36,047 maunds
        1903-04     50,990 maunds


It will be seen that in the three years following the earthquake of
1897 the exports fell very low indeed. Since 1901 the trade has been
steadily recovering, and the exports of 1904 reached half a lakh
of maunds.

It will be observed that there has been some improvement, but the
exports are still not half what they were in 1881-82. There are
two kinds of sweet potatoes grown in the district, the Garo potato
(_u phan Karo_), which appears to have been introduced from the Garo
Hills, and _u phan sawlia_, the latter being distinguished from the
Garo potato by its having a red skin, the Garo potato possessing a
white skin. These kinds of potato are planted on all classes of land
except _hali_, they do best on jhumed and homestead lands. The yam
proper (_u phan shynreh_) is also largely grown. The small plant
with an edible root called by the Khasis _u sohphang_ (_flemingia
vestita Benth_.), is also largely grown. The roots of the plant after
being peeled are eaten raw by the Khasis. As far as we know, this
esculent is not cultivated in the adjoining hill districts. Job's
tears (_coix lachryma-Jobi_) [17] are extensively grown, and are
planted frequently with the _sohphlang_ mentioned above. This cereal
forms a substitute for rice amongst the poorer cultivators. Maize or
Indian corn (_u riew hadem_) is grown frequently, thriving best on
homestead land, and requires heavy manuring; it is grown in rotation
with potatoes. Next in importance to rice comes the millet (_u krai_),
as a staple of food amongst the Khasis. There are three varieties
of millets generally to be seen in the Khasi Hills:--_u 'rai-soh_
(_setaria Italica_), _u 'rai-shan_ (_Paspalum sanguinale_), and
_u 'rai-truh_ (_Eleusine coracana_). _U 'rai-shan_ is cultivated
in rotation with the potato, _u 'rai-soh_ and _u 'rai-truh_ are
generally cultivated on jhumed land, where they thrive well. Millet
is sometimes used instead of rice in the manufacture of spirit by the
Khasis; _u rymbai-ja_ (_phaseolus calcaratus_), and _u rymbai ktung_
(_glycine soja_) are beans which are cultivated occasionally: Khasis
highly prize the fruit of the plantain, which they give to infants
mashed up. The following are the best known varieties:--_Ka kait khún,
ka kait siem, ka kait kulbuit, ka kait bamon, ka kait shyieng_.

The most important crop on the southern side of the hills is the
orange, which has already been referred to in the paragraph dealing
with agriculture.

The oranges are sold by the _spah_ or 100, which is not a 100
literally, but somewhat over 3,000 oranges. Different places have
different _spahs_. At Phali Hat, on the Bogapani River, the _spah_
is computed as follows:--


        1 Hali      = 4 oranges.
        8 Halis     = 1 Bhar.
        100 Bhars   = shi spah (one hundred) = 3200 oranges.


At Shella the computation is slightly different, being as follows:--


        1 Gai               = 6 oranges.
        5 Gais + 2 oranges  = 32 oranges.
        4 Bhars = 1 hola    = 128 oranges
        27 holas + 2 bhars  = shi spah (100) = 3,520 oranges.


By another method of calculation the _spah_ consists of 3,240 oranges.

The price per _spah_ varies from about 10 rupees in good years to
Rs. 40, when the orange harvest has been a poor one.

The lime is also cultivated, not separately, but along with the
orange. The lime can be grown with success at a higher altitude than
the orange. There is extensive betel-nut and _pán_ cultivation on the
southern slopes of the hills. The betel-nut tree is cultivated in the
same manner as in the plains, except that the trees are planted nearer
to one another. The trees bear when eight to ten years old. A portion
of the crop is sold just after it has been plucked; this is called _u
'wáí kháw_, and is for winter consumption. The remainder of the crop
is kept in large baskets, which are placed in tanks containing water,
the baskets being completely immersed. This kind of betel-nut is
called _u 'wáí um_. The Khasis, like the Assamese; prefer the fresh
betel-nut. They do not relish the dry _supári_ so much.

The principal _pán_ gardens are on the south side of the hills, _pán_
not being grown on the northern slopes, except in the neighbourhood
of Jirang. The _pán_ creepers are raised from cuttings, the latter
being planted close to the trees up which they are to be trained. The
creeper is manured with leaf mould. The plant is watered by means of
small bamboo aqueducts which are constructed along the hill-sides,
the water being conducted along them often considerable distances. As
in the plains, the leaves of the _pán_ creeper are collected throughout
the year.

The bay leaf (_'la tyrpád_, or _tezpát_) is classified in the
_Agricultural Bulletin_ as _Cinnamomum tamala_, and there is a note
in the column of remarks that "this tree, as well as one or two
others of the same genus, yields two distinct products, _tezpát_
(bay leaf) and cinnamon bark." The bay leaf is gathered for export
from the extensive gardens in Maharam, Malaisohmat, Mawsynram, and
other Khasi States. The plants are raised from seed, although there
are no regular nurseries, the young seedlings being transplanted from
the jungle, where they have germinated, to regular gardens. Bay leaf
gardens are cleared of jungle and weeds periodically; otherwise no
care is taken of them. The leaf-gathering season is from November to
March. The leaves are allowed to dry for a day or two in the sun,
and then packed in large baskets for export. The gathering of bay
leaf begins when the trees are about four years old.

The following are the other minor crops which are grown in the Khasi
and Jaintia Hills:--

Pineapples, turmeric, ginger, pumpkins and gourds, the egg plant,
chillies, sesamum, and a little sugar-cane. The arum [18] (_ka shiriw_)
is also extensively grown in the hills, and forms one of the principal
articles of food amongst the poorer classes; it is generally raised in
rotation with potatoes, or is planted along with Job's tears. The stem
of the arum is sometimes used as a vegetable, also for feeding pigs.

In the Jowai Sub-Division, notably at Nartiang, there are fairly good
mangoes, which are more free from worms than those grown in the plains
of Assam.

The Bhois and Lynngams cultivate lac. They plant _arhar dal, u landoo_,
in their fields, and rear the lac insect on this plant. Last year the
price of lac at Gauhati and Palasbari markets rose as high as Rs. 50
per maund of 82 lbs., it is said, but the price at the outlying
markets of Singra and Boko was about Rs. 30. The price of lac has
risen a good deal of late years. Formerly the price was about Rs. 15 to
Rs. 20 a maund. The lac trade in the Jaintia Hills and in the southern
portion of the Khyrim State is a valuable one. The profits, however,
go largely to middle-men, who in the Jaintia Hills are Syntengs from
Jowai, who give out advances to the Bhoi cultivators on the condition
that they will be repaid in lac. The Marwari merchants from the plains
attend all the plains markets which are frequented by the hill-men,
and buy up the lac and export it to Calcutta. The whole of the lac
is of the kind known as stick lac.


Hunting.

The weapons used by the Khasis for hunting are bows and arrows,
the latter with barbed iron heads, and spears which are used both
for casting and thrusting. Before proceeding on a hunting expedition
the hunters break eggs, in order to ascertain whether they will be
successful or not, and to which jungle they should proceed. Offerings
are also made to certain village deities, e.g. _U. Ryngkew, u Basa_,
and _u Basa ki mrád_. A lucky day having been selected and the deities
propitiated, the hunters start with a number of dogs trained to the
chase, the latter being held on leashes by a party of men called _ki
nongai-ksew_. When the dogs have picked up the scent some hunters
are placed as "stops" (_ki ktem_), at points of vantage in the
jungle, and the drive commences with loud shouts from the hunters,
the same being continued until the object of the chase breaks into
the open. The man who draws the first blood is called u _nongsiat_,
and the second man who scores a hit _u nongban_. These two men get
larger shares of the flesh than the others. The _nongsiat_ obtains
the lower half of the body of the animal, thighs and feet excepted,
called _ka tdong_, and the _nongban_ one of the forequarters called
_ka tabla_. The other hunters obtain a string of flesh each, and each
hound gets a string of flesh to itself. These hunting parties pursue
deer sometimes for many miles, and are indefatigable in the chase, the
latter lasting occasionally more than one day. In the Jaintia Hills,
at the end of the chase, the quarry is carried to the house of the
_nongsiat_, where a _puja_ is performed to some local deity, before
the flesh is distributed. At Shangpung, when a tiger or a mithan is
killed, the head is cut off, and is carried in triumph to a hill in
the neighbourhood where there is a _duwan_, or altar, at the foot
of an oak tree (_dieng sning_). The head is displayed on the altar,
and worship offered to _u 'lei lyngdoh_, the God of the doloiship.

The Khasis make use of an ingenious species of spring gun for killing
game, the spring gun being laid alongside a deer path in the jungle. A
string stretched across the path, when touched, releases a bolt and
spring, which latter impels a bamboo arrow with great force across
the path. This spring gun is called _ka riam siat_. A pit-fall, with
bamboo spikes at the bottom, is called _u 'liw lep_, and a trap of the
pattern of the ordinary leopard trap is called _ka riam slung_. A noose
attached to a long rope laid in a deer run is named _riam syrwiah_.

There is also _ka riam pap_, the principle of which is that an animal
is attracted by a bait to walk on to a platform; the platform sinks
under the weight of the animal, and a bolt is released which brings
down a heavy roof from above weighted with stones, which crush the
animal to death.

There are several means employed in snaring birds; one of the most
common is to smear pieces of bamboo with the gum of the jack-tree,
the former being tied to the branches of some wild fruit tree, upon
which, when the fruit is ripe, the birds light and are caught by the
bird lime. This is called _ka riam thit_. Another is a kind of spring
bow made of bamboo which is laid on the ground in marshy places,
such as are frequented by snipe and woodcock. This form of snare
is unfortunately most common. A third is a cage into which birds
are lured by means of a bait, the cage being hidden in the grass,
and the entrance being so contrived that the birds can hop in but
not out again. This is called _ka riam sim_.


Fishing.

Although there are some Khasis who fish with rod and line, it
may be said that the national method of fishing is to poison the
streams. Khasis, except the Wárs and the people of Shella, unlike
the Assamese and Bengalis, do not fish with nets, nor do they use the
bamboo-work device known by the Assamese as _pala_ (pala) and _jakai_
(jakaaii). The method of fish-poisoning of the Khasis is the same
as that described by Soppitt in his account of the tribes inhabiting
North Cachar. The following is a description of how Khasis poison fish
in the western portion of the district; it may be taken as a sample
of the whole. A large quantity of the bark of the tree _ka mynta_ and
the creeper _u khariew_ is first brought to the river-side to a place
on the stream a little above the pool which it is proposed to poison,
where it is thoroughly beaten with sticks till the juice exudes and
flows into the water, the juice being of a milky white colour. In a
few minutes the fish begin to rise and splash about, and, becoming
stupefied, allow themselves to be caught in the shallows. If the
beating of the bark has been well carried out, many of the fish soon
die and after a time float on the surface of the water. A large number
of Khasis stand on the banks armed with bamboo scoops shaped like
small landing nets, to catch the fish, and fish traps (_ki khowar_)
Assamese _khoká_ (khookaa) are laid between the stones in the rapids
to secure any fish that may escape the fishing party. Another fish
poison is the berry _u soh lew_, the juice of which is beaten out in
the same manner as described above.

Soppitt says, certain fish do not appear to be susceptible to the
poison, and not nearly the destruction takes place that is popularly
supposed. The mahseer and the carp family generally do not suffer
much, whereas, on the other hand, the river shark, the _bagh mas_ of
the Bengalis, is killed in large numbers. It is impossible, however,
in the opinion of the writer, that the mahseer fry, which abound in
these hill rivers in the spring and early summer months, can escape
being destroyed in great numbers when the streams are frequently
poisoned. In the neighbourhood of lime quarries and other large works
where dynamite is used for blasting, this explosive is sometimes
employed for killing fish. The practice, however, has been strictly
prohibited, and there have been some cases in which the offenders
have been punished in the courts. Fish-poisoning is bad enough, but
dynamiting is still worse, as with an effective cartridge all the
fish within a certain area are killed, none escape. When poisons are
used, however, some fish are not affected by them, and others are
only stupefied for the time being and afterwards recover.


Food.

The Khasi and Syntengs ordinarily take two meals a day, one in
the early morning and the other in the evening, but labourers and
others who have to work hard in the open take a midday meal as well,
consisting of cold boiled rice wrapped in a leaf (_ka já-song_),
cakes (_ki kpu_) and a tuberous root (_u sohphlang_) which is eaten
raw. They are fond of all kinds of meat, especially pork and beef,
although some of the Syntengs, owing to Hindu influence, abstain from
eating the latter. Unlike the neighbouring Naga, Garo and Kuki tribes,
the Khasis abstain from the flesh of the dog. Both Bivar and Shadwell
say the reason why the Khasis do not eat the flesh of the dog is
because he is in a certain sense a sacred animal amongst them. There
is a Khasi folk-tale relating how the dog came to be regarded as
the friend of man. It is, however, quite possible that the Khasis
may never have eaten the flesh of the dog from remote times, and it
is nothing extraordinary that the Khasis should differ in a detail
of diet from the neighbouring Thibeto-Burman tribes which are so
dissimilar to them in many respects. The Khasis, except some of the
Christian community and some of the people of the Mawkhar, do not use
milk, butter, or ghee as articles of food. In this respect they do
not differ from the Kacharis and Rabhas of the plains or the Garos
of the hills. The Mongolian race in its millions as a rule does not
use milk for food, although the Tibetans and some of the Turcoman
tribes are exceptions. Before fowls or animals are killed for food,
prayers must be said, and rice sprinkled on the body of the animal. The
staple food of the Khasis is rice and dried fish. When rice cannot
be obtained or is scarce, millet or Job's tears are used instead. The
latter are boiled, and a sort of porridge is obtained, which is eaten
either hot or cold according to fancy. Khasis eat the flesh of nearly
all wild animals, they also eat field rats and one kind of monkey
(_u shrih_). The Syntengs and Lynngams are fond of tadpoles, and the
Khasis consider a curry made from a kind of green frog, called _ka
japieh_, a _bonne bouche_. They, however, do not eat ordinary frogs
(_jakoid_). The Khasis of Mariao, Maharam, Nongstoin and some other
Siemships eat the hairy caterpillar, _u'ñiang phlang_.

A staple food which must not be forgotten is the inner portion of
the bark of the sago palm tree, _ka tlái_, which grows wild in the
forest and attains a large size. The tree is felled and the outer bark
removed, the soft inner part is cut into slices, dried in the sun,
pounded in a mortar and then passed through a fine bamboo sieve. A
reddish flour is obtained, of sweet taste, which is boiled with
rice. This flour is said to make good cakes and puddings.

Although the Khasis are such varied feeders, there are some clans
amongst them which are prohibited by the ordinance of _sang_, or taboo,
from eating certain articles. The following are some instances:--

The Cherra Siem family cannot eat dried fish (_'khá-piah_); the
Siem of Mylliem must not eat the gourd (_u patháw_); a fish called
_ka'khá-lani_ is taboo to some of the _Siem-lih_ class. Some of the
Wár people must not eat _ka ktung_ (preserved fish), and the clan
_'khar-um-núid_ in Khyrim is debarred from the pleasure of partaking
of pork. The flesh of the sow is _sang_ to the _'dkhar_ clan, although
that of the male pig may be eaten.


Drink.

The Khasis are in the habit of regularly drinking considerable
quantities either of a spirit distilled from rice or millet (_ka'iad
pudka_), or of rice-beer, which is of two kinds (1) _ka'iad hiar_,
(2) _ka'iad um_. Both of these are made from rice and, in some places,
from millet, and the root of a plant called _u khawiang_. _Ka'iad hiar_
is made by boiling the rice or millet. It is then taken out and spread
over a mat, and, when it cools, fragments of the yeast (_u khawiang_)
are sprinkled over it. After this it is placed in a basket, which
is put in a wooden bowl. The basket is covered tightly with a cloth
so as to be air-tight, and it is allowed to remain in this condition
for a couple of days, during which time the liquor has oozed out into
the bowl. To make _ka'iad um_ the material, the rice or millet from
which the _ka'iad hiar_ was brewed, is made use of. It is placed in
a large earthen pot and allowed to remain there for about five days
to ferment, after which the liquor is strained off. _Ka'iad hiar_ is
said to be stronger than _ka'iad um_. The former is used frequently by
distillers of country spirit for mixing with the wort so as to set up
fermentation. The people of the high plateaux generally prefer rice
spirit, and the Wárs of the southern slopes of the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills customarily partake of it also. The Khasis of the western hills,
e.g. of the Nongstoin Siemship, and the Lynngams, Bhois, Lalungs,
and Hadems almost invariably drink rice-beer, but the Syntengs, like
the Khasi uplanders, drink rice-spirit. Rice-beer (_ka'iad um_) is
a necessary article for practically all Khasi and Synteng religious
ceremonies of importance, it being the custom for the officiating
priest to pour out libations of liquor from a hollow gourd (_u klong_)
to the gods on these occasions. As there is no Excise in the district,
except within a five-mile radius of Shillong, liquor of both the
above descriptions can be possessed and sold without restriction.

According to some Khasi traditions the Khasis in ancient times used
not to drink spirits, but confined themselves to rice-beer. It is
only in the last couple of generations that the habit of drinking
spirits has crept in, according to them. From Khasi accounts, the
use of spirits is on the increase, but there is no means of testing
these statements. There can be no doubt, however, that at the present
time a very large amount of spirit is manufactured and consumed in
the district. The spirit is distilled both for home consumption and
for purposes of sale; in some villages, e.g. Mawlai and Marbisu,
near Shillong, where there are fifty-nine and forty-nine stills
respectively, there being a still almost in every house. Mawlai
village supplies a great deal of the spirit which is drunk in Shillong,
and from Marbisu spirit is carried for sale to various parts of the
hills. Other large distilling centres are Cherrapunji, with forty-seven
stills; Jowai, with thirty-one stills; Laitkynsew, with fifty-four
stills; Nongwar, thirty-one stills; and Rangthang, thirty-seven stills.

From what has been stated above some idea may be gathered how very
large the number of stills in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills is. I am
not in a position to state with any degree of accuracy what is the
amount of spirit manufactured or consumed in the year, but it is very
considerable. The out-turn of a Khasi still has been reckoned at from
four to eight bottles per day. From this estimate, and the fact that
there are 1,530 stills in the district, it may be roughly calculated
what is the consumption annually. Practically the whole of the spirit
is consumed within the district. The liquor which is manufactured is
far stronger than the spirit distilled in the ordinary out-stills in
the plains. It has been stated by an expert analyst that the Khasi
spirit contains 60 to 80 per cent. of proof spirit, and that it
possesses "an exceptionally nice flavour and taste." The usual price
at which it is sold is 4 to 6 annas a quart bottle, a second quality
being sometimes sold for 3 annas. It will be seen that the liquor is
exceedingly cheap. A Khasi in the villages of the interior can get
drunk for 2 annas, [19] or a quarter of an ordinary coolie's daily
wage. Drunkenness prevails on every market day at Cherrapunji, Jowai,
and other large háts, and on occasions when there are gatherings of
the people for various purposes. This cheap but strong spirit is
demoralizing the people, and some restriction of its use would be
welcomed by many. In the Khasi Welsh Methodist Church abstention from
liquor is made a condition of Church membership, but the vast number
of stills and the facilities with which liquor can be obtained are a
constant source of temptation to the Christian community, and cause
many defections.


Games.

The Khasis have many games, but their principal game is archery, this
may be said to be the national game, and is a very popular form of
recreation amongst them, the sport being indulged in from about the
beginning of January to the end of May each year. The following is
a description of a Khasi archery meeting, for the details of which
I am largely indebted to U Job Solomon. By way of introduction it
should be stated that the Khasis opine that arrow-shooting originated
at the beginning of creation. The Khasi Eve (_Ka-mei-ka-nong-hukum_)
had two sons to whom she taught the toxophilite art, at the same time
she warned them never to lose their tempers over the game. At the
present day villages have regular archery meetings, the men of one
village challenging those of another. There are men on both sides
called _nong khan khnam_ (lit., he who stops the arrow). This man,
by uttering spells, and reciting the shortcomings of the opposite
side, is supposed to possess the power of preventing the arrows of the
opposing party hitting the mark. These men also, to some extent, may be
said to perform the duties of umpires. They may be styled umpires for
the sake of convenience in this account. Before the match commences
conditions are laid down by the umpires of both sides, such as (_a_)
the day on which the contest is to take place; (_b_) the place of the
meeting; (_c_) the number of arrows to be shot by each archer; (_d_)
the distinguishing marks to be given to the arrows of either side;
(_e_) the amounts of the stakes on each side; (_f_) the number of
times the competitors are to shoot on the day of the archery meeting,
and many other conditions too numerous to mention here. The targets are
generally small bundles of grass called "_u skum_," about 1 ft. long
by 4 in. in diameter, fastened on a small pole. Sometimes targets are
made from the root of a plant called _ka soh pdung_. The distances
from the point where the marksmen stand to the targets are some 40 to
50 yards. Each side has its own target, the different targets being
placed in a line, and the competitors taking up their positions in
a straight line at right angles to the line of fire, and facing the
targets; each side in turn then shoots at its own target. Early in
the morning of the day fixed for the contest the umpire of each side
sits in front of his target with a hollow bamboo full of water in
his hand, the bows and arrows being laid on the ground alongside the
targets. The umpire then repeats all the conditions of the contest,
invokes the aid of the primeval woman (_ka mei ka nong hukum_)
aforesaid, goes through certain incantations freely referring to the
many faults of the opposite side, and pours water at intervals from
the bamboo in front of the target. This business lasts about two
hours. Then they exhort the competitors of their respective sides,
and the match commences amidst loud shouts. Every time there is a
hit there are loud cheers, the competitors leaping high into the air,
the umpires muttering their incantations all the while. At the end of
each turn the number of hits are counted by representatives of both
sides. At the close of the day the side with the greatest number of
hits wins the match, the successful party returning home, dancing
and shouting. The young women admirers of both sides assemble, and
dispense refreshments to the competitors, taking a keen interest in
the proceedings withal. Frequently large wagers are made on either
side. In the _Khadar Blang_ portion of the Nongkrem State as much as
Rs. 500 are occasionally wagered on either side. In Jowai the practice
is also to bet a lump sum, the amount being raised by subscription
from amongst the competitors. More usual bets are, however, about
one anna a head. The _nong khang khnam_ and the men who prepare the
targets receive presents from their respective sides. The Khasi bow
carries a considerable distance, an arrow shot over 180 yards being
within the personal knowledge of the writer. It is believed that Khasi
bows wielded by experts carry up to 200 yards. The average range may
be said, however, to be 150 to 180 yards.

Yule mentions peg-top spinning amongst Khasi children as being
indigenous and not an importation, but Bivar thinks that the game is
of foreign introduction. I am, however, inclined to agree with Yule
that peg-top spinning is indigenous, inasmuch as this game could not
have been copied from the Sylhetis or the Assamese of the plains,
who do not indulge in it. As the British had only recently established
themselves in the hills when Yule wrote, they would scarcely have had
time or opportunity to introduce an English children's game. Khasi
children also play a kind of "hop Scotch" (_khyndat mala shito_ and
_ia tiet hile_), and Yule writes, "Another of their recreations is
an old acquaintance also, which we are surprised to meet with in the
Far East. A very tall thick bamboo is planted in the ground, and well
oiled. A silver ornament, or a few rupees placed at the top, reward
the successful climber." A leg of mutton, or a piece of pork fixed
at the top of this pole would render the pastime identical with the
"greasy-pole" climbing of English villages. The following are some
other Khasi games:--

Wrestling; two persons grasping each other's hands with the fingers
interlocked, and then trying to push one another down; tug-of-war with
a piece of stick, the two combatants placing their feet one against
the other; butting at one another like bulls, and trying to upset
each other (_ia tur masi_); long jump; high jump; blind-man's buff;
flying kites; pitching cowries into a hole in the ground; a game like
marbles, only played with round pebbles, and others.


Manufactures.

The manufactures of the Khasis are few in number, and do not seem
to show any tendency to increase. On the contrary, two of the most
important industries, the smelting of iron ore and the forging of
iron implements therefrom, and the cotton-spinning industries at
Mynso and Suhtnga, show signs of dying out. Ploughshares and hoes
and bill-hooks can now be obtained more cheaply from the plains than
from the forges in the hills, and Manchester piece goods are largely
taking the place of cloths of local manufacture. The iron industry
in former days was an important one, and there is abundant evidence
that the workings were on a considerable scale, e.g. at Nongkrem
and Laitlyngkot, in the shape of large granite boulders which have
fallen to the ground from the sides of the hills owing to the softer
rock which filled the interstices between the boulders having been
worked out by the ironworkers, their process being to dig out the
softer ferruginous rock, and then extract the iron ore from it by
means of washing. The softer rock having been removed, the heavier
portions fell by their own weight, and rolled down to the bottom of
the slopes, the result being the great number of boulders to be seen
near the sites of these workings.

Colonel Lister, writing in 1853, estimated that 20,000 maunds of iron
were exported from the hills in the shape of hoes to the Assam Valley,
and in lumps of pig iron to the Surma Valley, where it was used by
boat-builders for clamps. Nowadays the smelting of iron is carried
on in very few places. There are still smelting-houses at Nongkrem
and Nongsprung, but these are practically the only places left where
smelting of iron ore goes on: there are many forges where rough iron
brought from the plains is melted down and forged into billhooks and
hoes. Messrs. Yule and Cracroft have described the native process
of smelting iron, and it is only necessary to refer to their papers
if information is required on the subject. Yule's account is a very
full one, and is to be found at page 853, vol. xi. part ii. of the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The system pursued, both in
the extraction and in the subsequent smelting of the ore, is the same
at the present day as that described by Yule. Dr. Oldham, writing in
1863, says, "The quality of this Khasi iron is excellent for all such
purposes as Swedish iron is now used for. The impurity of the blooms
(or masses of the metal in a molten state), however, as they are sent
to market, is a great objection to its use, and the waste consequent
thereon renders it expensive. It would also form steel or wootz (Indian
steel) of excellent quality. I have no doubt that the manufacture
could be greatly improved and possibly extended." Dr. Oldham, however,
goes on to remark that the manufacture of iron could not be very much
extended, owing to the scanty dissemination of the ore in the rocks,
and the consequent high cost of obtaining it. At present the want
of any permanent supply of water prevents the natives from working
for more than a few days during the year, whilst the rains are heavy,
and they can readily obtain sufficient force of water for the washing
of the ore from its matrix. The export of iron in any form from the
district has now almost died out, only a few hoes being brought down by
the Khasis from Laitdom, in Khadsawphra, to the Burdwar and Palasbari
markets in the Kamrup District of the Assam Valley. Iron of English
manufacture has, of course, much cheapened the market, but probably
the fact that the parts of the country in the neighbourhood of the
rocks which contain the metal have been denuded completely of timber,
charcoal being necessary for smelting, has affected the production
almost as much as the presence of cheap iron in the market.


Manufacture of Eri Silk Cloths and Cotton Cloths in the Jaintia Hills.

The number of weavers in the district at the last Census was 533. This
number in the Census Report is ascribed to the cotton industry, no
mention being made of weavers of silk. The spinning of Eri silk thread,
and weaving it into cloths is, however, a fairly considerable industry
amongst the Khyrwang and Nongtung villages of the Jaintia Hills. The
Nongtungs and Khyrwangs rear their own Eri worms, and spin the silk
from the cocoons. The late Mr. Stack, in his admirable note on silk
in Assam, says, "Throughout the whole range of the southern hills,
from the Mikir country, Eri thread is in great request for weaving
those striped cloths, in which the mountaineers delight," but this
observation should have been confined to the Jaintia Hills portion of
this district, the Khasis not weaving themselves either in silk or
cotton. The Khasis obtain their silk cloths from the Assam Valley,
and from the Nongtung or Khyrwang villages in Jaintia. The latter
villages have given the name to the striped cloth, _ka jáin Khyrwang_,
which is almost invariably worn by the Syntengs. Mr. Stack has given
in detail a description of the silk industry in Assam, and it is not
therefore necessary to go over the same ground here. The Khyrwang
cloth is red and white, mauve and white, or chocolate and white,
the cloth being worn by both men and women. The Khyrwang cloths vary
in price from Rs. 5 to Rs. 25, according to size and texture. These
cloths are the handiwork of women alone, and a woman working every
day regularly will take six months to manufacture a cloth valued at
Rs. 25; but, as a rule, in the leisurely manner in which they work,
it takes a year to complete it.



Cotton Cloths.

In the Jaintia Hills at Mynso cotton is spun into thread, and weaving
is carried on there, but on a limited scale. The Mynso people weave
the small strips of cloth worn by the men to serve the purpose of the
Assamese _lengti_ or Hindi _languti_. In Suhtnga the people import
cotton thread from Mynso and weave the (_ingki_) or sleeveless coat,
peculiar to the district; these coats are dyed red and blue. The dark
blue or black dye is obtained from the leaf of a plant called _u sybu_,
which Mr. Rita has classified as _strobilanthus hoeditolius_, which
grows in the gardens round the homesteads. The leaves are dried,
then reduced to powder, mixed with hot water, and the skeins of
thread are steeped in the liquid. The colour is permanent. The red
dye is obtained from the mixture of the dry bark of two shrubs,
_ka lapyndong_ (_symplocos racemosa_, Roxb.), and _ka 'larnong_
(_morinda-tinctoria_, Roxb.), the latter being the same as the Assamese
(aacukaa.th) _áchukáth_. The bark is dried, then pounded, and the two
sorts are mixed together and made into a paste with hot water. The
skeins are steeped in this mixture for twenty-four hours, then taken
out and divided, and again steeped for another twenty-four hours. The
Lalungs and Bhois and Lynngams all weave cotton cloths, which are
generally dyed blue, sometimes striped blue and red. The Wárs weave
cotton cloths which are dyed red and yellow, the cloths being woven in
checks. Mr. Darrah remarks that the cotton grown in the Jaintia Hills
is said to be the best cotton produced in the province. Its thread
can be more closely woven than that of other kinds. This statement,
however, is not borne out by Mr. Allen, writing in 1858, who says
that the cotton is of inferior quality, the staple being short and
woolly. The cotton cloths woven by the Bhois are called _spua_.


Pottery.

The Census Report of 1901 gave the number of persons who are supported
by the manufacture of pottery at 54 only. Pottery is manufactured
at one place only in the Jaintia Hills, Larnai. The Larnai potters
make many of the earthen pots to be found in the Khasi houses called
_khiew ranei_, or sometimes _khiew Larnai_. Mr. Gait says, "These
potters use two kinds of clay mixed; one is of a dark blue colour,
_'dew-iong_, and the other of a greyish colour, _'dew khluid_. These
clays seem to correspond closely with the _kumár máti_ and _hira máti_
of the Brahmaputra Valley."

The clay at Larnai is well beaten out upon a hide, or upon a flat
disc of wood; the women fashion the pots by hand, they do not use
the potter's wheel. The pots are sun-dried and then fired. They are
painted black with an infusion of a bark called _sohliya_. The Larnai
potters also make flower-pots which are sold in Shillong at from 2
annas to 4 annas each, the price of the ordinary pot or _khiew ranei_
varying from 2 pice to 4 annas each. A water-pot (_khiew um_) is
also fashioned, which is sometimes used in the manufacture of liquor,
price 4 annas to 6 annas each.




CHAPTER III

Laws and Customs


Tribal Organization.

The inhabitants of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be said to
be divided into the following sections:--Khasi, Synteng or Pnar,
Wár, Bhoi, and Lynngam. These divisions represent collections of
people inhabiting several tracts of country and speaking dialects
which, although often deriving their origin from the Khasi roots,
are frequently so dissimilar to the standard language as to be
almost unrecognizable. The above sections may be sub-divided as
follows:--The Khasis into the inhabitants of the central high plateau,
Cherra and Nongstoin, Maharam, Mario, Nongkhlaw, and the neighbouring
Siemships. The Syntengs or Pnars may be divided as follows:--Into
Syntengs proper, Nongtungs and Kharwangs; the Wárs into Wár proper,
and Wár Pnar; the Bhois into Jinthongs, Mynris, Ryngkhongs, and the
Khasi-Bhois, i.e. Khasis who inhabit the low country to the north
of the district, which is called generally the "Bhoi." The Lynngams
are a separate division. They must not be confused with the Dkos or
Hanas who are Garos. It must, however, be remembered that the Jinthong,
Mynri, and Ryngkhong Sub-divisions of the Bhoi division are not Khasi,
but Mikir, i.e. they belong to the Bodo or Bara group. The Lynngams
are half Khasis and half Garos, and the Dkos or Hanas are Garos who
observe the Khasi custom of erecting memorial stones. The above tribes
and sub-tribes are not strictly endogamous, nor are they strictly
exogamous, but they are more endogamous than exogamous; for instance,
Syntengs more often marry Syntengs than Khasis, and _vice versâ_, and
it would be usually considered derogatory for a Khasi of the Uplands
to marry a Bhoi or Wár woman, and a disgrace to marry a Lynngam. These
divisions are subdivided into a number of septs, taking Mr. Risley's
definition of "sept" as being the largest exogamous division of the
tribe. It will, however, be more convenient to speak of these septs
as "clans," the word "clan" having been used in other parts of this
Monograph and by other writers.

Many of the clans trace their descent from ancestresses or _kiaw_
(grandmothers), who are styled _ki Iawbei-Tynrai_, lit. grandmothers
of the root (i.e. the root of the tree of the clan). In some of the
clans, the name of this ancestress survives; take as instances the
Mylliem-ngap and Mylliem-pdah clans of the Khyrim State, the names
of the ancestresses of the clans being _ka ngap_ (honey, i.e. the
sweet one), and _ka pdah_ respectively. This tribal ancestress,
as will be seen in the paragraph of the monograph dealing with
ancestor-worship, is greatly reverenced, in fact, she may almost be
said to be deified. The descendants of one ancestress of the clan,
_Ka Iawbei Tynrai_, are called _shi kur_ or one clan. We then come
to the division of the _kpoh_ or sub-clan, all the descendants of one
great grandmother (_ka Iawbei Tymmen_), being styled _shi kpoh_. The
next division is the _iing_ (lit. house) or family. It is almost
invariably the case that the grandmother, her daughters and the
daughter's children, live together under one roof, the grandmother
during her life-time being the head of the house. The grandmother is
styled _ka Iawbei Khynraw_, or the young grandmother, to distinguish
her from the other two grandmothers, _ka Iawbei-tynrai_ and _ka
Iawbei-tymmen_ who have been mentioned above. The young grandmother,
her daughters and their children are said to belong to _shi iing_,
one house, the word _iing_ in this instance possessing amongst the
Khasis the same significance as the English word _family_.

We will now see how the Khasi clan (_kur_ or _jaid_) grew out of the
Khasi family (_iing_). Let us take the example of the great Diengdoh
clan of Cherra. Disregarding the myth that the Diengdohs are descended
from a mermaid, it may be stated that there seems to be a fairly
general belief amongst the Diengdohs that their first ancestress or
_kiaw_ came from the country beyond the Kopili river (some go so far
as to say that she came from the Assam Valley), to the Jaintia Hills,
where she found a husband. Legend relates that it was one of the
peculiarities of this woman that she was able to accommodate herself
in an earthen jar or _lalu_, which fact gave rise to the name _Lalu_
by which she and her children were called by the Syntengs. The family
prospered during the time when a powerful chief of the Malngiang clan
held sway in the Jaintia Hills. On the death of this king a civil
war arose, and the _Lalu_ family, together with many others, beat a
retreat across the river Kopili. Here they lived in prosperity for
some generations until a plague arose and carried off the whole family
except one female, called _Ka Iaw-Iaw_, who became the sole owner
of the family wealth. Many desired to marry her for her possessions,
and it was owing to their importunities that she fled to Jowai to the
house of a _lyngdoh_ or priest. The _lyngdoh_, under pressure from
his wife, tried to sell Ka Iaw-Iaw as a slave, but no one would offer
more than 20 _cowries_ for her (_shi-bdi_); this decided the _lyngdoh_
to keep her. Out of gratitude for this kindness, Ka Iaw-Iaw brought
her wealth from beyond the Kopili to the _lyngdoh's_ house, when the
son of the _lyngdoh_ was given her in marriage. They lived happily for
some time, when some adventurers from beyond the Kopili came to Jowai
with the intention of carrying off this rich bride. The _lyngdoh_,
however, received warning of their intent, arranged for the escape of
Ka Iaw-Iaw, and they fled to Sohphohkynrum, a place near Nongkrem in
the Khasi Hills, where she established a village. Here Ka Iaw-Iaw was
called _Ka Iaw-shibdi_, because she paid every man who was engaged
by her in founding a market there 20 cowries (_shi-bdi_) per day for
their labours. Here also she is credited with having first introduced
the art of smelting iron, and she is said to have made various iron
implements which she exported to the plains. She is also said to have
kept a huge herd of pigs which she fed in a large trough hollowed out
of a _diengdoh_ tree; it is to this fact that the Diengdoh clan owes
its name. After _Ka Iaw-shibdi_ and her children had lived for some
years in prosperity at Sohphohkynrum, they were attacked by the Swarga
Raja (the Ahom King), U long Raja (probably the Raja of Jaintia), and
the Assamese Barphukan. They fled to a place called Lyndiangumthli,
near Lyngkyrdem. Finding this place unsuitable as a home, the family
split up into four divisions. One division returned to Jowai, where
it increased and multiplied and afterwards grew into the Lalu clan,
another went to Nongkhlaw and became the Diengdoh Kylla clan; another
went to Mawiong and formed what is now known as the Pariong clan;
the fourth, after some vicissitudes of fortune, went to Rangjyrteh and
Cherra, at which place it established the powerful Diengdohbah clan,
and became afterwards one of the chief _mantri_ or minister clans of
this state. I have quoted the history of the origin of the Diengdoh
clan at some length, to show what I consider to be an example of
the Khasi conceptions of how the clan was formed, i.e. from a common
ancestress, all of the clans having traditions more or less of descent
from some particular _Kiaw_ or ancestress. This story moreover is
remarkable as pointing to a Khasi migration from beyond the Kopili
river to their present abode. The clans of the present day are
nothing more or less than overgrown families, they are bound together
by the religious tie of ancestor-worship in common, and of a common
tribal sepulchre, except in cases of clans which have, owing to their
size, spit up into several sub-divisions, like the Diengdoh clan;
such sub-divisions possessing their own cromlechs. Ancestor-worship
in common and tribal sepulchres in common seem to indicate that the
original unit was the family and not the tribe, for there would be no
reason for the members of a clan to worship the same household gods
and to deposit the remains of the clan members in the same tomb unless
there was some strong tie, such as that of consanguinity, binding them
together. It has been already mentioned that each of these clans is
strictly exogamous; this again supports the family origin theory. A
Khasi can commit no greater sin than to marry within the tribe. Some
of the clans are prohibited moreover from intermarriage with other
clans, because of such clans being of common descent. If the titles
(see Appendix) are carefully examined, it will be seen that some of
them bear the names of animals, such as the _Shrieh_ or monkey clan,
the _Tham_ or crab clan, or of trees, such as the Diengdoh clan
(already referred to). The members of these clans do not apparently
regard the animals or natural objects, from which they derive their
names, as totems, inasmuch as they do not abstain from killing, eating
or utilizing them. The names of these objects are connected generally
with some story, concerning the history of the clan, but there is no
evidence to show that the clans-folk ever regarded the above animals
or objects as their tribal totems. If the lists of the Khyrim and
Cherra clans are examined, it will be seen what a large number bear
the name of _Dkhar_ or its abbreviation _'Khar_. The word _dkhar_
is that applied by a Khasi to an inhabitant of the plains. We come
across names such as _'khar-mukhi, khar sowali_, the first word being
an abbreviation of _dkhar_, and _mukhi_ being the common Bengali name
which occurs in Chandra Mukhi, Surjya Mukhi, &c. Sowali (_chowali_)
is the common Assamese word for a girl. The ancestresses of these
tribes were plains women, carried off, no doubt, in the raids made
by the Khasis over the border into Assam and Sylhet. The word _Jong_
in the list of tribes is a Synteng synonym of _kur_ or _jaid_, and the
Wár word _khong_, which will often be found in the names of the tribes
of the twenty-five villages of the Khyrim State, is merely a corruption
of _jong_ or _iong_, the Synteng word for clan. Let us now see how the
State or Khasi Siemship was formed out of a collection of these clans,
how these clans obtained political powers, how some clans became more
powerful than others, and how a Khasi King or Siem is appointed.


State Organization.

We have studied in the preceding chapter the formation of the clan
from the family, and how the former established villages. Let us
now turn to the constitution of the Khasi State, which, it will be
seen, has been formed, in more than one instance, by the voluntary
association of villages, or groups of villages. The head of the Khasi
State is the Siem or chief. A Khasi state is a limited monarchy,
the Siem's powers being much circumscribed. According to custom,
he can perform no act of any importance without first consulting and
obtaining the approval of his durbar, upon which the state _mantris_
sit. This durbar must not be confused with the electoral durbar which
will be referred to later. It is an executive council over which the
Siem presides, and also possesses judicial powers (for a description
of a judicial durbar, see page 91 of the monograph). The form of
summons to appear before this durbar used to be a knotted piece of
string or cane, the number of knots denoting the degrees of urgency
of the summons, not a piece of pork, as one writer has said. Pork is
a luxury which is not usually distributed gratis. The Siem manages the
State business through his _mantris_, although it is true that in some
States the members of the Siem family have been allowed a considerable
share of the State management. This latter arrangement is, however,
a departure from the ordinary rule in the Siemships, and is regarded
as unconstitutional. In some States there are village headmen, styled
Sirdars, who settle cases, collect labour, and assess and receive
for the chief the _pynsuk_, which may be literally translated as
"gratification." In Nongstoin there is an official styled _lyngskor_,
who is the superior of a number of village sirdars, and who acts
as the Siem's deputy-governor. In the Khasi Hills there is no land
revenue, nor are there any tithes or other imposts levied upon the
cultivator's produce. The land, to a great extent, is the property of
the different clans and villages, although in some instances there are
estates owned by private persons. The chief is entitled to receive the
income that arises from what are known as the _raj_ or State lands
only. All that the Siem usually receives from his people in the way
of direct revenue is the State subscription, or _pynsuk_, mentioned
above. Even this is supposed to be a voluntary contribution, and it
is not demanded in some States. This tax is nominally a collection
to meet the expenses of the State ceremonies, but is really a means
of increasing the chief's private income. The contribution varies in
amount according to the means of the villagers. The Siem's principal
source of income, however, in all the Khasi States is the toll
(_khrong_), which he takes from those who sell at the markets in his
territory. As the Khasis are great traders these tolls are often
at the larger markets fairly valuable. The chief raises no excise
revenue, the manufacture of both fermented and distilled liquor
being subject to no fiscal restrictions whatsoever. In a few States
the Siems are commencing to levy registration fees, but the amounts
are insignificant. Judicial fines are divided between the chief and
the members of the durbar. In some States the Siems' incomes amount
to a few hundreds a year only. Generally speaking, the Khasi chiefs
are necessarily a very impecunious set of persons, and many of them
are indebted to, comparatively speaking, large amounts. The Siem is
appointed from the Siem family, there being such a family in each
of the fifteen Khasi States. The most important States are Khyrim,
Mylliem, Cherra, Nongstoin, and Nongkhlaw. There are a few other petty
States presided over by Lyngdohs, Sirdars, or Wahadadars. A fact which
is of universal application is, that heirship to the Siemship lies
through the female side. The customary line of succession is uniform
in all cases, except in Khyrim, save that in some instances cousins
rank with brothers, or are preferred to grand-nephews, instead of
being postponed to them. The difference between the rule of succession
and the rule of inheritance to real property should be noted. In the
former case the sons of the eldest uterine sister inherit in order of
priority of birth, although it is true that this rule has sometimes
been disregarded. In cases of succession to realty, however, the
inheritance goes to the youngest daughter of the deceased's mother, and
after her to her youngest daughter. In successions to the Siemships,
in the absence of male heirs from the eldest sister, the succession
passes, by what has been aptly described as the "knight's move," to
the male children of the next eldest sister. In Khyrim the custom of
succession is peculiar, there being a High Priestess, and heirship
being limited to her male relatives. Generally speaking, it would
appear that succession was originally controlled by a small electoral
body constituted of the heads (_lyngdohs_), of certain priestly clans,
who, it is presumed, exercised their authority to reject candidates,
when necessary, mainly on religious grounds. There has, however,
been a distinct tendency towards the broadening of the elective
basic. In the large State of Khyrim the number of the electoral body
has been greatly increased by the inclusion of the representative
headmen of certain dominant but non-priestly clans (_mantris_). In
other States the Council has been widened by the addition to it of
village headmen (_sirdars_), or the chief superintendents (_basans_)
of the village markets, tolls from which constitute the chief item
in the public receipts of these States. A further step towards the
recognition of the public will in the nomination of a Siem has been
the introduction of popular elections, at which all the adult males
vote. Such popular elections were very greatly due to the views held
by Colonel Bivar who was Deputy-Commissioner of the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills from 1865 to 1877. These elections have been, in many States,
an innovation which is hardly in accord with public sentiment, and in
many cases the voters have done no more than confirm the selection
of a special electoral body. It is, however, clear that the idea of
popular elections is not one with which the people are unfamiliar,
e.g. in Langrim State, where all the adult males customarily vote
at an election of a Siem. Popular election has also customary in the
Nobosohpoh and Bhowal States, in cases where a special electoral body
has been unable to agree upon a nomination, and also in Nongspung,
if a Council of five _lyngdohs_, which has in this State authority
to declare who is the rightful heir, but not to disqualify him,
cannot come to an unanimous decision. The Siems are appointed by an
assembly, or _durbar_, which will be described later. The chiefs,
having been thus chosen by the _durbar_, which is supposed by the
people to be an institution of Divine origin, are styled, _ki Siem u
blei_, or Siems of God. In most States the Siem is the religious as
well as the secular head, e.g. in the Cherra State, where the Siem
is also _lyngdoh_. In Khyrim State the Siem has sacerdotal duties to
perform at different religious ceremonies, especially at the time of
the annual Nongkrem dance. It is the custom for the Siem to consult
the auspices with the soothsayers for the good of the State. The Siem
in matters judicial acts as a judge, the whole body of the _durbar_
being the jury. In olden days the Siem marched to war at the head of
his army. It is not customary to recognize an heir-apparent, and the
young men of the Siem family pursue the ordinary avocations of a Khasi,
not comporting themselves in the least like scions of royalty. In
quite recent years there have been instances of Siems having been
summoned, like the Roman Cincinnatus, from quite humble positions,
to undertake the duties of chief. We will now turn to an examination
of the systems in the different Siemships. In the Kyrim or Nongkrem
State there is a spiritual head, i.e. a High Priestess, _Ka Siem Sad_,
who is responsible for the due performance of the State religious
ceremonies, although, as already stated, the Siem also performs some
of these duties. The temporal power here is delegated by the High
Priestess to a Siem, who is her son or her nephew, or occasionally some
more distant male descendant. It is the duty of an official called
a _lyngskor_, who is the official spokesman of the Siem's _durbar_,
to propose a new Siem to the six _lyngdohs_, or priests, and to the
heads of the twenty-four _mantri_ clans. The latter then decide in
_durbar_ whether the proposed Siem should be appointed. In the event
of their disapproving of the _lyngskor's_ nominations they proceed
to elect another Siem. The High Priestess is appointed by the above
electors, the order of succession to the post wing as follows:--She
is succeeded by her eldest surviving daughter; failing daughters,
by the eldest daughter of her eldest daughter; failing daughters of
her eldest daughter; by the eldest daughter of her second daughter,
and so on. If there are no daughters or grand-daughters, as above,
she is succeeded by her eldest sister. In the absence of sisters, she
is succeeded by the eldest daughter of her mother's eldest sister, and
so on. In this State the tradition runs that the first High Priestess
was Ka Pah Syntiew, i.e. the flower-lured one. Ka Pah Syntiew was a
beautiful maiden who had as her abode a cave at Marai, near Nongkrem,
whence she was enticed by a man of the Mylliem-ngap clan by means of
a flower. She was taken by him to be his bride, and she became not
only the first High Priestess, but also the mother of the Siems of
Nongkrem. [20] In Nongkrem the electors may disqualify the first,
or any, heir to the Siemship for sufficient reason according to the
Khasi religion and custom, such as bad character, physical disability,
change of religion, etc. If the first heir be disqualified, the next
in order must be appointed Siem, unless he be disqualified, and so
on. In this State there are six divisions, each of which is known as
a _raj_. In each _raj_ there is a _durbar_, to which are submitted
for approval the elections of the heads of the _mantri_ clans. These
elections are subject to the approval of the Siem. The Siem, sitting
with the _durbar_ of the _raj_ concerned, may dismiss a _lyngdoh,
lyngskor_, or _mantri_, for bad conduct, or on account of physical
disability, in which case another _lyngdoh_, _lyngskor_, or _mantri_
would be appointed, as stated above. The Mylliem State originally
formed a portion of the Nongkrem State, but owing to a quarrel between
one of the Siems and his nephew there was a partition. In this State
the electors are the heads of five _mantri_ clans, eleven _matabors_,
or heads of clans, and certain _basans_, and other heads of clans. A
majority of the electors is sufficient for the election of a Siem. A
Siem is succeeded by the eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such
brothers, by the eldest of his sisters' sons; failing such nephews,
by the eldest of the sons of his sisters daughters; failing such
grandnephews, by the eldest of the sons of his mother's sisters; and,
failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on
the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree
of relationship having prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as
above, he would be succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in
the absence of such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters' daughters:
failing such nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters'
daughters; failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters
of his mother's sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest
of his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins,
those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female
Siem would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on. As in the Khyrim
State, the first, or any other subsequent heir, may be disqualified
by the electors for sufficient reason. An elector is succeeded by the
eldest of his brothers; failing brothers, by the eldest of the sons
of his sisters, and so on. An elector can be dismissed by the Siem,
but only for good cause and with the consent of his _durbar_.

In the Nongstoin State there is a tradition that the first Siem
originally came from Simsong [21] Durgapur. The name, Sushong
Durgapur, of the place at the foot of the Garo Hills in the Mymensing
district, may be a corruption of the former. The Siems are supposed
to be descended from a stag, possibly a relic of totemism in this
family. In this State there is a large electoral durbar consisting
of 2 _mantris_, 31 _lyngdohs_, 25 _sirdars_, 1 _lyngskor_, and 1
_basan_. The _lyndohs_ are the heads of the priestly clans, by whom
they are chosen. The sirdars of villages are appointed by the Siem in
conjunction with the adult males of the different villages. There are
two _lyngskors_ and two _basans_ in the State, but one _lyngskor_
and one _basan_ only at present are members of the durbar which
nominates the Siem. A _lyngskor_ is the Siem's agent for the purpose
of governing a collection of villages. He is appointed by the Siem
with the consent of the adult males of the villages which he is to
supervise. The Siem family of Nongkhlaw, or Khadsawphra, is believed
to have been founded by a Synteng of the name of U Shajer, who left
the Jowai hills with his sister, Ka Shaphlong, because she had failed
to obtain her share of the family property in Jaintia. This man is
said to have purchased certain lands in Bardwar in Kamrup. Apparently
he did not obtain possession of this estate, for he came up into the
Khasi Hills, and finding there certain villages without a ruler, he,
at the wish of the _lyngdohs_ of these villages, consolidated them
into a state over which he ruled as a Siem. He was succeeded by his
sister's son, U Syntiew who further extended his territories until
he obtained possession of other villages. U Syntiew is said to have
delegated a portion of his powers to his two sisters, Ka Jem and Ka
Sanglar, who ruled at Sohiong and Nongkhlaw respectively. Succeeding
rulers further extended the Nongkhlaw territory. In 1829, U Tirut
Singh rebelled against the East India Company and carried on for
four years a successful guerilla warfare. He was finally captured,
and was imprisoned for life by the British Government. According to
the statement of Raja Kine Singh, it would seem that formerly the
heads of five clans had the right to appoint the Siem, i.e. the
heads of 3 _lyngdoh_ clans and of the Jaid Dykhar, and Diengdoh
clans. In the Cherra State the electors are the male adults of the
State, who are represented on the State durbar by the _mantris_ of
the 12 aristocratic clans, known as the _khadar kur_, and certain
representative elders. This State is divided for electoral purposes
into the following divisions:--

I. Cherra, or Sohra, consisting of 8 villages, inclusive of Cherra,
which is the capital. These villages return the heads of the 12 tribes,
as well as 5 elders, as their representativee on the electoral durbar.

II. The "five" villages, or 5 tribes. This division now consists of
17 villages, which return 5 representative elders.

III. The "twelve" villages, comprising now 38 villages, which return
12 representative elders.

IV. The "four" villages, comprising now 5 villages, which return
4 elders.

V. The "sixteen" villages, which return 6 representative elders.

VI. Three villages, which return 3 and 4 sirdars and 2 elders
respectively.

In this State it is the custom for a Siem to cremate the body of his
predecessor. Unless he performs the cremation ceremony, he is not
considered to be Siem according to the Khasi religion. U Hajon Manik
Siem failed to cremate the body of his predecessor, U Ram Singh whose
remains still repose in a wooden coffin which is kept in the house
of the Siem family. The remains of Siems in this state are preserved
by a peculiar process of embalming which will be found described
elsewhere in this monograph. U Hajan Manik died not long ago, and
his body also is awaiting cremation. U Ram Singh's remains, however,
have been awaiting the funeral pyre for more than thirty years; but
arrangements are being made by the present Siam U Roba Singh for the
cremation ceremony. The cremation of Siems in the state is attended
by a very great deal of expense, a large amount of money being spent
on the feasting which then takes place. The Maharam State was ruled
until 1875 by two Siems, called, respectively, the "white" and the
"black" Siems. In this State originally there were five _lyngdohs_ who
appointed the Siems, but as in certain other States the number of the
electors has been expanded by the inclusion of _mantris_, _sirdars_,
and _basans_. The electors now number seventy-two persons. There
is much the same state of things in the Mariaw Siemship as regards
the electorate. In Rambrai, on a vacancy occurring in the Siemship,
three _lyngdohs_ and two _mantris_ assemble and decide who is to
be Siem. They then summon the sirdars of villages to meet them in
_durbar_ and obtain the approval of the latter to their nomination. If
the sirdars do not approve, the combined durbar than decides who is
to become Siem. In Nongspung there is a tradition that two sisters,
Ka Jah and Ka Jem, came to the village of Nongspung, which was then
ruled by two _lyngdohs_, and that the latter, having ascertained that
the two sisters were of royal birth, married them. They then travelled
to other villages and obtained the consent of the _lyngdohs_ of these
villages to the formation of all their villages into a State, of which
Nongspung became the capital, and over which U Sngi Shaflong, the son
of Ka Jem, was appointed Siem by the five principal _lyngdohs_. After
some generations the lyngdoh of Mairang with his villages became
subject to the Siem of Nongkhlaw, an event which finds mention in the
annals of the Nongkhlaw State as the conquest of the territory of the
"Black" Siem of Nongspung. Another _lyngdoh_ was appointed in place
of the one whose territory had been thus annexed.

In the Mawiong State the ancient custom was that six _basans_ appointed
the Siem, subject to the approval of the people of the Siemship. In
the Nobosohpoh State there are two Siem families, the "Black" and the
"White" from either of which it has apparently been the custom for the
people to select a Siem, as they wished. In Mawsynram the electors of
the Siem are the heads of the four principal clans in the State. On
a recent occasion, the electors being equally divided regarding the
appointment of a Siem, it was necessary to appeal to the people of
the State. In Langrin there are, as in Maharam and Nobosohpoh, two
main branches of the Siem family, i.e. the "Black" and the "White"
Siems. Here there is no special electoral body; all the adults of
the state have the right to vote at the election of a Siem. In Bhawal
State Siems are appointed by the heads of eight clans whose decision
is apparently final, provided that it is unanimous. In Malai-Sohmat
a bare majority of the heads of six clans would be sufficient for
the election of a Siem. Presumably both in Bhawal and Malai-Sohmat,
if the electors were equally divided, there would be an appeal to the
people. Mention has been made above of States over which _lyngdohs_
possess temporal as well as spiritual powers. The States of Sobiong,
Mawphlang, and Lyniong may be quoted as examples. Here the _lyngdoh_
is elected from the _lyngdoh_ clan by all the adult males of the
state. Some small States, such as Maodon and Pomsanngut, are presided
over by Sirdars, a name which has probably been introduced during the
British era of supremacy in these hills. The Sirdar is elected by the
adult males of the State. In Mawlong there are a Sirdar, a _lyngdoh_,
and a _doloi_ who govern the State. These two latter officials
are elected by the people as in the case of Sirdars. In the Shella
Confederacy there are four officials who are styled _Wahadadars_, the
name being probably a corruption of the Persian _'uhda-dar_. [22] These
officials are elected for periods of three years each by the people.

The Jaintia Hills, which are British territory, are divided up into
twenty doloiships, the doloi being an officer elected by the people,
the Government reserving the right of approval or the reverse to the
doloi's appointment. The dolois, under the rules for the administration
of justice in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, as well as the Sirdars
of the British villages in the Khasi Hills, possess certain judicial
powers. They are assisted by officials known as _pators, basans_, and
_sangots_ in the performance of their duties. This administration,
on the whole, works well, and its success shows the wisdom of the
Government in having made use of the indigenous agency it found to
hand when the Jaintia territory was annexed. In the Jaintia Hills
there are also three Sirdarships, the office being filled by election
as in the case of dolois.

In conclusion it should be stated that it has been attempted here to
give but a brief _résumé_ of the Khasi political system as it exists
at the present time. The above account of the procedure at elections is
based on existing usage. The procedure should not, however, be regarded
as stereotyped, for it will no doubt be open to such revision as may
on occasion be suggested by the legitimate evolution of tribal customs.



Marriage.

It is proposed in this section to consider marriage from its social
side, the religious aspect thereof being reserved for another
paragraph. The most remarkable feature of the Khasi marriage
is that it is usual for the husband to live with his wife in his
mother-in-law's house, and not for him to take his bride home, as is
the case in other communities. This arrangement amongst the Khasis
is no doubt due to the prevalence of the matriarchate. As long as the
wife lives in her mother's house, all her earnings go to her mother,
who expends them on the maintenance of the family. Amongst the Khasis,
after one or two children are born, and if a married couple get on
well together, the husband frequently removes his wife and family to
a house of his own, and from the time the wife leaves her mother's
house she and her husband pool their earnings, which are expended
for the support of the family. Amongst the Syntengs, however, and the
people of Maoshai, the case is different, for with them the husband
does not go and live in his mother-in-law's house, he only visits her
there. In Jowai some people admitted to me that the husband came to
his mother-in-law's house only after dark, and that he did not eat,
smoke, or even partake of betel-nut there, the idea being that because
none of his earnings go to support this house, therefore it is not
etiquette for him to partake of food or other refreshment there. If a
Synteng house is visited, it is unusual to find the husbands of any
of the married daughters there, although the sons of the family may
be seen in the house when they have returned from work. Generally
in the day-time you will find in a Synteng dwelling an old crone,
who is the grandmother, or even the great-grandmother, of the family,
also grandchildren or great-grandchildren; but the husbands of the
married daughters are not there. The Syntengs seem to have more closely
preserved the customs of the matriarchate than the Khasis, and the
Syntengs claim that their _niam_ or religious ceremonies are purer,
i.e. that they more closely correspond to what they were in ancient
times than those of the Khasis. Amongst the Syntengs, occasionally,
a widow is allowed to keep her husband's bones after his death,
on condition that she does not remarry; the idea being that as
long as the bones remain in the widow's keeping, the spirit of her
husband is still with her. On this account many wives who revere
their husband's memories, and who do not contemplate remarriage,
purposely keep the bones for a long time. If a widow marries, even
after the customary taboo period of one year, whilst her deceased
husband's bones are still in her keeping, she is generally looked down
upon. Her children in such a case perform the ceremony of handing over
the bones of their father to his clan in a building specially erected
for the purpose. The widow cannot enter therein, or even go near it,
whilst the ceremony is proceeding, no matter whether the _jing sang_,
or the price for removing the taboo after a husband's death, has been
paid to the husband's clan or not. There is no evidence to show that
polyandry ever existed amongst the Khasis. Unlike the Thibetans,
the Khasi women seem to have contented themselves always with one
husband, at any rate with one at a time. Certainly at the present
day they are monandrists. Polygamy does not exist amongst the Khasis;
such a practice would naturally not be in vogue amongst a people who
observe the matriarchate. There are instances, however, of men having
wives other than those they have regularly married, and in the Wár
country children by such wives enjoy rights to their father's acquired
property equally with the children by the legally married wife. As
the clans are strictly exogamous, a Khasi cannot take a wife from
his own clan; to do this would entail the most disastrous religious,
as well as social consequences. For to marry within the clan is the
greatest sin a Khasi can commit, and would cause excommunication
by his kinsfolk and the refusal of funeral ceremonies at death,
and his bones would not be allowed a resting-place in the sepulchre
of the clan. To give a list of all the Khasi exogamous clans would
perhaps serve no useful purpose, but I have prepared from information,
kindly furnished me by the Siems of Khyrim and Cherrapunji, a list
of the clans in those States which will be found in Appendices A and
B. These will suffice as examples. It will be seen from the Cherra
list that the different divisions of the Diengdoh clan, viz. Lalu,
Diengdoh-bah, Diengdoh-kylla, are prohibited from intermarriage;
this is due to those branches of the clan being descended from a
common ancestress. There are other instances of clans being connected
with one another, such connection being called by the Khasis _iateh
kur_. Whenever such connection exists, intermarriage is strictly
prohibited, and is considered to be _sang_. There is no custom of
hypergamy. A Khasi cannot marry his maternal uncle's daughter during
the lifetime of the maternal uncle. This is probably due to the fact
that the maternal uncle, or _kni_, in a Khasi household is regarded
more in the light of a father than of an uncle. His children, however,
would belong to the clan of his wife, and there would, therefore, in
ordinary cases be no bar to the nephew marrying one of them. Marriage
with the daughters of a father's sister is not allowed during the
lifetime of the father, but after the latter's death there is no
religious ban, although such unions are looked upon with disfavour by
the Khasis. In the Wár country, however, such marriages are totally
prohibited. A Khasi cannot marry two sisters, but he can marry his
deceased wife's sister after the expiry of one year from the wife's
death, on payment of _jing sang_ (price of _sang_, or taboo) to
the wife's clan. A Khasi cannot marry the daughter of his father's
brother, she is his _para kha_ (lit. birth sister). Similarly he
cannot marry the daughter of his father's paternal uncle. He can,
however, marry the daughter of his mother's brother, provided that
the brother is dead. This somewhat paradoxical state of affairs
is explained by the fact that the children of the mother's brother
belong to a different clan to that of the mother, i.e. to the mother's
brother's wife's clan. The Khasi, Synteng, Wár, and Lynngam divisions
are not strictly endogamous groups, and there is nothing to prevent
intermarriage between them. For instance, it has been the custom in
the Nongkhlaw Siem family to obtain husbands for the princesses of
the state from the Wár country. There is no custom amongst the Khasis
of two men exchanging daughters, i.e. each marrying his son to the
other's daughter. Notwithstanding the existence of the matriarchate,
and the fact that all ancestral property is vested in the mother,
it would be a mistake to suppose that the father is a nobody in the
Khasi house. It is true that the _kni_, or mother's elder brother,
is the head of the house, but the father is the executive head of
the new home, where, after children have been born to him, his wife
and children live with him. It is he who faces the dangers of the
jungles, and risks his life for wife and children. In his wife's clan
he occupies a very high place, he is second to none but _u kni_, the
maternal uncle, while in his own family circle a father and husband is
nearer to his children and his wife than _u kni_. The Khasi saying is,
"_u kpa uba lah ban iai, u kni uba tang ha ka iap ka im_," which may
be translated freely as, "the father bears the heat and burden of the
day, the maternal uncle only comes when it is a question of life or
death." The Khasi father is revered not only when living, but also
after death as _U Thawlang_, and special ceremonies are performed to
propitiate his shade. Further remarks on the subject of marriage will
be found in the Section which deals with religion.


Divorce.

Divorce amongst the Khasis is common, and may occur for a variety of
reasons, such as adultery, barrenness, incompatibility of temperament,
&c. The rule amongst the Khasis is that both parties must agree,
but amongst the Wárs, especially the people of Shella, the party who
divorces the other without his or her consent must pay compensation,
which is called _ka mynrain_, or _ka thnem_. Amongst the Khasis
it is not the custom to enforce restitution of conjugal rights;
as a rule, when husband and wife cannot live together amicably,
they agree to divorce one another; but occasionally it happens that
either the husband or the wife will not agree to a divorce. Usually
the husband would be willing to live with his wife; but when the
latter consents neither to live with her husband nor to accept a
divorce, a difficult situation arises, and it is in the event of such
a contingency happening that the necessity of assessing _ka mynrain_,
or _ka thnem_ (compensation), occurs. The latter is computed by the
village elders. Parties who have been divorced cannot afterwards
remarry one another, but they are at liberty to marry into other
families. A woman cannot be divorced during pregnancy. The following
description of the divorce ceremony is taken from U Jeebon Roy's note
on the Khasi religion. If the marriage has been celebrated according
to the _pynhiar synjat_ rite, a _ksiang_ (go-between) is necessary
on each side, also the _kni_, or maternal uncles of the parties,
to witness the divorce. In other cases the presence of the _ksiang_
is unnecessary, but some acquaintances and friends as well as the
relatives on both sides should witness the ceremony. The husband and
the wife each bring five cowries (_sbài_), or, more commonly nowadays,
five pice. The wife gives her five cowries or pice to her husband, who
places them with his, and then returns the five cowries or coins to his
wife, together with his own five. The wife then returns the ten shells
or coins to the husband who throws them on the ground. A crier (_u nong
pyria shnong_) then goes round the village to proclaim the divorce,
using the following words:--"Kaw--hear, oh villagers, that U----,
and K---- have become separated in the presence of the elders. Hei:
thou, oh, young man, canst go and make love to Ka---- for she is now
unmarried (_khynraw_), and thou, oh, spinster, canst make love to
U----. Hei! there is no let or hindrance from henceforth." Among the
Khasis divorce must be by mutual consent, and the ceremony must take
place in the open air. Until the divorce ceremony has been performed as
above described, neither husband nor wife can marry again, but after
it has taken place, either can remarry, but not within the family of
the divorced husband or wife. In the event of a husband or wife being
absent for a long period, say ten years, without any communication
having been received from either of them, a divorce ceremony is
performed by the relatives on his or her behalf. It is stated by U
Jeebon Roy [23] that the rule of monogamy is not so strict for the
husband as it is for the wife, he can contract an informal alliance
with another woman, the only prohibition being that she must not belong
to the original wife's village. Such a wife is called _ka tynga tuk_,
literally, stolen wife, in contradistinction to the legally married
wife (_ka tynga trai_). The children by the unmarried wife are called
_ki khum kliar_ (children from the top). By children from the top,
is understood to mean children from the branches not from the root
(_trai_) of the tree. Such children cannot claim ancestral property,
except in the Wár country. In the event of a divorce the mother is
always allowed the custody of the children. Divorces amongst both
Khasis and Syntengs are of common occurrence, the result being that
the children in many cases are ignorant of even the names of their
fathers. For the mother, on the other hand, the children cherish a
very strong affection, all their sympathies and affections binding
them closely to the mother's kin. Divorce amongst the Syntengs,
though resting on the same principle as that of the Khasis, differs
in detail, and must be described separately. It is as follows:--In
the first place it is not necessary for both husband and wife
to be consenting parties, as is the case with the Khasis. In the
Nongkhlih doloiship divorce takes place before the relatives of the
parties. The man has to give eight annas as a sign of the divorce,
and clothes worth Rs. 3/- or Rs. 5/- to the wife. There is a similar
custom in the Suhtnga and Amwi doloiships. In the Jowai doloiship
the divorce takes place in the presence of a village official called
_U basan_. The husband or the wife gives the _basan_ an eight anna
piece, the latter gives this either to the wife or to the husband,
as the case may be. The _basan's_ share of the eight annas is two
pice, the remainder being spent on liquor. The _basan_ is entitled
to a further fee of one anna from the man. If a wife does not agree
to accept divorce, she is entitled to receive two pieces of cloth
from the husband to the value of Rs. 3/-. This compensation is called
_thnem_. The divorce then takes place. If a wife wishes to divorce her
husband, and the latter is unwilling, before she can obtain divorce,
she must pay _thnem_ to the value of the whole amount the husband has
spent on her and her children during the marriage. Divorce customs
in Nartiang and Nongjinghi doloiships are much the same, only the
amounts tendered by the parties and that of compensation differing.

In conclusion it should be stated that the great drawback attaching to
divorce in ordinary communities, i.e. the effect that it has on the
lives of the children of the marriage, does not apply to the Khasis,
for with them the children always live with their mother and their
mother's family, which latter would be bound to maintain them in the
event of a divorce.



Inheritance.

The Khasi and Synteng laws of inheritance are practically the same,
although in some of the doloiships in the Jaintia Hills there are
some slight differences. The War law of inheritance differs greatly
from that of the Khasis, and the customs of the Bhois or Mikirs,
who inhabit the Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, are totally
different from those of the Khasis, thereby supplying another link in
the chain of evidence in support of the conclusion that the Bhois, or,
more correctly speaking, the Mikirs, are of Bodo origin, and not Khasi
or Mon-Anam. The Lynngams follow the Khasi law of inheritance. It will
be convenient to describe the Khasi law first, and then to pass on to
the special customs in vogue in the different doloiships in the Jaintia
Hills, and, finally, to describe the Wár, Bhoi and Lynngam customs.

The Khasi saying is, "_long jaid na loa kynthei_" (from the woman
sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent; count from
the mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters,
who are the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as _shi
kpoh_, which, being literally translated, is one womb; i.e. the
issue of one womb. The man is nobody. If he is a brother, _u kur_,
a brother being taken to mean an uterine brother, or a cousin-german,
he will be lost to the family or clan directly he marries. If he be a
husband, he is looked upon merely as a _u shong kha_, a begetter. In
some of the War villages a newly married man is spoken of by the
bride's family as, "_u khun ki briew_," some one else's son. It is,
perhaps, somewhat of a paradox under the circumstances that wives
should address their husbands as "_kynrad_," or lord. There is,
however, no gainsaying the fact that the husband, at least in theory,
is a stranger in his wife's home, and it is certain that he can take
no part in the rites and ceremonies of his wife's family, and that
his ashes after death can find no place within the wife's family
tomb, except, in certain cases, amongst the Syntengs. Further, the
ceremonial religion amongst Khasis, especially that of the home,
is in the hands of the women. It is, therefore, perhaps not to be
wondered at, considering the important status assigned to women by
the Khasis, that women should inherit the property and not men. The
rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter "holds" the
religion, "_ka bat ka niam_." Her house is called, "_ka iing seng_"
and it is here that the members of the family assemble to witness
her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is, therefore, the
largest share of the family property, because it is she whose duty
it is to perform the family ceremonies, and propitiate the family
ancestors. The other daughters, however, on their mother's death
are entitled, each of them; to a share of their mother's property,
although the youngest daughter gets the lion's share, e.g. the family
jewellery, and the family house, and the greater part of what it
contains. The youngest daughter cannot dispose of the house without
the unanimous consent of her sisters. If the youngest daughter dies,
she is succeeded by the next youngest daughter, and so on. All the
daughters are bound to repair the house of the youngest daughter free
of cost. In the event of the youngest daughter changing her religion,
or committing an act of _sang_, or taboo, she loses her position
in the family, and is succeeded, by her next youngest sister, as
in the case of a death. Failing daughters, inheritance would pass
by the "knight's move" to the sister's youngest daughter, who would
be succeeded by her youngest daughter, and so on. Failing sister's
daughters succession would revert to the mother's sisters and their
female descendants. In the Jaintia Hills the inheritance of all real
property passes from mother to youngest daughter. No man in the
uplands of the Jaintia Hills can possess landed property, unless
it is self-acquired property. In the Jaintia Hills, if a man dies
and leaves acquired property, his heir will be his mother, if alive,
excluding wife, sons, and daughters. If the wife, however, undertakes
not to re-marry, she will inherit half of her husband's property,
which at her death will descend to her youngest daughter by him.

Amongst Khasis all property which has been acquired by a man before
marriage is considered to belong to his mother; indeed it may be
said to belong to the man's _kur_, or clan, such property being
called by Khasis, "_ka mai iing kur_" (the earnings of the house
of the clan). After marriage, if there are children, the case is
different, provided that the property has been acquired by the man
after marriage. Here the wife and children would inherit the acquired
property, the youngest daughter obtaining the largest share of such
property on the death of the wife. If there were no daughter, the
acquired property would be equally divided amongst the sons.

The following examples of the Synteng law of inheritance are taken from
the exhaustive diaries recorded by the late Mr. Heath, who was for
some years Sub-Divisional Officer of Jowai. In the Nongkli doloiship
ancestral land passes from mother to her youngest daughter; again,
if a youngest daughter who has so acquired dies, the next youngest
in point of age succeeds. Should such direct female succession
fail, the family tree has to be looked up for the nearest branch,
in which the youngest female, or her youngest female descendant,
succeeds. Thus, respecting ancestral land, the youngest daughter, or
youngest female descendant of youngest female heir, is virtually heir
to entailed property. If a woman dies leaving acquired property, her
youngest daughter or youngest granddaughter of that youngest daughter
succeeds to all. In default, next youngest daughter, and so on. In
default of daughters, the youngest son inherits. A man can hardly,
in any circumstances, possess ancestral land; his property must
almost necessarily be self-acquired. If a man dies leaving acquired
property, his heir will be his mother, if alive, excluding wife, sons,
and daughters. If the wife undertakes, however, not to marry again,
she will get half, which will descend to her youngest daughter by
her deceased husband. The mother, who thus gets the whole or half of
her son's property, leaves it to her youngest daughter, or youngest
daughter of that daughter, and so on, as described above in the ease of
a woman leaving ancestral or acquired property. If there is no mother,
the man's youngest sister stands next heir with the same right as
her mother. If there is no mother or sister, then the sister's female
descendants stand in the man's mother's place. If there are none of
these, then the man's youngest daughter succeeds to all. Ancestral
property cannot be alienated without the consent of all the heirs in
the entail. A gift of self-acquired property to any amount can be made
by a donor during his lifetime. Acquired property cannot, however,
be left by will out of the course sanctioned by custom. In the Amwi
doloiship a widow who consents to pay the costs of her husband's
funeral, provided she agrees not to re-marry, inherits half of her
husband's acquired property.

In the Wár country the children inherit both ancestral and acquired
property in equal shares, both males and females, with the exception
that the youngest daughter is given something in addition to her
share, although not such a large share of the property as amongst
the Khasis. Amongst the Mikir-Bhois, i.e. the Mikirs who inhabit the
Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, the law of inheritance is totally
different from that of the Khasis, for males succeed to all property,
whether ancestral or acquired. Thus, if a man dies, leaving son,
mother, wife, and daughters, the son takes all. If there are several
sons, they divide. If there are no sons, the property goes to the
nearest male heir. If a woman dies, leaving husband and children,
the husband takes all. If the husband is dead, and there are sons and
daughters, the former inherit. The great difference in the custom of
inheritance between Khasis and Bhois is, as I have already pointed out,
part of the evidence that these people are of different origin.

The Lynngam law of inheritance is the same as that of the Khasis. The
youngest daughter obtains the largest share of the ancestral property,
the remainder being divided between the remaining daughters. The sons
do not get any share. The rule is also said to apply with regard to
acquired property.


Adoption.

Both Khasis and Syntengs observe a custom known as _'rap iing_ (an
abbreviation for _ia rap iing_, literally, to help the house). This is
practically adoption. If in a family the female members have died out,
the male members of the family are allowed by custom to call (_khot_)
a girl from some other family, to act as _ka'rap iing_, and to perform
the family religious ceremonies, and therefore to inherit the family
ancestral property. The female so introduced into the family then takes
her place as _ka khun khadduh_, or youngest daughter, and becomes the
head of the house (_ka trai iing_). The adoption of a female obviates
the family dying out (_iap duh_), which to the Khasi is a very serious
matter, inasmuch as there will then be no one qualified to place
the bones of its members within the family tomb (_ka ba thep shieng
mawbah_), and to perform the requisite funeral ceremonies. Amongst
the Khasis no particular ceremonies are performed at the time of
adoption; but some of the Syntengs observe a religious ceremony which
consists largely of a feast to the clans-folk, at which liquor, rice,
dried fish, and ginger are partaken of. Before the feast commences,
each clansman is provided with a small gourd (_u klong_) filled with
liquor, a little of the latter is then thrown on the ground from the
gourd, and the following words are uttered:--"Oh, God! oh, Lord! oh,
ruling king Biskurom, now the _pynrap iing_ ceremony is about to be
performed, let the ceremony be propitious, and let males and females
(of the clan) increase in numbers, so that the clan may become great,
and respected, and that intelligent male members may spring up." No
such ceremony is, however, observed, it is understood, in the Nartiang
and Raliang doloiships.

In the case of a family being _iap duh_ (extinct), the family property,
according to Khasi custom, passes to the Siem. Therefore it is to
the interest of the members of families to adopt a female, when
such necessity arises. As there is no religious ceremony which is
compulsory to the Khasis on the occasion of an adoption, perhaps we
are almost justified in concluding that in former times the adoption
custom did not exist, more especially as the Khasis possess a special
word, _iap duh_, for describing a family the females of which have
all died out; and it is admittedly the custom for the Siem to succeed
to the property of such a family. The Synteng custom of _'rap iing_
may have been borrowed from the Hindus, when the Rajas of Jaintia
became converts to that religion.


Tenure of Land and Laws Regarding Land.

Land in the Khasi Hills proper, i.e. land in the high plateau, is
held somewhat differently from land in the Jaintia Hills and the Wár
country; it will be necessary to describe the land tenures and laws
regarding land of each of these divisions separately. As land is always
jhumed by the Bhois and Lynngams from year to year, customs regarding
land with these people are naturally very simple. Taking land in the
high plateau of the Khasi Hills first:--The lands are classified under
two main divisions, (_a_) public and (_b_) private lands. The following
are the different descriptions of lands in the first division:--

_Ka ri Raj_, or _ka ri Siem_, which are Siem's, or Crown lands. These
lands are intended for the support of the Siem family, they cannot be
alienated. The Siems are, however, precluded by custom from levying a
land tax on persons who cultivate such lands, the relation of landlord
and tenant between the latter and their chiefs being unknown.

_Ka ri Lyngdoh_.--These lands are for the support of the Lyngdohs
or priests of the State. In some Siemships, as in Mawiang Siemship,
paddy is grown on these lands from which rice is obtained for the
State pujas.

_Ri shnong_, or village lands.--These lands are set apart to provide
a supply of firewood, thatching grass, &c., and are the property
of the village. The inhabitants of other villages are not allowed
to enjoy the produce of such lands. Such lands can be cultivated by
ryots of the village, but the latter possess only occupancy rights,
and cannot transfer them.

_Ki 'lawkyntang_.--These are sacred groves, situated generally near
the summit of hills, composed of oak and rhododendron trees, which
are held sacred (_kyntang_), it being an offence, or _sang_, for any
one to cut timber in the grove, except for cremation purposes. These
groves are the property of the villages.

(_b_.) Private Lands. These may he subdivided into _ri-kur_ or lands
which are the property of the clan, and _ri kynti_, family, or acquired
landed property. In the Khasi Hills proper a very large proportion,
certainly of the high lands, is the property of the clan; for instance,
the high lands at Laitkor; which are the property of the Khar kungor
and Kur kulang clans, whose ancestors the large memorial stones close
to the Laitkor road commemorate, also the lands of the Thang khiew
clan, and many others. It has been explained, in a previous paragraph,
how the clan grew out of the family. The clan lands originally, when
population was sparse, were owned by families, but as the members
of the family increased and a clan was formed, the lands became
the property of the clan instead of the family. Such clan lands are
properly demarcated by stone boundary marks. The manager of the clan
lands is the _kni_ (maternal uncle of the youngest daughter of the
main family, or branch of the clan), whose house "_ka iing khadduh_,"
or last house, is the place for performing all the religious ceremonies
of the clan, and is also called _ka iing seng_. All the members of
the clan are, however, entitled to share in the produce of any of
the clan lands they may cultivate. No clan lands can be alienated
without the consent of a durbar of the whole clan.

_Ri kynti_ are private lands which have been either acquired by a
man or woman individually, or, in the case of a woman, inherited
from her mother; such lands must he entirely distinguished from
the lands of the clan. In portions of the Jaintia Hills, if a man
purchases a piece of land, at his death it passes to his mother, to
the exclusion of his children; but in the Khasi Hills nowadays a man
may leave such lands, provided they were acquired after marriage,
either formally by will, or informally, to his children for their
support. In land customs as well as other customs the Syntengs seem to
preserve more closely than the Khasis what are probably the ancient
usages of the race. It must be clearly understood, however, that all
land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of entail,
by which property descends from the mother to the youngest daughter,
and again from the latter to her youngest daughter. Ancestral landed
property must therefore be always owned by women. The male members
of the family may cultivate such lands, but they must carry all the
produce to the house of their mother, who will divide it amongst
the members of the family. Daughters, other than youngest daughters,
are entitled to maintenance from the produce of such family lands.

In the Jaintia Hills lands are classified as follows:--


Hali Lands or Irrigated Paddy Lands.

(1) _Raj_ lands, which used to be the property of the Raja of
Jaintiapur, now the property of Government, which are assessed to
land revenue.

(2) Service lands, which are lands given rent free to dolois, pators,
and other officers who carry on the administration.

(3) Village puja lands, being land the occupants of which pay rent
to the doloi or lyngdoh, which are set apart in each village for
purposes of worship. These lands are not assessed to revenue.

(4) Private lands held by individuals and which have been transferred
from time to time by mortgage sale or otherwise at the will of the
owner. These lands are not assessed to revenue.

High lands are sub-divided into (1) Private lands, held like _hali_
private lands. (2) Unclaimed land, or Government Waste.

Up till now the Government has not assessed revenue on the high
lands which are its own property. Surveys have been made from time
to time of the Government _Raj hali_ lands in the Jaintia Hills,
but the maps require bringing up to date. The revenue on such lands
is assessed at an uniform rate, viz. at 10 annas a bigha, and the
leases have been issued so as to expire contemporaneously. A list
of service lands of dolois and others, showing the number of plots
held by each official and their approximate total area in bighas,
is kept in the Deputy Commissioner's Office. Puja lands are plots
of lands set apart entirely for the support of the lyngdohs and
other persons who perform the pujas of the doloiships. These lands
are generally leased out by the dolois, but in some doloiships they
are under the management of the lyngdohs. The occupants of the puja
lands have either to present annually sacrificial animals or objects,
e.g. bulls, goats, fowls, or pigs, rice, liquor, &c., or make a
payment in cash. In the War country in the Jaintia Hills, orange,
_pán_, and betel-nut gardens, are held as private property except
in a few villages where there are some Raj _pán_ gardens which have
been assessed to land revenue at the same rates as Government _hali_
lands. The various gardens are distinguishable by means of boundary
stones or stone cairns, by prominent trees on the boundary lines,
or by natural boundaries such as streams.

In the Wár country to the West of Cherra, notably the country between
the heights of Laitkynsew and the plains, considerable portions of
the hill-sides are the property of communities known as _sengs_. A
_seng_ may be defined as a collection of families sprung from some
common ancestress or ancestor. As an instance of these _sengs_ I may
describe the community known as the _lai seng_ which owns land in the
neighbourhood of Laitkynsew, the area owned being known as the "_ri
lai seng_," or land of the three clans. These clans are descended from
three men, U Kynta, U Nabein, and U Tangrai, it being remarkable that
in this case descent is traced originally from male ancestors and not
from females. The three ancestors are said to have owned a large tract
of land, and they had as their abode the village of Laitmawria close to
Laitkynsew; but owing to an epidemic, or some such cause, they deserted
the village of Laitmawria and went with their families to live in some
of the surrounding Wár villages, viz. in Tyrna, Nongkroh, Nongwar,
Mastoh, and Mawlong. The descendants of the three men above-mentioned
possess a genealogical table, showing their descent from the original
three founders of the _sengs_. They claim a large tract of country
lying to the south and south-east of the Laitkynsew plateau, containing
not only orange gardens, but also valuable lime quarries. There are
other _seng_ communities also in the neighbourhood, e.g. the _hinriew
phew seng_, or sixty _sengs_, who put forward claims to other tracts
of land. The boundaries of the _ri lai seng_ are identifiable on the
ground. The business of the _seng_ community is managed by a durbar,
an elder or other influential person being chosen as president.

In the country of the Lynngams the crop belongs to the person who
cultivates it, but the land belongs to the _kur_ or family. The
Lynngam villages; like those in the Khasi Siemships, do not pay any
rent to the Siem. If outsiders cultivate within the areas set apart
for the different Lynngam villages, all of them, including women,
have to pay eight annas each to the people of the village in whose
circle they cultivate. There is usually a mutual understanding between
inhabitants of Lynngam villages, that certain tracts of land belong
to the respective villages; sometimes, however, there are disputes
regarding those lands between the different villages. Such disputes are
settled by the Lynngam Sirdars of villages or by the Sirdars sitting
with the two Lyngskors of the Siemship. If the disputes cannot be
settled by these officials to the satisfaction of the parties, the
latter are taken by the Lyngskors and Sirdars to the Siem of Nongstoin,
who tries the case with the aid of the State mantris.


Laws Regarding Other Property.

There is no separate law applying to personal property, as opposed
to real property, amongst the Khasis.


Decisions of Disputes.


Khasi Courts of Judicature.

In the first place a complaint is made before the Siem or chief,
against a certain party or parties. The facts and circumstances
of the ease, are then detailed before the chief and his headmen,
the ostensible object being to attempt to bring about a compromise
between the parties. If no reconciliation can be effected, a crier
(_u nong pyrta shnong_), or in the Jaintia Hills a _sangot_, is
sent out to proclaim at the top of his voice the durbar which is to
assemble the following evening. He proceeds to cry the durbar in the
evening when all the inhabitants have returned to the village from
their usual daily pursuits. With a loud premonitory yell the crier
makes use of the following formula [24]:--

"_Kaw!_ thou, a fellow-villager; thou, a fellow-creature; thou, an
old man; thou, who art grown up; thou, who art young; thou, a boy;
thou, a child; thou, an infant; thou; who art little; thou, who art
great. _Hei!_ because there is a contest. _Hei!_ for to cause to
sit together. _Hei!_ for to cause to deliberate. _Hei!_ for to give
intelligence together. _Hei!_ about to assemble in durbar. _Hei!_
for to listen attentively. _Hei!_ ye are forbidden. _Hei!_ ye
are stopped to draw water then, not to cut firewood then; _Hei!_
to go as coolies then; _Hei!_ to go to work then; _Hei!_ to go a
journey then; _Hei!_ to descend to the valley then; _Hei!_ he who
has a pouch. _Hei!_ he who has a bag. _Hei!_ now come forth. _Hei!_
now appear. _Hei!_ the hearing then is to be all in company. _Hei!_
the listening attentively then is to be all together. _Hei!_ for his
own king. _Hei!_ for his own lord, lest destruction has come; lest
wearing away has overtaken _us_. _Kaw!_ come forth now fellow mates."

This proclamation is called _khang shnong_, and by it all are stopped
from going anywhere from the village the following day. Anybody who
disregards the prohibition is liable to fine. The following day,
towards evening, all the grown-up males of the village assemble at
the durbar ground, the site of which is marked in some villages by
rows of flat stones, arranged in an irregular circle, upon which the
durbaris sit. The proceedings are opened by one of the headmen, who
makes a long speech; then others follow, touching upon all sorts of
irrelevant matters, but throwing out hints, now and then, bearing on
the subject of accusation. By degrees the debate waxes warmer, and the
parties get nearer the point. Then the complainant and the defendant
each of them throw down on the ground a turban, or a bag containing
betul and _pán_, lime, &c., in front of the durbar. These are regarded
as the pledges of the respective parties and their representatives
in the suit; they receive the name of _mamla_ (hence the Khasi term
_ar liang mamla_ for the two contending parties in the suit). There
are pleaders on both aides called _'riw said_, who address the durbar
in lengthy speeches, the Siem being the judge and the whole body of
the durbar the jury. Witnesses are examined by the parties; in former
times they were sworn on a pinch of salt placed on a sword. The most
sacred and most binding foam of oath, however, is sworn on _u klong_
(a hollow gourd containing liquor). As, however, the latter form of
oath is regarded by the Khasis as a most serious ordeal, it will be
described separately. The durbar sometimes goes on for several days. At
length the finding of the durbar is taken, after the Siem has summed
up, and sentence is pronounced, which generally consists of a fine
in money, almost always accompanied by an order to the losing party
to present a pig. The pig is supposed to be sacrificed to a goddess,
_Ka 'lei synshar_, i.e. the goddess of the State, but it is invariably
eaten by the Siem and the members of the durbar. The Siem then calls
out "_kumta mo khynraw_" (is it not so, young people?) The members of
the durbar then reply, "_haoid kumta khein khynraw_" (yes, it is so,
young ones). Sentences of fine are more often resorted to than other
punishments nowadays, probably because very few of the Siems possess
jails for the reception of criminals. The condemned one in a criminal
case frequently serves his time by working for the Siem as a menial
servant. The above description, which is based on the account given
by the Rev. W. Lewis, with some modifications, may be taken as the
usual form of procedure of the Khasi durbar.

Under the heading of decision of disputes we may perhaps give a short
description of some of the punishments which were inflicted by the
Siems and their durbars in criminal cases in ancient times. Murder
was punishable by beating the culprit to death with clubs (_ki tangon
ki lymban_). The killing, however, of a _nong shoh noh_, i.e. a man
who seeks for human victims to sacrifice to the monster, _u thlen_,
is not considered murder, even now by the Khasis, and the slayer of
the _nong shoh noh_ only has to inform the Siem and deposit Rs. 5,
and one pig in the Siem's court. The slaying of a robber also is
dealt with in like manner.

The punishment of adultery was imprisonment for life (_ka sah dain
mur_), or a fine of Rs. 1,100, and one pig (_ka khadwei spah wei
doh_). Whether such a heavy fine was ever paid is perhaps doubtful,
and probably some other form of punishment was substituted for it. A
husband finding his wife and a man in _flagrante delicto_ could,
as under the law of the ancients, kill both adulterer and adulteress
without punishment for murder. He was, however, bound to deposit Rs. 5,
and the conventional pig in the Siem's durbar. The punishment for rape
(_kaba khniot tynga_) was imprisonment for life in the case of the
woman being married, and a heavy fine and one pig if the woman was a
spinster. Arson was punishable with imprisonment for life, or a heavy
fine. The punishment for causing people to be possessed by devils
(_ka ba ai-ksuid briew_) was exile (_pyrangkang par_); but if a person
so possessed died, the sorcerer was hurled down a precipice (_pynnoh
khongpong_). The punishment for robbery and theft was the stocks (_ka
pyndait diengsong_), the imposition of fetters, or a punishment known
as _kaba s'ang sohmynken_, by which the culprit was compelled to sit
on a bamboo platform under which chillies were burnt. The result of
such torture can be better imagined than described. Incest, or _sang_,
which amongst the Khasis means cohabiting with a member of a man's or
woman's own clan, was punishable with exile or a fine of Rs. 550/-
and one pig. It is believed by the Khasis that the evils resultant
from incestuous connection are very great; the following are some of
them: being struck by lightning, being killed by a tiger, dying in
childbirth, &c.


Decision of Cases by Ordeal.


Water Ordeal.

In ancient times the Khasis used to decide certain cases by means
of water ordeal (_ka ngam um_). Yule, writing in 1844, mentions a
water ordeal, and one of my Khasi friends remembers to have seen one
during his boyhood. There were two kinds of such ordeals. The first,
called _ka ngam ksih_, was as follows:--The two disputants in a case
would each of them fix a spear under water in some deep pool. They
would then dive and catch hold of the spear. The man who remained
longest under water without returning to the surface was adjudged
by the Siem and durbar to have won the case. Colonel Maxwell, late
Superintendent of the Manipur State, witnessed a similar ordeal in
the Manipur State in the year 1903, when two Manipuris dived to the
bottom of a river and held on to stones, the result being that one man,
who remained under water in the most determined way, was very nearly
drowned. Amongst the Khasis sometimes the supporters of the contending
parties used to compel the divers to remain under water by holding
them down with their spears. Another form of trial was to place two
pots, each of them containing a piece of gold and a piece of silver
wrapped up in cloths, in shallow water. The two contending parties
were then directed to plunge their hands into the water and take up,
each of them, one of the packets. The party who brought up a piece
of gold was adjudged the victor. If both parties brought up either
gold or silver, then the case was amicably settled by the Durbar,
and if it was a land case, the land was equally divided between the
parties. No instances of trial of cases by such ordeals have come
to notice of late years. Yule, referring to water ordeals, says:
"I have been told that it was lawful to use the services of practised
attorneys in this mode of trial; so that long-winded lawyers have as
decided a preference in these regions as they have elsewhere."


Ordeal by U Klong, or by U Klong U Khnam, in the Wár Country.

Of all the ordeals these are the most dreaded by the Khasis. They
believe that if a person swears falsely by _u klong_ or _u klong u
khnam_, he will die or, if he represents his family (i.e. wife and
children) or his clan (_kur_), that his family and his clan will die
out. Siems, Wahadadars, Lyngdohs, &c., do not order litigants, or even
propose to them, to have their cases decided by this ordeal, fearing
to incur blame for choosing it, owing to possible evil consequence
thereafter to the parties. One of the parties must propose and the
other must accept the ordeal, of their own accord and in open Court
or Durbar. A gourd (_u klong_) containing fermented rice (_ka sohpoh_)
is provided, and a feathered arrow with a barbed iron head is planted
in the fermented rice. The following is the procedure:--

The person who wishes to take the oath brings a gourd of fermented
rice, or a gourd with an arrow stuck in it, as the case may be,
and makes it over to the judge, or a deputy appointed by such judge
for this duty. The latter, before returning it to him, invokes the
goddess as follows:--

"Come down, and bear witness, thou goddess who reignest above
and below, who createst man, who placest him (on earth), who
judgest the right and the wrong, who givest him being and stature,
(i.e.) life. Thou goddess of the State, thou goddess of the place,
who preservest the village, who preservest the State, come down and
judge. If this man's cause be unrighteous, then shall he lose his
stature (being), he shall lose his age (life), he shall lose his clan,
he shall lose his wife and children; only the posts of his house shall
remain, only the walls of his house shall remain, only the small posts
and the stones of the fireplace shall remain; he shall be afflicted
with colic, he shall be racked with excruciating pains, he shall fall
on the piercing arrow, he shall fall on the lacerating arrow, his
dead body shall be carried off by kites, it shall be carried off by
the crows, his family and his clan shall not find it; he shall become
a dog, he shall become a cat, he shall creep in dung, he shall creep
in urine, and he shall receive punishment at thy hands, oh, goddess,
and at the hands of man. If, on the other hand, his cause be righteous
(lit. _lada u kren hok_) he shall be well, he shall be prosperous,
he shall live long, he shall live to be an elder, he shall rise to be
a defender and preserver of his clan, he shall be a master of tens
and a master of hundreds (immensely rich), and all the world shall
see it. Hear, oh, goddess, thou who judgest." (The whole of this
invocation is uttered while a libation is poured out from _u klong_.)

_U klong_ is next invoked as follows:--

"Thou, _u klong_, with whose assistance--according to our religion
and our custom, a man when he is born into the world is named--hear
and judge. If he speaks falsely (his cause be false), his name shall
be cut off (by thee) and he shall surely die."

The fermented rice is then invoked as follows:--

"Thou yeast, thou charcoal, thou rice of the plough, thou rice of
the yoke, thou, too, hear and judge. If he speaks falsely, eat off
his tongue, eat away his mouth."

The arrow is lastly invoked as follows:--

"Thou piercing and lacerating arrow, as thou hast been ordained by the
goddess, who creates man, who appoints man to occupy a pre-eminent
place in war and in controversy, do thou hear and judge. If he
(i.e. the man taking the oath) speaks falsely, let him fall upon thee,
let him be cut and be torn, and let him be afflicted with shooting and
pricking pains." The man then takes _u klong_ or, _u klong u khnam_,
and holds it on his head, and while in that posture utters the same
invocation. _U klong_ is then made over to the judge (the Siem or
the Sirdar as the case may be, &c.).

The person who undergoes the above ordeal wins the case, the production
of evidence being unnecessary.


War.

Although the Khasis, unlike the Nagas, the Garos, the wild Was of
Burma, the Dayaks of Borneo, and other head-hunting tribes, cannot be
said to have indulged in head-hunting in ancient times, as far as we
know, merely for the sake of collecting heads as trophies, there seems
to be some reference to a custom of head-hunting in a description of
the worship of the god _u Syngkai Bámon_, one of the principal gods of
war amongst the Khasis. This god is described in one of the folk tales
(I have obtained it through the kindness of Dr. Roberts, the Welsh
missionary at Cherrapunji) as being the deity who gives the heads of
the enemy to the successful warriors. To this god, as well as to _Ka
Rám Shandi_, they offer a cock. Before sacrifice the warriors dance
round an altar, upon which are placed a plume of cock's feathers (_u
thuia_), a sword, a shield, a bow, an arrow, a quiver, _pán_ leaves,
and flowers. After the cock has been sacrificed, they fix its head on
the point of a sword and shout three times. The fixing of the cock's
head on the point of a sword is said to have been symbolical of the
fixing of the human head of an enemy killed in battle, on the top
of the _soh-lang_ tree. Mr. Shadwell, of Cherrapunji, whose memory
carries him back to the time when the British first occupied the Khasi
Hills, has a recollection of a Khasi dance at Cherra, round an altar,
upon which the heads of some _Dykhars_, or plains people, killed in a
frontier raid had been placed. The Khasis used to sacrifice to a number
of other gods also for success in battle. An interesting feature of
the ancient combats between the people of different Siemships was
the challenge. When the respective armies had arrived at a little
distance from one another, they used to stop to hear each other shout
the _'tien-Blei_, or challenge, to the other side. This custom was
called _pyrta 'tien-Blei_, or shouting out the challenge. From the
records available of the military operations of the Khasis against
the British, the former appear to have relied principally on bows
and arrows, ambushes and surprises, when they fought against us at
the time of our first occupation of the hills. During the Jaintia
rebellion firearms were used, to some extent, by the Syntengs. The
military records do not, however, disclose any peculiar battle customs
as having been prevalent amongst those hill people then. Both Khasis
and Syntengs seem to have fought much in the same manner as other
savage hill-men have fought against a foe armed with superior weapons.


Human Sacrifices.


The Thlen Superstition.

There is a superstition among the Khasis concerning _U thlen_,
a gigantic snake which requires to be appeased by the sacrifice
of human victims, and for whose sake murders have even in fairly
recent times been committed. The following account, the substance
of which appeared in the _Assam Gazette_, in August, 1882, but to
which considerable additions have been made, will illustrate this
interesting superstition:--"The tradition is that there was once
in a cave near Cherrapunji, [25] a gigantic snake, or _thlen_, who
committed great havoc among men and animals. At last, one man, bolder
than his fellows, took with him a herd of goats, and set himself down
by the cave, and offered them one by one to the _thlen_. By degrees
the monster became friendly, and learnt to open his mouth at a word
from the man, to receive the lump of flesh which was then thrown
in. When confidence was thoroughly established, the man, acting under
the advice of a god called _U Suid-noh_, [26] (who has as his abode
a grove near Sohrarim), having heated a lump of iron red hot in a
furnace, induced the snake, at the usual signal, to open his mouth,
and then threw in the red-hot lump, and so killed him. He proceeded
to cut up the body, and sent pieces in every direction, with orders
that the people were to eat them. Wherever the order was obeyed, the
country became free of the _thlen_, but one small piece remained which
no one would eat, and from this sprang a multitude of _thlens_, which
infest the residents of Cherra and its neighbourhood. When a _thlen_
takes up its abode in a family there is no means of getting rid of it,
though it occasionally leaves of its own accord, and often follows
family property that is given away or sold. The _thlen_ attaches
itself to property, and brings prosperity and wealth to the owners,
but on the condition that it is supplied with blood. Its craving
comes on at uncertain intervals, and manifests itself by sickness,
by misadventure, or by increasing poverty befalling the family that
owns the property. It can only be appeased by the murder of a human
being." The murderer cuts off the tips of the hair of the victim
with silver scissors, also the finger nails, and extracts from the
nostril a little blood caught in a bamboo tube, and offers these to
the _thlen_. The murderer, who is called _u nongshohnoh_, literally,
"the beater," before he sets out on his unholy mission, drinks a
special kind of liquor called, _ka 'iad tang-shi-snem_. (literally,
liquor which has been kept for a year). This liquor, it is thought,
gives the murderer courage, and the power of selecting suitable victims
for the _thlen_. The _nongshohnoh_ then sets out armed with a short
club, with which to slay the victim, hence his name _nongshohnoh_,
i.e. one who beats; for it is forbidden to kill a victim on these
occasions with any weapon made of iron, inasmuch as iron was the
metal which proved fatal to the _thlen_. He also takes the pair of
silver scissors above mentioned, a silver lancet to pierce the inside
of the nostrils of the deceased, and a small bamboo or cylinder to
receive the blood drawn therefrom. The _nongshohnoh_ also provides
himself with rice called "_u 'khaw tyndep_," i.e. rice mixed with
turmeric after certain incantations have taken place. The murderer
throws a little of this rice over his intended victim, the effect of
which is to stupefy the latter, who then falls an easy prey to the
_nongshohnoh_. It is not, however, always possible to kill the victim
outright for various reasons, and then the _nongshohnoh_ resorts to the
following subterfuge:--He cuts off a little of the hair, or the hem
of the garment, of a victim, and offers these up to the _thlen_. The
effect of cutting off the hair or the hem of the garment of a person
by a _nongshohnoh_, to offer up to the _thlen_, is disastrous to the
unfortunate victim, who soon falls ill, and gradually wastes away and
dies. The _nongshohnoh_ also sometimes contents himself with merely
throwing stones at the victim, or with knocking at the door of his
house at night, and then returns home, and, after invoking the _thlen_,
informs the master that he has tried his best to secure him a prey,
but has been unsuccessful. This is thought to appease the _thlen_
for a time, but the demon does not remain inactive long, and soon
manifests his displeasure for the failure of his keeper to supply
him with human blood, by causing one of the latter's family to fall
sick. The _thlen_ has the power of reducing himself to the size of
a thread, which renders it convenient for the _nong-ri thlen_, or
_thlen_ keeper, to place him for safety in an earthen pot, or in a
basket which is kept in some secure place in the house. When the time
for making an offering to the _thlen_ comes, an hour is selected,
generally at dead of night, costly cloths are spread on the floor
of the house of the _thlen_ keeper, all the doors are opened, and a
brass plate is laid on the ground in which is deposited the blood,
or the hair, or a piece of the cloth of the victim. All the family
then gathers round, and an elderly member commences to beat a small
drum, and invokes the _thlen_, saying, "_ko kni ko kpa_ (oh, maternal
uncle, father), come out, here is some food for you; we have done
everything we could to satisfy you, and now we have been successful;
give us thy blessing, that we may attain health and prosperity." The
_thlen_ then crawls out from its hiding-place and commences to expand,
and when it has attained its full serpent shape, it comes near the
plate and remains expectant. The spirit of the victim then appears,
and stands on the plate, laughing. The _thlen_ begins to swallow the
figure, commencing at its feet, the victim laughing the while. By
degrees the whole figure is disposed of by the boa constrictor. If
the spirit be that of a person from whom the hair, or a piece of his
or her cloth, has been cut, directly the _thlen_ has swallowed the
spirit, the person expires. Many families in these hills are known,
or suspected, to be keepers of a _thlen_, and are dreaded or avoided
in consequence. This superstition is deep-rooted amongst these people,
and even nowadays, in places like Shillong or Cherrapunji, Khasis
are afraid to walk alone after dark, for fear of being attacked by
a _nongshohnoh_. In order to drive away the _thlen_ from a house
or family all the money, ornaments, and property of that house or
family must be thrown away, as is the case with persons possessed
by the demon _Ka Taroh_, in the Jaintia Hills. None dare touch any
of the property, for fear that the _thlen_ should follow it. It is
believed that a _thlen_ can never enter the Siem's or chief's clan,
or the Siem's house; it follows, therefore, that the property of the
_thlen_ keeper can be appropriated by the Siem. A Mohammedan servant,
not long ago in Shillong, fell a victim to the charms of a Khasi girl,
and went to live with her. He told the following story to one of his
fellow-servants, which may be set down here to show that the _thlen_
superstition is by no means dying out. In the course of his married
life he came to know that the mother of his Khasi wife kept in the
house what he called a _bhut_ (devil). He asked his wife many, many
times to allow him to see the _bhut_, but she was obdurate; however,
after a long time, and after extracting many promises from him not
to tell, she confided to him the secret, and took him to the corner
of the house, and showed him a little box in which was coiled a tiny
snake, like the hair spring of a watch. She passed her hands over it,
and it grew in size, till at last it became a huge cobra, with hood
erected. The husband, terrified, begged his wife to lay the spirit. She
passed her hands down its body, and it gradually shrank within its box.

It may be stated that the greater number of the Khasis, especially in
certain Siemships, viz. Cherra, Nongkrem, and Mylliem, still regard
the _thlen_, and the persons who are thought to keep _thlens_, with the
very greatest awe, and that they will not utter even the names of the
latter for fear some ill may befall them. The superstition is probably
of very ancient origin, and it is possible that the Khasi sacrifices
to the _thlen_ demon may be connected with the primæval serpent-worship
which characterized the Cambodians, which Forbes says was "undoubtedly
the earliest religion of the Mons." But it must be remembered that
snake-worship is of very ancient origin, not only in Further India,
but also in the nearer peninsula, where the serpent race or Nagas,
who may have given their name to the town of Nagpur, were long held
in superstitious reverence. Mr. Gait, in the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, vol. i. of 1898, gives some account of the human
sacrifices of the Jaintias or Syntengs. He writes as follows:--

"It appears that human sacrifices were offered annually on the _Sandhi_
day in the month of Ashwin (Sukla paksha) at the sacred _pitha_, in
the Faljur pargana. They were also occasionally offered at the shrine
of Jainteswari, at Nijpat, i.e. at Jaintiapur, the capital of the
country. As stated in the _Haft Iqlim_ to have been the case in Koch
Behar, so also in Jaintia, persons frequently voluntarily came forward
as victims. This they generally did by appearing before the Raja on
the last day of Shravan, and declaring that the goddess had called
them. After due inquiry, if the would-be victim, or _Bhoge khaora_,
were deemed suitable, it was customary for the Raja to present him
with a golden anklet, and to give him permission to live as he chose,
and to do whatever be pleased, compensation for any damage done by
him being paid from the royal treasury. But this enjoyment of these
privileges was very short. On the Navami day of the Durga Puja, the
_Bhoge khaora_, after bathing and purifying himself, was dressed in
new attire, daubed with red sandal-wood and vermilion, and bedecked
with garlands. Thus arrayed, the victim sat on a raised dais in front
of the goddess, and spent some time in meditation (_japa_), and in
uttering mantras. Having done this, he made a sign with his finger,
and the executioner, after uttering the usual sacrificial mantras,
cut off his head, which was placed before the goddess on a golden
plate. The lungs were cooked and eaten by such _Kandra Yogis_ as
were present, and it is said that the royal family partook of a small
quantity of rice cooked in the blood of the victim. The ceremony was
usually witnessed by large crowds of spectators from all parts of
the Jaintia pardganas.

"Sometimes the supply of voluntary victims fell short, or victims
were needed for some special sacrifice promised in the event of some
desired occurrence, such as the birth of a son, coming to pass. On
such occasions, emissaries were sent to kidnap strangers from outside
the Jaintia Raj, and it was this practice that eventually led to the
annexation of the country by the British. In 1821, an attempt was made
to kidnap a native of Sylhet proper, and while the agents employed
were punished, the Raja was warned not to allow such an atrocity to
occur again. Eleven years later, however, four British subjects were
kidnapped in the Nowgong district, and taken to Jaintia. Three of
them were actually sacrificed, but the fourth escaped, and reported
the matter to the authorities. The Raja of Jaintia was called on to
deliver up the culprits, but he failed to do so, and his dominions
were in consequence annexed in 1835."

There seems to be an idea generally prevalent that the Raja of Jaintia,
owing to his conversion to Hinduism, and especially owing to his
having become a devotee of the goddess Kali, took to sacrificing human
victims; but I find that human victims were formerly sacrificed by
the Jaintias to the Kopili River, which the Jaintias worshipped as a
goddess. Two persons were sacrificed every year to the Kopili in the
months _U' naiwing_ and _U' nai prah_ (November and December). They
were first taken to the _hat_ Mawahai or Shang-pung market, where
they were allowed to take any eatables they wished. Then they were
conducted to Sumer, and thence to Ka Ieu Ksih, where a stone on the
bank of a small river which falls into the Kopili is pointed out as
having been the place where the victims were sacrificed to the Kopili
river goddess. Others say that the sacrificial stone was situated on
the bank of the Kopili River itself. A special clan in the Raliang
doloiship used to carry out the executions. It seems probable that
the practice of sacrificing human victims in Jaintia was of long
standing, and was originally unconnected with Hinduism, although
when the Royal family became converts to Hinduism, the goddess Kali
may easily have taken the place of the Kopili River goddess. Many of
the Syntengs regard the River Kopili to this day with superstitions
reverence. Some of these people will not cross the river at all,
others can do so after having performed a sacrifice with goats and
fowls. Any traveller who wishes to cross the river must leave behind
him the rice which he has taken for the journey, and any other food
supplies he may have brought with him. This superstition often results
in serious inconvenience to travellers between the Jaintia Hills and
North Cachar, unless they have arranged for another batch of coolies
to meet them on the Cachar side of the River Kopili, for the Synteng
coolies throw down their loads at the river side, and nothing will
induce them to cross the river. The Kopili is propitiated by pujas
in many parts of the Jaintia Hills, and at Nartiang a tank where
sacrifices are regularly performed is called Ka Umkoi Kopili.




CHAPTER IV

Religion


General Character of Popular Beliefs.

The Khasis have a vague belief in a God the Creator, _U Blei
Nong-thaw_, although this deity, owing, no doubt, to the influences of
the matriarchate, is frequently given the attribute of the feminine
gender, cf., _Ka lei Synshar_. The Khasis cannot, however, be said
to worship the Supreme God, although it is true that they sometimes
invoke him when sacrificing and in times of trouble. The religion of
the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather,
the propitiation of spirits both good and evil on certain occasions,
principally in times of trouble. The propitiation of these spirits
is carried out either by priests (_lyngdohs_), or by old men well
versed in the arts of necromancy, and as the _lyngdoh_ or wise man
deals with good as well as evil spirits, and, as often as not, with
the good spirits of ancestors, the propitiation of these spirits
may be said to partake of the nature of Shamanism. A very prominent
feature of the Khasi beliefs is the propitiation of ancestors; but
this will be described separately. There is a vague belief amongst
the Khasi of a future state. It is believed that the spirits of the
dead, whose funeral ceremonies have been duly performed, go to the
house or garden of God, where there are groves of betel-nut trees;
hence the expression for the departed, _uba bam kwai ha iing u blei_
(he who is eating betel-nut in God's house), the idea of supreme
happiness to the Khasi being to eat betel-nut uninterruptedly. The
spirits of those whose funeral ceremonies have not been duly performed
are believed to take the forms of animals, birds, or insects, and to
roam on this earth; but this idea of transmigration of souls has been
probably borrowed from the Hindus. Bivar writes that although the
ideas of a Godhead are not clearly grasped, yet a supreme creator
is acknowledged, and that the following is the tradition relating
to the creation of man. "God in the beginning having created man,
placed him on the earth, but on returning to look at him, found he
had been destroyed by the evil spirit. This happened a second time,
whereupon the Deity created first a dog, then a man; and the dog,
who kept watch, prevented the devil from destroying the man, and the
work of the Deity was thus preserved." The Khasis, apparently, do not
believe in punishment after death, at least there is no idea of hell,
although the spirits of those who have died under the ban of _sang_
remain uneasy, being obliged to wander about the earth in different
forms, as noted above. The spirits worshipped by the Khasis are many in
number; those of the Syntengs being specially numerous. The particular
spirit to be propitiated is ascertained; by egg-breaking. The offering
acceptable to the spirit is similarly ascertained and is then made. If
the particular sacrifice does not produce the result desired, a fowl
is sacrificed; the entrails being then examined, an augury is drawn,
and the sacrifice begins afresh. As the process of egg-breaking is
believed to be peculiar [27] to the Khasis amongst the Assam hill
tribes, a separate description of it is given in the Appendix. It
should be remarked that the Khasis never symbolise their gods by
means of images, their worship being offered to the spirit only. The
following are some of the principal spirits worshipped by the Khasis
and Syntengs, omitting the spirits of deceased ancestors such as _Ka
Iawobi, u Thawlang_ and _u Suidnia_, which will be described under
the heading of ancestor-worship.

_U'lei muluk_--the god of the State, who is propitiated yearly by
the sacrifice of a goat and a cock.

_U'lei umtong_--the god of water, used for drinking and cooking
purposes. This god is similarly propitiated once a year so that the
water supply may remain pure.

_U lei longspah_--the god of wealth. This god is propitiated with a
view to obtaining increased prosperity.

_U Ryngkew_, or _u Basa shnong_, is the tutelary deity of the
village. This godling is propitiated by sacrifices whenever they are
thought to
be necessary.

_U Phan u kyrpad_ is a similar godling to the above.

Then follows a list of minor deities, or, rather, evil spirits,
e.g. _Ka Rih_, the malarial fever devil; _ka Khlam_, the demon
of cholera; _ka Duba_, the fever devil which is said to haunt the
neighbourhood of Theriaghat.

Bivar says "the Khasi religion may be thus briefly defined as forms
used to cure diseases and to avert misfortunes, by ascertaining
the name of the demon, as the author of the evil, and the kind of
sacrifice necessary to appease it." We may accept this description
as substantially correct. In the Jaintia Hills there is a peculiar
superstition regarding a she devil, called "_ka Taroh_" which is
supposed to cause delirium in cases of fever. When such cases occur,
it is believed that "_ka Taroh_" has caused them, and inquiries are
made by means of breaking eggs to find out in whose person the demon
has obtained a lodgment; or sometimes the sick person is asked to
reveal this. When in either of these ways the name of the person
possessed by "_ka Taroh_" is known, the sick person is taken to the
house of the possessed, and ashes and bits of broken pots are cast into
the enclosure, after which, if the sick person recovers, the party
indicated is denounced as possessed by the demon; but if the patient
dies, it is concluded that the person possessed has not been properly
ascertained. If people are satisfied that some one is really possessed,
they denounce the person, who is then out-casted. The only way for him
to regain his position is to exorcise the demon by divesting himself
of all his property. He pulls down his house, burns the materials,
his clothes, and all his other worldly goods. Lands, flocks, and
herds are sold, the money realized by the sale being thrown away. No
one dares touch this money, for fear he should become possessed by
_ka Taroh_, it will be observed that, as in the case of the _thlen_,
the demon is believed to follow the property.

Mr. Jenkins, in his interesting little work on "Life and Work in
Khasia," gives a slightly different account of the superstition,
in that he states that it is the sick person who is possessed by _ka
Taroh_. The above belief is perhaps a Synteng development of the Khasi
_thlen_ superstition. In the Jaintia Hills "the small-pox" is believed
to be a goddess, and is reverenced accordingly. Syntengs regard it as
an honour to have had small-pox, calling the marks left by the disease
the "kiss of the goddess"; the more violent the attack and the deeper
the marks, the more highly honoured is the person affected. Mr. Jenkins
says, "When the goddess has entered a house, and smitten any person or
persons with this disease, a trough of clean water is placed outside
the door, in order that every one before entering may wash their feet
therein, the house being considered sacred." Mr. Rita mentions cases
of women washing their hair in water used by a small-pox patient, in
order that they may contract the disease, and women have been known
actually to bring their little children into the house of a small-pox
patient, in order that they may become infested and thus receive the
kiss of the goddess. It is possible that the Syntengs, who were for
some time under Hindu influences; may in their ignorance have adopted
this degraded form of worship of the Hindu goddess, "Sitala Devi,"
who is adored as a divine mother under different names by Hindus all
over India, cf., her name _mari-amman_, or mother of death, in the
South of India, and the name Ai, mother, of the Assamese.

In the Khasi Hills the god of small-pox is known under the name of
_u Siem ñiang thylliew_. He is not, however, appeased in any way,
the people calling on two other spirits, _Thynrei_ and _Sapa_,
to whom a fowl or a goat is offered. This section cannot be closed
without some reference to the household gods of the Syntengs. The
legend is that in ancient times there came a woman "from the end of
heaven to the borders of the country of _u Truh_" (the country of the
plains people at a distance from the foot of the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills). The name of the woman was Ka Taben, and she was accompanied
by her children. She offered herself to _u Dkhar_, the plains man,
as a household goddess, but he rejected her. She then went to the
Khasis; who were ploughing their fields, and offered to help them
with their cultivation. The Khasis also refused her, saying they
were capable of managing their own cultivation, and at the same time
told her to go to the country of the Bhois and Syntengs, i.e. the
Jaintia Hills. Acting on this advice, she went to the village of
Nongphyllud in the Jaintia Hills, where the people again turned a
deaf ear to her. She proceeded to Mulagula village in Jaintia, at
the foot of the Jaintia Hills, and ascended from thence to Rymbai,
where she met a man who conducted her to the house of the Siem, who
consented that she and her children should live with him. Ka Taben then
apportioned to her children various duties in the house of the Siem
as follows:--Ka Rasong was to look after the young unmarried folk,
and was to supervise their daily labour and to prosper their trading
operations at the markets. Next Ka Rasong was given a place at the foot
of the king post, _trai rishot_, and her duty was to befriend young
men in battle. Then came _Ka Longkhuinruid_, alias _ka Thab-bulong_,
who said, "There are no more rooms in the house for my occupation,
so I will go and live in the forest, and him who turns not his coat
when I meet him I will make mad." Finally came _U Lamsymphud_, who
elected to live with his youngest sister inside the house.

There are special sacrifices offered to these household deities. The
leaves of the _sning_, or Khasi oak, are wrapped round the post of the
house, and, a fowl is sacrificed and other formalities are observed
which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The legend of the
arrival of Ka Taben with her children in the Synteng country from
a distant clime is interesting in that it perhaps indicates the
possibility of the migration of these people, i.e. the Syntengs,
in ancient times from some distant place to their present abode.


Ancestor-worship.

The Khasis not only revere the memories of deceased ancestors, but they
adore them by means of offerings, which are sometimes periodical, and
sometimes made when thought necessary, as in times of trouble. These
offerings take the shape of articles of food which are theoretically
partaken of by the shades of the deceased ancestors, the idea of
making such offerings being very similar to that of the Hindus when
they offer the "_pinda_," or cake, to nine generations of ancestors,
i.e. to propitiate the shades of the departed, and to obtain their help
thereby. U Hormu Rai Diengdoh writes that, "the real religious demand"
amongst the Khasis is the _ai bam_, or giving of food to the spirits
of deceased ancestors, in order that the latter may aid the living
members of the clan with their help; and bless them. To honour dead
ancestors is the duty of every Khasi, and he who wilfully neglects
this duty it is believed, will neither receive their help, nor be
defended from the influence of the numerous spirits of evil in which
the Khasis believe. Amongst the Syntengs, a few days after depositing
the bones in the ancestral tomb, the ceremony of feeding the spirits
of the dead is performed: At this ceremony there are some families
which give two pigs for each person of the family who is dead, and
there are some who give one. The pigs are taken to the _iing-seng_,
or puja house of the clan. Presumably, pigs are usually offered to
the shades only of those members of the family whose remains have been
recently deposited in the clan cromlech. In the chapter dealing with
memorial stones the reader will notice how many of them are erected
to the memory of deceased ancestors, and how they bear the names of
such ancestors, e.g. _Ka Iawbei_ (the first grandmother), _U Suidnia_,
or _U kni rangbah_ (the first maternal uncle). It was the custom in
former days to make offerings of food upon the flat table-stones to
the spirits of the deceased ancestors, and this is still the case
in places in the interior of the district. This practice, however,
may be said to be largely dying out, it being now commonly the custom
to make the offerings in the house, either annually, or at times when
it is thought necessary to invoke the aid of the departed. Such acts
of devotion may well be said to partake of the nature of worship. As
has been the case in other countries, and amongst other people, it
is possible that the Khasi gods of today are merely the spirits of
glorified deceased ancestors transfigured, as has happened with some
of the gods of the Shinto Pantheon of Japan. It may be interesting to
note that the ancient Shinto cult of Japan possesses some features
in common with the ancestor-worship of the Khasis. Take the funeral
ceremonies. With both people we find the dead laid out in the house,
food placed before the corpse; and the funeral ceremonies taking
place, accompanied by music and dancing. Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, in
an interesting book on Japan, writes "that in ancient times the
Japanese performed ceremonies at regular intervals at the tombs of
deceased members of the family, and food and drink were then served
to the spirits;" this is exactly what the Khasis used to do at their
*cenotaphs. This, apparently, was the practice in Japan before the
"spirit tablet" had been introduced from China, when the worship of
the ancestors was transferred from the tomb to the home. We have
an exactly similar instance of evolution amongst the Khasis of
the present day, i.e. the transfer of the ancestor cult from the
flat table-stones erected in honour of deceased ancestors to the
home. Last, but not least, is the idea common to both people, that no
family or clan can prosper which does not duly perform the worship of
deceased ancestors; this, as Hearn puts it, is "the fundamental idea
underlying every persistent ancestor-worship; i.e. that the welfare of
the living depends upon the welfare of the dead." The "Khasi Mynta,"
in an interesting article, notes some further points of resemblance
between the methods of ancestor-worship adopted by the two people. The
following instances may be quoted. Amongst the Japanese the spirits
of those who fall in battle are said to help their fellow-warriors
who are still fighting. The "Khasi Mynta" quotes a similar belief
as having existed amongst the Khasis in former days. The remains of
Japanese warriors who die in battle are said to be reverently taken to
the warrior's home at the first opportunity. The Khasis do likewise,
the clothing in default of the ashes of Khasi transport coolies, who
were employed on military expeditions on the North-Eastern Frontier,
having been carried home by the survivors to present to the dead men's
relations, who then performed the ceremonies prescribed by custom
for those who have died violent or unnatural deaths. Of all deceased
ancestors the Khasis revere _Ka Iawbei_ the most, the word _Iawbei_
being made up of _'iaw_, short for _kiaw_ (grandmother), and _bei_,
mother. _Ka Iawbei_ is the primeval ancestress of the clan. She is
to the Khasis what the "tribal mother" was to old Celtic and Teutonic
genealogists, and we have an interesting parallel to the reverence of
the Khasis for _Ka Iawbei_ in the Celtic goddess Brigit, the tribal
mother of the Brigantes. Later on, like _Ka Iawbei_, she was canonized,
and became St. Bridget. [28]

The greater number of the flat table-stones we see in front of
the standing monoliths in these hills are erected in honour of _Ka
Iawbei_. In former times, it was the custom to offer food to her on
these stones. In cases of family quarrels, or dissensions amongst the
members of the same clan, which it is desired to bring to a peaceful
settlement, it is customary to perform a sacrifice to the first mother,
"_Ka Iawbei_." They first of all take an augury by breaking eggs,
and if it appears from the broken egg-shells that _Ka Iawbei_ is
offended, they offer to her a cotton cloth, and sacrifice a hen. On
these occasions incantations are muttered, and a small drum, called,
"_Ka 'sing ding dong_," is beaten. It is not unlikely that the Khasi
household deities, _Ka lei iing_ and _Ka ksaw ka jirngam_, to whom
pujas are offered for the welfare of the house, are also _Ka Iawbei_
in disguise. Notwithstanding the strong influence of the matriarchate,
we find that _U Thawlang_, the first father and the husband of _Ka
Iawbei_, is also revered. To him on occasions of domestic trouble
a cock is sacrificed, and a _jymphong_, or sleeveless coat is
offered. This puja is called _kaba tap Thawlang_, i.e. covering
the grandfather. The following incantation to _U Thawlang_ is then
chanted:--"Oh, father Thawlang, who hast enabled me to be born, who
hast given me my stature and my life, I have wronged thee, oh father,
be not offended, for I have given thee a pledge and a sign, i.e. a red
and white sleeveless coat. Do not deliver me into the power of (the
goddess of) illness, I have offered thee the propitiatory cock that
thou mayest carry me in thine arms, and that I may be aware of thee,
my father, Thawlang." We see clearly from the above prayer that the
Khasi idea is that the spirit of the deceased male ancestor is capable
of being in a position to help his descendant in times of trouble. The
same thought underlies the extreme reverence with which _Ka Iawbei_
is regarded. Thus we see a striking point of resemblance between
the Khasi ancestor-worship and the ancient Shinto cult of Japan, as
described by Mr. Lafcadio Hearn. _U Suid-Nia_, or _u Kni Rangbah_, the
first maternal uncle, i.e. the elder brother of _Ka Iawbei_, is also
much revered. It will also be noticed under the heading of memorial
stones that the great central upright monolith of the _máwbynna_,
or memorial stones, is erected in his honour. The influence of the
_kni_, or mother's elder brother, in the Khasi family is very great,
for it is he who is the manager on behalf of the mother, his position
in the Khasi family being very similar to that of the _karta_ in the
Hindu joint family. It is on this account that he is so much revered,
and is honoured with a stone which is larger than the other up-right
memorial stones after death. It will be seen in the article dealing
with "the disposal of the dead," that at Cherra, on the occasion of
the bestowal of the ashes in the cinerarium of the clan, a part of
the attendant ceremonies consists of the preparation of two effigies
called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_, intended to represent _Ka Iawbei_
(the first mother) and U Suid-Nia (the first maternal uncle). The
Wárs of Nongjri have a custom peculiar to themselves. They erect
small thatched houses in their compounds, which they call _iing
ksuid_. When they worship their ancestors they deposit offerings of
food in these houses, the idea being that the ancestors will feed on
the offerings. These Wárs do not erect memorial stones, nor do they
collect the ashes of the clan in a common sepulchre; they deposit
the ashes in circular cineraria, each family, or _iing_, possessing
one. It should further be noted with reference to the Khasi custom of
_ai bam_, or giving food to the spirits of deceased ancestors, that
Dr. Frazer, in his "Golden Bough," has mentioned numerous instances
of firstfruits being offered to the spirits of deceased ancestors
by the tribes inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. (See pages 462-463
of the "Golden Bough.") Some other points of similarity in customs
have already been noticed between the Khasis and certain Malay tribes.



Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities.

In the Khasi Hills, especially on the southern side, there are numerous
rivers, sometimes of considerable size, which find their way to the
Sylhet plains through very deep valleys, the rivers flowing through
narrow channels flanked by beetling cliffs which rise to considerable
altitudes. The scenery in the neighbourhood of these beautiful rivers
is of the most romantic description, and the traveller might imagine
himself in Switzerland were it not for the absence of the snowy
ranges. Of such a description is the scenery on the banks of the
river Kenchiyong, the Jádukátá [29] or Punatit of the plains. It is
in the bed of the river, a few miles below Rilang, that there is the
curiously-arched cavity in the rock which resembles an upturned boat,
which the Khasis call _Ka lieng blei_ (the god's boat), and the plains
people Basbanya's ship. Near to this, on the opposite side of the
river, there is a rock bearing a Persian inscription, but so defaced
by the action of the water as to be impossible to decipher. Like other
inhabitants of mountainous countries, the Khasis reverence the spirits
of fell and fall, and propitiate them with offerings at stated times. A
brief description of the ceremonies which are performed at Rilang,
on the occasion when the annual fishing in the river Punatit takes
place, may be of interest. The three Siems of Nongstoin, Langrin,
and Nobosohpoh each sacrifice a goat to _Ka blei sam um_ (the goddess
of the river) before the boatmen can cast in their nets. In former
times they say the passage up the river was obstructed by the goddess,
who took the form of an immense crocodile; but she was propitiated
by the gift of a goat, and the boatmen were then allowed to pass up
the river in their boats. Hence it became necessary for the owners of
the fishery to sacrifice annually a goat each to the goddess. At the
time of my visit each Siem's party erected an altar in the bed of the
river, in the midst of which a bough of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_)
was planted. The goats were then decapitated, it being considered an
essential that the head should be severed with one blow. As soon as
the head was cut off there was a rush on the part of the sacrificers
to see in which direction the head faced. If the head faced towards
the north or west, it was considered an evil omen; if it faced towards
the south or east, a good omen. The east is a lucky quarter amongst
the Assamese also. The people ended up the proceedings by giving a
long-drawn-out, deep-toned chant, or _kynhoi_. Immediately after the
ceremony was concluded hundreds of boats shot out from the numerous
creeks, where they had been lying, and fished the river all night,
the result being an immense haul, to the delight of the Lynngams,
who were seen next morning roasting the fish whole on bamboo stakes,
after which they consumed them, the entrails being eaten with great
gusto. Such is the worship of the goddess of the Punatit.

Similar pujas take place among the people of Wár-ding (the valley of
fire) before they fish in the Khai-mara river and elsewhere in the
Khasi Hills. In the Jaintia Hills there is the Synteng-worship of the
Kopili river, which used to be accompanied by human sacrifices, as
has been mentioned above, pp. 102-104. The Myntang river, a tributary
of the Kopili, must also be annually appeased by the sacrifice of a
he-goat. Numerous hills also are worshipped, or rather the spirits
which are said to inhabit them. One of the best known hill godlings
is the deity who is thought to inhabit the little wood close to the
summit of the Shillong Peak. This deity is said to have been discovered
by a man named "U Shillong" who gave his name to the Shillong Peak,
and indirectly to our beautiful hill station. The Siems of Mylliem
and Nongkrem reverence _U'lei Shillong_, and there are certain clans
who perform periodical sacrifices to this god. Probably the origin
of the superstitious reverence with which U'lei Shillong is held by
the Siems of Nongkrem and Mylliem is that their fabled ancestress
"Ka Pah Syntiew," of whom an account will be found in the folk-lore
section, took her origin from a rock not far from the Shillong Peak
in the Nongkrem direction.

Rableng Hill, which is within full view of the Shillong Peak in an
easterly direction, is also said to be the abode of a minor god who
is periodically propitiated by the members of the Máwthoh clan of
the Khyrim State with a he-goat and a cock. Apparently no special
puja is performed to U Kyllang (the Kyllang Rock) nowadays.

The picturesque hill of Symper, which rises abruptly from the plain
in the Siemship of Maharam, is visible for many miles. It is in shape
not unlike the Kyllang. Symper is said to be the abode of a god called
"U Symper." There is a folk-tale that Kyllang and Symper fought a great
battle, and that the numerous holes in the rocks at the base of the
Symper hill are evidences of their strife. At the base of Symper there
is a great cave, where many cattle find shelter in rainy weather. The
people of Mawsynram propitiate the god of Symper in cases of sickness
by sacrificing a he-goat or a bull. Symper, like _U'lei Shillong_,
is one of the minor deities of the Khasis.

Close to Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, there is a small hill called
"_u lúm pyddieng blai lyngdoh_," where sacrifices are offered on an
altar at seed time, and when the corn comes into ear. This altar used
to be overshadowed by a large oak tree. The tree is now dead.

The Wárs of Nongjri worship "_u'lei lyngdoh_" the tutelary deity of the
village, under the spreading roots of a large rubber tree which gives
its name to this village Nongjri. This village worhsip is performed
by a village priest (_lyngdoh_) at stated intervals, or whenever it
is considered necessary. There are numerous other instances of hills
and rivers being regarded as the abode of godlings, but those quoted
above are sufficient for purposes of illustration.


Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination.

The Khasis, as has been explained already, worship numerous gods and
goddesses. These gods and goddesses are supposed to exercise good
or evil influence over human beings according to whether they are
propitiated with sacrifice or not. They are even supposed to possess
the power of life and death, over men and women, subject to the control
of _u Blei Nongtháw_, God the Creator. Thus illness, for example, is
thought to be caused by one or more of the spirits on account of some
act or omission and health can only be restored by the due propitiation
of the offended spirits. In order to ascertain which is the offended
spirit, a system of divination by means of cowries, breaking eggs,
or examining the entrails of animals and birds, was instituted. The
Khasi method of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of animals
and birds may be compared with that of the Roman _haruspex_. Some
description of these modes of divination has been given at the end
of this chapter. The Khasi religion has been described by Bivar as
"demon worship, or a jumble of enchantments muttered by priests who
are sorcerers." But even a religion which is thus unflatteringly
described is based on the cardinal doctrines of sin and sacrifice
for sin. Tradition amongst the Khasis states that in the beginning
(_mynnyngkong ka sngi_) there was no sin, heaven and earth were near
each other, and man had direct intercourse with God. How man fell into
sin is not stated, but it is certain that he did fall. Experts at "egg
healing" never forget to repeat the formula "_nga briéw nga la pop_"
(I man have sinned). The cock then appears as a mediator between God
and man. The cook is styled, "_u khún ka blei uba kit ryndang ba shah
ryndang na ka bynta jong nga u briéw_," i.e. the son of god who lays
down his neck (life) for me man. The use of the feminine _ka blei_
is no doubt due to matriarchal influences. There is another prayer in
which the Khasis say, "_ap jutang me u blei ieng rangbah me u briéw_"
(oh god do not forget the covenant arise oh man). The idea is that
man has fallen into sins of omission and commission (_ka pop, ka lain
ka let_) but that God is nevertheless expected to spare him, and to
accept a substitute for him according to the covenant (_jutang_). By
this covenant God is supposed to have accepted in exchange the
cock as a substitute for man. How the cock came to occupy such an
important position, tradition is vague and self-conflicting. The
fact remains that the covenant of the cock is the foundation of the
Khasi religion. It is of interest to mention that amongst the Ahoms
the tradition is that Khunlung and Khunlái brought down from heaven
the _kái-chán-mung_, [30] or pair of heavenly fowls, and that to
this day the sacrifice of the fowl is considered by the Deodhais,
or priest-soothsayers of the Ahoms, a most important feature of the
ancient Ahom ritual. But amongst the Ahoms there is the difference
that auguries are obtained, not from the entrails, but by examining
the legs of the fowls. The Ahoms are Shans belonging to the Tai branch,
another great division of the Indo-Chinese group of the human race.

The covenant of the cock as thus explained shows the importance of this
sacrifice to the Khasis. The large intestine of a fowl has two pea-like
protuberances, one close to the other. One is symbolically called
_u blei_ or god, and the other is styled _u briéw_ or man, they are
connected by a thin membrane. Directly the bird has been disembowelled
the sacrificer throws a few grains of rice on the entrails and then
watches their convulsive movements. If the portion of the entrail
called _u blei_ moves towards that portion which represents man, it
is considered proof positive that the god has heard the prayer of the
sacrificer, but if the movement proceeds in the opposite direction,
then the reverse is the case and the omen is bad. If the entrails are
full and healthy, having no spots (_brai_), or blood marks (_thung_),
and if the membrane between the two protuberances has not been
fractured, these are favourable signs. If the intestines are empty,
wrinkled, or spotted, and the membrane mentioned above is fractured,
these are bad signs. Auguries also are drawn by examining the livers,
the lungs and spleens and gall bladders of pigs, goats and cattle. If
the liver of a pig is healthy and without spot, the augury is good;
if the reverse, it is bad. The spleen must not be unduly distended,
otherwise the omen is unfavourable and the gall bladder must not
be over full. Invocations to deduce omens from the appearance of
the entrails are quoted on page 11 of Col. Bivar's Report. From the
first invocation quoted by him it appears that the method of drawing
the augury from the fowl differs slightly in detail from that which
has been described to me by certain Khasis, but both descriptions
agree in the main, and the slight dissimilarity in detail may be due
to the methods of obtaining auguries varying slightly in different
localities. Divination by breaking eggs and by other means, although
not strictly sacrifice with the Khasis, partakes of the nature of a
religious ceremony. Such divinations are of almost every-day occurrence
in a Khasi house, and always precede sacrifices. The Khasis, moreover,
do nothing of what they consider to be of even the least importance
without breaking eggs. When a Khasi builds a new house, or before
he proceeds on a journey, he always breaks eggs to see whether the
building or the journey will be lucky or not. The description of
egg-breaking given by Shadwell in his account of the Khasis is not
altogether correct. A detailed description of this method of divination
will be found in Appendix C. The description can be depended upon,
as it is the result of my personal observations of egg-breaking on
several occasions. A board of the shape shown in the diagram (Appendix
C) is placed on the ground, the egg-breakers' position being that
indicated in the diagram. After the egg has been smeared with red
earth, it is thrown violently down and the contents and the fragments
of egg-shell fall on the board. Auguries are drawn from the positions
of the fragments of shell on the board, and from the fact of their
lying with the inner sides facing upwards or downwards. Another method
of egg-breaking is for the diviner to wrap up the egg in a plantain
leaf with the point uppermost, or merely to hold the egg in his hand
in this position without wrapping it up, and then to press another
egg down upon it. If the end of the egg so pressed breaks at once,
this is a good sign, but if it remains unbroken, the egg has a god
in it, and the omen is bad.

A common method of divination is by means of the _shanam_, or
lime-case. The diviner holds the lime-case by the end of its chain,
and addresses the god. He then asks the lime-case a question, and if
it swings, this is supposed to be an answer in the affirmative; if
it does not move, this is a negative reply. This seems to be a very
simple trick, for the diviner can impart movement to the lime-case by
means of the hand. A similar way of consulting the oracle is by the
bow, which is held in the hand by the middle of the string. A simple
method of divining is by means of cowries or grains of rice. The
diviner plunges his hand into a bag or basket after asking the god a
question. If the number of cowries or grains of rice comes out odd,
the omen is good; if it comes out even, the reverse is the case. The
Khasi word for consulting the omens is khan, and a diviner is called
a _nongkhan_. Another method of obtaining omens is by dropping two
leaves into a pool of water or on a stone, the position of the leaves
as they fall, either right side uppermost or upside down, signifying
good or evil as the case may be; this is called _khan-sla_.


Priesthood.

The Khasi priest is usually called _Lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_; he is
always appointed from the lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word
_lyngdoh_ is said by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be
_lang_ = together and _doh_ = flesh. A _lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_, is
one who collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh for the purpose of
sacrificing. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is
doubtful, owing to the absence in the word _lyngdoh_ of the prefix
_nong_ which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides _lyngdohs_
there are persons called _soh-blei_ or _soh-sla_, who may also be said
to be priests. The Khasis, unlike the Hindus, have no _purohit_ or
priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of
the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through
the agency of the _kni_, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently
well versed in the details of sacrifices, and in the art of obtaining
auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from
family and clan sacrifices, there are the sacrifices for the good
of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it
is the duty of the _lyngdoh_ to perform. He may be said to be the
priest of the communal religion, although he has certain duties in
connection with offences committed against the social law of marriage,
and with regard to the casting out of evil spirits from houses which
may be thought to be infested with them. The _lyngdohs_ of the Khasis
may be likened to the Roman _pontifices_. In the different Khasi
States there is, as a rule, more than one _lyngdoh_; sometimes there
is quite a number of such priests, as in Nongkrem where there is a
_lyngdoh_ for each _raj_ or division of the state. There are a few
Khasi States where the priest altogether takes the place of the Siem,
and rules the community with the help of his elders in addition to
performing the usual spiritual offices. The duties of _lyngdohs_,
their methods of sacrificing, and the gods to whom they sacrifice,
vary in the different Siemships, but there is one point in which we
find agreement everywhere, i.e. that the _lyngdoh_ must be assisted at
the time of performing sacrifices by a female priestess, called _ka
soh-blei, ka soh-sla_, or simply _ka lyngdoh_. This female collects
all the _puja_ articles and places them ready to the _lyngdoh's_
hand at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when
sacrificing. The female _soh-blei_ is without doubt a survival of the
time when, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for
the performance of all religious ceremonies. Another such survival is
the High Priestess of Nongkrem, who still has many religious duties
to perform; not only so, but she is the actual head of the State in
this Siemship, although she delegates her temporal powers to one of
her sons or nephews, who thus becomes Siem. A similar survival of the
ancient matriarchal religious system is the _Siem sad_, or priestess,
at Mawsynram, who, on the appointment of a new Siem or chief, has
to assist at certain sacrifices. Here we may compare Karl Pearson's
remark, when dealing with matriarchal customs, that "according to the
evidence of Roman historians, not only the seers but the sacrificers
among the early Teutons were women." The duties of the _lyngdohs_,
as regards communal worship, consist chiefly of sacrificing at times
of epidemics of cholera, and such-like visitations of sickness (_jing
iap khlam_). In the Khyrim State there is a goddess of each _raj_,
or division, of the state, to whom sacrifices are offered on such
occasions. To the goddess are sacrificed a goat and hen, powdered rice
(_u kpu_), and a gourd of fermented liquor; the leaves of the _dieng
sning_, or Khasi oak, are also used at this ceremony. The _lyngdoh_
is assisted by a priestess called _ka soh-sla_, who is his mother, or
his sister, or niece, or some other maternal relation. It is the duty
of the priestess to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without
her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place. Sacrifices are also
performed by the _lyngdoh_ to _u Lei Lyngdoh_, alias _u Ryngkew_. This
used to be the tutelary deity in times of war, but in less troublous
times the Khasi _lyngdoh_ sacrifices to him for success in tribal or
State litigation. A pig and a cock, with the usual accessories, are
sacrificed by the _lyngdoh_ to this god. As in the case of sacrifices
to _Ka lei Raj_, the services of a priestess are indispensable.

A _lyngdoh_ is a _lyngdoh_ for life. When a _lyngdoh_ dies and
his successor is appointed, certain rather elaborate ceremonies
are observed in the Nongkrem _raj_ of the Khyrim State. The funeral
ceremonies of the old _lyngdoh_ having been completed, the _lyngdoh_
clan appoints his successor. The latter then, after performing his
ablutions, proceeds, accompanied by the assembled members of the
_lyngdoh_ clan, to the top of the Shillong Peak. The _lyngdoh_ and his
clansmen advance along the road dancing, this dancing being carried
on all the way from the _lyngdoh's_ house to the Shillong Peak. All
are clad in the distinctive Khasi dancing dress. Having reached the
Peak, they pick the leaves of a tree called _ka 'la phiah_, which
they spread on the ground. A goat and a cock are then sacrificed,
the new _lyngdoh_ acting as the sacrificer. There are the usual
accessories, including branches of the Khasi _sning_ or oak. Nine
portions (_dykhot_) are cut from different parts of the victims and
are offered to the god of the Shillong Peak, _U lei Shillong_. The
_lyngdoh_ and his companions then perform obeisance three times
to the god, and the _lyngdoh_ walks backwards some paces. The puja
is then over, and they return dancing to the _lyngdoh's_ house. On
another day the _lyngdoh_ performs a puja to _u lei Lyngdoh_, alias
_u Ramjah_. Undoubtedly the most interesting feature of the ceremonies
on these occasions is the dancing. This dancing is carried out by the
_lyngdoh_ and his companions armed with sword and shield, a fly-flap
made of goat's hair (_symphiah_) being also sometimes held in one hand,
a quiver of arrows being slung on the back, and a plume of black and
white cocks' feathers (_u thuya_) fixed in the turban. The dance is
executed in a regular figure, the dancers advancing and retiring in
an orderly and methodical manner, and finally clashing their swords
together in mock combat. The dance of the present day is not unlikely
the survival of a war dance of ancient times. The _lyngdohs_ say they
dance in honour of _U lei Lyngdoh_, to whom such dances are thought
to be pleasing. The dance of the _lyngdohs_ on these occasions may be
compared with that of the Roman _salii_, who, in the month of March,
performed a war dance in honour of Mars.

The above and other similar sacrifices to the gods of the State
or divisions of the State may be said to be the communal religious
duties of the _lyngdohs_. The duties of _lyngdohs_ with reference to
private persons may now be mentioned. When it is found that any two
people have made an incestuous marriage, that is to say a marriage
within the exogamous group of the _kur_, or clan, the parties at
fault are taken before the _lyngdoh_ by their clansmen, who request
him to sacrifice in order to ward off the injurious effects of the
_sang_, or taboo, of such a connection from the kinsfolk. On this
occasion a pig is sacrificed to _u'lei lyngdoh_ and a goat to _ka
lei long raj_. The parties at fault are then outcasted. As mentioned
in another place, the sin of incest admits of no expiation for the
offenders themselves. In the Khyrim State, it is said by the _lyngdohs_
themselves, although not by the Siem or the myntries, that they are
the reversionary legatees of all the persons who die without leaving
female heirs (_iap duh_). In other Siemships such property passes to
the Siem. The _lyngdoh_ of Nongkrem can also take possession of the
property of persons who have been found to harbour an evil spirit
(_jingbih_) in their houses. It appears that in such cases the house
and furniture are burnt, as in the case of the _Taroh_ superstition
in the Jaintia Hills, the _lyngdoh_, however, taking possession of
jewellery or anything else of value. The only practical service the
_lyngdoh_ renders in return is to build the afflicted person a new
house; unless, indeed, we take into account the casting forth of the
devil by the _lyngdoh_. Mr. Jenkins, of Shangpung, in the Jaintia
Hills, writes: "Such is the belief of the people in the evil spirits,
that they are completely under the influence of the priests and spend
large sums of money in order to secure their favour. They live in
constant dread lest by the least transgression or omission they should
offend these avaricious men and so bring upon themselves the wrath
of the demons." The influence of the _lyngdohs_ over the people in
the Jaintia Hills seems to be stronger than in the Khasi Hills. For
instance, it came to my notice in Raliang that crops cannot be cut
until the _lyngdoh_ has seem them, in other words, until the _lyngdoh_
has claimed and obtained his share of the produce. In many places,
however, in the Khasi Hills the _lyngdoh_ is much discredited, owing,
no doubt, to the advance of Christianity and education.


Ceremonies and Customs Attending Birth and Naming of Children.

The Khasi birth ceremonies and customs are as follows:--When a child
is born the umbilical cord is cut by a sharp splinter of bamboo;
no knife can be used on this occasion. The Mundas of Chota Nagpur
similarly taboo a metal instrument for this purpose. The child is then
bathed in hot water from a red earthen pot. The placenta is carefully
preserved in an earthen vessel in the house till after the naming
ceremony has taken place. When the umbilical cord, after being tied,
falls off, a puja is performed with eggs to certain water deities
(_ka blei sam-um_ and _ka niangriang_), [31] also to a forest spirit
(_u'suid bri_ or _u'suid khláw_). The naming ceremony of the child
is performed the next morning after the birth. Certain females are
invited to come and pound rice in a mortar into flour. The flour when
ready is placed on a bamboo winnower (_u prah_). Fermented rice is
mixed with water and is placed in a gourd. Some powdered turmeric
is also provided, and is kept ready in a plantain leaf, also five
pieces of _'kha piah_, or dried fish. The earthen pot containing the
placenta is then placed in the _nongpei_, or centre room of the house,
If the child is a male, they place near him a bow and three arrows
(the implements of a Khasi warrior); if a female, a _da_ and _u star_,
or cane head-strap for carrying burdens. An elderly man, who knows how
to perform the naming puja, which is called by the Khasis "_kaba jer
khun_," places a plantain-leaf on the floor and sprinkles some water
on it. He takes the gourd in his hand and calls a god to witness. The
people assembled then mention a number of names for the child, and
ask the man who is performing the puja to repeat them. This he does,
and at the same time pours a little liquor from the gourd on to the
ground. As he goes on pouring, the liquor by degrees becomes exhausted,
and finally only a few drops remain. The name at the repeating of
which the hot drop of liquor remains adhering to the spout of the
gourd is the name selected for the child. Then the puja performer
invokes the god to grant good luck to the child. The father takes the
pot containing the placenta, after having previously placed rice flour
and fermented rice therein, and waves it three times over the child,
and then walks out with it through the main entrance of the house and
hangs up the pot to a tree outside the village. When he returns from
this duty, before he re-enters the house, another throws water over
the father's feet. The father, being thus cleansed, enters, and holds
the rice flour to his mouth three times. Two people then, holding the
dried fish by their two ends, break them in two. The powdered turmeric
mixed with rice flour and water is applied to the right foot of the
father, the mother and the child receiving the same treatment. The
friends and relations are then anointed, the turmeric being applied,
however, to their left feet. The bow, arrows, _da_, and _u star_ are
carefully placed inside the inner surface of the thatch on the roof,
and the ceremony is over. Rice flour is then distributed to all who
are present, and the male adults are given liquor to drink. After
two or three months the ears of the child are bored and ear-rings are
inserted. These ear-rings are called, _ki shashkor iawbei_ (i.e. the
ear-rings of the great-grandmother). Mr. Jenkins mentions that the
naming ceremony amongst the Syntengs is performed by the "eldest aunt,"
presumably on the mother's side. A basket of eggs is placed in the
centre of the room, and before the ceremony begins one egg has to
be broken. Then the aunt of the child takes two sticks, and, raising
them to her shoulder, lets them fall to the ground. Before they fall
she shouts, "What name do you give the child?" The name is mentioned,
and if, on falling upon the ground, one stick crosses the other, it
is a proof that the name has won the approval of the spirit. If the
sticks do not fall in this position, another egg is broken and another
name is chosen, and the sticks are dropped as before until they fall
in the required position, when it is understood by the performers
that the name is a good one. Mr. Jenkins was informed by a young man
"who had renounced heathenism" that some of the more cunning women
cross the sticks before lifting them, and that when they do this they
invariably fall crossed to the ground. "They thus save their eggs, save
time and trouble, get the name they desire for the child. . . ." It
is noteworthy that the Khasis consider it necessary to preserve the
placenta until the ceremony of naming the child is over, and that
the pot containing the placenta is waved over the head of the child
before it is removed and hung up in a tree.

Dr. Fraser, at page 53 _et seq_. of the "Golden Bough," when dealing
with the subject of sympathetic magic, refers to the navel string
and the placenta as parts which are commonly believed amongst certain
people to remain in sympathetic union with the body after the physical
connection has been severed, and it is interesting to note that in
the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta
is mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women,
each of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a peculiar kind
(_citrus hystrix_). The women carry the swords for the purpose of
frightening the evil spirits, otherwise the latter might get hold of
the placenta and make the child sick. Mr. C. M. Pleyte, Lecturer on
Indonesian Ethnology, at the Gymnasium William III at Batavia, who has
most courteously furnished me with some interesting information on this
subject, states that it is especially in the Southern Moluccas that the
placenta is mixed with ashes and hung in a tree. Wider spread is the
custom of placing the after-birth on a small bamboo raft in a river
"in order that it may be caught by crocodiles, incarnations of the
ancestors, who will guard it till the person to whom it has belonged
dies. Then the soul of the placenta is once more united with that of
the dead man, and together they go to the realms of the dead. During
lifetime the connection between men and their placentas is never
withdrawn." The Khasis, although they cannot explain the meaning of
the presence of the placenta at the naming ceremony, and the care with
which they remove it and hang it up in a tree, are probably really
actuated by the same sentiments as the inhabitants of the Southern
Moluccas, i.e. they believe that there is, as Dr. Fraser puts it,
a sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection with
the child has been severed. There is no fixed period of _sang_, or
taboo, after a birth, but the parents of the child are prohibited
by custom from crossing a stream or washing their clothes until the
navel-string falls off, for fear that the child should be attacked
by the demons of the hills and the vales.

The Wár birth customs are substantially the same as those of the
Khasis, but there is the difference that a Wár family after a birth
is _sang_, or, taboo, for seven days, whereas amongst the Khasis the
only prohibition is that the parents must not cross a stream or wash
their clothes until they have propitiated the spirits. A twin birth is
_sang_, or taboo. The Khasis argue that as there is but one _Ka Iawbei_
(first ancestress), and one _U Tháwlang_ (first ancestor), so one
child, either male or female, should be born at a time. A twin birth
is accordingly regarded as a visitation from God for some _sang_, or
transgression, committed by some member of the clan. When the twins are
of opposite sexes the _sang_ is considered to be extremely serious, the
Khasi idea being that defilement has taken place within the womb. The
case is treated as one of _shong kur_, or marriage within the clan,
and the bones of the twins cannot be placed in the sepulchre of the
clan. There are no special birth customs amongst the Lynngams.

There is no trace of the _couvade_ amongst the Khasis.


Marriage.

We now come to consider marriage amongst the Khasis from a religious
point of view. Shadwell has said that marriage amongst the Khasis
"is purely a civil contract." This statement is not correct, for
there is an elaborate religious ceremony at which God the creator,
_U'lei thaw briew man briew_, the god or goddess of the State, _U_ or
_ka'lei Synshar_, and, what is probably more important, the ancestress
and ancestor of the clan, _Ka Iawbei-tymmen_ and _U Thawlang_, are
invoked. There are three marriage ceremonies prevalent amongst the
Khasis, which are (_a_) _Pynhiarsynjat_, (_b_) _Lamdoh_ and (_c_)
_Iadih-kiad_, respectively. The first and second forms above mentioned
are considered the more respectable; the last-named is resorted to
by the very poor who cannot afford the greater expense entailed by
the first two ceremonies.

_Preliminaries_.--A young man of marriageable age, say between
seventeen or eighteen years of age and twenty-five, fixes upon a girl
of, say between thirteen and eighteen years, as likely to become
a fitting partner; probably he has been acquainted with the young
woman for some time before, and is on more or less easy terms of
intimacy with her. He mentions the name of the girl to his parents,
and uncles and aunts in the house, and they agree or disagree, as
the case may be. Sometimes marriages are arranged by the parents of
the young people themselves. Having agreed regarding the fitness of
the bride, the young man's parents send a male representative of the
family, or in some cases a man unconnected with the family, to arrange
matters with the parents of the bride. The latter then ascertain their
daughter's wishes. According to the late U Jeeban Roy, the daughters
nearly always agree, it is very seldom that it is necessary to bring
any pressure to bear. The parents then investigate whether there is any
_sang_, or taboo, such as clan relationship, between the young woman
and her intended, in the way of the marriage. If there is found to be
no such hindrance, they fix a date for finally arranging the marriage
(_ban ia kut ktien_.) On the day appointed the bride's family consult
the auspices by breaking eggs and examining fowls' entrails. If the
omens are favourable, well and good. Should they be unfavourable, they
abandon the marriage project. There is a strong prejudice against a
marriage taking place under unfavourable auspices, the belief being
that such an union will be childless, that the bride will die an
untimely death, or that poverty will ensue. Given favourable auspices,
the parents fix a day for the marriage. It was formerly the custom for
the bridegroom to provide himself beforehand with a ring, usually of
silver, but, amongst the rich, of gold, which is called _ka synjat_
(hence the name of the marriage ceremony _pynhiar-synjat_), and for
the bride to provide herself with a similar ring. The bridegroom
used to place his ring upon the bride's finger, and the bride
used to place her ring upon the bridegroom's finger; it is however
believed that this custom is rare nowadays. On the marriage day a
man is selected from the party of the bridegroom called _u ksiang_,
or go-between. The bridegroom then sets out with this man and a
number of followers, clothed in clean garments and wearing either
white or red pagris (a black pagri not being considered a fitting
head-dress on this occasion), to the house of the bride, where a
feast has been prepared, and fermented rice-beer (_ka-kiad-hiar_)
in gourds (_klong_) placed ready. The bride, her female attendants,
and her mother and aunts have collected in the meantime, dressed in
their best, wearing their jewellery, and with their heads uncovered,
for it is not thought proper for the females to cover their heads
on the marriage day. On the side of the bride, also, a _ksiang_
(go-between) has been appointed, and it is his duty to manage all
the business of the marriage on behalf of her family. Some young men
of the bride's party go to meet the bridegroom's contingent by way
of doing them honour. When they have reached the bride's house, the
_ksiang_ of the bridegroom enters first, followed by the bridegroom,
and after him the bridegroom's party. The _ksiang_ then hands over
the bridegroom to the maternal uncle (_kni_) of the bride, or to the
bride's father. Either of the latter then provides the bridegroom
with a seat next the bride. The bride and bridegroom exchange bags
of betel-nut, and where the custom of investiture of the ring is in
vogue, these tokens are interchanged. The _ksiangs_ of the bridegroom
and bride recite the marriage contract in lengthy formulae, which
may be found on pages 6, 7, 8 of the late U Jeebon Roy's interesting
notes on the Khasi religion. The two _ksiangs_ then take up, each of
them, a gourd containing fermented liquor from the gourd provided by
the contracting party, and give them to an old man who is versed in
sacrificial lore, who solemnly mixes the contents together. Three dried
fish are produced, and are placed on the floor of the house. The priest
thus appointed then solemnly adjures the gods in the following words:--

_Hei_, oh god from above; oh god from below; oh _'lei synshar_;
oh god who hast created man; as thou hast ordained this marriage,
the ring has been given this day; thou wilt know; thou wilt hear;
from the clear firmament above that . . . . have been married
this day. Thou wilt bless them; thou wilt grant them prosperity;
thou wilt show them the way; thou wilt show them the road, that
they may be well, that they may obtain dwellings and houses, that
they may prosper, that they may obtain rice and fish, that they
may possess hundreds and thousands; thus, oh god." The priest then
pours liquor on the ground three times from the gourd, counting "one,
two, three." He then continues the invocation thus, "_Hei_, thou, oh
mother; oh grandmother; oh maternal uncle; oh father: oh _Suid-nia_;
oh younger grandmother; oh elder grandmother; oh younger grandfather;
oh elder grandfather. As the flesh has fallen (on the floor, i.e. the
feast has been prepared), the ring has been put on, the three strips of
flesh are ready (alluding to the three dried fish already mentioned),
you will all of you (ancestors) give ear, you will continue giving
strength and spirit (i.e. to the married pair) that they may be well"
(and so on, as written in the first invocation). He then pours out the
liquor three times as before. He then adjures the Siem, the elders,
and all the people who do not belong to either of the two clans, and
pours out liquor three times as before. The three pieces of dried fish
are first placed on the _tympan_, the high rack above the fire-place,
then removed and tied to the ridge-pole of the house, amidst shouts
of _Ho, hoi, hoi, hoi_. The poor then sacrifice a fowl, and the rich
a pig without blemish (_uba tlem_), to _u Suid nia_ and _ka Iaw-bei_
(the spirits of deceased ancestors of the family), and present them
with _dykhot_, or pieces of flesh. Two or three days afterwards,
the bride, accompanied by her female relatives, pays a visit to the
bridegroom at his house, and after this they go and come as they like
to one another's houses. After two or three children have been born,
they take down the pieces of dried fish from the roof and sacrifice
two pigs, one on behalf of the husband and another on behalf of the
wife. Then they say there can be no possible _sang_, and husband
and wife use each other's things and pool their earnings, and if the
husband has a house of his own, the wife can go and live with him;
this, however, is not the custom amongst many of the Syntengs, who more
strictly observe the principles of the matriarchate. The cost of the
marriage ceremonies amongst Khasis, Syntengs and Wárs, may be put down
at between Rs. 50 and Rs. 200 according to the position of the parties.


Lamdoh Ceremony.

This ceremony is identical with that of _Pynhiar synjat_, except that
the bride and bridegroom do not interchange rings, and that there is
no sacrifice of the pig. The parties merely buy some pig's flesh and
perform a puja with a small portion of the flesh of the legs of the
animal. Amongst the poor, fish sometimes takes the place of pork at the
_Iadih-kiad_ ceremony. The latter consists of a drinking bout mingled
with muttered sentences by a _nongkinia_ (sacrificer), the invocations
and prayers being the same as at the _Pynhiar synjat_. The _Lamdoh_
and _Iadih-kiad_ ceremonies take the place of the more elaborate
_Pynhiar synjat_ in most places now-a-days.


Lynngam Marriages.

The ritual observed at these marriages is described as under:--First
of all a proposal is made in the following manner. A _ksiang_, or
go-between, is sent, with the brother of the girl for whom a husband
is required, to the house of the father of the young man (not to the
house of the mother as is the case with the Khasis). If the proposal is
accepted, the father of the young man kills a pig, and gives a feast
to the people of the village of his father-in-law elect; also to the
go-between and the _borang_ (brother of the bride). The father of the
bride then gives a similar feast. A sum of Rs. 1 each is given as a
present to the go-between by the fathers of the bride and bridegroom,
and the father of the bride pays from Rs. 5 to Rs. 15 to the father of
the bridegroom. Further feasting ensues at the house of the father of
the bride. The go-betweens then sacrifice a pig and two fowls at the
house of the bridegroom, and afterwards perform the same sacrifice at
the house of the bride. At the house of the bride, after the fowls and
the pig have been sacrificed, the go-between, after drinking liquor
himself, pours out some on the floor of the house and then gives some
to the bride and bridegroom to drink. The killing of the fowls, the
sacrifice of the pig, and the libation of liquor are essentials at
a Lynngam marriage. The sacrifice of the fowls is also an essential
feature of a Garo marriage. The Lynngams, unlike the Garos, do not
observe which way the beaks of the fowls turn when they are thrown
on the ground after being sacrificed. The Lynngams, like the Khasis,
take auguries from the entrails of the fowls and the pig. After these
ceremonies are over, the Lynngam pair are allowed to cohabit. The
cost of an ordinary Lynngam marriage is from Rs. 30 to Rs. 40. The
marriage system in vogue among the Lynngams may be described as a
mixture of the Khasi and Garo customs. As has already been stated,
the Lynngams are a mongrel breed of Khasis and Garos.


Ceremonies Attending Death.

The death customs of the Khasis are not only very elaborate, but
possess a significance of their own, it is; therefore, necessary to
describe them in detail; they are as follows:--

A member of the family bends down towards the ear of the apparently
deceased person and calls him or her by name three times, to make
sure that death has occurred. If no answer comes, the family laments,
for it is then concluded that the person is really dead. The body is
then bathed in warm water from three earthen pots and is reverently
laid on a mat (_japung_), where it is dressed in white cloth,
a peculiar feature of the dressing being that the waist-cloth and
turban are folded from left to right, and not from right to left, as
in the case of the living. An egg called _u'leng kpoh_ is placed on
the stomach of the deceased, and nine fried grains, of _riw hadem_,
or Indian corn, are tied round the head with a string. The rich place
ear-rings in the ears and other jewellery on the body of the deceased,
it being necessary that this jewellery should be specially made for
the occasion, and they deck the corpse with valuable cloths. A cock,
_u'iar krad lynti_ (literally the cock that scratches the way), is
sacrificed, the idea being that a cock will scratch a path for the
spirit to the next world. A sacrifice of a bull, or of a cow in case
the deceased is a woman, (_u_ or _ka masi pynsum_,) follows. Portions
of the left leg of the fowl and the lower part of the jaw of the
bull or cow are kept, to be placed afterwards in the _mawshieng_,
or bone, receptacle. A small basket (_ka shang_) is hung up over
the head of the corpse, the basket containing pieces (_dykhot_) of
the sacrificed animals. A dish containing eatables, and betel-nut,
and a jar of water are placed near the head of the corpse by way
of offering refreshment to the spirit of the departed. The food is
given each morning and evening that the corpse remains in the house;
this is called _ái ja miet ja step_. Each night the corpse remains
in the house guns are fired, drums are beaten and flutes (_sháráti_)
are played. It is a noteworthy custom that the body is not retained
in the house for an even number of nights, the usual time being
three nights. If it is intended to burn the body on a masonry pyre
(_jingthang_), a bull (_u masi kynroh_) is sacrificed. If the body is
placed in a coffin (_ka shyngoid_), a pig named _u'niang shyngoid_
is sacrificed, and if it is intended to adorn the pyre with flags,
a fowl called a _u'iar kait_ is sacrificed. On the day of the funeral
procession pigs are sacrificed by the relatives and friends of the
deceased; those who cannot afford pigs bring liquor (_ka'iad rong_),
a small portion of which they pour on the funeral pyre. The coffin is
laid on a bamboo bier (_ka krong_.), money being placed close to the
corpse, so that the spirit of the deceased may possess the wherewithal
to buy food on its journey. Cotton, or, in the case of the rich, silk
cloths are tied cross-ways over the bier, if the deceased is a male,
and in the form of a parallelogram, if it is a female. Before lifting
the bier a handful of rice and water from a jar are thrown outside,
and a goat (_u'lang sait ksuid_) is sacrificed. These are purificatory
ceremonies. The funeral procession then forms up and slowly passes
along the way to the plaintive music of flutes (_sharati_) and the
beating of drums. At intervals, in the case of the rich, salutes from
guns are fired. Copper coins are also scattered along the route. On
nearing the pyre the dead body is exposed to view, and the pieces
of flesh of the sacrificial animals, which are with the corpse,
are thrown away. They make ready three baked loaves (_ki kpu_), an
egg, the lower jar-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
the left leg of the fowl (_u'iar krad lynti_), a jar of water,
eatables in a dish, and a bow and three arrows. A goat is then
sacrificed, _u'lang mawkjat_. The corpse is laid on the pyre, inside
the coffin, if one is used, with the head to the west and the feet
to the east. Logs of wood are placed around the body, and the egg,
"_u'leng kpeh_," is broken, not over the stomach of the deceased,
as has been sometimes supposed, but by being thrown on the pyre
in the direction of the feet of the corpse. Fire in applied to the
pyre, first by the _kur_, or members of the clan, and then by the
children, if any, of the deceased. Another fowl, "_u'iar padat_,"
is sacrificed, its blood being smeared round the pyre three times,
and across the corpse three times. The bier is then broken to pieces,
the cloths having been removed from it previously. The eatables and
the jaw-bones of the sacrificial animals are then placed at the head
of the pyre. After the fowl (_u'iar padat_) has been sacrificed,
the three arrows already mentioned are shot from the bow, one to
the north, another to the south, and the third to the east. These
arrows are called _ki'nam tympem_. It is, perhaps, significant that
the arrows which are shot at death despond in numbers with those
which are used at the time of the birth ceremony. When the fire
has blazed up, another goat, "_u'lang dholia_," is sacrificed. In
some cases all the clothes of the deceased are burnt with the body,
in others the clothes are merely held over the fire and then taken
away, after which they can be used (this is only in the case of poor
persons). Before leaving the burning-place the relatives and friends
of the deceased place betel-nuts on the pyre and bid farewell to the
deceased, saying "_Khublei khie leit bam kwai sha iing u Blei ho_"
(good-bye, go and eat betel-nut in the house of god). When the body has
been thoroughly burnt, the fire is extinguished with water, and the
uncalcined bones are collected by the relatives in three trips. The
collectors ace not allowed to turn back and pick up a bone which has
been forgotten in any one of these trips. The bones thus collected are
carefully wrapped in a piece of white cloth by the female relatives,
and an old member of the family throws on the ground some powdered rice
from a leaf, at the same time adjuring the spirit of the deceased not
to trouble the _kur_, or the family, as the funeral ceremonies have
been duly performed. The party then sets out to the bone repository,
or _mawshieng_. In front walks one who strews along the line of route
leaves of the tree known by the Khasis as _diang shit_ (the berries of
which are need for fishing with), and grains of rice, all the way from
the pyre to the cairn. If any stream has to be crossed, a rough bridge
is made of branches and grass. This trail of leaves and the bridges are
intended to guide the spirit of the deceased to the cairn. The person
who carries the bones is not allowed to turn round, or to the right,
or to the left, but must proceed straight to the cairn. On reaching
it, a _nongknia_, or sacrificer, washes the bones three times and
then places them in an earthen pot, tying up the mouth with a white
cloth. Then, having taken three pieces of the hard yolk of an egg,
three loaves of bread, the leg of the fowl, "_u'iar krad lynti_,"
and the lower jaw-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
he places them inside the cairn and shuts the door. Eatables and
betel-nut are then placed on the top of the cairn. Early next morning
the relatives and friends go to the cairn with fresh food and water,
and look about for new foot-prints, the idea being that from these
foot-prints they can foretell future events. This they do until the
third night after the cremation. During these three nights the front
door of the house formerly occupied by the deceased is never closed,
it being thought that the spirit may wish to return and visit its
earthly abode. The whole family is moreover _sang_, or taboo, during
this period, and no manner of work can be done. When the three nights
are over, it is called the _lait ia_, i.e. the days (of mourning) are
passed, and three eggs are broken to ascertain what was the cause of
the death. After this the family goes to bathe, and the clothes and
mats in the house are washed. When this has been done, the taboo is
removed and the family can go to work. After a month a pig or a fowl
is sacrificed, the ceremony being called "_ai bam lait bnai_." It will
be observed that three seems to be the lucky number throughout these
funeral ceremonies. The number seems to bear a similar significance
in other matters of Khasi ritual, e.g. the pouring out of libations,
which is always done three times.

It is _sang_ or taboo for a Khasi widow to re-marry within one year
from the death of her husband, there is a similar prohibition for a
husband re-marrying; but such _sang_ can be got over by the payment of
a fine to the clan of the deceased. After the expiration of one year
the fine is reduced in amount. Khasi widows do not as a rule re-marry,
according to U Jeebon Roy, unless they have no female children,
in which case the clan urges them to re-marry, so that the chain of
inheritance may not be broken, inheritance amongst the Khasis always
passing in the female line.


Customs in Connection with Deaths by Violence or Accident.

These customs are interesting enough to deserve a separate description;
they are as follows:--

If a man dies by the sword, before his body can be burnt, a sacrifice
of a black hen must be offered to _Ka Tyrut_, the goddess of death. The
bones are then placed in a stone cairn. Again they are removed, and,
after eggs have been broken, are taken to a river bank and there
washed. If there is no river at hand, a tank is dug for the purpose,
which is called _umkoi_. There are various such _umkois_ in different
parts of the district, e.g. near Raliang and Nartiang. A sacrifice
of a goat is offered to the god _U Syngkai Bamon_, and a sow to _Ka
Ramshandi_, both of whom are evil deities. Another sow is sacrificed
to _Ka Tyrut_. After this the bones are placed in another newly-built
cairn. The ceremony of placing the bones in one and then removing
them to another cairn is usually performed three times; but unless
the auspices, as deduced from the eggs, are favourable, the relatives
must go on sacrificing and removing the bones until they are so. These
ceremonies having been completed, they erect a flat table-stone, or
_mawkynthei_, for the ghost of the departed to sit upon, and return
home, where they propitiate their ancestors with offerings of food. In
the case of the murdered victims of the _thlen_ superstition the same
ceremonies are observed. For people who have died by drowning, or been
killed by wild animals, and for women who have died in childbirth,
similar pujas are offered, except that a sacrifice to _U Syngkai Bamon_
does not take place. In the case of one who has died at a distance from
his home, e.g. in a foreign country, whose body has not been burnt
in accordance with custom, and whose bones have not been collected,
the members of his clan, or his children, take three or five seeds or
cowries (_sbai_) to a place where three roads meet. Here they summon
the spirit of the departed in a loud voice, and throw up the seeds
or cowries into the air, and when they fall to the ground they say,
"_to alle noh ba ngin sa lum sa kynshew noh ia phi_," come now we
will collect you (the idea being that the seeds represent the bones
of the deceased). Having collected the seeds, they place them on
a bier and perform the service for the dead just in the same way
as if a real dead body were to hand. If possible a portion of the
dead person's clothes should be burnt with the seeds in the bier,
and it is with this view that the coats or cloths of Khasi coolies,
who die when employed as porters on military expeditions at a distance
from their homes, are brought back by their friends to give to the
relatives. If a person, dies of cholera, small-pox, or other such
infectious or contagious disease, the body is buried, but is dug up
again and burnt with all the customary rites when fear of infection
or contagion is over. In parts of the district upright stones called
_maw-umkoi_ are erected along the line of route when the remains of
a person who has met with an accidental death are brought home. This
is stated to be the case in the Rambrai Siemship.


Miscellaneous Customs in Connection with Death.

In Nongjri, a large village in the Wár Country, the dead body is
placed on a bier near the door of the house, a turban being tied
about the head, the face being left bare and turned towards the
door. In some of the Shella villages a second cremation is performed,
in which a bamboo frame-work represents the corpse. This second
cremation takes place when the body has been disposed of without the
requisite ceremonies. The bones and ashes of the dead in Shella are
in some cases kept in a cavity hollowed out of a post erected for
the purpose. The bones and ashes find a temporary resting-place here,
but are afterwards removed to a cromlech.

At Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, the head of the corpse is shaved,
but a tuft of hair in the middle of the head is left; this is called
(_u'niuh Iawbei_), the great grandmother's lock. At Nartiang betel-nut,
which has been chewed by one of the mourners is put into the mouth
of the corpse, also cooked rice. There is a similar custom prevalent
amongst the Khyrwangs. The Nongtungs, in the Jaintia Hills, keep dead
bodies sometimes as long as a month, until the _phur_ or ceremonial
dance has been performed. Hence they are called Nong-tung, or
"stinkers." Amongst the Lynngams the dead body is kept for sometimes
three or four months, or up to the time when a bull can be procured
for a feast to the villagers. This feast is an essential, and,
cattle being scarce in the Lynngam country, there is often great
delay in disposing of the body. Lynngam villages at such a time are
best avoided. The Lynngams of Nongsohbar bury the unburnt bones of the
deceased within the village, and in front of the house occupied by the
deceased when alive; the bones being placed in a hole in the ground,
over which is laid a stone, a bamboo mat being nailed over the stone. A
bamboo fence three or four feet high is erected round the grave. Other
Lynngams bury the uncalcined bones and ashes in a gourd in the jungle
near the burning-place. On their way home, the members of the clan of
the deceased who have come from other villages to witness the funeral
obsequies, put up a stone on the path in honour of the deceased, a
turban being tied round the top of the stone. The Garos or Dkos, who
live at the foot of the hills on the Kamrup border, and are called by
the Assamese _Hana_ (spear-men), erect memorial stones in honour of the
deceased, the lower jaw-bones of sacrificial animals and other articles
being hung on the stones. The stones are also swathed in cloths, and
turbans are tied round the tops. The death customs of the Lynngams,
and, indeed, other customs also, are partly Khasi and partly Garo,
it being difficult to say that the Lynngams are more Khasi than Garo,
or more Garo than Khasi in this respect; their language, however; has
been found by Dr. Grierson to be a corruption of Khasi. In Nongstoin,
Mawlih, and Mariaw villages, the inhabitants of which profess to be
Khasis, the bones and ashes of the deceased are not collected and
placed in repositories, as at Cherrapunji. At Mariaw and Nongstoin
a large wooden coffin is used, painted white, with ornamentations on
the outside, and standing on four legs. This coffin is not burnt on
the funeral pyre. In the family of the chiefs of Cherra, the body
of a deceased Siem is subjected to the following process:--It is
wrapped in a cloth and placed in the hollowed-out trunk of a tree,
_ka-shyngoid_, there being a small hole with a plug at the bottom of
this receptacle. Spirit is then poured into the _shyngoid_ until the
whole body is immersed, the liquor being allowed to stand for three
days. After the body has been thus steeped, the liquor is allowed to
run out, and the body is washed with warm water, after which it is
allowed to dry for a day. Then a quantity of lime-juice is poured
in, the latter being obtained from the fresh fruit of the lime
(_u soh jew_). The body is thus exposed to a process of pickling,
which continues until the whole is thoroughly dry and becomes like
that of a mummy. It is then placed in a coffin, which is kept in
the house of the Siem family until it is time to perform the funeral
obsequies. These ceremonies entail a very large amount of expense,
and it sometimes happens that they cannot be completed for some years
after the death of a Siem. The body of a deceased Siem according
to the Cherra custom should be burnt by his successor otherwise the
latter is not Siem according to the Khasi religion. The last Siem of
Cherra, U Hajon Manik, did not perform the funeral obsequies of his
predecessor U Ram Singh, and it is stated that many of his subjects
did not regard him as Siem, according to the Khasi religion, in
consequence. There are at the present time the corpses of two Siems
of Cherra which have been preserved in the manner described above,
awaiting cremation. The first Siem, U Ram Singh, died as far back as
1875, and the second, U Hajon Manik, died in 1901.

Sir Joseph Hooker and other authorities have stated that the
bodies of deceased Siems of Cherra used to be embalmed in honey,
and an amusing story is told regarding the necessity of exercising
caution in purchasing honey from Cherra (honey being plentiful in
this neighbourhood), except in the comb, for fear of honey which
has been used for embalming purposes being passed off on the unwary
purchaser. But the members of the Siem family and the old residents
deny that honey is used for this purpose nowadays, possibly in the
interests of the trade. It is, however, not unlikely that honey
was so utilized in days gone by, as it is a well-known agent for
embalming. The bodies of priests in Burmah are said to be embalmed
in honey, _vide_ Yule's "Embassy to Ava."



The Disposal of the Dead.

The collection of the uncalcined bones and ashes of the deceased
members of the clan and their bestowal in the _mawbah_, or great
_cinerarium_ of the clan, is without doubt the most important
religious ceremony that the Khasis perform. That this ceremony is now
but seldom celebrated, is due partly to the difficulty that exists
in obtaining general agreement amongst the members of the clans,
and partly to the considerable expense it entails. The information
I have obtained regarding the ceremony, although differing to some
extent in detail from that recorded by the late U Jeebon Roy, agrees
with the latter's account as regards the main facts. The information
may now be set down as follows. By way of premise it may be stated
that the bones and ashes of the deceased are kept after cremation in
small stone cairns, or _mawshieng_. From these small cairns the bones
and ashes are removed to larger bone repositories called _mawphew_,
each branch of a clan possessing a repository of its own. The ceremony
attending the removal of the bones and ashes from the small cairns
to the larger repository, or _mawphew_, and the ceremony attached
to the removal of these remains from the _mawphew_ to the sepulchre
of the clan are practically the same, except that when the bones are
removed to the _mawphew_, no female dancing takes place. First of all,
the members of the various branches of the clan collect the bones
from the different subsidiary repositories, when a ceremony called
"_khot ia u lor u kap_," which it is not necessary to describe here,
is performed. The bones of the deceased males and females are kept
separately, and preparations are made to bring them to the sepulchre
of the clan. Before, however, anything further can be done, it must be
ascertained that the members of the clan are at peace with one another
and no differences exist. If all differences are settled, a sacrificer
offers up a prayer that the sins of the clans-folk may be forgiven,
and then breaks eggs and sacrifices a cock to ascertain which will be
a propitious day for depositing the bones in the sepulchre. A lucky
day having been thus ascertained, the bones and ashes are brought to
the _iing seng_, or clan puja-house, the bones of males and females
being kept in separate bundles wrapped in white cloth, two women of
the clan reverently carrying them in their arms, bidding the bundles
of hones to their breasts. One female carries the bones of the males
and the other those of the females. In front of these women walks an
old man who scatters along the way leaves of the _dieng-shit_ tree
and grains of rice, and when it is necessary to cross any stream or
river, he ties a thread from one side of the bank to the other, this
is for the spirit of the departed to cross the water. Sometimes _u'nam
tohrih_, a kind of long grass, is used instead of thread for the above
purpose. On arrival at the clan puja-house, the bones of the males
are laid on one bed and those of the females on another, the beds
being bedecked with rich hangings. A cock, _u'iar kradlynti_ (lit.:
"the cock which scratches the way"), is sacrificed, this sacrifice
being considered by the Khasis to be of peculiar significance. A pig,
a cock, and a bull are then sacrificed, and portions of the above are
offered to the spirits of the deceased. These offerings are known by
the name of ai-bam, and are placed in a basket which is hung up in the
house, together with the left thigh of the fowl and the lower jaw-bone
of the bullock. A dance is performed that night, first in the house
by two women, one belonging to the clan and the other an outsider,
and afterwards in a specially prepared place outside the house called
"_lympung_." The _sharati_, or flute, which is played at funerals
is sounded, drums are beaten, and bombs are exploded. This dancing
lasts from one to nine days, the limit being always an uneven number
of days. At Cherra two effigies called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_
are prepared and dressed up; the former is intended to represent
_Ka Iawbei_, the first ancestress, and the other _U Suidnia_, the
first maternal uncle of the clan. These effigies are held in the
hands of the dancers. In the meantime two lines of upright stones
consisting of three each, with a table-stone in front of each line,
have been set up. These are called _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_, and are
intended to serve as resting-places for the spirits of the dead on
their way to the tomb of the clan. These stones are generally not
more than three feet in height, and must not be confounded with the
larger stones or _mawbynna_. On the night before it is proposed to
deposit the bones, a ceremony called "_Beh-tympew_" is performed,
which consists of driving out the devils from the house, so that
they may not interfere with the peace of the spirits of the departed
whilst they rest in the house, and on their journey to the tomb. All
the men after they have performed this ceremony are given a drink
of rice-beer known as _'iad nonglieh_. Another cock is sacrificed,
and a small bamboo ladder of three rungs is prepared for the use of
the spirits when climbing into the tomb. Rice is then thrown outside
the door. The next morning they perform further sacrifices, which need
not be detailed here, and let loose a bull whose horns have been cased
in silver. They dig two shallow tanks called _umkoi_, into which is
poured water supposed to possess the virtue of purifying the bones
of any deceased clansmen who have died violent or unnatural deaths,
or at places far away from their homes, where it was not possible to
perform their funeral ceremonies according to custom. Three vertical
stones are also erected, called _maw umkoi_. A bamboo with a white
flag, and a plantain tree are set up; to the bamboo are attached three
bamboo rings (_kyrwoh_), which are supposed to act as summonses to
the spirits of the departed who have not received the benefits of
a proper funeral ceremony. It may be explained that this ring of
bamboo or cane is the form of summons used by the Khasi chiefs to
their subjects when they wish to call them before them. Then a cock,
_u'iar umkoi_, is sacrificed as a vicarious victim to bear the sins of
the departed. When the procession reaches the _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_
(the upright stones which have been erected), a goat called _u'lang
mawlynti_ is sacrificed. Then a bamboo is fixed to the centre one of
the three upright stones, to which is attached the lower jaw-bone
of one of the cattle sacrificed in the puja-house; this is called
_u masi mawlynti_. A special ceremony called _ka-lyngka-pongrei_
is then performed for those of the clan who have died childless. We
now come to the actual ceremony of placing the bones in the tomb of
the clan. Having arrived at the tomb, the bones are washed three
times in a dish (this is a Cherra custom). In Mawshai, the bones
are exposed to the heat of a fire kindled on a small _jingthang_, or
burning-platform. The stone door of the _cinerarium_ is then opened,
and the bones of the females are placed in an earthen pot inside
the tomb close to the wall which is farthest away from the door, the
bones of the males being deposited in a pot inside the tomb nearest
the door. Some clans keep the pot containing the bones of the males on
the right, and the vessel containing those of the females on the left
hand. Then offerings of food and libations of liquor are offered to
the ancestors on a stone in front of the tomb. The males them perform
a ceremonial dance with swords and shields, three times, and the door
of the sepulchre is closed, a flag being fixed to the tomb. All the
clansfolk then depart except three men. One of these sacrifices a
cock (_iar-tanding_) in front of the tomb, a second sits behind the
sacrificer, holding three firebrands, and a third sits behind the
tomb. The man with the firebrands shakes them about, and then crows
like a cock three times. The man behind the tomb listens attentively
for any fancied noise within it, the superstition being that if
the ceremonies detailed above have not been properly performed, the
whole tomb will quake. If the three watchers are satisfied that there
is no commotion within the tomb, then all is well, and they return
and report the result to the clanspeople. This ceremony is called
_tanding_, or the fire test. Next morning the woman who is the head
of the _iing-seng_, or puja-house, distributes to all those who have
taken part in these sacrifices the hinder portions of the sacrificial
animals. She then blesses one by one the assembled clansfolk. The
latter are not permitted by custom to go to work until after three
days from the time of the ceremony; the third day being called _ka
sngi lait ia_. The ceremony described above is a symbolical one. The
massive stone sepulchre is regarded as a symbol of a secure place of
rest for the departed spirits. If the spirits of the dead are not,
however, appeased by the due performance of the ceremonies attending
the bestowal of the remains in the clan _cinerarium_, it is believed
that they roam about and haunt their relations on earth, and plague
them with various misfortunes. It may be interesting to note here,
that Mr. Moberly, the Superintendent of Ethnography in Bengal,
reports that the ashes of deceased Hos, after being sprinkled with
water by means of peepul branches, we collected, dried, and placed
in a new earthen pot, and kept in the house until the day of burial,
which may take place, as with the Khasis, long afterwards. The bones
are buried in the village under a large slab of stone (cf. the Khasi
stone _cinerarium_), and a monolith is erected outside the village
to commemorate the deceased.


Khasi Memorial Stones.

Probably one of the first objects which strikes the eye of a visitor to
the Khasi Hills is the very large number of monoliths, table-stones,
and cromlechs that are to be met with almost everywhere in that
country. Yule, Dalton, and other writers have incidentally referred
to them, but, as far as is known at present, no attempt has been
made to explain in any detail what is the peculiar significance
of these objects to the Khasis. These stones are rightly styled
memorial stones; _kynmaw_, literally, "to mark with a stone," is the
word in the Khasi language for "to remember" The memorial stone,
in the ordinary sense of the word, is a memorial to the dead; but
we have such names of places in these hills as _Maomluh_, the salt
stone (the eating of salt off the blade of a sword being one of the
Khasi forms of oath), _Maosmai_, the oath stone, _Maophlang_, the
grassy stone, and others. To commemorate with a stone an important
event has been a constant custom amongst many people in many places,
and the erection of grave-stones, to mark the spot where the remains
of the dead are buried, is an almost universal practice amongst the
Western nations, as indeed amongst some of the Eastern also. But the
Khasi menhirs are no more gravestones, in the sense of marking the
place where the remains of the dead lie, than some of the memorials
of Westminster Abbey and other fanes; the Khasi stones are cenotaphs,
the remains of the dead being carefully preserved in stone sepulchres,
which are often some distance apart from the memorial stones. It is
proposed to treat this subject under the following heading:--

(1) A general description of the memorial stones in the Khasi
Hills, showing, that they are very similar in shape to monoliths,
table-stones, or cromlechs in other parts of the world and of India.

(2) A comparison between Khasi memorial stones and those of the
Ho-Mundas, the stones near Belgaum, those of the Mikirs, the monoliths
at Willong in the Manipur Hills, and the Dimapur monoliths.

(3) The meaning of the stones.

(4) The method of their erection.

With regard to the first heading, the stones may be divided, into
(_a_) menhirs, or vertical stones; (_b_) table-stones, or dolmens,
and (_c_) stone cromlechs, or cairns, which serve the purpose of
cineraria. Taking the different stones in order, the menhirs are
large upright stones varying in height from 2 or 3 ft. to 12 or
14 ft., but in exceptional instances rising to a more considerable
elevation, the great monolith at Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, being
27 ft. high, and 2 1/2 ft. thick. A photograph of this stone has been
included. These menhirs are erected all in one line which nearly always
consists of an uneven number of stones. Three is the commonest number
of menhirs, but five together are frequently to be found, and there are
some instances of seven stones; at Laitkor nine stones are standing,
an illustration of which will be found in this book. The stones are
of hewn gneiss granite, or sandstone, to be met with in many places
in these hills. They are rough hewn, and generally taper gradually to
their tops, which are sometimes neatly rounded off. The tallest stone
is usually in the middle, and is occasionally ornamented with a small
stone, through the middle of which a hole has beam drilled so that
it may fit on the top of the other. At Nongkrem there is a centre
stone with a regularly carved top, evidently intended to represent
the head of a man. At Umstow, some two miles from Cherrapunji by
the cart road, stood two rows of fine monoliths, each row five in
number, and standing on either side of the old bridle road. All of
these stones except one were thrown down by the earthquake shock of
June, 1897. The centre stone, or _mawkni_, of one of these rows was
surmounted by a carved stone covering shaped like a hat, but having
a rim with indented edges, the intention being evidently to represent
a crown. This stone crown was riveted to the top of the large centre
stone. All the stones, including the _mawkynthei_, or dolmen, have
been very neatly hewn. They appear to be of granite. Stones with top
coverings or carved heads are however rare. In front of the line
of menhirs is a large flat table-stone resting on stone supports,
the top of the uppermost plane being some 2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the
ground; this flat stone is sometimes as much as a foot or more
thick. The largest table-stones are to be seen at Nartiang, in the
Jaintia Hills, and Laitlyngkot in the Khasi Hills. The Laitlyngkot
stone measures 28 1/2 by 13 3/4 ft., and that at Nartiang 16 1/2 by
14 3/4 ft. The Laitlyngkot stone is 1 ft. 8 in. thick. Sometimes two
table-stones are found parallel to one another. The table-stones are
always placed towards the centre of the group, generally in front
of the great central menhir. These groups of stones are usually
situated alongside roads, or close to well-known lines of route,
where they readily attract the attention of passers-by. They do not
necessarily face in any particular direction, but are to be found
fronting all points of the compass. There is nothing therefore to show
that they were erected so as to face the direction of the sun-rise,
or of any particular planet's. We will now pass on to the numerous
stone cromlechs which are to be found, frequently in proximity to the
menhirs and table-stones. These stone cromlechs contain the bones of
the dead, and the menhirs and table-stones are intimately connected
with them, inasmuch as memorial stones to deceased ancestors are
erected when the ceremony of depositing bones in the _cineraria_
has been completed. The _cineraria_ are built of blocks of stone,
sometimes on stone platforms, and sometimes resting on the ground. They
are frequently of considerable size. The cromlech is opened by removing
one of the heavy stone slabs in front. There are no windows such as
are to be seen in some of the illustrations of dolmens or cromlechs
in France and Circassia in Waring's book of "Stone Monuments, Tumuli,
and Ornaments of Remote Ages," probably because the Khasi idea was to
confine the spirits and not allow them to escape from the tomb and
haunt the living. The cromlechs are generally square or oblong, but
are sometimes circular in shape also. Let us now compare the Khasi
menhirs with some to be found in other parts of the world. In Lord
Avebury's "Prehistoric Times" Fergusson's work, and Waring's collection
of plates of stone monuments, there are numerous illustrations of
menhirs and dolmens to be found in other parts of the world, which
may be said to resemble those of the Khasis in appearance, but this
is by no means a matter for surprise, for, given like conditions,
amongst primitive peoples, totally unconnected with one another as
regards race, and living in countries far remote from one another,
the results, i.e. the erection of stones as memorials of important
persons, or events, are probably the same all the world over. Waring
in his book gives an illustration of several lines of stone monuments
with two table-stones, either in front or in rear according to the
position of the photographer or draftsman in taking the picture,
which would appear to be very similar to the lines of menhirs we
find in the Khasi Hills. In plate XLII, fig. 6, of Waring's book, are
the lines of stones to which I refer. They may be said to be almost
exactly similar to the lines of Khasi memorial stones, except that
the stones depicted by Waring have circles or ovals painted on them,
which are said to signify that certain sacrifices of animals have
been performed. Now the Khasis perform such sacrifices; but they
do not mark their performance thus on the stones. Fergusson on page
447 of his "Rude Stone Monuments" apparently refers to these stones,
which are near Belgaum in the Bombay Presidency, and he is of
opinion that "they were dedicated or vowed to the spirits of deceased
ancestors"; further it is stated that these stones are always in uneven
numbers, a striking point of similarity to the Khasi stones. We know,
for a fact, that the Khasi memorial stones were dedicated to the
same objects as those of the Belgaum stones, i.e. to the worship
of ancestors; so that we have not only similarity in appearance,
in confirmation, and invariable unevenness of number, but identity
of purpose, if Fergusson's conclusion is correct. It is, however,
a far cry from Shillong to Belgaum, and it may, perhaps, be thought
more reasonable if we look for stones nearer at hand. Bradley Birt
in his interesting book on Chota Nagpur has given a photograph of
certain Ho memorial stones, which would appear to resemble greatly the
Khasi menhirs, and if his photograph is carefully examined, it will
be seen that there are in rear of the stones what would seem to be
stone cairns, very similar in appearance to the Khasi _cineraria_. The
funeral ceremonies of the Hos as described by Bradley Birt, viz. the
cremation of the body, the collection of the ashes, their consignment
to a grave, and the offering of food to the spirit of the deceased,
are similar to those of the Khasis. Although not wishing to lay too
much stress on what may be merely a coincidence, I think that the
above similarity in death customs is well worth considering with
regard to the view, based on linguistic affinity, that the Khasis
and the Ho-Mundas were originally descended from a common stock,
i.e. the Mon-Khmêr or Mon-Anam family, as has been postulated by Logan.

But there are other tribes in Assam which erect memorial stones,
e.g. the Mikirs and certain Naga tribes. The Mikirs erect memorial
stones in a line, the taller stone being sometimes in the centre, as
in the case of the Khasi memorial stones. Such stones are set up by
the Mikirs only in memory of important personages, such as _mauzadars_
or leading _gaonburas_ (village headmen). Besides the standing stones
(_long-chong_), a flat stone (_long pak_) is also erected in honour
of the deceased. I understand that the Mikir stones, like the Khasi,
are mere cenotaphs, the ashes of deceased Mikirs being left at the
burning places which are generally by the sides of rivers, and the
memorial stones not being necessarily anywhere near the burning
grounds. Unlike the Khasis, the Mikirs do not collect and carefully
keep the bones in stone cairns. Before erecting memorial stones,
they dig a small tank, cf. the Khasi custom of digging similar tanks
(_um-koi_), before erecting memorial stones (_maw umkoi_), to those
of the clan who have died unnatural deaths. As with the Khasis,
feasts and entertainments are given when the stones of the Mikirs are
erected: but they need not necessarily consist of uneven numbers, it
appears. It is possible that the Mikirs may have obtained the custom
of erecting memorial stones from their near neighbours, the Khasis.

Then there is the interesting collection of stones at Willong in
the Manipur Naga Hills, for a description of which I am indebted
to the kindness of Colonel Maxwell, the late Political Agent and
Superintendent of the State. It is said that about 300 or 400 years ago
these stones were erected by the rich men of the village as memorials
(probably to deceased ancestors). It is the custom of the Willong
village that any person who wishes to erect such a stone should, with
the members of his family, abstain from food; but liquor and ginger
are allowed to them. Having chosen what he thinks is a suitable stone,
the Naga cuts off a flake of it, returns home, and sleeps on it with a
view to dreaming of the stone. If his dreams are favourable, he brings
it in, otherwise not. From the day of the selection of the stone,
until it is brought in and erected, he must fast. Women are taboo to
him for the space of one year from the date of its erection. The custom
of erecting memorial stones is not therefore peculiar to the Khasis
amongst the hill tribes in Assam. An incidental reference should,
I think, be made to the interesting carved monoliths at Dimapur,
regarding the meaning of which there has been so much doubt. These
Dimapur stones are remarkably similar in shape to the carved wooden
_kima_ posts of the Garos, another hill tribe speaking a language
which is undoubtedly connected with the great Boro group of languages
in North Eastern India. The Garo _kima_ posts, like the Khasi stones,
are erected to commemorate deceased ancestors. Some of the other
Naga tribes, besides the Willong Nagas, are in the habit of erecting
what are called _genna_ stones, a description of which will, we hope,
be given in a subsequent Naga monograph. The object of the erection
of such stones is certainly to show reverence to the memories of
deceased ancestors amongst the Khasis, and Garos, and not improbably
among the Nagas also.

It is only with the very greatest difficulty that it has been
possible to obtain any intelligible information regarding the Khasi
monoliths. Whether through feelings of delicacy in revealing the
secrets of their religious system to a foreigner, or through ignorance
or apathy (there being but few Khasis nowadays who observe the ancient
ritual), it has been no easy task to extract information from people
about these stones. As far as my information goes at present, I am
inclined to classify the stones as follows:--

(_a_) _Mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, the stones which are erected to
serve as seats for the spirits of departed clansfolk on their way to
the tomb of the clan, i.e. when their remains are carried by their
relations to the clan cromlech (see the section entitled "The Disposal
of the Dead").

(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, which are stones erected to commemorate
a parent or some other near relation.

(_c_) _Maw-umkoi_, which are put up to mark the position of tanks
or _umkoi_, the water of which is supposed to cleanse the ashes and
bones of those who have died unnatural deaths.

(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or flat table-stones, often accompanied
by vertical stones, which are placed in the market places and by
the side of roads to serve as seats for weary travellers. Taking
the above main divisions seriatim, _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, may be
described as follows. These generally consist of three upright stones,
the tallest being in the centre, and a flat table-stone being placed
in front. There are, however, some clans which erect more than three
upright stones, as _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_. As already stated, the
clansfolk used to erect these stones, _mawlynti_ (the stone of the
way), or _mawkjat_ (the stone of the leg), at each place at which
they halted for the night on their way to deposit the bones of their
deceased maternal relations in the clan sepulchre, or _mawbah_. The
stones are called _mawkjat_, or stones of the leg, because it is
supposed that the spirits of the departed sit and rest their limbs
on the flat table-stones. The upright stones are not as a rule more
than 3 or 4 ft high, and are not massive like the great _mawbynna_,
or memorial stones. They are to be found in great numbers all along
the roads or paths which lead to the clan cromlechs. These stones,
unlike the _mawbynna_, have no names.

(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, are erected to commemorate deceased
parents or deceased ancestors, and consist of 3, 5, 7, 9, or even,
in an exceptional case, 11, upright stones with flat table-stones in
front. The upright stones are called _maw-shynrang_, or male stones,
and the flat table-stones _maw-kynthei_, or female stones. Turning
to the plate of the Laitkor stones, it will be observed that
there are nine upright stones, and one large flat table-stone in
front. Counting from right to left, stone No. 5 is called u maw
_kni_, or the maternal uncle's stone; and the stones to the right and
left of it, _ki maw pyrsa ki para_, i.e. the stones of the maternal
brothers and nephews. The table-stone is called _ka Iawbei tynrai_,
or _ka Iawbei tymmen_, literally the grandmother of the root, or
the old grandmother, in contradistinction to _ka_ _Iawbei khynraw_,
or _ka Iawbei kpoh_ (the grandmother of the family, or branch of the
family). It frequently happens that there are two flat table-stones
in front of the upright stones, the one on the left being _ka Iawbei
tynrai_, or the first ancestress, and the one on the right _ka Iawbei
longkpoh_, the grandmother of the branch of the clan to, which the
memorialists belong, or _ka Iawbei khynraw_, the young grandmother,
i.e. the grandmother of the actual family to which the memorialists
belong. In olden days it used to be the custom for the clanspeople
to place offerings of food on the flat table-stones for the shades
of the departed ancestors, and this is sometimes the case still;
but now it is more frequently the custom to make these offerings in
the _iing-seng_, or clan puja-house. The flat table-stones are some
2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the ground, and it is difficult to resist the
impression that they were originally sacrificial stones, i.e. that
animals or even human beings were actually sacrificed upon them. In
connection with this theory I would refer to the interesting folk-tale
about the Kopili river. It is here related that in olden days human
victims were sacrificed to the Kopili goddess on the flat table-stone
(_maw-kynthei_) at a place called _Iew Ksih_, close to the Kopili
river. A careful search has been made for this stone, with the
result that a flat table-stone has been found near the above village,
where goats are still annually sacrificed to the Kopili. The _doloi_
reports that this is an ancient custom. None can remember, however,
having heard that human victims were ever sacrificed there. Yet I do
not think it at all unlikely that this is the stone, locally called
_Mynlep_, which is referred to in the folk-tale. At Jaintiapur and
Nartiang, both of which places were the headquarters of the kings of
Jaintia, there are very large table-stones. We know for a fact that
human sacrifices used to take place at Jaintiapur. Is it possible
that human beings were immolated on these table-stones? It would be
unsafe to base any conclusion on the solitary folk-tale about the
_Iew Ksih_ table-stone; but the tale certainly furnishes food for
reflection. The Khasis borrowed their religious customs largely
from the Synteng inhabitants of Jaintia, and it is possible that
they may have obtained the custom of erecting the table-stones from
the Syntengs also, and that the latter were originally used by both
of them for sacrificing human victims. Sometimes, immediately on
either side of the _mawkni_, or large central stone, there are two
much smaller stones called _mawksing_, or the stone of the drum,
and _mawkait_, the stone of the plantain; the drum being used in all
religious ceremonies by the Khasis, and the plantain relating to their
custom of feeding young children on plantains. The _mawnan_ must be
described separately from the _mawbynna_, because they differ from
them in an important particular, i.e. that the former may be erected
to commemorate the father, while the latter are set up to perpetuate
the memory of the ancestors on the female side of the family. _Mawnam_
consist of three upright stones and one flat table-stone in front. The
large central stone is called _u maw thawlang_, or the stone of the
father, and the upright stones on either side are meant to represent
the father's brothers or nephews. The flat table-stone is _ka Iawbei_,
i.e. the grandmother of the father, not the first grandmother of the
clan, as in the case of the _mawbynna_.

(_c_) The _maw umkoi_ have already been described. They use erected
to mark the sites of purificatory tanks, which have been dug so that
the remains of deceased persons may be cleansed from the impurities
attending an unnatural death, and to counteract the adverse influence
upon the clan of _Ka Tyrut_, or the goddess of death. These stones
are sometimes called _mawtyrut_.

(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or stones upon which weary travellers sit, are
to be found alongside all the principal lines of communication in the
district. It may serve as an example of these stones to describe the
very interesting collection of stones at Nartiang _hát_, or market. A
reference is invited to the plate which gives a representation of some
of the Nartiang stones. The great height of the upright stone will at
once be seen; it is 27 ft. in height and 2 1/2 ft. thick. This stone is
the largest erect stone in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills at the present
day, and is a very fine specimen. The upright stones and the flat
table-stones at Nartiang are called "_ki maw jong Siem_." There is
no separate designation for each of them. These stones are popularly
supposed to have been erected long ago by two men, U Lah Laskor and U
Mar Phalyngki, to commemorate the establishment of Nartiang market,
which is called Iew Mawlong. "Laskor" is the Synteng equivalent of
the Khasi _lyngskor_, or prime minister. "Mar" is a Synteng word
meaning a giant, the idea amongst the people being that in the olden
days there were giants in the land who performed marvellous feats of
strength, e.g. the erection of the megalithic remains at Nartiang
and elsewhere. A puja is performed upon a great flat stone by the
_doloi_ and his officers in honour of the founders of the market,
but no animals are sacrificed, rice and _rynsi_ (balls of rice) only
being offered. In the days of the Jaintia kings only the Raja could
sit upon the great flat stone; hence the name _maw jong Siem_ (or
Siem's stone). The great upright stone is said to have been brought
by U Lah Laskor and a great number of people from Suriang, a place
near Nartiang. With reference to the Nartiang stones I would refer
to my theory, formulated above, that they were originally connected
with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that at Nartiang there is
a bridge constructed out of a single stone, which is also said to have
been set in position by U Lah Laskor. Near Suhtnga there is a group of
stones, said to have been originally thirty in number, together with
_maw shongthait_, or stones to seat the weary, which were erected
to the memory of a woman, Ka Kampatwat, who in generations past
is alleged to have had no less than _thirty_ husbands. The lady is
not supposed to have been polyandrous, nor nine-lived, but to have
divorced one husband after another. As she probably established a
record for divorce, her descendants afterwards commemorated her in
the manner described. There is another very large atone at Nongkeeh,
which unfortunately fell to the ground in the great earthquake shock
of 1897. This stone must have stood over 20 ft. above the ground. It
is called _u mawkni Siem_, the stone of the Siem's maternal uncle,
and it used to form the central stone, or _mawkni_, of a line of
stones. These stones belong to the clan of the _basans_ of Nongkseh,
which furnishes the _sohblei_, or head sacrificer, of the Siems of
Khyrim. The stones at Mawsmai; which in ancient days used to be the
headquarters of a Siem, are some of the best carved in the hills. At
Mawrongjong, in the Jaintia sub-division, is a stone upon which a
figure, evidently of a Hindu god, has been carved, without doubt
after the erection of the stone. Here we have a striking parallel
case to the painted and carved menhir near Tregastel in Brittany,
upon which has been carved the representation of a crucifix. There are
also some carved stones near Nartiang (said to represent two women)
called _mawthawdur briew_.

The Khasis say that these great stones were brought sometimes from
considerable distances. After being hewn, the stones were laid on a
large, wooden trolley and dragged across country by means of ropes of
cane, of which plenty can be bad from the War country on the southern
side of the district, and then placed in position by means of ropes and
levers. It seems little short of marvellous that these stones, which
sometimes weighed many tons, were placed in position by such primitive
means, especially when we consider the great trouble there was to
re-erect one of the fallen stones at Stonehenge lately. Nowadays only
comparatively small stones are erected, which are generally hewn and
erected on the spot, so that there is no necessity for any conveyance.

In conclusion, it may be remarked that the subject of the Khasi
monoliths is in reality a large one, on which a great deal could
be written, but owing to considerations of space it has been found
necessary to compress the account within its present limits.


Festivities, Domestic and Tribal.

Dancing forms the principal part of all the Khasi festivities, and
is an important adjunct of some of their religious ceremonies. One
of the greatest festivals in the Khasi Hills is the Nongkrem dance;
it may be said to be as important an event to the Khasis as the _Beh
dieng-khlam_ festivities are to the Syntengs.

The Nongkrem dance is really part of what is known as the _pom-blang_,
or goat-killing ceremony, performed by the Siem of Khyrim (or
Nongkrem)) with the aid of his _soh-blei_ (high priest) and the various
_lyngdohs_ (or priests) to Ka Blei Synshar (the ruling goddess),
that the crops may prosper and that there may be a successful era in
store for the people of the State. The goddess on this occasion may be
regarded as a Khasi Demeter, although no mysteries form part of her
services as at the Grecian Eleusis. The Nongkrem ceremony and dance
(now held at Smit) take place in the late spring, generally in the
month of May. A lucky day having been fixed; the Siem sends a ring of
cane (_kyrwoh_) by way of a summons to the people of every village in
the State, at the same time informing them of the date of the puja and
requesting them to attend with their offerings, consisting of goats
and different articles of food. In the meantime various pujas have
been taking place in the house of _Ka Siem Sad_, the Siem priestess,
which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The more interesting
points only will be mentioned. A fortnight before the puja and dance
at Smit the _soh-blei_, or high priest, pours out libations of liquor
in the _kyram-blang_, or place where the sacrificial goats are kept,
and in front of the great post (of _dieng sning_, or Khasi oak),
in the house of the Siem priestess. Dancing then takes place in
front of the post. Later on the Siem, with the high priest and
other attendant priests, walks with extremely slow gait to a small
hill where a stone altar has been prepared, and sacrifices a cock
in honour of _u'lei Shillong_, or the god of the Shillong Peak. A
silver dish with powdered rice, liquor in a gourd, (_ka'iad um_),
betel-nut, and some leaves of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_), are also
necessary adjuncts of the puja. A goat is then sacrificed, and the
sacrifice is followed by a dance of twenty two men armed with swords
and shields and chowries (fly-flaps). Having danced before the altar,
the party returns to the house of the Siem priestess and executes
another dance in the great courtyard. The Siem and certain selected
persons dance in front of the _rishot blei_, or holy post of Khasi oak
inside the house of the Siam priestess, the dancers being entertained
with dried fish and ginger. Then follows the great dance of girls and
men in front of her house. The girls dance in the centre, taking such
tiny steps, that the lifting of their feet from the ground is hardly
perceptible, the arms held down to the sides and the eyes demurely
downcast. It is on this occasion that they wear the peculiar silver
(and sometimes gold) crowns illustrated in the plate. The hair is
worn tied in a knot behind the head, but with a long tail hanging
down the back. Rich silk cloths are worn by the girls, who present
the appearance of being, if anything, over-clothed, or, as Yule
aptly puts it, of "perfect parallelograms." They wear a profusion
of gold and coral bead necklaces, silver and gold chains, bracelets,
ear-rings of gold, and any other jewellery they can lay hands on. Not
only is the whole of the family jewellery, requisitioned by the fair
_débutante_ (it is only the unmarried who dance), but she borrows
from her friends. The men dance round the outside of the circle,
waving fly-flaps, and prancing (often nowadays, wearing huge boots)
with ungainly strides. The music necessary for the dance consists of
_tangmuri_ (pipes), drums, and cymbals. This is _ka shad kynthei_,
or the dance of the women. Then there _is ka shad mastieh_, or the
dance of the men, who are gaily dressed, wearing plumes of black and
white cock's feathers (_u thuiyah_) and hold swords and shields. After
gyrating for some time, two men at a time rapidly approach one another
and clash their swords together in mock combat. They then retire,
and, after again revolving for a period, repeat the process; then
other couples follow and take their place. This goes on, until the
dancers get tired or are told to stop.

The above description, may be taken as applicable to all the Khasi
dances. Dancing forms part of the ceremony of placing the ashes in the
sepulchre of the clan. Dancing also forms a part of certain ceremonies
performed at market for the prosperity of the State and for the good
of trade.

When I was at Mawsynram, at the time of the appointment of a Siem,
I witnessed a very pretty dance called _ka shad lymmoh_, performed
by men who held the leafy branches of trees in their hands. This
is most effective. Then followed a dance of some forty young girls,
very well dressed, covered with the usual gold and coral beads and
silver chains, and wearing the silver crown, or _pansngiat_. The young
women danced with great spirit, and with an absence of all shyness,
but still with the greatest decorum. Many of the women, spectators
as well as dancers, were observed to be without the usual _tap moh
khlih_, or head-cloth, the absence of which is always a sign amongst
the Khasi women of merry-making. There were women from the Wár country,
wearing their picturesque dress amongst whom was the wife of the Siem
of Bohwal with her little daughter. The dance was a pretty sight,
and I have seldom seen such evidence of unaffected happiness as was
exhibited by the people on this occasion. Dancing may be described
as one of the characteristic features of Khasi life.

The Synteng _Beh-diang-khlam_ festival takes place annually at Jowai
and elsewhere in the Jaintia Hills in the deep water moon month (_u
Jyllieu_, or June). _Khlam_ is the Khasi word for plague or pestilence
and _beh-dieng_ signifies to drive away with sticks. The festival
may be described as follows:--The males rise betimes on the day fixed
and beat the roof with sticks, calling upon the plague-demon to leave
the house. Having done this, later on in the day they go down to the
stream where the goddess "Aitan" dwells. Then poles of great length,
which have been newly cut, are held across the stream. The people
jump on the poles and try to break them; when they succeed in doing
so, a great shout is given. After all these poles have been broken,
a very large pole is fixed across the stream. The people then divide
themselves into two parties, and contend for the possession of the
tree. The contest, however, is a good-humoured one, and although many
buffets are given and received, these are not regarded seriously,
and there are seldom any fights. Col. Bivar says the contending
villagers in their excitement, sometimes relapse into a state of almost
complete nudity. The party which succeeds in obtaining possession of
the post is supposed to gain health and prosperity during the coming
year. Col. Bivar remarks that the origin of this so-called ceremony is
said to be that the god of thunder, "_u'lei pyrthat_," and Ka Aitan,
the goddess of the stream, enjoined its performance. Many innovations,
however, have crept in. People disguise themselves as giants and
wild beasts, they also parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers,
peacocks, &c. Dancing is carried on with enthusiasm by the males,
the girls, clad in their best attire, remaining on-lookers. Before
the meeting breaks up the males play a sort of game of hockey with
wooden balls.



Genna

The word _genna_ is one in common use amongst the Naga tribes. It seems
to be a matter of doubt whether the word belongs to any of the numerous
languages or dialects spoken by these tribes; but for our purposes
it may be taken to mean taboo. The Khasi word _sang_, which implies
an interdiction either religious or social from doing any particular
thing, might have been employed; but as the word _genna_ is so commonly
used when speaking of taboos amongst the hill tribes of this province,
I have thought fit to employ it here. The word _genna_, or taboo,
may be held to include the Khasi _sang_. Taboos amongst the Khasis,
Wars and Lynngams may be divided into two sections; (_a_) general, and
(_b_) special. Instances of general taboo have not been found amongst
the Khasis, but the following taboo called _Ka sang kla_ amongst the
Wár villages of Sohbar and Nongjri is peculiar, and therefore worthy
of description. Its chief peculiarity is that during the time the
_sang kla_ continues, the inhabitants of these two villages are not
allowed to associate with foreigners. This _genna_ takes place twice
a year, in the months of June and November, and lasts for a month each
time. During the _genna_ foreigners are not allowed to stay the night
in these two villages, and the villagers must not sleep the night
outside their villages. If they do not return home for the night,
they are subjected to a fine. There is a prohibition against eating,
smoking, or chewing betel-nut with foreigners during the period. The
above is the only instance of general taboo that I have been able to
find amongst the Wárs, but in the Lynngam villages there is a taboo on
all outsiders at the time of the village pujas. Such a taboo amongst
the Lynngams is not to be wondered at, as they have probably imbibed
the notion from their Garo mothers, intermarriages between Lynngams
and Garos being common. The Garos, like other Thibeto-Burmans, have
numerous taboos. There are numerous instances of special taboos
among the Khasis. _Kaba shong sang_, or marrying within the _kur_
or clan, is the most important taboo of all, and is regarded as the
most serious offence a Khasi can commit. It admits of no expiation,
and the bones and ashes of the offender cannot be placed in the
family tomb. There are special taboos for certain clans, of which
the following are some examples. The clan Nongtathiang cannot eat
the lemon, the Khar-umnuid clan must abstain from pork, the Cherra
Siem family cannot eat dried fish, and the Siem family of Mylliem
taboo the pumpkin. Possibly these taboos may be relics of totemism
amongst these communities. The following are some of the other taboos,
although some of them are but lightly regarded now-a-days.

(i.) To build a house with stone walls on all four sides.

(ii.) To use nails in building a house.

(iii.) To use more than one kind of timber in building the hearth.

(iv.) To build a house with resinous timber. Only the Siem family
can use such timber.

(v.) To cut trees from a sacred forest.

(vi.) To take or give anything with the left hand.

(vii.) To step over any one's body.

(viii.) To kill any animal or bird without first throwing rice over
its body. . .

(ix.) To drink the milk of a cow or goat.

(x.) To talk with any one, except with one of a man's or woman's
fellow-workers, when the thrashing of paddy is going on.

There are the following special taboos for pregnant women.

(_a_) To Accompany a funeral procession.

(_b_) To finish any sewing she may have commenced before she became
_enceinte_. There is a similar prohibition regarding the finishing
of the plaiting of wicker baskets.

(_c_) It is _sang_ for the husband of a pregnant woman to thatch the
ridge of the house at such a time, or to fix a handle to an axe or
a _dao_.



CHAPTER V

Folk-Tales, Traditions and Superstitions


Folk-Tales.

The Khasis possess a considerable amount of folk-lore. The tales which
will be found reproduced in the original Khasi have been obtained from
a collection which was in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Roberts,
of Cherrapunji, who very kindly placed it at my disposal. The
translations are by U Nissor Singh, Sub-Inspector of Schools, and
the author of a Khasi English Dictionary as well as certain other
educational works in that language. Dr. Roberts's collections would
fill a book; so I have selected only a few of what I consider typical
tales. At the instance of Sir Charles Lyall, I have given the Khasi
and English side by side. The stories will speak for themselves,
but I add a few explanatory notes. The water-fall of Ka Likai is
a magnificent cascade in the rainy season; it can best be viewed
from the heights of Laitkynsew. The water-fall is situated close
to the village of Nongriat, which is approached by a succession of
stone steps from the village of Tyrna, just below the Charrapunji
Laitkynsew bridle-path. "Dingiei," which is mentioned in the second
tale, is the high hill to be seen on the right-hand side of the
Shillong-Cherrapunji road soon after leaving Shillong. The highest
point of the range is over 6,000 ft. The third tale contains the
well-known story of Ka Pah Syntiew, the fabled ancestress of the
Khyrim and Mylliem Siem families. The cave where Ka Pah Syntiew is
said to have made her abode is still to be seen in the neighbourhood
of Nongkrem. The story of the origin of the Siems of Suhtnga, who
afterwards became the Rajas of Jaintiapur, is a well-known tale in the
Jaintia Hills. A description of the wonderful mass of granite known
by the name of the Kyllang Rock will be found in the section of the
monograph which deals with geographical distribution. I have also
added a photograph of the rock. The Syntengs have a story that when
the strong west wind blows in the spring this is due to the advent
of _U Kyllang_, who comes to visit his wife, the river _Umngot_,
at that season: amongst the Khasis hills are all of them masculine,
but to rivers is usually attributed the feminine gender. U Symper is
another isolated rocky eminence rising from the Maharam plain close to
the village of K'mawan. The best view of the hill is obtainable from
Laitmawsiang on the path to Mawsynram. The village of Mawsmai every
traveller from Therria to Cherrapunji knows. It is chiefly remarkable
for a fairly large limestone cave, and its fine memorial stones. The
Khasi theory to explain how the moon got its spots is, I believe,
original, but is no more extraordinary than our own nursery tale about
the "man in the moon." The _Sohpet Byneng_ hill is the first hill of
any size that the traveller sees on the Gauhati road when journeying
to Shillong. It is close to Umsning Dak Bungalow. There are caves
in the hill which are tenanted by bears. Strange to say, according
to Khasi ideas, this is one of the highest points in the hills; in
reality _Sophet Byneng_ is some 2,000 ft. lower than the Shillong
Peak. As mentioned elsewhere, the Khasis are very fond of dogs; so
I have given their version of how the dog came to live with man. The
well-known _thlen_ superstition will be found fully described under
the heading of "Human sacrifices." I have, however, thought the tale of
sufficient interest to reproduce at length here. The story of the river
Rupatylli is a pretty tale, and is just such a one as would appeal to
the imagination of mountaineers like the Khasis. The Kopili story is
important, in that it indicates the origin of human sacrifices in the
Jaintia Hills; it also throws, perhaps, some light on the question of
the use to which the flat table memorial stones were put in years gone
by. The superstition about the crossing of the Kopili can be vouched
for by many, who have taken the journey from the Jaintia Hills to North
Cachar by the Kopili route. Mawpunkyrtiang is a small village close to
Cherrapunji. The weird tale about the Siem of Malyniang is the pride
of the Maskut people, for in olden days their King, i.e. the Siem of
Malyniang, is supposed to have been a very powerful monarch amongst
the Khasis. The story of Manick Raitong is interesting, in that it
explains the origin of the use of the _sharati_, a bamboo flute of
special make which is played only at funerals. The pool of water,
which was formed after U Manick and the erring queen were burnt, may
be connected with the _Umkoi_, or tank, which is dug to cleanse the
souls of those who have died violent deaths. The idea of the bamboo,
which bore leaves that grew upside-down, springing up from the buried
flute, is also to be found in the Synteng tale regarding U Loh Ryndi's
fishing rod. Owing to considerations of space, I have had to curtail
largely the folk-lore section. I have, however, kept the materials
by me, and if at any future time there is reason to believe that the
reproduction of more Khasi folk-lore is called for, I shall be glad
to try to arrange that some of the other folk-tales be printed.


The Water-Fall of Ka Likai.

The water-fall of Ka Likai is one of the most beautiful water-falls in
the Khasi Hills. Its stream flows from a certain river from the village
of Rangjirteh and passes by the village of Nongriat. The fall can be
seen distinctly from the village of Laitkynsew. What a beautiful fall
it is when viewed in the autumn. It is also a very high fall. There
was in olden days in the village of Rangjirteh a woman called Ka
Likai. She was a poor woman who had a husband. When she had given
birth to a child, the husband died. Whilst the child was yet a baby,
she experienced much trouble in taking care of it on account of her
poverty. After the child was able to walk, what a pleasure it was
to her to see it growing, and able to play with other children. Then
that woman married another man; but he did not love the little child,
and many a time he got angry because she could not take care of him
more, on account of that child.

One day when she went to carry iron ore, her husband took the child
and killed it. When he had cut up the body into pieces, he prepared
curry with it and placed the curry where the mother would come and eat
it. When he had finished doing so, he threw the head and the bones of
the child far away, but he forgot to throw away the fingers, which he
had placed in a basket where the betel-nut was kept. When the mother
returned from her journey, she inquired "Where is the child?" "She
has just gone somewhere, I don't know where," he said. She remained
silent awhile; then she said, "Is there any rice and curry?" He said
"Yes, it is ready," and went out at the same time. When she ate, she
found the curry very tasty, and she thought that he had got the flesh
of a young pig from some one who had performed a sacrifice. When she
had finished eating, she took up the betel-nut basket, but found the
fingers of her child there. She shrieked and threw herself down, and
then ran to the precipice and cast herself down it. All the villagers
wondered, but no one ventured to prevent her as she held a _da_ in her
hand. From that time the waterfall was called the "Fall of Ka Likai."


Ka Kshaid Ka Likai.

Ka ksháid-ka-Likai ka long kawei ka ksháid ha ri Khasi kaba itynnad
shibún eh. Ka wan tuid na kawei ka wah ha ka shnong Rangjirteh kaba
wan hap ha ka shnong Nongriat. Ia kane ka ksháid lah ban ioh-i bha na
ka shnong Laitkynsew. Katno ka long kaba i-tynnad lada khmih ia ka
ha ka por synrái. Ka long ruh kaba jrong shibun eh. La don kawei ka
briew ha ka shnong Rangjirteh hyndái kaba kyrteng ka Likai. Kane ka
briew ka long kaba duk bad ka la don u tnga, te ynda la kha iwei i
khun kynthei uta i tnga u la iap noh. Hamar ka por ha dang lung ita
I khun ka la shitom shibún ban sumar ha ka jinglong duk jong ka. Te
ynda i la nangiaid katno, ka la sngewbhá ban ioh-i ia la i khun ba
i la sháit, bad ba i la nang ba'n leh kái bad ki para khynnah. Te
kane ka briew ka la shongkurim bad uwei pat u briew; hynrei uta u'm
ieit ia ita i khún, bad katno ba u la jiw sngew bitár ba ka'm lah
ban khreh ba'n sumar ia u na ka bynta ita i khún.

Te ha kawei ka sngi ba ka leit kit nongnar, utá u tnga u la shim ia
ita i khún bad u la pyniap noh. Bad haba u la ot u la shet jintah
ia ka doh jong i, u la buh ruh ha ka jaka ba ka'n wan bam ka kmie;
bad ynda u la dep kumta baroh u la leit bred noh ia ka khlih bad ki
shyieng sha jngái, hynrei ia ki shimpriahti ba u la buh ha ka shang
kwái u'm kynmáw shuh ban leit bred. Haba la wan ka kmie na kata ka
jingleit ka la kylli, "hangno ka khun"? "Tip ei, u ong, shano ka leit
kái myntan." Ka shu sngap noh bad ka ong "La don ja don jintah ne em"
u ong, "la don," bad hamar kata ka por u leit kái noh. Te haba ka la
bam ja, ka sngew bang shibun, bad ka la tharai ba u ioh doh khún sniang
na kino-kino kiba kñia, bad haba ka la lah bám ja ka la shim ka shang
kwái ba'n bam kwái, ka shem pynban da ki shimpriahti ita i khún bad
ka la lyniar la lympat ia lade kat ba lah, bad ka la mareh sha katei
ka ríat bad ka la pynnoh ia lade. Kumta lyngngoh ki shnong-ki-tháw
baroh bad y'm lah ba'n khang mano-mano ruh, ka bat la ka wait ha ka
kti. Te nadúh kata ka por ki khot "ka ksháid-noh-ka-Likai."


The Dingiei Hill.

Dingiei Hill is one of the highest peaks in the Khasi country,
resembling in height and size the Shillong "Peak" which lies opposite
and to the north of it. There are many villages on this hill belonging
to the Shillong Siem. In olden days on the top of this hill grew a
gigantic tree overshadowing the whole world, the name of that tree
was "ka Dingiei." The Khasis came to a determination that if this
tree were cut down (lit. destroyed) the world would become good and
would have light, for as long as it (the tree) remained standing,
the world remained dark and unfruitful. They accordingly came to an
unanimous decision to fell it. When they cut (the tree) during the
day and went back next morning, they found that the marks of cutting
had been obliterated. Thus they cut each day, and next morning they
found that the marks had disappeared. This was the case always. Then
they marvelled why this thing was thus. They asked questions and
they investigated; ka phreid (a very small bird) said "all this has
happened because a tiger comes every night to (the foot of) the tree
and licks the part of the tree which has been cut." Thereupon the men,
having plied their axes and knives the whole day in cutting the tree
(instead of carrying them away as usual), tied them to the incisions,
with their edges pointing outwards. So when the tiger went as usual at
night to lick the incisions, the sharp blades of the axes and knives
cut his tongue. Thenceforth the tiger ceased to go to the tree; and as
the tiger ceased to lick the incisions, the mark was not obliterated
as before. So their work went on progressing every day until ka
Dingiei fell. Thus the world received light, and cultivation throve,
and there was nothing more to stand in the way of the light of the sun
and the moon. It was for that reason that the name of "U Lum Dingiei"
was given to the hill. Nobody knows what became of the tree, for since
the time it fell its species has died out and there is no seed of it
(to be found) anywhere on the earth from which it can be grown.


U Lum Dingiei.

U lum Dingiei u long u wei u lúm uba jrong shibún ha ri Khasi. U
syrím ha ka jing jrong bad jingkhráw ia u lúm Shillong, bad u long
marpyrshah jong u shaphang Shatei. Halor une u lúm don bún ki shnong
hapoh u Siem Shillong. Mynhyndái halor une u lúm don kawei ka dieng
kaba khráw shibúin eh haduh ba ka la kah dum ia ka pyrthei baroli
kawei, ka kyrteng kata ka dieng ki khot ka Dingiei. Ki khún Khasi ki
la ia kut jingmut ba lada yn ioh pynduh noh ia kane ka dieng ka'n bha
ka'n shái ka pyrthei, namar katba ka dang ieng, ka pyrthei ka dum bad
ka'm lah ban seisoh. Kumta ki la ia ieng da kawei ka jingmut ba'n ia
khet noh ia ka. Te ynda ki la pom ia ka mynsngí, ki leit pat mynstep
ki shem ba la dam noh ka díen pom. Kumta ki pom biang sa ha kawei ka
sngi, ynda lashái mynstep ka dam-pa-dam biang. Shu kumta barabor ka
long. Hangta ki la lyngngoh, hato balei ka long kumne. Ki ia kylli ki
ia tohkit; ong ka phreid (ka sim kaba rit shibun) "kane ka jinglong
ha dam kumne haba phi la pom ka long namar u khla mynmiet mynmiet u
wan jliah ia ka díen ba phi la pom." Te kumta ki khún bynriew ynda
ki la lah pom mynsngi baroh shi sngi, mynmiet ki teh pyn-ang da ki
wait ki sdí ka kata ka jaka ba ki la lah pom . Kumta u khla haba
u wan mynmiet u jliah phot u thyllied haba kynduh ha kita ki syrti
wait syrti sdí. Kumtah naduh kata ka por um wan shúh; bad ynda um ioh
shuh ban jliah kata ka dien pom u khun bynriew, ruh kam dam shuh. Shu
nangdep ka jingtrei man ka sngi hadúh ba la kyllon ka Díngiei. Kumta
sa shái phèr ka pyrthei bad sa manbha ka thung ka tep ka rep ka sei
ynda ymdon ba shár shuh ia ka sngi ia u buái. Namarkata ki sa ioh
ban khot kyrteng ia une a lúm "u Lúm Díngiei." Ia ka jinglong kane
ka Díngiei ym don ba tip ei-ei nadúh kata ka pór hadúh mynta, namar
nadúh ba la kyllon ka iapdúh [32] bad ym don symbái ba kan pynmih
haei-haei ha ka pyrthei hadúh kane ka sngi.


Concerning the Origin of the Siems of Shillong.

The Siem of Shillong is a very great and powerful chief in the Khasi
Hills. He is generally known throughout the Khasi Hills as the "god
king". By the term "god king" is meant that God has been pleased to
give over to him the largest portion of the Khasi country, i.e. the
kingdom of Shillong, to rule. If you seek for the origin of these
"god kings," you will find there is great uncertainty about it. At
any rate there is a tradition amongst the Khasis to the following
effect. In olden days a rumour got abroad that there was a woman in
a cave called Marai, which is situated near the present village of
Pomlakrai, at the source of the river Umiew or Umiam. She was a young
and very beautiful damsel. Of the reality of the damsel's existence
there is no question. Many tried to catch her, but they could not,
owing to the narrowness of the cave. There came, however, a certain
very clever man who went to entice her by showing her a flower called
"u tiew-jalyngkteng." The damsel then came (out) near to snatch the
flower, but the man went on holding back his hand until she came out
into a more open place, when he seized her. He then brought her to his
house and carefully tended her, and afterwards he married her. That
damsel was called "_Ka Pah Syntiew_, the flower-lured one," because
that man caught her by coaxing and enticing her with a flower. That
man, who came from the village of Nongjri in the Bhoi country, was
called the Nongjri Kongor. After she had given birth to daughters and
sons, she returned, to the same place whence she had been captured,
and from that time forth she never came out again, however much her
husband and children called and implored her. Her children increased
in stature and in wisdom and the people hearing of the wonderful
origin of their mother, came from all parts of the country to look at
them. The children also were very clever at showing their humility
and good manners in the presence of the elders. All the people (in
return) loved them and considered them to be the children of the
gods and did homage to them. It occurred to the nobles and leaders
of the Shillong Raj to appoint them Siems, because (they said) the
children had been born of a wonderful woman, who, it seemed very
clear, was the daughter of the "god Shillong." Therefore they gladly
decided to appoint them Siems in the country of Shillong, (i.e., the
present Khyrim and Mylliem States). The children thus became Siems,
and they were called "Ki Siem-Blei" (the god kings) of Shilong. [33]


Shaphang ba long U Siem Shillong.

U Siem Shillong u long uwei u Siem uba khráw shibún bad uba don bór
ruh ha kane ka ri lúm Khasi. Ia une u Siem la jiw bna baroh kawei ka
ri ba u long u Siem-Blei. Haba ong Siem-Blei ka mut ba U Blei u la i
mon sngewbha ba'n aiti ha u ban synshár ia kawei ka bynta kaba khráw
ha ri Khasi. Ha une la ái ba'n synshar ha ri Shillong. Haba wád ia ka
jingsdang jong kine ki Siem Blei don shibún ka jingb'ym thikna. La
kumno-kumno ka don ka jingiathu-khana kum kane kaba harum ha pydeng
ki Khasi hadúh kane ka sngi. Ha kaba nyngkong eh la byna ha don kawei
ka bríew ha ka krem Marái, kaba hajan ka shnong Pomlakrái mynta, ha
tyllong ka wah Umiew ne Umiám. Kata ka bríew kaba dang met samla kaba
bhabríew shibún eh. Ia kaba ka don, ka don hangta barabor, bad bún ki
ia pyrshang ban kem ia ka, kim lah namar ka long ka krem kaba khim. Te
ynda la mih uwei u bríew uba kham sian u la leit khroh ia ka da kaba
pyni da u syntíew uba ki khot u tiéw-ja-lyngkteng. Kumta katno ka bríew
ka la wan hajan ba'n kynieh ia uta u syntiew, te uta u bríew u nangring
da kaba pynran ia la ka kti khyndiat khyndiat hadúh ka'n da mih ha kaba
kham kylluíd ka jaka, u sa kem ia ka. Hangta u la wallam sha la ieng,
u ri u sumar bha ia ka, bad hadien-hadien u la shongkurim ia ka. Te
la khot kyrteng ia kata ka bríew ka Pah-syntiew, namar ba uta u briew
u ioh kem ia ka da kaba khroh ba pah da u syntiew. Uta u bríew u long
uba na Nongjri Bhoi, bad ki jiw khot u Kongor Nongjri ia u. Te ynda
ka la kha ki khún, kynthei bad shynrang, ka la leit phet sha kajuh ka
jaka na kaba u la ioh kem ia ka, bad nadúh kata ka por ka'm wan shuh,
la'u tnga ki khún ki leit khot leit pyrta katno-katno ruh. Kita ki
khún ki la nangshait nang sian, bad ki bríew ruh, haba ki la bna ia
ka jinglong kaba phylla ka jong ku kmie jong ki, ki la wan khnang na
kylleng ki jaka ba'n khmih ia kita ki khynnah. Te kita ki khynnah ki la
nang shibún ba'n leh rit ba'n leh don akór ha khmat ki tymmen bríew,
ki bríew ruh baroh ki a ieit ia ki bad ki tharai ba ki long ki khún
Blei. Kumta ki la ia ngúh ki la ia dem ia kita ki khynnah bad hadíen
kata ka la jia ha ki dohnúd kiba khráw-batri, ki tymmen-ki-san ha ka
ri Shillong ban thung Siem ia ki namar ki khynnah ki long kiba la wan
kha da ka briew kaba phylla shibún, kaba imat eh ba ka long ka khún
u Blei Shillong. Te kumta ki la ia kut da ka mon snowbha baroh ba'n
thung Siem ia ki ha ka hima Shillong, bad kumta la long Siem kita ki
khynnah, ki synsháh bad ki khot ruh ia ki Siem-Blei-Siem-Shillong.


U Loh Ryndi and Ka Lim Dohkha.

The Syntengs give the following explanation of the origin of Siems
of Suhtnga. There was a man from Wár Umwi named U Loh Ryndi. He went
one day to fish in the Umwi stream. When he had caught only one fish,
he returned home. He roasted the fish and placed it on the _tyngir_
(a swinging shelf above the hearth). He forgot that it was there, and
did not remember to eat it. The next morning he went out for a walk to
the hill. When he returned home in the evening, he found his house had
been swept and looked after, and that the rice had been cooked. He was
much surprised at this. The next day the same thing happened. When this
state of things continued to occur, he made a pretence of going for a
walk to the hill and he called his dog. But he concealed himself the
whole day outside the village, and when it was time for cooking rice
(evening), he returned home. When he saw that smoke was rising from the
house, he crept up stealthily in order that he might suddenly enter the
house. Finding a woman there, he said, "Who art thou?" She replied,
"I am Ka Lih Dohkha. I am the fish whom thou didst catch and forget
to eat. She forthwith added, "Thou must not let any one know. I have
many relatives. Come, let us go and fetch them to come here." So Ka
Loh Ryndi bade his mother take care of the house until his return from
his journey. They went together and arrived at the place where he had
caught her, and she jumped into the water and he remained on the dry
land. After a while she returned, bringing with her her relatives,
but how many of them there were is not known. They all went to the
house of U Loh Ryndi. When Ka Lih Dohkha began to enter the house,
and was about to cross the threshold, she saw a broom which his mother
had placed on the threshold. She therefore abruptly turned back with
all her relatives to the river. After that U Loh Ryndi saw in a dream
that Ka Lih Dohkha had gone by the river Umwai Khyrwi to a village
called Suhtnga. (Since that time all the fish have left the river up
to the present day.) He accordingly went to angle for her in that
stream, and when he had caught her, he found that she looked after
him just the same as before. After that he married Ka Lih Dohkha and
she bore him twelve daughters and a son. When the children of U Loh
Ryndi and Ka Lih Dohkha grew up, both of them returned to the stream
Umwai Khyrwi. It is said that from the fishing rod of U Loh Ryndi,
which he left on the bank of the stream, there grew up bamboos,
the joints and leaves of which grow upside down to the present day.


U Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lim Dohkha.

Ki Synteng ki batai ia ka jinglong tynrai ki Siem Suhtnga kumne. La
don u wei U Wár Umwi, uba kyrteng U Loh Ryndi, uba la leit khwái
dohkha na ka Wah Umwi; te ynda la ngat tang kata kawai u la wan
noh sba la ieng. Ynda u la syang u la buh noh halor tyngír ha ka
ruh. Hangta u la klet bad um kynmáw shuh ban bám ia ka. Kumta ynda
la-shái mynstep u la leit kái pat sha lum, te haba u la wan noh la
jan miet u la shem ia ka iing jong u ba la sár la sumar bad ka ja ba
la ih. Mynkata u la lyngngeh shibán ba ka long kumne. Te kum la-shái
ka la long kumjuh. Ynda ka shu dem iailong kumne-pa-kumne la bán sín
eh, ynda kumta u la leh ia lade kum u ban sa leit lúm, u da ting ia
u ksew. Hinrei u la rih noh baroh shi sngi harud nong, bad ynda la
poi ka por shet ja u la wan noh sha iing. Te mynba u la ioh-i ba la
tydem ding ha ieng u la syntiat bha biang ba un ioh rung kynsan bluit
hapoh. Hynda kumta u la shem ia ka kynthei hangta. U la ong ia ka,
"Pha kaei"? Ka la ong ia u, "nga long Ka Lih-dohkha, ma nga, nga long
kata ka dohkha ba me la ngat bad me la klet ban bam." Ynda kumta ka
la ong ia u "me wat pyntip iano iano ruh, nga don ki kur shibún eh,
ngin ia leit sháw ia ki ban wan noh shane." Kumta U Loh Ryndi u la
buh ia la ka kmie ban sumar ia ka iing tad ynda un wan na ka jingleit
jong u. Ynda ki la ia leit ki la poi ha kata ka jaka ba u la ngat ia
ka. Ynda kumta ka la sid ha ka um, u te u nang sah ha ka ryngkew. Te
la shibit ka la wan pat sha u bad ka wallam lem bad ka ia ki kur,
hinrei ki long katno ngut ym lah banong, bad ki la leit baroh sha ka
iing U Loh Ryndi. Te mynba Ka Lih Dohkha ka la sydang rung ha iing,
hamar be kan sa jám ia ka shahksew ka la ioh-i ia u synsar ba la buh ka
kmie jong u hapoh kata ka shahksew; namarkata ka la kylla dín bak bad
ki kur jong ka sha kata ka wah. Hadin kata U Loh Ryndi u la phohsníw,
u la ioh-i ha kata ka jingphohsniw ia Ka Lih Dohkha ba ka la leit noh
sha ka shnong ba ki khot ka Suhtnga ha ka Umwai-khyrwi (naduh kata
la jah noh ki dohkha ha ka wah Umwi haduh mynta). Te u ruh u la leit
sha kata ka wah ban khwai ia ka, bad ynda u la ngat u la shem ba ka
sumar ia u kumjuh. Ynda nangta u la shongkurim bad Ka Lih Dohkha,
bad u la ioh khún khadar ngut ki kynthei uwei u shynrang. Ynda la
rangbah kita ki khún u Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lih Dohkha ki la leit noh
baroh ar ngut ha kata ka Umwai Khyrwi. Te ki ong ba na u ryngwiang
khwai jong U Loh Ryndi, harud um ba u la ieh noh, la long ki shken
kiba ka mat ka long khongpong bad ka sla de kumjuh jen haduh mynta.


Kyllang and Symper.

Kyllang is a hill which is near the village of Mawnai in Khadsawphra,
and Symper is a hill which is situated in the Siemship of Maharam. The
old folks say that there are gods which inhabit these hills, which
are called U Kyllang and U Symper. These gods had a quarrel for some
reason that we mortals do not know. They fought by throwing mud at
one another. After they had fought, once or twice, U Kyllang proved
victorious. So U Symper, having been humiliated, sits quietly in his
own place to this day, and U Kyllang sits very proudly because be was
victorious in the fight. The holes which are like tanks in U Symper's
sides remain to this day; it is said that U Kyllang made those holes
during the battle.


U Kyllang [34] bad U Symper.

U Kyllang u long u lúm uba hajan ka shnong Mawnái ha Khadsawphra
bad U Symper u dei u lúm uba long ha ri Maharam. Ha kine ki lúm ki
tymmen ki jiw tharai ba don ki blei kiba shong hangto kiba kyrteng
U Kyllang bad U Symper. Kine ki blei baroh ar ngut ki la ia kajia
namar kano kano ka dáw kaba ngi u bynríw ngim lah ban tip. Te ki la
ialeh baroh ar ngut da kaba ia khawoh ktih. Ynda ki la ialeh shi por
ar por jop U Kyllang. Kumta U Symper u shong pynrit ia lade ha la ka
jaka jar-jar haduh mynta, bad U Kyllang u shong da kaba sngew khráw
sngew sarong shibún ba u la jop ha ka jingialeh. Ki thlíw kiba long
kum ki pukri kiba don ha ki krung u lúm Symper ki sah haduh mynta;
ki ong ba la pynlong ia kito ki thlíw da U Kyllang ha ka por ialeh.


The Siem creating stone at Mawsmai.

On the outskirts of Mawsmai village, and to the west of it, stands a
hill; it is a very beautiful hill. From a distance it looks like the
hump of a bull. It has big trees growing on it, as people are afraid
to cut them because they believe that the god "Ryngkew" is there,
who takes care of and protects the country. This hill has two names,
U Mawlong Siem and U Lyngkrem. U Mawlong Siem is the smaller (peak)
on the southern side, and U Lyngkrem the taller one, in which there is
a cave. The Mawsmai people sacrifice once or twice a year according
to the god's demand. The Mawsmai people have, besides U Mawlong
Siem, other village gods (called "Ryngkew"). The name of the one is
"U Rangjadong," and the name of the other "U Ramsong." Sacrifices
are offered to these two also. U Mawlong Siem is a very great and
stern god. The other gods dare not engage in battle with him. He
has a daughter called "Ka Khmat Kharai" (i.e. the mouth of the
abyss). The god of the Umwai people fell in love with this daughter,
but he was unable to obtain her in marrage, as U Mawlong Siem did
not like him. It is not possible to know the exact reason why the
name of U Mawlong Siem was given to him, but at any rate it appears
that the name arose from the fact that in olden days before the death
of a Siem there used to be heard at "Mawlong Siem" a great noise of
beating of drums. The Mawsmai and the Mawmluh people used to hear it,
and they attributed it to the god "Mawlong Siem," who beat the drum
for his children to dance to. At any rate, when this sound is heard,
it never fails to portend the death of a Siem. It appears that this
hill was called "Mawlong Siem" for that reason.


U Mawlong Siem ha Mawsmai.

Harúd 'nong Máwsmái don u wei u lúm uba shaphang sepngi na ka
shnong. Une u lúm uba i-tynnad shibún. Ban khymih na sha jingngái u
long kum u syntai masi kyrtong. U don ki dieng kiba khráw ki bým jiw
don ba núd ban thoh ban daiñ namar ba ki ñiew ba u long U Ryngkew u
blei uba sumar uba da ia ka muluk ka jaka. Ia une u lúm ki khot ar
kyrteng, U Mawlong Siem bad U Lyngkrem, U Máwlong Siem u long uta uba
kham lyngkot shaphang shathi, bad U Lyngkrem u long uta uba jerong eh
bad uba don ka krem Pubon hapoh. Ia une U Mawlong Siem ki Máwsmái ki
jiw ai jingknia da u blang shisin shi snem ne shi sin ar snem katba
u pan. Ki Mawmluh ruh ki leh kumjuh na la shnong. Nalor une U Mawlong
Siem ki Máwsmái ki don shuh ki Ryngkew hajan shgong, uwei U Rangjadong
bad uwei pat U Ramsong. Ia kine ki kñia. Une U Mawlong Siem u long
u blei uba khráw shibún bad uba eh. Ki para blei kim núd ban ia leh
thyma ia ki. U don kawai ka khún kaba kyrteng "Ka Khymat Kharái,"
u blei ki Umwái u i-bha ia ka, hinrei um lah poi namar U Máwlong
Siem úm sngewbha ia u. Ban tip thikna ia ka dáw balei ba khot kyrteng
Máwlong Siem ia u ym lah ban tip; hinrei la kumno kumno i-mat ba kane
ka kyrteng ka la mih namar ba mynhyndái haba yn sa iap Siem la jiw
ioh sngew hangta ha U Máwlong Siem ba don ka jingsawa tem ksing kaba
khraw shibun. Ki Mawsmai bad ki Mawmluh ki jiw ioh sngew, bad ki jiw
tharai ba u blei Mawlong Siem u tem ksing ban pynshád khún. Lei lei
haba la ioh sngew kum kata ka jingsawa ym jiw pep ia ka ban iap Siem,
bad i-mat ba na kata ka daw la khot kyrteng ia une u lum Máwlong Siem.


Why There Are Spots On The Moon.

In olden days there was a woman who had four children, three girls
and one boy. Their names were these, Ka Sngi (sun), Ka Um (water),
Ka Ding (fire), and U Bynai (moon). These four children belonged to
rich gentle folk. The Moon was a wicked young man, for he began to
make love to his elder sister, Ka Sngi. In the beginning the Moon was
as bright as the Sun. When the Sun became aware of his bad intentions,
she was very angry. She took some ashes in her hand and said to him,
"do you harbour such an incestuous and wicked intention against me,
your elder sister, who has taken care of you and held you in her
arms, and carried you on her back like a mother does; now I will
cover your brow with ashes, you wicked and shameless one; begone
from the house." Then the Moon felt very much ashamed, and from
that time he gave out a white light because the Sun had covered him
with ashes. What we see like a cloud (on the Moon) when it is full,
are the ashes which adhered from the time the Sun covered him with
them. The three daughters, however, remained at home to take care of
their mother, until she grow old and died.


Kumno ba la Thoh dak U Bynai.

La don kawei ka briew mynhyndái kaba don saw ngut ki khún, lai ngut
ki kynthei bad u wei u shynrang. Ki kyrteng jong ki ki long kine,
Ka Sngi, Ka Um, Ka Ding, bad U Bynái. Kine baroh saw ngut ki la long
ki khún ríwbba khún don burom shisha shisha. Te une U Bynái u la long
u bríew uba riwnar, u sydang ban i-bha ia la ka hynmen, Ka Sngi. Une
U Bynái ruh ha kaba mynnyngkong u long uba phyrnái hi ryngkat Ka
Sngi. Te ynda ka Sngi ka la sngewthuh ia ka jingmut riwnar jong u
ka la sngew bittar shibún bad ka la shim u dypei ha la ka kti bad ka
la ong ia u, "da kum kane ka kam kaba sang kaba sníw phi thew ia nga
ka hynmen kaba la thum la bah, la sumar sukher kum ka kymie ryngkat;
mynta ngan tep da u dypei ia ka shyllang-mat jong me u riwnar u khlem
raiñ,--khie phet noh na iing." Te U Bynái u la sngew rem sngew raiñ
shibún eh. Bad naduh kata ka por U Bynái u kylla da ka jinghái kaba
líh namar ba tep Ka Sngi da u dypei. Bad uta uba ngi ioh-i ha U Bynái
kum u l'oh ha ka por ba u pyllun u long u dypei keiñ uba sah naduh
ba tep Ka Sngi. Te ki sah lai ngut ki para kynthei kiba sumar ia la
ka kmie ba la sydot la tymmen haduh ba kan da iap.



"Sohpet Byneng" Hill.

In olden days, when the earth was very young, they say that heaven
and earth were very near to one another, because the navel-string of
heaven drew the earth very close to it. This navel-string of heaven,
resembling flesh, linked a hill near Sumer with heaven. At that time
all the subjects of the Siem of Mylliem throughout his kingdom came
to one decision, i.e. to sever the navel-string from that hill. After
they had cut it, the navel-string became short; and, as soon as it
shortened, heaven then ascended high. It was since that time that
heaven became so high, and it is for that reason that they call that
hill which is near Sumer "U Sohpet Byneng."


U Lúm Sohpet Byneng.

Mynhyndái mynba dang lung ka pyrthei ki ong ba ka byneng bad ka khyndew
ki ia jan sbibún namar ba U Sohpet Byneng u ring ia ka byneng ba'n
wan kham hajan. Une U Sohpet Byneng u long kum ka doh kaba snoh na u
wei u lum uba hajan Sumer bad ka snoh ruh ia ka byneng. Te mynkata
ka pór ki khún ki raiot U Siem Mylliem baroh kawei ka hima ki ia
ryntieh kawei ka buit ban ia ieng ba'n khet noh ia uta U Sohpet
Byneng na uta u lum. Te ynda ki la ialeh ba'n khet ia u u la dykut,
bad tang u shu dykut ka byneng ka la kiw theng sha jerong. Kumta ka
shu jngái kumne ka byneng nadúh kata ka pór ba dykut U Sohpet Byneng
nalór uta u lúm. Kane ruh ka long ka dáw namar balei ba la khot ia
uta u lúm uba don hajan Sumer "U Lúm Sohpet Byneng."


How the Dog came to live with Man.

In olden days, when the world was young, all the beasts lived happily
together, and they bought and sold together, and they jointly built
markets. The largest market where all the beasts used to take their
articles for sale was "Luri-Lura," in the Bhoi country. To that
market the dog came to sell rotten peas. No animal would buy that
stinking stuff. Whenever any beast passed by his stall, he used to
say "Please buy this stuff." When they looked at it and smelt it, it
gave out a bad odour. When many animals had collected together near
the stall of the dog, they took offence at him, and they said to him,
"Why have you come to sell this evil smelling, dirty stuff?" They then
kicked his ware and trampled it under foot. The dog then complained
to the principal beasts and also to the tiger, who was at that time
the priest of the market. But they condemned him, saying, "You will be
fined for coming to sell such dirty stuff in the market." So they acted
despitefully towards him by kicking and trampling upon his wares. When
the dog perceived that there was no one to give ear to his complaint,
he went to man, who said, "Come and live with me, and I will arise
with you to seek revenge on all the animals who have wronged you." The
dog agreed and went to live with man from that time. Then man began
to hunt with the assistance of the dog. The dog knows well also how
to follow the tracks of the animals, because he can scent in their
footprints the smell of the rotten pea stuff which they trod under
foot at Luri-Lura market.



Kumno u Kseq u la wan Shong bad u Briew.

Mynhyndái, mynba dang lung ka pyrthei shibit, ki mrád ki mreng lái
phew jaid ki ia suk ki ia lok para mrád, bad ki ju ia-die-ia-thied, ia
tháw iew tháw hat ryngkat. Te ka iew kaba khráw tam eh kaba poi baroh
ki lái phew mrád ba'n wallam la ki jingkhaii pateng ka long ka Iew
"Luri-Lura" ba ri Bhoi. Ha kata ka iew u ksew u wan die 'tung rymbái,
te ym man don ba pán thied satia ia kata ka ktung. La iaid kawei ka
mrád u tyrwa, "To thied kane ka ktung." Haba ka la khmih bad ka la íw,
kaba iwtung pynban, la iaid kawei pat ruh shu shem ba ka long kumta,
kaba sniew bad kaba íwtung ka jingdie jong u ksew. Te haba ki la ialang
kham bún ha ka basa jong u ki la phoi ia u ksew, ki ong "balei me wan
die ia ka ktung kaba íw jakhlia?" bad ki la kynjat ia ka jingdie jong
u bad ki la iúh hapoh slajat. Te u ksew u la mudui ha ki para mrád kiba
kham rangbah bad ha u khla uba long lyngdoh, ha kata ka iew. Pynban ki
la pynrem ia u, bad ki la ong, "yn dain kuna ia me uba wan die ia ka
jakhlia ha ka iew ka hat." Kumta ki la leh bein ia u da kaba iuh kaba
kynjat ia kata ka ktung. Te u ksew haba u ioh-i b'ym don ba sngap ia
ka jingmudui jong u, u la wan sha u bynriew, bad u bynriew u la ong
"To wan shong noh bad nga nga'n ieng ryngkat bad me ba'n wád kyput ia
ki lái phew mrád kiba leh bein ia me." Te kumta u ksew u la kohnguh
bad u la wan shong bad u bynriew nadúh kata ka pór. Nangta sa long
ka beh mrád u bynriew ryngkat bad ka jingiarap u ksew. U ksew ruh u
tip ba'n búd dien ia ki mrád, namar u sngewthúh ba ka dien ka khnap
ka mrád baroh ka don ka jingíw-khong ba la sah ka jingíw nadúh kata
ka pór ba ki iúh ia ka ktung rymbái jong u ha ka Iew Luri-Lura.


The "Thlen."

In olden days there was a market in the village of Langhiang Kongkhen,
and there was a bridge sacred to the gods there. All the children
of men used to frequent that heavenly market. They used to pass by
Rangjirteh, where there is a cave which was tenanted by a gigantic
"thlen." When they went to that market, as soon as they arrived at
Rangjirteh they were swallowed up by the "thlen." The "thlen" did this
in obedience to an order he had received. If ten people went there,
five of them were swallowed up; half of them he devoured, and half
of them he let go. But any one who went alone was not touched by the
"thlen," for it was necessary for him to leave untouched half (of
the number of those who went). When many people had been devoured,
and when they saw that all the children of men would be destroyed,
whether they were Khasis or plains people, they held a great durbar
at Sunnai market to which both Khasis and plains people went. They
considered together as to how to devise a means by which they could
slay the "thlen" which had devoured the children of men. After they
had deliberated for a long time they decided to adopt the following
plan. In the grove that is close to Laitryngew, which is called
"the grove of U Suidnoh," there was a man called "U Suidnoh." They
counselled together to get "U Suidnoh" to make friends with the
"thlen." This Suidnoh was a courageous man who did not care for any
one. He used always to walk alone; so when he went to the "thlen,"
the latter did not eat him because there was no one else with him
who could be let go. The people advised U Suidnoh that he should
go and give the "thlen" flesh every day, either goats, or pigs, or
cattle. After he had done this for a long time, the "thlen" became
tame, and was great friends with U Suidnoh. When both of them became
very intimate thus, the children of men advised U Suidnoh to build a
smelting house. So he built a smelting house and made the iron red-hot,
and, holding it with a pair of tongs, took it to the "thlen." When
he arrived he said to the "thlen," "Open your mouth, open your mouth,
brother-in-law, here is some flesh." As soon as he opened his mouth,
he threw the red-hot iron down his throat. The monster then struggled
and wriggled so violently in its death agony that the earth shook as if
there had been an earthquake. When U Suidnoh saw the death struggle of
the "thlen," he fainted (from excitement). The quaking of the earth
startled all the children of men, and they thought that something
had happened. When U Suidnoh did not return home his family went
to look for him, for they knew that he had gone to feed the "thlen"
with red-hot iron. They found him there lying in a faint. When they
had revived him, they asked him why he had fainted thus. He replied,
"When I was feeding the 'thlen' with red-hot iron, he struggled
and wriggled and I fainted. Come, let us go and see what has become
of him." They then went and found that the "thlen" was dead. They
then published abroad all over the world that the "thlen" was dead,
and they convened a durbar to decide about eating him. In the durbar
they came to the following understanding, i.e. that the Khasis should
eat half, and the plains people half (of the body). After they had
come to this decision in the durbar, they then went to take him out
of the cave, and they lifted him on to a rock. They there cut into
pieces the "thlen's" carcase. The plains people from the East, being
more numerous, ate up their share entirely, not leaving anything--for
this reason there are no "thlens" in the plains; but the Khasis from
the West, being fewer in numbers, could not eat up the whole of their
share; they left a little of it. Thus, because they did not eat it
all, the "thlen" has remained with them. U Suidnoh gained for himself
fame and honour, which he enjoys up to the present day. The Khasis,
therefore, when they find that the hair or the clothes of any one
belonging to them have been cut, refer the matter to U Suidnoh, and
they sacrifice to him. The Syntengs also have their "thlen," but he
differs much from the Khasi "thlen." The Syntengs also believe he is
a kind of serpent, and there are some families and clans who keep
him and worship him like a god. They sacrifice to him a pig only;
they do not propitiate him with human blood as the Khasis do. [35]


Shaphang U Thlen.

Mynhyndái la don ka iew ha Langhiang Kongkhen, ba don ka jingkieng blei
hangta. Baroh ki khún bynriw ki ia wan ha kane ka iew blei. Ki iáid
lynti na Rangjirteh, kaba don ka krem u thlen uba khráw eh. Te katba
ki leit sha kane ka iew blei tang shu poi ha Rangjirteh la ngúid noh u
thlen. U ieh kum ha kane ka rukom kat kum ka hukum ba u la ioh. Lada
iáid shiphaw ngut, san ngut la ngúid noh; shiteng shiteng la bám,
shiteng shiteng la pyllait noh. Hinrei ia uba iáid wei briew ym bit
ba'n bám. Ka dei ba'n da pyllait shiteng shiteng. Te ynda la lut
than eh ki briew, ki i ruh kum ba'n sa dúh ki khún bynriew baroh,
bad Khasi bad Dykhar, hangta ki la sydang ba'n lum ka dorbar bah ha
ka iew Sunnai, u Dykhar u hangta u Khasi ruh hangta. Ki ia pyrkhat
ba'n ioh ka buit ka lád da kumno ki lah ba'n pyniap noh ia u thlen
uba la bam dúh ia u khún bynriew. Ynda ki la dorbar kham slem ki
la ioh ka lád kaba biang kumne. Ha kata ka khláw hajan Laitryngew
kaba ki khot 'làw Suidnoh la don uwei uba kyrteng "U Suidnoh"
ki la ong ba'n pynialok ia U Suidnoh bad U Thlen. Une U Suidnoh u
long uba riwnar u b'ym jiw iáid ryngkat briew. Wei briw, wei briw,
u iáid. Kumte haba u leit sha U Thlen ruh u'm bám satia namar ba U
Thlen hi ruh u'm jiw bám ha b'ym don jingpyllait. Ki briew ki la sylla
ia U Suidnoh ba un leit ai doh ia u hala ka sngi; u ai da ki blang,
ki sniang, ki massi. Haba la leh kumta kham slem U Thlen u la júh,
u la ia lok bha bad "U Suidnoh." Te ynda kine ki la ia juh bha,
u khún bynriew u la bythah pat ia U Suidnoh ba u'n shna shlem, bad
u la shna shlem ba'n pyrsut nar-wah. Ynda u la pyrsut ia u nar hadúh
ba u la sáw bha hâin u la khap na ka lawar ding bak bad katba u dang
sáw dang khluid bha u la leit lam ha U Thlen. Tang shu poi u ong "Ko
kynum ang, ang, kane ka doh," bad iang u shu ang u la thep jluk ha u
pydot. Hangta U Thlen u la khih u la lympat u la kyrhtat u la ksaid
iap badúh ba la win ka khyndew kumba khih u jumái. Hangta U Suidnoh,
haba u ioh-i ia ka jingksáid iap U Thlen, u ruh u la iaplér b'ym tip
briew shúh. Te kata ka jingwin ka khyndew ka la pynkyndit ia u khún
bynriew baroh ha ka pyrthei, bad ki la pyrkhat ba la jia ei ei. U
Suidnoh u'm poi shúh sha la iing, te kiba ha iing jong u ki la leit
wád, namar ki la tip ba u la leit ai jingbám ha U Thlen da u nar sáw:
hangta ki la shem ba u la iap lér, bad ki la pynkyndit ia u bad ki
la kylli ia u "Balei me iaplér kumne?" U ong, "Hamar ba nga dang
ai jingbam ia U Thlen da u nar sáw ba la pyrsut bha, u la kyrthat,
khih lympat U Thlen bad nga la iap lér. "Ia, ia leit khymih kumno u
la long." Ynda ki la ia leit khymih ki shem ba la iap U Thlen. Hangta
la pynbyna hàw ia ka pyrthei baroh be la lah iap U Thlen, bad u lùm
ka dorbar ba'n bám noh ia u. Hangta ha ka dorbar ki la ia kut kumne:
ki Khasi ki'n bám shiteng bad ki Dykhar ki'n bam shiteng. Ynda la
ia kut kumta ha ka dorbar ki la ieng ba'n leit sei noh na ka krem,
bad ki la rah halor u máwsiang. Hangta ki la ia shain ia dain ia
ka doh U Thlen lyngkhot lyngkhot. Ki Dykhar na mih-ngi, namar ba ki
kham bún briew ki la bám lut ia la ka bynta, kim shym pynaah ei ei,
kumta ym don Thlen shúh ha pyddeng ki Dylhar. Hinrei ki Khasi, na
sepngi namar ba ki kham duna briew ki'm shym lah ba'n bam lut ia la
ka bynta, ki la pynsah katto katne. Kumta namar ba ki'm shym bám lut,
U Thlen u dang sah. U Suidnoh u la ioh la ka nám la ka burom hadúh
mynta. Namar haba ki Khasi ki shem ba la ot shniuh ne ot jáin ki
pynkit halor U Suidnoh bad ki ái jingknia ia u. Ki Synteng ruh ki don
la U Thlen hinrei u phér shibun na U Thlen Khasi. Ki Synteng ruh ki
ngeit ba u long u kynja bysein, bad don ki iing bad ki jaid kiba jiw
ri ia u bad ki mane kum u blei. Ki ai jingknia ia u tang da u sniang,
hinrei kim ái da ka snám briew kumba ái ki Khasi kiba ri ia u.



About the River "Rupatylli" at Duwara.

In ancient times, when the world was still young, there were two river
goddesses who lived on the Shillong Peak; perhaps really they were
the daughters of the god of the Peak. These two wagered one against
the other that each would be the first to arrive in the Sylhet plains
by cutting a channel for herself. They agreed to start from Shillong
Peak. One followed the channel of the Umngot, and the other that of
Umiew or Umiam. The one that followed the channel of Umngot chose a
soft and easy bed, and although the way was a longer one, she did not
find it a trouble to go by a circuitous route. When she reached the
Sylhet plains she was called "Shengurkhat," and she then flowed past
Chhatak, and so reached Duwara. She looked round to see where Umiam
was, but she could not descry her anywhere. So out of playfulness she
flowed slowly, and she formed a channel like a necklace (_rupatylli_)
by way of waiting to see where Umiam was. Umiew was very proud,
she felt strong enough to make the channel she chose, and although
it was through the midst of hills and rocks, she cared not a bit;
so she wasted time by digging through the hills and boulders. When
she reached Shella, she thought she could easily beat Umngot, for the
course she had taken was a very straight one. When she got a little
below Shella she saw Umngot shouting for joy with foaming waves in
the Rupatylli channel at Duwara. She was covered with shame, and she
slackened her speed and split herself up into 5 branches, namely,
ka Umtong, ka Torasa, ka Pasbiria ka Kumarjani, and ka Duwara. Umiam
did this so as to hide her shame from Umngot. This is how the river
Rupatylli was formed at Duwara, to be a token that Umngot had been
victorious in her contest with Umiew. [36]


Shaphang ka wah. Rupatylli ha Duwara.

Hyndái mynba dang lung ka pyrthei la don ár ngut ki blei um kiba shong
ha lúm Shillong. Lehse shisha ki long ki khún u blei Shillong. Kine
ki la ia kop ba'n ia mareh ba'n ia pynpoi kloi sha ri madan Shilot da
kaba ia pom mar kawei ka wah. Kumta ki la ia kut bad ki la ia mih na
Shillong kawei ka Umngot bad kawei ka Umiew ne Umiám. Kata ka Umngot
ka búd ia ka lynti na ba, jem ba jem, la ka long kham jingngái ruh
kam sngew salia ba'n iáid kyllain. Kumta ka la poi ha Shilot ba'n
khot ka wah Shengurkhat bad ka iaid hadúh Shattok, bad ka poi ha
Duwara. Ka khymih ia ka Umiam haei-haei-ruh, te ym ioh-i. Kumta ka
la leh suki kái, ka tháw ka rupa tylli hangto ba'n long kumba sangeh
ba'n ioh-i ia ka Umiám. Ka Umiew ka long kaba kham sarong, ka sngew
khlain ba'n iaid na ka lynti kaba bit la ka long da ki lúm ne ki máw,
ka'm suidniew, kumta ka la pynlut por ha kaba tih ia ki lúm bad ki
máw. Ynda ka la poi ha Shella ka la shu mut ba'n jop ia ka Umngot
namar ka lynti jong ka ka long kaba beit eh, te ynda ka la poi harum
Shella khyndiat ka la ioh-i ia ka Umngot ba ka la risa da ka jingkhie
dew ha ka wah Rupatylli ha Duwara. Kumta ka la sngew ráin suin bad
ka la leh suki noh da kaba pynpait tynat ia lade san tylli, kawai
ka Umtang; ár ka Umtarasa; lái ka Pasbiria; sáw ka wah Kumarjani;
san ka wah Duwara. Kumne ka la leh khnang ba'n búh riah ia la ka
jingkhein burom ha khymat ka Umngot. Kumta sa long ka wah Rupatylli
ha Duwara namar ka long ka dak ka jingjop ka Umngot ia ka Umiew.


The Kupli (Kopili).

The Kopili river rises in the "Black Mountains," [37] and flows
northwards into the Brahmaputra. It is the boundary between the
country of the Syntengs and that of the Hadems. [38] Any traveller
who wishes to cross this river must leave behind him the rice which
he has taken for his journey, and any other food that he may have
taken with him. If he does not do so, even if he crosses the river
at an unforbidden point, he is liable to offer a sacrifice to the
Kopili goddess. The people offer to her three fowls and three goats
outside the village, i.e. one to the goddess herself, and the other
two to her sons, U Shyngkram and U Jali; and five fowls, that they
may all three feast together; this is the case of one transgression
only. But in the case of a man who has committed more than one, it
is not possible to say how many goats and fowls must be sacrificed,
because the river often demands offerings on account of a man's
parents or relatives having crossed the river at some time or other.

From the time of the old Siem to that of U Ram Singh Siem, they used
to sacrifice to this great goddess two persons during the months
of November and December at the time of offering: a sacrifice at
Jaintiapur. After a ceremony performed by the Brahmins at Jaintiapur,
the victims are led to the Mawshai (Shangpung) market, where they are
allowed to take and eat anything they like. After that they conduct
them to Sumer; but some say that the stone on which the victims are
beheaded is situated below the village of Ka Lew Kai, near a stream
which falls into the Kopili, and where there is a _mawkynthei_
(flat table-stone) close to that sacred river.

They place the victims on that stone, where the executioner beheads
them with a terrible sword. After that they throw the dead bodies
their heads into the river. But in the days of U Markuhain (U Raj
Indro Singh) "who was our contemporary" they have ceased to do so out
of fear of East India Company. The victims are known by the name of
"Mugha Khara."

At the time all the people of the territory of the twelve dolois were
in great state of terror. It is said that the victim-catchers, when
they inquired about the clan (of their intended victims), conducted
themselves as if they did not intend to do anything. When the people
told their clan, then they caught them. When they heard that the
people belonged to clans from which _kongngors_ [39] were selected,
they did not arrest them. When it was impossible to get hold of any
one else, they sacrificed some of the (king's) slaves.


Shaphang Ka Kupli, U Shyngkram bad U Jali, ki Khún jong ka.

Ka Kupli ka long ka wah na ki lúm baiong bad ka túid da artet ha ka
wah Brahmaputra. Ka long ka púd ia ka ri Synteng bad ka ri. Hadem ha
mihngi. Uno-uno u nongleit jingleit uba kwah ban jám ia kane ka wah
Blei-Kupli u don kam ba'n bred noh ia la u kháw-ryneng ha shiliang wah,
bad ia ki kynja jingbám baroh phar, te un sa klan ia ka. Lada u'm da
leb kumta, la'u klan na ka jaka ka b'ym sang ruh un háp jingaingúh ha
ka. Ki khún-ki-hajár ia ka ha lum lái s'iar, lái blang kawei ia ka,
marmar uwei ia U Shyngkram bad U Jali; bad san s'iar ba ki'n ia bám
sngewbha baroh lái ngut shi khún shi kymie, kata ka long haba long
tang kawei ka lait, hinrei haba ka'n long katba shong ka lait u briew
lei-lei, ngam tip ka'n long katno blang katno siar namar haba dei ka'n
wan pán ka jingkñia namar ba la klan ia ka na khlieh lane na kyjat
da u kyñie u kypa kano-kano ka iing lane kano-kano ka kur. Nadúh ki
sngi ki Siem Tymmen haduh ki sngi U Ram Singh Siem ia kane ka blei
bah ka kymai u lei ba khraw ki kñia da ki briew ár-ngùt shi snem shi
snem hamar u bynái ba ki puja ne ai ngúh ha Jaintiapur. kata, hamar u
'nái wieng bad u 'nái nohprah. Ynda ki la kñia ha Jaintiapur da ki
Bramon, ki sa ia lam ia ki sha ka iew Mawshái ne ka iew Shangpung
ba ki'n bám shiwa katba mon na kata ka iew. Nangta pat sha Sumer,
kiwei pat ki ong ba u máw ba ki khrái khlieh ia ki Muga Khara u don
harum ka shnong Iewksi hajan kawei ka wah kaba túid sha ka Kupli--
sha ka jaka ba don ka máw kynthei harúd kata ka wah blei Kumta ki sa
kyntiw halor kata ka maw kynthei ia ki; nangta pat wan sa u nongkhrai
khlieh bad ka wait ba i-shyrkhei, u khrai ia ki hangta. Hadin kata ki
sa shat ia ki met-iap sha um bad ia ki khlieh jong ki ruh de. Hinrei
ha ki sngi U Markuháin ne U Raj-Indro Singh uba ha Khyjong ngi mynta
ym long shúh kumta namar ba u tieng ia ka Kompani. Ia kine ki briew
ba ki kñia ki khot kyrteng ia ki ki Muga Khara.

Mynkata ki bynriew shi khadár doloi sngew tieng, ki ong ba ki nongkem
ki da kylli shiwa ia ka jaid, ki da leh ia lade kum ki bym mut ba'n
leh ei-ei-ruh, te ynda kita ki briw ia kibe ki mut ba'n kem ki la ia
thuh ia la ka jaid ki sa kem ia ki. Haba ki sngew ba ki long na ka
jaid kaba jiw long kongngór ki'm jiw kem. Te haba ym ioh eh ki kñia
da ki mráw Siem.


The Village of Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).

There was in olden days a woman called Ka Rytiang of the Siem
clan. Whilst she was still a spinster, she used to go to catch fish
in a stream over which there is to the present day a bridge made of a
single stone, called Mawpun ka Rytiang. Whilst she was catching fish
in the midst of the stream a fit of drowsiness overtook her. At that
very moment there approached her a very handsome young man, who thus
addressed her; "Take this drumful of money; do not marry, and thou
shalt nevertheless bear children. Thou must throw a bridge built of a
single stone across this stream, thou must build thy house entirely of
stone, the beams must be all of stone. Thou must spend all the money
I have given thee, and if it does not suffice for thy expenditure,
I shall bring more. Thou wilt remember all that I say?" She replied
"yes." As soon as he had finished speaking to her, she awoke from her
fit of drowsiness, and found herself holding a drumful of money. On her
way home she pondered over what he had said to her, and her heart was
full of joy that she had met a god who had given her so much money,
and who had spoken such words to her. She then constructed a bridge
over that stream, with a single stone, which remains till this day.
[40] When she was about to build her house, it happened that she
got married notwithstanding; she gave birth to a blind child,
and died shortly afterwards. So the people called the village
"Mawpun-ka-Rytiang," or, when abbreviated, "Mawpunkyrtiang."


Ka Shnong Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).

Te la don mynhyndái kawei ka briew kaba kyrteng ka Rytiang, ka jaid
Siem. Mynba ka dangsamla ka leit tong shér na kata ka wah kaba don
u Máwpún uba ki khot hadúh mynta u Máwpún ka-Rytiang. Hamar ba ka
dang tong shér ha pyddeng um ka lamshoh sam thiah hangta. Hamarkata
ka por la mih u wei u briew uba bhabriew shibun eh, bad u ong ha ka,
"Heh kane ka tyngka shi sing nalai; te pha wat shongkurim shuh ho;
koit, ki khun pha'n ioh hi, bad pha'n pún uwei u máwpún na Shilliang
sha shilliang kane ka wah, bad thaw iing ba phán shong da ki máw suda
ki rijid ki rishot, kiei kiei baroh thaw da ki maw. Pha'n pynlut
kane ka tyngka baroh, bad lada ym dap ruh ngán sa wallam pat. Phán
kynmáw ho ia kaba nga la ong baroh." Ka ong "haoid." Te kumne-kumne,
tang shu la dep kine ki ktin baroh ba u kren, ka la kyndit na kata ka
jingshoh samthiah, bad ka tyngka ka don ha ka kti jong ka shi'sing
nalai. Te ynda ka la wan sha la iing, artat artat ka lynti ka la
puson ha la ka mynsim da kaba kymen ba ka la iashem ia u blei uba la
ai katne ki tyngka bad uba la kren kum kine ki ktin. Te kumta ka la
ring u máwpún uba don badúh mynta. Bad hamar ba ka dang sydang ba'n
tháw sa ka iing ka lap ba ioh tynga noh pynban; kumta ka kha u khun
da uba matlah bad tang shibit ka iap noh. Kumta ki ioh ban khot ka
shnong Máwpún-ka-Rytiang, lane haba kren lyngkot Mawpunkyrtiang.



The Siem of Malyniang.

The Siem of Malyniang was one of those kings who, people said, was one
of the "god-kings." He lived in the village of Madur, which is now in
the Maskut doloiship. There arose from the royal family of Malyniang
a king whose name was Kyllong Raja. His manner was very peculiar,
but he was at the same time both stern and courageous. He made up
his mind to conquer the whole of the Synteng country as well as the
territory of the Siem of Shillong, in order to extend his own kingdom
of Madur. This Kyllong did not require many followers when he went to
war because he was a very strong man and a man whom nobody could kill,
for, if he was killed he came to life again immediately. The Synteng
king once chopped him up into pieces and threw his hands and feet
far away, and thought he would not come to life again. Nevertheless,
next morning he came to life just the same, and he walked along all
the paths and by-ways to intercept his enemies. The Synteng king was
in great trouble on his account, and was at a loss for a plan how to
overcome him, because, having been killed once or twice, he came to
life again.

When the Synteng king had thought well over matter, he hit on a
device which he thought a very good one, by which he could ascertain
by what manner of means he came to life again after having once been
killed. The Synteng king's stratagem was the following. He selected the
most beautiful girl in the Synteng country, he put on her ornaments
of gold and of silver and royal raiment of great price, and he said
to her, "All these will I give thee, and more besides, if thou canst
obtain for me the secret of Kyllong Raja, and canst inform me how
he brings himself to life again after being killed. Now I will send
thee to the market there, and if Kyllong Raja takes a fancy to thee,
and if he is willing to take thee to wife, thou wilt go, and thou
wilt pretend to love him as far as is in thy power. Afterwards thou
wilt inquire regarding all his secrets and wisdom, i.e. how he comes
to life again after he has been killed; and after thou hast found
out all these things, thou wilt inform me, so that I may overcome
him. Then, if thou art successful in thy mission, I will give thee a
great reward." He then sent her to the market. Kyllong Raja saw her
and fell in love with her, and he took her to wife and kept her at
Madur. Then that damsel pretended to love him exceedingly, and she
repeatedly asked him his secret, how he came to life again. Then
Kyllong Raja, fancying that she really loved him, confessed all to
her. He said, "My life depends upon these things. I must bathe every
day and must wash my entrails" (hence the appellation of "the king
who washes his inside" which they gave him), "after that I take my
food, and there is no one on earth who can kill me unless he obtains
possession of my entrails. Thus my life hangs only on my entrails."

When, therefore, that damsel who had become his wife had learnt all
these things, she sent word to the Synteng king that he should send
one of his elders, to whom she might reveal the secret of U Kyllong's
existence. When the Synteng king heard this, he sent his elders to
her. She then told all those things that U Kyllong had confessed to
her. When the Synteng king had heard everything, he gave orders to the
people to be on the watch so as to get hold of U Kyllong Raja. They
found him one day bathing, with his entrails placed on one side of
the bathing-place, so that afterwards he might wash them. Thereupon
a man from Ralliang seized the entrails and  killed him. He cut the
entrails into little pieces and gave them to the dogs. Thenceforth U
Kyllong Raja was not able to come to life again. Madur was conquered,
and all the members of the royal family of Malyniang were scattered
from that time. Seven generations have passed since then. [41]


Shaphang U Siem Malyniang

U Siem Malyniang u la long uwei u Siem ba jiw byna ba u long u
kynja Siem blei. Une u la shong ha ka shnong Madur kaba long mynta
ha ka ilaka u doloi Maskut. Ha ka jaid Siem Malyniang la mih uwei uba
kyrteng U Kyllong Raja. Une u Siem uba phylla shibun ha la ka jinglong,
u briew uba eh uba shlur. U la thymu ban job ia ka ri Synteng baroh
bad ia ka ri Shillong bán pynkhráw ia la ka hima Madur. Une u Kylong
u'm donkam shibun ki nongbud bán leit ia leh ia kano-kano ka thyma,
namar u long u briew uba khlain shibun bad u by'm jiw don uba lah ba'n
pyniap ia u. La ki pyniap ruh u im pat kumne-kumne. U Siem Synteng u
la pom ia u tukra-tukra, u la bred ia ki kyjat ki kti sha jingngai,
bad u la tharai ba u'n ym im shuh, pynban tang la mynstep u la im
hi kumjuh, u la iaid ia ki lad ki dong ban sywait ia ki nongshun. U
Siem Synteng u la shitom shibun ia u bad u la duh buit ruh da kumno yn
leh ba'n jop ia u, haba shi sin ar sin la pyniap u shu im pat kumjuh
pakumjuh. Te haba u Siem Synteng u la pyrkhat bha u la shem kawei ka
buit kaba u tharai ba ka long kaba bha tam bad kaba u lah ban tip da
kano ka rukom ne ka jingstad ba u im pat haba la pyniap ia u. Ka buit
jong u Siem Synteng ka la long kumne. U la shim kawei ka samla kaba
bhábriew tam na ka ri Synteng baroh, u pyndeng ki jingdeng ksiar ki
jingdeng rupa, bad u pynkup ki jain Siem kiba kordor eh, bad u ong
ha ka "ngan ai ia pha kine baroh, bad ngan ai shuh ruh nalor kine
lada pha'n ioh ia ka buit u Kyllong Raja ban iathuh ha nga da kumno u
lah ban pynim pat ia lade haba pom ia u. Te mynia nga'n phah ia pha
sha ieu shato, lada une u Kyllong Raja u i-bha ia pha, bad u'n shim
ia-pha ban long ka tynga jong u, phan leit, bad phan leh ieit ia u
katba lah. Hadin sa kylli ia ka buit ka jingstad baroh, da kumno u
im pat haba la pom ruh, bad ynda pha la tip ia kita baroh sa pyntip
sha nga ba nga'n sa jop ia u. Te lada pha'n leh kumta nga'n ai buskit
ia pha shibun ho. Kumta u pbah iew soit ia ka. Te une U Kyllong Raja
u la iohih ia ka, bad u la i-bha shisha ia ka, bad u shim iaka ba'n
long ka tynga jong u. U buh ia ka ha Madur. Te kata ka samla ka la
leh ieit ia u shibun eh bad ka kylli byniah ia ka buit ka jingstad
ba u im pat. Hangta une u Kyllong Raja, haba u iohih ba ka leh ieit
shibun u phla ia kiei-kiei baroh hak-a. U ong, "Ka jing im jong-nga ka
long kumne:-- nga dei ban sum ha la ka sngi bad ban sait ia la ki snir
(nangta la khot ia u "U Siem sait-snir"). Hadin kata ngan sa bam ja,
bad y'm don mano-mano ba lah ban pyniap ia nga lada ki'm ioh ia ki
snir. Kumta ka jing-im jong nga ka sydin tang ha ki snir hi." Kumta,
ynda kata ka samla, ka tynga jong u, ka la ioh tip ia kata baroh ka
phah ktin sha u Siem Synteng ba'n wan uno-uno u rangbah ba ka'n iathuh
ia ka jingim bad ka jingiap u Kyllong Raja. Te u Siem Synteng ynda
u la sngow ia kata ka ktin shi syndon u la phah ia la ki rangbah sha
ka. Te ka la iathuh ia kiei-kiei baroh katba u Kyllong Raja u la phla.
Te u Siem Synteng ynda u la tip ia kane baroh u la ai hukum ia ki
briew ba ki'n khiar ban ioh ia u Kyllong Raja. Te ha kawei ka sngi
ki la lap ia u ba u sum bad u la buh ia ki snir ha kata ka jaka ba u
sum ba u mut ban sait ia ki. Hangta uwei u briéw uba na Ralliang u la
shim ia ki snir jong u bad u pom ia u; ia kita ki snir u la pyndykut
lyngkot lyngkhai bad u la ai ha ki ksew. Naduh kata ka por u Kyllong
Raja u'm lah shuh ba'n im pat,        bad kumta la jop ia ka Madur,
la pynsakyma ia ka jaid Siem Malyniang naduh kata ka por. Te naduh
kata hadúh mynta la duh hinniew kyrteng bynriw.


U Manik Raitong and his Flute

In the northern portion of the Khasi Hills which borders on the Bhoi
country there lived a man, by name U Manik. The people nicknamed him
"U Manik Raitong," because he was an orphan, his parents, his brothers
and sisters, and the whole of his clansfolk having died. He was very
poor in addition. U Manik Raitong was filled with grief night and
day. He used to weep and deeply groan on account of his orphanhood
and state of beggary. He did not care about going out for a walk, or
playing like his fellow youths. He used to smear himself with ashes
and dust. He used to pass his days only in weeping and groaning,
because he felt the strain of his misery to such an extent. He made
a flute upon which to play a pathetic and mournful tune. By day
he used to work as a ploughman, whenever he was called upon to do
so. If nobody called him, he used to sit inactive at home, weeping
and groaning and smearing his rags with dust and ashes. At night he
used to bathe and dress himself well, and, after having eaten his
food, he used to take his flute and play on it till morning. This
was always his practice. He was a very skilful player. He had twelve
principal tunes. There lived in the same village a queen. Her husband,
the Siem, used to be absent from home for long intervals in connection
with his public duties. One night, when the queen heard the strains
of U Raitong's flute, she listened to them with very great pleasure,
and she felt so much compassion for him that she arose from her
couch at midnight and went to visit him. When she reached his house,
she asked him to open the door, so that she might pay him a call. U
Raitong said "I can't open the door, as this is not the time to pay
visits," and he went on playing his flute and dancing to the music,
with tears in his eyes. Then the queen peeped through one of the chinks
of the wall and saw him, and she was beside herself, and breaking
open the door she entered in. Then U Raitong, having stopped playing,
was annoyed that, to add to his misfortunes, this woman had come to
trouble him thus. When she tried to beguile him, U Raitong admonished
her and sent her away. She departed just before daybreak. U Raitong
then took off his fine clothes, and putting on his rags, sprinkled
himself with dust and ashes, and went to plough as was his wont. The
queen, however, ensnared him by another device, and whilst the king
was still away in the plains, she gave birth to a male child. When
the Siem returned, he was much surprised to find that she had borne a
child during his absence, and however much he asked her to confess,
she would not do so. So the king called the elders and young men to
judge the case, and when no proof was found concerning this business,
the king appointed another day, when all the males (in the State)
should appear, each man holding a plantain. On the appointed day,
all the males of the State having appeared, the king told them all
to sit in a circle and to show their plantains, and said, "We will
place this child in the midst, and to whomsoever the child goes,
he is his father, and the adulterer. We will beat him to death with
clubs according to the law." Accordingly, when all the people sat in a
circle, and the child was placed in the midst, he went to no one, and,
although the king called and coaxed him much, he nevertheless refused
to go. Then the king said, "Remember who is absent." All replied,
"There is no one else except U Manik Raitong." The Siem replied,
"Call, then, U Raitong." Some of the people said, "It is useless to
call that unfortunate, who is like a dog or a cat; leave him alone,
oh king." The king replied, "No, go and call him, for every man must
come." So they called him, and when he arrived and the child saw him,
the child laughed and followed "U Raitong." Then the people shouted
that it was U Raitong who had committed adultery with the queen. The
king and his ministers then ordered that U Raitong should be put to
death outside the village. U Raitong said, "Be pleased to prepare
a funeral pyre, and I will burn myself thereon, wicked man that I
am." They agreed to his request. U Raitong said to those who were
preparing the funeral pyre, "When I arrive near the funeral pyre,
set fire to it beforehand, and I will throw myself in, and you stand
at a distance." Then U Raitong went and bathed, dressed himself well,
and, taking his flute, played on it as he walked backwards to the
funeral pyre; and when he arrived close to it, they lighted it as he
had told them to do. He walked three times round the pyre, and then
planted his flute in the earth and threw himself into the flames. The
queen, too, ran quickly and threw herself on the pyre also. After
U Raitong and the queen had been burned, a pool of water formed in
the foundations of the pyre, and a bamboo sprang up whose leaves grew
upside-down. From U Raitong's time it has become the practice to play
the flute at funerals as a sign of mourning for the departed.



U Manik Raitong bad ka Sharati jong u.

La don uwei u bríw shaphang shatei ha ka ri Khasi ha khap ri Bhoi
uba kyrteng U Manik. Ki bríw ki la sin ia u U Manik Raitong namar
ba u long u khun swet uba la iap baroh ki kymi, ki kypa, ki hynmen,
ki para bad ki kur ki jaid. U long ruh uba duk shibun. Une U Manik
Raitong u dap da ki jingsngowsih synia sngi, u iam ud jilliw ha la
ka mynsim namar la ka jinglong khun swet long pukir. Um jiw kwah ban
iaid kai leh kai kum ki para samla; u sum da ka dypei da ka khyndew
ia lade, u pynleit la ki sngi ki por tang ha ki jingud ki jingiam
ba u sngowisynei ia ka pyrthei sngi ba shem shitom haduh katne. Te
u la thaw kawei ka sharati ban put ka jingiam bríw bad jingriwai
sngowisynei. Mynsngi mynsngi u jiw leit bylla pynlur masi haba la
don ba wer, haba ym don u shong khop-khop ha la iing, u iam u ud,
u sum dypei sum khyndew halor la ki jain syrdep jot. Mynmiet mynmiet
u sum u sleh, u kup bha kup khuid; bad ynda u la lah bam lah dih u
shim ka sharati u put hadúh ban da shai. Barobor u jiw leh kumta. Ha
kaba put ruh u long uba nang shibún, u don khadar jaid ki jingput
kiba kongsan tam ha ka jingput jong u. Te la don ka mahadei ha kata
ka shnong kaba u tynga jong ka u long u Siem Rangbah ha ka Hima. Une
u Siem u leit sha Dykhar ban pyndep bun jaid ki kam Siem jong u, bad
u dei ban jah slem na la iing. Kane ka mahadei ha kawei ka miet haba
ka la ioh sngow ba'riew ka sharati U Raitong ka la sngowbha shibun
eh ban sngap, bad haba ka la sngap ka la sngow ieit sngowisynei ia
U Raitong haduh ba ka la khie joit shiteng synia ban leit kai sha
U Raitong. Te haba ka la poi tiap ha khymat ka iing jong u ka la
phah plie ban wan kai. U Raitong u ong ym lah ban plie namar kam
long ka por ba dei ban wan kai. Kumta u put la ka jingput bad la
ka jingshad nohlyngngeb pynjem ryndang jaw ummat. Te ke mahadei,
haba ka la khymih na kawei ka thliew kaba pei, ka la iohih ia u;
hangta lei-lei kam don pyrthei shuh haduh ba ka la kyddiah ia ki
jingkhang bad ka la rung shapoh iing. Kumta U Raitong u la wai noh
la ka jingput bad u sngowsib, halor ba shem kat kane ka pyrthei sngi,
sa kane ruh nang wan leh ih-bein kumne. Haba ka la lam pynsboi ia u,
U Raitong u la sneng ia ka bad u la phah nob ia ka, te ka la leit
noh haba ka sydang ban shai pher. U Raitong u la law la ki jain bha,
u la shim la ki syrdep bad, u dypei ban leh kumta u jiw leh bad u la
leit pynlur masi. Hinrei kane ka mahadei ka la riam ia u da kawei pat
ka buit. Te katba u Siem u nangsah ha Dykhar ka la nang kha i wei i
khun shinrang, bad haba u la wan u la sngow phylla shibun eh ba ka
la ioh khun haba um don. La u kylli byniah katno-katno ruh kam phla
satia. Kumta U Siem u la lum ia u tymmen u san, u khynraw khyndein,
baroh ban bishar, te haba ym shem sabud ei ei shaphang kane ka kam,
kumta u buh ha kawei ka sngi ba yn wan u shinrang briw baroh katha don,
kin wallam bad lakait kawei-kawei man u bríw. Ynda la poi kata ka sngi,
baroh ki la wan na ka hima, bad U Siem u ong, phin shonq tawiar baroh,
pynih la ka kait, ngin buh ia une u khunlung ha pyddeng, jar haba une
a khunlung un leit uta dei u kypa bad uba klim, ia uta yn shoh tangon
ha bynda iap kum ka ain ka jiw long. Kumta te haba la shong tawiar u
paitbah byllin, la bah ia uta u khunlung ha pyddeng. Uta u khunlung
um leit hano-hano ruh, la khot la khroh. U Siem katno katno ruh um
treh. "To ia ia kynmaw sa man u bym don hangne" ong U Siem. Baroh ki
ong, "ym don shuh, sa tang U Raitong." "Khot te ia U Raitong," ong
U Siem. Don katto katne na pyddeng uta a paitbah kiba ong. "Ym khot
makna ia uba pli, uba kum u ksew, u miaw, yn nai Siem." "Em shu khot
wei u kynja shinrang briw dei ban wan." Te la khot is u, bad haba u
la poi tiap uta u khunlung u khymih u sam rykhie bad u leit bud ia
U Raitong. Kumta risa shar u paitbah baroh ba U Raitong u la klim ia
ka mahadei. Te U Siem bad la ki Myntri ki la ai hukum ban leit pyniap
noh ia U Raitong sharud nong. Te u ong "phi da sngowbha shu thaw da
la ka jingthang ngan thang hi ia lade wei nga u riwnar ruser. Kumta ki
la shah ia kata ka jingpan jong u. Te U Raitong u la ong ha kita kiba
thaw jingthang. "Ynda nga poi sha jan jingthang sa nang ai ding lypa
ngan sa nang thang hi, phi kynriah noh sha jingngai. Kumta U Raitong
u wan sum wan sleh, u kup bha sem bha, u shim ka sharati u put, u leit
da kaba iaid dadin shaduh jingthang. Te ynda u la poi ha jan ki la buh
ding kumta u la ong; ynda poi ha jingthang u iaid tawiar lai sin ia ka,
u sih ka sharati ha khyndew, bad u thang ia lade. Ka Mahadei ruh da
kaba kyrkieh ka la mareh sha kata ka jingthang bad ka ruh ka la thang
lem hangta ia lade. Kumta ynda la ing U Raitong bad kata Ka Mahadei,
long da ka um ha kata ka nongrim jingthang, bad mih u shken uba long
ka mat sha khongpong. Naduh U Raitong sa long ka sharati haduh mynta
ban put iam briw ban pynih la ki jingsngowsih na ka bynta kiba la iap.



CHAPTER VI

Miscellaneous


Teknonomy.

The Khasis, like the Alfoors of Poso in Celebes, seem to be somewhat
reluctant to utter the names of their own immediate relations, and of
other people's also. Parents are very frequently called the mother
of so and so (the child's name being mentioned), or the father of
so and so, cf. _Ka kmi ka Weri, U kpa u Philip_. The actual names
of the parents, after falling into desuetude, are often entirely
forgotten. The origin of the practice may be that the Khasis, like
the Alfoors, were reluctant to mention their parents by name for fear
of attracting the notice of evil spirits. The practice of teknonomy,
however, is not confined to the Khasis or the Alfoors of Celebes
(see footnote to page 412 of the "Golden Bough"). The custom is also
believed to have been prevalent to some extent not long ago in some
parts of Ireland.

The advent of the Welsh Missionaries and the partial dissemination of
English education has in some cases produced rather peculiar names. I
quote some instances:--

U Water Kingdom, Ka Mediterranean Sea, Ka Red Sea; U Shakewell Bones,
U Overland, Ka Brindisi, Ka Medina, Ka Mary Jones, U Mission, and
Ka India.


Khasi Method of Calculating Time.

The Khasis adopt the lunar month, _u bynai_, twelve of which go to
the year _ka snem_. They have no system of reckoning cycles, as is
the custom with some of the Shan tribes. The following are the names
of the months:--

_U kylla-lyngkot_, corresponding to January. This month in the Khasi
Hills is the coldest in the year. The Khasis turn (_kylla_) the fire
brand (_lyngkot_) in order to keep themselves warm in this month,
hence its name _kylla-lyngkot_.

_U Rymphang_, the windy month, corresponding with February.

_U Lyber_, March. In this month the hills are again clothed with
verdure, and the grass sprouts up (_lyber_), hence the name of the
month, _u Lyber_.

_U Iaiong_, April. This name may possibly be a corruption of u
_bynai-iong_, i.e. the black moon, the changeable weather month.

_U Jymmang_, May. This is the month when the plant called by the
Khasis _ut'ieu jymmang_, or snake-plant, blooms, hence the name.

_U Jyllieu_. The deep water month, the word _jyllieu_ meaning
deep. This corresponds to June.

_U náitung_. The evil-smelling month; when the vegetation rots owing
to excessive moisture. This corresponds with July.

_U'náilar_. The month when the weather is supposed to become clear,
_synlar_, and when the plant called _ja'nailar_ blooms. This is August.

_U'nái-lur_. September. The month for weeding the ground.

_U Ri-sáw_. The month when the Autumn tints first appear, literally,
when the country, _ri_, becomes red, _saw_. This is October.

_U'nái wieng_. The month when cultivators fry the produce of their
fields in _wieng_ or earthen pots, corresponding with November.

_U Noh-práh_. The month when the _práh_ or baskets for carrying the
crops are put away (_buh noh_). Another interpretation given by Bivar
is "the month of the fall of the leaf." December.

The Khasi week has the peculiarity that it almost universally consists
of eight days. The reason of the eight-day week is because the markets
are usually held every eighth day. The names of the days of the week
are not those of planets, but of places where the principal markets
are held, or used to be held, in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The
following are the names of the days of the week and of the principal
markets in the district:--


    Khasi Hills.                        Jaintia Hills.

1.  Lynkah (Barpani or Khawang)         Kylino.
    (Suhtnga).
2.  Nongkrem                            Pynaing.
3.  Um-Iong (Maolong the hat at         Maolong. (Nartiang).
    Luban)
4.  Ranghop (Ieu-bah at Cherra)         Maosiang. (Jowai).
    (Mawtawar in Mylliem)
    (Unsaw in Nongkhlaw)
5.  Shillong (Laitlyngkot)              Maoshai. (Shangpung).
6.  Pomtih or Pomtiah (Mawkhar,         Pynkat. (Mynao).
    small market)
7.  Umnih                               Thym-blein.
8.  Yeo-duh (Mawkhar, large market)     Ka-hat. (Jaintiapur).


In the Wár country, markets are usually held every fourth day,
e.g. at Nongjri, Mawbang, Tyllap, and Shella. At Theria the market
is held every Friday, and at Hat-majai, or Rholagunj, every Tuesday.


The Lynngams.

Although mention has been made incidentally in various parts of
this monograph of Lynngam customs, it has been thought necessary
to give the Lynngams a separate chapter, as these people differ so
very greatly from the Khasis in their manner of life, and in their
customs. _Lynngam_ is the Khasi name; the Garo name for the Lynngams
is _Megam_. There are several _Megam_ villages in the north-eastern
corner of the Garo Hills district, and there is regular communication
kept up between these villages and the Lynngam inhabitants of the
Khasi Hills district. The Lynngams must not be confused with the
_Háná_ or _Námdaniya_ Garos who inhabit the low hills to the north
of the Khasi Hills district, and are called by the Khasis _Dko_. All
Lynngams claim to be Khasis, they dislike being called Garos; but
although it is true they speak what may be called a dialect of Khasi,
and observe some of the Khasi customs, the Lynngams are more Garo
than Khasi. Before proceeding further, it should be stated that the
Assamese of Boko call the Lynngams _Núniyá_ Garos, all hill people
being Garos to the Assamese of that region, without distinction or
difference. It is owing to these three different names being used for
the same people that there has been so much confusion about Lynngams
previously; e.g. at one census they were named _Lynngam_, at another
they received the appellation of Garo, and at a third enumeration
they were called Khasis. In Section I. the habitat of the Lynngams has
been roughly defined. It is impossible to define the Lynngam country
exactly, because these people are continually shifting their village
sites owing to the exigencies of _jhum_ cultivation, which has been
described in Section II. Some of the Lynngams preserve a tradition that
they originally came from the Kamrup plains. It is interesting that a
people, like the Garos in so many respects, should have the same idea
as the Garos as to the hills on the south bank of the Brahmaputra not
always having been their abode. The Garo legend is that they dwelt
for some years in the Goalpara and Kamrup plains after they descended
from Thibet, and before they moved to the Garo Hills; and there is
unmistakable evidence of their occupation of both districts in the
shape of certain Garo villages on both banks of the Brahmaputra for
some little distance up the river. If, as I suspect, the Lynngams are
an offshoot of the Garos, it is, perhaps, possible that they entered
the Khasi Hills much in the same way as the Garos entered the hill
district to which they have given their name. The Lynngams are much
darker than the Khasis, and possess the Thibeto-Burman type of feature
often to a marked degree. It is not extraordinary that they should
have adopted some of the Khasi customs; for the Khasis, being the
stronger people, would in course of time be bound to influence them
in this respect. That the Lynngams observe the matriarchate and erect
(some clans) memorial stones is not peculiar, because the Garos, like
the Khasis, are also a matriarchal people (to a limited degree), and
the custom of erecting memorial stones is not confined to the Khasis,
for other hill tribes in Assam observe the practice, e.g. certain
Naga tribes and the Mikirs; and the Garos themselves put up carved
posts, called _kima_, in honour of the departed. Although there is
not much intermarriage between the Khasis and the Lynngams nowadays,
perhaps in days gone by there was a mixture of blood, the result
being the hybrid race we are now considering. Some of the leading
characteristics of the Lynngams will now be detailed. The Lynngams
are by complexion swarthy, with features of Mongolian type. The men
are of middle height and the women remarkably short, both sexes being
not nearly so robust as the Khasis, a result due probably to climatic
influences, for the Lynngams live in fever- haunted jungles. The men
have very little hair about the face, although a scanty moustache is
sometimes seen, the hairs in the centre being carefully plucked out,
the result being two tufts on either side. Beards are never seen. The
women are ill-favoured, and wear very little clothing. The men wear the
sleeveless coat of the Khasi and Mikir pattern, called _phongmarong_,
which is made of cotton dyed red, blue, and white. This custom may
have been borrowed from the Khasi. They do not grow their own cotton,
but obtain it from the plains. They make their own dyes, _changlong_
(red) and _hur sai-iong_ (black). A cotton cloth, barely enough for
purposes of decency, is tied between the legs, the ends being allowed
to hang down in front and behind. Sometimes an apron is worn in
front. At the present day the men wear knitted woollen caps, generally
black or red, of the Nongstoin pattern (a sort of fisherman's cap),
but the elderly men and head-men wear turbans. The females wear a
cotton cloth about eighteen inches broad round the loins, sometimes
striped red and blue, but more often only dark blue. A blue or red
cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders by unmarried girls, but
married women only wear the waist-cloth, like the Garos. A cloth is
tied round the head by married women, sometimes, Garo fashion. The
women wear quantities of blue beads as necklaces, like their Garo
sisters. They obtain the beads from the Garo markets at the foot
of the hills. Brass ear-rings are worn by both sexes; the women,
like the Garos, load their ears to such an extent with brass rings
as to distend the lobes greatly. Silver armlets are worn by the
head-men only, or by those who possess the means to give a great
feast to the villagers. This is the custom of the Garo _nokmas_, or
head-men. Both sexes wear bracelets. The men also wear necklaces of
beads. The rich wear necklaces of cornelian and another stone which
is thought by the Lynngams to be valuable. A necklace of such stones
is called _u'pieng blei_ (god's necklace). This stone is apparently
some rough gem which may be picked up by the Lynngams in the river
beds. A rich man amongst them, however, is one who possesses a number
of metal gongs, which they call _wiang_. For these they pay very high
prices, Rs. 100 being quite a moderate sum for one of them. Being
curious to see one of these gongs, I asked a _sirdar_, or head-man,
to show me one. He replied that he would do so, but it would take time,
as he always buried his gongs in the jungle for fear of thieves. Next
morning he brought me a gong of bell metal, with carvings of animals
engraved thereon. The gong when struck gave out a rich deep note
like that of Burmese or Thibetan gongs. These gongs have a regular
currency in this part of the hills, and represent to the Lynngams
"Bank of England" notes. It would be interesting to try to ascertain
what is their history, for no one in the Lynngam country makes them
in these days. Is it possible that the Garos brought them with them
when they migrated from Thibet? The gongs are well known in the Garo
Hills, and I hear that when a _nokma_, or head-man, there dies his
corpse is laid out upon them. They thus possess also an element of
sanctity, besides being valuable for what they will fetch to the
Garos or Lynngams. We may hope to hear more about them in Captain
Playfair's account of the Garos.

The Lynngams do not tattoo. Their weapons are the large-headed
Garo spear, the dao, and the shield. They do not usually carry bows
and arrows, although there are some who possess them. They are by
occupation cultivators. They sow two kinds of hill rice, red and white,
on the hill-sides. They have no wet paddy cultivation, and they do
not cultivate in terraces like the Nagas. They burn the jungle about
February, after cutting down some of the trees and clearing away some
of the debris, and then sow the paddy broadcast, without cultivating
the ground in any way. They also cultivate millet and Jobs-tears in
the same way. With the paddy chillies are sown the first year. The
egg plant, arum, ginger, turmeric, and sweet potatoes of several
varieties are grown by them in a similar manner. Those that rear the
lac insect plant _landoo_ tress (Hindi _arhal dal_) in the forest
clearings, and rear the insect thereon. Some of these people, however,
are prohibited by a custom of their own from cultivating the _landoo_,
in which case they plant certain other trees favourable to the growth
of the lac insect. The villages are situated near their patches of
cultivation in the forest. The villages are constantly shifting,
owing to the necessity of burning fresh tracts of forest every two
years. The houses are entirely built of bamboo, and, for such temporary
structures, are very well built. In front, the houses are raised some
3 or 4 ft. from the ground on platforms, being generally built on
the side of a fairly steep hill, one end of the house resting on the
ground, and the other on bamboo posts. The back end of the house is
sometimes some 8 or 9 ft. from the ground. At the end of the house
farthest away from the village path is a platform used for sitting
out in the evening, and for spreading chillies and other articles to
dry. Some Lynngam houses have only one room in which men, women, and
children an all huddled together, the hearth being in the centre, and,
underneath the platform, the pigs. Well-to-do people, however, possess
a retiring room, where husband and wife sleep. A house I measured at
Nongsohbar village was of the following dimensions:--Length, 42 ft;
breadth, 16 ft.; height of house from the ground to the eaves, front,
9 ft.; back 18 ft. Houses are built with a portion of the thatch
hanging over the eaves in front. No explanation could be given me for
this. It is probably a Garo custom. In some Lynngam villages there
are houses in the centre of the village where the young unmarried
men sleep, where male guests are accommodated, and where the village
festivities go on. These are similar to the _dekachang_ or bachelors'
club-houses of the Mikirs, Garos, and Lalungs, and to the _morang_
of the Nagas. This is a custom of the Thibeto-Burman tribes in Assam,
and is not a Khasi institution. There are also high platforms, some
12 ft. or 15 ft. in height, in Lynngam villages, where the elders sit
of an evening in the hot weather and take the air. Lynngam houses and
villages are usually much cleaner than the ordinary Khasi villages,
and although the Lynngams keep pigs, they do not seems to be so
much _en évidence_ as in the Khasi village. There is little or no
furniture in a Lynngam house. The Lynngam sleeps on a mat on the
floor, and in odd weather covers himself with a quilt, made out of
the bark of a tree, which is beaten out and then carefully woven,
several layers of flattened bark being used before the right thickness
is attained. This quilt is called by the Lynngam "_Ka syllar_" (Garo
_simpak_). Food is cooked in earthen pots, but no plates are used,
the broad leaves of the _mariang_ tree taking their place. The leaves
are thrown away after use, a fresh supply being required for each meal.

The Lynngams brew rice beer, they do no distil spirit; the beer is
brewed according to the Khasi method. Games they have none, and there
are no jovial archery meetings like those of the Khasis. The Lynngam
methods of hunting are setting spring guns and digging pitfalls
for game. The people say that now the Government and the Siem of
Nongstoin have prohibited both of these methods of destroying game,
they no longer employ them. But I came across a pitfall for deer not
long ago in the neighbourhood of a village in the Lynngam country. The
people declared it to be a very old one; but this I very much doubt,
and I fear that these objectionable methods of hunting are still
used. The Lynngams fish to a small extent with nets, but their idea
of fishing, _par excellence_, is poisoning the streams, an account
of which has already been given in this monograph. The Lynngams are
omnivorous feeders, they may be said to eat everything except dogs,
snakes, the _huluk_ monkey, and lizards. They like rice, when they
can get it; for sometimes the out-turn of their fields does not
last them more than a few months. They then have to fall back on
Jobstears and millet. They eat arums largely, and for vegetables
they cook wild plantains and the young shoots of bamboos and cane
plants. The Lynngams are divided up into exogamous clans in the same
manner as the Khasis. The clans are overgrown families. The Lynngams
have some stories regarding the founders of these clans, of which the
following is a specimen:--"A woman was asleep under a _sohbar_ tree
in the jungle, a flower from which fell on her, and she conceived
and bore a female child who was the ancestress of the Nongsohbar
clan." Some of the stories of the origins of other clans do not bear
repeating. There do not appear to be any hypergamous groups. As
with the Khasis, it is a deadly sin to marry any one belonging to
your own _kur_, or clan. Unlike the Khasis, however, a Lynngam can
marry two sisters at a time. The Lynngam marriages are arranged by
_ksiangs_, or go-betweens much in the same way as Khasi marriages;
but the ritual observed is less elaborate, and shows a mixture of
Khasi and Garo customs (see section III.). The Lynngams intermarry
with the Garos. It appears that sometimes the parents of girls exact
bride-money, and marriages by capture have been heard of. Both of these
customs are more characteristic of the Bodo tribes of the plains than
of the Khasis. There are no special birth customs, as with the Khasis,
except that when the umbilical cord falls a fowl is sacrificed, and
the child is brought outside the house. Children are named without
any special ceremony. The death customs of the Lynngams have been
described in Section III. A peculiar characteristic is the keeping of
the dead body in the house for days, sometimes even for several months,
before it is burnt. The putrefying corpse inside the house seems to
cause these people no inconvenience, for whilst it remains there, they
eat, carry on their ordinary avocations, and sleep there, regardless
of what would be considered by others an intolerable nuisance. The
religion of these people consists of a mixture of ancestor-worship
and the propitiation of the spirits of fell and fall, which are,
most of them, believed to be of evil influence, as is the case with
other savage races. As with the people of Nongstoin, the primaeval
ancestress, "_ka Iaw bei_," is worshipped for the welfare of the
clan, a sow being sacrificed to her, with a gourd of rice-beer,
and leaves of the oak, or _dieng-sning_ tree. The leaves of the oak
are afterwards hung up inside the house, together with the jaw bone
of the pig. Sacrifices are offered to a forest demon, _U Bang-jang_
(a god who brings illness), by the roadside; also to _Ka Miang Bylli
U Majymma_, the god of cultivation, at seed time, on the path to the
forest clearing where the seed is sown. Models of paddy stone-houses,
baskets and agricultural implements are made, sand being used to
indicate the grain. These are placed by the roadside, the skulls
of the sacrificial animals and the feathers of fowls being hung up
on bamboo about the place where the has been performed. There are
no priests or _lyngdohs_, the fathers of the hamlet performing the
various ceremonies. The Lynngams possess no head-hunting customs, as
far as it has been possible to ascertain. These people are still wild
and uncivilized. Although they do not, as a rule, give trouble, from
an administrative point of view, a very serious dacoity, accompanied
by murder, was committed by certain Lynngams at an Assamese village
on the outskirts of the Lynngam country a few years ago. The victims
were two Merwari merchants and their servant, as well as another
man. These people were brutally murdered by the Lynngams, and robbed
of their property. The offenders were, however, successfully traced
and arrested by Inspector Raj Mohan Das, and several of them suffered
capital punishment, the remainder being transported for life.



CHAPTER VII

Language

Before commencing to describe the more salient features of the Khasi
language, its grammar, and syntax, it seems to be of importance to
show how intimately connected Khasi is with some of the languages of
Further India. In the middle of the last century Logan pointed out
affinity between Khasi and these languages, but it has been left to
Professor Kuhn to prove this connection to demonstration. The examples
of comparative vocabularies which follow are taken from Kuhn's
"_Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens_," Sir George Scott's
"Upper Burma Gazetteer," and Sir George Campbell's lists. It will be
seen from the collections of words that follow how Khasi possesses
many words in common with Mon or Talaing, Khmêr, Suk, Stieng, Bahnar,
Annam, Khamen-Boram, Xong, Samre, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, and Wa. There
is some correspondence, although perhaps to a lesser degree, between
Khasi and the Ho-Munda languages and those of Malacca and the Nancowry
language of the Nicobar Islands.

Let us now examine the table of numerals. The Khasi word for 1 is
_wei_, but in the Amwi dialect of Khasi it is _mi_. In Khmu the word is
_mui_, also in Suk; in Mon _mwoi_ and in Xong _moi_. The word for 2 is
identical in Khasi and Lemet, viz., _ar_. The word for 3, viz. _lai_,
is identical in Khasi and Wa: also compare Lemet _lohe_. Khasi _saw_
and Lakadong _thaw_ for 4 are, however, deviating forms. In the case
of 5, if we cut out the prefix _m_ in the Mon word _m'san_, we have
fairly close agreement with the Khasi _san_. In the numeral 6, if we
cut out the prefix _hin_ of the Khasi (_hin_)_riw_, and the initial
_t_ of Mon and Suk _t'rou, trou_, we have close agreement. In the
Khasi words for 7 and 8 the syllable _hin_ is but a prefix. This
is also probably the case in the Khasi word (_khyn_)_dai_ for 9,
and the _shi_ in the Khasi word _shiphew_, 10, merely means one.


Numerals.


    Sue.    Mon or  Suk.   Stieng. Bahnar.    Annam.  Khmen   Xong.   Samre.
            Talaing.                                  Boran.

 1  mue     mwoi    mui    muôi    moin,      môt     mnay    moi     moe
                                   ming
 2  bar     ba      bar    bar     bar        hai     bar     pra     pra
 3  pei     pi      pe     pêi     peng       ba      peh     pe      pe
 4  puon    pan     puon   puôn    puôn       bôn     pon     pôn     pon
 5  sung    m'sun   sung   pram    (po)dam    nam     pram    pram    pram
 6  thpat   t'rou   trou   prou    (to)trou   sau     krong   dam     kadon
 7  thpol   t'pah   pho    poh     (to)po     bay     grul    kanul   kanul
 8  thkol   dc'am   tam    pham    (to)ngam   tam     kati    kati    katai
 9  thke    d'ceit  kin    ên      (to)xin    chin    kansar  kasa    katea
10  muchit  cah     chit   jemat   min        muoi    uai     rai     rai
                           jet     jit        chuk


    Khan.   Lomei.   Palaung. Wa.                         Dialects of Khasi.
                                           Khasi.   Lakadong.  Amwi.   Synteng.  Mymar or
                                                                                 Jirang.

 1  mui     mus(mos) lé       te          wei       bi         mi      wi        mi
 2  bar     ar       è(a)     ra(a)       ar        a          o       ar        ir
 3  pe      lohe     oé       lai         lai       loi        la      la        lei
 4  puon    pun(pon) phun     pon         saw       thaw       siá     so        so
 5  pfuong  pan      phan     hpawn(fan)  san       than       san     san       san
 6  tol     tal      to       laiya(lia)  (hin)riw  thro       thrau   ynro      threi
 7  kul     pul      phu      a-laiya     (hin)iew  (hum)thloi ynthla  ynniaw    ynthlei
                              (alia)
 8  ti      ta       ta       s'te(su'te) phra      humpya     humphyo phra      humpyir
 9  kash    tim      tim      s'ti(su'ti) (khyn)dai hunsulai   hunshia khyndo    khyndai
10  kan     kel      ken(ko)  kao         (shi)phew shiphai    shipho  (shi)phaw shiphi


It will be seen that there is considerable similarity in the numerals
of the different languages up to six, the correspondence being most
strongly marked in the numerals 1, 2, 5, and 6. If we remember that
primitive people seldom can count higher than the number of digits
of one hand, the dissimilarity in the numerals, as the end of the
decade is approached, is probably explained. As the different people
speaking these languages advanced in civilization they learned to
count further; but by this time they had become in some cases like
those of the Khasis, the Palaungs, and Mons, widely separated from one
another. As they advanced in civilization, and found the necessity
of an improved notation, they manufactured numerals which differed
from one another, although they retained the first few numerals
they had made use of in their days of savagery. Let us now study
some extracts from Kuhn's interesting comparative vocabulary. [42]
We find many instances of agreement. I give some examples:--

_Heaven_.--Palaung, _pleng_; Khmêr, _plieng_ (rain); Xong, _pleng_;
Khasi, _bneng_. Mynnar (Jirang) _phanliang_ seems to be very near
Khmer _phlieng_, and Palaung, and Xong _pleng_.

_Day_ (Sun)--Khmêr, _thngay_; Mon, _tuyai_; Annam; _ngay_; Lemet, _ngay
pri_; Palaung, _sengei_; Khasi, _sngi_; Lakadong, _sngoi_; Kol _singi_.

_Year_.--Mon, _snam_; Annam, _nam_; Stieng, _so'nam_; Bahnar, _sandm_;
Khasi, _snem_.

_Lightning_:--Mon, _l'li_; Khasi, _leilih_.

_Stone, Rock_.--Mon, _tma_, _k'maw_; Stieng, _to'mâu_; Bahn, _tmo,
temo_; Khmêr, _thma_; Xong, _tmo_; Palaung, _mau_; Ba, _maou_; Khasi,
_maw_; Wa, _hsi-mo_, _hsi-mao_. Also compare Mynnar (Jirang) _smaw_.

_Water_.--Palaung, _em_; Khasi, _um_; Lakadong, _am_; Amwi, _am_;
Mynnar (Jirang), _um_; Rumai, _om_. Probably the Stieng _um_, to bathe,
can be connected with the Khasi word for water.

_Sea, pond_, or _tank_--Khmêr, _ping_; Khasi, _pung_.

_Rice_.--Mon, _sro_, paddy, seems to be in connection with Khmer,
_srur_ (spoken _srau_ or _srou_). Xong _ruko_ is in Palaung _rekao,
sakao_, or _takao_. These words remind us of the Khasi _khaw_, which
seems to be borrowed from the Shan _khaw_ (_hkao hsau_).

_Dog_.--The common word for this animal will be found to be nearly the
same in sound in many of these languages, e.g. Suk. _cho_; Stieng,
_sou_; Bahnar, _ko, cho_; Annam, _cho_; Xong, _tcho_; Mi, _khmu_;
Lemet, _so_; Palaung, _tsao, hsao_; Khasi; _ksew_. The Mon _khluiw_ is
the same as the Khasi _ksew_, if _l_ is changed into _s_. The Lakadong
and Synteng dialects of Khasi have _ksaw_, and Mynnar (Jirang) _ksow_.

_Rat, mouse_.--Mon, _kni, gni_; Stieng, _ko'nei_; Bahnar, _kone_;
Khasi, _khnai_.

_Swine_.--Bahnar _niung_ is evidently Khasi _'niang_, the abbreviated
form of _sniang_.

_Tiger_.--Mon, _kla_; Stieng, _klah_; Bahnar, _kla_; Khmêr, _khla_
and Khasi, _khla_ are evidently the same. With this compare the Kol
_kula, kula, kula_.

_Bird_.--Sue, _kiem_; Mon, _g'cem_, _ka-teim_; Hüei, _chiem_; Stieng,
_chum_; Bahnar, Annam, _chim_; Xong, _chiem_; Palaung and Wa, _hsim_,
and Khasi _sim_ are clearly the same. Also compare Mynnar (Jiraug),
_ksem_ which is very near to Mon, _g'cem_.

_Fowl_.--Hüei, _kat, yar_; Suk, _yer_; Bahnar, _ir_;. Stieng _iêr_;
Khmu, _yer_; Lemet, _er_; Palaung, _her_, and Khasi, _siar_,
abbreviated into _'iar_, are probably the same.

_Fish_.--The word _ka_ or _kha_ runs through the following
languages:--Mon, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, Wa; and
if we cut off the first syllable of the Khasi word for fish, _dohkha_,
we find _'kha_, which is the same word as in the languages above
mentioned, with an aspirate added. The Khasi _doh_ merely means flesh,
and the word _dokkha_ is very frequently abbreviated, cf. _'kha saw,
'kha iong_.

_Crab_.--Mon, _kh'tam_; Khmêr, _ktam_; Khasi, _tham_. If we add the
gender sign to the Khasi word, it becomes _ka tham_, and we have
exact correspondence.

_Woman_.--Mon, _brou_ or _brao_. Is this the same as the Khasi
(_ka_) _briw_?

_Child_.--So, _kón_; Suk, _kon_; Mon, _kon_; Hüei, _kuon_; Annan,
_kon_; Khmêr, _kun_; Khasi, _khun_. Compare Nancowry, _kon_.

_Eye_.--The word _mat, mat, mat_, run through several of these
languages, e.g. Mon, _mat_; Huei, _mat_; Stieng; _mat_; Bahnar _mat_;
Annam, _mat_; Khasi, _khmat_ (dialectic _mat_). In Nancowry compare
_olmat_, eye, and _okmat_, eyebrow, and (_e_)_mat_ (_hen_) _mat_
(_drug_), _mat_, of the Nicobar dialects, also Semang _mat, met,
med_. Kuhn remarks that the word _mat_ is common for "_sight_," and
"eye" all over the Malay Archipelago. It should be remarked that in
the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word is _mat_.

_Nose_.--If we cut off the aspirate _kh_ from the Khasi _khmut_, which
thus becomes _mut_, we find some correspondence between Mon, _muh_
(_mu_); Stieng (_tro_), _muh_; Bahnar, _muh_. Here also compare Ho
_mua, muta_; Mundari, _mun_; Uraon, _moy_. In the Anwi and Lakadong
dialects of Khasi the word is _mur-kong_.

_Hand_.--Xong, _ti_; Mon, _toi_; Annam, _tay_, Khmer, _te_ (from
_sang te_, finger); Palaung, _tae, tai_, and Khasi, _kti_ (with
prefix _k_) closely correspond. The forms _ta_ and _toi_ of Amwi,
and Lakadong, respectively, still more closely correspond with the
Mon-Khmer languages than with Khasi. Here compare Nancowry _tei_
and _ti_, or _ti_ of the Kol languages.

_Blood_.--Palaung _hnam_, and Wa _nam_ closely correspond with Khasi
_snám_; here compare Khmêr _iham_.

_Horn_:--Mon, _grang_, the horn of an animal, may be compared with
the Khasi _reng_.

_Far_.--Distant. Bahnar, _hangai_; Annam, _ngai_; Khmêr, _chhngay_;
Lemet, _sngay_; Sue _chngai_ may be compared with the Khasi
_jing-ngai_. Amwi _shnjngoi_ seems to be a closer form to the above
than Khasi _jing-ngai_. But compare Mynnar (Jirang), _chngi_, which
is clearly very close to Sue _chngai_, and Khmer _chhngay_.

_To weep, to cry_.--Mon, _yam_; Khmer, _yam_; Khmu Lemet and Palaung,
_yam_, are clearly the same as Khasi _iam_, with which also may be
compared Ho _yam_.

It is interesting to note that the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi,
which are spoken by the people who dwell on the southern slopes of
the Jaintia Hills, seem more closely to correspond with the Mon-Khmer
forms than even with Khasi. The Mynnar or Jirang dialect of Khasi,
spoken on the extreme north of the hills, also appears to possess some
words which are very similar indeed to some of the Mon-Khmer forms
given by Professor Kuhn. Unfortunately, I had time to collect but a
few words of this interesting dialect, as I arrived in the portion
of the country inhabited by these people only a short time before
submitting this monograph to Government. The Mynnar dialect appears
to be akin to the Synteng, Lakadong, and Amwi forms of speech. The
Mynnars observe also the Synteng ceremony of "_Beh-ding-khlam_," or
driving away the demon of cholera, so that although now inhabiting
a part of the country a considerable distance away from that of the
Synteng, it is not unlikely that they were originally connected with
the latter more closely.

Professor Kuhn comes to the conclusion that there is a distinct
connection between Khasi, Mon or Talaing, Khmêr, and the other
languages of Indo-China that have been mentioned, which is to be seen
not only from similarities in some of the numerals, but from the
convincing conformities of many other words of these languages. He
goes on to add that more important than these contacts of the
mono-syllabic languages of Indo-China with mono-syllabic Khasi is
their affinity with the Kol, and Nancowry poly-syllabic languages
and with that of the aboriginal inhabitants of Malacca, i.e. the
languages of the so-called Orang-Outang, or men of tile woods, Sakei,
Semung, Orang-Benua, and others; and that although it is not, perhaps,
permissible to derive at once from this connection the relation of the
Khasi Mon-Khmêr mono-syllabic group with these poly-syllabic languages,
it seems to be certain that a common substratum lies below a great
portion of the Indo-Chinese languages as well as those of the Kol and
Ho-Munda group. More important than connections between words is, as
Dr. Grierson points out in his introduction to the Mon-Khmêr family,
the order of the words in the sentence. In both Khasi and Mon that
order is subject, verb, object. Taking this fact in conjunction with
the similarities of the Khasi and Mon vocabularies, we may conclude
that it is proof positive of the connection between Khasi and Mon, or
Talaing. In Munda, however, this order is subject, object, verb. Tiffs
is a very important difference, for, as Dr. Grierson points out,
"the order of words in a sentence follows the order of thought of the
speaker; it follows therefore that the Mundas think in an order of
ideas different from those of the Khasis and the Mons." Dr. Grierson
comes to the stone conclusion with respect to these languages as
Professor Kuhn, which is as follows:--"Owing to the existence of these
differences we should not be justified in assuming a common origin for
the Mon-Khmêr languages on the one hand, and for the Munda, Nancowry,
and Malacca languages on the other. We may, however, safely assume
that there is at the bottom of all these tongues a common substratum,
over which there have settled layers of the speeches of other peoples,
differing in different localities. Nevertheless, this substratum
was so firmly, established as to prevent its being entirely hidden
by them, and frequent undeniable traces of it are still discernible
in languages spoken in widely distant tracts of Nearer and Further
India. Of what language this original substratum consisted we are not
yet in a position to say. Whatever it was, it covered a wide area,
larger than the area covered by many families of languages in India at
the present day. Languages With this common substratum are now spoken,
not only in the modern Province of Assam, in Burma, Siam, Cambodia,
and Anam, but also over the whole of Central India, as far west as the
Berars." Grierson, having agreed regarding the existence of this common
substratum, does not finally determine whether the ancient substratum
was the parent of the present Munda language, or of the Mon-Khmêr
language. He says, "It cannot have been the parent of both, but it
is possible that it was the parent of neither." We are thus still in
a state of uncertainty as to what was the origin of these languages.

The brief description which follows of some of the more prominent
characteristics of the Khasi language is based chiefly on Sir Charles
Lyall's skeleton Grammar contained in Vol. II. of Dr. Grierson's
"Linguistic Survey of India." It does not pretend to be an exhaustive
treatise on the language; for this students are referred to the
excellent grammar compiled by the Rev. H. Roberts.

_The Article_.--There are four articles in Khasi; three in the
singular, _u_, (masculine), _ka_ (feminine), and _i_ (diminutive of
both genders); and one in the plural for both genders, _ki_.

All Khasi nouns take a pronominal prefix to denote the gender,
i.e. the third personal pronoun, _u_ (masculine), _ka_ (feminine), _i_
(diminutive). The great majority of inanimate nouns are feminine, and
all abstract nouns. The sun (day), _ka sngi_, is feminine, the moon
(month), _u b'nai_, is masculine. Sometimes the word varies in meaning
according to the gender, e,g. _u ngap_, a bee; _ka ngap_, honey.

_Genders_.--Names of mountains, stones, plants, fruits, stem, and
the moon, are masculine, e.g.:--


_U kyllang_, the Kyllang rock.
_U mawlein_, quartz.
_U phan_, potato.
_U soh niamtra_, orange.
_U'lur duti_, the morning star.
_U'tiw kulap_, rose.
_U b'nai_, the moon.


Names of rivers, lakes, books, places, the sun, and' all abstract
nouns are feminine, e.g.:--


_Ka wah_, river.
_Ka nan_, lake.
_Ka kitap_, book.
_Ka Shillong_, Shillong.
_Ka sngi_, sun
_Ka jingsneng_, advice.


The article _i_ is used either as a diminutive, as _i khunlung_,
a baby, or for denoting endearment, as _i mei_, mother.

_Number_.--_U, ka_, and _i_ stand for the singular number, e.g. _u
khla_ (a tiger), _ka khoh_ (a Khasi basket), _i khun_ (a child). _Ki_
is the sign of the plural, as _Ki maw_, the stones. _Ki_ in some few
instances is used honorifically, as _ki Siem_, the king, _ki kthaw_,
the father-in-law.

_Cases_ are eight in number, and are denoted by prefixes. The
declension of the noun _lum_ (hill) is given below by way of example:--


                        Singular.           Plural
        Nominative      _u lum_             _ki lum_
        Accusative      _ia u lum_          _ia ki lum_
        Instrumental    _da u lum_          _da ki lum_
        Dative          _ia, ha_, or        _ia, ha_, or
                        _sha u lum_         _sha ki lum_
        Ablative        _na u lum_          _na ki lum_
        Genitive        _jong u lum_        _jong ki lum_
        Locative        _ha u lum_          _ha ki lum_
        Vocative        _ko lum_            _ko phi ki lum_


The sign of the genitive case, _jong_, is sometimes omitted for the
sake of brevity, e.g. _u ksew nga_ (my dog) for _u ksew jong nga_. The
preposition _la_ gives also the force of the possessive case, e.g. _la
ka jong ka jong_ (their own). There are some nouns which change their
form, or rather are abbreviated when used in the vocative case,
e.g. _ko mei_, not _ko kmei_ = Oh mother; _ko pa_, not _ko kpa_ =
Oh father. These, however, are all of them nouns showing relationships.

_Pronouns_.--Personal pronouns are _nga_ (I), _ngi_ (we), _me_ (thou,
masculine) _pha_ (thou, feminine), _phi_, (you, masculine or feminine),
_u_ (he, it), _ka_ (she, it), _i_ (diminutive form of _u_ or _ka_),
and _ki_ (they).

The emphatic form of the personal pronoun is formed by prefixing _ma_,
e.g. _ma-nga_, _ma-u_, after a verb, but not after a preposition,
e.g. _dei-ma-nga_ = it is I. But _ai, ia ma nga_ is an incorrect form.

_The Reflexive Pronoun_ is formed by the word _lade_ (self) being
suffixed to the personal pronoun, as _u leh sniu ia lade_ = he does
himself harm, or by the addition of the word _hi_ (self) to the
personal pronoun, as _phi hi pbi ong_ (you yourself).

_The Relative Pronoun_ is formed by the suffix _ba_, added to any of
the personal pronouns, as _kaba_, _uba, kiba_ (who, which).

_The Demonstrative Pronoun_ is formed by the addition of the particles
denoting the position of things with reference to the speaker,
e.g. (1) near = this, _ne_ (_u-ne_, _kane_, _i-ne, ki-ne_); (2) in
sight, but further off = that, _to_ (_uto_, &c.); (3) further away,
but still visible = that _tai_ (_u-tai_, &c.); (4) out of sight or
only contemplated in the mind = that, _ta_ (_u-ta_, &c.); (5) above =
that, _tei_ (_u-tei_, &c.); (6) below = this, _thi_ (_ka-thi_, &c.);
_katai-tai, katei-tei, kathie-thie_ point to an object at a great
distance but within sight.

_The Interrogative Pronoun_ is the article followed by _no_ or
_ei_ (e.g. _u-no, kano_, who), _u-ei, ka-ei_ (who, which). _Ei_ is
often used without the "article," and _no_ (which is restricted to
persons) when declined, regularly drops the "article," e.g. _jong-no_
whose? _ia-no_, whom? _sha-no_, to whom? What? neuter, is _aiuh_,
and also _kaei_.

_Adjectives_ are formed by prefixing _ba_ to the root, thus _bha_
goodness; _ba-bha_, good; _sniu_, badness; _ba-sniu_, bad. When _ba_
is dropped, the word in no longer an adjective but a verb, and in
some cases a noun, e.g. _uba khraw_ (adj.) = big, great; _u khraw_
= he becomes great. An adjective may be formed without any of the
prefixes _ba, uba_, &c., e.g. _ka miau-tuh_ = a thieving cat.

An adjective follows the noun it qualifies, and agrees with the noun
it qualifies in gender and number.

_Comparison_.--The comparative is formed by adding _kham_ before
an adjective, followed by _ban ia_ (than), or simply _ia_, and the
superlative by adding such adverbs of intensity as _tam, eh, eh than,
tam eh, shikaddei_, which are followed generelly by _ia_ or _ban ia_.

_Numerals_.--In Khasi the cardinal number always precedes the noun
(e.g. _lai sin_, three times,) The following are the first ten
numerals.


         1.     _Wei_.
         2.     _Ar_.
         3.     _Lai_
         4.     _Sau_.
         5.     _San_.
         6.     _Hinriu_.
         7.     _Hinnieu_.
         8.     _Phra_.
         9.     _Khyndai_.
        10.     _Shipheu_.


The word _khad_ is prefixed for forming the numerals from 11 to 19,
e.g. _khad-wei, khad-ar_, eleven, twelve, &c.

The verbal root (which never varies) may be simple or compound. The
compound roots are (1) _Causals_, formed by prefixing _pyn_ to the
simple root; as _iap_, die; _pyniap_, kill. (2) _Frequentatives_,
formed by prefixing _iai_; as _iam_, weep; _iai iam_, weep
continually. (3) _Inceptives_, by prefixing _man_; as _stad_, be
wise; _manstad_, grow wise. (4) _Reciprocals_, by prefixing _ia_;
as _ieit_, love; _ia-ieit_, love one another. (5) _Intensives_, by
prefixing tim particle _kyn, lyn, syn, tyn_. Any noun or adjective
may be treated as a verbal root by means of a prefix of these five
classes. Thus _kajia_, a quarrel (Hindustani loan word, _qazía_;) _ia
kajio_, to quarrel with one another; _bynta_, share; _pyn-ia-bynta_
(reciprocal catmal), to divide between several persons. It should
be mentioned with reference to the second class or frequentative
verbs, that they sometimes take the prefixes, or particles as Roberts
prefers to call them, _dem, dup, nang, shait, ksaw_ in place of _iai_,
e.g. _dem-wan_, to come after; _dup-teh_, to practise; _nang-wad_,
to go on searching; _shait pang_, to be always ill; _ksaw-bam_, to be
in the habit of devouring. There are two verbs for "to be," _long_,
implying existence absolutely, and _don_, implying limited existence,
and also meaning "to have." There is only one form of conjugation for
all verbs. Tense and mood are indicated by prefixes, number and person
by the subject. When the subject is a noun the pronoun is inserted
before the verb. The following is the conjugation of the verb "to be"
in the present, past, and future tenses:--


Present.                    Past.                           Future.
Singular.       Plural.     Singular.       Plural.         Singular.       Plural.

1               2           3               4               5               6
_Nga long_      _Ngi long_  _Nga la long_   _Ngi la long_   _Ngan long_     _Ngin long_
I am            We are      I was           We were         I shall be      We shall be

_Me_ (mas.) or  _Phi long_  _Me_ or _pha    _Phi la long_   _Men_ or _phan  _Phin long_
_pha_ (fem.)                la long_                        long_
_long_
Thou art        Ye are      Thou wast       Ye were         Thou shalt be   You shall be

_U _(mas.) or   _Ki long_   _U _or _ka      _Ki la long_    _U'n_ or _ka'n  _Kin long_
_ka_ (fem.)                 la long_                        long_
_long_
He or she is    They are    He or she was   They were       He or she will  They will be
                                                            be


The above simple tenses are made definite or emphatic by various
means. _La_, sign of the past, when added to _lah_, sign of the
potential, has the sense of the pluperfect, e.g. _nga la lah long_,
I had been. _Yn_ abbreviated into _'n_ emphasizes the future, the
particle _sa_ also indicates the future; _da_ is the usual sign
of the subjunctive mood, _lada, la, lymda, tad, ynda, ban, da_ are
other signs of this mood. The sign of the infinitive is _ba'n_. The
imperative is either (1) the simple root, or (2) the root compounded
with some word such as _to_.

_Participles_.--The present participle is formed by prefixing _ba_ to
the root, e.g. _ba long_, being. The imperfect participle is formed
by prefixing such words as _ba u, ka da, da kaba_, &c. The perfect
participle is formed by putting such particles as _ba la, haba la,
da kaba la_ before the verb. Verbal nouns of agency are formed by
prefixing _nong_ to the root, e.g. _u nong knia_ (the sacrificer). The
_Passive Voice_ is formed by using the verb impersonally, and putting
the subject into the Accusative case with _ia_.

_Potentiality_ is indicated by the verb _lah_, necessity by the verb
_dei; dang_ and _da_ show the indefinite present.

The _negative_ is indicated by the particles _ym_, contracted into _'m,
shym_, and _pat_. _Ym_ is put before the verb, e.g. _'ym don briew_
= there is no one; with a pronoun it is contracted, e.g. _u'm wan_,
he does not come. It follows the sign of the future, e.g. _phi'n y'm
man_, you will not come. _Shym_ and _pat_ are neptive particles, and
are used with _negative verbs_ in the past tense, e.g. _u'm shymla
man_, he did not come.

_The use of the word "jing."_--One of the most striking features
of the language is the use of the word _jing_, which is employed to
create a verbal noun out of a verb: for instance, take the verb _bam_,
to eat; if we prefix _jing_ we have _jingbam_, food. _Bat_, to hold;
_jing-bat_, a handle. The use of the word _nong_ has already been
noticed under the heading "verbs." As an example of another common
prefix, it may again be mentioned here. Thus, _nong-ai-jingbam_ means
a table servant, literally one who gives food. Again, _nong-bat_,
a holder, literally, one who holds.

_Syntax_.--The order of words in the sentence is usually (1) subject,
(2) verb, and (3) object, in fact, the same as in English, and in this
respect it differs entirely from the order in the languages derived
from Sanskrit, and that of the languages of the Thibeto-Burman group,
as far as I have been able to ascertain. For instance, in the Kachari
or Boro language the order in the sentence is (1) subject, (2) object,
(3) verb. In Khasi when emphasis is needed, however, the object
occasionally precedes the berb, e.g. _ia u soh u la die_, he has
sold the fruit, literally, the fruit he has sold. As stated before,
adjectives follow the nouns they qualify, e.g. _u lum bajyrong_,
a high mountain, literally, the hill that is high. Interrogative
adverbs may either precede or follow the verb, e.g. _naei phi wan_,
or _phi wan naei_, where do you come from?

No account of the Khasi language would be complete without some
reference to the adverbs which are so very numerous in Khasi. U
Nissor Singh, in his admirable little book of "Hints on the Study of
the Khasi Language," writes, "Adverbs are so numerous in the Khasi
language that I shall not attempt to enumerate them all in this small
book. Many of the adverbs, indeed, belong to the untranslatables
of the language. We are never in want of a specific term to express
the appropriate degree of any quality." To learn how to use the right
adverb at the right time is one of the niceties of the language. There
is a peculiarity about some of the adverbs of place which should
be mentioned: e.g. _Hangto_, there (within sight); _hangne_, here;
_hangta_, there (out of sight); _hangai_, there (at some distance);
_hangtei_, there (upwards); _hangthi_, there (downwards); also the
interrogative adverbs _hangno, nangno_, whence, contain the inherent
root _nga_, and it seems possible that this _nga_ is the first personal
pronoun I. If this is so, _hangto_ would mean literally "to me there,"
_hangthi_ "to me down there," and similarly _nangno, nangne_ would mean
"from where to me there" and "from there to me here."

Adverbs generally follow the words they modify, as _u'n leit mynta_
= he will go now, but there are exceptions to the above rule,
such as interrogative adverbs. The following come before those
they modify: _tang shu, la dang_ (as soon as, when); _kham, shait_
(used to, ever); _pat_ or _put_ (yet) ; and _shym_ (not); but _shuh_
(more) goes last. Adverbs of past time are formed by prefixing _myn_,
e.g. _mynhynne_, a short time ago. Adverbs of future time are formed
by prefixing _la_. The particles _man_, _man la_, and _hala_ denote
repetition.

The Khasis are exceedingly fond of using double words [43] which add
much to the finish and polish of a sentence. Old people especially
have a predilection this way. It is one of the great diffuculties
of the language to learn how to use such double words correctly. The
following are some examples:--

Nouns.


    kajain ka nep           cloth.
    ka kot ka sla           paper.
    ka lynti ka syngking    road.
    ka iing ka sem          house.
    u babu, u phabu         babu.
    u tymen u san           elder.
    ka stih, ka wait        arms (lit.: shield and sword).
    u badon ba em           a well to do person.
    ka spah ka phew         wealth
    u kha-u-man             a relation on the father's side.


Verbs.


    pynsyk-pynsain          to comfort.
    ia shoh ia dat          to scuffle.
    byrngem-byrait          to threaten.
    shepting-shepsmiej      to be afraid.
    ihthuh-ihthaw           to be familiar.
    kyrpad-kyrpon           to beg.
    ia lum-ia lang          to assemble.


Adjectives.


    basniw-basmeh           bad.
    basmat-basting          active.
    donbor-donsor           powerful.
    don burom-don surom     noble.
    bakhraw-batri           pertaining to a noble family.
    baduk-basuk             poor, needy.
    babok-basot             righteous.
    bariwbha-riwmiat.       wealthy.


Adverbs.


    hur-hur                 delicately.
    hain-hain               brilliantly (red).
    prum-prum, prem-prem    prominently.
    rymbiaw-rymboin         shrikingly.
    nior-nior, iar-iar      weakly.
    parum-pareh             many.
    sip-sip, sap-sap        having no taste.


The Mikirs appear to have borrowed a small portion of their vocabulary
from the Khasis. The following are quoted as examples of possible
common roots:--


                    Mikir.      Khasi.
    belly           pòk         kpoh.
    strike (_v_.)   chòk        shoh.
    father          po          kpa.
    come (_v_.)     vàng        wán.
    rice beer       hor         hiar.
    maternal uncle  ni-lur      kni.


The Lynngam dialect differs so much from the standard Khasi that some
remarks regarding the former will not be out of place. Dr. Grierson, on
pages 17 to 19 of his Volume II. of the "Linguistic Survey of India,"
has indicated some of these differences, which may be recapitulated
here as follows. Some of the commonest verbs vary considerably
from those used in the standard dialect. There are also many minor
differences of pronunciation. A man is _u breo_, not _u briew_, a son
is a _u khon_, not _u khun_. Standard _ng_ is often represented by
_nj_. Thus _doinj_ for _ding_, fire. A final _h_ often appears as _k_,
and an initial _b_ as _p_. Thus, _baroh_ (Standard), all, becomes
in Lynngam _prok_. Standard _ei_ becomes _aw_. Thus _wei_ = _waw_,
one; _dei = daw_, necessary. The articles are frequently omitted. The
pronoun _u_ is used for the plural as well as the singular, instead
of the Standard plural _ki_. The diminutive _i_ is used with inanimate
nouns. This is also sometimes the case in the Standard form.

_Nouns_.--The prefix of the Accusative-dative is _se_ or _sa_, often
contracted to _s'_ instead of _ia_ (Standard). The prefix of the Dative
is _hanam, hnam_, or _tnam_. The Standard Dative-locative prefix _ha_
is also used, and may be spelt _he_ or _hy_. _Ta_ or _te_ are also
found. For the genitive, besides the Standard _jong_, are found _ha,
am-ba, am_, and _am-nam. Am-nam_ and _am_ also mean "from."

The plural sometimes takes the suffix _met_.

_Adjectives_.--The usual word for male is _korang_, and for
"female" _konthaw_, in place of the Standard _shynrang_
and _kynthei_ respectively. The following are examples of
comparisons:--_Re-myrriang_, good; _Mai-myrriang_, better;
_U re-myrriang_, best. The Standard _tam_ is also used for the
superlative.

_Pronouns_.--The Personal Pronouns are:--


                    Singular        Plural
    1st Person,     ne              biaw, iaw.
    2nd Person,     mi, mei         phiaw.
    3rd Person      u, ju, u-ju     kiw.


The Nominative of the pronoun of the second person singular is given
once as _ba-mi_, and once as _ma-mi_. The _ma_ or _ba_ is the Standard
emphatic prefix _ma_.

Demonstrative Pronouns appear to be _be, tei_ that, and _uni_, or
_nih_, this. _Be_ is used as a definite article in the phrase _be
jawmai_, the earthquake.

_The Relative Pronoun_ is _u-lah_, who.

_Interrogative Pronouns_ are _net, u-iet_, who? and _met_, what?

_Verbs_.--The pronoun which is the subject of a verb may either precede
or follow it. Thus _ne rip_, I strike; _rip biaw_, we strike. The words
meaning to be are _re, im_, and _meit_ in addition to the Standard
_long_. Like the Standard _don, im_, corresponding to Synteng _em_,
also means to have. As in the Standard, the Present Tense is formed
by using the bare root.

The Past Tense is formed in one of five ways, viz.:--


1. By suffixing _let_, as in _ong-let_, said.
2. By suffixing _lah-let_, as in _dih-lah-let_, went.
3. By prefixing _lah_, and suffixing _let_, as in _lah-ong-let_, said.
4. By prefixing _lah_, as in _lah-kyllei_, asked.
5. By prefixing _yn_ (_yng, ym_), as in _yn-nai_, gave; _yng-kheit_,
   shook; _um-pait_, broke; _yn-jai_, fell.


The Future is formed in a very peculiar way. The Standard _yn_ is
inserted into the middle of the root, immediately after the first
consenant. Thus _rip_, strike; _rynip_, will strike. If the root is a
compound, it is inserted between the two members, as in _pan-yn-sop_,
will fill. Here observe that the Standard causative prefix _pyn_
becomes _pan_ in Lynngam. The Infinitive the same form as the Future.

Dr. Grierson points out the following most noteworthy fact with
reference to the formation of the Lynngam Future and Infinitive, i.e.,
that similar infixes occur in Malay in the Nancowry dialect of Nicobar,
and the Malacca aboriginal languages.

The prefix of the Imperative is _nei_, as in _nei-ai_, give; _nei-lam_,
bring. The usual negative particle is _ji_, which is suffixed,
e.g. _um-ji_ is not.

Numerals.


            Lynngam         Standard (Khasi).
         1. Waw, shi        Wei, shi.
         2. Ar-re or a-re   Ar.
         3. Lai-re          Lai.
         4. Saw-re          Saw.
         5. San-de          San.
         6  Hyrrew-re       Hinriw.
         7. Hynnju-re       Hinniew.
         8. Phra-re         Phra.
         9. Khondai-re      Khyndai.
        10. Shi-phu         Shi-phew.


The peculiarity about the Lynngam numerals is the suffix _re_, and the
numeral "five" _de_. None of the other dialects of Khasi posess this
peculiarity. Dr. Grierson's Volume may be referred to for a Lynngam
Vocabulary. I make the following additions:--


    English         Lynngam             Khasi (Standard).
    Hearth          paw ka              dypei
    Earthen pot     kheow               u khiw
    Flesh           mim                 ka doh
    Spoon           jamplai             ka siang
    Sleeping-room   syrkut              ka'rumpei
    Drinking-gourd  longtang            u skaw
     ,, ,,          longjak             u klong dih-um
    Broom           shipuat             u synsar


Clothing


    Turban          khabong jain brung  ka jain spong
    Ear-ring        kurneng             ka shohshkor
    Apron           shiliang            ka jymphong
    Haversack       jolonjwa [44]       ka pla
    Cap             pokhia              ka tupia
    Girdle          pun-poh             u saipan
    Under Garment   jain tongpan        ka jympin
    (female)



Domestic Terms.


    Pestle          synraw              u synrei
    Door            phyrdaw             ka jingkhang
    Fowl house      kjor syar           ka sem siar
    Portion of house
    in front of the
    hearth          nengiaw             ka nongpei
    Do. behind the
    hearth          shangla             ka rumpei
    Store-house     siang               ka ieng buh kyba
    Millet          jrai                u krai
    Indian corn     soh rikhawu         riw hadem
    Arum            chew                ka shiriew


Agricultural Implements.


    Spade           wakhew              u mokhiew
    Bill-hook       wait-bah            ka wait Lynngam
    Do.             wait-koh            ka wait khmut
    Axe             dapam               u sdi
    Basket used in
    reaping and
    sowing          khyrnai             ka koh rit.




CHAPTER A

Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State


  1. Basa-iew-moit
     Intermarriage with Majaw and Hynniewta clans prohibited.
  2. Diengdoh
     Intermarriage with Lalu, Diengdohbah and Diengdohkylla clans
     prohibited.
  3. 'Dkhar
  4. Dohling
  5. Dulai
  6. Dunai
  7. Hura
  8. Hynniewta
  9. Jala
 10. Jyrwa
 11. Khar Jarain
 12.  ,,  Khlem
 13.  ,,  Khrang
 14.  ,,  Kongor
 15.  ,,  Kyni
 16.  ,,  Lukhi
 17.  ,,  Maw
 18.  ,,  Mawphlang
 19.  ,,  Mu
 20.  ,,  Muid
 21.  ,,  Muti
 22.  ,,  Mylliem
 23.  ,,  Naior
 24.  ,,  Shi-ieng
 25.  ,,  Synteng
 26. -- --
 27. Khong-bri
 28.  ,,   hat
 29.  ,,   ji
 30.  ,,   joh
 31.  ,,   kwang
 32.  ,,   kynshen
 33.  ,,   kyntiaj
 34.  ,,   kyshah
 35.  ,,   lam
 36.  ,,   liar
 37.  ,,   longioi
 38.  ,,   lynnong
 39.  ,,   mawpat
 40.  ,,   mukon
 41.  ,,   ngain
 42.  ,,   riat
 43.  ,,   rymmai
 44.  ,,   sdir
 45.  ,,   shir
 46.  ,,   sit
 47.  ,,   sngi
 48.  ,,   sya
 49.  ,,   war
 50.  ,,   wet
 51.  ,,   wir
 52. Lyngdoh-Nonglwai
 53. Lynden
 54. Lynrah
 55. Majaw
 56. Marbaniang
     This is one of the myntri clans of Mawsynram State.
 57. Malngiang
     Originally from Maskut in the Jowai Sub-division.
 58. Marpna
 59. Mawlong
 60. Marboh
     Formerly one of the Khadar Kur clans. Has now become extinct.
 61. Mawdkhap
 62. Mohkhiew
 63. Mynrieng
 64. Myrthong
 65. Nongbri
 66. Nongkynrih
     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
 67. Nonglait
 68. Nongtran
 69. Nonglathiang
 70. Nongrum
     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
 71. Nontariang
     These two clans cannot intermarry. Nongtariang is now one of
     the Khadar Kur clans in place of the Marboh clan which has
     become extinct.
 72. Padoh
 73. Parariang
 74. Pohnong
 75. Prawai
 76. Puria
 77. Pompyrthat
 78. Rani
 79. Rapthap
 80. Rynjah
     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
 81. Samai
 82. Shabong
 83. Shanpru
 84. Shrieh
     _Shrieh_ means a monkey. Possibly totemistic.
 85. Siem Lyngng
 86. Sohkhlet
 87. Shyngpliang
 88. Sumer
 89. Swer
 90. Syiem
 91. Syngai
 92. Synrem
 93. Thabah
 94. Tham
     _Tham_means a crab. Possibly totemistic.
 95. Tohtih
 96. Umdor
 97. Walang
 98. Warkon
 99 Khyrwang
100. Ksing




CHAPTER B

Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State


  1. Awri
  2. Bariang
  3. Basa-iew-moit
  4. Bhoi
  5. Bithai
  6. Diengdoh (2)
     Intermarriage with Masar clan prohibited.
  7. 'Dkhar
  8. Dumpep
  9. Hadem
 10. Jasia
 11. Khang-shei
 12. Khar baino
 13.  ,,  baki
 14.  ,,  bangar
     Intermarriage with Nong-lwai clan prohibited.
 15. Khar bih-khiew
     Intermarriage prohibited with Khar-umnuid clan
 16. Khar bonniud
 17.  ,,  bud
 18.  ,,  buli
 19.  ,,  dint
 20.  ,,  dohling
 21.  ,,  dumpep
 22.  ,,  hi-dint
 23.  ,,  iap
 24.  ,,  Kamni
 25.  ,,  Kongor
 26.  ,,  Kset
 27.  ,,  kynang
 28.  ,,  long
 29.  ,,  luni
 30.  ,,  Malki
 31.  ,,  Masar
 32.  ,,  mawlieh
     Intermarriage with Khar pomtiah clan prohibited.
 33. Khar mihpein
 34.  ,,  mithai
 35.  ,,  mudai
 36.  ,,  mujai
 37.  ,,  mukhi
 38.  ,,  muti
 39.  ,,  mylliem
 40.  ,,  patti
 41.  ,,  pein
 42.  ,,  phan
 43.  ,,  phur
 44.  ,,  pohlong
 45.  ,,  pohshiah
 46.  ,,  pomtiah
     Intermarriage with Khar mawlieh clan prohibited.
 47. Khar pomtih
 48.  ,,  pran
 49.  ,,  ryngi
 50.  ,,  rynta
 51.  ,,  Sati
 52.  ,,  shan
 53.  ,,  shi-ieng
 54.  ,,  shilot
 55.  ,,  shong
 56.  ,,  shrieh
 57.  ,,  sohnoh
 58.  ,,  sugi
 59.  ,,  Umnuid
     Intermarriage with Khar-bihkhiew clan prohibited.
 60. Khar urmut
 61.  ,,  War
 62. Khier
 63. Khmah
 64. Khong-binam
 65.   ,,  blah
 66.   ,,  buh
 67.   ,,  buhphang
 68.   ,,  'dkhar
 69.   ,,  dup
     Intermarriage prohibited with Rongsai and Khongree clans.
 70. Khong [45] iap
 71.   ,,  iong
 72.   ,,  ji
     Intermarriage with Pongrup clan prohibited.
 73. Khong joh
 74.   ,,  kai
 75.   ,,  khar
 76.   ,,  kiang
 77.   ,,  kib
 78.   ,,  kylla
 79.   ,,  kyndiah
 80.   ,,  lam
 81.   ,,  liam
 82.   ,,  likong
 83.   ,,  litung
 84.   ,,  luni
 85.   ,,  malai
 86.   ,,  mawlow
 87.   ,,  niur
 88.   ,,  noh
 89.   ,,  pdei
 90.   ,,  pnam
 91.   ,,  pnan
 92.   ,,  sdoh
 93.   ,,  siting
 94.   ,,  slit
 95.   ,,  sugi }
 96.   ,,  sni  }
 97.   ,,  sti  }
     Intermarriage prohibited also with Lyngdoh clan
 98. Khong stia
 99.   ,,  sylla (2)
100.   ,,  thaw
101.   ,,  tiang
102.   ,,  thorem
103.   ,,  wanduh (2)
104.   ,,  wet
105.   ,,  wir
106. Khriam
107. Khynriam
108. Khynriem
109. Khynriem miyat
110. Khynriem mawshorok
     Intermarriage with Pongrup, Lyndoh and Mawthoh clans
     prohibited.
111. Khynriem wahksieng
112. Kur Kalang.
113. Lamin
114. Lawai
     Intermarriage with Lyngdoh clan prohibited.
115. Lawaisawkher
116. Lingshing
117. Liting
118. Lyngbah
119. Lyngdoh
     Intermarriage with Pongrup and Mawthoh clans prohibited.
120. Lyngiar
121. Mairang
122. Majaid
123. Manar
124. Masar
     Intermarriage with Diengdoh clan prohibited.
125. Mawiong
126. Mawphlang
127. Mawsharoh
128. Mawthoh
     Intermarriage with Pongrup and Lyngdoh clans prohibited.
129. Mawwa
130. Morbah
131. Mormein
132. Mukhin
133. Muroh
134. Mylliem
135. Mylliem muthong  }
136. ,, Ngap          }
137. ,, pdah          }
     Intermarriage between these clans prohibited also with
     Sohtum clan
138. Mynsong
139. Niengnong
140. Nieng-suh
142. Nongbri
     Intermarriage with Nong-kynrih clans prohibited.
143. Nongbri Partuh
144. Nonghulew
145. Nong-khlieh
146. Nong-kynrieh
     Intermarriage with Nongbri clan prohibited.
147. Nong-lwai
     Intermarriage with Khar-Bangar clan prohibited.
148. Nong-lyer
149. Nong-pinir
150. Nong-pluh
151. Nongrum
152. Nongspung
153. Nongsteng
154. Nongstein
155. Nongtlub
156. Pdei
157. Pohkhla
158. Pohthmi
159. Pongrup
     Intermarriage with Mawthoh and Lyngdoh clans prohibited.
160. Rumkheng
161. Ruson
162. Rymkheng
163. Ryndong (2)
164. Ryngksai
165. Rynjah
     Intermarriage with Mawroh clan prohibited.
166. Rynjem
167. Ryntong
168. Ryngngi
169. Shabong
170. Shadap
171. Singting
172. Sohkhleb
173. Sohtum
     Intermarriage with Mylliemngap, Mylliempdah and Mylliem-muttong
     clans prohibited.
174. Sonjri
175. Songthiang
176. Sumer
177. Surong
178. Suting
179. Swali
180. Swer
181. Synnah
182. Synteng
183. Synteng-hen
184. Tadong
185. Tangper
186. Tangsang
187. Tarieng
188. Trai-iew
189. Tyngsier
190. Tynsil (2)
191. Tyngsong
192. Umsong
193. Uri-ieng
194. Wallang
195. Warbah
     Intermarriage with War-shong prohibited.
196. War-Jnem
197.  ,, jri
198.  ,, khyllew
199. War-malai
200.  ,, moi
201.  ,, Nongjri
202. Wan-khar
203. War-shong
     Intermarriage with Warbah prohibited.




CHAPTER C

Divination by Egg-Breaking

The _dieng shat pylleng_, or egg-breaking board, is shaped as indicated
in the diagram. Having placed a little heap of red earth on the board
at point _p_, the egg-breaker sits facing the board in the position
shown in the diagram. He first of all makes a little heap of rice in
the middle of the board sufficient to support the egg. He places the
egg there. He then takes it up and smears it with red earth, muttering
incantations the while. Having finished the invocation to the spirits,
the egg-breaker sweeps the grains of rice off the board, stands up,
and dashes the egg on the board with considerable force. The large
portion of the egg-shell is made to fall in the middle of the board,
as at X in the diagram. This portion of the shell is called _ka lieng_,
or the boat. The small bits of egg-shell which fall around the boat are
either good or evil prognostics, according to the following rules:--

1. The bits of shell which fall on the right of the boat are called
_ki jinglar_, and those on the left _ki jingkem_. Supposing fragments
of shell fall as at _b, c, d, e_, with their insides downwards, this
is a good sign, but if one of the fragments lies with its outside
downwards, this is a bad omen, and signifies _ka sang long kha_, or
sin on the father's or the children's part. It may also signify _ka
daw lum_, or "cause from the hill," i.e, that the illness or other
affliction has been caused by a god of some hill.

2. If the fragments of shell lie on the left side of the boat as at
_g, k, i, j_ in the diagram, they are named _ki jingkem_. If they lie
with their insides downwards, they indicate a favourable sign. If _g_
lies with its outside downwards, this is an evil omen. If _g_ and _h_
lie with their insides downwards, this is favourable, even if _i_
lies with its outside downwards. If, however, _j_ lies with its
outside downwards, this is not a good sign.

3. If there are a number of pieces of egg-shell lying in a line,
as at _k_, this is an evil prognostic, the line of shell fragments
indicating the road to the funeral pyre. Such a line of shell fragments
is called _ki'leng rah thang_. This sign is a harbinger of death.

4. If all the fragments of shell on both sides of the board, excepting
the boat, lie with their insides downwards, the question asked by the
egg-breaker is not answered. If _a_ or _l_ fall with their outsides
downwards, this is a bad sign.

5. If the portion of a shell at _f_ falls with the outside downwards,
this indicates that some god needs appearing by sacrifice.

6. If there are a number of small fragments lying around the boat,
as in the diagram, these mean that there are many reasons for the
illness, which cannot be ascertained.

7. If the portion of shell marked _s_ is detsehed from the boat,
this indicates that the goddess is very angry.

8. If four fragments lie around the boat so as to form a square, as _c,
e, h, j_, these mean that the patient is at the point of death. These
are called _ki leng sher thang_.

8. If there are no fragments, as at _d, e, f, g, h, i_, it is a puzzle,
_ka leng kymtip_.

_Note_.--The above information was obtained from U Sarup Singh,
of Mairong; U Them, of Laitlyngkot, and U Bud, of Jowai. Different
egg-breakers have somewhat different methods of reading the signs,
but the main points are usually the same.






NOTES

[1] The previous history of the Khasi state of Jaintia, so far as it
can be traced will be found related in Mr. E. A. Gait's _History of
Assam_ (1906), pp. 253-262.

[2] P. 211.

[3] Vol. iii., p. 168, 177, &c.

[4] These cloths, which Lindsay calls "_moongadutties_," were really
the produce of Assam, and were _dhutis_ or waist-cloths of _muga_ silk.

[5] Pp. 218-220., It appears from p. 219 that Mr. Scott's report
is responsible for the erroneous statement (often repeated) that the
mountaineers "called by us Cossyahs, denominate themselves Khyee." This
second name is in fact the pronunciation current in Sylhet of the word
_Khasi, h_ being substituted for _s_, and should be written as _Khahi_.

[6] In Mr. Scott's time it was usual to speak of such a place as a
"Sanatary."

[7] Vol. ix, pp. 833 sqq.

[8] Vol. xiii., pp. 612 sqq.

[9] Pp. 272 sqq.

[10] Called >w|oskop'ia: one of the lost books of the Orphic cycle
was entitled t`a >w|oskopik'a.

[11] The figures for Khasi population in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills
district will be found under "Habitat."

[12] The average rainfall at the Cherrapunji Police Station during
the last twenty years, from figures obtained from the office of the
Director of Land Records and Agriculture, has been 118 inches. The
greatest rainfall registered in any one year during the period was
in 1899, when it amounted to 641 inches.

[13] It is interesting to compare the remarks of M. Aymonier in his
volume iii of "Le Cambodge." He writes as follows:--"Mais en Indo-Chine
on trouve, partout disseminé, ce que les indigènes, au Cambodge du
moins, appellant, comme les peuples les plus éloignés du globe les
traits de foudre.' Ce sont ici des haches de l'âge néolithique ou de la
pierre polie, dont la plupart appartiennent au type repandu en toute
la terre. D'autres de ces celtes, dits épaulés, parcequ'ils possèdent
un talon d'une forme particulière, paraissent appartenir en propre à
l'Indo-Chine et à la presqu'ile dekkhanique. Its fourniraient donc
un premier indice, non négligeable, d'une communauté d'origine des
populations primitives des deux péninsules, cis et trans gangétiques."

[14] Mawkhar is a suburb of Shillong, the headquarters station.

[15] The maund is 82 lbs.

[16] See Bulletin No. 5 of the Agricultural Department of Assam,
1898, pp. 4 and 5.

[17] Khasi _u sak-riew_.

[18] Colocasia osculenta, Beng. _Kachu_.

[19] About threepence.

[20] For the story in detail see the Folk-lore section of the
monograph.

[21] Simsong is the Garo name for the river Someshwari.

[22] Officer.

[23] See page 13, "Ka Niam Khasi" (U Jeebon Roy.)

[24] What follows is a literal translation of the Khasi.

[25] This cave is at Pomdalai, some five miles west of Cherrapunji,
close to a great waterfall called _Noh Ka Likai_, i.e. the place where
Ka Likai jumped down the precipice (for a full account of this story
see Section V. of the monograph), where there is a large block of
stone, with some cuts over it, known as _Dain Thlen_, i.e. the snake
cutting (place).

[26] In another account it is said to have been U Suid-noh himself
who did this.

[27] Sir Charles Lyall has pointed out that the Mikirs possess this
custom; it is probably borrowed from the Khasis.

[28] Karl Pearson's essay on "mother age civilization."

[29] Lit.: Cut by magic.

[30] In Ahom _kái_ = fowl, _chán_ = beautiful, _mung_ =
country. Therefore _Kái-chán-mung_ = fowl of a beautiful country
(heaven).

[31] A spirit which is supposed to have the power of causing a disease
of the navel of a child.

[32] _Iapduh_ is the regular word used for a clan, and in this case
a species dying out.

[33] The Shillong Peak is thought to be the seat of a powerful
_blei_ or god who has his abode in the wood close to the top of the
"Peak." Another folk-tale will be found concerning this god.

[34] another version is that it was U Kyrphei, another hill in
Nongspung territory, who fought with U Symper.

[35] For further details regarding the Khasi superstition of the
"thlen," the reader is referred to the portion of the monograph dealing
with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that the "thlen's" cave is
at a place called Pom Doloi in the territory of the Siem of Cherra,
where there is also a rock called "Dain Thlen" (the cutting of the
"thlen"). Another version of the story explaining why there are still
"thlens" in the Khasi Hills is that there was an old woman who lived
at a placed called Mawphu, a village in a valley to the west of
Cherrapunji. This old woman forgot to eat her share of the "thlen's"
flesh, the result being that the species became repropagated.

[36] Both rivers, Umngot and Umiew, or Umiam, have their sources in or
close to the Shillong Peak. The word "Rupatylli" signifies in Khasi a
solid silver necklace of a peculiar shape. In order to appreciate this
pretty tale thoroughly, the reader ought to view the river "Rupatylli"
from the heights of the Laitkynsew, or Mahadeo, whence it is to be seen
glistening in the sun like a veritable rupatylli or silver necklace.

[37] Those mountains are the high hills which lie to the east of the
Jowai Sub-Division, and which form part of the boundary line between
the Khasi and Jaintia Hills District and North Cachar.

[38] The word Hadem is possibly a corruption of "Hidimba," the old
name for North Cachar.

[39] A Kongngor is one who has married a Khasi princess.

[40] This stone bridge, situated on the Theria road about a mile
below Cherra, existed up to the Earthquake of 1897, which demolished
it. The large slab of stone which formed the roadway of the bridge,
is however, still to be seen lying in the bed of the stream.

[41] The above story is said to have been taken down word for word
from the mouth of an old woman of the Malyniang clan who lived at
Mawlong.--P.R.G.

[42] Kuhn's "Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens."

[43] Khasi _ktin kynnoh_.

[44] Assamese loan word, a corruption of "julungá."

[45] The word _khong_ has probably connection with the Synteng word
_jong_ meaning a clan.