TRAVELS
OF
RICHARD AND JOHN  LANDER,
INTO
THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA,
FOR THE DISCOVERY
OF THE
COURSE AND TERMINATION OF THE NIGER;

FROM

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN THE POSSESSION OF THE LATE
CAPT. JOHN WILLIAM BARBER FULLERTON,
Employed in the African Service:

WITH
_A Prefatory Analysis of the Previous Travels_
OF
PARK, DENHAM, CLAPPERTON, ADAMS, LYON, RITCHIE, &c.
Into the hitherto unexplored Countries of Africa.

BY ROBERT  HUISH, ESQ.

Author of the "Last Voyage of Capt. Sir John Ross, to the Arctic
Regions," "Memoirs of W. Cobbett, Esq." "Private and Political Life
of the late Henry Hunt, Esq." &c. &c. &c.

LONDON:

_(Printed for the Proprietors,)_

PUBLISHED BY JOHN SAUNDERS, 25, NEWGATE  STREET.

1836.



INTRODUCTION.

Many are the acquisitions which geography has made since the
boundaries of commerce have been extended, and the spirit of
enterprise has carried our adventurous countrymen into countries
which had never yet been indented by a European foot; and which, in
the great map of the world, appeared as barren and uninhabitable
places, destitute of all resources from which the traveller could
derive a subsistence. It must, however, on the other hand, be
admitted, that design has frequently had little to do in the
discovery of those countries, however well it may have been
conceived, and however great the perseverance may have been, which
was exhibited in the pursuit. The discovery of America was, indeed,
a splendid example of an enlightened conception, and an undaunted
heroism, crowned with the most complete success; and the laudable and
unabated ardour which this country, in despite of the most appalling
obstacles, has persisted in solving the great geographical problem of
the Course and Termination of the Niger, may be placed second in rank
to the discovery of America.

As long as any fact is shut out from the knowledge of man, he who is
in search of it will supply the deficiency by his own conclusions,
which will be more or less removed from the object of his pursuit,
according to the previous opinions which he may have formed, or to
the credit which he may have placed on the reports of others. These
remarks cannot be better illustrated, than in the case furnished by
the Joliba, the Quorra, or Niger, the termination of which river was
utterly unknown until Richard and John Lander, braving difficulties
which would have broken any other hearts than theirs, succeeded in
navigating the river until its conflux with the ocean. Since Park's
first discovery of the Joliba, every point of the compass has been
assumed for the ulterior course and termination of that river, and
however wrong subsequent discovery has proved this speculative
geography to have been, it is not to be regarded as useless. Theories
may be far short of the truth, but while they display the ingenuity
and reasoning powers of their authors, they tend to keep alive that
spirit of inquiry and thirst for knowledge which terminates in
discovery.

Various accounts of this river had been gradually collected from
different sources, which afforded grounds for fresh theories
respecting its termination. That of Reichard was the favourite, he
supposing that it assumed a southwest course, and terminated in the
gulph of Guinea. It was observed at the time, that there was neither
evidence on which such an opinion could be supported, nor any by
which it could be refuted. Discovery has proved him to be right in
respect to its ultimate disposal; but at the same time, he
participated in the general error regarding its course to Wangara.
These different opinions appeared in several publications, in which,
as might be expected, much error was mixed up with the general
correctness. That the river flowed into the sea at Funda, was the
principal and chief point that was gained; but the most extraordinary
circumstance attending this discovery, was, that no one knew where
Funda was. The only exception to these was the theory of Major
Denham, supported by Sultan Bello's information, who continued its
easterly course below Boossa, and ended it in Lake Tchad.

Such was the uncertain condition in which the course of the Niger
remained, when the happy idea occurred of sending the Messrs. Landers
to follow its course below Boossa. By this step the British
government completed what it had begun, and accomplished in a few
months the work of ages.



CONTENTS

CHAP. I.
Herodutus. Early History of Africa. Interior of Africa. Malte Brun.
Division of Africa. Early African Discoveries. Portuguese
Discoveries. Madeira. Island of Arguin. Bemoy. Prester John. Death of
Bemoy. Elmina. Ogane. John II. Lord of Guinea. Diego Cam. His return
to Congo. Catholic Missionaries. Acts of the Missionaries. Magical
Customs of the Natives. Expulsion of the Portuguese.

CHAP. II.
Expeditions of the English. Thompson. First Expedition of Jobson.
African Animals. Jobson's arrival at Tenda. Bukar Sano. Second
Expedition of Jobson. The Horey. Expedition of Vermuyden. Expedition
of Stibbs. Falls of Barraconda. Natives of Upper Gambia. Dangers from
the Elephants and Sea Horses. Travels of Jannequin.

CHAP. III.
African Association. Expedition of Ledyard. His Death. Expedition of
Lucas. Major Houghton. His Death.

CHAP   V. [*]
Park's First Journey. Pisania. Dr. Laidley. Jindy. Mandingo Negroes.
Kootacunda. Woolli. Konjour. Membo Jumbo. Tallika. Ganado.
Kuorkarany. Fatteconda. Almami. Departure from Fatteconda. Joag.
Robbery of Mr. Park by the Natives. Demba Sego. Gungadi. Tesee.
Tigitty Sego. Anecdote of an African Wife. Kooniakary. Sambo Sego.

[Footnote: Chap. IV. was accidentally numbered Chap. V.]

CHAP. VI.
King Semba. Sego Jalla. Salem Daucari. Route from Soolo to Feesurah.
Kemmoo. Kaarta. Koorabarri. Funing Kedy. Ali, King of Ludamar.
Sampaka. Arrival at the Camp of Ali. Conduct of the Moors. Robberies
of Ali. Illness of Mr. Park. Curiosity of the African Ladies.
Whirlwinds of the Desert. An African Wedding.

CHAP. VII.
Sufferings of Mr. Park. Departure of Ali. Park's introduction to
Fatima. Beauty of the Moorish Women. The Great Desert of Jarra. Demba
Taken by the Moors. Jarra. Queira. Escape of Mr. Park. His perilous
Situation. Shrilla. Wawra. Dingyee. Departure from Doolinkeaboo.
First view of the Niger. Amiable conduct of a Bambara Woman. Mansong
King of Sego. Sansanding. Park's encounter with a lion. Moorzan.
Silla. Kea. Superstition of the Natives. Madiboo. Sibity. Sansanding.
Conduct of Mansong. Yamina. Balaba. Taffara. Sominoo. Kollikorro.
Saphie writing. Bambakoo. Kooma. Park robbed by the Foulahs.
Reflections.

CHAP. VIII.
Sibidooloo. The Mansa of Wonda. Mansia. Generous Conduct of a Karfa.
A Negro School. Treatment of the  Slaves. Close of the Rhamadam.
Departure of  the Coffle. The Jallonka Wilderness. Coffle attacked by
Bees. Fate of Nealee. Koba. Jallonka Banditti. Malacotta.
Magnanimous Conduct of Damel. Park's Arrival in England.

CHAP. IX.
Frederic Horneman. Ummesogeir. Siwah. Conduct of the Siwahans.
Mourzouk. Fezzan. Death of Horneman. Nicholls. His Death.

CHAP. X.
Adams. Soudenny. Timbuctoo. King and Queen of Timbuctoo. La Mar
Zarah. Natives of Timbuctoo. Their Customs. Their Religion. Female
Physicians. Amusements at Timbuctoo. Capture of Slaves. Penal Code at
Timbuctoo. Doubts respecting the Niger.

CHAP. XI.
Adams' Departure from Timbuctoo. Tudenny. Distress in the Desert.
Vied D'leim. Escape of Adams. Hilla Gibla. Adam's Amour with Isha.
Adams sold as a Slave. Hieta Mouessa Ali. Recapture of Adams.

CHAP. XII.
Wadinoon. Treatment of Slaves. Cruel Treatment of Adams. Murder of
Dolbie. Characteristics of European Slaves. Ransom of Adams. Return
of Adams to England. Justification of Adams.

CHAP. XIII.
Sidi Hamet. Timbuctoo. Women of Timbuctoo. Dress of the Natives of
Timbuctoo. Bimbinah. Wassanah. Reflections on National Character.
Comparison  between Adams and Sidi Hamet. Reflections on Timbuctoo.
Close of Adams' Narrative.

CHAP. XIV.
Population of West Barbary. The Errifi. The Shilluh. Anecdote of
Shilluh. Character of the Arabs. The Moors. The Marabouts. Religion
of the Africans.

CHAP. XV.
Second Expedition of Park. His Departure. Attacks on Mr. Park. His
disheartening Situation. Conduct of Mansong. Death of Mr. Anderson.
Death of Mr. Park. Manuscripts of Park.

CHAP. XVI.
Tuckey's Expedition. His Departure. Disasters of the Expedition.
Death of Tuckey. Expedition of Captain Gray. Expedition of Major
Laing.

CHAP. XVII.
Expedition of Captain Lyon. Benioleed. Zemzem. Bonjem. Sockna. Hoon.
Wadan. Journey to Mourzouk. Zeighan. Samnoo. Wad el Nimmel.

CHAP. XVIII.
Mourzouk. Description of Mourzouk. Castle of Mourzouk. Construction
of the Houses of Mourzouk. The Fighi. African Education. The Burying
Places of Mourzouk. Dress of the Women. Filthy habits of the Natives.
Their Dances. Dresses of the Sultan's Children. The Sultan's Son.
Revenue of the Sultan of Fezzan. Personal Characteristics of the
Natives. Moral Character of the Fezzaners. Music of the Fezzaners.
Illness of Captain Lyon. His Distressing Situation. Treachery of
Mukni. Death of Mr. Ritchie. Return of Captain Lyon.

CHAP. XIX.
Expedition of Denham and Clapperton. Sockna. Sand Storm in the
Desert. Mourzouk. Interview with the Sultan of Mourzouk. Boo Khaloom.
Departure of Major Denham for Tripoli. Sails for England. Entrance
into Sockna. Superstition of Boo Khaloom. Marriage at Sockna.
Agutifa. Tingazeer. Zeghren. Omhal Henna. Illness of Clapperton and
Oudney. Strength of the Expedition. Description of the Arabs.

CHAP. XX.
Expedition to the Westward. Tuaricks. Kharaik. Gorma. Ancient
Inscriptions. Oubari. Roman Buildings. Route over the Sand Hills.
Wadey Shiati. Visit to the Town. Ghraat. Visit to the Sultan. Tuarick
Woman.

CHAP. XXI.
Departure from Mourzouk. Gabrone. Medroosa. Tegerhy. Natives of
Tegerhy. Skeletons of Slaves. Major Denham and the Skeletons.
Slaughter of the Camels. Anay Sultan Tibboo. Kisbee. Tiggema.
Dirkee. Plundering Arabs. Bilma. Female Natives of Bilma. Boo
Khaloom, and Captain Lyon's Book. Surgical Skill of the Arabs.
Aghadem. Tibboo Couriers. Beere Kashitery. Negro Shampooing. Gunda
Tibboos. Mina Tahr. Arab Plunderers. Kofei. Traita Tibboos. Huts of
the Tarifas. Lake Tchad. Lari. Death of a Coluber. Nyagami. Tribe of
Monkeys. Woodie. Dress of the Natives of Woodie. Buridha. Strength of
Buridha. Min Ali Tahr, and the Royal Family of England.

CHAP. XXII.
Approach to Kouka. Description of the Bornou Troops. Barca Gana.
Sheik of Kouka. Presentation to the Sheik. Costume of the Women of
Kanem and Bornou. Major Denham and a young Lion. The Court of Bornou.
Kouka. Angornou. The Bornouese. Sports of the Bornouese. Expedition
against the Kerdies. Mora, the Capital of Mandara. The Sultan of
Mandara. Malem Chadily. Expedition against the Fellatas. Defeat of
the Arabs. Death of Boo Khaloom. Perilous Situation of Major Denham.
Song on Boo Khaloom. Old Birnie. Gambarou. Expedition against the
Mungas.

CHAP. XXIII.
Sultan of Loggun. The Loggunese. Mr. Tyrwhit. The Shouaa Arabs. Tahr,
the Chief of the La Salas. The Beddoomahs. Katagum. Sansan. Death of
Dr. Oudney. Market of Kano. Pugilism in Kano. Marriages and Funerals
of the People of Kano. The Governor of Hadyja. Quana. Females of
Quarra. Treatment of the Small Pox. A Fellata Fugitive.

CHAP. XXIV.
The Wells of Kamoon. Arrival at Sockatoo. Sultan Bello. Abolition of
the Slave Trade. Clapperton's Visit to Sultan Bello. Death of Mr.
Park. Obstacles to the Journey to Youri. Books of Park. Final
Abandonment of the Journey. Ateeko, the Brother of Bello. Purchase of
Major Denham's Baggage. The Civet Cat. The Executioner of Sockatoo.
Departure from Sockatoo. Account of Sockatoo. Trade of Sockatoo.
Arrival in England.

CHAP. XXV.
Lander's First Expedition with Clapperton. Sultan Bello's Letter.
Widah. The Sugar Berry. Beasts of Prey. Animals of Dahomy. Religion
of Dahomy. Its Government. Officers of the Court of Dahomy. Marriages
at Dahomy. Carnival at Abomey. Sacrifice of Victims at Abomey.
Anecdote of the King of Dahomy. Badagry. Introduction to the Chief of
Eyeo. Saboo. Humba, Death of Captain Pearce. Dances at Jannah. Lander
at an African Almacks. Duffoo. Erawa. Washoo. Koosoo. Akkibosa,
Medical Treatment in Eyeo. Loko. Tshow. Entrance into Katunga.
Theatrical Entertainments at Eyeo. Method of Salutation.

CHAP. XXVI.
Situation of the City of Eyeo. Its Markets. Feasts of the
Youribanies. Produce of Youriba. Etiquette at the Court of Katunga.
African Antelopes. Sultan Yarro. Female Cavalry. Kiama. Sultan.
Yarro's Daughter. Wawa. Its Productions and Natives. The Widow Zuma.
Her Costume and Domestic Marriage to Clapperton. Character of the
Inhabitants of Wawa. Departure from Wawa. Boussa. Inquiries
respecting Park. Place of Park's Death. Expected Recovery of Park's
Journal. Letter from the King of Youri. Conduct of the Widow Zuma.
Her Dress and Escort. Mahommed El His Camp. Rejoicings at Koolfu. Its
Trade. The  Widow Laddie, Employment of time at Koolfu. Character of
its People. Akinjie. Futika. Baebaejie.

CHAP. XXVII.
Military Tactics of the Fellatas. Female Warrior of Zamfra.
Proceedings of Bello. Letter of Sultan Bello. Death of Clapperton.

CHAP. XXVIII.
Almena. Cannibals of Almena. Natives of Catica. The River Coodoma.
Cuttup. The Sultan of Cuttup. Lander and the Wives of the Sultan. The
River Rary. Dunrora. Lander taken back to Cuttup. Zaria. Crosses the
Koodonia. Arrival at Badagry. Attempt on the Life of Lander by
Poison. Ransomed by Captain Laing. Arrival in England.

CHAP. XXIX.
African Discoveries. Expedition of Richard and John Lander.
Instructions of Government. Departure from Portsmouth. Badagry. Visit
to King Adooley. His Conduct. Traits of Lander's Character. Visit of
the King's Eldest Son. Intrigues of the Mulattoes. Division of
Badagry. Visit to the King of Portuguese Town. Customs of the
Natives.

CHAP. XXX.
Evasive Conduct of Adooley. Visit to Adooley. Visit from the Chief of
Spanish Town. Rapacity of Adooley. Visit of General Poser's Headman.
Religious Rites of the Mahommedans. Sports of the Natives. The Houssa
Mallams. Surgical Skill of Richard Lander. Articles demanded by
Adooley. Female of Jenna. Character of Adooley. His Filial Affection.
Battle between the Lagos and Badagrians. Trial by the Cap.

CHAP. XXXI.
Departure from Badagry. Progress up the River. Arrival at Wow
Regulations of the Fetish at Wow. The Village of Sagba. Passage of a
Swamp. Basha. Soato. Arrival at Bidjie. Bad Faith of Adooley.
Introduction to the Chief of Bidjie. Departure from Bidjie Arrival of
a Messenger from Jenna. Laatoo. Larro. The Chief of Larro. Customs at
Larro. Departure from Larro. Introduction at the Court of Jenna. The
Governor of Jenna. Pascoe and his Wife. Musicians of Jenna. The
Badagry Guides. African Wars. Women of Jenna. Fate of the Governor's
Wives. Conduct of the Widow. Abominable Customs at Jenna. Mourning of
the Women. An African Tornado. Departure from Jenna. Arrival and
Departure from Bidjie. The Chief of Chow. Departure from Chow. Egga.
Arrival at Jadoo. Natives of Jadoo. Affection of the African Mothers.
Engua. Afoora. Assinara. Arrival at Chouchou. Tudibu. Eco. Dufo.
Chaadoo. Arrival at Row. Chekki. Coosoo. The Butter Tree. Departure
from Coosoo. Arrival at Acboro. Lazipa. Cootoo. Bohoo. Visit to the
Head Minister. Mallo. Jaguta. Shea. Esalay. Desertion of Esalay.
Atoopa. Leoguadda. Eetcho. Market at Eetcho. Eetcholee. Arrival at
Katunga.

CHAP. XXXII.
Visit to Mansolah. Customs of the Court of Katunga. Mansolah's Visit
to the Landers. Intended Route of the Landers. The Master of the
Horse. Decay of Katunga. The Markets of Katunga. Visit from Ebo.
Intrigues of the Wives of Ebo. Visit of Houssa Mallams. Presents to
the Head Men. Their Affluence. Site of Katunga. Character of the
Natives. Political Constitution of Alorie. Exhibition of the
Presents. Projected Departure from Katunga. Wives of Mansolah. Last
Interview with Mansolah.

CHAP. XXXIII.
Departure from Katunga. Revolt of the Carriers. Arrival at Rumbum.
Acra. Visit of the Natives. The Governor of Keeshee. Visit of the
Mallams. Singular Application of an Acba Woman. Departure from Acba.
Return of the Badagry Guides. African Banditti. Village of Moussa.
Progress to Kiama. Meeting of the Kiama Escort. Arrival at Benikenny.
Kiama.

CHAP   XXXIV.
Presents to the King of Kiama. Visit to the King. Parentage of the
Widow Zuma. Visit from the Mahommedan Mallams. Their Honesty. The
Bebun Salah. Religious Ceremonies of the Mahommedans. Anniversary of
the Bebun Salah. Races at Kiama. Approach of the King. His Dress. The
King's Children.

CHAP. XXXV.
Kakafungi. Illness of John Lander. Distressing Situation of the
Landers. Departure from Coobley. The Midiki, or Queen of Boussa. Mr.
Park's Effects. Disappointment respecting Mr. Park's Papers. Kagogie.
Arrival at Yaoorie. Deceitful conduct of the Sultan. Description of
Yaoorie. Message to the King of Boussa. Departure from Yaoorie.
Letter from the Sultan of Yaoorie.

CHAP. XXXVI.
Arrival  at Guada. Adventure with a Crocodile. Subterraneous Course
of the Niger. The King Consults the Niger. Arrival at Wowow.
Interview with the King. Negotiation for a Canoe. The King and the
Salt Cellar. Arrival of the Canoe from Wowow. Preparations for
Departure. Departure from Boossa. Arrival at Patashie. Message from
the King of Wowow. Visit to the King of Wowow. Return to Patashie.
Arrival at Lever. Conduct of Ducoo. Canoes demanded by the Chief of
Teah. Treacherous Conduct of the Chief. Departure from Patashie.
Bajiebo. Interview with the Chief of Leechee. Majie. Belee. The King
of the Park Water. Interview with the Water King. Progress down the
Niger. Zagozhi. Messengers arrive from Rabba.

CHAP. XXXVII.
Visit of the two Arabs. Message from Mallam Dendo. Present of Mr.
Park's Tobe to the Prince of Rabba. Perfidy of the King of Nouflie.
Departure from Zagozhi. Noble Speech of the Prince of Rabba.
Construction of the Canoes. Last Audience of the King of the Dark
Water.

CHAP. XXXVIII.
Danger from the Hippopotami. Dacannie. Gungo. Arrival at Egga.
Annoyances at Egga. Departure from Egga. Arrival at Kacunda. Visit
from the Chief's Brother. Departure from Kacunda. Alarm of the
Natives. Hostile motions of the Natives. Explanation of the Chief.
Information obtained from the Funda Mallam. Detention at Damaggoo.
First signs of European intercourse. Departure from Damaggoo. Arrival
at Kirree. Attacked by the Natives. The Landers taken to Kirree. Loss
of their Property. Holding of a Palaver. The Kirree people.

CHAP. XXXIX.
Departure from Kirree. Superstition of the Eboes. Arrival at an Eboe
Town. Visit to the King of Eboe. First interview with Obie. The
Palaver. King Boy. Character of the Kings of Africa. Decision of
Obie. Embarrassments of the Landers. Conduct of the Eboe people.
Revels of the Natives. The little fat female Visitor. Her
Intoxication.

CHAP. XL.
Exorbitant demand of King Boy. Visit of King Obie. Arrangement made
with King Boy. Preparation for Departure. Hostile disposition of the
Natives. Description of Adizzetta. Etiquette of King Boy. Offering to
the Fetish. Progress down the River. Uncomfortable situation of the
Landers. Introduction to Forday. Progress to Brass Town. Procession
down the River. Superstitious Practices of the Natives. Description
of Brass, Residence of the Landers at Brass. Traffic of the Natives.

CHAP. XLI.
Richard Lander proceeds to the English Brig. Arrival in the second
Brass River. Reception on board the Brig. Scandalous conduct of
Captain Lake. Disappointment of King Boy. Captain Lake and the Pilot.
Unfeeling behaviour of Lake. Richard Lander's anxiety about his
Brother. Return of John Lander. John Lander's stay at Brass Town. His
Narrative.

CHAP. XLII.
Proceedings on board the Brig. Presents to King Boy. Perfidy of the
Pilot. Hostile Motions of the Natives. Brig. Providential Escape.
Nautical Instructions. Release of Mr. Spittle. Perilous Situation of
the Passage to Fernando Po. Fernando Po. Colonization of Fernando Po.
Traffic with the Natives. Localities of Fernando Po. The Kroomen.
Natives of Fernando Po. Costume of the Natives. Their Thieving
Propensities. Punishment of the Thieves. Resources of the Island.
Method of obtaining Palm Wine. Island of Anna Bon. Injurious Effects
of the Climate. Prospective Commercial Advantages. Voyage to the
Calebar River. Geographical and Nautical Directions. The Tornadoes.
Superstitious Custom of the Natives. Duke Ephraim. Visit to Duke
Ephraim. The Priests of Duke Town. Mourning amongst the Natives.
Attack of an Alligator. The Thomas taken by a Pirate. Departure from
Fernando Po. Death of the Kroomen. Arrival in England. Advantages of
the Expedition. Investigation of the Niger. Course of the Niger.
Ptolemy's Hypothesis of the Niger. Sources of the African Rivers.
Benefit of Lander's Expedition.

CHAP. XLIII.
Richard Lander's Third Expedition. Fitting out of the Expedition.
Vessels Employed in the Expedition. Sailing of the Expedition.
Arrival in the River Nun. Attack of the Natives. Impolitic Conduct of
Lander. Return of Richard Lander to Fernando Po. Return of Lander to
Attah. Reconciliation of the Damaggoo Chiefs. Abolition of the
Sacrifices of Human Beings. Rabba. Ascent of the River Tchadda.
Prophecy of King Jacket. Lander wounded by the Natives. Approaching
Death of Lander. Death of Richard Lander. Infamous Conduct of
Liverpool Merchants. Causes of the Attack. Meeting of the Inhabitants
of Truro.



THE
TRAVELS
OF
RICHARD LANDER,
INTO
THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.



CHAPTER I.

Previously to entering upon the immediate subject of the origin and
progress of the different voyages, which have been undertaken for
exploring the interior of Africa, it may be not only interesting, but
highly instructive, to take a rapid survey of the great Peninsula, as
it appeared to the earlier travellers, and as it was found by the
last of them, amongst whom may be included the individual, whose
adventures in the present work, claim our chief attention. It is on
record, that the coasts of Africa have been navigated from as early a
period, as six hundred years before Christ, and, according to the
earliest records of history, the circumnavigation of Africa was
accomplished by the Phoenicians, in the service of Pharaoh Necho. On
referring to Herodotus, the earliest and most interesting of Greek
historians, and to whom we are indebted for the knowledge of many
important facts relative to Africa, in the earliest periods of its
history, we find, in corroboration of the circumnavigation of Africa
by the Phoenicians, "that taking their course from the Red Sea they
entered into the Southern Ocean; on  the approach of autumn, they
landed in Lybia, and planted some corn in the place, where they
happened to find themselves; when this was ripe, and they had cut it
down, they again departed. Having thus consumed two years, they in
the third passed the columns of Hercules, and returned to Egypt.
Their relation may obtain attention from others, but to me it seems
incredible, for they affirmed that having sailed round Africa, _they
had the sun on their right hand._"

It is worthy of remark, that the very circumstance, which led
Herodotus to attach discredit to the circumnavigation of Africa by
the Phoenicians, on account of their having the sun to the right, is
the very strongest presumption in favour of its truth. Some
historians have indeed endeavoured to prove, that the voyage was
altogether beyond any means, which navigation at that early era could
command; but in the learned exposition of Rennell, a strong degree of
probability is thrown upon the early tradition. At all events it may
be considered, that the obscure knowledge, which we possessed of the
peninsular figure of Africa, appears to have been derived from the
Phoenicians. Herodotus, however, was himself a traveller, in those
early times, of no mean celebrity. Despairing of obtaining accurate
information of the then known part of the habitable world, he
determined to have recourse to travelling, for the purpose of
completing those surveys, which had been undertaken by his
predecessors, and which had been left in a dubious and indefinite
state. He resided for a considerable period in Egypt, during which,
he entered into a friendly communion with the native priests, from
whom he obtained much accurate information, as well as a great deal
that was false and exaggerated relative to the extensive region,
which extends from the Nile to the Atlantic. According to his
description it is much inferior in fertility to the cultivated parts
of Europe and Asia, and suffering extremely from severe drought; yet
he makes mention of a few spots, such as Cinyps, and the high tract
Cyrene, which, undergoing the process of irrigation, may stand
comparison with the richest portions of the globe. Generally,
however, in quitting the northern coast, which he terms significantly
the forehead of Africa, the country became more and more arid. Hills
of salt arose, out of which the natives constructed their houses,
without any fear of their melting beneath a shower in a region where
rain was unknown. The land became almost a desert, and was filled
with such multitudes of wild beasts, as to be considered their proper
inheritance, and scarcely disputed with them by the human race.
Farther to the south, the soil no longer afforded food even to these
wild tenants; there was not a trunk of a tree, nor a drop of
water--total silence and desolation reigned.

This may be considered as the first picture on record of the northern
part of Africa; a country, which, even after the lapse of two
thousand years, presents to the eye of science, as regards its
interior recesses, a blank in geography, a physical and not less a
moral problem; a dark and bewildering mystery. The spirit of
enterprise has carried our mariners to the arctic seas, braving the
most appalling dangers in the solution of a great geographical
problem; by the same power, civilization has been carried into the
primeval forests of the American continent, and cities have arisen in
the very heart of the Andes. The interior of Africa, however,
notwithstanding its navigable rivers, has been hitherto almost a
sealed chapter in the history of the globe. The deserts, which extend
from Egypt to the Atlantic, and which cover a great surface of the
interior, have proved a barrier to the march of conquest, or
civilization; and whatever science has gained, has been wrested by
the utmost efforts of human perseverance and the continual sacrifice
of human life.

It must, however, be allowed that there are obstacles existing to the
knowledge and the civilization of central Africa, which cannot be
overcome by the confederated power of human genius. Extending 5000
miles in length, and nearly the same extent in breadth, it presents
an area, according to Malte Brun, of 13,430,000 square miles,
unbroken by any estuary, or inland sea, and intersected by a few long
or easily navigable rivers; all its known chains of mountains are of
moderate height, rising in terraces, down which the waters find their
way in cataracts, not through deep ravines and fertile valleys. Owing
to this configuration, its high table lands are without streams, a
phenomenon unknown in any other part of the world; while, in the
lower countries, the rivers, when swelled with the rains, spread into
floods and periodical lakes, or lose themselves in marshes. According
to this view of the probable structure of the unknown interior, it
appears as one immense flat mountain, rising on all sides from the
sea by terraces; an opinion favoured by the absence of those narrow
pointed promontories, in which other continents terminate, and of
those long chains of islands, which are, in fact, submarine
prolongations of mountain chains extending across the main land. It
is, however, not impossible, that in the centre of Africa, there may
be lofty table lands like those of Quito, or valleys like that of
Cashmeer, where, as in those happy regions, spring holds a perpetual
reign.

In regard to the population, as well as its geographical character,
Africa naturally divides itself into two great portions, north and
south of the mountains of Kong and the Jebel el Komar, which give
rise to the waters of the Senegal, the Niger and the Nile. To the
north of this line, Africa is ruled, and partially occupied by
foreign races, who have taken possession of all the fertile
districts, and driven the aboriginal population into the mountains
and deserts of the interior. It is consistent with general
experience, that in proportion as civilization extends itself, the
aboriginal race of the natives become either extinct, or are driven
farther and farther into the interior, where they in time are lost
and swept from the catalogue of the human race.

South of this line, we find Africa entirely peopled with the Negro
race, who alone seem capable of sustaining the fiery climate, by
means of a redundant physical energy scarcely compatible with the
full development of the intellectual powers of man. Central Africa is
a region distinguished from all others, by its productions and
climate, by the simplicity and yet barbarian magnificence of its
states; by the mildness and yet diabolical ferocity of its
inhabitants, and peculiarly by the darker nature of its
superstitions, and its magical rites, which have struck with awe
strangers in all ages, and which present something inexplicable and
even appalling to enlightened Europeans; the evil principle here
seems to reign with less of limitation, and in recesses inaccessible
to white men, still to enchant and delude the natives. The common and
characteristic mark of their superstition, is the system of Fetiches,
by which an individual appropriates to himself some casual object as
divine, and which, with respect to himself, by this process, becomes
deified, and exercises a peculiar fatality over his fortune. The
barbarism of Africa, may be attributed in part its great fertility,
which enables its inhabitants to live without are but chiefly to its
imperviousness to strangers. Every petty state is so surrounded with
natural barriers, that it is isolated from the rest, and though it
may be overrun and wasted, and part of its inhabitants carried into
captivity, it has never been made to form a constituent part of one
large consolidated empire and thus smaller states become dependent,
without being incorporated. The whole region is still more
inaccessible on a grand scale, than the petty states are in
miniature; and while the rest of the earth has become common, from
the frequency of visitors, Africa still retains part of the mystery,
which hung over the primitive and untrodden world.

Passing over the attempts of the very early travellers to become
acquainted with the geographical portion of Africa, in which much
fiction, and little truth, were blended, we arrive at that period,
when the spirit of discovery began to manifest itself amongst some of
the European states. The darkness and lethargy, which characterised
the middle ages, had cast their baneful influence over every project,
which had discovery for its aim, and even the invaluable discovery of
the mariner's compass, which took place at the commencement of the
thirteenth century, and which opened to man the dominion of the sea,
and put him in full possession of the earth had little immediate
effect in emboldening navigators to venture into unfrequented seas.
At a somewhat earlier period, it is true, the Hanse Towns and the
Italian republics began to cultivate manufactures and commerce, and
to lay the foundation of a still higher prosperity, but they carried
on chiefly an inland or coasting trade. The naval efforts, even of
Venice or Genoa, had no further aim than to bring from Alexandria,
and the shores of the Black Sea, the commodities of India, which had
been conveyed thither chiefly by caravans over land. Satisfied with
the wealth and power, to which they had been raised by this local and
limited commerce, these celebrated republics made an attempt to open
a more extended path over the ocean. Their pilots, indeed, guided
most of the vessels engaged in the early voyages of discovery, but
they were employed, and the means furnished, by the great monarchs,
whose ports were situated upon the shores of the Atlantic.

The first appearance of a bolder spirit, in which the human mind
began to  make a grand movement in every direction, in religion,
science, freedom, and liberty, may be dated from about the end of the
fifteenth century. The glory of leading the way in this new career,
was reserved for Portugal, then one  of the smallest, and least
powerful of the European kingdoms.

When in 1412, John I. sent forth a few vessels, to explore the
western shores of Africa, while he prepared a great armament to
attack the moors of Barbary, the art of navigation was still very
imperfect, nor had the Portuguese ever ventured to sail beyond Cape
Non. But what most powerfully contributed to give impulse and
direction to the national ardour, was the enlightened enthusiasm,
with which prince Henry of Portugal, a younger son of John I.,
espoused the interests of science, and the prosecution of nautical
discovery. In order to pursue his splendid projects without
interruption, he fixed his residence at Sagres, near Cape St.
Vincent, where the prospect of the open Atlantic continually invited
his thoughts to their favourite theme. His first effort was upon a
small scale. He fitted out a single ship, the command of which was
entrusted to two gentlemen of his household, who volunteered their
services, with instructions to use their utmost endeavours to double
Cape Bojador, and thence to steer southward. According to the mode of
navigation, which then prevailed, they held their course along the
shore, and by following that direction, they must have encountered
almost insuperable difficulties, in the attempt to pass the cape;
their want of skill was, however, compensated by a fortunate
accident. A sudden squall drove them out to sea, and when they
expected every moment to perish, landed them on an unknown island,
which, from their happy escape, they named Porto Santo. They returned
to Portugal with the good tidings, and were received with the
applause due to fortunate adventurers. The following year, prince
Henry sent out three ships to take possession of the new island; a
fixed spot on the horizon, towards the south, resembling a small
black cloud, soon attracted the attention of the settlers, and the
conjecture suggested itself that it might be land. Steering towards
it, they arrived at a considerable island, uninhabited, and covered
with wood, which, on that account, they called Madeira.

By these voyages, the Portuguese became accustomed to a bolder
navigation, and at length, in 1433, Gilianez, one of prince Henry's
captains, by venturing out into the open sea, succeeded in doubling
Cape Bojador, which, until then, had been regarded as impassable.
This successful voyage, which the ignorance of the age placed on a
level with the most famous exploits recorded in history, opened a new
sphere to navigation, as it discovered the vast continent of Africa,
still washed by the Atlantic Ocean, and stretching towards the south.
A rapid progress was then made along the shores of the Sehara, and
the Portuguese navigators were not long in reaching the fertile
regions watered by the Senegal and the Gambia.

The early part of this progress was dreary in the extreme; they saw
nothing before them but a wild expanse of lifeless earth and sky,
naked rocks and burning sands, stretching immeasurably into the
exterior, and affording no encouragement to any project of
settlement. After, however, passing Cape Blanco, the coast began to
improve in appearance, and when they saw the ivory and gold brought
down from the interior, those regions began to excite the lust of
conquest. This was, however, an undertaking beyond the means of any
force which had as yet sailed from Portugal. In 1443, however, Nuno
Tristan discovered the island of Arguin, and as Gonzalo da Centra was
in 1445 killed by a party of negroes, in attempting to ascend a small
river, near the Rio Grande, the Portuguese considered an insular
position to be the most eligible for a settlement, and the island of
Arguin was accordingly fixed upon.

This establishment had been scarcely formed, when an important event
took place, which afforded a favourable opportunity and pretext for
laying the foundation of the Portuguese empire in Africa. Bemoy, a
prince of the Jaloofs, arrived at Arguin, as a suppliant for foreign
aid, in recovering his dominions from a more powerful competitor or
usurper. He was received with open arms, and conveyed to Lisbon,
where he experienced a brilliant reception, his visit being
celebrated by all the festal exhibitions peculiar to that age,
bull-fights, puppet-shows, and even feats of dogs. On that occasion,
Bemoy made a display of the agility of his native attendants, who on
foot, kept pace with the swift horses, mounting and alighting from
these animals at full gallop After being instructed in the Christian
religion, he was baptized, and did homage to the king and the pope,
for the crown, which was to be placed on his head; for this purpose a
powerful armament under the command of Pero vaz d'Acunha, was sent
out with him, to the banks of the Senegal.

The circumstance, which tended more particularly to inflame the pious
zeal of the Christian monarch, was the information, that to the east
of Timbuctoo there was a territory inhabited by a people who were
neither moors nor pagans, but who, in many of their customs resembled
the Christians. It was immediately inferred, that this could be no
other than the kingdom of the mysterious personage known in Europe,
under the uncouth appellation of Prester John. This singular name
seems first to have been introduced by travellers from eastern Asia,
where it had been applied to some Nestorian bishop, who held there a
species of sovereignty, and when rumours arrived of the Christian
king of Abyssinia, he was concluded to be the real Prester John.
His dominions  being reported to stretch far inland, and the breadth
of the African continent being very imperfectly understood, the
conclusion was formed, that a mission from the western coast might
easily reach his capital. It does not fully appear, what were the
precise expectations from an intercourse with this great personage,
but it seems to have been thoroughly rooted in the minds of the
Portuguese, that they would be raised to a matchless height of glory
and felicity, if they could by any means arrive at his court. The
principal instruction given to all officers employed in the African
service, was, that in every quarter, and by every means, they should
endeavour to effect this discovery. They accordingly never failed to
put the question to all the wanderers of the desert, and to every
caravan that came from the interior, but in vain, the name had never
been heard. The Portuguese then besought the natives at all events,
into whatever region they might travel, studiously to inquire if
Prester John was there, or if any one knew where he was to be found,
and on the promise of a splendid reward, in case of success, this was
readily undertaken.

The conclusion of the adventure of Bemoy, was  extremely tragical.
A quarrel having arisen between him and the commander of the
expedition, the latter stabbed the African prince on board his own
vessel. Whether this violent deed was prompted by the heat of
passion, or by well-grounded suspicions of the prince's fidelity, was
never fully investigated, but the king learned the event with great
regret, and in consequence, gave up his design of building a fort on
the Senegal. Embassies were, however, sent to the most powerful of
the neighbouring states, nor was any pause made in the indefatigable
efforts to trace the abode of Prester John. Amongst the great
personages, to whom an embassy was sent, are mentioned the kings of
Tongubutue, (Timbuctoo,) and Tucurol, a Mandingo chief named
Mandimansa, and a king of the Foulhas, with all of whom a friendly
intercourse was established. All endeavours were, however, vain as to
the primary object, but the Portuguese thereby gained a more complete
knowledge of this part of interior Africa than was afterwards
attained in Europe till a very recent period.

There is, however, one circumstance attending these discoveries of
the Portuguese, and the embassies, which they in consequence sent to
the native princes, which deserves particular attention. There is
very little doubt existing, but that the Portuguese were acquainted
with the town and territory of Timbuctoo; and the question then
presents itself, by what means did the Portuguese succeed in
penetrating to a kingdom, which, for centuries afterwards, baffled
all the efforts of the most enterprising travellers to arrive within
some hundred miles of it. The city of Timbuctoo, for instance, was,
for a considerable length of time, the point to which all the
European travellers had directed their attention; but so vague and
indefinite were the accounts of it, that the existence of Timbuctoo
as a town, began to be questioned altogether, or at least, that the
extraordinary accounts, which had been given of it, had little or no
foundation in truth. From the time of Park to the present period, we
have information of only three Europeans reached Timbuctoo, and
considerable doubt still exists in regard to the truth of the
narrative of one of them. It is true that the intelligence of the
Portuguese embassies, as respecting the particulars of them, and the
manner in which they were conducted, has either perished, or still
remains locked up in the archives of the Lusitanian monarchy. But
when we look into the expeditions, which have been projected of late
years into the interior of Africa, we cannot refrain from drawing the
conclusion, that the character of the African people must have
undergone a change considerably for the worse, or that our
expeditions are not regulated on those principles so as to command
success.

The Portuguese in the meantime continued to extend their discoveries
in another quarter, for in 1471, they reached the Gold Coast, when
dazzled by the importance and splendour of the commodity, the
commerce of which gave name to that region, they built the fort of
Elmina or The Mine, making it the capital of their possessions on
that part of the continent. Pushing onward to Benin, they received a
curious account of an embassy said to be sent at the accesion of
every new prince, to a court of a sovereign named Ogane, who was said
to reside seven or eight hundred miles in the interior. On the
introduction of the ambassadors, a silk curtain concealed the person
of his majesty from them, until the moment of their departure, when
the royal foot was graciously put forth from under the veil, and
reverence was done to it as a "holy thing." From this statement it
appears that the pope of Rome is not the only person, whose foot is
treated as a "holy thing;" there is not, however, any information
extant, that the Portuguese ambassadors kissed the great toe of the
African prince, and therefore the superiority of the pope in this
instance is at once decided. The statement, however, of the
Portuguese ambassadors excited greatly the curiosity of the court on
their return, and it was immediately surmised by them, that this
mysterious potentate was more likely to be Prester John, than any
person whom they had yet heard of. It must, however, be remarked,
that it was a subject of great doubt and discussion to determine who
this Ogane really was.

Although in possession of the extensive coast of Africa, the
Portuguese had, as yet, no declared title to it, for that purpose,
therefore, they appealed to religion or rather the superstition of
the age. It was a maxim, which the bigots of the Vatican had
endeavoured strongly to inculcate, that whatever country was
conquered from infidel nations, became the property of the victors.
This title was, however, not completed until it was confirmed by a
special grant obtained from the pope, and accordingly the reigning
monarch of Portugal, John II., obtained the grant of all the lands
from Cape Bojador to the Indies inclusive. Robertson, speaking of
this grant, says, "extravagant as this donation, comprehending such a
large portion of the habitable globe, would now appear even in
catholic countries, no person in the fifteenth century doubted but
that the pope, in the plenitude of his apostolic power, had a right
to confer it."

The grant was no sooner confirmed by the pope, than John hesitated
not a moment to style himself Lord of Guinea, giving his commanders,
at the same time, instructions that, instead of the wooden crosses,
which it had hitherto been the custom to erect in token of conquest,
pillars of stone should be raised twice the stature of a man, with
proper inscriptions, and the whole surmounted by a crucifix inlaid
with lead. The first, who sailed from Elmina, for the purpose of
planting these ensigns of dominion in regions yet undiscovered was
Diego Cam, in 1484. After passing Cape St. Catherine, he encountered
a very strong current setting direct from the land, which was still
at a considerable distance; on tasting the water, however, it was
found to be fresh, from which the conjecture was drawn, that he was
at the mouth of some great river, which ultimately turned out to be
the fact. This river has since been celebrated under the name of the
Congo, or the Zaire, lying in latitude 8° south, and longitude 13°
east. On reaching the southern bank of the river, Diego planted his
first pillar, after which he ascended its borders, and opened a
communication with the natives by means of signs. His first inquiry
was respecting the residence of their sovereign, and, on receiving
the information, that he resided at the distance of several days
journey inland, he determined to send a number of his men with
presents for the prince, the natives undertaking to be the guides,
and pledging themselves, within a stipulated period, to conduct them
back again. As the natives meantime passed and repassed on the most
intimate footing, Diego took the advantage of a moment, when several
of the principal persons were on board his ship, weighed anchor and
put to themselves as good and _bona fide_ Christians, as any of the
revered men, who had been sent out to instruct them. The early
missionaries, however, committed the same fault, which has
distinguished the labours of those of later periods, for they
immediately began attack one of the most venerated institutions of
the realm of Congo which was polygamy; and to the aged monarch the
privation of his wives appeared so intolerable, that he renounced the
Christian faith, and relapsed into all the impurities of paganism and
polygamy. The heir apparent, however, saw nothing so very dreadful in
the sacrifice of his wives, and braving the displeasure of his
father, remained attached to the Portuguese. The holy fathers managed
their business on this occasion with that skill, for which the cowled
tribe have ever been distinguished, and by the aid of the Apostle St.
James, and a numerous cavalry of angels, the old king died, and
Alphonso, the zealous  convert, became entitled to reign. His
brother, however, Panso Aquitimo, supported by the nobles and almost
the whole nation, raised the standard of revolt, in support of
polygamy and paganism. A civil war ensued, which is generally the
attendant upon the proselytism of a people, and Alphonso had only a
handful of Portuguese to oppose to the almost innumerable host of his
countrymen; but the holy fathers again applied to their auxiliaries,
and in consequence of apparitions in the clouds, at one time of St.
James, and another of the Virgin Mary, Alphonso always came off
victorious, and as he thereby became firmly seated on the throne, the
missionaries secured for themselves a safe and comfortable
establishment at Congo. The following account of the conduct of these
missionaries, as it is given in the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, cannot
fail to afford a considerable degree of entertainment, at the same
time, it is much to be deplored, that men engaged in so sacred a
cause, "could play such fantastic tricks before high heaven," and
disgrace the doctrine, which they meant to teach.

Being reinforced by successive bodies of their brethren, the
missionaries spread over the neighbouring countries of Lundi, Pango,
Concobella and Maopongo, many tracts of which were rich and populous,
although the state of society was extremely rude. Everywhere their
career was nearly similar; the people gave them the most cordial
reception, flocked in crowds to witness and to share in the pomp of
their ceremonies; accepted with thankfulness their sacred gifts, and
received by thousands the rite of baptism. They were not, however, on
this account prepared to renounce their ancient habits and
superstitions. The inquisition, that _chef d'ouvre_ of sacerdotal
guilt, was speedily introduced into their domestic arrangements, and,
as was naturally to be supposed, caused a sudden revulsion, on which
account the missionaries thenceforth maintained only a precarious and
even a perilous position. They were much reproached, it appears, for
the rough and violent methods employed to effect their pious
purposes, and although they treat the accusation as most unjust, some
of the proceedings, of which they boast with the greatest
satisfaction, tend not a little to countenance the charge. When, for
example, they could not persuade the people to renounce their
superstitions, they used a large staff, with which they threw down
their idols and beat them to pieces; they even stole secretly into
the temples, and set them on fire. A missionary at Maopongo, having
met one of the queens, and finding her mind inaccessible to all his
instructions, determined to use sharper remedies, and seizing a
whip, began to apply it lustily to her majesty's person: the effect
he describes as most auspicious; every successful blow opened her
eyes more and more to the truth, and she at last declared herself
wholly unable to resist such forcible arguments in favour of the
catholic doctrine. She, however, hastened to the king, with loud
complaints respecting this mode of mental illumination; and the
missionaries thenceforth lost all favour with that prince and the
ladies of his court, being allowed to remain solely in dread of the
Portuguese. In only one other instance were they allowed to employ
this mode of conversion. The smith, in consequence of the skill,
strange in the eyes of a rude people, with which he manufactured
various arms and implements, was supposed to possess a measure of
superhuman power, and he had thus been encouraged to advance
pretensions to the character of a divinity, which were very generally
admitted. The missionaries appealed to the king, respecting this
impious assumption, and that prince conceiving that it interfered
with the respect due to himself, agreed to deliver into their hands
the unfortunate smith, to be converted into a mortal in any manner
they might judge efficacious. After a short and unsuccessful
argument, they had recourse to the same potent instrument of
conversion, as they had applied to the back of the queen. The son of
Vulcan, deserted in this extremity by all his votaries, still made a
firm stand for his celestial dignity, till the blood began to stream
from his back and shoulders, when he finally yielded, and renounced
all pretensions to a divine origin.

A more intimate acquaintance discovered other irregularities amongst
the natives, against which a painful struggle was to be maintained.
According to the custom of the country, and it were well if the same
custom could be introduced into some particular parts of Europe, the
two parties, previously to marriage, lived together for some time, in
order to make a trial of each other's tempers and inclinations,
before entering into the final arrangement. To this system of
probation, the natives were most obstinately attached, and the
missionaries in vain denounced it, calling upon them at once either
to marry or to separate. The young ladies were always the most
anxious to have the full benefit of this experimental process; and
the mothers, on being referred to, refused to incur any
responsibility, and expose themselves to the reproaches of their
daughters, by urging them to an abridgment of the trial, of which
they might afterwards repent. The missionaries seem to have been most
diligent in the task, as they called it, of "reducing strayed souls
to matrimony." Father Benedict succeeded with no fewer than six
hundred, but he found it such "laborious work," that he fell sick and
died. Another subject of deep regret, respecting the many
superstitious practices still prevalent, even among those who
exhibited some sort of Christian profession, was, that sometimes the
children, brought for baptism, were bound with magic cords, to which
the mothers, as an additional security from evil, had fastened beads,
relics, and figures of the Agnus Dei. It was a compound of paganism
and Christianity, which the priests turned away from with disgust;
but still the mothers seemed more inclined to part with the beads,
relics, and figures of the Agnus Dei, than their magic cords. The
chiefs, in like manner, while they testified no repugnance to avail
themselves of the protection promised from the wearing of crucifixes
and images of the Virgin, were unprepared to part with the enchanted
rings and other pagan amulets with which they had been accustomed to
form a panoply round their persons. In case of dangerous illness,
sorcery had been always contemplated as the main or sole remedy, and
those who rejected its use were reproached, as rather allowing their
sick relations to die, than incur the expense of a conjuror. But the
most general and pernicious application of magic was made in judicial
proceedings: when  a  charge was advanced against any individual, no
one ever thought of inquiring into the facts, or of collecting
evidence--every case was decided by preternatural tests. The
magicians prepared a beverage, which produced on the guilty person,
according to the measure of his iniquity, spasm, fainting, or death,
but left the innocent quite free from harm. It seems a sound
conclusion of the missionaries, that the draught was modified
according to the good or ill will of the magicians, or the liberality
of the supposed culprit. The trial called Bolungo, was indeed
renounced by the king, but only to substitute another, in which the
accused was made to bend over a large basin of water, when, if he
fell in, it was concluded that he was guilty. At other times, a bar
of red hot iron was passed along the leg, or the arm was thrust into
scalding water, and if the natural effect followed, the person's head
was immediately struck off. Snail shells, applied to the temples, if
they stuck, inferred guilt. When a dispute arose between man and man,
the plan was, to place shells on the heads of both, and make them
stoop, when he, from off whose head the shell first dropped, had a
verdict found against him. While we wonder at the deplorable
ignorance on which these practices were founded, we must not forget
that "the judgments of God," as they were termed, employed by our
ancestors, during the middle ages, were founded on the same
unenlightened views, and were in some cases absolutely identical.

Other powers, of still higher name, held sway over the deluded minds
of the people of Congo. Some ladies of rank went about beating a
drum, with dishevelled hair, and pretended to work magical cures.
There was also a race of mighty conjurors, called Scingilli, who had
the power of giving and withdrawing rain at pleasure; and they had a
king called Ganja Chitorne, or God of the earth, to whom its first
fruits were regularly offered. This person never died, but when tired
of his sway on earth, he nominated a successor, and killed himself;
a step, doubtless, prompted by the zeal of his followers, when they
saw any danger of his reputation for immortality being compromised.
This class argued strongly in favour of their vocation, as not only
useful, but absolutely essential, since without it the earth would be
deprived of those influences, by which alone it was enabled to
minister to the wants of man. The people accordingly viewed, with the
deepest alarm, any idea of giving offence to beings, whose wrath
might be displayed in devoting the land to utter sterility.

We cannot trace any record, stating the period or the manner in which
the Portuguese and their officious missionaries were expelled from
Congo; it is, however, supposed that they at length carried their
religious innovations to such a length, as to draw down upon them the
vengeance of the people, and that some bold and decisive steps were
taken to liberate the country from its usurpers. It is, however,
certain, that Capt. Tucky, in his late expedition, did not find a
single trace of either the Portuguese or their missionaries on the
banks of the Zaire.

The traveller has ever found much greater difficulty in making
discoveries in Mahometan than in Gentoo or Pagan countries, and from
this cause the great continent of Africa is much less known to
Europeans than it was in ancient times. Until the present age, and a
very recent part of it, our knowledge of that immense portion of the
globe extended but very little way from the coast, and its
enterprises have made great advances to a knowledge of that interior
before unexplored. The design of examining on land Africa, to find
out the manners, habits, and institutions of its men, the state of
the country, its commercial capabilities in themselves, and relative
to this country, formed the African Association. From the liberal
sentiments, knowledge, and comprehensive views of that society, were
the courage and enterprise of adventurers stimulated to particular
undertakings of discovery.



CHAPTER II.

We are now arrived at the period when England, aroused by the
commercial advantages, which Portugal was deriving from her African
possessions, determined, in defiance of the pope of Rome and "the
Lords of Guinea," to participate in the treasures, and to form her
own settlements on the African coast, although it must be admitted,
that one of the motives by which the English merchants were actuated,
was not founded on humanity or patriotism. The glorious and splendid
results, which had arisen from the discovery of the East and West
Indies, caused the ocean to be generally viewed as the grand theatre
where wealth and glory were to be gained. The cultivation of the West
India Islands by the labour of Europeans, was found to be a task
almost impracticable, and the attention was thence drawn to discover
a source, from which manual labour could be obtained, adapted to the
climate, and this resource was soon found in the black population of
Africa. It is not to be doubted, that many of our African settlements
were formed for the purpose of procuring a supply of slaves, for the
West India possessions, at the same time, the attention of others was
excited by a far more innocent and brilliant prospect. It was in the
beginning of the seventeenth century, that an unbounded spirit of
enterprise appears to have been excited amongst the British
merchants, by vague reports of an Africa _El Dorado_. The most
flattering reports had reached Europe, of the magnitude of the gold
trade carried on at Timbuctoo, and along the course of the Niger;
despatches were even received from Morocco, representing its
treasures, as surpassing those of Mexico and Peru, and in 1618, a
company was formed in London, for the express purpose of penetrating
to the country of gold, and to Timbuctoo. Exaggeration stepped in to
inflame the minds of the speculators, with the enormous wealth which
awaited them in the interior of Africa. The roofs of the houses were
represented to be covered with plates of gold, that the bottoms of
the rivers glistened with the precious metal, and the mountains had
only to be excavated, to yield a profusion of the metallic treasure.
From the northern part of Africa, impediments of almost an
insuperable nature presented themselves, to the attainment of these
great advantages; immense deserts, as yet unexplored by human foot,
and the knowledge of the existence of tribes of barbarous people on
the borders of them, were in themselves sufficient to daunt the
spirit of adventure in those quarters, and ultimately drew the
attention to the discovery of another channel, by which the golden
treasures of Timbuctoo could be reached, without encountering the
appalling dangers of the deserts, or the murderous intentions of the
natives.

The existence of the great river Niger, had been established by the
concurrent testimony of all navigators, but of its course or origin,
not the slightest information had been received. The circumstance of
its waters flowing from the eastward, gave rise to the conjecture,
that they flowed through the interior of the continent, and emptied
themselves either by the Senegal or the Gambia, into the Atlantic. It
was, therefore, considered probable, that by ascending the Senegal or
the Gambia, which were supposed to be merely tributary streams of the
Niger, of which they formed the estuary, that Timbuctoo and the
country of gold might be reached; and so strongly was this opinion
impressed upon the minds of the merchants, and other adventurers,
that a journey to Timbuctoo became the leading project of the day,
and measures were accordingly taken to carry it into execution.

The first person sent out by the company established for exploring
the Gambia, was Richard Thompson, a Barbary merchant, a man of some
talent and enterprise, who sailed from the Thames in the Catherine,
of 120 tons, with a cargo valued at nearly two thousand pounds
sterling. The expedition of Thompson was unfortunate in the extreme,
but the accounts received of his adventures and death, have been
differently recited. It is certain, that Thompson ascended the Gambia
as far as Tenda, a point much beyond what any European had before
reached, and according to one account, he was here attacked by the
Portuguese, who succeeded in making a general massacre of the
English. Another account states, that he was killed in an affray with
his own people, and thence has been styled the first martyr, or more
properly the first victim in the cause of African discovery.

The company, however, nothing daunted by the ill success of Thompson,
despatched another expedition on a larger scale, consisting of the
Sion of 200 tons, and the St. John of 50, giving the command to
Richard Jobson, to whom we are indebted for the first satisfactory
account of the great river districts of western Africa.

Jobson arrived in the Gambia, in November, 1620, and left his ship at
Cassau, a town situate on the banks of that river. Here, however, his
progress was impeded by the machinations of the Portuguese, and so
great was the dread of the few persons belonging to that nation, who
remained at Cassan after the massacre of Thompson, that scarcely one
could be found, who would take upon himself the office of a pilot to
conduct his vessel higher up the river. In this extremity he had no
other resource than to take to his boats, but, on ascending the
river, he found his merchandise in comparatively little request, and
repented that he had not laden his boats with salt. He soon
afterwards met with Brewer, who had accompanied Thompson to Tenda,
and remained with the English factory established up the river. He
also filled Jobson with "golden hopes." Wherever the English stopped,
the negro kings, with their wives and daughters, came down to the
river side to buy, or rather to beg for trinkets, and still more for
brandy. They also showed themselves by no means ignorant of the art
of stealing, but their thefts were, in some degree, obliged to be
winked at, for fear of offending the royal personages, and drawing
down upon themselves the secret vengeance of the uncivilized hordes.
On Christmas day Tirambra, a negro prince, a great friend of the
English, sent them a load of elephant's flesh, which was accepted
with tokens of the greatest respect and gratitude, although the whole
gift was secretly thrown away.

After a navigation in boats of nearly thirty days, Jobson reached the
rapids of Barraconda, the highest point to where the tide flows, and
where he found himself involved in great difficulties. The ascent was
to be made against a current running with the greatest rapidity; the
great number of hidden rocks made it dangerous to pursue their course
during the night, the same time, that in attempting to avoid the
rocks, they struck upon sand banks and shallows, which often obliged
the crew to strip and go into the water, for the purpose of clearing
the boats from the sands. In the performance, however, of this task,
the greatest danger was run from the vast number of crocodiles, that
infested the river, and which, in several instances, seemed to be in
waiting for any prey with which the boats could supply them. The
river was also filled with "a world of sea-horses, whose paths, as
they came on shore to feed, were beaten with tracts as large as a
London highway." The land on either side of the river was covered
with immense forests of unknown trees, which appeared to team with
living things, feathered and quadruped, making a roar sometimes,
which was sufficient to instil terror into the stoutest heart.
Amongst the latter, the baboons appeared to hold the sovereignty of
the woods, and whenever the navigation of the river obliged the
travellers to keep close in shore, where the banks were covered with
trees; the baboons posted themselves on the branches, and kept up a
regular attack upon the navigators, throwing at them the largest
branches, which they could break from the trees, and apparently
holding a palaver with each other, as to the best mode of prosecuting
the attack against the lawless intruders into their territory. They
appeared actually to be aware when a branch hit one of the
navigators, for they immediately up a shout of triumph, screaming
hideously, and "grinning ghastly a horrible smile," as if expressive
of their victory. The voices of the crocodiles calling, as it were,
to each other, resembling the sound "of a deep well," might be heard
at the distance of a league, whilst the elephants were seen in huge
hordes, raising their trunks in the air, and snorting defiance to all
who dared approach them. The latter are objects of great fear to the
natives, scarcely one of whom dare approach them, but they appeared
to have an instinctive sense of the superiority of the English, for
they no sooner made a movement against them, than they hurried away
with the speed of the forest deer, and were soon lost in the depths
of their native forests. Three balls were lodged in one of the
animals, but he made off with them; he was, however, soon after found
dead by the negroes. The most formidable animals, however, were the
lions, ounces, and leopards, which were seen at some distance, but
the sailors could not obtain a shot at them. At one of their halting
places, the baboons appeared like an army consisting of several
thousands, some of the tallest placed in front, marshalled under the
guidance of a leader, the smaller ones being in the middle, and the
rear brought up by the larger ones. The sailors showed some
disposition to enter into an acquaintance with the leader of the
army, but the desire was by no means mutual, for nature has very
kindly infused into the hearts of these creatures a strong distrust
in the friendly advances of their brother bipeds, knowing them to be,
in many of their actions, false, hollow, and deceitful, a proof of
which, one of the leaders of the army received in a very striking and
forcible manner, in the shape of a bullet, which passed directly
through his body. The baboons were, however, determined that their
treacherous friends should not obtain possession of the body of their
murdered leader, for before the sailors could arrive at the spot
where the deceased general lay, his indignant and patriotic
companions had carried his body away. On following these creatures to
their haunts in the recessess of the forest, places were found, where
the branches had been so intertwined, and the ground beaten so
smoothly, as to make it rather difficult to believe that the labour
had not been accomplished by human hands.

On the 26th of January, Jobson arrived at Tenda, and he immediately
despatched a messenger to Buckar Sano, the chief merchant on the
Gambia, who soon after arrived with a stock of provisions, which he
disposed of at reasonable prices. In return for the promptitude, with
which Buckar Sano had replied to his message, Jobson treated him with
the greatest hospitality, placing before him the brandy bottle as the
most important object of the entertainment. Buckar Sano seemed by no
means unwilling to consider it in that character, for he paid so many
visitations to it that he became so intoxicated, that he lay during
the whole of the night dead drunk in the boat. Buckar Sano, however,
showed by his subsequent conduct, that drunkenness was not a vice, to
which he was naturally addicted, and that the strength of the spirit
had crept upon him, before he was aware of the consequences that were
likely to ensue. On any subsequent occasion, when the brandy bottle
was tendered to him, he would take a glass, but on being pressed to
repeat it, he would shake his head with apparent tokens of disgust;
after the exchange of some presents, and many ridiculous ceremonies,
Buckar Sano was proclaimed the white man's alchade, or mercantile
agent. Jobson had, however, some reason to doubt his good faith, from
the accounts which he gave of a city four months journey in the
interior, the roofs of the houses of which were covered with sheets
of gold. It must, however, be considered, in exculpation of the
supposed exaggerated accounts of Buckar Sano, that the Europeans at
that time possessed a very circumscribed knowledge of the extent of
the interior of Africa, and that a four months journey, to a
particular city, would not be looked upon at the time as
transgressing the bounds of truth. It is most probable that Buckar
Sano alluded to Timbuctoo, a place that has given rise to more
extraordinary conjectures, and respecting which, more fabulous
stories have been told than of Babylon, or of Carthage of ancient
history.

The circumstance of a vessel having arrived in the river for the
purpose of traffic, caused a strong sensation throughout the country,
and the natives flocked from all the neighbouring districts, anxious
not only to obtain a sight of the white men, but to commence their
commercial dealings. They erected their huts on the banks of the
river, which in a short time resembled a village, and for the first
time, the busy hum of trade was heard in the interior of Africa. The
natives, with whom Jobson commenced his commercial dealings, appeared
to possess some traces of civilization, nor were they deficient in
many of the arts, which are known amongst the civilized nations, and
which, even at that time, were with them but in their infancy.

To these people, however, succeeded a different race of visitors,
far more rude and uncivilized, whose bodies were covered with skins
of wild animals, the tails hanging as from the beasts. The men of
this race had never seen a white man before, and so great was their
fear, when Jobson presented himself amongst them, that they all ran
away, and stationed themselves at some distance from the river. They
were, however, soon tempted back again, at the sight of a few beads,
and the most friendly relations were afterwards established between
them.

Jobson found that in Tenda, as elsewhere, salt was the article
chiefly in demand, but he had unfortunately omitted to provide
himself with any great quantity of that article. Iron wares met with
a ready sale, though these were supplied at a cheaper rate by a
neighbouring people. The sword-blade of Buckar Sano, and the brass
bracelets of his wife, appeared to Jobson to be specimens of as good
workmanship as could be seen in England. Jobson, from very
prudential motives, abstained from mentioning gold; but Buckar Sano,
who knew perhaps what Europeans most coveted, told him, that if he
continued to trade with Tenda, he could dispose of all his cargoes
for gold. The negro merchant affirmed, that he had been four times at
a town in which the houses were all covered with gold, and distant a
journey of four moons. Jobson was informed that six days journey from
St. John's Mart, the name which he gave to the factory at Tenda, was
a town called Mombar, where there was much trade for gold. Three
stages farther was Jaye, whence the gold came. Some of the native
merchants, finding that Jobson had not any salt with him, refused to
enter into any commercial dealings with him, and returned highly
dissatisfied. For the commodities which he did dispose of, he
obtained, in exchange, gold and ivory; he could have obtained hides
in abundance, but they were too bulky a commodity to bear the expense
of conveyance.

Jobson wisely adapted his carriage to the negro customs; he danced
and sung with the natives, and entered with a proper spirit into all
their entertainments. He remarks, that the water of the Gambia above
Barraconda has such a strong scent of musk, from the multitude of
crocodiles, that infest that part of the river, as to be unfit for
use. The torpedo also abounds in the river about Cassan, and at first
caused not a little terror and amazement to the crew.

Amongst other acts of kindness, which Buckar Sano showed to the
Englishman, he offered to introduce him at the court of Tenda. This,
in a commercial point of view, was an advantage not to be overlooked,
independently of the knowledge, which he would acquire of the
internal geography of the country. On reaching the king's presence,
an example was witnessed of the debasing homage, which is usually
paid to negro princes, and of which some striking examples will be
given in the journey of Clapperton. The great and wealthy merchant,
on appearing in the presence of the king, first fell on his knees,
and then throwing off his shirt, extended himself naked and flat on
the ground, whilst his attendants almost buried him beneath dust and
mud; after grovelling like a beast for some time in this position, he
suddenly started up, shook off the mud from him, in which operation
he was assisted by two of his wives, who then assisted him in
equipping himself in his best attire, with his bow and quiver, and
all the other paraphernalia of a person of rank and consequence. He
and his attendants, after having made a semblance of shooting at
Jobson, laid their bows at his feet, which was understood to be a
token of homage. The king even assured the English captain, that the
country, and every thing in it, were then placed at his disposal,
"which bounty, observes Jobson, could require no less than two or
three bottles of my best brandy, although the English were not
sixpence the better for the grant."

The dry season had now commenced, and Jobson observed that the waters
of the river were gradually sinking lower and lower; but the city,
the roofs of which were plates of gold, haunted the busy fancy of
Jobson, and he used every endeavour to ascend the river, in order
that he might discover the sources from which the plates of gold were
made. It was evident to him, that Buckar Sano had either practised an
imposition upon him, or that he had grossly exaggerated the treasures
of the wonderful city; but in regard to the former, he could not
divine any motive by which Buckar Sano could be actuated in imposing
upon him; and in regard to the latter, making every allowance for
exaggeration, it might eventually transpire, that the country
abounded with the precious metal, although perhaps not exactly in the
extraordinary degree as reported by Buckar Sano. After encountering
many difficulties, he was obliged to relinquish the farther ascent of
the river, nor did he even reach the point where the previous
discoveries of Thompson terminated, which may be considered as the
utmost boundary of the discoveries of that period; indeed many years
elapsed before any travellers passed the limits at which Thompson or
Jobson had arrived. The latter gives a strange report, which,
however, was in some degree partially circulated before him, of a
silent traffic being carried on in the interior between the moors and
a negro nation, who would not allow themselves to be seen. "The
reason," he adds, "why these negroes conceal themselves, is, that
they have lips of an unnatural size, hanging down halfway over their
breasts, and which they are obliged to rub with salt continually, to
keep them from putrefaction." Thus even the great salt trade of the
interior of Africa is not wholly untinged with fable.

The stream became at last so shallow, that Jobson could not ascend
any farther, and he began his voyage downwards on the 10th February,
intending to return at the season when the periodical rains filled
the channel. He was, however, never able to execute this purpose, as
he and the company became involved in a quarrel with the merchants,
whom he visits with his highest displeasure, representing them as
persons alive only to their own immediate interests, and utterly
regardless of any of those honourable motives with which all
commercial dealings ought to be characterised.

Jobson may be said to have been the first Englishman, who enjoyed the
opportunity of observing the manners and superstitions peculiar to
the interior of Africa, but that must be taken as only within the
narrow limits to which the discoveries at that period extended. He
found that the chiefs of the different nations were attended by bands
of musicians, to whom he gives the appellation of juddies or
fiddlers, and compares them to the Irish rhymsters, or, as we should
now compare them, to the Italian improvisatori. By some other authors
they are called jelle, or jillemen; the instruments on which they
perform being rudely made of wood, having a sonorous sound, on
account of its extreme hardness, and in some instances they exhibit
the knowledge of the power of an extended string, by fastening a
piece of the gut of an animal across a plane of wood, and beating on
it with a stick. Like the majority of the musicians of the ruder
tribes, the excellence of their music depends on the noise which is
made, and if it be so obstreperous, as almost to deafen the auditors,
the greater is the pleasure which is shown.

These wandering minstrels are frequently attended by the Greegree
men, or sorcerers, who, on account of the fantastic dress which they
wear, form a most motley group; the Greegree men, trying to outvie
each other in the hideous and fantastic style of their dress, and the
more frightful they make themselves appear, the greater they believe
is the effect of their sorcery. The principal festivals are those of
circumcision and of funeral. Whenever former ceremony is performed, a
vast concourse of people are attracted, from every part of the
country, the operator being generally a Greegree man, who pretends to
determine the future fate of the individual, in the manner by which
the operation is performed, but which is always declared to be highly
prosperous, if a liberal present has been made. During the
performance of the ceremony, the forests appear in a blaze, the most
discordant shouts rending the air, intermixed with the sounds of
their instruments, composing altogether a tumult, which is heard at
the distance of many leagues. The dancing is described as of the most
ludicrous kind, marked by those indecencies, which generally
distinguish the amusements of the savage tribes. In these sports, the
women are always the foremost in the violence of their gestures; the
young ones selecting the objects of their affection, to bestow upon
them some token of their attachment.

The funeral of their chiefs is a ceremony of great solemnity, and in
some of its forms has a strong resemblance to an Irish wake. Flowers
of the most odorous scent are buried with the corpse, which is also
supplied with a considerable quantity of gold, to assist him on his
entrance into the other world, where it is believed, that the degree
of happiness, is proportionate to the quantity of gold which the
deceased has in his possession. It must, however, be mentioned, that
the natives of this part of Africa, appear to be wholly exempt from
the stigma, which belongs to some of the other tribes of Africa,
in the human victims which are sacrificed at the funerals of their
kings or chiefs, and which in some cases amount to three or four
hundred. The funerals of the kings of Tenda are conducted with a
decorum highly creditable to the people, considering their
uncivilised state; and the graves are frequently visited by the
relatives of the deceased, to repair any injury, which they may have
sustained from the violence of the rains, or the attacks of
carnivorous animals.

At all the festivals, a personage called Horey, or which Jobson calls
the devil, acts a most conspicuous part, at the same time, that he
generally carries on his operations in secret, impressing thereby on
the minds of the natives, an idea of his invisibility. The Horey
generally takes his station in the adjoining woods, whence he sends
forth the most tremendous sounds, supposed to have a very malignant
influence on all those who happen to be within hearing. It is,
however, a fortunate circumstance for the native, who is so
unfortunate as to be within hearing of the Horey's cries, that the
method is known, of appeasing the vindictive spirit of the Horey,
which is, by placing a quantity of provisions, in the immediate
vicinity of the place where his roaring is heard; and if on the
following day the provisions have disappeared, which is sure to be
the case, the natives are then satisfied that the Horey has been
appeased, which, however, lasts only for a short time, for as the
appetite of the Horey is certain to return, his cries are again
heard, and the provisions are again deposited for his satisfaction.

In regard to this Horey or devil, rather a ludicrous story is told by
Jobson, who, being in company with a Marabout, and hearing the Horey
in full cry in a neighbouring thicket, seized a loaded musket,
declaring his resolution aloud, to discharge the contents without any
further ceremony, at his infernal majesty. Dreading the consequences,
which might befal the whole nation, were the devil to be killed, the
Marabout implored Jobson to desist from his murderous design; on a
sudden, the hoarse roar of the Horey was changed into a low and
plaintive sound, expressive of an individual imploring mercy from his
destroyer;--again Jobson levelled his gun at the spot whence the
sound issued, when on a sudden, his infernal majesty presented
himself in the shape of a huge negro, bloated with fat, and who now
lay on the ground, his devilish spirit quelled, and apparently in
such an agony of fear, as to be unable to sue for the mercy of the
avenging Englishman, who stood laughing over him, at the idea of
having so easily vanquished an African devil.

The dissensions, which took place amongst the company, on the return
of Jobson, put an end for a time to all further discoveries. It was
evident that these divisions in the company, arose from a spirit of
jealousy amongst certain members of it, who had formed amongst
themselves certain schemes of personal aggrandizement, and were
therefore unwilling to despatch any one into those quarters, in which
such abundant sources presented themselves, of amassing inexhaustible
riches.

The next attempt was made by Vermuyden, an opulent merchant, on the
Gambia, about the year 1660 or 1665, who equipped a boat abundantly
stored with bacon, beef, biscuit, rice, strong waters, and other
comfortable supplies, the weight of which, however, was so great,
that on arriving at the flats and shallows, the vessel could not
proceed on her voyage without the greatest danger. After navigating
the shallows for some time, he arrived at a broad expanse of water,
which he compared to Windermere Lake, and he now found himself on a
sudden entangled in a great difficulty, owing to a number of streams
flowing into this lake, and the consequent uncertainty which existed,
of choosing that particular one, which might be considered the main
branch or stream; and were he to ascend any other, he might find that
all his labours had been spent in vain, as it might lead him to a
quarter, at a great distance from those stations and towns, where the
Europeans had established their commercial settlements. "Up the
buffing stream," says Vermuyden, "with sad labour we wrought," and
when he had ascended further up the stream, the sailors were often
obliged to strip themselves naked, and get into the water. This was
found, however, to be a most dangerous experiment, for the crocodiles
and river horses showed themselves in fearful numbers, and fully
inclined to treat the intruders on their rightful domain, with the
most marked hostility. Vermuyden says, they were ill pleased, or
unacquainted with any companions in these watery regions, and at all
events, he was convinced that his men were not very proper companions
for them. So daring were the river horses, that one of them struck a
hole in the boat with his teeth, an accident which was rather of a
serious nature, as there was no one on board possessing any skill in
carpentry; and as one attack had been made, great apprehension was
entertained that it might be renewed, and the consequences prove of
the most fatal kind. They, however, fell upon the expedient of fixing
a lantern at the stern of the vessel, which kept the monsters at a
respectful distance; they showing great alarm at any light shining in
the dark. On one occasion, when they landed for the purpose of
searching for gold, they found the territory guarded by an incredible
number of huge baboons, who seemed determined to enter into open
conflict with them, and to set at defiance every attempt that was
made to penetrate into the territory. If the sailors shouted to them;
the baboons set up a loud scream, showing their white teeth, and
making known the reception which the intruders would meet with, if
they made any further advances.

Finding that neither their oratory nor their menaces had any effect
upon the baboon army, a few guns were discharged at them, which
seemed rather to astonish them, for it was something which they had
never seen nor heard before; but as no immediate effect was visible
amongst their army, they began to consider the firing as a sort of
joke, and prepared to drive the invaders back to their boats. A
volley, however, from the human assailants, by which three of the
baboon army were laid prostrate, soon convinced the latter, that the
firing was no joke, and after making some slight show of resistance,
they carried away the dead, and retreated to the woods.

The discovery of gold being the principal object of the adventure of
Vermuyden, he landed frequently in different places, and proceeded to
wash the sand, and examine the rocks. Vermuyden had acquired, in his
native country, some slight knowledge of alchymy, and he carried out
with him not only mercury, aqua regia, and large melting pots, but
also a divining rod, which, however, as was most likely the case, was
not found to exhibit any virtue. Vermuyden, however, was not to be
laughed out of his superstitious notions, although his companions
took every opportunity of turning his expectations into ridicule, but
he found a very plausible excuse for the impotency of his divining
rod in the discovery, that its qualities had all been dried up by the
heat of the climate, and that, under every circumstance, it was not
an instrument adapted to the country in which it was to be carried
into use. On one occasion, however, the virtue of the divining rod
appeared suddenly to have returned, for his eyes were gladdened with
the sight of a large mass of apparent gold; the delusion, however,
soon vanished, for, on examination, it was found to be nothing more
than common spar. According to his report, the metal is never met
with in low fertile and wooded spots, but always in naked and barren
hills, embedded in a reddish earth. At one place, after a labour of
twenty days, he succeeded in extracting twelve pounds, and, at
length, he asserts that he arrived at the mouth of the mine itself,
and saw gold in such abundance, as surprised him with joy and
admiration. It does not appear, however, that he returned from his
expedition considerably improved in his fortune by the discovery of
this mine, nor does he give any notice of the real position of it, by
which we are led to conjecture, that the discovery of the mine was
one of those fabrications, which the travellers of those times were
apt to indulge in, for the purpose of gratifying their own vanity,
and exciting the envy of their fellow countrymen.

The spirit of African discovery began to revive in England about the
year 1720. At that time, the Duke of Chandos was governor of the
African company, and being concerned at the declining state of their
affairs, suggested the idea of retrieving them, by opening a path
into the golden regions, which were still reported to exist in the
central part of Africa. The company were not long in finding a person
competent to undertake the expedition, and, on the particular
recommendation of the duke, the appointment was given to Capt.
Bartholomew Stibbs. Being furnished with the requisite means for
sailing up the Gambia, Stibbs sailed in September, 1723, and, on the
7th of October, he arrived at James' Island, the English settlement,
situate about thirty miles from the mouth of the river, whence he
despatched a messenger to Mr. Willy, the governor, who happened at
that time to be visiting the factory at Joar, more than a hundred
miles distant, asking him to engage such vessels as were fit to
navigate the upper streams of the Gambia. To his great surprise and
mortification, however, he received an answer from Mr. Willy, that no
vessels of that kind were to be had, indeed, instead of using every
exertion to promote the cause for which Stibbs had been sent out by
the company, Willy appeared to throw every possible obstruction in
his way, as if he were actuated by a mean and petty spirit of
jealousy of the success, which was likely to await him. A few days,
however, after the answer of Willy had been received, a boat brought
down his dead body, he having fallen a victim to the fever of the
climate, which had previously affected his brain. Willy was succeeded
in the governorship by a person named Orfeur, who showed no immediate
objection to furnish the vessels and other articles necessary for the
expedition of Stibbs up the Gambia, but matters went on so slowly,
that the equipment was not completed until the middle of December,
when the season was fast approaching, which was highly unfavourable
for the accomplishment of the purpose, which Stibbs had in view. He
intended to proceed on his journey on the 24th of December, but a
slight accident, which happened to one of his boats, prevented his
departure on that day: from a superstitious idea that prevailed in
the mind of Stibbs, that success would not attend him, if he sailed
on the day celebrated as the nativity of Jesus Christ, he deferred
his journey to the 26th, when he departed with a crew consisting of
nineteen white men, a complete black one, although a Christian, and
who was to serve as an interpreter; twenty-nine Grumellas, or hired
negroes, with three female cooks; taking afterwards on board a
balafeu, or native musician, for the purpose of enlivening the
spirits of the party, and driving away the crocodiles, who are
superstitiously supposed to have a great dislike "to the concord of
sweet sounds," although emanating from the rude instrument of an
African musician.

During the early part of the voyage every thing appeared to augur
well for the success of the expedition; the party were in high
spirits, and no accident of any moment had yet occurred to check the
joviality, which prevailed amongst the crew. The natives were every
where disposed to carry on trade, and, in some places, saphies or
charms were hung on the banks of the river to induce the white men to
come on shore. Stibbs had endeavoured to conceal the object, of his
journey, but he had formed his calculations upon an erroneous
principle, for he found himself at last pointed out as the person who
was come to bring down the gold. As they approached the falls of
Barraconda, the fears of the native crew began to manifest
themselves, and, as is usual with minds immersed in ignorance and
superstition, they commenced to foretell the most dreadful disasters,
if their captain should attempt to proceed above the falls of
Barraconda; numerous stories were now told of the fearful accidents,
which had happened to almost every person who had attempted to
navigate the river above the falls; the upsetting of a single canoe,
from unskilful management, was magnified into the loss of a hundred,
and of course not a single individual escaped a watery grave. The
natives expected that their terrible narratives would have a proper
influence upon the mind of their captain, and that he would, in
consequence, desist from prosecuting his journey beyond the falls,
but when, contrary to their expectations, he expressed his
determination to proceed to the utmost extent to which the river
would be found to be navigable, the natives presented themselves in
a body before him, and declared their firm determination not to
proceed any further, for, to the apparent surprise of Stibbs, they
informed him that Barraconda was the end of the world, and certainly
no person but a fool, or a madman, would attempt to penetrate any
further. Instances, certainly, they confessed had been known of
persons going beyond the end of the world, but then, as might be
naturally expected, they never were seen any more, being either
devoured by enormous beasts, or carried away into another world, by
some horrid devils, who were always on the watch to catch the
persons, who rejecting the advice, which they themselves were now
giving, were so fool hardy as to throw themselves in their power.
Stibbs now found himself in rather an unpleasant predicament, the
natives appeared resolute not to proceed beyond Barraconda, and Stibbs
knew well that it would be highly imprudent in him to proceed without
them. A palaver was held, and all the arguments which Stibbs could
bring forward, failed to produce the desired effect upon his alarmed
crew. He, however, suddenly bethought himself, that he had an
argument in his possession, of greater potency, than any that could
be afforded by the most persuasive arguments, and taking a bottle of
brandy from his chest, he gave to each man a glass of the spirit,
when, on a sudden, a very extraordinary change appeared to take place
in their opinions and sentiments. They might have been misled as to
Barraconda being the end of the world, and they did now remember some
instances of persons returning, who had been beyond the falls, and as
to the enormous animals, who were said to have devoured the voyagers;
they now believed that no other animals were meant than crocodiles
and river horses, which, although certainly formidable, were not by
any means such dreadful objects as to prevent them prosecuting their
voyage. Thus, what the powers of oratory could not effect, nor the
arguments of sound and deliberate reason accomplish, was achieved in
a moment by the administration of a small quantity of spirituous
liquid, giving bravery to the coward, and daring to the effeminate.

They had now arrived at the dreaded boundary of the habitable world,
but the falls were not found to be nearly so formidable as they had
been represented; they bore rather the character of narrows than of
falls, the channel being confined by rocky ledges and fragments,
between which there was only one passage, where the canoes rubbed
against the rocks on each side. Contrary to the reports, which had
been in general circulation, of the dispositions of the natives of
the Upper Gambia, in which they were represented to be of a most
ferocious and savage nature, they were found to be a harmless, kind,
and good-humoured people, who, on every occasion, hastened to render
every assistance in their power to the navigators, making them
presents of fowls and provisions, and, in some instances, refusing to
take any thing in return for the articles which they gave away.

The most laborious part of the journey now presented itself, which
consisted in the great exertions, which were necessary in order to
pass the flats and quicksands, which seemed to multiply as they
ascended the river, and which obliged the natives to strip and get
into the water, to drag the boats over the shallows by main force.
Although the natives had now ascertained beyond all further doubt,
that Barraconda was not the end of the world, yet, one part of their
story was fully verified, which was that relating to the enormous
animals, with which these desolate regions were tenanted. To the
present travellers, they appeared far more formidable than to their
predecessors, for the very elephants that had fled precipitately
before the crew of Jobson, struck the greatest terror into the party
of Stibbs; for one of them showed such a determined disposition to
exhibit the extent of his strength, that he turned suddenly upon the
crew, and in a very short time put the whole of them to flight. So
little did they show any symptoms of fear for the crew, that they
were frequently seen crossing the river in  bands, at a very short
distance from the boats, throwing up the water with their trunks in
every direction, and raising such an emotion in the water, as to make
the boats rock about, to the great alarm of the crews, and
particularly the natives, who now began to wish, that they had not
been seduced by the potency of the spirituous liquid, to venture into
a region, where death presented itself to them, in the strict embrace
of an elephant's trunk, or bored to death by the teeth of the river
horse. In regard to the latter animal, the danger which they
incurred, was more imminent than with the elephants, but this did not
arise from the greater ferocity or savageness of the animal, for the
river horse moves in general in a sluggish and harmless manner; but
in the shallow places of the river, the horses were seen walking at
the bottom, and the space between them and the boat so small, that
the keel often came into collision with the back of the animal, who,
incensed at the affront offered to him, would be apt to strike a hole
through the boat with his huge teeth, and thereby endanger its
sinking. It was evident to the commander of the expedition, that the
courage of his native crew was almost paralyzed, when they had to
contend with any of these formidable creatures, although he had no
reason to complain of their exertions, in dragging the boats over the
flats and shallows, which appeared to abound in every part of the
river.

It now became manifest to Stibbs, that he had chosen an unfavourable
time of the year for his expedition; for, after having spent two
months, he found himself on the 22nd February, only fifty-nine miles
above Barraconda, and at some distance from Tenda, consequently he
was not so successful as either Thompson or Jobson, notwithstanding
his means were more efficient, and adapted to the purpose. Stibbs,
however, expressed himself greatly disappointed with the results of
his expedition, and began to look upon the golden mines of Africa,
represented as they had been to be inexhaustible, as nothing more
than the grossest falsifications, made to suit some private purpose,
or to throw a certain degree of ridicule upon the plans and exertions
of the African company. He had been informed of a mighty channel,
which was to lead him into the remote interior of Africa, but he had
as yet only navigated a river, which in certain seasons is almost
dry, and where the crews were obliged to assume the character of the
amphibious; for at one time, they were obliged to be for hours in the
water, dragging the boats over the shallows, and at another, they
were on the land, dragging the boats over it, in order to surmount
the ledges of rocks, which extended from shore to shore. At one time
they were rowing over the backs of the river horses, and the next,
they ran the risk of being thrown upon their own back, by the trunks
of the elephants, or having them snapped in two between the jaws of
the crocodiles.

The source of the great river, which, according to the description
then given of it, could not be any other than the Niger, was,
according to the opinion of Stibbs, "nothing near so far in the
country, as by the geographers has been represented." The river,
which he had navigated, did not answer in any degree with the
description which had been given of the Niger. The name was not even
known in the quarters through which he had passed; it did not flow
from any lake, that he could hear of, or which was known to any of
the natives, nor did it communicate with the Senegal, or any other
great river; and so far from it being a mighty stream in the
interior, the report was given to him by the natives, that at about
twelve days journey above Barraconda, it dwindled into a rivulet, so
small that the "fowls could walk over it."

On the return of Stibbs to the company's settlement at the month of
the Gambia, these reports were received with great reluctance, and
the strongest doubts were thrown upon their authenticity. At that
time, a person of the name of Moore was the company's factor on the
Gambia; and in order to invalidate the statements of Stibbs, he
produced Herodotus, Leo, Edrisi, and other high authorities, whilst
on the other hand, Stibbs declared, that he had never heard of such
travellers before, and that he did not see why greater faith should
be put in their reports, than in his.

Stibbs for some time supported the veracity of his statements, but
Moore and Herodotus at length prevailed, and Stibbs retired from the
service in disgust. There were, however, many strongly inclined to
attach implicit belief to the statements of Stibbs, at all events,
they had the direct tendency of preventing any other voyage being
undertaken for some time, for exploring that part of the African
continent.

The first person who brought home any accounts of French Africa, was
Jannequin, a young man of some rank, who, as he was walking along the
quay at Dieppe, saw a vessel bound for this unknown continent, and
took a sudden fancy to embark and make the voyage. He was landed at a
part of the Sahara, near Cane Blanco. He was struck in an
extraordinary degree with the desolate aspect of the region. In
ascending the river, however, he was delighted with the brilliant
verdure of the banks, the majestic beauty of the trees, and the thick
impenetrable underwood. The natives received him hospitably, and he
was much struck by their strength and courage, decidedly surpassing
similar qualities in Europeans. He saw a moorish chief, called the
Kamalingo, who, mounting on horseback, and brandishing three javelins
and a cutlass, engaged a lion in single combat, and vanquished that
mighty king of the desert. Flat noses and thick lips, so remote from
his own ideas of the beautiful, were considered on the Senegal, as
forming the perfection of the human visage; nay, he even fancies that
they were produced by artificial means. Of actual discovery, little
transpired worthy of record in the travels of Jannequin, and his
enthusiasm became soon daunted by the perils which at every step
beset him.



CHAPTER  III.

Nearly seventy years had elapsed, and the spirit of African discovery
had remained dormant, whilst in the mean time the remotest quarters
of the globe had been reached by British enterprise; the vast region
of Africa still remaining an unseemly blank in the map of the earth.
To a great and maritime nation as England then was, and to the cause
of the sciences in general, particularly that of geography, it was
considered as highly discreditable, that no step should be taken to
obtain a correct knowledge of the geographical situation of the
interior of Africa, from which continual reports arrived of the
existence of great commercial cities, and the advantages which the
Arabs derived from their intercourse with them. For the purpose of
promoting this great national undertaking, a small number of
highly-spirited individuals formed themselves into what was termed
the African Association, A sum of money was subscribed, and
individuals were sought for, who were qualified to undertake such
arduous and dangerous enterprises. Lord Rawdon, afterwards the
Marquess of Hastings, Sir Joseph Banks, the Bishop of Llandaff, Mr.
Beaufoy, and Mr. Stuart, were nominated managers.

The first adventurer was Mr. Ledyard, who, from his earliest age, had
been a traveller from one extremity of the earth to the other. He had
circumnavigated the globe with Capt. Cook, had resided for several
years amongst the American indians, and had travelled with the most
scanty means from Stockholm round the Gulf of Bothnia, and thence to
the remotest parts of Asiatic Russia. On his return from his last
journey, Sir Joseph Banks was then just looking out for a person to
explore the interior of Africa, and Ledyard was no sooner introduced
to him, than he pronounced him to be the very man fitted for the
undertaking. Ledyard also declared that the scheme was in direct
unison with his own wishes, and on being asked how soon he could
depart, he answered, "Tomorrow." Some time, however, elapsed in
making the necessary arrangements, and a passage was shortly
afterwards obtained for him to Alexandria, with the view of first
proceeding southward from Cairo to Sennaar, and thence traversing the
entire breadth of the African continent.

He arrived at Cairo on the 19th of August, 1788. His descriptions of
Egypt are bold and original, but somewhat fanciful. He represented
the Delta as an unbounded plain of excellent land miserably
cultivated; the villages as most wretched assemblages of poor mud
huts, full of dust, fleas, flies, and all the curses of Moses, and
the people as below the rank of any savages he ever saw, wearing only
a blue shirt and drawers, and tattooed as much as the South Sea
islanders. He recommends his correspondents, if they wish to see
Egyptian women, to look at any group of gypsies behind a hedge in
Essex. He describes the Mohammedans as a trading, enterprising,
superstitious, warlike set of vagabonds, who, wherever they are bent
upon going, will and do go; but he complains that the condition of a
Frank is rendered most humiliating and distressing by the furious
bigotry of the Turks; to him it seemed inconceivable that such enmity
should exist among men, and that beings of the same species should
trick and act in a manner so opposite. By conversing with the Jelabs,
or slave merchants, he learned a good deal respecting the caravan
routes and countries of the interior. Every thing seemed ready for
his departure, and he announced that his next communication would be
from Sennaar, but, on the contrary, the first tidings received were
those of his death. Some delays in the departure of the caravans,
acting upon his impatient spirit, brought on a bilious complaint, to
which he applied rash and violent remedies, and thus reduced himself
to a state, from which the care of Rosetti, the Venetian consul, and
the skill of the best physician of Cairo sought in vain to deliver
him.

The society had, at the time they engaged Ledyard, entered into terms
with Mr. Lucas, a gentleman, who, being captured in his youth by a
Sallee rover, had been three years a slave at the court of Morocco,
and after his deliverance acted as vice-consul in that empire. Having
spent sixteen years there, he had acquired an intimate knowledge of
Africa and its languages. He was sent by way of Tripoli, with
instructions to accompany the caravan, which takes the most direct
route into the interior. Being provided with letters from the
Tripolitan ambassador, he obtained the Bey's permission, and even
promises of assistance for this expedition. At the same time he made
an arrangement with two sheerefs or descendants of the Prophet, whose
persons are held sacred, to join a caravan with which they intended
to travel. He proceeded with them to Mesuraba, but the Arabs there
being in a state of rebellion, refused to furnish camels and guides,
which, indeed, could scarcely be expected, as the Bey had declined to
grant them a safe conduct through his territories. Mr. Lucas was
therefore obliged to return to Tripoli, without being able to
penetrate further into the continent. He learned, however, from
Imhammed, one of the sheerefs, who had been an extensive traveller, a
variety of particulars respecting the interior regions. The society
had, at the same time, made very particular inquiries of Ben Ali, a
Morocco caravan trader, who happened to be in London. From these two
sources, Mr. Beaufoy was enabled to draw up a view of Centra. Africa,
very imperfect, indeed, yet superior to any that had ever before
appeared.

According to the information thus obtained, Bornou and Kashna were
the most powerful states in that part of the continent, and formed
even empires, holding sway over a number of tributary kingdoms, a
statement which proved at that time to be correct, though affairs
have since greatly changed. The Kashna caravan often crossed the
Niger, and went onwards to great kingdoms behind the Gold Coast,
Gongah or Kong, Asiente or Ashantee, Yarba or Yarriba, through which
Clapperton afterwards travelled. Several extensive routes across the
desert were also delineated. In regard to the Niger, the report of
Imhammed revived the error, which represented that river as flowing
westward towards the Atlantic. The reason on which this opinion was
founded, will be evident, when we observe that it was in Kashna, that
Ben Ali considered himself as having crossed that river. His Niger,
therefore, was the Quarrama, or river of Zermie, which flows westward
through Kashna and Sackatoo, and is only a tributary to the Quorra or
great river, which we call the Niger. He describes the stream as very
broad and rapid, probably from having seen it during the rainy
season, when all the tropical rivers of any magnitude assume an
imposing appearance.

Mr. Lucas made no further attempt to penetrate into Africa. The next
expedition was made by a new agent, and from a different route. Major
Houghton, who had resided for some years as consul at Morocco, and
afterwards in a military capacity at Goree, undertook the attempt to
reach the Niger by the route of Gambia, not, like Jobson and Stibbs,
ascending its stream in boats, but travelling singly and by land. He
seems to have been endowed with a gay, active, and sanguine spirit,
fitted to carry him through the boldest undertaking, but without that
cool and calculating temper necessary for him, who endeavours to make
his way amid scenes of peril and treachery. He began his journey
early in 1791, and soon reached Medina, the capital of Woolli, where
the venerable chief received him with extreme kindness, promised to
furnish guides, and assured him he might go to Timbuctoo with his
staff in his hand. The only evil that befell him at Medina, arose
from a fire that broke out there, and spreading rapidly through
buildings roofed with cane and matted grass, converted a town of a
thousand houses, in an hour, into a heap of ashes. Major Houghton ran
out with the rest of the people into the fields, saving only such
articles as could be carried with him.

He mentions, that by trading at Fattatenda, a person may make 800 per
cent, and may live in plenty on ten pounds a year. Quitting the
Gambia, he took the road through Bambouk, and arrived at Ferbanna on
the Faleme. Here he was received with the most extraordinary kindness
by the king, who gave him a guide and money to defray his expenses. A
note was afterwards received from him, dated Simbing, which contained
merely these words: "Major Houghton's compliments to Dr. Laidley, is
in good health on his way to Timbuctoo; robbed of all his goods by
Fenda, Bucar's son." This was the last communication from him, for
soon after the negroes brought down to Pisania, the melancholy
tidings of his death, of which Mr. Park subsequently learned the
particulars. Some moors had persuaded the major to accompany them to
Tisheet, a place in the great desert, frequented on account of its
salt mines. In alluring him thither, their object, as it appears from
the result, was to rob him, for it was very much out of the direct
route to Timbuctoo. Of this in a few days he became sensible, and
insisted upon returning, but they would not permit him to leave their
party, until they had stripped him of every article in his
possession. He wandered about for some time through the desert,
without food or shelter, till at length quite exhausted, he sat down
under a tree and expired. Mr. Park was shown the very spot where his
remains wore abandoned to the fowls of the air.

A considerable degree of information respecting the country on the
Senegal, was procured by a person of the name of Bruce, who had a
large share in the administration of the affairs of the French
African Companies. In one of his numerous journeys, he ascended the
Senegal as far as Gallam, and established a fort or factory at
Dramanet, a populous and commercial town. The inhabitants carried on
a trade as far as Timbuctoo, which they described as situated 500
leagues in the interior. They imported from it gold and ivory, and
slaves from Bambarra, which was represented by them, as an extensive
region between Timbuctoo and Cassan, barren but very populous. The
kingdom of Cassan was said to be formed into a sort of island, or
rather peninsula, by the branches of the Senegal. Gold was so
abundant there, that the metal often appeared on the surface of the
ground. From these circumstances it may be concluded, that Cassan was
in some degree confounded with Bambouk, which borders it on the
south. It had long been the ambition of the French, to find access to
this golden country, but the jealousy of the native merchants
presented an obstacle, that could not be easily surmounted.



CHAPTER IV.

There is no Chapter IV as the following chapter was numbered
Chapter V by mistake.



CHAPTER V.

The death of Major Houghton left the African Association without a
single individual employed in the particular service, for which the
company was originally established. On a sudden, Mr. Mungo Park, a
native of Scotland, offered himself to the society, and the committee
having made such inquiries as they thought necessary, accepted him
for the service.

His instructions were very plain and concise. He was directed, on his
arrival in Africa, to pass on to the river Niger, either by the way
of Bambouk, or by such other route as should be most convenient; that
he should ascertain the cause, and if possible, the rise and
termination of that river; that he should use his utmost exertion to
visit the principal towns or cities in its neighbourhood,
particularly Timbuctoo and Houssa, and that he should afterwards
return to Europe, by such route as, under the then existing
circumstances of his situation, should appear to him most advisable.

He sailed from Portsmouth on the 22nd of May, 1793, and on the 4th
June, he saw the mountains over Mogadore, on the coast of Africa, and
on the 21st, after a pleasant voyage, he anchored at Jillifree, a
town on the northern bank of the Gambia, opposite to James' Island,
where the English had formerly a small fort.

On the 23rd, he proceeded to Vintain, a town situated about two miles
up a creek, on the southern side of the river. Here he continued till
the 26th, when he continued his course up the river, which is deep
and muddy. The banks are covered with impenetrable thickets of
mangrove, and the whole of the adjacent country appears to be flat
and swampy. The Gambia abounds with fish, but none of them are known
in Europe. In six days after leaving Vintain, he reached Jonkakonda,
a place of considerable trade, where the vessel was to take in part
of her lading. The next morning the European traders came from their
different factories, to receive their letters, and learn the nature
and amount of the cargo; whilst the captain despatched a letter to
Dr. Laidley, with the information of Mr. Park's arrival. Dr. Laidley
came to Jonkakonda the morning following, when he delivered to him
Mr. Beaufoy's letter, when the doctor gave him a kind invitation to
spend his time at his house at Pisania, until an opportunity should
offer of prosecuting his journey. This invitation was too acceptable
to be refused.

Pisania is a small village in the king of Yany's dominions,
established by British subjects, as a factory for trade, and
inhabited solely by them and their black servants. The white
residents at the time of Mr. Park's arrival, consisted only of Dr.
Laidley and two gentlemen of the name of Ainsley, but their domestics
were numerous. They enjoyed perfect security, and being highly
respected by the natives at large, wanted no accommodation the
country could supply, and the greatest part of the trade in slaves;
ivory, and gold was in their hands.

Being settled in Pisania, Mr. Park's first object was to learn the
Mandingo tongue, being the language in almost general use throughout
this part of Africa, without which he was convinced he never could
acquire an extensive knowledge of the country or its inhabitants. In
this pursuit he was greatly assisted by Dr. Laidley, who had made
himself completely master of it. Next to the language, his great
object was to collect information concerning the countries he
intended to visit. On this occasion he was referred to certain
traders called slatees, who are black merchants of great
consideration in this part of Africa, who come from the interior
countries, chiefly with enslaved negroes for sale; but he discovered
that little dependence could be placed on the accounts they gave, as
they contradicted each other in the most important particulars, and
all seemed extremely unwilling he should prosecute his journey.

In researches of this kind, and in observing the manners and customs
of the natives, in a country so little known to the nations of
Europe, and furnished with so many striking objects of nature, Mr.
Park's time passed not unpleasantly, and he began to flatter himself
that he had escaped the fever, to which Europeans, on their first
arrival in hot climates, are generally subject. But on the 31st July,
he imprudently exposed himself to the night dew, in observing an
eclipse of the moon, with a view to determine the longitude of the
place; the next day he found himself attacked with fever and
delirium, and an illness followed, which confined him to the house
the greater part of August. His recovery was very slow, but he
embraced every short interval of convalescence to walk out and
examine the productions of the country. In one of these excursions,
having rambled farther than usual in a hot day, he brought on a
return of his fever, and was again confined to his bed. The fever,
however, was not so violent as before, and in the course of three
weeks, when the weather permitted, he was able to renew his botanical
excursions; and when it rained, he amused himself with drawing
plants, &c. in his chamber. The care and attention of Dr. Laidley
contributed greatly to alleviate his sufferings; his company beguiled
the tedious hours during that gloomy season, when the rain falls in
torrents, when suffocating heats oppress by day, and when the night
is spent in listening to the croaking of frogs, the shrill cry of the
jackal, and the deep howling of the hyena; a dismal concert,
interrupted only by the roar of tremendous thunder.

On the 6th of October the waters of the Gambia were at their greatest
height, being fifteen feet above the high water mark of the tide,
after which they began to subside; at first slowly, but afterwards
very rapidly, sometimes sinking more than a foot in twenty-four
hours: by the beginning of November the river had sunk to its former
level, and the tide ebbed and flowed as usual. When the river had
subsided, and the atmosphere grew dry, Mr. Park recovered apace, and
began to think of his departure; for this is reckoned the most proper
season for travelling: the natives had completed their harvest, and
provisions were everywhere cheap and plentiful.

On the 2nd December 1795, Mr. Park took his departure from the
hospitable mansion of Dr. Laidley, being fortunately provided with a
negro servant, who spoke both the English and Mandingo tongues; his
name was Johnson: he was a native of that part of Africa, and having
in his youth been conveyed to Jamaica as a slave, he had been made
free, and taken to England by his master, where he had resided many
years, and at length found his way back to his native country. He was
also provided with a negro boy, named Demba, a sprightly youth, who,
besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Serawoollies, an inland
people; and to induce him to behave well, he was promised his freedom
on his return, in case the tourist should report favourably of his
fidelity and services. A free man, named Madiboo, travelling to the
kingdom of Bambara, and two slatees, going to Bondou, offered their
services, as did likewise a negro, named Tami, a native of Kasson,
who had been employed some years by Dr. Laidley as a blacksmith, and
was returning to his native country with the savings of his labours.
All these men travelled on foot, driving their asses before them.

Thus Mr. Park had no less than six attendants, all of whom had been
taught to regard him with great respect, and to consider that their
safe return hereafter to the countries on the Gambia, would depend on
his preservation.

Dr. Laidley and the Messrs. Ainsley accompanied Park the two first
days. They reached Jindy the same day, and rested at the house of a
black woman, who had formerly been the mistress of Mr. Hewett, a
white trader, and who, in consequence of that honour, was called
_Seniora_. In the evening they walked out, to see an adjoining
village, belonging to a slatee, named Jemaffoo Mamadoo, the richest
of all the Gambia traders. They found him at home, and he thought so
highly of the honour done him by this visit, that he presented them
with a fine bullock, part of which was dressed for their evening's
repast.

The negroes do not go to supper till late, and in order to amuse
themselves while the beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to
relate some diverting stories, in listening to which, and smoking
tobacco, they spent three hours. These stories bear some resemblance
to those in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, but in general are of
a more ludicrous cast.

About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3rd of December, Park took
his leave of Dr. Laidley and Messrs. Ainsley, and rode slowly into
the woods. He had now before him a boundless forest, and a country,
the inhabitants of which were strangers to civilized life. He
reflected that he had parted from the last European he might probably
behold, and perhaps quitted for ever the comforts of Christian
society. These thoughts necessarily cast a gloom over his mind, and
he rode musing along for about three miles, when he was awakened from
his reverie by a number of people, who, running up, stopped the
asses, giving him to understand, that he must either go with them to
Peckaba, to present himself to the king of Woolli, or pay customs to
them. He endeavoured to make them comprehend, that not travelling for
traffic, he ought not to be subjected to a tax like merchants, but
his reasoning was thrown away upon them. They said it was usual for
travellers of all descriptions to make a present to the king of
Woolli, and without doing so, none could be permitted to proceed. As
the party were numerous, he thought it prudent to comply with their
demand, and presented them with four bars of tobacco. At sunset he
reached a village near Kootacunda.

The next day entering Woolli, he stopped to pay customs to an officer
of the king. Passing the night at a village called Tabajang: at noon
the following day Park reached Medina, the capital of the king of
Woolli's dominions. It is a large place, and contains at least a
thousand houses. It is fortified in the common African manner by a
high mud wall, and an outward fence of pointed stakes and prickly
bushes, but the walls were neglected, and the outward fence had
suffered considerably by being plucked up for fire-wood. Mr. Park
obtained a lodging with one of the king's near relations, who warned
him, at his introduction to the king, not to shake hands with him,
that liberty not being allowed to strangers. With this salutary
warning, Park paid his respects to Jatta, the king, and asked his
permission to pass to Bondou. He was the same old man, of whom Major
Houghton speaks in such favourable terms. The sovereign was seated
before the door of his hovel, surrounded by a number of men and
women, who were singing and clapping their hands. Park, saluting him
respectfully, told him the object of his visit. The monarch not only
permitted him to proceed on his journey, but declared he would offer
prayers for his safe return. One of Mr. Park's attendants, to
manifest his sense of the king's courtesy, roared out an Arabic song,
at every pause of which the king himself, and all present, striking
their hands against their foreheads, exclaimed, with affecting
solemnity, _Amen, Amen._ The king further assured him, that a guide
should be ready on the following day, to conduct him to the frontier
of Bondou. Having taken leave, he sent the king an order upon Dr.
Laidley for three gallons of rum, and received in return a great
store of provisions.

December the 6th, early in the morning, on visiting Jatta, he found
his majesty sitting upon a bullock's hide, warming himself before a
large fire, for the Africans frequently feel cold when a European is
oppressed with heat. Jatta received his visitant very kindly, and
earnestly entreated him to advance no farther into the interior,
telling him that Major Houghton had been killed in his route. He said
that travellers must not judge of the people of the eastern country
by those of Woolli. The latter were acquainted with white men, and
respected them; whereas, in the east, the people had never seen one,
and would certainly destroy the first they beheld. Park, thanking the
king for his affectionate concern, told him he was determined,
notwithstanding all danger, to proceed. The king shook his head, but
desisted from further persuasion, and ordered the guide to hold
himself in readiness.

On the guide making his appearance, Park took his last farewell of
the good old king, and in three hours reached Konjour, a small
village, where he and his party rested for the night. Here he bought
a fine sheep for some beads, and his attendants killed it, with all
the ceremonies prescribed by their religion. Part of it was dressed
for supper, after which a dispute arose between one of the negroes
and Johnson, the interpreter, about the sheep's horns. The former
claimed the horns as his perquisite, as he had performed the office
of butcher, and Johnson disputed the claim. To settle the matter, Mr.
Park gave a horn to each of the litigants.

Leaving Konjour, and sleeping at a village called Malla, on the 8th
he arrived at Kolor, a considerable town, near the entrance into
which he saw hanging upon a tree, a sort of masquerade habit, made of
the bark of trees, which he was told belonged to Mumbo Jumbo. The
account of this personage is thus narrated by Mr. Park: "This is a
strange bugbear, common to all the Mandingo towns, and much employed
by the pagan natives in keeping their women in subjection, for as the
kafirs are not restricted in the number of their wives, every one
marries as many as he can maintain, and, as it frequently happens,
that the ladies disagree among themselves, family quarrels rise
sometimes to such a height, that the husband can no longer preserve
peace in his household. In such cases, the interposition of Mumbo
Jumbo is called in, and is always decisive."

This strange minister of justice, who is supposed to be either the
husband himself, or some person instructed by him, disguised in the
dress before mentioned, and armed with his rod of public authority,
announces his coming by loud and continual screams in the woods near
the town. He begins the pantomime at the approach of night, and, as
soon as it is dark, enters the town, and proceeds to the bentang, at
which all the inhabitants immediately assemble.

This exhibition is not much relished by the women, for as the person
in disguise is unknown to them, every married female suspects the
visit may be intended for herself, but they dare not refuse to
appear, when they are summoned: and the ceremony commences with songs
and dances, which continue till midnight, when Mumbo fixes on the
offender. The victim, being immediately seized, is stripped naked,
tied to a post, and severely scourged with Mumbo's rod, amidst the
shouts and derisions of the assembly; and it is remarkable, that the
rest of the women are loudest in their exclamations against their
unhappy sister. Daylight puts an end to this indecent and unmanly
revel.

On the 9th of December, Park reached Tambacunda, leaving which the
next morning, he arrived in the evening at Kooniakary, a town of
nearly the same size and extent as Kolor. On the 11th he came to
Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli near Bondou.

King Jatta's guide being now to return, Park presented him with some
amber, and having been informed that it was not possible at all times
to procure water in the wilderness, he inquired for men, who would
serve both as guides and water-bearers, and he procured three
negroes, elephant hunters, for that service, paying them three bars
each in advance.

The inhabitants of Koojar beheld the white man with surprise and
veneration, and in the evening invited him to see a _neobering,_ or
wrestling match, in the bentang. This is an exercise very common in
all these countries. The spectators formed a ring round the
wrestlers, who were strong, active young men, full of emulation, and
accustomed to such contests. Being stripped to a short pair of
drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil or _Shea_ water, the
combatants approached, each on all fours, parrying for some time,
till at length one of them sprang forward, and caught his antagonist
by the knee. Great dexterity and judgment were now displayed, but the
combat was decided by strength. Few Europeans would have subdued the
conqueror. The wrestlers were animated by the sound of a drum.

After the wrestling, commenced a dance, in which many performers
assisted, provided with little bells fastened to their legs and arms,
and here also the drum assisted their movements. The drum likewise
keeps order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of certain
Mandingo sentences; for example, when the sport is about to begin,
the drummer strikes, which is understood to signify, _Ali boe si,_
"sit all down," upon which the lookers-on immediately squat
themselves on the ground, and when the combatants are to begin, he
strikes, _Amuta, amuta,_ "take hold, take hold."

In the morning of the 12th, he found that one of the elephant hunters
had absconded with the money he had received beforehand; and to
prevent the other two from following his example, Park made them
instantly fill their calabashes with water, and they entered the
wilderness that separates Woolli from Bondou. The attendants halted
to prepare a saphie or charm, to ensure a safe journey. This was done
by muttering a few sentences, and spitting upon a stone, thrown
before them on the road. Having repeated this operation three times,
the negroes proceeded with assurance off safety.

Riding along, they came to a large tree, called by the natives _neema
taba_. It was decorated with innumerable rags of cloth, which persons
travelling across the wilderness had at different times tied to the
branches, which was done, according to the opinion of Mr. Park, to
inform the traveller that water was to be found near it; but the
custom has been so sanctioned by time, that nobody now presumes to
pass without hanging up something. Park followed the example, and
suspended a handsome piece of cloth on one of the boughs; and being
informed that either a well or a pool of water was at no great
distance, he ordered the negroes to unload the asses, that they might
give them some corn, and regale themselves with the provisions,
which they had brought, meanwhile he sent one of the elephant hunters
to look for the well. A pool was found, but the water was thick and
muddy, and the negro discovered near it the remains of fire and
fragments of provisions, which showed that it had been lately
visited, either by travellers or banditti. The attendants,
apprehending the latter, and supposing that the robbers lurked at no
great distance, Mr. Park proceeded to another watering place. He
arrived there late in the, evening, fatigued with so long a day's
journey; and kindling a large fire, laid down, more than a gunshot
from any bush, the negroes agreeing to keep watch by turns, to
prevent surprise. The negroes were indeed very apprehensive of
banditti during the whole of the journey. As soon, therefore, as
daylight appeared, they filled their soofros and calabashes at the
pool, took their departure, and arrived at Tallika, the first town in
Bondou, on the 13th December. Mr. Park says, that he cannot take
leave of Woolli without observing, that he was every where well
received by the natives, and that the fatigues of the day were
generally alleviated by a hearty welcome at night.

Tallika, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, is inhabited
chiefly by the Mohammedan Foulahs, who acquire no inconsiderable
affluence by furnishing provisions to the coffles or caravans, and by
the sale of ivory from hunting elephants. Here an officer constantly
resides, whose business it is to watch the arrival of the caravans,
which are taxed according to the number of loaded asses.

Mr. Park lodged with this officer, and was accompanied by him to
Fatteconda, the king's residence, for which he was paid five bars.
They halted for the first night at Ganado, where they partook of a
good supper, and were further exhilarated by an itinerant musician,
or singing man, who told a number of entertaining stories, and played
some sweet airs, by blowing his breath upon a bow-string, and
striking it at the same time with a stick.

At daybreak Mr. Park's fellow-travellers, the Serawoollies, took
their leave, with many prayers for his safety. A mile from Ganado
they crossed a branch of the Gambia, called Neriko, and in the
evening reached Koorkarany, a Mohammedan town, in which the
blacksmith had some relations. Koorkarany is surrounded by a high
wall, and is provided with a mosque. Here a number of Arabic
manuscripts were shown to Mr. Park, particularly a copy of the book
called _Al Sharra_. Leaving Koorkarany, they were joined by a young
man, who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt, and as night set in,
they reached Dooggi, a small village about three miles from
Koorkarany. There they purchased a bullock for six small stones of
amber.

Early in the morning of the 18th December, they departed from Dooggi,
joined by a party of Foulahs and others, in the evening arrived at a
village called Buggil, and passed the night in a miserable hut,
having no other bed than a bundle of corn stalks. The wells are here
dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. From Buggil they
travelled along a dry, stony height, covered with mimosas, and
descended into a deep valley, in which, pursuing their course, they
came to a large village, where they intended to lodge. Many of the
natives were dressed in a thin French gauze, which they called
_byqui_; this being a dress calculated to show the shape of their
persons, was very fashionable among the women. These females were
extremely rude and troublesome; they took Mr. Park's cloak, cut the
buttons from the boy's clothes, and were proceeding to other
outrages, when he mounted his horse, and proceeded on his journey.
In the evening they reached Soobrudooka, and as the company were
numerous, they purchased a sheep and corn wherewith to regale
themselves, after which, they slept by their baggage. From
Soobrudooka they came to a large village on the banks of the Faleme,
which is here very rapid and rocky. The river abounds with a small
fish, of the size of sprats, which are prepared for sale by pounding
them in mortars, and exposing them to dry in the sun in large lumps.

An old moorish shereeff, who came to bestow his blessing on Mr. Park,
and beg some paper to write saphies upon, said that he had seen Major
Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and that he died in the country of
the moors. Mr. Park and some of his attendants gave him a few sheets
of paper, on which to write his charms. Proceeding northward along
the banks of the river, they arrived at Mayemow, the chief man of
which town presented Mr. Park with a bullock, and he in return gave
him some amber and beads. Crossing the river, they entered
Fatteconda, the capital of Bondou, and received an invitation from a
slatee to lodge at his house, for as in Africa there are no inns,
strangers stand at the Bentang, or market-place, till they are
invited by some of the inhabitants. Soon afterwards, Mr. Park was
conducted to the king, who was desirous of seeing him immediately,
if he was not too much fatigued for the interview.

He took his interpreter with him, and followed the messenger till
they were quite out of the town, when suspecting some trick, Mr. Park
stopped and asked his guide, whither he was going?--Upon this, he
pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some little distance, and
told him that the king frequently gave audience in that retired
manner, in order to avoid a crowd of people. When he advanced, the
king desired him to come and sit by him upon the mat, and after
hearing his story, on which he made no observation, he inquired of
Mr. Park, if he wished to purchase any slaves or gold. Being answered
in the negative, he seemed surprised, but desired him to visit him
again in the evening, that he might be supplied with some provisions.

This prince was called Almami, and was a pagan. It was reported that
he had caused Major Houghton to be plundered. His behaviour,
therefore, at this interview, although distinguished by greater
civility than was expected, caused Mr. Park some uneasiness, for as
he was now entirely in his power, he thought it more politic to
conciliate the good opinion of the monarch, by a few presents.
Accordingly, in the evening, Mr. Park took with him a canister of
gunpowder, some amber, tobacco, and an umbrella; and as he considered
that his bundles would inevitably be searched, he concealed some few
articles in the roof of the hut where he lodged, putting on his new
blue coat, in order to preserve it.

Mr. Park on coming to the entrance of the court, as well as his guide
and interpreter, according to custom, took off their sandals, and the
former pronounced the king's name aloud, repeating it till he was
answered from within. They found the monarch sitting upon a mat, and
two attendants with him. Mr. Park told him his reasons for passing
through his country, but his majesty did but seem half satisfied. He
thought it impossible, he said, that any man in his senses would
undertake so dangerous a journey, merely to look at the country and
its inhabitants. When, however, Mr. Park had delivered his presents,
his majesty seemed well pleased, and was particularly delighted with
the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and unfurled, to the great
admiration of himself and his two attendants, who could not for some
time comprehend the use of this wonderful machine. After this, Mr.
Park was about to take his leave, when the king began a long preamble
in favour of the whites, extolling their immense wealth and good
dispositions. He next proceeded to an eulogium on Mr. Park's blue
coat, of which the yellow buttons seemed particularly to please his
fancy, and he concluded by entreating Mr. Park to present him with
it, assuring him, as a matter of great consolation to him for the
loss of it, that he would wear it on all public occasions, and inform
every one who saw it, of the great liberality of Mr. Park towards
him. The request of an African prince, in his own dominions, comes
very little short of a command. Mr. Park, therefore, very quietly
took off his coat, the only good one in his possession, and laid it
at his feet. In return for his compliance, he presented Mr. Park
with great plenty of provisions, and desired to see him again in the
morning. Mr. Park accordingly attended, and found the king sitting on
his bed. His majesty told him he was sick, and wished to have a
little blood taken from him, but Mr. Park had no sooner tied up his
arm, and displayed the lancet, than his courage failed, and he begged
him to postpone the operation. He then observed, that his women were
very desirous to see him, and requested that he would favour them
with a visit. An attendant was ordered to conduct him, and he had no
sooner entered the court appropriated to the ladies, than the whole
seraglio surrounded him, some begging for physic, some for amber, and
all of them trying that great African specific, blood-letting. They
were ten or twelve in number, most of them young and handsome, and
wearing on their heads ornaments of gold and beads of amber. They
rallied him on the whiteness of his skin and the prominency of his
nose. They insisted that both were artificial, the first they said,
was produced when he was an infant, by dipping him in milk, and they
insisted that his nose had been pinched every day, till it had
acquired its present unsightly and unnatural conformation. On his
part, without disputing his own deformity, he paid them many
compliments on African beauty. He praised the glossy jet of their
skins, and the lovely depression of their noses; but they said, that
flattery, or as they emphatically termed it, _honey-mouth_, was not
esteemed in Bondou. The ladies, however, were evidently not
displeased, for they presented him with a jar of honey and some fish.

Mr. Park was desired to attend the king again, a little before
sunset, on which occasion he presented to his majesty some beads and
writing paper, as a small offering, in return for which the king gave
him five drachms of gold. He seconded the act by one still greater,
he suffered the baggage to pass without examination, and Mr. Park was
allowed to depart when he pleased.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, Mr. Park left Fatteconda, and
in a few hours arrived at a small village, the boundary between
Bondou and Kajaaga. Hearing it was dangerous for travellers, Mr. Park
resolved to proceed by night, until they should reach a more
hospitable part of the country, and directed their course through the
woods. On this occasion, Mr. Park says, "the stillness of the air,
the howling of the wild beasts, and the deep solitude of the forest,
made the scene solemn and impressive. Not a word was uttered by any
of us, but in a whisper; all were attentive, and every one anxious to
show his sagacity, by pointing out to me the wolves and hyenas, as
they glided, like shadows, from one thicket to another." The
following afternoon they arrived at Joag, in the kingdom of Kajaaga,
where they took up their abode at the house of the chief man, here
called the _dooty_. He was a rigid Mohammedan, but distinguished for
his hospitality. The town was supposed to contain about two thousand
inhabitants; it was surrounded by a high wall, in which were a number
of port-holes for musketry. Every man's possession was likewise
surrounded by a wall, the whole forming so many distinct citadels,
and, amongst a people unacquainted with the use of artillery, the
walls answer all the purposes of stronger fortifications.

The same evening, Madiboo, the Bushreen from Pisania, went to pay a
visit to his father and mother, who dwelt at a neighbouring town,
called Dramanet. He was joined by the blacksmith; and as soon as it
was dark, Mr. Park was invited to see the sports of the inhabitants.
A great crowd surrounded a dancing party; the dances, however,
consisted more in wanton gestures, than in muscular exertion or
graceful attitudes. The women vied with each other in displaying the
most voluptuous movements imaginable.

On the 25th December, early in the morning, a number of horsemen
entered the town, and came to the bentang on which Mr. Park had made
his bed. One of them, thinking he was asleep, attempted to steal his
musket; but finding that he could not effect his purpose
undiscovered, he desisted.

Mr. Park now perceived, by the countenance of the interpreter,
Johnson, that something bad was in agitation; he was also surprised
to see Madiboo, and the blacksmith so soon returned. On inquiring the
reason, Madiboo informed him, that as they were dancing at Dramanet,
ten horsemen belonging to Batcheri, the king, with his second son at
their head, had inquired if the white man had passed. The ten
horsemen mentioned by Madiboo arrived, and entering the bentang
dismounted, and seated themselves with those who had come before, the
whole being about twenty in number, forming a circle round him, and
each man holding his musket in his hand. Mr. Park now remarked to his
landlord, that as he did not understand the Serawoolii tongue, he
hoped whatever the men had to say, they would speak in Mandingo. To
this they agreed, and a man, loaded with a remarkable number of
saphies, opened the business in a long oration, purporting that the
white man had entered the king's town, without having first paid the
duties, or giving any present to the king, and that according to the
laws of the country, his people, cattle and baggage were forfeited,
and he added, that they had received orders from the king, to conduct
Mr. Park to Mauna. It would have been equally vain and imprudent to
have resisted or irritated such a body of men, he, therefore,
affected to comply with their demands. The poor blacksmith, who was a
native of Kasson, mistook this feigned compliance for a real
intention, and begged Mr. Park privately, that he would not entirely
ruin him by going to Mauna, adding, that as he had every reason to
believe that a war would soon take place between Kasson and Kajaaga,
he should not only lose his little property, the savings of four
years' industry, but should certainly be detained and sold as a
slave.

Mr. Park told the king's son, he was ready to go with him upon
condition, that the blacksmith, who was an inhabitant of a distant
kingdom, and entirely unconnected with him, should be allowed to stay
at Joag until his return. To this they all objected, and insisted
that as all had acted contrary to the laws, all were equally
answerable for their transgressions.

Their landlord strenuously advised Mr. Park not to go to the king,
who, he said, if he discovered any thing valuable in his possession,
would seize it without ceremony. In consequence of this
representation, Mr. Park was the more solicitous to conciliate
matters with the king's officers, and acknowledged that he had indeed
entered the king's frontiers, without knowing that he was to pay the
duties beforehand, but was ready to pay them then; accordingly he
tendered, as a present to the king, the drachms of gold, which he had
received from the king of Bondou; this they accepted, but insisted on
examining his baggage. The bundles were opened, but the men were
greatly disappointed in not finding much gold and amber: they made up
the deficiency, however, by taking whatever things they fancied, and
departed, having first robbed him of half his goods. These
proceedings tended, in a great degree, to dispirit the attendants of
Mr. Park. Madiboo begged of him to return; Johnson laughed at the
thoughts of proceeding without money, and the blacksmith was afraid
to be seen, or even to speak, lest any one should discover him to be
a native of Kasson. In this dejected state of mind, they passed the
night by the side of a dim fire.

In the course of the following day Mr. Park was informed, that a
nephew of Demba Sego Jalla, the Mandingo king of Kasson, was coming
to visit him. The prince had been sent out on a mission to Batcheri,
king of Kajaaga, to endeavour to settle some disputes between his
uncle and the latter, in which, having been unsuccessful, he was on
his return to Kasson, to which place he offered to conduct Mr. Park,
provided he would set out on the following morning.

Mr. Park gratefully accepted this offer, and, with his attendants,
was ready to set out by daylight on the 27th of December. The retinue
of Demba Sego was numerous, the whole amounting, on the departure
from Joag, to thirty persons and six loaded asses. Having proceeded
for some hours, they came to a tree, for which Johnson had made
frequent inquiry, and here, having desired them to stop, he produced
a white chicken he had purchased at Joag for the purpose, and tied it
by the leg to one of the branches; he then declared they might now
proceed without fear, for their journey would be prosperous. This
circumstance exhibits the power of superstition over the minds of the
negroes, for although this man had resided seven years in England, he
retained all the prejudices imbibed in his youth. He meant this
ceremony, he told Mr. Park, as an offering to the spirits of the
wood, who were a powerful race of beings, of a white colour, with
long flowing hair.

At noon the travellers stopped at Gungadi, where was a mosque built
of clay, with six turrets, on the pinnacles of which were placed six
ostrich eggs. Towards evening they arrived at Samee a town on the
banks of the Senegal, which is here a beautiful but shallow river,
its banks high, and covered with verdure.

On the following day they proceeded to Kajee, a large village, part
of which is on the north, and part on the south side of the river.
About sunset Mr. Park and Demba Sego embarked in the canoe, which the
least motion was likely to overset, and Demba Sego thinking this a
proper time to examine a tin box belonging to Mr. Park, that stood in
the fore part of the canoe, by stretching out his hand for it,
destroyed the equilibrium and overset the vessel. As they were not
far advanced, they got back to the shore without much difficulty, and
after wringing the water from their clothes, took a fresh departure,
and were safely landed in Kasson.

Demba Sego now told Mr. Park, that they were in his uncle's
dominions, and he hoped that he would consider the obligation he owed
to him, and make him a suitable return by a handsome present. This
proposition was rather unexpected by Mr. Park, who began to fear that
he had not much improved his condition by crossing the water, but as
it would have been folly to complain, he gave the prince seven bars
of amber and some tobacco, with which he seemed well satisfied.

In the evening of December the 29th, they arrived at Demba Sego's
hut, and the next morning Mr. Park was introduced by the prince to
his father, Tigitty Sego, brother to the king of Kasson, chief of
Tesee. The old man viewed his visitor with great earnestness, having
never beheld but one white man before, whom Mr. Park discovered to be
Major Houghton. He appeared to disbelieve what Mr. Park asserted, in
answer to his inquiries concerning the motives that induced him to
explore the country, and told him that he must go to Kooniakary to
pay his respects to the king, but desired to see him again before he
left Tesee.

Tesee is a large unwalled town, fortified only by a sort of citadel,
in which Tiggity Sego and his family reside. The present inhabitants,
though possessing abundance of cattle and corn, eat without scruple
rats, moles, squirrels, snakes, locusts, &c. The attendants of Mr.
Park were one evening invited to a feast, where making a hearty meal
of what they thought to be fish and kouskous, one of them found a
piece of hard skin in the dish, which he brought away with him, to
show Mr. Park what sort of fish they had been eating. On examining
the skin, it was discovered they had been feasting on a large snake.
Another custom, which is rigidly adhered to, is, that no woman is
allowed to eat an egg, and nothing will more affront a woman of Tesee
than to offer her an egg. The men, however, eat eggs without scruple.

The following anecdote will show, that in some particulars the
African and European women have a great resemblance to each other,
and that conjugal infidelity is by no means confined to the latter. A
young man, a kafir of considerable affluence, who had recently
married a young and handsome wife, applied to a very devout Bushreen
or Mussulman priest of his acquaintance, to procure him saphies for
his protection during the approaching war. The Bushreen complied with
his request, and to render the saphies more efficacious, enjoined the
young man to avoid any nuptial intercourse with his bride for the
space of six weeks. The kafir obeyed, and without telling his wife
the real cause, absented himself from her company. In the mean time
it was whispered that the Bushreen, who always performed his evening
devotions at the door of the kafir's hut, was more intimate with the
young wife, than was consistent with virtue, or the sanctity of his
profession. The husband was unwilling to suspect the honour of his
sanctified friend, whose outward show of religion, as is the case
with the priests and parsons of the civilized part of the world,
protected him from even the suspicion of so flagitious an act. Some
time, however, elapsed before any jealousy arose in the mind of the
husband, but hearing the charge repeated, he interrogated his wife on
the subject, who confessed that the holy man had seduced her.
Hereupon the kafir put her into confinement, and called a palaver on
the Bushreen's conduct, which Mr. Park was invited to attend. The
fact was proved against the priest, and he was sentenced to be sold
into slavery, or find two slaves for his redemption, according to the
pleasure of the complainant. The injured husband, however, desired
rather to have him publicly flogged, before Tiggity Sego's gate; this
was agreed to, and the sentence immediately carried into execution.
The culprit was tied by the hands to a strong stake, and the
executioner with a long black rod round his head, for some time
applied it with such dexterity to the Bushreen's back, as to make him
roar until the woods resounded. The multitude, by their looking and
laughing, manifested how much they enjoyed the punishment of the old
gallant, and it is remarkable, that the number of stripes was exactly
the same as enjoined by the Mosaic law, _forty, save one._

On the 8th of January, Demba Sego, who had borrowed Mr. Park's horse,
for the purpose of making a small excursion into the country,
returned and informed his father, that he should set out for
Kooniakary early the next day. The old man made many frivolous
objections, and gave Mr. Park to understand, that he must not depart
without paying him the duties to which he was entitled from all
travellers; besides which, he expected some acknowledgment for his
kindness towards him. Accordingly, the following morning Demba Sego,
with a number of people, came to Mr. Park, to see what goods he
intended as a present to the old chief. Mr. Park offered them seven
bars of amber, and five of tobacco, but Demba, having surveyed these
articles, very coolly told him they were not a present suitable to a
man of Tiggity Sego's consequence, and if he did not make him a
larger offering, he would carry all the baggage to his father, and
let him choose for himself. Without waiting for a reply, Demba and
his attendants immediately opened the bundles, and spread the
different articles upon the floor; everything that pleased them they
took without a scruple, and Demba in particular seized the tin box,
which had so much attracted his attention in crossing the river. Upon
collecting the remains of his little fortune, after these people had
left him, Mr. Park found, that as at Joag, he had been plundered of
half, so he was here deprived of half the remainder. Having been
under some obligations to Demba Sego, Mr. Park did not reproach him
for his rapacity, but determined at all events to quit Tesee the
following morning; in the mean while, to raise the drooping spirits
of his attendants, he purchased a fat sheep, and had it dressed for
dinner.

Early in the morning of January the 10th, Mr. Park and his company
left Tesee, and about midday came in sight of the hills in the
vicinity of Kooniakary. Having slept at a small village, the next
morning they crossed a narrow but deep stream, called Krisko, a
branch of the Senegal. Proceeding eastward, about two o'clock they
came in sight of the native town of Jambo, the blacksmith, from which
he had been absent about four years. He was received with the
greatest affection by his relations, but he declared that he would
not quit Mr. Park during his stay at Kooniakary, and they set out for
that place in the morning of the 14th January. About the middle of
the day, they arrived at Soolo, a small village about three miles to
the south of it, where Mr. Park went to visit a slatee, named Salim
Daucari, who had entrusted him with effects to the value of five
slaves, and had given Mr. Park an order for the whole of the debt.
The slatee received his visitors with great kindness. It was,
however, remarkable that the king of Kasson was by some means
apprised of the motions of Mr. Park, for he had not been many hours
at Soolo, when Sambo Sego, the second son of the king of Kasson, came
thither with a party of horse, to inquire what had prevented him from
proceeding to Kooniakary, and waiting upon the king, who he said was
impatient to see him. Salim Daucari apologised for Mr. Park, and
promised to accompany him to Kooniakary. They accordingly departed
from Soolo at sunset, and in about an hour entered Kooniakary, but as
the king had gone to sleep, the interview was deferred till the next
morning, and the travellers slept in the hut of Sambo Sego.



CHAPTER VI.

On the ensuing morning Mr. Park went to have an audience of King
Demba Sego Jalla, but the crowd of people that were assembled to see
him was so great, that he could scarcely gain admittance; he at
length arrived in the presence of the monarch, whom he found sitting
upon a mat in a large hut: he appeared to be about sixty years of
age. He surveyed Mr. Park with great attention, and on being made
acquainted with the object of his journey, the good old king was
perfectly satisfied, and promised him every assistance in his power.
He said that he had seen Major Houghton, and presented him with a
white horse, but that after passing the kingdom of Kaarta, he had
lost his life among the moors, but in what manner he was utterly
ignorant. The audience being ended, Mr. Park returned to his lodging,
where he made up a small present for the king, who sent him in return
a large white bullock.

Although the king was well disposed towards Mr. Park, the latter soon
discovered that very great and unexpected obstacles were likely to
impede his progress. A war was on the eve of breaking out between
Kasson and Kajaaga; the kingdom of Kaarta, through which his route
lay, being involved in the issue, and was also threatened with
hostilities by Bambarra. Taking these circumstances into
consideration, the king advised Mr. Park to remain in the vicinity of
Kooniakary, till some decisive information could be obtained of the
state of the belligerents, which was expected to be received in four
or live days. Mr. Park readily submitted to this proposal, and
returned to Soolo, where he received from Salim Daucari, on Dr.
Laidley's account, the value of three slaves, chiefly in gold dust.

Being anxious to proceed as soon as possible, Mr. Park begged Daucari
to use his interest with the king, to procure him a guide by the way
of Foolado, as it was reported that the war had commenced. Daucari
accordingly set out for Kooniakary on the morning of the 20th, and
the same evening returned with an answer from the king, stating that
his majesty had made an agreement with the king of Kaarta, to send
all merchants and travellers through his dominions, but if Mr. Park
wished to take the route of Foolado, the king gave him permission to
do so, though he could not consistently with his agreement send him a
guide. In consequence of this answer, Mr. Park determined to wait
till he could pass through Kaarta without danger.

In the interim, however, it was whispered abroad, that the white man
had received abundance of gold from Salim Daucari, and on the morning
of the 23rd, Sambo Sego paid Mr. Park a visit, attended by a party of
horsemen, and insisted upon knowing the exact amount of the money
which he had received, declaring at the same time, that one half of
it must go to the king; that he himself must have a handsome present,
as being the king's son, and his attendants, as being the king's
relations. Mr. Park was preparing to submit to this arbitrary
exaction, when Salim Daucari interposed, and at last prevailed upon
Sambo to accept sixteen bars of European merchandize, and some powder
and ball, as a complete payment of every demand that could be made in
the kingdom of Kasson.

Mr. Park resided at Soolo for several days, occasionally visiting
surrounding country, and he reports that the number of towns and
villages, and the extensive cultivation around them, surpassed every
thing he had yet seen in Africa.

The king of Kasson having now obtained information, that the war had
not yet commenced between Bambarra and Kaarta, and that Mr. Park
might probably pass through the latter country before the Bambarra
army invaded it, sent two guides early on the morning of the 3rd of
February, to conduct him to the frontiers. He accordingly took leave
of Salim Daucari, and Jambo the blacksmith, and about ten o'clock
departed from Soolo. In the afternoon of the 4th, they reached Kimo,
a large village, the residence of Madi Konko, governor of the hilly
country of Kasson, which is called Soromma.

At Kimo, the guides, appointed by the king of Kasson, left Mr. Park,
and he waited at this place till the 7th, when he departed, with Madi
Konko's son as a guide. On the 8th of February they travelled over a
rough stony country, and, having passed a number of villages, arrived
at Lackarago, a small village standing upon the ridge of hills that
separates Kasson from Kaarta. The following morning they left
Lackarago, and soon perceived, towards the south-east, the mountains
of Fooladoo. Proceeding with great difficulty down a stony and abrupt
precipice, they continued their way in a dry bed of a river, where
the trees, meeting over head, made the place dark and cool. About ten
o'clock they reached the sandy plains of Kaarta, and at noon came to
a watering place, where a few strings of beads purchased as much milk
and corn meal as they could eat. Provisions were here so plentiful,
that the shepherds seldom asked any return for the refreshment a
traveller required. At sunset the travellers reached Feesurah, where
they rested.

Mr. Park and his attendants remained at Feesurah, during the whole of
the following day, for the purpose of learning more exactly the
situation of affairs, before they ventured further. Their landlord
asked so exorbitant a sum for their lodging, that Mr. Park refused to
submit to his demand, but his attendants, frightened at the reports
of approaching war, would not proceed unless he was satisfied, and
persuaded him to accompany them to Kemmoo for their protection on the
road. This Mr. Park accomplished by presenting his host with a
blanket to which he had taken a liking.

Matters being thus amicably adjusted, our travellers again set out on
the 11th, preceded by their landlord of Feesurah on horseback. This
man was one of those negroes who observe the ceremonial part of
Mahometanism, but retain all their pagan superstitions, and even
drink strong liquors; they are called Johars or Jowers, and are very
numerous in Kaarta. When the travellers had got into a lonely wood,
he made a sign for them to stop, and taking hold of a hollow niece of
bamboo, that hung as an amulet round his neck, whistled very loudly
three times. Mr. Park began to suspect it was a signal for some of
his associates to attack the travellers, but the man assured him it
was done to ascertain the successful event of their journey. He then
dismounted, laid his spear across the road and having said several
short prayers, again gave three loud whistles; after which he
listened, as if expecting an answer, but receiving none, said they
might proceed without fear, for no danger actually existed.

On the morning of the 12th, they departed from Karan Kalla, and it
being but a short day's journey to Kemmoo, they travelled slower than
usual, and amused themselves by collecting eatable fruits near the
road side. Thus engaged, Mr. Park had wandered a short distance from
his people, when two negro horsemen, armed with muskets, came
galloping from the thickets. On seeing them, he made a full stop; the
horsemen did the same, and all three seemed equally surprised and
confounded. As he approached them, their fears increased, and one
casting upon him a look of horror, rode off at full speed; while the
other, in a panic of fear, put his hand over his eyes, and continued
muttering prayers, till his horse, apparently without his knowledge,
slowly conveyed him after his companion. About a mile to the westward
they fell in with Mr. Park's attendants, to whom they related a
frightful story: their fears had dressed him in the flowing robes of
a tremendous spirit, and one of them affirmed, that a blast of wind,
cold as water, poured down upon him from the sky, while he beheld the
dreadful apparition.

About two o'clock, Mr. Park entered the capital of Kaarta, which is
situate in the midst of an open plain, the country for two miles
round being cleared of wood. They immediately proceeded to the king's
residence, and Mr. Park, being surrounded by the astonished
multitude, did not attempt to dismount, but sent in the landlord of
Feesurah, and Madi Konko's son, to acquaint his majesty of his
arrival. The king replied, that he would see the stranger in the
evening, and ordered an attendant to procure him a lodging, and
prevent annoyance from the crowd. Mr. Park was conducted into a large
hut, in which he had scarcely seated himself, than the mob entered,
it being found impossible to keep them out, and when one party had
seen him, and asked a few questions, they retired, and another
succeeded, party after party, during the greater part of the day.

The king, whose name was Koorabarri, now sent for Mr. Park, who
followed the messenger through a number of courts, surrounded with
high walls. Mr. Park was astonished at the number of the king's
attendants: they were all seated, the men on the king's right hand,
and the women and children on the left. The king was not
distinguished from his subjects by any superiority of dress, being
seated on a leopard's skin, spread upon a bank of earth, about two
feet high. Mr. Park seated himself upon the ground before him, and
relating the causes that induced him to pass through his country,
solicited his protection. The king replied, that he could at present
afford him but little assistance, all communication between Kaarta
and Bambarra being cut off; and Monsong, king of Bambarra, with his
army on his march to Kaarta, there was little hope of reaching
Bambarra by the direct route, for coming from an enemy's country, he
would certainly be plundered or taken for a spy. Under these
circumstances he did not wish him to remain at Kaarta, but advised
him to return to Kasson till the war was at an end, when, if he
survived the contest, he would bestow every attention on the
traveller, but if he should fall, his sons would take him under their
care.

Mr. Park dreaded the thoughts of passing the rainy season in the
interior of Africa, and was averse to return to Europe, without
having made further discoveries, he therefore rejected the well-meant
advice of the king, and requested his majesty to allow a man to
accompany him as near the frontiers of Kaarta as was consistent with
safety. The king, finding he was resolved to proceed, told him that
one route, though not wholly free from danger, still remained, which
was first to go into the Moorish kingdom of Luda-mar, and thence by a
circuitous route to Jarra, the frontier town of Ludamar. He then
inquired of Mr. Park how he had been treated since he left the
Gambia, and jocularly asked him how many slaves he expected to take
home with him on his return. He was, however interrupted by the
arrival of a man mounted on a fine moorish horse covered with sweat
and foam, who having something of importance to communicate, the king
immediately took up his sandals, which is the signal for strangers to
retire. Mr. Park accordingly took leave, but afterwards learned that
this messenger was one of the scouts employed to watch the motions of
the enemy, and had brought intelligence that the Bambarra army was
approaching Kaarta.

In the evening the king sent to the stranger a fine sheep, a very
acceptable gift, as they had not broken their fast during the whole
of the day. At this time, evening prayers were announced, by beating
on drums, and blowing through hollowed elephants' teeth; the sound of
which was melodious, and nearly resembled the human voice. On the
following morning, Mr. Park sent his horse-pistols and holsters as a
present to the king, and informed him that he wished to leave Kemmoo
as soon as he could procure a guide. In about an hour the king
returned thanks for his present, and sent a party of horsemen to
conduct him to Jarra. On that night he slept at a village called
Marena, where, during the night, some thieves broke into the hut
where the baggage was deposited, cut open one of Mr. Park's bundles,
and stole a quantity of beads, part of his clothes, some amber and
gold. The following day was far advanced before they recommenced
their journey, and the excessive heat obliged them to travel but
slowly. In the evening they arrived at the village of Toorda, when
all the king's people turned back with the exception of two, who
remained to guide Mr. Park and his attendants to Jarra.

On the 15th of February they departed from Toorda, and about two
o'clock came to a considerable town called Funing-kedy, where being
informed that the road to Jarra was much infested by the moors, and
that a number of people were going to that town on the following
day, Mr. Park resolved to stay and accompany them. Accordingly in the
afternoon of the 17th of February, accompanied by thirty people, he
left Funing-kedy, it being necessary to travel in the night to avoid
the moorish banditti. At midnight they stopped near a small village,
but the thermometer being so low as 68°, none of the negroes could
sleep on account of the cold. They resumed their journey at daybreak,
and in the morning passed Simbing, the frontier village of Ludamar.

From this village Major Houghton wrote his last letter, with a
pencil, to Dr. Laidley, having been deserted by his negro servants,
who refused to follow him into the moorish country. This brave but
unfortunate man, having surmounted many difficulties, had endeavoured
to pass through the kingdom of Ludamar, where Mr. Park learned the
following particulars concerning his fate. On his arrival at Jarra,
he got acquainted with some moorish merchants, who were travelling to
Tisheel, a place celebrated for its salt pits in the great desert,
for the purpose of purchasing salt. It is supposed that the moors
deceived him, either in regard to the route he wished to pursue, or
the state of the country between Jarra and Timbuctoo, and their
intention probably was to rob and leave him in the desert. At the end
of two days he suspected their treachery, and insisted on returning
to Jarra. Finding him to persist in this determination, the moors
robbed him of every thing he possessed, and went off with their
camels; the major, being thus deserted, returned on foot to a
watering place called Tarra. He had been some days without food, and
the unfeeling moors refusing to give him any, he sunk at last under
his distresses. Whether he actually perished of hunger, or was
murdered by the savage Mahometans, is not certainly known. His body
was dragged into the woods, and Mr. Park was shown at a distance, the
spot where his remains were left to perish.

Leaving Simbing, the travellers arrived in safety at Jarra, which is
a large town situate at the bottom of rocky hills; the houses being
built of clay and stones intermixed, the former answering the purpose
of mortar. It forms part of the moorish kingdom of Ludamar, but the
majority of the inhabitants are negroes, who purchase a precarious
protection from the moors, in order to avert their depredations.

On Mr. Park's arrival at Jarra, he obtained a lodging at the house of
Daman Jumma, a Gambia slatee, to whom he had an order from Dr.
Laidley for a debt of the value of six slaves. Daman readily
acknowledged the debt, but said he was afraid he could not pay more
than two slaves' value. He was, however, very useful to Mr. Park, by
procuring his beads and amber to be exchanged for gold, which being
more portable, was more easily concealed from the moors.

The difficulties, which they had  already encountered, and the savage
deportment of the moors, had completely frightened Mr. Park's
attendants, and they declared they would not proceed one step further
to the eastward. In this situation, Mr. Park applied to Daman, to
obtain from Ali, king of Ludamar, a safe conduct into Bambarra, and
he hired one of Daman's slaves to guide him thither, as soon as the
passport should be obtained. A messenger was despatched to Ali, then
encamped near Benown, and Mr. Park sent that prince, as a present,
five garments of cotton cloth purchased from Daman. On the 26th of
February, one of Ali's slaves arrived, as he said, to conduct Mr.
Park as far as Goomba, and demanded one garment of blue cotton cloth
for his attendance. About this time the negro boy Demba declared,
that he would never desert his master, although he wished that he
would turn back, to which he was strongly recommended by Johnson, who
had declared his reluctance to proceed.

On the following day, Mr. Park delivered a copy of his papers to
Johnson, to convey them to Gambia with all possible expedition, and
he left in Daman's possession various articles, which he considered
not necessary to take with him. He then left Jarra, accompanied by
his faithful boy, the slave sent by king Ali, and one of Daman's
slaves. Without meeting with any occurrence of note, Mr. Park arrived
on the 1st of March at a large town called Deena, inhabited by a
greater proportion of moors than of negroes. Mr. Park lodged in a hut
belonging to one of the latter. The moors, however, assembled round
it, and treated him with every sort of indignity, with a view to
irritate him, and afford them a pretence for pillaging his baggage.
Finding, however, their attempts ineffectual, they at last declared
that the property of a Christian was lawful plunder to the followers
of Mahomet, and accordingly opened his bundles, and robbed him of
every thing they chose.

Mr. Park spent the 2nd of March, in endeavouring to prevail on his
people to proceed with him, but so great was their dread of the
moors, that they absolutely refused. Accordingly, the next morning,
about two o'clock, Mr. Park proceeded alone on his adventurous
journey. He had not, however, got above half a mile from Deena, when
he heard some one calling after him, and on looking back, saw his
faithful boy running after him. He was informed by the boy, that
Ali's man had set out for Benown, but Daman's negro was still at
Deena, but that if his master would stop a little, he could persuade
the latter to join him. Mr. Park waited accordingly, and in about
three hours the boy returned with the negro. In the afternoon, they
reached a town called Samamingkoos, inhabited chiefly by Foulahs.

On the 4th they arrived at a large town called Sampaka, where, on
hearing that a white man was come into the town, the people, who had
been keeping holiday and dancing, left of this pastime, and walking
in regular order two by two, with the music before them, came to Mr.
Park. They played upon a flute, which they blowed obliquely over the
end, and governed the holes on the sides with their fingers. Their
airs were plaintive and simple.

Mr. Park stopped at Sampaka for the sake of being accompanied by some
of the inhabitants, who were going to Goomba; but in order to avoid
the crowd of people, whom curiosity had assembled round him, he
visited in the evening a negro village called Samee, where he was
kindly received by the dooty, who killed two fine sheep, and invited
his friends to the feast. On the following day his landlord insisted
on his staying till the cool of the evening, when he would conduct
him to the next village. Mr. Park was now within two days journey of
Goomba, and had no further apprehension of being molested by the
moors. He therefore accepted the invitation, and passed the forenoon
very agreeably with the poor negroes, the mildness of their manners
forming a striking contrast to the savageness and ferocity of the
moors. In the midst of their cheerfulness, a party of moors
unexpectedly entered the hut. They came, they said, by Ali's orders,
to convey the white man to his camp at Benown. They told Mr. Park,
that if he did not make any resistance, he was not in any danger, but
if he showed any reluctance, they had orders to bring him by force.
Mr. Park was confounded and terrified; the moors, observing his
consternation, repeated the assurance of his safety, and added, that
they had come to gratify the curiosity of Ali's wife, who was
extremely desirous to see a Christian, but that afterwards, they had
no doubt that Ali would make him a present, which would compensate
for his trouble, and conduct him safely to Bambarra. Entreaty or
refusal would have been equally unavailing. Mr. Park took leave of
his landlord and company with great reluctance, and, attended by his
negro boy (for Daman's slave made his escape on seeing the Moors),
followed the messengers, and reached Dalli in the evening, where they
were strictly watched for the night.

On the following day, Mr. Park and his boy were conducted by a
circuitous path, through the woods to Dangoli, where they slept. They
continued their journey on the 9th, and without any particular
occurrence arrived at Deena, when Mr. Park went to pay his respects
to one of Ali's sons. He sat in a hut, with five or six companions,
washing their hands, feet, and mouths. The prince handed Mr. Park a
double-barrelled gun, and told him to dye the stock blue, and repair
one of the locks. Mr. Park with great difficulty persuaded him that
he knew nothing of gun-making, then, said he, you shall give me some
knives and scissors immediately. The boy, who acted as interpreter,
declaring Mr. Park had no such articles, he hastily snatched up a
musket, and would have shot the boy dead upon the spot, had not the
Moors interfered, and made signs to the strangers to retreat. The boy
attempted to make his escape in the night, but was prevented by the
Moors, who guarded both him, and his master, with the strictest
attention.

On the 12th, Mr. Park and his guards departed for Benown, and reached
the camp of Ali a little before sunset. It was composed of a great
number of dirty tents, scattered without order, amongst which
appeared large herds of camels, cattle, and goats. Mr. Park had no
sooner arrived, than he was surrounded by such a crowd, that he could
scarcely move. One pulled his clothes, another took off his hat, a
third examined his waistcoat buttons, and a fourth calling out, _La
ilia el Allah, Mahomet ra sowl Allald_ (there is but one God, and
Mahomet is his prophet), signifying, in a menacing tone, that he must
repeat those words. At length, he was conducted to the king's tent,
where a number of both sexes were waiting his arrival. Ali appeared
to be an old man of the Arab cast, with a long white beard, and of a
sullen and proud countenance. Having gazed on the stranger, he
inquired of the Moors, if he could speak Arabic, hearing that he
could not, he appeared much surprised, but made no remarks. The
ladies were more inquisitive; they asked many questions, inspected
every part of Mr. Park's dress, unbuttoned his waistcoat to display
the whiteness of his skin; they even counted his toes and fingers. In
a short time, the priest announced evening prayers, but before the
people departed, some boys had tied a wild hog to one of the tent
strings. Ali made signs to Mr. Park to kill it, and dress it for food
to himself, he, however, did not think it prudent to eat any part of
an animal so much detested by the Moors, and accordingly replied,
that he never ate the flesh of swine. They then untied the hog, in
hopes that it would run immediately at him, the Moors believing that
a great enmity subsists between hogs and Christians, but the animal
no sooner regained his liberty, than he attacked every person he met,
and at last took shelter under the king's couch. Mr. Park was then
conducted to the tent of Ali's chief slave, but was not permitted to
enter, nor touch any of the furniture. A little boiled corn, with
salt and water, was afterwards served him for supper, and he lay upon
a mat spread upon the sand, surrounded by the curious multitude.

The next day, Mr. Park was conducted by the king's order, to a hut
constructed of corn stalks of a square form, and a flat roof,
supported by forked sticks; but out of derision to the Christian, Ali
had ordered the wild hog before mentioned to be tied to one of the
sticks, and it proved a very disagreeable inmate, the boys amusing
themselves by beating and irritating the animal. Mr. Park was also
again tormented by the curiosity of the Moors. He was obliged to take
off his stockings to exhibit his feet, and even his jacket and
waistcoat to show them the mode of his toilet. This exercise he was
obliged to repeat the whole day. About eight o'clock in the evening,
Ali sent him some kouskous and salt and water, being the only
victuals he had tasted since the morning. During the night, the Moors
kept a regular watch, and frequently looked into the hut to see if he
was asleep. About two o'clock a Moor entered the hut, probably with a
view of stealing something, and groping about, laid his hand upon Mr.
Park's shoulder. He immediately sprang up, and the Moor in a hurry,
fell upon the wild hog, which returned the attack by biting his arm.
The cries of the Moor alarmed his countrymen, who conjecturing their
prisoner had made his escape, prepared for pursuit. Ali did not sleep
in his own tent, but came galloping upon a white horse from a tent at
a considerable distance; the consciousness of his tyrannical and
cruel behaviour had made him so suspicious, that even his own
domestics knew not where he slept. The cause of the outcry being
explained, the prisoner was allowed to sleep until morning without
further disturbance.

With the returning day, the boys, says Mr. Park, assembled to beat
the hog, and the men and women to plague the Christian. On this
subject, Mr. Park expresses himself most feelingly, for he adds, "it
is impossible for me to describe the behaviour of a people, who study
mischief as a science, and exult in the miseries and misfortunes of
their fellow-creatures. It is sufficient to observe, that the
rudeness, ferocity, and fanaticism, which distinguish the Moors from
the rest of mankind, found here a proper subject whereon to exercise
their propensities. I was a _stranger_, I was _unprotected_, and I
was a _Christian_, each of these circumstances is sufficient to drive
every spark of humanity from the heart of a Moor; but when all of
them, as in my case, were combined in the same person, and a
suspicion prevailed withal, that I was come as a spy into the
country, the reader will easily imagine that, in such a situation, I
had every thing to fear. Anxious, however, to conciliate favour, I
patiently bore every insult, but never did any period of my life pass
so heavily; from sunrise to sunset was I obliged to suffer, with
unruffled countenance, the insults of the rudest savages on earth."

Mr. Park had now a new occupation thrust upon him, which was that of
a _barber_. His first display of official skill in his new capacity,
was in shaving the head of the young prince of Ludamar, in the
presence of the king, his father, but happening to make a slight
incision, the king ordered him to resign the razor, and walk out of
the tent. This was considered by Mr. Park as a very fortunate
circumstance, as he had determined to make himself as useless and
insignificant as possible, being the only means of recovering his
liberty.

On the 18th of March, four Moors arrived from Jarra, with Johnson the
interpreter, having seized him before he knew of Mr. Park's
confinement, and brought with them the bundle of clothes left at
Daman Jumma's house. Johnson was led into All's tent and examined;
the bundle was opened, and Mr. Park was sent for, to explain the use
of the various contents. To Mr. Park's great satisfaction, however,
Johnson had committed his papers to the charge of one of Daman's
wives. The bundle was again tied up, and put into a large cowskin
bag. In the evening Ali sent to Mr. Park for the rest of his effects,
to secure them, according to the report of the messengers, _as there
were many thieves in the neighbourhood_. Every thing was accordingly
carried away, nor was he suffered to retain a single shirt. Ali,
however, disappointed at not finding a great quantity of gold and
amber, the following morning sent the same people, to examine whether
anything was concealed about his person. They searched his apparel,
and took from him his gold, amber, watch and a pocket compass. He had
fortunately in the night buried another compass in the sand, and
this, with the clothes he had on, was all that was now left him by
this rapacious and inhospitable savage.

The pocket compass soon became an object of superstitious curiosity,
and Ali desired Mr. Park to inform him, why the small piece of iron
always pointed to the Great Desert? Mr. Park was somewhat puzzled: to
have pleaded ignorance, would have made Ali suspect he wished to
conceal the truth; he therefore replied, that his mother resided far
beyond the land of Sehara, and whilst she lived, the piece of iron
would always point that way, and serve as a guide to conduct him to
her, and that if she died, it would point to her grave. Ali now
looked at the compass with redoubled wonder, and turned it round and
round repeatedly, but finding it always pointed the same way, he
returned it to Mr. Park, declaring he thought there was magic in it,
and he was afraid to keep so dangerous an instrument in his
possession.

On the morning of the 20th, a council was hold in Ali's tent
respecting Mr. Park, and its decision was differently related to him
by different persons, but the most probable account he received from
Ali's son, a boy, who told him it was determined to put out his eyes,
by the special advice of the priests, but the sentence was deferred
until Fatima, the queen, then absent, had seen the white man. Mr.
Park, anxious to know his destiny, went to the king and begged
permission to return to Jarra. This was, however, flatly refused, as
the queen had not yet seen him, and he must stay until she arrived,
after which his horse would be restored, and he should  be at liberty
to return to Ludamar. Mr. Park appeared pleased; and without any hope
of at present making his escape, on account of the excessive heat, he
resolved to wait patiently for the rainy season. Overcome with
melancholy, and having passed a restless night, in the morning he was
attacked by a fever. He had wrapped himself up in a cloak to promote
perspiration, and was asleep, when a party of Moors entered the hut,
and pulled away the cloak. He made signs that he was sick, and wished
to sleep, but his distress afforded sport to these savages. "This
studied and degrading insolence," says Mr. Park, "to which I was
constantly exposed, was one of the bitterest ingredients in the cup
of captivity, and often made life itself a burthen to me. In these
distressing moments I have frequently envied the situation of the
slave, who, amidst all his calamities, could still possess the
enjoyment of his own thoughts, a happiness to which I had for some
time, been a stranger. Wearied out with such continual insults, and
perhaps a little peevish from the fever, I trembled, lest my passion
might unawares overleap the bounds of prudence, and spur me to some
sudden act of resentment, when death must be the inevitable
consequence."

In this miserable situation he left the hut, and laid down amongst
some shady trees, a small distance from the camp, but Ali's son, with
a number of horsemen galloping to the place, ordered him to follow
them to the king. He begged them to allow him to remain where he was
for a few hours, when one of them presented a pistol towards him, and
snapped it twice; he cocked it a third time, and was striking the
flint with a piece of steel, when Mr. Park begged him to desist, and
returned with them to the camp. Ali appeared much out of humour, and
taking up a pistol fresh primed it, and turning towards Mr. Park with
a menacing look, said something to him in Arabic. Mr. Park desired
his boy to ask what offence he had committed, and was informed, that
having gone out of the camp without Ali's permission, it was
suspected he had some design to make his escape, but in future, if he
were seen without the skirts of the camp, orders were given that he
should be immediately shot.

About this time all the women of the camp had their feet, and the
ends of their fingers stained of a dark saffron colour, but whether
for religion or ornament, Mr. Park could not discover. On the evening
of the 26th, a party of these ladies visited him, _to ascertain by
actual inspection, whether the rites of circumcision extended to
Christians_. Mr. Park was not a little surprised at this unexpected
requisition, and to treat the business jocularly, he told them it was
not customary in his country, to give ocular demonstration before _so
many_ beautiful women, but if all would retire, one young lady
excepted, to whom he pointed, he would satisfy her curiosity. The
ladies enjoyed the joke, and went away laughing, The preferred
damsel, although she did not avail herself of the offer, to show she
was pleased with the _compliment_, sent him meal and milk.

On the morning of the 28th, Ali sent a slave to order Mr. Park to be
in readiness to ride out with him in the afternoon, as he intended to
show him to some of his women, and about four o'clock the king with
six attendants came riding to the hut. But here a new difficulty
occurred, the Moors objected to Mr. Park's _nankeen breeches_, which
they said were inelegant and indecent, as this was a visit to ladies,
but Ali ordered him to wrap his cloak around him. They visited four
different ladies, by each of whom Mr. Park was presented with a bowl
of milk and water. They were very inquisitive, and examined his hair
and skin with great attention, but affected to consider him as an
inferior being, and knit their brows, and appeared to shudder when
they looked at the whiteness of his skin. All the seladies were
remarkably corpulent, which the Moors esteem as the highest mark of
beauty. In the course of the excursion, the dress and appearance of
Mr. Park afforded infinite mirth to the company, who galloped round
him, exhibiting various feats of activity and horsemanship.

The Moors are very good horsemen, riding without fear, and their
saddles being high before and behind, afford them a very secure seat,
and should they fall, the country is so soft and sandy, that they are
seldom hurt. The king always rode upon a milk-white horse, with its
tail dyed red. He never walked, but to prayers, and two or three
horses were always kept ready saddled near his tent. The Moors set a
high value upon their horses, as their fleetness enables them to
plunder the negro countries.

On the same afternoon, a whirlwind passed through the camp, with such
violence, that it overturned three tents, and blew down one side of
the hut in which Mr. Park was. These whirlwinds come from the Great
Desert, and at that season of the year are so common, that Mr. Park
has seen five or six of them at one time. They carry up quantities of
sand to an amazing height, which resemble at a distance so many
moving pillars of smoke.

The scorching heat of the sun, upon a dry and sandy country, now made
the air insufferably hot. Ali having robbed Mr. Park of his
thermometer, he had no means of forming a comparative judgment; but
in the middle of the day, when the beams of the vertical sun are
seconded by the scorching wind from the desert, the ground is
frequently heated to such a degree, as not to be borne by the naked
foot; even the negro slaves will not run from one tent to another
without their sandals. At this time of the day, the Moors are
stretched at length in their tents, either asleep or unwilling to
move, and Mr. Park has often felt the wind so hot, that he could not
hold his hand in the current of air, which came through the crevices
of his hut, without feeling sensible pain.

During Mr. Park's stay, a child died in an adjoining tent. The mother
and relations immediately began the death howl, in which they were
joined by several female visitors. He had no opportunity of seeing
the burial, which is performed secretly during night, near the tent.
They plant a particular shrub over the grave, which no stranger is
allowed to pluck, nor even touch.

About the same time a moorish wedding was celebrated, the ceremony of
which is thus described by Mr. Park. "In the evening the tabala or
large drum was beaten to announce a wedding, which was held at one of
the neighbouring tents. A great number of people of both sexes
assembled, but without that mirth and hilarity which take place at a
negro wedding; here there was neither singing nor dancing, nor any
other amusement that I could perceive. A woman was beating the drum,
and the other women joining at times like a chorus, by setting up a
shrill scream, and at the same time moving their tongues from one
side of the mouth to the other with great celerity. I was soon tired
and had returned to my hut where I was sitting almost asleep, when an
old woman entered with a wooden bowl in her hand, and signified that
she had brought me a present from the bride. Before I could recover
from the surprise which this message created, the woman discharged
the content of the bowl full in my face. Finding that it was the same
sort of _holy water_, with which, among the Hottentots, a priest is
said to sprinkle a new-married couple, I began to suspect that the
old lady was actuated by mischief or malice, but she gave me
seriously to understand, that it was a nuptial benediction from the
bride's own person, and which, on such occasions, is always received
by the young unmarried Moors as a mark of distinguished favour. This
being the ease, I wiped my face and sent my acknowledgments to the
lady. The wedding drum continued to beat, and the women to sing, or
rather to whistle during the whole of the night. About nine in the
morning, the bride was brought in state from her mother's tent,
attended by a number of women, who carried her tent, being a present
from her husband, some bearing up the poles, others holding by the
strings, and in this manner they marched, whistling as formerly,
until they came to the place appointed for her residence, where they
pitched the tent. The husband followed with a number of men leading
four bullocks, which they tied to the tent strings, and having killed
another, and distributed the beef among the people, the ceremony was
concluded."



CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Park had now been detained a whole month in Ali's camp, during
which each returning day brought him fresh distresses. In the evening
alone, his oppressors left him to solitude and reflection. About
midnight, a bowl of kouskous, with some salt and water, was brought
for him and his two attendants, being the whole of their allowance
for the following day, for it was at this time the Mahometan Lent,
which, being kept with religious strictness by the Moors, they
thought proper to compel their Christian captive to a similar
abstinence. Time, in some degree, reconciled him to his forlorn
state: he now found that he could bear hunger and thirst better than
he could have anticipated; and at length endeavoured to amuse himself
by learning to write Arabic. The people, who came to see him, soon
made him acquainted with the characters. When he observed any one
person, whose countenance he thought malignant, Mr. Park almost
always asked him to write on the sand, or to decipher what he had
written, and the pride of showing superior attainment generally
induced him to comply with the request.

Mr. Park's sufferings and attendant feelings decreased in
intenseness from time and custom; his attempts, as the first
paroxysms ceased, to find the means to amuse and shorten the tedious
hours, is a fine picture, of human passions; and their variations,
circumstances, and situations, which, before they were encountered,
would appear intolerable, generate a resolution and firmness, which
render them possible to be borne. Providence, with its usual
benevolence, willing the happiness of mankind, fortifies the heart to
the assaults, which it has to undergo.

On the 14th of April, Ali proposed to go two days journey, to fetch
his queen Fatima. A fine bullock was therefore killed, and the flesh
cut into thin slices, was dried in the sun; this, with two bags of
dry kouskous, served for food on the road. The tyrant, fearing
poison, never ate any thing not dressed under his immediate
inspection. Previously to his departure, the negroes of Benown,
according to a usual custom, showed their arms and paid their tribute
of corn and cloth.

Two days after the departure of Ali, a shereef arrived with
merchandize from Walet, the capital of the kingdom of Biroo. He took
up his abode in the same hut with Mr. Park, and appeared be a
well-informed man, acquainted with the Arabic and Bambarra tongues;
he had travelled through many kingdoms; he had visited Houssa, and
lived some years at Timbuctoo. Upon Mr. Park's inquiring the distance
from Walet to Timbuctoo, the shereef, learning that he intended to
travel to that city, said, _it would not do_, for Christians were
there considered as the _devil's children_, and enemies to the
prophet.

On the 24th, another shereef arrived, named Sidi Mahomed Moora
Abdallah, and with these two men Mr. Park passed his time with less
uneasiness than formerly, but as his supply of victuals was now left
to slaves, over whom he had no control, he was worse supplied than
during the past month. For two successive nights, they neglected to
send the accustomed meal, and the boy, having begged a few handfuls
of ground nuts, from a small negro town near the camp, readily shared
them with his master. Mr. Park now found that when the pain of hunger
has continued for some time, it is succeeded by languor and debility,
when a draught of water, by keeping the stomach distended, will
remove for a short time every sort of uneasiness. The two attendants,
Johnson and Demba, lay stretched upon the sand in torpid slumber, and
when the kouskous arrived, were with difficulty awakened. Mr. Park
felt no inclination to sleep, but was affected with a deep convulsive
respiration, like constant sighing, a dimness of sight, and a
tendency to faint, when he attempted to sit up. These symptoms went
off when he had received nourishment.

On the 29th of April, intelligence arrived at Benown, that the
Bambarra army was approaching the frontiers of Ludamar. Ali's son,
with about twenty horsemen, arriving, ordered all the cattle to be
driven away, the tents to be struck, and the people to depart. His
orders were instantly obeyed; the baggage was carried upon bullocks,
one or two women being commonly placed upon the top of each burden.
The king's concubines rode upon camels, with a saddle of an easy
construction, and a canopy to keep the sun from them. On the 2nd of
May, they arrived at Ali's camp, and Mr. Park waited immediately upon
him; he seemed much pleased with his coming, and introduced him to
Fatima, his favourite princess, saying, "that was the Christian." The
queen had long black hair, and was remarkably corpulent; she appeared
at first shocked at having a Christian so near her, but when Mr. Park
had, by means of a negro boy, satisfied her curiosity, she seemed
more reconciled, and presented him with a bowl of milk.

The heat and the scarcity of water were greater here than at Benown.
One night, Mr. Park, having solicited in vain for water at the camp,
resolved to try his fortune at the wells, to which he was guided by
the lowing of cattle. The Moors were very busy in drawing water, and
when Mr. Park requested permission to drink, they drove him away with
outrageous abuse. He at last came to a well, where there were an old
man and two boys, to whom he made the same request. The former
immediately drew up a bucket of water, but recollecting Mr. Park was
a Christian, and fearing the bucket would be polluted by his lips, he
dashed the water into the trough, and told him to assuage his thirst
from it. The cows were already drinking at the trough, but Mr, Park
resolved to come in for his share, and, accordingly, thrusting his
head between two of the cows, he drank with great pleasure till the
water was nearly exhausted.

Thus passed the month of May, Ali still considered Mr. Park as his
lawful prisoner, and Fatima, though she allowed him a greater
quantity of victuals than fell to his portion at Benown, yet she made
no efforts for his release. Some circumstances, however, now
occurred, which produced a change in his favour more suddenly than he
expected. The fugitive Kaartans, dreading the resentment of the
sovereign, whom they had so basely deserted, offered to treat with
Ali for two hundred Moorish horsemen to assist them in an effort to
expel Daisy from Gedinggooma, for till Daisy should be vanquished,
they could neither return to their native town, nor live in security
in the neighbouring kingdoms. Ali, with a view to extort money from
these people, despatched his son to Jarra, and prepared himself to
follow him. Mr. Park, believing that he might escape from Jarra, if
he could get there, immediately applied to Fatima, prime counsellor
of the monarch, and begged her to intercede with Ali for leave to
accompany him to Jarra. The request was at length granted. His
bundles were brought before the royal consort, and Mr. Park explained
the use of the several moveables, for the amusement of the queen, and
received a promise of speedy permission to depart.

In regard to the moorish character, especially the female, which Mr.
Park had frequent opportunities of studying during his captivity at
Benown; it appears that the education of the women is neglected
altogether, they being evidently regarded merely as administering to
sensual pleasure. The Moors have singular ideas of feminine
perfection. With them, gracefulness of figure, and an expressive
countenance, are by no means requisite. Beauty and corpulency are
synonymous. A perfect moorish beauty is a load for a camel and a
woman of moderate pretensions to beauty requires a slave on each side
to support her. In consequence of this depraved taste for
unwieldiness of bulk, the moorish ladies take great pains to acquire
it early in life, and for this purpose, the young girls are compelled
by their mothers to devour a great quantity of kouskous, and drink a
large portion of camel's milk every morning. It is of no importance
whether the girl has an appetite or not, the kouskous and milk must
be swallowed, and obedience is frequently enforced by blows.

The usual dress of the women is a broad piece of cotton cloth wrapped
round the middle, which hangs down like a petticoat; to the upper
part of this are sewed two square pieces, one before and the other
behind, which are fastened together over the shoulders. The head
dress is a bandage of cotton cloth, a part of which covers
the face when they walk in the sun, but frequently, when they go
abroad, they veil themselves from head to foot. Their employment
varies according to their situation. Queen Fatima passed her time
in conversing with visitors, performing devotions, or admiring her
charms in a looking-glass. Other ladies of rank amuse themselves
in similar idleness. The lower females attend to domestic duties.
They are very vain and talkative, very capricious in their temper,
and when angry vent their passion upon the female slaves, over
whom they rule despotically.

The men's dress differs but little from that of the negroes, except
that they all wear the turban, universally made of white cotton
cloth. Those who have long beards display them with pride and
satisfaction, as denoting an Arab ancestry. "If any one
circumstance," says Mr. Park, "excited amongst the Moors favourable
thoughts towards my own person, it was my beard, which was now grown
to an enormous length, and was always beheld with approbation or
envy. I believe, in my conscience, they thought it too good a beard
for a Christian."

The great desert of Jarra bounds Ludamar on the north. This vast
ocean of sand is almost destitute of inhabitants. A few miserable
Arabs wander from one well to another, their flocks subsisting upon a
scanty vegetation in a few insulated spots. In other places, where
the supply of water and pasturage is more abundant, small parties of
Moors have taken up their residence, where they live in independent
poverty, secure from the government of Barbary. The greater part of
the desert, however, is seldom visited, except where the caravans
pursue their laborious and dangerous route. In other parts, the
disconsolate wanderer, wherever he turns, sees nothing around him but
a vast indeterminable expanse of sand and sky; a gloomy and barren
void, where the eye finds no particular object to rest upon, and the
mind is filled with painful apprehensions of perishing with thirst.
Surrounded by this dreary solitude, the traveller sees the dead
bodies of birds, that the violence of the wind has brought from
happier regions; and as he ruminates on the fearful length of his
remaining passage, listens with horror to the voice of the driving
blast, the only sound that interrupts the awful repose of the desert.

The antelope and the ostrich are the only wild animals of these
regions of desolation, but on the skirts of the desert are found
lions, panthers, elephants, and wild boars. Of domestic animals the
camel alone can endure the fatigue of crossing it: by the
conformation of his stomach, he can carry a supply of water for ten
or twelve days; his broad and yielding foot is well adapted for
treading the sand; his flesh is preferred by the Moors to any other,
and the milk is pleasant and nourishing. On the evening of the 25th
of May, Mr. Park's horse and accoutrements were sent to him by order
of Ali. He had already taken leave of queen Fatima, who most
graciously returned him part of his apparel, and early on the 20th,
he departed from the camp of Bubaker, accompanied by Johnson and
Demba, and a number of moorish horsemen.

Early in the morning of the 28th of May, Mr. Park was ordered to get
in readiness to depart, and Ali's chief slave told the negro boy,
that Ali was to be his master in future; then turning to Mr. Park, he
said, the boy and every thing but your horse go back to Bubaker, but
you may take the old fool (meaning Johnson, the interpreter) with you
to Jarra. Mr. Park, shocked at the idea of losing the boy,
represented to Ali, that whatever imprudence he had himself been
guilty of, in coming into Ludamar, he thought he had been
sufficiently punished by being so long detained, and then plundered
of his property. This, however, gave him no uneasiness, compared to
the present injury. The boy seized on was not a slave, and accused of
no offence. His fidelity to his master had brought him into his
present situation, and he, as his protector, could not see him
enslaved without deprecating the cruelty and injustice of the act.
Ali, with a haughty and malignant smile, told his interpreter, that
if Mr. Park did not depart that instant, he would send him back
likewise. Finding it was vain to expect redress, Mr. Park shook hands
with his affectionate boy, who was not less affected than himself,
and having blended his tears with those of the boy, assured him he
would spare no pains to effect his release. Poor Demba was led off by
three of Ali's slaves towards the camp at Bubaker.

On the 1st of June, they departed for Jarra, where Mr. Park took up
his residence with his old friend, Daman Jamma, whom he informed of
every thing that had befallen him. Mr. Park then requested Daman to
endeavour to ransom the boy, and promised him a bill upon Dr. Laidley
for the value of two slaves as soon as Demba arrived at Jarra. Daman
undertook the business, but Ali, considering the boy as Mr. Park's
principal interpreter, and fearing he should be instrumental in
conducting him to Bambarra, deferred the matter day after day, but
told Daman, he himself should have him hereafter, if he would, at the
price of a common slave. To this Daman agreed whenever the boy was
sent to Jarra.

On the 8th of June, Ali returned to Bubaker to celebrate a festival,
and permitted Mr. Park to remain with Daman until his return. Finding
that every attempt to recover his boy was ineffectual, he considered
it an act of necessity to provide for his own safety before the rains
should be fully set in, and accordingly resolved to escape and
proceed alone to Bambarra, as Johnson, the interpreter, had refused
further attendance. On the 28th of June, at daybreak, Mr. Park took
his departure, and in the course of the day arrived at Queira; where
he had not been a long time, before he was surprised by the
appearance of Ali's chief slave and four Moors. Johnson having
contrived to overhear their conversation, learned that they were sent
to convey Mr. Park back to Bubaker. In the evening two of the Moors
were observed privately to examine Mr. Park's horse, which they
concluded was in too bad a condition for his rider's escape, and
having inquired where he slept, they returned to their companions.
Mr. Park, on being informed of their motions, determined to set off
immediately for Bambarra to avoid a second captivity. Johnson
applauded his resolution, but positively refused to accompany him,
having agreed with Daman to assist in conducting a caravan of slaves
to Gambia.

In this emergency Mr. Park resolved to proceed by himself, and about
midnight got his clothes in readiness, but he had not a single bead,
nor any other article of value, wherewith to purchase victuals for
himself or his horse. At daybreak, Johnson, who had been listening to
the Moors all night, came to inform him they were asleep, on which,
taking up his bundle, Mr. Park stepped gently over the negroes, who
were sleeping in the open air, and having mounted his horse, bade
Johnson farewell, desiring him to take particular care of the papers,
with which he had entrusted him, and to inform his friends on the
Gambia, that he had left him in good health proceeding to Bambarra.

Mr. Park advanced with great caution for about the space of a mile,
when looking back he saw three Moors on horseback, galloping at full
speed and brandishing their double-barrelled guns. As it was
impossible to escape, he turned and met them, when two caught hold of
his bridle, and the third presenting his musket, said he must go back
to Ali. Mr. Park rode back with the Moors, with apparent unconcern,
when, in passing through some thick bushes, one of them desired him
to untie his bundle and show them the contents, but finding nothing
worth taking, one of them pulled his cloak from him, and wrapped it
about himself. This was the most valuable article in Mr. Park's
possession, as it defended him from the rains in the day, and from
the mosquitoes at night, he therefore earnestly requested them to
return it, but to no purpose. Mr, Park now perceived, that these men
had only pursued him for the sake of plunder, and turned once more
towards the east. To avoid being again overtaken, he struck into the
woods, and soon found himself on the right road.

Joyful as he now was, when he concluded he was out of danger, he soon
became sensible of his deplorable situation, without any means of
procuring food, or prospect of finding water. Oppressed with
excessive thirst, he travelled on without having seen a human
habitation. It was now become insufferable; his mouth was parched and
inflamed, a sudden dimness frequently came over his eyes, and he
began seriously to apprehend that he should perish for want of drink.
A little before sunset, he climbed a high tree, from the topmost
branches of which he took a melancholy survey of the barren
wilderness. A dismal uniformity of shrubs and sand every-where
presented itself, and the horizon was as level and uninterrupted as
that of the sea. Descending from the tree, Mr. Park found his horse
devouring the stubble and brushwood with groat avidity. Being too
faint to attempt walking, and his horse too much fatigued to carry
him, Mr. Park thought it was the last act of humanity he should ever
be able to perform, to take off his bridle and let him shift for
himself; in doing which he was suddenly affected with sickness and
giddiness, and falling upon the sand, felt as if the hour of death
was approaching. "Here then," said he, "after a short but ineffectual
struggle, terminate all my hopes of being useful in my day and
generation; here must the short span of my life come to an end. I
cast, as I believe, a last look on the surrounding scene, and whilst
I reflected on the awful change that was about to take place, this
world, with all its enjoyments, seemed to vanish from my
recollection." Nature, however, resumed her functions, and on
recovering his senses, he found the bridle still in his hand, and the
sun just setting. He now summoned all his resolution, and determined
to make another effort to prolong his existence. With this view he
put the bridle on his horse, and driving him before him went slowly
along for about an hour, when he perceived some lightning from the
north-east; to him a delightful sight, as it promised rain, The wind
began to roar amongst the bushes, and he was nearly suffocated with
sand and dust, when the wind ceased, and for more than an hour the
rain fell plentifully. He spread out his clothes to collect it, and
assuaged his thirst by wringing and sucking them. The night was
extremely dark, and Mr. Park directed his way by the compass, which
the lightning enabled him to observe. On a sudden he was surprised to
see a light at a short distance, and leading his horse cautiously
towards it, heard by the lowing of the cattle and the clamour of the
herdsmen, that it was a watering place. Being still thirsty, he
attempted to search for the wells, but on approaching too near to one
of the tents, he was perceived by a woman, who immediately gave an
alarm; Mr. Park, however, eluded pursuit by immerging into the woods.
He soon after heard the croaking of frogs, and following the sound
arrived at some shallow muddy pools, where he and his horse quenched
their thirst. The morning being calm, Mr. Park ascended a tree, and
not only saw the smoke of the watering place which he had passed in
the night, but also another pillar of smoke to the east, about twelve
or fourteen miles distant. Directing his course thither, he reached
some cultivated ground, on which some negroes were at work, by whom
he was informed that he was near a Foulah village, belonging to Ali,
called Shrilla. He had some doubts about entering it, but at last
ventured, and riding up to the dooty's house was denied admittance,
and even refused a handful of corn for his horse. Leaving this
inhospitable door, he rode slowly out of the town towards some low
huts scattered in the suburbs. At the door of a hovel hut, an old
woman with a benevolent countenance sat spinning cotton. Mr. Park
made signs that he was hungry, on which she immediately laid down her
distaff, invited him to the hut, and set before him a dish of
kouskous, of which he made a comfortable meal. In return for her
kindness Mr. Park gave her a pocket handkerchief, begging at the same
time a little corn for his horse, which she readily brought.

While the horse was feeding, the people began to assemble, and one of
them whispered something to the old woman, which greatly excited her
surprise. Mr. Park knew enough of the Foulah language, to discover
that some of the men wished to apprehend and carry him to Ali, in
hope of receiving a reward. He therefore tied up the corn, and to
prevent suspicion that he had run away from the Moors, took a
northerly direction. When he found himself clear of his attendants,
he plunged again into the woods, and slept under a large tree. He was
awakened by three Foulahs, who supposing him to be a Moor, pointed to
the sun, and said it was time to pray. Coming to a path leading
southwards, which he followed until midnight, he arrived at a small
pool of rain water. Resting here for the night, the mosquitoes and
flies prevented him from sleeping, and the howling of the wild beasts
in the vicinity kept his horse in continual terror.

On the following morning, he came to a watering place belonging to
the Foulahs, one of the shepherds invited him to come into his tent,
and partake of some dates. There was just room enough in this tent to
sit upright, and the family and furniture were huddled together in
the utmost confusion. When Mr. Park had crept into it upon his hands
and knees, he found in it a woman and three children, who with the
shepherd and himself completely occupied the floor. A dish of boiled
corn and dates was produced, and the master of the family, according
to the custom of the country, first tasted it himself, and then
offered a part to his guest. Whilst Mr. Park was eating, the children
kept their eyes fixed upon him and no sooner had their father
pronounced the word _mazarini_, than they began to cry; their mother
crept cautiously towards the door, and springing out of the tent, was
instantly followed by her children; so truly alarmed were they at the
name of a Christian. Here Mr. Park procured some corn for his horse,
in exchange for some brass buttons, and thanking the shepherd for his
hospitality departed. At sunset he came into the road which led to
Bambarra, and in the evening arrived at Wawra, a negro town belonging
to Kaarta.

Now secure from the Moors, and greatly fatigued, Mr. Park meeting
with a hearty welcome from the dooty, rested himself at this place.
He slept soundly for two hours on a bullock's hide. Numbers assembled
to learn who the stranger was, and whence he came; some thought him
an Arab, others a moorish sultan, and they debated the matter with
such warmth, that their noise at length awoke him. The dooty,
however, who had been at Gambia, at last interposed, and assured them
that he was certainly a white man, but from his appearance a very
poor one.

In the afternoon, the dooty examined Mr. Park's bag, but finding
nothing valuable, returned it and told him to depart in the morning.
Accordingly Mr. Park set out, accompanied by a negro, but they had
not proceeded above a mile, when the ass upon which the negro rode,
kicked him off, and he returned, leaving Mr. Park to travel by
himself. About noon he arrived at a town, called Dingyee, where he
was hospitably entertained by an old Foulah.

When Mr. Park was about to depart on the following day, the Foulah
begged a lock of his hair, because "white men's hair made a saphie,
that would give to the possessor all the knowledge of white men." Mr.
Park instantly complied with his request, but his landlord's thirst
for learning was such, that he had cropped one side of his head, and
would have done the same with the other, had not Mr. Park signified
his disapprobation, and told him that he wished to preserve some of
this precious ware.

After travelling several days, without meeting with any occurrence of
particular note. Mr. Park arrived at Doolinkeaboo, where the dooty,
at his request, gave him a draught of water, which is usually given
as an earnest of greater hospitality. Mr. Park promised himself here
a good supper and a comfortable bed, but he had neither the one nor
the other. The night was rainy and tempestuous, and the dooty limited
his hospitality to the draught of water. The next morning, however,
when the dooty was gone to the fields, his wife sent Mr. Park a
handful of meal, which, mixed with water, served him for breakfast.

He departed from Doolinkeaboo in company with two negroes, who were
going to Sego. They stopped at a small village, where an acquaintance
of one of the negroes invited them to a public entertainment. They
distributed with great liberality a dish called _sinkatoo_, made of
sour milk, meal, and beer. The women were admitted into the society,
a circumstance which had never come under Mr. Park's observation
before; every one drank as he pleased; they nodded to each other when
about to drink, and on setting down the calabash, commonly said
_berha_ (thank you.) Both men and women were in a state of
intoxication, but were far from being quarrelsome.

Mr. Park and the two negroes then resumed their journey, and passed
several large villages, where the former was constantly taken for a
Moor, and with his horse, which he drove before him, afforded much
mirth to the Bambarrans. "He has been at Mecca," says one; "you may
see that by his clothes." Another asked him if his horse was sick? A
third wished to purchase it, &c., and even the negroes at last seemed
ashamed of his company. They lodged that night at a small village,
where Mr. Park procured victuals for himself and corn for his horse,
in exchange for a button, and was told that he should see the Niger,
which the negroes call Joliba, or the Great Water, early on the
following day. The thought of seeing the Niger in the morning, and
the buzzing of the mosquitoes, kept Mr. Park awake the whole of the
night, he had saddled his horse, and was in readiness before
daylight, but as the gates of the village were shut on account of the
wild beasts, he was obliged to wait until the people were stirring.
At length, having departed, they passed four large villages, and in a
short time saw the smoke over Sego.

On approaching the town, Mr. Park was fortunate enough to overtake
the fugitive Kaartans, to whose kindness he had been so much indebted
in his journey through Bambarra. They readily agreed to introduce him
to the king, and they rode together through some marshy ground,
where, as he was anxiously looking round for the river, one of them
exclaimed, "_Geo affili_" see the water! and looking forwards, Mr.
Park says, "I saw, with infinite pleasure, the great object of my
mission, the long sought for majestic Niger, glittering to the
morning sun, as broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing
_slowly to the eastward_. [*] I hastened to the brink, and having
drank of the water, lifted up my fervent thanks in prayer to the
great Ruler of all things, for having thus far crowned my endeavours
with success."

[Footnote: We cannot reconcile this statement of Park with the
subsequent discovery of Lander, who established the fact, that the
Niger empties itself into the Bight of Benin. The Niger, flowing to
the eastward, could not possibly have the Bight of Benin for its
estuary, nor is it laid down in any of the recent maps as having an
easterly direction.]

Mr. Park now proceeded towards Sego, the capital of Bambarra, which
consists of four distinct towns; two on the northern bank of the
Niger, called Sego Korro and Sego Koo, and two on the southern bank,
called Sego Soo Korro and Sego See Korro. The king of Bambarra always
resides at the latter place. He employs a great many slaves to convey
people over the river, and the fare paid by each individual, ten
kowrie shells, furnishes a considerable revenue. When Mr. Park
arrived at one of the places of embarkation, the people, who were
waiting for a passage, looked at him with silent wonder, and he saw
with concern many Moors amongst them. He had continued on the bank
more than two hours, without having an opportunity of crossing,
during which time information was carried to Mansong, the king, that
a white man was coming to see him. Mansong immediately sent over one
of his chief men, who informed Mr. Park that the king could not
possibly see him until he knew what had brought him to Bambarra.
He then pointed towards a distant village, and desired Mr. Park to
take up his lodgings there, and in the morning he would give him
further instructions.

Greatly discouraged at this reception, Mr. Park set off for the
village, but found, to his further mortification, that no person
would admit him into his house, and that he was regarded with general
astonishment and fear. Thus situated, he sat all day without
victuals, under the shade of a tree. Towards night, the wind arose,
and as there was great appearance of a heavy rain, he thought of
passing the night among the branches of the trees, to secure himself
from wild beasts. About sunset a woman, returning from the labours of
the field, stopped to observe him, and perceiving that he was weary
and dejected, inquired into his situation, which he briefly explained
to her; whereupon, with looks of great compassion, she took up his
saddle and bridle, and told him to follow her. Having conducted him
into her hut, she lighted up a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and
told him he might remain there for the night. She then went out, and
returned in a short time with a fine fish, which, having half
broiled, she gave him for supper. After telling him that he might
sleep without apprehension, she called to the female part of the
family, who stood gazing in fixed astonishment, to resume their task
of spinning cotton, in which they employed themselves the greater
part of the night. They lightened their labours by songs, one of
which at least was extempore, as their guest was the subject of it.
It was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in chorus.
The air was sweet and plaintive, and the words, literally translated,
were as follow:--

 "The winds roared, and the rains fell;
  The poor white man, faint and weary, came and sat under our tree.
  He has no mother to bring him milk--no wife to grind his corn.

  CHORUS.

  Let us pity the white man, no mother has he." &c.

This circumstance was to Mr. Park, affecting in the highest degree.
He was oppressed by such unexpected kindness, and the sleep fled from
his eyes. In the morning he presented his compassionate landlady with
two of the four buttons which remained on his waistcoat, the only
recompense which he had in his power. Mr. Park remained in the
village the whole of July the 21st, in conversation with the natives.
Towards evening he grew uneasy, to find that no message arrived from
the king, the more so, when he learned from the villagers, that the
Moors and Slatees, resident at Sego, had given Mansong very
unfavourable accounts of him, that many consultations had been held
concerning his reception and disposal; that he had many enemies, and
must expect no favour. On the following day, a messenger arrived from
the king, who inquired if Mr. Park had brought any present, and
seemed much disappointed, on being told that he had been robbed of
all his effects by the Moors. When Mr. Park proposed to go to court,
he said he must stop until the afternoon, when the king would send
for him. It was the afternoon of the next day, however, before
another messenger arrived from Mansong, who told Mr. Park, it was the
king's pleasure he should  depart immediately from the environs of
Sego, but that Mansong, wishing to relieve a white man in distress,
had sent five thousand kowries [*] to him to continue his journey,
and if it were his intention to proceed to Jenne, he (the messenger)
had orders to guide him to Sansanding. Mr. Park concludes his account
of this adventure in the following words:--

[Footnote: Kowries are little shells, which pass current as money, in
many parts of the East Indies as well as in Africa. Mr. Park
estimates about 250 kowries equal to one shilling. One hundred of
them would purchase a day's provision for himself and corn for his
horse.]

"I was at first puzzled to account for this behaviour of the king,
but from the conversation I had with the guide, I had afterwards
reason to believe, that Mansong would willingly have admitted me into
his presence at Sego, but was apprehensive he might not be able to
protect me against the blind and inveterate malice of the moorish
inhabitants. His conduct, therefore, was at once prudent and liberal.
The circumstances, under which I made my appearance at Sego, were
undoubtedly such as might create in the mind of the king a
well-warranted suspicion, that I wished to conceal the true object of
my journey. He argued, probably as my guide argued, who, when he was
told that I was come from a great distance, and through many dangers,
to behold the Joliba (Niger) river, naturally inquired if there were
no rivers in my own country, and whether one river was not like
another? Notwithstanding this, and in spite of the jealous
machinations of the Moors, this benevolent prince thought it
sufficient, that a white man was found in his dominions in a
condition of extreme wretchedness, and that no other plea was
necessary to entitle the sufferer to his bounty."

Being thus obliged to leave Sego, Mr. Park was conducted the same
evening to a village, about seven miles eastward, where he and his
guide were well received, as Mr. Park had learned to speak the
Bambarra tongue without difficulty. The guide was very friendly and
communicative, and spoke highly of the hospitality of his countrymen;
but he informed Mr. Park, that if Jenne was the place of his
destination, he had undertaken a very dangerous enterprise, and that
Timbuctoo, the great object of his search, was altogether in
possession of the Moors, who would not allow any Christians to reside
in it. In the evening they passed a large town called Kabba, situated
in the midst of a beautiful and highly cultivated country, bearing a
great resemblance to the centre of England.

In the course of the following day, they arrived at Sansanding, a
large town, containing 10,000 inhabitants, much frequented by the
Moors, in their commercial dealings. Mr. Park desired his guide to
conduct him to the house where they were to lodge, by the most
private way possible They accordingly rode along between the town and
the river, and the negroes, whom they met, took Mr. Park for a Moor,
but a Moor, who was sitting by the river side, discovered the
mistake, and, making a loud exclamation, brought together a number of
his countrymen; and when Mr. Park arrived at the house of the dooty,
he was surrounded by a number of people, speaking a variety of
dialects. By the assistance of his guide, however, who acted as
interpreter, Mr. Park at length understood that one of the Moors
pretended to have seen him at one place, and another at some other
place; and a Moorish woman absolutely swore, that she had kept his
house three years at Gallam on the river Senegal. The Moors now
questioned Mr. Park about his religion, but finding he was not master
of the Arabic, they sent for two Jews, in hopes that they might be
able to converse with him. The Moors now insisted that he should
repeat the Mahometan prayers, and when he told them that he could not
speak Arabic, one of them started up, and swore by the prophet, if
Mr. Park refused to go to the mosque, he would assist in carrying him
thither.

Finding the Moors becoming exceedingly clamorous, the dooty
interfered, and told them that he would not see the king's stranger
ill treated while under his protection, but that in the morning he
should be sent about his business. This somewhat appeased their
clamour, but they compelled Mr. Park to ascend a high seat by the
door of the mosque, that every one might see him, where he remained
till sunset, when he was conducted to a neat little hut, with a small
court before it; but the Moors climbed in crowds over the mud walls,
to see the white man perform his evening devotions, and eat eggs. The
first demand was positively declined, but he professed his utmost
readiness to comply with the second; the dooty immediately brought
seven hens' eggs, but was much surprised that Mr. Park would not eat
them raw, as it is a prevalent opinion in the interior of Africa,
that Europeans subsist chiefly on this diet. His reluctance to
partake of this fare exalted him in the eyes of his sage visitants;
his host accordingly killed a sheep, and gave him a plentiful supper.

Mr. Park's route now lay through woods, much infested with all kinds
of wild animals. On one occasion, his guide suddenly wheeled his
horse round, calling out (_Warra billi billi_, a very largo lion.)
Mr. Park's steed was ill fitted to convey him from the scene of
danger, but seeing nothing, he supposed his guide to be mistaken,
when the latter exclaimed, "God preserve me;" and Mr. Park then saw a
very large red lion, with his head couched between his fore paws. His
eyes were fixed, as by fascination, on this sovereign of the beasts,
and he expected every moment the fatal spring; but the savage animal,
either not pressed by hunger, or struck with some mysterious awe,
remained immovable, and allowed the party to pass without
molestation. Real misery arose from a meaner cause, namely, the
amazing swarms of mosquitoes, which ascended from the swamps and
creeks, to whose attack, from the ragged state of his garments, he
was exposed at every point, and so covered over with blisters, that
he could not get any rest at night. An affecting crisis next arrived.
His horse, the faithful and suffering companion of his journey, had
been daily becoming weaker. At length, stumbling over some rough
ground, he fell; all his master's efforts were insufficient to raise
him, and no alternative remained, but to leave the poor animal, which
Mr. Park did, after collecting some grass and laying it before him,
not without, however, a sad presentiment, that, ere long, he also
might have to lie down and perish with hunger and fatigue.

Proceeding along the banks of the river, he reached Kea, a small
fishing village. The dooty, a surly old man, received him very
coolly, and when Mr. Park solicited his protection, replied with
great indifference, that he should not enter his house. Mr. Park knew
not now where to rest, but a fishing canoe at that moment coming down
the river, the dooty waved to the fisherman to land, and desired him
to take charge of the stranger as far as Moorzan.

When the canoe had proceeded about a mile down the river, the
fisherman paddled to the bank, and having desired Mr. Park to jump
out, tied the canoe to a stake; he then stripped off his clothes, and
dived into the water, where he remained so long that Mr. Park thought
he was drowned, when he suddenly raised up his head astern of the
canoe, and called for a rope. With this rope he dived a second time,
and then got into the canoe, and with the assistance of the boy, they
brought up a large basket, ten feet in diameter, containing two fine
fish, which the fisherman carried ashore, and hid in the grass. The
basket was then returned into the river, and having proceeded a
little further down, they took up another basket, in which was one
fish.

About four o'clock, they arrived at Moorzan, where Mr. Park was
conveyed across the river to Silla, a large town. Here he remained
under a tree, surrounded by hundreds of people, till it was dark,
when, with a great deal of entreaty, the dooty allowed him to enter
his balloon to avoid the rain, but the place was very damp, and his
fever returned.

The reflections, which now occurred to him, with the determination
those reflections produced, are here given in his own words. "Worn
down by sickness, exhausted with hunger and fatigue, half naked, and
without any article of value, by which I might procure provisions,
clothes, or lodging, I was now convinced, that the obstacles to my
further progress were insurmountable. The tropical rains were already
set in, the rice grounds and swamps were every where overflowed, and
in a few days more, travelling of every kind, except by water, would
be completely obstructed. The kowries, which remained of the king of
Bambarra's present, were not sufficient to enable me to hire a canoe
for any great distance, and I had little hope of subsisting by
charity, in a country where the Moors have such influence. I saw
inevitable destruction in attempting to proceed to the eastward. With
this conviction on my mind, I hope it will be acknowledged, that I
did right in going no further. I had made every effort to execute my
mission in its fullest extent, which prudence could justify. Had
there been the most distant prospect of a successful termination,
neither the unavoidable hardships of the journey, nor the dangers of
a second captivity should have forced me to desist."

Mr. Park now acquainted the dooty with his intention of returning to
Sego, proposing to travel along the southern side of the river, but
the dooty informed him, that from the number of creeks and swamps on
that side, it was impossible to travel by any other route than the
northern bank, and even that route would soon be impassable from the
overflowing of the river. However, by the dooty's recommendation, Mr.
Park was conveyed to Moorzan in a canoe, where he hired another canoe
for thirty kowries, which conveyed him to Kea, where, for forty
kowries more, the dooty permitted him to sleep in the same hut with
one of his slaves. This poor negro, perceiving he was sickly, and his
clothes very ragged, humanely lent him a large cloth to cover him for
the night.

The following day Mr. Park set out for Madiboo, in company with the
dooty's brother, who promised to carry his saddle, which he had
before left at Kea. On their road they observed a great number of
earthen jars, piled up on the bank of the river. As they approached
towards them, the dooty's brother plucked up a large handful of
herbage, which he threw upon them, making signs for Mr. Park to do
the same, which he did. The negro then informed him, that those jars
belonged to some supernatural power, and were found in their present
situation about two years ago, and that every traveller, as he passed
them, from respect to the invisible proprietor, threw some grass upon
the heap to defend them from the rain. Thus conversing, they
travelled on in the most friendly manner, until they perceived the
footsteps of a lion, when the negro insisted that Mr. Park should
walk before. The latter refused, on which the negro, after a few high
words, and menacing looks, threw down the saddle and left him. Mr.
Park having given up all hope of obtaining a horse, took off the
stirrups and girth, and threw the saddle into the river. The negro,
however, when he saw the saddle in the water jumped in, and bringing
it out by the help of his spear, ran away with it.

Mr. Park now continued his course alone, and in the afternoon reached
Madiboo. His guide, who had got there before him, being afraid he
should complain of his conduct, restored the saddle, and Mr. Park
also found his horse alive.

On the 1st of August, Mr. Park proceeded to Nyamere, where he
remained three days, on account of the continual rain. On the 5th, he
again set out, but the country was so deluged, that he had to wade
across creeks for miles together, knee-deep in water. He at length
arrived at Nyara, and on the subsequent day, with great difficulty
reached a small village called Nemaboo.

Mr. Park being assured that in the course of a few days, the country
would be overflowed, was anxious to engage a fellow traveller, when a
Moor and his wife who were going to Sego, riding on bullocks, agreed
to take him along with them; they were, however, unacquainted with
the road, and were very bad travellers. Instead of wading before the
bullocks, to feel if the ground was solid the woman boldly entered
the first swamp, seated upon the top of the load, but when she had
proceeded about two hundred yards the bullock sunk into a hole, and
threw both the load and herself amongst the reeds; she was nearly
drowned before her husband went to her assistance.

At sunset they reached Sibity, but the dooty received Mr. Park very
coolly, and when he solicited a guide to Sansanding, told him his
people were otherwise engaged. Mr. Park passed the night in a damp
old hut, which he expected every moment would fall upon him; for when
the walls of the huts are softened with the rain, they frequently
become too weak to support the roof. Mr Park heard three huts fall in
during the night, and the following morning, saw fourteen in like
manner destroyed. The rain continued with great violence, and Mr.
Park being refused provisions by the dooty, purchased some corn,
which he divided with his horse.

The dooty now compelled Mr. Park to leave Sibity, and accordingly he
set out for Sansanding, with little hope of receiving better
treatment, for he had discovered that it was universally believed, he
had come to Bambarra as a spy; and as Mansong had not admitted him
into his presence, the dooties of the different towns were at liberty
to treat him as they pleased. He arrived at Sansanding at sunset,
where his reception was just what he expected. The dooty, who had
been so kind to him formerly, privately informed him, that Mansong
had sent a canoe to Jenne to bring him back, he therefore advised him
to leave Sansanding before day-break, and not to stop at any town
near Sego. Mr. Park accordingly took his departure from Sansanding,
and proceeded to Kabba. Several people were assembled at the gate,
one of whom running towards him, took his horse by the bridle, and
led him round the walls of the town, then pointing to the west, told
him to go along, or it would fare worse with him. Mr. Park
hesitating, a number of people came up, and urged him in the same
manner, and he now suspected that some of the king's messengers, who
were in search of him, were in the town, and that these negroes from
humanity wished him to escape. He accordingly took the road for Sego,
and having passed a village, the dooty of which refused him
admittance, proceeded to a smaller one, where the dooty permitted him
to sleep in a large balloon.

Leaving his miserable residence by break of day, he arrived in the
afternoon at a small village within half a mile of Sego, where he
endeavoured in vain to procure some provisions. He was again informed
that Mansong had sent people to apprehend him, and the dooty's son
told him he had no time to lose, if he wished to escape. Mr. Park now
fully saw the danger of his situation, and determined to avoid Sego
altogether, and taking the road to Diggani, until he was out of sight
of the village, struck to the westward through high grass and swampy
ground. About noon he stopped under a tree, to consider what course
to take, and at length determined to proceed along the Niger, and
endeavour to ascertain how far the river was navigable. About sunset
he arrived at a village called Sooboo, where, for two hundred
kowries, he procured a lodging for the night.

After passing the villages of Samee and Kaimoo, he arrived at a small
town called Song, the inhabitants of which would not permit him to
enter the gate, but as lions were numerous in the adjoining woods, he
resolved to stay near the town, and accordingly laid down under a
tree by the gate. In the night, a lion kept prowling round the
village, and once advanced so near Mr. Park, that he heard him
rustling amongst the grass, and climbed the tree for safety. He had
before attempted to enter the gate, and on being prevented, informed
the people of his danger. About midnight the dooty, with some of the
inhabitants, desired him to come in; they were convinced, they said,
that he was not a Moor, for no Moor ever waited at the gate of a
village, without cursing the inhabitants.

Mr. Park now proceeded on his journey; the country began to rise into
hills, and he saw the summits of high mountains to the westward. He
had very disagreeable travelling, on account of the overflow of the
river; and in crossing a swamp, his horse sunk suddenly into a deep
pit, and was almost drowned. Both the horse and his rider were so
covered with mud, that in passing a village, the people compared them
to two dirty elephants. Mr, Park stopped at a village near Yamina,
where he purchased some corn, and dried his paper and clothes. As
Yamina is much frequented by the Moors, Mr. Park did not think it
safe to lodge there; he therefore rode briskly through it, and the
people, who looked at him with astonishment, had no time to ask
questions.

On the following day, Mr. Park passed a town called Balaba, the
prospect of the country was by no means inviting, for the high grass
and bushes seemed completely to obstruct the road, and the Niger
having flooded the low lands, had the appearance of an extensive
lake.

On the following day, Mr. Park took the wrong road, and when he
discovered his error, on coming to an eminence, he observed the Niger
considerably to the left. Directing his course towards it, through
long grass and bushes, he came to a small but rapid stream, which he
took at first for a branch of the Niger, but, on examination, was
convinced it was a distinct river, which the road evidently crossed,
as he saw the pathway on the opposite side. He sat down upon the
bank, in hopes that some traveller might arrive, who could inform him
of the situation of the ford; but none arriving, and there being a
great appearance of rain, he determined to enter the river
considerably above the  pathway, in order to reach the other side
before the stream swept him too far down. With this view he fastened
his clothes upon the saddle, and was standing up to the neck in
water, pulling his horse by the bridle to make him follow, when a
man, who came  accidentally to the place, called to him with great
vehemence, to come out, or the alligators would destroy both him and
his horse. Mr. Park obeyed, and the stranger who had never before
seen a white man, seemed wonderfully surprised, exclaiming in a low
voice, "God preserve me, who is this?" But when he found Mr. Park
could speak the Bambarra tongue, and was going the same way as
himself, he promised to assist him in crossing the river, which was
named the Frina. He then called to some person, who answered from the
other side, and a canoe with two boys came paddling from amongst the
reeds. Mr. Park gave the boys fifty kowries to ferry himself and his
horse to the opposite shore, and in the evening, arrived at Taffara,
a walled town, where he discovered that the language of the people
was pure Mandingo.

On the 20th, Mr. Park stopped at a village called Sominoo, where he
obtained some coarse food, prepared from the husks of corn, called
_boo_. On the same day he arrived at Sooha, where the dooty refused
either to sell or to give him any provisions. Mr. Park stopped a
while to examine the countenance of this inhospitable man, and
endeavoured to find out the cause of his visible discontent. The
dooty ordered a slave to dig a hole, and while the slave was thus
employed, the dooty kept muttering and talking to himself, repeatedly
pronouncing the words "_Dankatoo'_" (good for nothing), "_jankre
lemen_," (a real plague). These expressions Mr. Park thought could
not apply to any one but himself; and as the pit had much the
appearance of a grave, thought it prudent to mount his horse, and was
about to decamp, when the slave, who had gone into the village,
brought the corpse of a boy by the leg and arm, and threw it into the
pit with savage indifference. As he covered the body with earth, the
dooty often repeated, "_Naphula attiniata_," (money lost;) from which
it appeared that the boy had been one of his slaves.

About sunset Mr. Park came to Kollikorro, a considerable town, and a
great market for salt. Here he lodged with a Bambarran, who had
travelled to many parts of Africa, and who carried on a considerable
trade. His knowledge of the world had not lessened his confidence in
saphies and charms, for when he heard that his guest was a Christian,
he brought out his _walha_, or writing-board, and assured Mr. Park he
would dress him a supper of rice, if he would write him a saphie, to
protect him from wicked men. Mr. Park wrote the board full from top
to bottom on both sides, and his landlord, to possess the full force
of the charm, washed the writing off into a calabash with a little
water, and having said a few prayers over it, drank this powerful
draught, after which he licked the board quite dry. Information being
carried to the dooty that a saphie writer was in the town, he sent
his son with half a sheet of writing paper, desiring Mr. Park to
write him a _naphula saphie_, a charm to procure wealth. He brought,
as a present, some meal and milk, and when the saphie was finished,
and read to him with an audible voice, he promised to bring Mr. Park
some milk in the morning for breakfast.

The following day, Mr. Park proceeded on his journey, and in the
afternoon arrived at Marraboo, where he lodged in the house of a
Kaartan, who, from his hospitality to strangers, was called _Jatee_,
(the landlord,) his house being a sort of public inn for all
travellers. Those who had money were well lodged, for they always
made him some return for his kindness; but those who had nothing to
give were content to accept whatever he thought proper. Mr. Park,
belonging to the latter class, took up his lodging in the same hut
with seven poor fellows, who had come from Kancaba in a canoe, but
their landlord sent them some victuals.

Mr. Park now altered his course from the river to the mountains, and
in the evening arrived at a village, called Frookaboo, from which
place he proceeded on the following day to Bambakoo. This town is not
so large as Marraboo, but the inhabitants are rich; for when the
Moors bring their salt through Kaarta or Barnbarra, they rest at this
place; the negro merchants purchasing the salt by wholesale, and
retailing it to great advantage. Here Mr. Park lodged at the house of
a Serawoolli negro, and was visited by a number of Moors, who treated
him with great civility. A slave-merchant, who had resided many years
on the Gambia, gave Mr. Park an imperfect account of the distance to
that river, but told him the road was impassable at that season of
the year, and added, that it crossed the Joliba at about half a day's
journey westward of Bammakoo; and as there were not any canoes large
enough to receive his horse, he could not possibly get him over for
some months to come. Mr. Park consulted with his landlord how to
surmount this difficulty, who informed him that one road which was
very rocky, and scarcely passable for horses, still remained, but if
he procured a proper guide over the hills to a town called
Sibidooloo, he had no doubt but he might travel forwards through
Manding. Being informed that a _jilli-kea_, or singing-man, was about
to depart for Sibidooloo, Mr. Park set out in company with him; but
when they had proceeded up a rocky glen about two miles, the
singing-man discovered that he had brought him the wrong road, as the
horse-road lay on the other side of the hill. He then threw his drum
upon his back, and mounted up the rocks, where, indeed, no horse
could follow him, leaving Mr. Park to admire his agility, and trace
out a road for himself.

Mr. Park rode back to the level ground, and following a path, on
which he observed the marks of horses' feet, came to some shepherds'
huts, where he was informed that he was on the right road to
Sibidooloo. In the evening he arrived at a village called Kooma,
situated in a delightful valley. This village is the sole property of
a Mandingo merchant, who fled thither with his family during a former
war. The harmless villagers surrounded Mr. Park, asked him a thousand
questions about his country, brought corn and milk for himself, and
grass for his horse, and appeared very anxious to serve him.

On the 25th, he departed from Kooma, in company with two shepherds,
who were going towards Sibidooloo; but as the horse travelled slowly,
and with great difficulty, the shepherds kept walking on at a
considerable distance, when on a sudden Mr. Park heard some people
calling to each other, and presently a loud screaming, as from a
person in great distress. He rode slowly to the place whence the
noise proceeded, and in a little time perceived one of the shepherds
lying among the long grass near the road. When Mr. Park came close to
him, he whispered that a party of armed men had seized his companion,
and shot two arrows at himself, as he was making his escape. Mr. Park
now stopped to consider what course it was most proper for him to
pursue, and looking round, saw, at a small distance, a man sitting on
the stump of a tree, and six or seven more sitting among the grass,
with muskets in their hands. He had now no hopes of escaping, and
therefore rode on towards them, in hopes they were elephant hunters.
On coming up to them, he inquired if they had caught any thing, when
one of them ordered him to dismount, but appearing suddenly to
recollect himself, made signs to him to proceed. He accordingly rode
past, but was soon followed by the men, who ordered him to stop, and
informed him, that the king of the Foulahs had sent them to bring him
his horse, and all that belonged to him, to Fooladoo. Mr. Park turned
round, and went with them, till they came to a dark part of the wood,
when one of them said, "This place will do," and immediately snatched
his hat from his head, another drew a knife, and cut off a metal
button that remained upon his waistcoat, and put it into his pocket.
They then searched Mr. Park's pockets, examined every part of his
apparel, and at length stripped him quite naked. While they were
examining the plunder, he begged them, with great earnestness, to
return his pocket-compass; but when he pointed it out to them, as it
lay on the ground, one of the banditti, thinking he meant to take it
up, cocked his musket, and swore he would lay him dead on the spot,
if he presumed to lay his hand upon it. After this, some went away
with his horse, and the remainder, after some deliberation, returned
him the worst of the two shirts and a pair of trousers; and on going
away, one of them threw back his hat, in the crown of which he kept
his memorandums. After they were gone, Mr. Park sat for some time,
looking around him with amazement and terror. "Whatever way I
turned," says he, "nothing appeared but danger and difficulty. I saw
myself in the midst of a vast wilderness, in the depth of the rainy
season, naked and alone, surrounded by savage animals, and men still
more savage. I was five hundred miles from the nearest European
settlement. All these circumstances crowded at once to my
recollection, and I confess that my spirits began to fail me. I
considered my fate as certain, and that I had no alternative but to
lie down and perish. The influence of religion, however, aided and
supported me. I reflected that no human prudence or foresight could
possibly have averted my present sufferings. I was indeed a stranger
in a strange land, yet I was still under the protecting eye of that
Providence, who has condescended to call himself the stranger's
friend. At this moment, painful as my reflections were, the
extraordinary beauty of a small moss in fructification irresistibly
caught my eye. I mention this, to show from what trifling
circumstances the mind will sometimes derive consolation, for though
the whole plant was not larger than the top of one of my fingers, I
could not contemplate the delicate conformation of its roots, leaves,
and capsules, without admiration. Can that Being, thought I, who
planted, watered, and brought to perfection, in this obscure part of
the world, a thing which appears of so small importance, look with
unconcern upon the situation and sufferings of creatures formed after
his own image? Surely not. Reflections like these would not allow me
to despair. I started up, and disregarding both hunger and fatigue,
travelled forwards, assured that relief was at hand, and I was not
disappointed."

In a short time Mr. Park came to a small village, where he overtook
the two shepherds, who had come with him from Koona. They were much
surprised to see him, as they expected the Foulahs had murdered him.
Departing from this village, they travelled over several rocky
ridges, and at sunset arrived at the town of Sibidooloo.



CHAPTER  VIII.

Sibidooloo is the frontier town of Manding, and is situated in a
fertile valley, surrounded with high rocky hills. The chief man is
here called the mansa, which usually signifies king; but it appear
that the government of Manding is a sort of republic, as every town
has a particular mansa, and the chief power of the state is lodged in
an assembly of the whole body.

Mr. Park related to the mansa the circumstance of the robbery, and
his story was confirmed by the two shepherds. The mansa continued
smoking his pipe while he heard the relation, when, tossing up the
sleeve of his coat with an indignant air, "Sit down," said he to Mr.
Park, "you shall have every thing restored to you. I have sworn it."
Then turning to an attendant, "Give the white man," said he, "a
draught of water, and with the first light of the morning go over the
hills, and inform the dooty of Bammakoo that a poor white man, the
king of Bambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of
Fouladoo's people."

He heartily thanked the mansa for his kindness, and accepted his
invitation, but having waited two days without receiving any
intelligence, and there being a great scarcity of provisions, he was
unwilling to trespass further on the generosity of his host, and
begged permission to depart. The mansa told him, he might go as far
as a town called Wonda, and remain there until he heard some account
of his property. Accordingly, departing from that place, he reached
it on the 30th. The mansa of Wonda was a Mahometan and, as well as
chief magistrate of the town, was a schoolmaster. Mr. Park lodged in
the school, which was an open shed; the little raiment upon him could
neither protect him from the sun by day, nor the dews and mosquitoes
by night; his fever returned with great violence, and he could not
procure any medicine wherewith to stop its progress. He remained at
Wonda nine days, endeavouring to conceal his distress from his
landlord, for which purpose, he several times lay down the whole of
the day, out of his sight, in a field of corn, yet he found that the
mansa was apprised of his situation, for one morning as he feigned to
be asleep by the fire, he heard the mansa complain to his wife, that
they were likely to find him a very troublesome guest, as, in his
present sickly state, they should be obliged, for the sake of their
good name, to maintain him till he recovered or died.

The scarcity of provisions was at this time severely felt by the poor
people. Mr. Park, having observed every evening five or six women
come to the mansa's house, and each receive a portion of corn,
inquired of the mansa, whether he maintained these women from
charity, or expected a return from the next harvest. "Observe that
boy," replied the Mansa, pointing to a fine child about five years of
age, "his mother has sold him to me for forty days' provisions for
herself and the rest of the family. I have bought another boy in the
same manner."

Mr. Park was much afflicted with this melancholy circumstance, but he
afterwards observed that the mother, when she had received her corn,
would come and talk to her son with much cheerfulness, as if he had
still been under her care.

On the 6th of September, two people arrived from Sibidooloo with Mr.
Park's horse and clothes; the pocket-compass was, however, broken to
pieces. The horse was now so much reduced, that he saw that it would
be impracticable to travel any further with him; he therefore
presented him to his landlord, and requested him to send the saddle
and bridle to the mansa of Sibidooloo, as an acknowledgment for his
trouble and kindness.

On the morning of September 8th, Mr. Park took leave of his
hospitable landlord, who presented him with a spear, as a token of
remembrance, and a leathern bag to contain his clothes. On the 9th,
he reached Nemacoo, where he could not procure any provisions, as the
people appeared to be actually starving, but in the afternoon of the
10th, a negro trader, named Modi Lemina Taura, brought him some
victuals, promising to conduct him to his house at Kennyetoo on the
following day.

In travelling to Kennyetoo, Mr. Park hurt his ankle, and was unable
to proceed. The trader, in consequence, invited him to stop with him
a few days, and accordingly he remained there until the 14th.

On the 17th, he proceeded to Mansia, a considerable town, where small
quantities of gold are collected. The mansa of this town gave him a
little corn, but demanded something in return, and on Mr. Park's
assuring him that he had not anything in his possession, replied, as
if in jest, that his white skin should not defend him, if he told him
any falsehoods. He then conducted him to the hut wherein he was to
sleep, but took away his spear, saying it should be returned in the
morning. This circumstance raised Mr. Park's suspicions, and he
requested one of the inhabitants, who had a bow and quiver, to sleep
in the hut with him. About midnight a man made several attempts to
enter the hut, but was prevented by Mr. Park and the negro, and the
latter, on looking out, perceived it was the mansa himself. In the
morning, Mr. Park, fearing the mansa might devise some means to
detain him, departed before he was awake, the negro having recovered
the spear.

On the arrival of Mr. Park at Kamalia, a small town, he proceeded to
the house of Karfa Taura, the brother of his hospitable landlord at
Kennyetoo. He was sitting in his balloon, surrounded by several
slatees, to whom he was reading from an Arabic book. He asked Mr.
Park if he understood it, and being answered in the negative, desired
one of the slatees to fetch the little curious book that was brought
from the west country. Mr. Park was surprised and delighted to find
this volume _"The Book of Common Prayer"_ and Karfa expressed great
joy to hear he could read it, as some of the slatees, who had seen
Europeans upon the coast, were unwilling, from his distressed
appearance, to admit that Mr. Park was a white man, but suspected
that he was some Arab in disguise. Karfa, however, perceiving he
could read this book, had no doubt concerning Mr. Park, and promised
him every assistance in his power, at the same time informing him,
that it was impossible to cross the Jallonka wilderness for many
months to come, as eight rapid rivers lay in the way. He added, that
he himself intended to set out for Gambia, with a caravan of slaves,
as soon as the rivers were fordable, and the grass burnt, and invited
Mr. Park to stay and accompany him, remarking that when a caravan
could not travel through the country, it was idle for a single man to
attempt it. Mr. Park admitted the rashness of the attempt, but
assured him that he had no alternative, for not having any money, he
must either beg his subsistence by travelling from place to place, or
perish from want. Karfa now looked at him with great earnestness,
informing him that he had never before seen a white man, and inquired
if he could eat the common victuals of the country. He added, that if
he would remain with him till the rains were over, he would conduct
him in safety to the Gambia, and then he might make him what return
he pleased. Mr. Park having agreed to give him the value of one prime
slave, he ordered a hut to be swept for his accommodation.

Thus was Mr. Park delivered by the friendly care of this benevolent
negro, from a situation truly deplorable, but his fever became daily
more alarming. On the third day after his arrival, as he was going
with Karfa to visit some of his friends, he was so faint that he
staggered and fell into a pit; Karfa endeavoured to console him, and
assured him that if he would not walk out into the wet, he would soon
be well. Mr. Park followed his advice, and in general confined
himself to his hut, but was still tormented with the fever for five
ensuing weeks. His benevolent landlord came every day to inquire
after his health. When the rains became less frequent, the fever left
him, but in so debilitated a condition, that it was with great
difficulty he could get to the shade of a tamarind tree, at a short
distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the corn fields, and the
delightful prospect of the country. At length he found himself
recovering, towards which the benevolent manners of the negroes, and
the perusal of Karfa's little volume, greatly contributed.

Meanwhile many of the slatees who resided at Kamalia, having spent
all their money, and become in a great measure dependent on Karfa's
bounty, beheld Mr. Park with envy, and invented many ridiculous
stories to lessen him in his host's esteem, but Karfa paid no
attention to them, and treated him with unabated kindness. As he was
one day conversing with some slaves, which a Serawoolli merchant had
brought from Sego, one of them begged him to give him some victuals,
Mr. Park replied, he was a stranger and had none to give. "I gave
_you_, some victuals" said the slave, "when _you_ were hungry. Have
you forgotten the man who brought you milk at Karrankalla? But,"
added he with a sigh, "_the irons were not then on my legs_." Mr.
Park immediately recollected him, procured for him some ground nuts,
and learned that he had been taken by the Bambarrans, the day after
the battle at Joka, and sent to Sego, where he had been purchased by
his present master, who was carrying him to Kajaaga.

In the middle of December, Karfa, who proposed to complete his
purchase of slaves, departed for Kancaba, a large town on the banks
of the Niger, and a great slave market. It was his intention to
return in a month, and during his absence left Mr. Park to the care
of a good old bushreen, who was schoolmaster at Kamalia. The name of
this schoolmaster was Fankooma, and although a Mahometan, was not
intolerant in his principles. He read much, and took great pleasure
in professional efforts. His school contained seventeen boys, mostly
of pagan parents, and two girls. The girls were taught by daylight,
but the boys were instructed before the dawn and late in the evening;
by being considered, while pupils, as the domestic slaves of the
master, they were employed by him during the day in various
avocations. Emulation is encouraged by their tutor to stimulate his
scholars. When the pupil has read through the Koran, and learned a
certain number of public prayers, he undergoes an examination by the
bushreens, who, when satisfied with his learning and abilities,
desire him to read the last page of the Koran. This being done, the
boy presses the paper to his forehead, and pronounces the word Amen;
upon which the bushreens rise, shake him by the hand, and bestow upon
him the title of bushreen. The parents then redeem their son, by
giving his master the value of a slave; but if they cannot afford it,
the boy continues the slave of the schoolmaster, until he ransoms
himself by his own industry.

On the 24th January, Karfa returned to Kamalia, with thirteen prime
slaves, whom he had purchased. He also brought a young girl for his
fourth wife, whom he had married at Kancaba. She was kindly received
by her colleagues, who had swept and whitewashed one of the best huts
for her accommodation.

On the day after his arrival, Karfa having observed that Mr. Park's
clothes were become very ragged, presented him with a garment and
trousers, the usual dress of the country.

Karfa's slaves were all prisoners of war, who had been taken by the
Bambarran army. Some of them had been kept three years at Sego in
irons, whence they were sent with other captives up the Niger to
Yamina, Bammakoo and Kancaba, where they were sold for gold dust.
Eleven of them confessed that they had been slaves from their birth,
but the other two refused to give any account of themselves to Mr.
Park, whom they at first regarded with looks of horror, and
repeatedly asked _if his countrymen were cannibals_. They were very
desirous to know what became of the slaves after they had crossed the
salt water. Mr. Park told them that they were employed in cultivating
the land, but they would not believe him: and one of them putting his
hand upon the ground, said with great simplicity, "Have you really
got such ground as this to set your feet upon?"

The slaves were constantly kept in irons, and strictly watched. To
secure them, the right leg of one and the left of another were
fastened by the same pair of fetters, by supporting which with a
string, they could walk very slowly. Every four slaves were also
fastened together by a rope of twisted thongs; and during the night
their hands were fettered, and sometimes a light iron chain was put
round their necks. Those who betrayed any symptoms of discontent,
were secured by a thick billet of wood about three feet long, which
was fastened to the ankle by a strong iron staple. All these fetters
were put on as soon as the slaves arrived at Kamalia, and were not
taken off until the morning they set out for the Gambia. In other
respects, the slaves were not harshly treated. In the morning they
were led to the shade of a tamarind tree, where they were encouraged
to keep up their spirits by playing different games of chance, or
singing. Some bore their situation with great fortitude, but the
majority would sit the whole of the day in sullen melancholy, with
their eyes fixed on the ground. In the evening, their irons being
examined, and their hand-fetters put on, they were conducted into two
large huts, and guarded during the night. Notwithstanding this
strictness, however, one of Karfa's slaves, about a week after his
arrival, having procured a small knife, opened the rings of his
fetters, cut the rope, and made his escape, and more might have got
off, had not the slave, when he found himself at liberty, refused to
stop to assist his companions in breaking the chain, which was round
their necks.

All the merchants and slaves who composed the coffle, were now
assembled at Kamalia and its vicinity; the day of departure for the
Gambia was frequently fixed, and afterwards postponed. Some of the
people had not prepared their provisions, others were visiting their
friends, or collecting their debts; thus the departure was delayed
until February was far advanced, when it was determined to wait
_until the fast moon was over_. "Loss of time," observes Mr. Park,
"is of no great importance in the eyes of a negro. If he has any
thing of consequence to perform, it is a matter of indifference to
him whether he does it to-day or to-morrow, or a month or two hence;
so long as he can spend the present moment with any degree of
comfort, he gives himself very little concern for the future."

The Rhamadam was strictly observed by the bushreens, and at the close
of it, they assembled at the Misura to watch for the new moon, but as
the evening was cloudy, they were for some time disappointed, and
several had returned home resolving to fast another day, when
suddenly the object of their wishes appeared from behind a cloud, and
was welcomed by clapping of hands, beating of drums, firing muskets,
and other demonstrations of joy. This moon being accounted extremely
lucky, Karfa gave orders that the people of the coffle should
immediately prepare for their journey, and the slatees having held a
consultation on the 16th of April, fixed on the 19th as the day of
departure.

This resolution freed Mr. Park from much uneasiness, as he was
apprehensive, from the departure having been so long deferred, that
the rainy season would again commence before it took place, and
although his landlord behaved with great kindness, his situation was
very disagreeable. The slatees were unfriendly to him, and three
trading Moors, who had arrived at Kamalia during the absence of
Karfa, to dispose of salt procured on credit, had plotted mischief
against him from the day of their arrival; his welfare thus depended
merely upon the good opinion of an individual, who was daily hearing
tales to his prejudice. He was somewhat reconciled by time to their
manner of living, but longed for the blessings of civilized society.

On the morning of April 19th, the coffle assembled and commenced its
journey. When joined by several persons at Maraboo and Bola, it
consisted of seventy-three persons, thirty-five of whom were slaves
for sale. The free men were fourteen in number, but several had wives
and domestic slaves, and the schoolmaster, who was going to his
native country Woradoo, had eight of his scholars. Several of the
inhabitants of Kamalia accompanied the coffle a short way on its
progress, taking leave of their relations and friends. On reaching a
rising ground, from which they had a prospect of the town, the people
of the coffle were desired to sit down facing the west, and the
town's people facing Kamalia. The schoolmaster and two principal
slatees, then placed themselves between the two parties, and repeated
a long and solemn prayer, after this they walked round the coffle
three times, pressing the ground with the end of their spears, and
muttering a charm. All the people of the coffle then sprang up and
set forwards, without formally bidding their friends farewell. The
slaves had all heavy loads upon their heads, and many of them having
been long in irons, the sudden exertion of walking quick, caused
spasmodic contractions of their legs, and they had scarcely proceeded
a mile, when two of them were obliged to be taken from the rope, and
suffered to walk more slowly. The coffle after halting two hours at
Maraboo, proceeded to Bola, thence to Worumbang, the frontier village
of Manding, towards Jallonkadoo.

Here they procured plenty of provisions, as they intended shortly to
enter the Jallonka wilderness, but having on the 21st travelled a
little way through the woods, they determined to take the road to
Kinytakooro, a town in Jallonkadoo, and this being a long day's
journey distant, they halted to take some refreshment. Every person,
says Mr, Park, opened his provision bag, and brought a handful or two
of meal to the place where Karfa and the slatees were sitting. When
every one had brought his quota, and whole was properly arranged in
small gourd shells, the schoolmaster offered up a short prayer, the
substance of which was, that God and the holy prophets might preserve
them from robberies and all bad people, that their provisions might
never fail them, nor their limbs become fatigued. This ceremony being
ended, every one partook of the meal, and drank a little water, after
which they set forward, rather running than walking, until they came
to the river Kokoro.

This river is a branch of the Senegal, its banks are very high, and
from various appearances it was evident, that the water had risen
above twenty feet perpendicular during the rainy season, but it was
then only a small stream sufficient to turn a mill, and abounding in
fish. The coffle proceeded with great expedition until evening, when
they arrived at Kinytakooro, a considerable town, nearly square,
situated in the midst of an extensive and fertile plain.

In this day's journey, a woman and a girl, two slaves belonging to a
slatee of Bola, could not keep up with the coffle from fatigue. They
were dragged along until about four in the afternoon, when being both
affected with vomiting, it was discovered that _they had eaten clay_.
Whether this practice, which is frequent amongst the slaves, proceeds
from a vitiated appetite, or an intention to destroy themselves, is
uncertain. Three people remaining to take care of them, the slaves
were suffered to lie down in the woods until they were somewhat
recovered, but they did not reach the town until past midnight, and
were then so exhausted that their master determined to return with
them to Bola.

Kinytakooro being the first town beyond the limits of Manding, great
ceremony was observed in entering it. The coffle approached it in the
following procession: first went the singing men, followed by the
other free men, then the slaves, fastened as usual by a rope round
their necks, four to a rope, and a man with a spear between each
party, after them the domestic slaves, and in the rear the free
women. When they came within a hundred yards of the gate, the singing
men began a loud song, extolling the hospitality of the inhabitants
towards strangers, and their friendship in particular to the
Mandingos. Arriving at the Bentang, the people assembled to hear
their _dentegi_ (history,) which was publicly recited by two of the
singing men. They began with the events of that day, and enumerated
every circumstance which had befallen the coffle in a backward
series, to their departure from Kamalia. When they had ended, the
chief men of the town gave them a small present, and every person of
the coffle, both free and enslaved, was entertained and lodged by the
inhabitants.

On the 22nd of April, the coffle proceeded to a village seven miles
westward. The inhabitants of this village, expecting an attack from
the Foulahs of Fooladoo, were constructing small huts among the
rocks, on the side of a high hill.

The situation was nearly impregnable, high precipices surrounded it
on every side but the eastern, where was left a path broad enough for
one person to ascend. On the brow of the hill were collected heaps of
large stones, to be thrown down upon the enemy, if an attack on the
post was attempted.

The coffle entered the Jallonka wilderness on the 23rd. They passed
the ruins of two small towns, burnt by the Foulahs, and the fire had
been so intense as to vitrify the walls of several huts, which at a
distance appeared as if coloured with red varnish. The coffle crossed
the river Wonda, where fish were seen in great abundance. Karfa now
placed the guides and young men in the front, the women and slaves in
the centre, and the free men in the rear, and in this order they
proceeded through a woody beautiful country, abounding with
partridges, guinea fowls, and deer. At sunset they arrived at a
stream called Comeissang. To diminish the inflammation of his skin,
produced by the friction of his dress from walking, and long exposure
to the heat of the sun, Mr. Park took the benefit of bathing in the
river. They had now travelled about thirty miles, and were greatly
fatigued, but no person complained. Karfa ordered one of his slaves
to prepare for Mr. Park a bed made of branches of trees, and when
they had supped upon kouskous moistened with boiling water, they all
laid down, but were frequently disturbed by the howling of the wild
beasts, and the biting of small brown ants.

The next morning, most of the free people drank some _noening_, a
sort of gruel, which was also given to the slaves that appeared least
able to travel, but a female slave of Karfa's who was called Nealee,
refused to partake of this refreshment, and was very sullen. The
coffle proceeded over a wild and rocky country, and Nealee, soon
overcome by fatigue, lagged behind, complaining dreadfully of pains
in her legs, on which her load was given to another slave, and she
was directed to keep in front. The coffle rested near a small
rivulet, and a hive of bees being discovered in a hollow tree, some
negroes went in quest of the honey, when an enormous swarm flew out,
and attacked the people of the coffle. Mr. Park, who first took the
alarm, alone escaped with impunity. The negroes at length again
collected together at some distance from the place where they were
dispersed, but Nealee was missing, and many of the bundles were left
behind. To recover these, they set fire to the grass eastward of the
hive, and as the wind drove the fire furiously along, they pushed
through the smoke, until they came to the bundles. They also found
poor Nealee lying by the rivulet, she had crept to the stream, hoping
to defend herself from the bees by throwing water over her body, but
she was stung dreadfully. The stings were picked out, and her wounds
washed and anointed, but she refused to proceed further. The slatees
by the whip forced her to proceed about four or five hours longer,
when, attempting to run away, she fell down with extreme weakness.
Again was the whip applied, but ineffectually; the unfortunate slave
was unable to rise. After attempting to place her upon an ass, on
which she could not sit erect, a litter of bamboo canes was made,
upon which she was tied with slips of bark, and carried on the heads
of two slaves for the remainder of the day. The coffle halted at the
foot of a high hill, called Gankaran-kooro. The travellers had only
eaten one handful of meal each during the day's journey, exposed to
the ardour of a tropical sun. The slaves were much fatigued, and
showed great discontent; several _snapt their fingers_, a certain
mark of desperation. They were all immediately put in irons, and
those who had shown signs of despondency were kept apart.

In the morning, however, they were greatly recovered, except poor
Nealee, who could neither walk nor stand, she was accordingly placed
upon an ass, her hands being fastened together under the neck, and
her feet under the belly, to secure her situation. The beast,
however, was unruly, and Nealee was soon thrown off, and one of her
legs was much bruised. As it was found impossible to carry her
forward, the general cry of the coffle was, "_Kang tegi! kang tegi!_"
(Cut her throat! cut her throat!) Mr. Park proceeded forwards with
the foremost of the coffle, to avoid seeing this operation performed,
but soon after he learned that Karfa and the schoolmaster would not
agree to have her killed, but had left her on the road. Her fate
diffused melancholy throughout the whole coffle, notwithstanding the
outcry before mentioned, and the schoolmaster fasted the whole day in
consequence of it. The coffle soon after crossed the Furkoomah, a
river the same size as the Wonda, and travelled so expeditiously,
that Mr. Park with difficulty kept up with it.

On the 26th April, the coffle ascended a rocky hill, called
Bokikooro, and in the afternoon, entering a valley, forded the Bold,
a smooth and clear river. About a mile westward of this river,
discovering the marks of horses' feet, they were afraid that a party
of plunderers were in the neighbourhood; and to avoid discovery and
pursuit, the coffle travelled in a dispersed manner through the high
grass and bushes.

The following day, hoping to reach a town before night, they passed
expeditiously through extensive thickets of bamboos. At a stream
called Nuncolo, each person ate a handful of meal, moistened with
water, in compliance with some superstitious custom. In the
afternoon, they arrived at Sooseta, a Jallonka village, in the
district of Kullo, a tract of country lying along the banks of the
Black River; and the first human habitation they had met with in a
journey of five days, over more than a hundred miles. With much
difficulty they procured huts to sleep in, but could not obtain any
provisions, as there had been a scarcity before the crops were
gathered in, during which all the inhabitants of Kullo had subsisted
upon the yellow powder of the _nitta_, a species of the mimosa, and
the seeds of the bamboo, which, when properly prepared, tastes nearly
similar to rice. As the provisions of the coffle were not exhausted,
kouskous was dressed for supper, and several villagers were invited
to partake; meanwhile one of the schoolmaster's boys, who had fallen
asleep under the bentang, was carried off during the night; but the
thief, finding that his master's residence was only three days'
journey distant, thinking he could not be retained with security,
after stripping him, suffered him to return.

They now crossed the Black River by a bridge of a curious
construction. Several tall trees are fastened together by the tops,
which float on the water, while the roots rest on the rocks on each
side of the river; these are covered with dry bamboos, and the whole
forms a passage, sloping from each end towards the middle, so as to
resemble an inverted arch. In the rainy season the bridge is carried
away, but the natives constantly rebuilt it, and on that account
exact a small tribute from every passenger.

Being informed that, two hundred Jalonkas had assembled to intercept
and plunder the coffle, they altered their course, and about midnight
arrived at a town called Koba. They now discovered that a free man
and three slaves were missing; upon which it was concluded that the
slaves had murdered the free man, and made their escape, and six
people were sent back to the last village to endeavour to procure
information. Meanwhile the people of the coffle were ordered to
conceal themselves in a cotton field, and no person to speak but in a
whisper. Towards morning, the men returned, but without the object of
their pursuit. The coffle then entered the town, and purchased a
quantity of ground nuts, which were roasted for breakfast; and, being
provided with huts, determined to rest there for the day. They were
agreeably surprised by the arrival of their companions. One of the
slaves had hurt his foot, and as the night was dark, they had lost
sight of the coffle, when the free man, who was aware of his danger,
insisted on putting the slaves in irons, and as they were refractory,
threatened to stab them one by one with his spear; they at last
submitted, and in the morning followed the coffle to Koba. In the
course of the day, the intelligence concerning the Jalonka plunderers
was confirmed, on which Karfa, continuing at Koba until the 30th,
hired some persons for protectors, and they proceeded to a village
called Tinkingtang.

On the following day, the slaves being greatly fatigued, the coffle
only proceeded nine miles, where provisions were procured by the
interest of the schoolmaster, who sent a messenger forward to
Malacotta, his native town, to acquaint his friends with his arrival,
and desire them to provide provisions for the entertainment of the
coffle for two or three days.

They halted at another village further on until the return of the
messenger from Malacotta. About two the messenger returned,
accompanied by the schoolmaster's elder brother. "The interview,"
says Mr. Park, "between the two brothers, who had not seen each other
for nine years, was very natural and affecting. They fell upon each
other's neck, and it was some time before either of them could speak.
At length, when the schoolmaster had a little recovered himself, he
took his brother by the hand, and turning round, 'This is the man,'
said he, pointing to Karfa, 'who has been my father in Manding. I
would have pointed him out sooner to you, but my heart was too
full.'" The coffle then proceeded to Malacotta, where they were well
entertained for three days, being each day presented with a bullock
from the schoolmaster.

Malacotta is an unwalled town; the huts are made of unsplit canes
twisted into wicker work, and plastered over with mud. The
inhabitants are active and industrious; they make good soap by
boiling ground nuts in water, and adding a lye of wood ashes. They
also manufacture excellent iron, which they exchange in Bondou for
salt.

A party of traders brought intelligence to this town of a war between
the king of Foota Torra and the king of the Jaloffs, which soon
became a favourite subject of conversation in this part of Africa.
Its circumstances were as follow:--Almami Abdulkader, king of Foota
Torra, inflamed with a zeal for propagating the religion of the
prophet, sent an ambassador to Damel, king of the Jaloffs,
accompanied by two principal bushreens, each bearing a long pole, to
the end of which was fixed a large knife. When admitted into the
presence of Damel, the ambassador ordered the bushreens to present
the emblems of his mission, which he thus explained:--"With this
knife," said he, "Abdulkader will condescend to shave the head of
Damel, if Damel will embrace the Mahometan faith; and with the other
knife, Abdulkader will cut the throat of Damel, if Darnel refuses to
embrace it. Take your choice."

The king of the  Jaloffs having told the ambassador he chose neither
of his propositions, civilly dismissed him. Abdulkader soon after
invaded Damel's dominions with a powerful army. As he approached, the
towns and villages were abandoned, the wells filled up, and their
effects carried off by the inhabitants. He advanced three days into
the country of the Jaloffs, without opposition; but his army had
suffered so greatly for want of water, that many of his men had died
by the way. This compelled him to march to a watering-place in the
woods, where his men, having quenched their thirst, and being
overcome with fatigue, lay down among the bushes to sleep. Thus
situated, they were attacked by the forces of Damel in the night, and
completely routed. King Abdulkader himself, with a great number of
his followers, being taken prisoners. The behaviour of the king of
the Jaloffs on this occasion we shall relate in Mr. Park's own words.
"When his royal prisoner was brought before him in irons, and thrown
upon the ground, the magnanimous Damel, instead of setting his foot
upon his neck, and stabbing him with his spear, according to custom
in such cases, addressed him as follows:--'Abdulkader, answer me this
question. If the chance of war had placed me in your situation, and
you in mine, how would you have treated me?'--'I would have thrust
my spear into your heart,' returned Abdulkader, with great firmness,
'and I know that a similar fate awaits me.'--'Not so,' said Damel;
'my spear is indeed red with the blood of your subjects killed in
battle, and I could now give it a deeper stain, by dipping it in your
own; but this would not build up my towns, nor bring to life the
thousands, who fell in the woods; I will not, therefore, kill you in
cold blood, but I will retain you as my slave, until I perceive that
your presence in your own kingdom will be no longer dangerous to your
neighbours, and then I will consider of the proper way of disposing
of you.' Abdulkader was accordingly retained, and worked as a slave
for three months, at the end of which period, Damel listened to the
solicitations of the inhabitants of Foota Torra. and restored to them
their king."

The coffle resumed their journey on the 7th May, and having crossed a
branch of the Senegal, proceeded to a walled town, called Bentingala,
where they rested two days. In one day more, they reached Dindikoo, a
town at the bottom of a high ridge of hills, which gives the name of
Konkodoo to this part of the country; at Dindikoo was a negro of the
sort called in the Spanish West Indies, Albinos, or white negroes.
His hair and skin were of a dull white colour, cadaverous and
unsightly, and considered as the effect of disease.

After a tedious day's journey, the coffle arrived at Satadoo, on the
evening of the 11th. Many inhabitants had quitted this town, on
account of the plundering incursions of the Foulahs of Foota Jalla,
who frequently carried off people from the corn fields and wells near
the town.

The coffle crossed the Faleme river on the 12th, and at night halted
at a village called Medina, the sole property of a Mandingo merchant,
who had adopted many European customs. His victuals were served up in
pewter dishes, and his houses were formed in the mode of the English
houses on the Gambia.

The next morning they departed, in company with another coffle of
slaves, belonging to some Serawoolli traders, and in the evening
arrived at Baniserile, after a very hard day's journey.

Mr. Park was invited by one of the slatees, a native of this place,
to go home to his house. He had been absent three years, and was met
by his friends with many expressions of joy. When he had seated
himself upon a mat near the threshold of his door, a young woman, his
intended bride, brought some water in a calabash, and, kneeling
before him, requested him to wash his hands. This being done, the
young woman drank the water; an action here esteemed as the greatest
proof that can be given of fidelity and affection.

Mr. Park now arrived on the shores of the Gambia, and on the 10th
June 1797 reached Pisania, where he was received as one risen from
the dead; for all the traders from the interior had believed and
reported, that, like Major Houghton, he was murdered by the Moors of
Ludamar. Karfa, his benefactor, received double the stipulated price,
and was overpowered with gratitude; but when he saw the commodious
furniture, the skilful manufactures, the superiority in all the arts
of life, displayed by the Europeans, compared with the attainments of
his countrymen, he was deeply mortified, and exclaimed "Black men are
nothing," expressing, at the same time his surprise, that Park could
find any motive for coming to so miserable a land as Africa.

Mr. Park had some difficulty in reaching home. He was obliged to
embark on the 15th June, in a vessel bound to America, and was
afterwards driven by stress of weather, into the island of Antigua,
whence he sailed on the 24th November, and on the 22nd December
landed at Falmouth. He arrived in London before dawn on the morning
of Christmas day, and in the garden of the British Museum
accidentally met his brother-in-law, Mr. Dickson. Two years having
elapsed since any tidings had reached England, he had been given up
for lost, so that his friends and the public were equally astonished
and delighted by his appearance. The report of his unexpected return,
after making such splendid discoveries, kindled throughout the nation
a higher enthusiasm than had perhaps been excited by the result of
any former mission of the same nature. The Niger had been seen
flowing _eastward_, into the interior of Africa, and hence a still
deeper interest and mystery were suspended over the future course and
termination of this great central stream. Kingdoms had been
discovered, more flourishing and more populous than any formerly
known on that continent; but other kingdoms, still greater and
wealthier, were reported to exist in regions, which Mr. Park had
vainly attempted to reach. The lustre of his achievements had
diffused among the public in general an ardour for discovery, which
was formerly confined to a few enlightened individuals; it was,
however, evident that the efforts of no private association could
penetrate the depths of this vast continent, and overcome the
obstacles presented by its distance, its deserts, and its barbarism.



CHAPTER IX.

It was now thought advisable to trace, without interruption the
interesting career of Mr. Park, from its commencement to its close.
The enthusiasm for discovery was, however, not confined solely to
England; for the return of Park had no sooner reached Germany, than
Frederick Horneman, a student of the university of Gottingen,
communicated to Blumenbach, the celebrated professor of natural
history, his ardent desire to explore the interior of Africa under
the auspices of the British African Association. The professor
transmitted to the association a strong recommendation of Horneman,
as a young man, active, athletic, temperate, knowing sickness only by
name, and of respectable literary and scientific attainments. Sir
Joseph Banks immediately wrote, "If Mr. Horneman be really the
character you describe, he is the very person whom we are in search
of."

On receiving this encouragement, Horneman immediately applied his
mind to the study of natural history and the Arabic language, and in
other respects sought to capacitate himself for supporting the
character of an Arab or a Mahometan, under which he flattered himself
that he should escape the effects of that ferocious bigotry, which
had opposed so fatal a bar to the progress of his predecessors.

In May 1797, Horneman repaired to London, where his appointment was
sanctioned by the association, and having obtained a passport from
the Directory, who then governed France, he visited Paris, and was
introduced to some influential members of the National Institute. He
reached Egypt in September, spent ten days at Alexandria, and set out
for Cairo, to wait the departure of the Kashna caravan. The interval
was employed in acquiring the language of the Mograben Arabs, a tribe
bordering on Egypt. While he was at Cairo, intelligence was received
of the landing of Buonaparte in that country, when the just
indignation of the natives vented itself upon all Europeans, and,
amongst others, on Horneman, who was arrested and confined in the
castle. He was relieved upon the victorious entry of the French
commander, who immediately set him at liberty, and very liberally
offered him money, and every other supply which might contribute to
the success of his mission.

It was not before the 5th September 1798, that Horneman could meet
with a caravan proceeding to the westward, when he joined the one
destined for Fezzan. The travellers soon passed the cultivated lands
of Egypt, and entered on an expanse of sandy waste, such as the
bottom of the ocean might exhibit, if the waters were to retire. This
desert was covered with the fragments, as it were, of a petrified
forest; large trunks, branches, twigs, and even pieces of bark, being
scattered over it. Sometimes these stony remains were brought in as
mistake for fuel. When the caravan halted for the night, each
individual dug a hole in the sand, gathered a few sticks, and
prepared his victuals after the African fashion of kouskous, soups,
or puddings. Horneman, according to his European habits, at first
employed the services of another, but finding himself thus exposed to
contempt or suspicion, he soon followed the example of the rest, and
became his own cook.

There are, as usual, oases in this immense waste. Ten days brought
the caravan to Ummesogeir, a village situated upon a rock, with 120
inhabitants, who, separated by deserts, from the rest of the world,
passed a peaceful and hospitable life, subsisting on dates, the chief
produce of their arid and sterile soil.

Another day's journey brought them to Siwah, a much more extensive
oasis, the rocky border of which is estimated by Horneman to be fifty
miles in circumference. It yields, with little culture, various
descriptions of grain and vegetables; but its wealth consists chiefly
in large gardens of dates, baskets of which fruit form here the
standard of value. The government is vested in a very turbulent
aristocracy, of about thirty chiefs, who meet in council in the
vicinity of the town wall, and in the contests which frequently
arise, make violent and sudden appeals to arms. The chief question in
respect to Siwah is, whether it does or does not comprise the site of
the celebrated shrine of Jupiter Ammon, that object of awful
veneration to the nations of antiquity, and which Alexander himself,
the greatest of its heroes, underwent excessive toil and peril to
visit and to associate with his name. This territory does in fact
contain springs, and a small edifice, with walls six feet thick,
partly painted and adorned with hieroglyphics. There are also antique
tombs in the neighbouring mountains, but as the subsequent
discoveries of Belzoni and Edmonstone have proved that all these
features exist in other oases, scattered in different directions
along the desert borders of Egypt, some uncertainty must perhaps for
ever rest on this curious question.

The route now passed through a region still indeed barren, yet not
presenting such a monotonous plain of sand as intervenes between
Egypt and Siwah. It was bordered by precipitous limestone rocks,
often completely filled with shells and marine remains. The caravan,
while proceeding along these wild tracts, were alarmed by a
tremendous braying of asses, and, on looking back, saw several
hundred of the people of Siwah, armed and in full pursuit, mounted on
these useful animals. The scouts, however, soon brought an assurance
that they came with intentions perfectly peaceable, having merely
understood that in the caravan there were two Christians from Cairo,
and on their being allowed to kill them, the others would be
permitted to proceed without molestation. All Horneman's address and
firmness were required in this fearful crisis. He opposed the most
resolute denial to the assertions of the Siwahans, he opened the
Koran, and displayed the facility with which he could read its pages.
He even challenged his adversaries to answer him on points of
mahommedan faith.  His companions in the caravan, who took a pride in
defending one of their members, insisted that he had cleared himself
thoroughly from the imputation of being an infidel, and as they were
joined by several of the Siwahans, the whole body finally renounced
their bloody purpose, and returned home.

The travellers next passed through Angila, a town so ancient as to be
mentioned by Herodotus, but now small, dirty, and supported solely by
the passage of the inland trade. They then entered the Black
Harutsch, a long range of dreary mountains, the _mons ater_ of the
ancients, through the successive defiles of which they found only a
narrow track enclosed by rugged steeps, and obstructed by loose
stones. Every valley too and ravine into which they looked, appeared
still more wild and desolate than the road itself. A scene of a more
gay and animated description succeeded, when they entered the
district of Limestone Mountains, called the White Harutsch. The rocks
and stones here appeared as if glazed, and abounded in shells and
other marine petrifactions, which on being broken had a vitrified
appearance.

After a painful route of sixteen days through this solitary region,
the travellers were cheered by seeing before them the great oasis, or
small kingdom of Fezzan. Both at Temissa, the first frontier town,
and at Zuila, the ancient capital, which is still inhabited by many
rich merchants, they were received with rapturous demonstrations of
joy. The arrival of a caravan is the chief event which diversifies
the existence of the Fezzaners, and diffuses through the country
animation and wealth. At Mourzouk, the modern capital, the reception
was more solemn and pompous. The sultan himself awaited their arrival
on a small eminence, seated in an arm chair, ornamented with cloth of
various colours, and forming a species of throne. Each pilgrim, on
approaching the royal seat, put off his sandals, kissed the
sovereign's hand, and took his station behind, where the whole
assembly joined in a chant of pious gratitude.

Fezzan, according to Horneman, has a length of 300, and a breadth of
200 miles, and is much the largest of all the oases, which enliven
the immense desert of Northern Africa. It relieves, however, in only
an imperfect degree, the parched appearance of the surrounding
region. It is not irrigated by a river, nor even a streamlet of any
dimensions; the grain produced is insufficient for its small
population, supposed to amount to 70,000 or 75,000 inhabitants, and
few animals are reared except the ass, the goat, and the camel.
Dates, as in all this species of territory, form the chief article of
land produce, but Fezzan derives its chief importance from being the
centre of that immense traffic, which gives activity and wealth to
interior Africa. Mourzouk, in the dry season, forms a rendezvous for
the caravans proceeding from Egypt, Morocco and Tripoli, to the great
countries watered by the western river. Yet the trade is carried on
less by the inhabitants themselves, than by the Tibboos, Tuaricks,
and other wandering tribes of the desert, concerning whom Horneman
collected some information, but less ample than Lyon and Denham
afterwards obtained from personal observation. Of Timbuctoo, he did
not obtain much information, Morocco being the chief quarter whence
caravans proceed to that celebrated seat of African commerce. In
regard, however, to the eastern part of Soudan, he received
intelligence more accurate than had hitherto reached Europe. Houssa
was for the first time understood to be, not a single country or
city, but a region comprehending many kingdoms, the people of which
are said to be the handsomest, most industrious, and most intelligent
in that part of Africa, being particularly distinguished for their
manufacture of fine cloths. Amongst the states mentioned, were
Kashna, Kano, Daura, Solan, Noro, Nyffe, Cabi, Zanfara and Guber.
Most or all of these were tributary to Bornou, described as decidedly
the most  powerful kingdom in central Africa, and which really was so
regarded before the rise of the Fellatah empire caused in this
respect, a remarkable change. The Niger, according to the unanimous
belief in the northern provinces, was said to flow from Timbuctoo
eastward through Houssa, and holding the same direction till it
joined or rather became the Bahr-elabiad, the main stream of the
Egyptian Nile. Prevalent as this opinion is amongst the Arabs, late
discoveries have proved it to be decidedly erroneous; the river or
rivers which water Houssa, being wholly distinct from that great
stream which flows through Bambarra and Timbuctoo.

Horneman, after remaining some time at Mourzouk, had resolved to join
a caravan about to proceed southwards into the interior, when
observing that the cavalcade consisted almost wholly of black
traders, any connexion or intercourse with whom was likely to afford
him little favour in the eyes of the Moors, he was induced to forego
this purpose; more especially as there was the greatest reason to
apprehend obstruction in passing through the country of the Turiacks,
then at war with Fezzan. He was informed besides, that caravans from
Bornou occasionally terminated their journey at Mourzouk, again
returning south; by which under more propitious circumstances he
hoped to accomplish his object. These considerations determined him
to postpone his departure, resolving in the mean while, with the view
of forwarding his despatches to the association, to visit Tripoli,
where, however, he did not arrive till the 19th August, 1799, having
been detained a considerable time by sickness. After remaining in
this city about three months he returned to Mourzouk, nor was it till
the 6th April, 1800, that he departed thence for the southward, in
company with two shereefs, who had given him assurances of friendship
and protection. His letters were filled with the most sanguine hopes
of success. But the lapse of two years without any tidings, threw a
damp on the cheering expectations then raised in the association and
the public. In September 1803, a Fezzan merchant informed Mr. Nissen,
the Danish consul of Tripoli, that Yussuph, as Horneman had chosen to
designate himself, was seen alive and well on his way to Gondasch,
with the intention of proceeding to the coast, and of returning to
Europe. Another moorish merchant afterwards informed Mr. M'Donogh,
British consul at Tripoli, that Yussuph was in safety at Kashna, in
June 1803, and was there highly respected as a mussulman, marabout or
saint. Major Denham afterwards learned that he had penetrated across
Africa as far as Nyffe, on the Niger, where he fell a victim, not to
any hostility on the part of the natives, but to disease and the
climate. A young man was even met with, who professed to be his son,
though there were some doubt as to the grounds of his claim to that
character.

The association, when their expectations from Horneman had failed,
began to look round for other adventurers, and there were still a
number of active and daring spirits ready to brave the dangers of
this undertaking. Mr. Nicholls, in 1804, repaired to Calabar, in the
Gulf of Benin, with the view of penetrating into the interior by this
route, which appeared shorter than any other, but without any
presentiment that the termination of the Niger was to be found in
that quarter. He was well received by the chiefs on that coast, but
could not gain much information respecting that river, being informed
that most of the slaves came from the west, and that the navigation
of the Calabar stream, at no great distance was interrupted by an
immense waterfall, beyond which the surface of the country became
very elevated. Unfortunately, of all the sickly climates of Africa,
this is perhaps the most pestilential, and Mr. Nicholls, before
commencing his journey, fell a victim to the epidemic fever.

Another German named Roentgen, recommended also by Blumenbach,
undertook to penetrate into the interior of Africa by way of Morocco.
He was described as possessing an unblemished character, ardent zeal
in the cause, with great strength both of mind and body. Like
Horneman, he made himself master of Arabic, and proposed to pass for
a Mahommedan. Having in 1809 arrived at Mogadore, he hired two
guides, and set out to join the Soudan caravan. His career, however,
was short indeed, for soon after his body was found at a little
distance from the place whence he started. No information could ever
be obtained as to the particulars of his death, but it was too
probably conjectured that his guides murdered him for the sake of his
property.



CHAPTER X.

We are now entering upon the narrative of a series of the most
extraordinary adventures which ever befel the African travellers, in
the person of an illiterate and obscure seaman, of the name of Robert
Adams, who was wrecked on the western coast of Africa, in the
American ship Charles, bound to the isle of Mayo, and who may be said
to have been the first traveller who ever reached the far-famed city
of Timbuctoo.

The place where the Charles was wrecked was called Elgazie, and the
captain and the whole of the crew were immediately taken prisoners by
the Moors. On their landing, the Moors stripped the whole of them
naked, and concealed their clothes under ground; being thus exposed
to a scorching sun, their skins became dreadfully blistered, and at
night they were obliged to dig holes in the sand to sleep in, for the
sake of coolness.

About a week after landing, the captain of the ship was put to death
by the Moors, for which the extraordinary reason was given, that he
was extremely dirty, and would not go down to the sea to wash
himself, when the Moors made signs for him to do so.

After they had remained about ten or twelve days, until the ship and
its materials had quite disappeared, the Moors made preparations to
depart, and divided the prisoners amongst them. Robert Adams and two
others of the crew were left in the possession of about twenty Moors,
who quitted the sea coast, having four camels, three of which they
loaded with water, and the other with fish and baggage. At the end of
about thirty days, during which they did not see a human being, they
arrived at a place, the name of which Adams did not hear, where they
found about thirty or forty tents, and a pool of water surrounded by
a few shrubs, which was the only water they had met with since
quitting the coast.

In the first week of their arrival, Adams and his companions being
greatly fatigued, were not required to do any work, but at the end of
that time, they were put to tend some goats and sheep, which were the
first they had seen. About this time, John Stevens arrived, under
charge of a Moor, and was sent to work in company with Adams. Stevens
was a Portuguese, about eighteen years of age. At this place they
remained about a month.

It was now proposed by the Moors to Adams and Stevens, to accompany
them on an expedition to Soudenny to procure slaves. It was with
great difficulty they could be made to understand this proposal, but
the Moors made themselves intelligible by pointing to some negro
boys, who were employed in taking care of sheep and goats. Being in
the power of the Moors, they had no option, and having therefore
signified their consent, the party consisting of about eighteen
Moors, and the two whites, set out for Soudenny.

Soudenny is a small negro village, having grass and shrubs growing
about it, and a small brook of water. For a week or thereabouts,
after arriving in the neighbourhood of this place, the party
concealed themselves amongst the hills and bushes, lying in wait for
the inhabitants, when they seized upon a woman with a child in her
arms, and two children (boys), whom they found walking in the evening
near the town.

During the next four or five days, the party remained concealed, when
one evening, as they were all lying on the ground, a large party of
negroes, consisting of forty or fifty made their appearance, armed
with daggers, and bows and arrows, who surrounded and took them all
prisoners, without the least resistance being attempted, and carried
them into the town; tying the hands of some, and driving the whole
party before them. During the night above one hundred negroes kept
watch over them. The next day they were taken before the governor or
chief person, named Muhamoud, a remarkably ugly negro, who ordered
that they should all be imprisoned. The place of confinement was a
mere mud wall, about six feet high, from whence they might readily
have escaped, though strongly guarded, if the Moors had been
enterprising, but they were a cowardly set. Here they were kept three
or four days, for the purpose, as it afterwards appeared, of being
sent forward to Timbuctoo, which Adams concluded to be the residence
of the king of the country. At Soudenny, the houses have only a
ground floor, and are without furniture or utensils, except wooden
bowls, and mats made of grass. They never make fires in their houses.
After remaining about four days at Soudenny, the prisoners were sent
to Timbuctoo, under an escort of about sixty armed men, having about
eighteen camels and dromedaries.

During the first ten days they proceeded eastward, at the rate of
about fifteen to twenty miles a day, the prisoners and most of the
negroes walking, the officers riding, two upon each camel or
dromedary. As the prisoners were all impressed with the belief that
they were going to execution, several of the Moors attempted to
escape, and in consequence, after a short consultation, fourteen were
put to death by being beheaded, at a small village at which they then
arrived, and as a terror to the rest, the head of one of them was
hung round the neck of a camel for three days, until it became so
putrid, that they were obliged to remove it. At this village, the
natives wore gold rings in their ears, sometimes two rings in each
ear. They had a hole through the cartilage of the nose, wide enough
to admit a thick quill, in which Adams saw some of the natives wear a
large ring of an oval shape, that hung down to the mouth.

They waited, only one day at this place, and then proceeded towards
Timbuctoo. Shaping their course to the northward of east, and
quickening their pace to the rate of twenty miles a day, they
completed their journey in fifteen days.

Upon their arrival at Timbuctoo, the whole party were immediately
taken before the king, who ordered the Moors into prison, but
treated Adams and the Portuguese boy as curiosities; taking them to
his house, they remained there during their residence at Timbuctoo.

For some time after their arrival, the queen and her female
attendants used to sit and look at Adams and his companions for hours
together. She treated them with great kindness, and at the first
interview offered them some bread baked under ashes.

The king and queen, the former of whom was named Woollo, the latter
Fatima, were very old grey-headed people. Fatima was like the
majority of African beauties, extremely fat. Her dress was of blue
nankeen, edged with gold lace round the bosom and on the shoulder,
and having a belt or stripe of the same material, half-way down the
dress, which came only a few inches down the knees. The dress of the
other females of Timbuctoo, though less ornamented than that of the
queen, was in the same sort of fashion, so that as they wore no close
under garments, they might, when sitting on the ground, as far as
decency was concerned, as well have had no covering at all. The
queen's head dress consisted of a blue nankeen turban, but this was
worn only upon occasions of ceremony, or when she walked out. Besides
the turban, she had her hair stuck full of bone ornaments of a square
shape, about the size of dice, extremely white; she had large gold
hoop ear-rings, and many necklaces, some of them of gold, the others
made of beads of various colours. She wore no shoes, and in
consequence, her feet appeared to be as hard and dry "as the hoofs of
an ass."

The king's house or palace, which is built of clay and grass, not
whitewashed, consists of eight or ten small rooms on the ground
floor, and is surrounded by a wall of the same materials, against
part of which the house is built. The space within the wall is about
half an acre. Whenever a trader arrives, he is required to bring his
merchandize into this space, for the inspection of the king, for the
purpose of duties being charged upon it. The king's attendants, who
are with him during the whole of the day, generally consist of about
thirty persons, several of whom are armed with daggers, and bows and
arrows. Adams did not know if the king had any family.

For a considerable time after the arrival of Adams and his companion,
the people used to come in crowds to stare at them, and he afterwards
understood that many persons came several days journey on purpose.
The Moors remained closely confined in prison, but Adams and the
Portuguese boy had permission to visit them. At the end of about six
months, a company of trading Moors arrived with tobacco, who after
some weeks ransomed the whole party.

Timbuctoo is situated on a level plain [*], having a river about two
hundred yards from the town, on the south-east side, named La Mar
Zarah. The town appeared to Adams to cover as much ground as Lisbon.
He was unable to give any account of number of its inhabitants,
estimated by Caillié to amount to 10,000 or 12,000. The houses are
not built in streets, nor with any regularity, its population
therefore, compared with that of European towns, is by no means in
proportion to its size. It has no wall nor any thing resembling
fortification. The houses are square, built of sticks, clay, and
grass, with flat roofs of the same materials. The rooms are all on
the ground-floor, and are without any of furniture, except earthen
jars, wooden bowls, and mats made grass, upon which the people sleep.
He did not observe a houses, or any other buildings, constructed of
stone. The palace of the king he described as having walls of clay,
or clay and sand, rammed into a wooden case or frame, and placed in
layers, one above another, until they attained the height required,
the roof being composed of poles or rafters laid horizontally, and
covered with a cement or plaster, made of clay or sand.

[Footnote: This account of Timbuctoo, as given by Adams, by no means
corresponds with that which was subsequently given by Caillié. The
latter makes it situated on a very elevated site, in the vicinity of
mountains; in fact the whole account of that celebrated city, as
given by Caillié, is very defective.]

The river La Mar Zarah is about three quarters of a mile wide at
Timbuctoo, and appeared in this place to have but little current,
flowing to the south-west. About two miles from the town to the
southward, it runs between two high mountains, apparently as high as
the mountains which Adams saw in Barbary; here the river is about
half a mile wide. The water of La Mar Zarah is rather brackish, but
is commonly drunk by the natives, there not being, according to the
report of Adams, any wells at Timbuctoo.

It must be remarked in this place, that at the time when Adams
related the narrative of his residence in Africa, and particularly in
the city of Timbuctoo, a very considerable degree of distrust was
attached to it; and in order to put the veracity of Adams to a
decisive test, the publication of his adventures was delayed until
the arrival of Mr. Dupuis, then the British vice-consul at Mogadore,
to whose interference Adams acknowledged himself indebted for his
ransom, and who, on account of his long residence in Africa, and his
intimate acquaintance with the manners and customs of the natives,
was fully competent to the detection of any imposition which it might
be the intention of Adams to practise upon those, who undertook the
publication of his adventures. From this severe ordeal Adams came out
fully clear of any intention to impose, and the principal points of
his narrative were corroborated by the knowledge and experience of
Mr. Dupuis. Thus that gentleman, in allusion to the description which
Adams gave of La Mar Zarah, mentions that the Spanish geographer
Marmol, who describes himself to have spent twenty years of warfare
and slavery in Africa, about the middle of the sixteenth century,
mentions the river La-ha-mar as a branch of the Niger, having muddy
and unpalatable waters. By the same authority, the Niger itself is
called Yea, or Issa, at Timbuctoo, a name which D'Anville has adopted
in his map of Africa.

The vessels used by the natives are small canoes for fishing, the
largest of which are about ten feet long, capable of carrying three
men; they are built of fig-trees hollowed out, and caulked with
grass, and are worked with paddles about six feet long.

The natives of Timbuctoo are a stout healthy race, and are seldom
sick, although they expose themselves by lying out in the sun at
mid-day, when the heat is almost insupportable to a white man. It is
the universal practice of both sexes to grease themselves all over
with butter produced from goat's milk, which makes the skin smooth,
and gives it a shining appearance. This is usually renewed every day:
when neglected, the skin becomes rough, greyish, and extremely ugly.
They usually sleep under cover at night, but sometimes, in the
hottest weather, they will lie exposed to the night air, with little
or no covering, notwithstanding that the fog, which rises from the
river, descends like dew, and, in fact, at that season supplies the
want of rain.

All the males of Timbuctoo have an incision on their faces from the
top of the forehead down to the nose, from which proceed other
lateral incisions over the eyebrows, into all of which is inserted a
blue dye, produced from a kind of ore, which is found in the
neighbouring mountains. The women have also incisions on their faces,
but in a different fashion; the lines being from two to five in
number, cut on each cheek bone, from the temple straight down; they
are also stained with blue. These incisions being made on the faces
of both sexes when they are about twelve months old, the dyeing
material, which is inserted in them, becomes scarcely visible as they
grow up.

With the exception of the king and queen, and their immediate
companions, who had a change of dress about once a week, the people
are in general very dirty, sometimes not washing themselves for
twelve or fourteen days together. Besides the queen, who, as has been
already stated, wore a profusion of ivory and bone ornaments in her
hair, some of a square shape, and others about as thick as a
shilling, but rather smaller, strings of which she also wore about
her wrists and ankles; many of the women were decorated in a similar
manner, and they seemed to consider hardly any favour too great to be
conferred on the person who would make them a present of these
precious ornaments. Gold ear-rings were much worn, some of the women
had also rings on their fingers, but these appeared to Adams to be of
brass; and as many of the latter had letters upon them, he concluded,
both from this circumstance and from their workmanship, that they
were not made by the negroes, but obtained from the moorish traders.

The ceremony of marriage amongst the upper ranks at Timbuctoo is, for
the bride to go in the day-time to the king's house, and to remain
there until after sunset, when the man who is to be her husband goes
to fetch her away. This is usually followed by a feast the same
night, and a dance. Adams did not observe what ceremonies were used
in the marriages of the lower classes.

As it is common to have several concubines besides a wife, the women
are continually quarrelling and fighting; there is, however, a marked
difference in the degree of respect with which they are treated by
the husband, the wife always having a decided pre-eminence. The
negroes, however, appeared to Adams to be jealous and severe with all
their women, frequently beating them apparently for very little
cause.

The women appear to suffer very little from child-birth, and they
will be seen walking about as usual the day after such an event. It
is their practice to grease a child all over soon after its birth,
and to expose it for about an hour to the sun. The infants at first
are of a reddish colour, but become black in three or four days.

Illicit intercourse appeared to be but little regarded amongst the
lower orders, and chastity among the women in general seemed to be
preserved only so far as their situations or circumstances rendered
it necessary for their personal safety or convenience. In the higher
ranks, if a woman prove with child, the man is punished with slavery,
unless he will take the woman for his wife, and maintain her. Adams
knew an instance of a young man, who, having refused to marry a woman
by whom he had a child, was on that account condemned to slavery. He
afterwards repented, but was not then permitted to retract his
refusal, and was sent away to be sold.

It does not appear that they have any public religion, as they have
not any house of worship; no priest, and, as far as Adams could
discover, never meet together to pray. He had seen some of the
negroes, who were circumcised; but he concluded that they had been in
possession of the Moors, or had been resident at Sudenny. On this
subject Mr. Dupuis says, "I cannot speak with any confidence of the
religion of the negroes of Timbuctoo; I have, however, certainly
heard, and entertain little doubt, that many of the inhabitants are
Mahommedans; it is also generally believed in Barbary, that there are
mosques at Timbuctoo; but, on the other hand, I am confident that the
king is neither an Arab nor a Moor, especially as the traders, from
whom I have collected these accounts, have been either the one or the
other; and I might consequently presume, that, if they did give me
erroneous information on any points, it would at least not be to the
prejudice, both of their national self-conceit, and of the credit and
honour of their religion."

The only ceremony which Adams saw, that appeared like the act of
prayer, was on the occasion of the death of any of the inhabitants,
when the relatives assembled and sat round the corpse. The burial is
not attended with any ceremony whatever; the deceased are buried in
the clothes in which they die, at a small distance to the south-west
of the town.

Their only physicians are old women, who cure diseases and wounds by
the application of simples. Adams had a wen on the back of his right
hand, the size of a large egg, which one of the women cured in about
a month, by rubbing it and applying a plaster of herbs. They cure the
tooth-ache by the application of a liquid prepared from roots, which
frequently causes not only the defective tooth to fall out, but one
or two of the others.

On referring to the notes of Mr. Dupuis on the subject of the cures
performed by the negro women, we read, "I may take this opportunity
of observing that he (Adams) recounted, at Mogadore, several stories
of the supernatural powers or charms possessed by some of the
negroes, and which practised both, defensively to protect their own
persons from harm, and offensively against their enemies. Of these
details I do not remember more than the following circumstance,
which, I think, he told me happened in his presence:--

"A negro slave, the property of a desert Arab, having been threatened
by his master with severe punishment, for some offence, defied his
power to hurt him, in consequence of a charm by which he was
protected. Upon this the Arab seized a gun, which he loaded with a
ball, and fired at only a few paces distant from the negro's breast;
but the negro, instead of being injured by the shot, stooped to the
ground and picked up the ball, which had fallen inoffensive at his
feet."

It seems strange that Adams should have omitted their extraordinary
stories in his narrative; for he frequently expressed to Mr. Dupuis a
firm belief, that the negroes were capable of injuring their enemies
by witchcraft; and he once pointed out to him a slave at Mogadore, of
whom on that account he stood particularly in awe. He doubtless
imbibed this belief, and learned the other absurd stories, which he
related, from the Arabs, some of whom profess to be acquainted with
the art themselves, and all of whom are, it is believed, firmly
persuaded of its existence, and of the peculiar proficiency of the
negroes in it.

It is perhaps not unreasonable to suppose, that having found his
miraculous stories, and his belief in witchcraft discredited and
laughed at, both at Mogadore and Cadiz, Adams should have at length
grown ashamed of repeating them, and even outlived his superstitious
credulity. This solitary instance of suppression may rather be
considered as a proof of his good sense, and as the exercise of a
very allowable discretion, than as evidence of an artfulness, of
which not a trace had been detected in any other part of his conduct.

Dancing is the principal and favourite amusement of the natives of
Timbuctoo; it takes place about once a week in the town, when a
hundred dancers or more assemble, men, women, and children, but the
greater number are men. Whilst they are engaged in the dance, they
sing extremely loud to the music of the tambourine, fife, and
bandera, [*] so that the noise they make, may be heard all over the
town; they dance in a circle, and when this amusement continues till
the night, generally round a fire. Their usual time of beginning is
about two hours before sunset, and the dance not unfrequently lasts
all night. The men have the most of the exercise in these sports
while daylight lasts, the women continuing nearly in one spot, and
the men dancing to and from them. During this time, the dance is
conducted with some decency, but when night approaches, and the women
take a more active part in the amusement, their thin and short
dresses, and the agility of their actions are little calculated to
admit of the preservation of any decorum. The following was the
nature of the dance; six or seven men joining hands, surrounded one
in the centre of the ring, who was dressed in a ludicrous manner,
wearing a large black wig stuck full of kowries. This man at
intervals repeated verses, which, from the astonishment and
admiration expressed at them by those in the ring, appeared to be
extempore. Two performers played on the outside of the ring, one on a
large drum, the other on the bandera. The singer in the ring was not
interrupted during his recitations, but at the end of every verse,
the instruments struck up, and the whole party joined in loud chorus,
dancing round the man in the circle, stooping to the ground, and
throwing up their legs alternately. Towards the end of the dance, the
man in the middle of the ring was released from his enclosure, and
danced alone, occasionally reciting verses, whilst the other dancers
begged money from the by-standers.

[Footnote: The bandera is made of several cocoa-nut shells, tied
together with thongs of goat-skin, and covered with the same
material; a hole at the top of the instrument is covered with strings
of leather, or tendons, drawn tightly across it, on which the
performer plays with the fingers, in the manner of a guitar.]

It has been already stated, that Adams could not form any idea of the
population of Timbuctoo, but on one occasion he saw as many as
two-thousand assembled at one place. This happened when a party of
five hundred men were going out to make war on Bambarra [*]. The day
after their departure, they were followed by a great number of
slaves, dromedaries, and heiries laden with previsions. Such of these
people as afterwards returned, came back in parties of forty or
fifty; many of them did not return at all whilst Adams remained at
Timbuctoo; but he never heard that any of them had been killed.

[Footnote: This statement, which is in opposition to the usual
opinion, that Timbuctoo is a dependency of Bambarra, receives some
corroboration from a passage in Isaaco's journal (p. 205.), where a
prince of Timbuctoo is accused by the king of Sego, of having, either
personally, or by his people, plundered two Bambarra caravans, and
taken both merchandise and slaves.]

About once a month, a party of a hundred or more armed men marched
out in a similar manner, to procure slaves. These armed parties were
all on foot, except the officers; they were usually absent from one
week to a month, and at times brought in considerable numbers. The
slaves were generally a different race of people from those of
Timbuctoo, and differently clothed, their dress being for the most
part of coarse white linen or cotton. He once saw amongst them a
woman, who had her teeth filed round, it was supposed, by way of
ornament, and as they were very long, they resembled crow quills. The
greatest number of slaves that Adams recollects to have seen brought
in at one time, were about twenty, and these, he was informed, were
from a place called Bambarra, lying to the southward and westward of
Timbuctoo, which he understood to be the country, whither the
aforesaid parties generally went out in quest of them.

The negro slaves brought to Barbary from Timbuctoo appear to be of
various nations, many of them distinguished by the make of their
persons and features, as well as by their language. Mr. Dupuis
recollects an unusually tall stout negress at Mogadore, whose master
assured him that she belonged to a populous nation of cannibals. He
does not know whether the fact was sufficiently authenticated, but it
is certain that the woman herself declared it, adding some revolting
accounts of her own feasts on human flesh.

Adams never saw any individual put to death at Timbuctoo, the
punishment for heavy offences being generally slavery; for slighter
misdemeanours, the offenders are punished with beating with a stick;
but in no case is this punishment very severe, seldom exceeding two
dozen blows, with a stick of the thickness of a small walking-cane.

The infrequency of the punishment of death in a community, which
counts human life amongst its most valuable objects of trade, is not,
however, very surprising; and considerable influence must be conceded
to the operation of self-interest, as well as to the feelings of
humanity, in accounting for this merciful feature, if it be indeed
merciful, in the criminal code of the negroes of Soudan.

During the whole of the residence of Adams at Timbuctoo, he never saw
any other Moors than those whom he accompanied thither, and the ten
by whom they were ransomed; and he understood from the Moors
themselves, that they were not allowed to go in large bodies to
Timbuctoo. This statement bears on the face of it a certain degree of
improbability; but it loses that character when it is considered that
Timbuctoo, although it is become, in consequence of its frontier
situation, the port, as it were, of the caravans from the north,
which could not return across the desert the same season, if they
were to penetrate deeper into Soudan, is yet, with respect to the
trade itself, probably only the point whence it diverges to Houssa,
Tuarick, &c. on the east, and to Walet, Jinnie, and Sego, on the west
and south, and not the mart where the merchandise of the caravans is
sold in detail. Such Moors, therefore, as did not return to Barbary
with the returning caravan, but remained in Soudan until the
following season, might be expected to follow their trade to the
larger marts of the interior, and to return to Timbuctoo only to meet
the next winter's caravans. Adams arriving at Timbuctoo in February,
and departing in June, might therefore miss both the caravans
themselves and the traders, who remained behind in Soudan; and, on
the same principle, Park might find Moors carrying on an active trade
in the summer at Sansanding, and yet there might not be one at
Timbuctoo.

Adams never proceeded to the southward of Timbuctoo, further than
about two miles from the town, to the mountains before spoken of; he
never saw the river Joliba or Niger, though he had heard mention made
of it. He was told at Tudenny, that the river lay between that place
and Bambarra.

This apparently unimportant passage, affords on examination a strong
presumption in favour of the truth and simplicity of this part of
Adams' narrative.

In the course of his examinations, almost every new inquirer
questioned him respecting the Joliba or Niger, and he could not fail
to observe, that because he had been at Timbuctoo, he was expected,
as a matter of course, either to have seen, or at least frequently to
have heard of that celebrated river. Adams, however, fairly admitted
that he knew nothing about it, and notwithstanding the surprise of
many of his examiners, he could not be brought to acknowledge that he
had heard the name even once mentioned at Timbuctoo. All that he
recollected was, that a river Joliba had been spoken of at Tudenny,
where it was described as lying in the direction of Bambarra.

They who recollect Major Rennell's remarks respecting the Niger, in
his Geographical Illustrations, will not be much surprised that Adams
should not hear of the Joliba, from the natives of Timbuctoo. At that
point of its course, the river is doubtless known by another name,
and if the Joliba were spoken of at all, it would probably be
accompanied, as Adams states, with some mention of Bambarra, which
may be presumed to be the last country eastward, in which the Niger
retains its Mandingo name.



CHAPTER XI.

The ten Moors who had arrived with the five camels laden with
tobacco, had been three weeks at Timbuctoo, before Adams learnt that
the ransom of himself, the boy, and the Moors, his former companions,
had been agreed upon. At the end of the first week, he was given to
understand, that himself and the boy would be released, but that the
Moors would be condemned to die; it appeared however afterwards, that
in consideration of all the tobacco being given for the Moors, except
about fifty pounds weight, which was expended for a man slave, the
king had agreed to release all the prisoners.

Two days after their release, the whole party consisting of the ten
moorish traders, fourteen moorish prisoners, two white men and one
slave quitted Timbuctoo, having only the five camels, which belonged
to the traders; those which were seized when Adams and his party were
made prisoners, not having been restored. As they had no means left
of purchasing any other article, the only food they took with them
was a little Guinea corn flour.

On quitting the town they proceeded in an easterly course, inclining
to the north, going along the border of the river, of which they
sometimes lost sight for two days together. Except the two mountains
before spoken of to the southward, between which the river runs,
there are none in the immediate neighbourhood of Timbuctoo, but at a
little distance there are some small ones.

They had travelled eastward about ten days, at the rate of about
fifteen or eighteen miles a day, when they saw the river for the last
time; it then appeared rather narrower than at Timbuctoo. They then
loaded the camels with water, and striking off in a northerly
direction, travelled twelve or thirteen days at about the same pace.

At the end of this time they arrived at a place called Tudenny, or
Taudenny, a large village inhabited by Moors and negroes, in which
there are four wells of very excellent water. In this place there are
large ponds or beds of salt, which both the Moors and negroes come in
great numbers to purchase; in the neighbourhood the ground is
cultivated in the same manner as at Timbuctoo. From the number of
Moors, many, if not all of whom, were residents, it appeared that the
restriction respecting them, which was in force at Timbuctoo, did not
extend to Tudenny.

The Moors here are perfectly black, the only personal distinction
between them and the negroes being, that the Moors had long black
hair, and had no scars on their faces. The negroes are in general
marked in the same manner as those of Timbuctoo. Here the party
stayed fourteen days to give the ransomed Moors, whose long
confinement had made them weak, time to recruit their strength; and
having sold one of the camels for two sacks of dates and a small ass,
and loaded the four remaining camels with water, the dates and the
flour, they set out to cross the desert, taking a north-west
direction.

They commenced their journey from Tudenny about four o'clock in the
morning, and having travelled the first day about twenty miles, they
unloaded the camels, and laid down by the side of them to sleep.

The next day they entered the desert, over which they continued to
travel in the same direction nine and twenty days, without meeting a
single human being. The whole way was a sandy plain like the sea,
without either tree, shrub or grass. After travelling in this manner
about fourteen days, at the rate of sixteen or eighteen miles a day,
the people began to grow very weak; their stock of water began to run
short, and their provisions were nearly exhausted. The ass died of
fatigue, and its carcass was immediately cut up and laden on the
camel, where it dried in the sun, and served for food, and had it not
been for this supply, some of the party must have died of hunger.
Being asked if ass's flesh was good eating, Adams replied, "It was as
good to my taste then, as a goose would be now."

In six days afterwards, during which their pace was slackened to not
more than twelve miles a day, they arrived at a place, where it was
expected water would be found; but to their great disappointment,
owing to the dryness of the season, the hollow place, of about thirty
yards in circumference, was found quite dry.

All their stock of water at this time consisted of four goat-skins,
and those not full, holding from one to two gallons each; and it was
known to the Moors, that they had then ten days further to travel
before they could obtain a supply.

In this distressing dilemma it was resolved to mix the remaining
water with camels' urine. The allowance of this mixture to each camel
was only about a quart for the whole ten days; each man was allowed
not more than about half a pint a day.

The Moors, who had been in confinement at Timbuctoo, becoming every
day weaker, three of them in the four following days lay down, unable
to proceed. They were then placed upon the camels, but continual
exposure to the excessive heat of the sun, and the uneasy motion of
the animals, soon rendered them unable to support themselves; and
towards the end of the second day, they made another attempt to
pursue their journey on foot, but could not. The following morning at
day-break, they were found dead on the sand, in the place where they
had lain down at night, and were left behind, without being buried.
The next day, another of them lay down, and, like his late
unfortunate companions, was left to perish; but on the following day,
one of the Moors determined to remain behind, in the hope that he,
who had dropped the day before, might still come up, and be able to
follow the party; some provisions were left with him. At this time it
was expected, what proved to be the fact, that they were within a
day's march of their town, but neither of the men ever after made his
appearance, and Adams has no doubt that they perished.

Vled Duleim, the name of the place at which they now arrived, was a
village of tents, inhabited entirely by Moors, who, from their dress,
manners, and general appearance, seemed to be of the same tribe as
those of the encampment to which Adams was conveyed from El Gazie.
They had numerous flocks of sheep and goats, and two watering places,
near one of which their tents were pitched, but the other lay nearly
five miles off.

Vled, or Woled D'leim, is the douar of a tribe of Arabs inhabiting
the eastern parts of the desert, from the latitude of about twenty
degrees north to the tropic. They are a tribe of great extent and
power, inhabiting detached fertile spots of land, where they find
water and pasturage for their flocks, but are very ignorant of the
commonest principles of agriculture. They are an extremely fine race
of men, their complexion very dark, almost as black as that of the
negroes. They have straight hair, which they wear in large
quantities, aqueline noses, and large eyes. Their behaviour is
haughty and insolent, speaking with fluency and energy, and appearing
to have great powers of rhetoric. Their arms are javelins and swords.

The first fortnight after the arrival of the party was devoted to
their recovery from the fatigues of the journey; but as soon as their
strength was re-established, Adams and his companion were employed in
taking care of goats and sheep. Having now begun to acquire a
knowledge of the moorish tongue, they frequently urged their masters
to take them to Suerra, which the latter promised they would do,
provided they continued attentive to their duty.

Things, however, remained in this state for ten or eleven days,
during which time they were continually occupied in tending the
flocks of the Moors. They suffered severely from exposure to the
scorching sun, in a state almost of utter nakedness, and the miseries
of their situation were aggravated by despair of ever being released
from slavery.

The only food allowed to them was barley-flour and camels' and goats'
milk; of the latter, however, they had abundance. Sometimes they were
treated with a few dates, which were a great rarity, there being
neither date-trees, nor trees of any other kind, in the whole of the
country round. But as the flocks of goats and sheep consisted of a
great number, from one hundred and fifty to two hundred, and as they
were at a distance from the town, Adams and his companion sometimes
ventured to kill a kid for their own eating, and to prevent discovery
of the fire used in cooking it, they dug a cave, in which a fire was
made, covering the ashes with grass and sand.

At length, Adams, after much reflection on the miserable state in
which he had been so long kept, and was likely to pass the remainder
of his life, determined to remonstrate upon the subject. His master,
whose name was Hamet Laubed, frankly replied to him, that as he had
not been successful in procuring slaves, it was now his intention to
keep him, and not, as he had before led him to expect, to take him to
Suerra or Mogadore. Upon hearing this, Adams resolved not to attend
any longer to the duty of watching the goats and sheep; and in
consequence, the following day, several of the young goats were found
to have been killed by the foxes.

This led to an inquiry, whether Adams or the boy was in fault, when
it appearing that the missing goats were a part of Adams' flock, his
master proceeded to beat him with a thick stick; he, however,
resisted, and took away the stick, upon which a dozen Moors,
principally women, attacked him, and gave him a severe beating.

As, notwithstanding what had occurred, Adams persisted in his
determination not to resume his task of tending the goats and sheep,
his master was advised to put him to death, but this he was not
inclined to do, observing to his advisers, that he should thereby
sustain a loss, and that if Adams would not work, it would be better
to sell him. In the mean time, he remained idle in the tent for three
days, when he was asked by his master's wife if he would go to the
distant well, to fetch a couple of skins of water, it being of a
better quality; to which he signified his consent, and went off the
next morning on a camel, with two skins to fetch the water.

On his arrival at the other well, instead of procuring water, he
determined to make his escape; and understanding that the course to a
place called Wadinoon lay in a direction to the northward of west, he
passed the well, and pushing on in a northerly course, travelled the
whole of that day, when the camel, which had been used to rest at
night, and had not been well broken in, would not proceed any
further, and in spite of all the efforts Adams could make, it lay
down with fatigue, having gone upwards of twenty miles without
stopping. Finding there was not any remedy, Adams took off the rope,
with which his clothes were fastened round his body, and as the camel
lay with his fore knee bent, he tied the rope round it in a way to
prevent its rising, and then laid down by the side of it. This rope,
which Adams had brought from Timbuctoo, was made of grass, collected
on the banks of the river.

The next morning, at daylight, he mounted again, and pushed on till
about nine o'clock, when he perceived some smoke in advance of him,
which he approached. There was a small hillock between him and this
place, ascending which, he discovered about forty or fifty tents
pitched, and on looking back, he saw two camels coming towards him,
with a rider on each. Not knowing whether these were in pursuit of
him, or strangers going to the place in view, but being greatly
alarmed, he made the best of his way forward. On drawing near to the
town, a number of women came out, and he observed about a hundred
Moors standing in a row, in the act of prayer, having their faces
towards the east, and at times kneeling down, and leaning their heads
to the ground. On the women discovering Adams, they expressed great
surprise at seeing a white man. He inquired of them the name of the
place, and they told him it was Hilla Gibla. Soon afterwards the two
camels, before spoken of, arriving, the rider of one of them proved
to be the owner of the camel on which Adams had escaped, and the
other his master. At this time Adams was sitting under a tent,
speaking to the governor, whose name was Mahomet, telling him his
story; they were soon joined by his two pursuers, accompanied by a
crowd of people.

Upon his master claiming him, Adams protested that he would not go
back; that his master had frequently promised to take him to Suerra,
but had broken his promises, and that he had made up his mind either
to obtain his liberty or die. Upon hearing both sides, the governor
determined in favour of Adams, and gave his master to understand,
that if he was willing to exchange him for a bushel of dates and a
camel, he should have them; but if not, he should have nothing. As
Adams' master did not approve of these conditions, a violent
altercation arose, but at length, finding the governor determined,
and that better terms were not to be had, he accepted the first
offer, and Adams became the slave of Mahomet.

The natives of Hilla Gibla or El Kabla, appeared to be better
clothed, and a less savage race than those of Woled D'leim, between
whom there appeared to be great enmity. The governor, therefore,
readily interfered in favour of Adams, and at one time threatened to
take away the camel, and to put Mahomet Laubed to death. Another
consideration by which the governor was probably influenced, was a
knowledge of the value of a Christian slave, as an object of ransom,
of which Mahomet Laubed seemed to be wholly ignorant.

On entering the service of his new master, Adams was sent to tend
camels, and had been so employed about a fortnight, when this duty
was exchanged for that of taking care of goats. Mahomet had two
wives, who dwelt in separate tents, one of them an old woman, the
other a young one; the goats which Adams was appointed to take care
of, were the property of the elder one.

Some days after he had been so employed, the younger wife, whose name
was Isha, or Aisha, proposed to him that he should also take charge
of her goats, for which she would remunerate him, and as there was no
more trouble in tending two flocks than one, he readily consented.
Having had charge of the two flocks for several days, without
receiving the promised additional reward, he at length remonstrated,
and after some negotiation on the subject of his claim, the matter
was compromised by the young woman's desiring him, when he returned
from tending the goats at night, to go to rest in her tent. It was
the custom of Mahomet, to sleep two nights with the elder woman, and
one with the other, and this was one of the nights devoted to the
former. Adams accordingly kept the appointment, and about nine
o'clock Aisha came and gave him supper, and he remained in her tent
all night. This was an arrangement which was afterwards continued on
those nights, which she did not pass with her husband.

Things continued in this state for about six months, and as his work
was light, and he experienced nothing but kind treatment, his time
passed pleasantly enough. One night his master's son coming into the
tent, discovered Adams with his mother-in-law, and informed his
father, when a great disturbance took place; but upon the husband
charging his wife with her misconduct, she protested that Adams had
laid down in her tent without her knowledge or consent, and as she
cried bitterly, the old man appeared to be convinced that she was not
to blame. The old lady, however, declared her belief that the young
one was guilty, and expressed her conviction that she should be able
to detect her at some future time.

For some days after, Adams kept away from the lady, but at the end of
that time, the former affair appearing to be forgotten, he resumed
his visits. One night, the old woman lifted up the corner of the
tent, and discovered Adams with Aisha, and having reported it to her
husband, he came with a thick stick, threatening to put him to death.
Adams being alarmed, made his escape, and the affair having made a
great deal of noise, an acquaintance proposed to Adams to conceal him
in his tent, and to endeavour to buy him off the governor. Some
laughed at the adventure; others, and they by far the greater part,
treated the matter as an offence of the most atrocious nature, Adams
being "a Christian, who never prayed."

As his acquaintance promised, in the event of becoming a purchaser,
to take him to Wadinoon, Adams adopted his advice, and concealed
himself in his tent. For several days, the old governor rejected
every overture, but at last he agreed to part with Adams for fifty
dollars worth of goods, consisting of blankets and dates, and thus he
became the property of Boerick, a trader, whose usual residence was
at El Kabla.

The frail one ran away to her mother.

The next day Boerick set out with a party of six men and four camels,
for a place called, according to the phraseology of Adams, Villa de
Bousbach, but the real name of which was Woled Aboussebah, which they
reached after travelling nine days at the rate of about eighteen
miles a day, directing their course to the north-east. On their route
they saw neither houses nor trees, but the ground was covered with
grass and shrubs. At this place they found about forty or fifty
tents, inhabited by the Moors, and remained five or six days; when
there, a Moor, named Abdallah Houssa, a friend of Boerick, arrived
from a place called Hieta Mouessa Ali, who informed him that it was
usual for the British consul at Mogadore, to send to Wadinoon, where
this man resided, to purchase the Christians who were prisoners in
that country, and that as he was about to proceed thither, he was
willing to take charge of Adams, to sell him for account of Boerick;
at the same time, he informed Adams that there were other Christians
at Wadinoon. This being agreed to by Boerick, his friend set out in a
few days after for Hieta Mouessa Ali, taking Adams with him. Instead,
however, of going to that place, which lay due north, they proceeded
north-north-west, and as they had a camel each, and travelled very
fast, the path being good, they went at the rate of twenty-five miles
a day, and in six days reached a place called Villa Adrialla, [*]
where there were about twenty tents. This place appeared to be
inhabited entirely by traders, who had at least five hundred camels,
a great number of goats and sheep, and a few horses. The cattle were
tended by negro slaves. Here they remained about three weeks, until
Abdallah had finished his business, and then set out for Hieta
Mouessa Ali, where they arrived in three days. Adams believed that
the reason of their travelling so fast during the last stage was,
that Abdallah was afraid of being robbed, of which he seemed to have
no apprehension after he had arrived at Villa Adrialla, and therefore
they travelled from that place to Hieta Mouessa Ali, at the rate of
only about sixteen or eighteen miles a day; their course being due
north-west.

[Footnote: It is the opinion of Mr. Dupuis, that this place should be
written _Woled Adrialla_, but he has no knowledge of it.]

Hieta Mouessa Ali was the largest place which Adams saw, in which
there were no houses, there being not less than a hundred tents.
There was here a small brook issuing from a mountain, being the only
one he had seen except that at Soudenny; but the vegetation was not
more abundant than at other places. They remained here about a month,
during which Adams was as usual employed in tending camels. As the
time hung very heavy on his hands, and he saw no preparation for
their departure for Wadinoon, and his anxiety to reach that place had
been very much excited, by the intelligence that there were other
Christians there, he took every opportunity of making inquiry
respecting the course and distance; and being at length of opinion
that he might find his way thither, he one evening determined to
desert, and accordingly he set out foot alone, with a small supply of
dried goats' flesh, relying upon getting a further supply at the
villages, which he understood were on the road. He had travelled the
whole of that night, and until about noon the next day, without
stopping, when he was overtaken by a party of three or four men on
camels, who had been sent in pursuit of him. It seems they expected
that Adams had been persuaded to leave Hieta Mouessa Ali, by some
persons who wished to take him to Wadinoon for sale, and they were
therefore greatly pleased to find him on foot and alone. Instead of
ill treating him as he apprehended they would do, they merely
conducted him back to Hieta Mouessa Ali, from whence in three or four
days afterwards Abdallah and a small party departed, taking him with
them. They travelled five days in a north-west direction at about
sixteen miles a day, and at the end of the fifth day, reached
Wadinoon. Having seen no habitations on their route, except a few
scattered tents within a day's journey of that town.

The inhabitants of Wadinoon are descended from the tribe Woled
Aboussebah, and owe their independence to its support, for the Arabs
of Aboussebah being most numerous on the northern confines of the
desert, present a barrier to the extension of the emperor of
Morocco's dominion in that direction.

They have frequent wars with their southern and eastern neighbours,
though without any important results; the sterility of the soil
throughout the whole of the region of sand, affording little
temptation to its inhabitants to dispossess each other of their
territorial possessions.



CHAPTER XII.

Wadinoon or Wednoon, was the first place at which Adams had seen
houses after he quitted Tudenny. It is a small town, consisting of
about forty houses and some tents. The former are built chiefly of
clay, intermixed with stone in some parts, and several of them have a
story above the ground-floor. The soil in the neighbourhood of the
town was better cultivated than any he had yet seen in Africa, and
appeared to produce plenty of corn and tobacco. There were also date
and fig trees in the vicinity, as well as a few grapes, apples,
pears, and pomegranates. Prickly pears flourished in great abundance.

The Christians whom Adams had heard of, whilst residing at Hieta
Mouessa Ali, and whom he found at Wadinoon, proved to be, to his
great satisfaction, his old companions, Stephen Dolbie the mate, and
James Davison and Thomas Williams, two of the seamen of the Charles.
They informed him, that they had been in that town upwards of twelve
months, and that they were the property of the sons of the governor.

Soon after the arrival of Adams at Wadinoon, Abdallah offered him for
sale to the governor or sheik, called Amedallah Salem, who consented
to take him upon trial; but after remaining a week at the governor's
house, Adams was returned to his old master, as the parties could not
agree upon the price. He was at length, however, sold to Belcassam
Abdallah for seventy dollars in trade, payable in blankets,
gunpowder, and dates.

The only other white resident at Wadinoon was a Frenchman, who
informed Adams that he had been wrecked about twelve years before on
the neighbouring coast, and that the whole of the crew, except
himself, had been redeemed. This man had turned Mahommedan, and was
named Absalom; he had a wife and child and three slaves, and gained a
good living by the manufacture of gunpowder. He lived in the same
house as the person who had been his master, and who, upon his
renouncing his religion, gave him his liberty.

Among the negro slaves at Wadinoon was a woman, who said she came
from a place called Kanno, (Cano?) a long way across the desert, and
that she had seen in her own country white men, as white as "bather,"
meaning the wall, and in a large boat, with two high sticks in it,
with cloth upon them, and that they rowed this boat in a manner
different from the custom of the negroes, who use paddles; in stating
this, she made the motion of rowing with oars, so as to leave no
doubt that she had seen a vessel in the European fashion, manned by
white people.

The work in which Adams was employed at Wadinoon, was building walls,
cutting down shrubs to make fences, or working on the corn lands, or
on the plantations of tobacco, of which a great quantity is grown in
the neighbourhood. It was in the month of August that he arrived
there, as he was told by the Frenchman before spoken of; the grain
had been gathered, but the tobacco was then getting in, at which he
was required to assist. His labour at this place was extremely
severe. On the moorish sabbath, which was also their market-day, the
Christian slaves were not required to labour, unless on extraordinary
occasions, when there was any particular work to do, which could not
be delayed. In these intervals of repose, they had opportunity of
meeting and conversing together, and Adams had the melancholy
consolation of finding that the lot of his companions had been even
more severe than his own. It appeared that, on their arrival, the
Frenchman before mentioned, from some unexplained motive, had advised
them to refuse to work, and the consequence was, that they had been
cruelly beaten and punished, and had been made to work and live hard,
their only scanty food being barley flour and indian corn flour.
However, on extraordinary occasions, and as a great indulgence, they
sometimes obtained a few dates.

In this wretched manner Adams and his fellow-captives lived until the
June following, when a circumstance occurred, which had nearly cost
the former his life. His master's son, Hameda Bel Cossim, having one
sabbath-day ordered Adams to take the horse and go to plough, the
latter refused to obey him, urging that it was not the custom of any
slaves to work on the sabbath-day, and that he was entitled to the
same indulgence as the rest. Upon which Hameda went into the house
and fetched a cutlass, and then demanded of Adams, whether he would
go to plough or not. Upon his replying that he would not, Hameda
struck him on the forehead with the cutlass, and gave him a severe
wound over the right eye, and immediately knocked him down with his
fist. This was no sooner done, than Adams was set upon by a number of
Moors, who beat him with sticks in so violent a manner, that the
blood came out of his mouth, two of his double teeth were knocked
out, and he was almost killed; it was his opinion that they would
have entirely killed him, had it not been for the interference of
Boadick, the sheik's son, who reproached them for their cruelty,
declaring that they had no right to compel Adams to work on a
market-day. The next day Hameda's mother, named Moghtari, came to
him, and asked him how he dared to lift his hand against a Moor? To
which Adams, driven to desperation by the ill treatment he had
received, replied, that he would even take his life, if it were in
his power. Moghtari then said, that unless he would kiss Hameda's
hands and feet, he should be put in irons, which he peremptorily
refused to do. Soon after. Hameda's father came to Adams, and told
him, that unless he did kiss his son's feet and hands, he must be put
in irons. Adams then stated to him, that he could not submit to do
so; that it was contrary to his religion to kiss the hands and feet
of any person; that in his own country he had never been required to
do it; and that, whatever might be the consequence, he would not do
it. Finding he would not submit, the old man ordered that he should
be put in irons, and accordingly they fastened his feet together with
iron chains, and did the same by his hands. After he had remained in
this state about ten days, Moghtari came to him again, urging him to
do as required, and declaring that, if he did not, he should never
see the Christian country again. Adams, however, persevered in
turning a deaf ear to her entreaties and threats. Some time
afterwards, finding that confinement was destructive of his health,
Hameda came to him, and took the irons from his hands. The following
three weeks, he remained with the irons on his legs, during which
time, repeated and pressing entreaties, and the most dreadful threats
were used to induce him to submit; but all to no purpose. He was also
frequently advised by the mate and the other Christians, who used to
be sent to him, for the purpose of persuading him to submit, as he
must otherwise inevitably lose his life. At length, finding that
neither threats nor entreaties would avail, and Adams having remained
in irons from June to the beginning of August, and his sufferings
having reduced him almost to a skeleton, his master was advised to
sell him; for, if longer confined, he would certainly die, and
thereby prove a total loss. Influenced by this consideration, his
master at last determined to release him from his confinement; but,
although very weak, the moment he was liberated, he was set to
gathering in the corn.

About a week afterwards, Dolbie, the mate, fell sick. Adams had
called to see him, when Dolbie's master, named Brahim, a son of the
sheik, ordered him to get up and go to work, and upon Dolbie
declaring that he was unable, Brahim beat him with a stick, to compel
him to go; but as he still did not obey, Brahim threatened that he
would kill him; and upon Dolbie's replying, that he had better do so
at once than kill him by inches, Brahim stabbed him in the side with
his dagger, and he died in a few minutes. As soon as he was dead, he
was taken by some slaves a short distance from the town, where a hole
was dug, into which he was thrown without ceremony. As the grave was
not deep, and as it frequently happened that corpses after burial
were dug out of the ground by the foxes, Adams and his two surviving
companions went the next day and covered the grave with stones.

As the Moors were constantly urging them to become Mahommedans, and
they were unceasingly treated with the greatest brutality, the
fortitude of Williams and Davison being exhausted, they at last
unhappily consented to renounce their religion, and were circumcised;
by this means they obtained their liberty, after which they were
presented with a horse, a musket, and a blanket each, and permitted
to marry; no Christian being allowed, at any place inhabited by
Moors, to take a wife, or to cohabit with a moorish woman.

As Adams was now the only remaining Christian at Wadinoon, he became
in a more especial manner an object of the derision and persecution
of the Moors, who were constantly upbraiding and reviling him, and
telling him that his soul would be lost, unless he became a
Mahommedan, insomuch that his life was becoming intolerable.

Mr. Dupuis, speaking of the conduct which Adams received from the
Moors, says, "I can easily believe Adams' statement of the brutal
treatment he experienced at Wadinoon. It is consistent with the
accounts I have always heard of the people of that country, who I
believe to be more bigoted and cruel than even the remoter
inhabitants of the desert. In the frequent instances which have come
under my observation, the general effect of the treatment of the
Arabs on the minds of the Christian captives, has been most
deplorable. On the first arrival of these unfortunate men at
Mogadore, if they have been any considerable time in slavery, they
appear lost to reason and feeling, their spirits broken, and their
whole faculties sunk in a species of stupor, which I am unable
adequately to describe. Habited like the meanest Arabs of the desert,
they appear degraded even below the negro slave. The succession of
hardships, which they endure, from the caprice and tyranny of their
purchasers, without any protecting law to which they can appeal for
alleviation or redress, seems to destroy every spring of exertion or
hope in their minds; they appear indifferent to every thing around
them; abject, servile, and brutified."

"Adams alone was, in some respects, an exception from this
description. I do not recollect any ransomed Christian slave, who
discovered a greater elasticity of spirit, or who sooner recovered
from the indifference and stupor here described."

It is to be remarked, that the Christian captives are invariably
worse treated than the idolatrous or pagan slaves, whom the Arabs,
either by theft or purchase, bring from the interior of Africa, and
that religious bigotry is the chief cause of this distinction. The
zealous disciples of Mahomet consider the negroes merely as ignorant,
unconverted beings, upon whom, by the act of enslaving them, they are
conferring a benefit, by placing them within reach of instruction in
"the true belief;" and the negroes, having no hopes of ransom, and
being often enslaved when children, are in general, soon converted to
the Mahommedan faith. The Christians, on the contrary, are looked
upon as hardened infidels, and as deliberate despisers of the
prophet's call; and as they in general steadfastly reject the
Mahommedan creed, and at least never embrace it, whilst they have
hopes of ransom; the Moslim, consistently with the spirit of many
passages in the Koran, views them with the bitterest hatred, and
treats them with every insult and cruelty which a merciless bigotry
can suggest.

It is not to be understood that the Christian slaves, though
generally ill treated and inhumanly worked by their Arab owners, are
persecuted by them ostensibly on account of their religion. They, on
the contrary, often encourage the Christians to resist the
importunities of those who wish to convert them; for, by embracing
Islamism, the Christian slave obtains his freedom, and however ardent
may be the zeal of the Arab to make proselytes, it seldom blinds him
to the calculations of self-interest.

Three days after Williams and Davison had renounced their religion, a
letter was received from Mr. Dupuis, addressed to the Christian
prisoners at Wadinoon, under cover to the governor, in which the
consul, after exhorting them most earnestly not to give up their
religion, whatever might befal them, assured them that within a
month, he should be able to procure their liberty. Davison heard the
letter read, apparently without emotion, but Williams became so
agitated that he let it drop out of his hands, and burst into a flood
of tears.

From this time, Adams experienced no particular ill treatment, but he
was required to work as usual. About a month more elapsed, when the
man who brought the letter, and who was a servant of the British
consul, disguised as a trader, made known to Adams that he had
succeeded in procuring his release, and the next day they set out
together for Mogadore.

On quitting Wadinoon, they proceeded in a northerly direction,
travelling on mules at the rate of thirty miles a day, and in fifteen
days arrived at Mogadore. Here Adams remained eight months with Mr.
Dupuis. America and England being then at war, it was found difficult
to procure for Adams a conveyance to his native country; he therefore
obtained a passage on board a vessel bound to Cadiz, where he
remained about fourteen months as servant or groom, in the service of
Mr. Hall, an English merchant there. Peace having been in the mean
time restored, Adams was informed by the American consul, that he had
now an opportunity of returning to his native country with a cartel,
or transport of American seamen, which was on the point of sailing
from Gibraltar. He accordingly proceeded thither, but arrived two
days after the vessel had sailed. Soon afterwards he engaged himself
on board a Welsh brig, lying at Gibraltar, in which he sailed to
Bilboa, whence the brig took a cargo of wool to Bristol, and after
discharging it there, was proceeding in ballast to Liverpool; but
having been driven into Holyhead by contrary winds, Adams there fell
sick, and was put on shore. From this place he begged his way up to
London, where he arrived completely destitute. He had slept two or
three nights in the open streets, when he was accidentally met by a
gentleman, who had seen him in Mr. Hall's service at Cadiz, and was
acquainted with his history, by whom he was directed to the office of
the African Association, through whose means his adventures were made
known to the public.

Adams may be said to have been the first Christian, who ever reached
the far-famed city of Timbuctoo, and it must be admitted that many
attempts were made to throw a positive degree of discredit upon his
narrative, and to consider it more the work of deep contrivance than
of actual experience. It is certain that many difficulties present
themselves in the narrative of Adams, which cannot be reconciled with
the discoveries subsequently made, but that cannot be argued as a
reason for invalidating the whole of his narrative; especially when
it is so amply and circumstantially confirmed by the inquiries which
were set on foot by Mr. Dupuis, at the instigation of the African
Association, and the result of which was, a complete confirmation of
all the circumstances, which Adams



CHAPTER XIII.

It is perhaps not the least of the many extraordinary circumstances
attending the city of Timbuctoo, that no two travellers agree in
their account of it; and for this reason it is most difficult to
decide, to whom the greatest credibility should be awarded, or, on
the other hand, whether some of them, who pretend to have resided
within its walls, ever visited it at all. The contradictions of the
respective travellers are in many instances so gross, that it is
scarcely possible to believe that the description, which they are
then giving can apply to one and the same place, and therefore we are
entitled to draw the inference, that some of them are practising on
our credulity, and are making us the dupes of their imagination,
rather than the subjects of their experience. The expectations of
moorish magnificence were raised to a very high pitch, by some of the
inflated accounts of the wealth and splendour of the great city of
central Africa; but these expectations were considerably abated by
the description given of Timbuctoo by Adams and Sidi Hamet, a moorish
merchant, who describes that city in the following terms:--

"Timbuctoo is a very large city, five times as great as Swearah
(Suera or Mogadore). It is built in a level plain surrounded on all
sides with hills, except on the south, where the plain continues to
the bank of the same river, which is wide and deep, and runs to the
east. We were obliged to go to it to water our camels, and there we
saw many boats, made of great trees, some with negroes paddling in
them across the river. The city is strongly walled in with stone laid
in clay, like the towns and houses in Suse, only a great deal
thicker."

The latter account is at total variance with both Adams and Caillie,
who describe Timbuctoo as a city having no walls, nor any thing
resembling fortifications. "The house of the king is very large and
high, like the largest house in Mogadore, but built of the same
materials as the walls. There are a great many more houses in the
city, built of stone, _with shops on one side_, where they sell salt,
the staple article, knives, blue cloth, haicks, and an abundance of
other things, with many gold ornaments. The inhabitants are blacks,
and the chief is a very large, grey-headed, old black man, who is
called shegar, which means sultan or king. The principal part of the
houses are made with large reeds, as thick as a man's arm, which
stand upon their ends, and are covered with small reeds first, and
then with the leaves of the date tree; they are round, and the tops
come to a point, like a heap of stones. Neither the shegar nor his
people are Moslem; but there is a town divided off from the principal
one, in one corner by a strong partition wall, with one gate to it,
which leads from the main town, like the Jews' town or _millah_ in
Mogadore. All the Moors or Arabs, who have liberty to come into
Timbuctoo, are obliged to sleep in that part of it every night, or to
go out of the city entirely. No stranger is allowed to enter that
millah, without leaving his knife with the gate-keeper; but when he
comes out in the morning, it is restored to him. The people who live
in that part are all Moslem. The negroes, bad Arabs, and Moors are
all mixed together, and intermarry, as if they were all of one
colour; they have no property of consequence, except a few asses;
their gate is shut and fastened every night at dark, and very
strongly guarded both by night and by day. The shegar or king is
always guarded by one hundred men on mules, armed with good guns, and
one hundred men on foot, with guns and long knives. He would not go
into the millah, and we saw him only four or five times in the two
moons we staid at Timbuctoo, waiting for the caravan; but it had
perished in the desert, neither did the yearly caravan arrive from
Tunis and Tripoli, for it also had been destroyed."

"The city of Timbuctoo is very rich, as well as very large; it has
four gates to it; all of them are opened in the day time, but very
strongly guarded and shut at night. The negro women are very fat and
handsome, and wear large round gold rings in their noses, and flat
ones in their ears, and gold chains and amber beads about their
necks, with images and white fish bones, bent round, and the ends
fastened together, hanging down between their breasts; they have
bracelets on their wrists and on their ankles, and go barefooted. I
had bought a small snuff-box, filled with snuff, at Morocco, and
showed it to the women in the principal street of Timbuctoo, which is
very wide. There were a great number about me in a few minutes, and
they insisted on buying my snuff and box; one made me an offer, and
another made me another, until one, who wore richer ornaments than
the rest, told me, in broken Arabic, that she would take off all she
had about her, and give them to me for the box and its contents. I
agreed to accept them, and she pulled off her nose-rings and
ear-rings, all her neck-chains, with their ornaments, and the
bracelets from her wrists and ankles, and gave them to me in exchange
for it. These ornaments would weigh more than a pound, and were made
of solid gold at Timbuctoo. I kept them through the whole of the
journey afterwards, and carried them to my wife, who now wears a part
of them."

"Timbuctoo carries on a great trade with all the caravans that come
from Morocco, and the shores of the Mediterranean sea. From Algiers,
Tunis, Tripoli, &c. are brought all kinds of cloth, iron, salt,
muskets, powder and lead swords or scimitars, tobacco, opium, spices
and perfumes, amber beads, and other trinkets, with a few more
articles. They carry back, in return, elephants' teeth, gold dust and
wrought gold, gum-senegal, ostrich feathers, very curiously worked
turbans, and slaves; a great many of the latter, and many other
articles of less importance. The slaves are brought in from the
south-west, all strongly ironed, and are sold very cheap, so that a
good stout man may be bought for a haick, which costs in the empire
of Morocco about two dollars."

"The caravans stop and encamp about two miles from the city, in a
deep valley, and the negroes do not molest them. They bring their
merchandize near the walls of the city, where the inhabitants
purchase all their goods on exchange for the before-mentioned
articles; not more than fifty men from any one caravan being allowed
to enter the city at a time, and they must go out before others are
permitted to enter. This city carries on a great trade with Wassanah,
a city far to the south-east, in all the articles that are brought to
it by caravans, and gets returns in slaves, elephants' teeth, gold,
&c. The principal male inhabitants are clothed with blue cloth
shirts, that reach from their shoulders down to their knees, and are
very wide, and girt about their loins with a red and brown cotton
sash or girdle. They also hang about their bodies, pieces of
different coloured cloth and silk handkerchiefs. The king is dressed
in a white robe of a similar fashion, but covered with white and
yellow gold and silver plates, that glitter in the sun. He has also
many other shining ornaments of shells and stones hanging about him,
he wears a pair of breeches like the Moors and Barbary Jews, and has
a kind of white turban on his head, pointing up, and strung with
different kinds of ornaments. His feet are covered with red morocco
shoes. He has no other weapon about him than a large white staff or
sceptre, with a golden lion on the head of it, which he carries in
his hand. His countenance is mild, and he seems to govern his
subjects more like a father than a king. All but the king go
bareheaded. The poor have only a single piece of blue or other cloth
about them. The inhabitants are very numerous; I think six times as
many as in Swearah, besides Arabs and other Mahommedans in their
millah or separate town, which must contain nearly as many people as
there are altogether in Swearah. [*] The women are clothed in a light
shirt, or under-dress, and over it a green, red or blue covering,
from the bosom to below the knees, the whole of them girt about their
waists with a red girdle. They stain their cheeks and foreheads red
or yellow on some occasions; and the married women wear a kind of
hood on their heads, made of blue cloth or silk, and cotton
handkerchiefs of different kinds and colours, and go barefooted."

[Footnote: Swearah or Mogadore is stated to contain above 36,000
souls, that is 30,000 Moors and 6,000 Jews. This calculation would
make Timbuctoo to contain 216,000 inhabitants. A statement which
deserves little credit.]

"The king and people of Timbuctoo do not fear and worship God like
the Moslem, but like the people of Soudan, they only pray once in
twenty-four hours, when they see the moon, and when she is not seen,
they do not pray at all. They cannot read nor write, but are honest.
They circumcise their children, like the Arabs. They have not any
mosques, but dance every night, as the Moors and Arabs pray."

"If however European expectation had been raised to an extraordinary
height respecting the size, riches, and importance of Timbuctoo, it
was likely to be still more luxuriantly feasted with the description
of another town of central Africa, in comparison of which Timbuctoo
must appear as a city of a second rate, and which Sidi Hamet
describes as being of the magnitude, that it took him a day to walk
round it."

"According to the statement of Sidi Hamet, he travelled with about
two hundred Moslem, to a large city called Wassanah, a place he had
never before heard of, nor which is to be found in any of the modern
maps of Africa. For the first six days, they travelled over a plain
within sight of the Joliba, in a direction a little to the south of
east, till they came to a small town called Bimbinah, where the river
turned more to the south-east, by a high mountain to the east. They
now left the river, and pursued a direction more to the southward,
through a hilly and woody country for fifteen days, and then came to
the river again. The route wound with the river for three days in a
south-easterly direction, and then they had to climb over a very high
ridge of mountains, thickly covered with very lofty trees, which took
up six days; from the summit, a large chain of high mountains was
seen to the westward. On descending from this ridge, they came
immediately to the river's bank, where it was very narrow and full of
rocks. For the next twelve days, they kept on in a direction
generally south-east, but winding, with the river almost every day in
sight, and crossed many small streams flowing into it. High mountains
were plainly seen on the western side. They then came to a ferry, and
beyond that travelled for fifteen days more, mostly in sight of the
river, till at length after fifty-seven days travelling, not
reckoning the halts, they reached Wassanah."

"This city stands near the bank of the Joliba, which runs past it
nearly south, between high mountains on both sides, _and is so wide
that they could hardly distinguish a man on the other side_. The
walls are very large, built of great stones much thicker and stronger
than those of Timbuctoo, with four gates.   It took a day to walk
round them. _The city has twice as many inhabitants as Timbuctoo;_
[*] the principal people are  well dressed, but all are negroes and
kafirs. They have boats made of great trees hollowed out, which will
hold from fifteen to twenty negroes, and in these they descend the
river for three moons to the great water, and traffic with pale
people who live in great boats, and have guns as big as their
bodies." This great water is supposed to be the Atlantic, and as the
distance of three moons must not be less than two thousand five
hundred miles, it has been supposed that the Niger must communicate
with the Congo. If so it must be, doubtless, by intermediate rivers;
the whole account, however, is pregnant with suspicion, nor has any
part of it been verified by any subsequent traveller.

[Footnote: According to Sidi Hamet, Wassanah must contain nearly half
a million of inhabitants. The circumstance also of the Joliba or
Niger being there so bra that a man could scarcely be seen on the
other side, throws great discredit over the whole statement of the
moorish merchant.]

It is singular, that a great variety of opinion has existed,
respecting the exact state of government to which the city of
Timbuctoo was subject. It is well known, that the vernacular
histories, both traditionary and written, of the wars of the Moorish
empire, agree in stating, that from the middle of the seventeenth
century, Timbuctoo was occupied by the troops of the emperors of
Morocco, in whose name a considerable annual tribute was levied upon
the inhabitants; but that the negroes, in the early part of the last
century, taking advantage of one of those periods of civil dissension
bloodshed, which generally follow the demise of any of the rulers of
Barbary, did at length shake off the yoke of their northern masters,
to which the latter were never afterwards able again to reduce them.
Nevertheless, although the emperors of Morocco might be unable at the
immense distance, which separate them from Soudan, to resume an
authority, which had once escaped I hands, it is reasonable to
suppose that the nearer tribes of Arabs would not neglect the
opportunity thus afforded them, of returning to their old habits of
spoliation, and of exercising their arrogant superiority over their
negro neighbours; and that this frontier state would thus become the
theatre of continual contests, terminating alternately, in the
temporary occupation of Timbuctoo by the Arabs, and in their
re-expulsion by negroes. In order to elucidate the state of things,
which we have here supposed, we need not go further than to the
history of Europe in our own days. How often during the successful
ravages of Buonaparte, that great Arab chieftain of Christendom,
might we not have drawn from the experience of Madrid, or Berlin, or
Vienna, or Moscow, the aptest illustration of these conjectures
respecting Timbuctoo? And an African traveller, if so improbable a
personage may be imagined, who should have visited Europe in these
conjunctures, might very naturally have reported to his countrymen at
home, that Russia, Germany and Spain were but provinces of France,
and that the common sovereign of all these countries resided
sometimes in the Escurial, and sometimes in the Kremlin.

We have seen this state of things existing in Ludamar, to the west of
Timbuctoo, where a negro population is subjected to the tyranny of
the Arab chieftain Ali, between whom and his southern neighbours of
Bambarra and Kaarta we find a continual struggle of aggression and
self-defence; and the well-known character of the Arabs would lead us
to expect a similar state of things along the whole frontier of the
negro population. In the pauses of such a warfare, we should expect
to find no intermission of the animosity or precautions of the
antagonist parties. The Arab victorious would be ferocious and
intolerant, even beyond his usual violence, and the Koran or the
halter would probably be the alternatives, which he would offer to
his negro guest; whilst the milder nature of the negro would be
content with such measures of precaution and self-defence, as might
appear sufficient to secure him from the return of the enemy, whom he
had expelled, without excluding the peaceful trader; and, under the
re-established power of the latter, we might expect to find at
Timbuctoo precisely the same state of things as Adams describes to
have existed in 1811.

The reserve, with which we have seen grounds for receiving the
testimony of the natives of Africa, may reasonably accompany us in
our further comparative examination of their accounts and those of
Adams, respecting the population and external appearance of the city
of Timbuctoo. We cannot give such latitude to our credulity as to
confide in the statements of Sidi Hamet; nor do we place much
reliance on the account of Caillie, who was the last European who may
be said to have entered its walls. Notwithstanding, therefore, the
alleged splendour of its court, the polish of its inhabitants, its
civilized institutions, and other symptoms of refinement, which some
modern accounts or speculations, founded on native reports, have
taught us to look for, we are disposed to receive the humbler
descriptions of Adams, as approaching with much greater probability
to the truth. Let us, however, not be understood as rating too highly
the value of a sailor's reports. They must of necessity be defective
in a variety of ways. Many of the subjects upon which Adams was
questioned, were evidently beyond the competency of such an
individual fully to comprehend or satisfactorily to describe; and we
must be content to reserve our final estimates of the morals,
religion, civil polity, and learning, if the term may be allowed us,
of the negroes of Timbuctoo, until we obtain more conclusive
information than could possibly have been derived from so illiterate
a man as Adams. A sufficiency, however, may be gathered from his
story, to prepare us for a disappointment of the extravagant
expectations, which have been indulged respecting this boasted city.

And here we may remark, that the relative rank of Timbuctoo amongst
the cities of central Africa, and its present importance with
reference to European objects, appear to us to be considerably
overrated. The description of Leo, in the sixteenth century, may
indeed lend a colour to the brilliant anticipations in which some
sanguine minds have indulged on the same subjects in the nineteenth;
but with reference to the commercial pursuits of Europeans, it seems
to have been forgotten, that the very circumstance which has been the
foundation of the importance of Timbuctoo to the traders of Barbary,
and consequently of a great portion of its fame amongst us, its
frontier situation on the verge of the desert, at the extreme
northern limits of the negro population, will of necessity have a
contrary operation now, since a shorter and securer channel for
European enterprise into the central regions of Africa has been
opened by the intrepidity and perseverance of Park, from the
south-western shores of the Atlantic.

Independently of this consideration, there is great reason to believe
that Timbuctoo has in reality declined of late from the wealth and
consequence which it appears formerly to have enjoyed. The existence
of such a state of things, as we have described, in the preceding
pages, the oppositions of the Moors, the resistance of the negroes,
the frequent change of masters, and the insecurity of property
consequent upon these intestine struggles, would all lead directly
and inevitably to this result. That they have led to it, may be
collected from other sources than Adams. Even Park, to whom so
brilliant a description of the city was given by some of his
informants, was told by others that it was surpassed in opulence and
size by Houssa, Walet, and probably by Jinnie. Several instances also
occur in both his missions, which prove that a considerable trade
from Barbary is carried on direct from the desert to Sego and the
neighbouring countries, without ever touching at Timbuctoo; and this
most powerful of the states of Africa, in the sixteenth century,
according to Leo, is now, in the nineteenth, to all appearance, a
mere tributary dependency of a kingdom, which does not appear to have
been known to Leo even by name.

Such a decline of the power and commercial importance of Timbuctoo
would naturally be accompanied by a corresponding decay of the city
itself; and we cannot suppose that Adams' description of its external
appearance will be rejected, on account of its improbability, by
those, who recollect that Leo describes the habitations of the
natives, _in his time,_ almost in the very words of the narrative
_now_ [*], and that the flourishing cities of Sego and Sansanding
appear, from Park's account, to be built of mud, precisely in the
same manner as Adams describes the houses of Timbuctoo.

[Footnote: One of the numerous discordances between the different
translations of Leo, occurs in the passage here alluded to. The
meaning of the Italian version is simply this, that "the dwellings of
the people of Timbuctoo are cabins or huts, constructed with stakes,
covered with chalk or clay, and thatched with straw, _'le cui case
sono capanne fatte di pali coperte di creta co i cortivi di paglia.'_
But the expression in the Latin translation, which is closely
followed by the old English translator, Pery, implies a state of
previous splendour and decay, 'cojus domus omnes in tuguriola,
stramineis tectis, _sunt mutatæ.'_"]

But whatever may be the degree of Adams' coincidence with other
authorities, in his descriptions of the population and local
circumstances of Timbuctoo, there is at least one asserted fact in
this part of his narrative, which appears to be exclusively his own;
the existence, we mean, of a considerable navigable river close to
the city. To the truth of which, the credit of Adams is completely
pledged. On many other subjects it is _possible_ that his narrative
might be considerably at variance with the truth, by a mere defect of
memory or observation, and without justifying any imputation on his
veracity, but it is evident that no such latitude can be allowed him
in respect to the La Mar Zarah, which, if not in substance true, must
be knowingly and wilfully false.

We shall conclude our remarks on Adams' narrative, by noticing only
two important circumstances, respectively propitious and adverse to
the progress of discovery and civilization, which is decidedly
confirmed by the account of Adams, viz. the mild and tractable
natures of the pagan negroes of Soudan, and their friendly deportment
towards strangers, on the one hand; and, on the other, the extended
and baneful range of that original feature of African society
--slavery.



CHAPTER XIV.

Previously to entering into any further detail of the different
expeditions for exploring the interior of Africa, it may be greatly
conducive to the better understanding of the subsequent narratives,
when treating of the distinct races of people by which the countries
are inhabited, to give a concise statement of the population of that
part of Africa, which is known by the appellation of West Barbary,
and which may be said to be divided into three great classes,
exclusive of the Jews, viz. Berrebbers, Arabs, and Moors. The two
former of these are, in every respect, distinct races of people, and
are each again subdivided into various tribes or communities; the
third are chiefly composed of the other two classes, or of their
descendants, occasionally mixed with the European or negro races. The
indiscriminate use of the names Arab and Moor, in speaking apparently
of the same people, frequently leads the reader into an error as to
the real class to which the individual belongs, and thus the national
character of the two classes becomes unjustly confounded, whilst at
the same time an erroneous opinion is formed of the relative virtues
and vices of the different people, with whom the traveller is brought
into collision.

In the class of the Berrebbers, we include all those, who appear to
be descendants of the original inhabitants of the country before the
Arabian conquest, and who speak several languages, or dialects of the
same language, totally different from the Arabic. The sub-divisions
of this class are:--1st, the _Errifi,_ who inhabit the extensive
mountainous province of that name on the shores of the Mediterranean;
2nd, _the Berrebbers of the interior,_ who commence on the southern
confines of the Errifi, and extend to the vicinity of Fez and
Mequinez, occupying all the mountains and high lands in the
neighbourhood of those cities; 3rd, _the Berrebbers of middle Atlas;_
and, 4th, _the Shilluh of Suse and Haha,_ who extend from Mogadore
southward to the extreme boundaries of the dominions of the Cid
Heshem, and from the sea coast to the eastern limits of the mountains
of Asia.

The Errifi are a strong and athletic race of people, hardy and
enterprising, their features are generally good, and might in many
cases be considered handsome, were it not for the malignant and
ferocious expression, which marks them, in common with the Berrebber
tribes in general, but which is particularly striking in the eye of
an Errifi. They also possess that marked feature of the Berrebber
tribes, a scantiness of beard; many of the race, particularly in the
south, having only a few straggling hairs on the upper lip, and a
small tuft on the chin. They are incessantly bent on robbery and
plundering, in which they employ either open violence or cunning and
treachery, as the occasion requires, and they are restrained by no
checks either of religion, morals, or humanity. However, to impute to
them in particular, as distinct from other inhabitants of Barbary,
the crimes of theft, treachery, and murder, would certainly be doing
them great injustice, but we believe we may truly describe them as
more ferocious and faithless than any other tribe of Berrebbers.

The Berrebbers of the districts of Fez, Mequinez, and the mountains
of middle Atlas, strongly resemble the Errifi in person, but are said
to be not quite so savage in disposition. They are a warlike people,
extremely tenacious of the independence, which their mountainous
country gives them opportunities of asserting, omit no occasion of
shaking off the control of government, and are frequently engaged in
open hostilities with their neighbours the Arabs, or the emperor's
black troops. They are, as we are informed, the only tribes in
Barbary, who use the bayonet. The districts which they inhabit are
peculiarly interesting and romantic, being a succession of hills and
valleys, well watered and wooded, and producing abundance of grain
and pasturage.

The Shilluh or Berrebbers of the south of Barbary, differ in several
respects from their brethren in the north. They are rather diminutive
in person, and besides the want of beard already noticed, have in
general an effeminate tone of voice. They are, however, active and
enterprising. They possess rather more of the social qualities than
the other tribes; appear to be susceptible of strong attachments and
friendships, and are given to hospitality. They are remarkable for
their attachment to their petty chieftains; and the engagements and
friendships of the latter are held so sacred, that no instance is on
record of any depredation being committed on travellers furnished
with their protection, which it is usual to purchase with a present,
or on any of the valuable caravans, which are continually passing to
and fro through their territory, between Barbary and Soudan: the
predominant feature of their character is, however, self interest,
and although in their dealings amongst strangers, or in the towns,
they assume a great appearance of fairness or sincerity, yet they are
not scrupulous when they have the power in their own hands, and like
the other Berrebbers, they are occasionally guilty of the most
atrocious acts of treachery and murder, not merely against
Christians, for that is almost a matter of course with all the people
of their nation, but even against Mahommedan travellers, who have the
imprudence to pass through their country, without having previously
secured the protection of one of their chiefs.

As the Shilluh have been said to be sincere and faithful in their
friendships, so they are on the other hand, perfectly implacable in
their enmities, and insatiable in their revenge. The following
anecdote will exemplify in some degree these traits of their
character. A Shilluh having murdered one of his countrymen in a
quarrel, fled to the Arabs from the vengeance of the relations of his
antagonist, but not thinking himself secure even there, he joined a
party of pilgrims and went to Mecca. From this expiatory journey he
returned at the end of eight or nine years to Barbary, and proceeded
to his native district, he there sought, under the sanctified name of
El Haje, the pilgrim, a title of reverence amongst the Mahommedans,
to effect a reconciliation with the friends of the deceased. They,
however, upon hearing of his return, attempted to seize him, but
owing to the fleetness of his horse, he escaped and fled to Mogadore,
having been severely wounded by a musket ball in his flight. His
pursuers followed him thither, but the governor of Mogadore hearing
the circumstances of the case, strongly interested himself in behalf
of the fugitive, and endeavoured, but in vain, to effect a
reconciliation. The man was imprisoned, and his persecutors then
hastened to Morocco to seek justice of the emperor. That prince, it
is said, endeavoured to save the prisoner; and to add weight to his
recommendation, offered a pecuniary compensation in lieu of the
offender's life, which the parties, although persons of mean
condition, rejected. They returned triumphant to Mogadore, with the
emperor's order for the delivery of the prisoner into their hands;
and having taken him out of prison, they immediately conveyed him
before the walls of the town, where one of the party, loading his
musket before the face of their victim, placed the muzzle to his
breast, and shot him through the body; but as the man did not
immediately fall, he drew his dagger, and, by repeated stabbing, put
an end to his existence. The calm intrepidity with which this
unfortunate Shilluh stood to meet his fate, could not be witnessed
without the highest admiration; and however much we must detest the
blood-thirstiness of his executioners, we must still acknowledge,
that there is something closely allied to nobleness of sentiment in
the inflexible perseverance, with which they pursued the murderer of
their friend to punishment.

Like the Arabs, the Berrebbers are divided into numerous petty tribes
or clans, each tribe or family distinguishing itself by the name of
its patriarch or founder. The authority of the chiefs is usually
founded upon their descent from some sanctified ancestor; or upon the
peculiar eminence of the individual himself in Mahommedan zeal, or
some other religious qualification.

With the exception already noticed, that the Berrebbers of the north
are of a more robust and stouter make than the Shilluh, a strong
family-likeness runs through all their tribes. Their customs,
dispositions, and national character, are nearly the same; they are
all equally tenacious of their independence, which their local
positions enable them to assume, and are all animated with the same
inveterate and hereditary hatred against their common enemy, the
Arab. They invariably reside in houses or hovels built of stone and
timber, which are generally situated on some commanding eminence, and
are fortified and loop-holed for self-defence. Their usual mode of
warfare is, to surprise their enemy, rather than overcome him by an
open attack; they are reckoned the best marksmen, and possess the
best fire-arms in Barbary, which render them a very destructive enemy
wherever the country affords shelter and concealment; but although
they are always an over-match for the Arabs, when attacked on their
own rugged territory, they are obliged on the other hand, to
relinquish the plains to the Arab cavalry, against which the
Berrebbers are unable to stand on open ground.

The Arabs, who now form so considerable a portion of the population
of Barbary, and whose race in the sheriffe line has given emperors to
Morocco ever since the conquest, occupy all the level country of the
empire, and many of the tribes penetrating into the desert, have
extended themselves even to the confines of Soudan. In person, they
are generally tall and robust, with fine features, and intelligent
countenances. Their hair is black and straight, their eyes large,
black and piercing, their noses gently arched; their beards full and
bushy, and they have invariably good teeth. The colour of those who
reside in Barbary, is a deep, but bright brunette, essentially unlike
the sallow tinge of the mulatto. The Arabs of the desert are more or
less swarthy, according to their proximity to the negro states,
until, in some tribes they are found entirely black, but without the
woolly hair, wide nostril, and thick lip, which peculiarly belong to
the African negro.

The Arabs are universally cultivators of the earth, or breeders of
cattle, depending on agricultural pursuits alone for subsistence. To
use a common proverb of their own, "the earth is the Arab's portion."
They are divided into small tribes or families, each separate tribe
having a particular patriarch or head, by whose name they distinguish
themselves, and each occupying its own separate portion of territory.
They are scarcely ever engaged in external commerce; they dislike the
restraints and despise the security of residence in towns, and dwell
invariably in tents made of a stuff woven from goats' hair and the
fibrous root of the palmeta. In some of the provinces, their
residences form large circular encampments, consisting of from twenty
to a hundred tents, where they are governed by a sheik or magistrate
of their own body. This officer is again subordinate to a bashaw or
governor, appointed by the emperor, who resides in some neighbouring
town. In these encampments there is always a tent set apart for
religious worship, and appropriated to the use of the weary or
benighted traveller, who is supplied with food and refreshment at the
expense of the community.

The character of the Arab, in a general view, is decidedly more noble
and magnanimous than that of the Berrebber. His vices are of a more
daring, and if the expression may be used, of a more generous cast.
He accomplishes his designs rather by open violence than by
treachery; he has less duplicity and concealment than the Berrebber,
and to the people of his own nation or religion, he is much more
hospitable and benevolent. Beyond this, it is impossible to say any
thing in his favour. But it is in those periods of civil discord,
which have been so frequent in Barbary, that the Arab character
completely develops itself. On these occasions, they will be seen
linked together in small tribes, the firm friends of each other, but
the sworn enemies of all the world besides. While these dreadful
tempests last, the Arabs carry devastation and destruction wherever
they go, sparing neither age nor sex, and even ripping open the dead
bodies of their victims, to discover whether they have not swallowed
their riches for the purpose of concealment. Their barbarity towards
Christians ought not to be tried by the same rules as the rest of
their conduct, for although it has no bounds but those which
self-interest may prescribe, it must almost be considered as a part
of their religion; so deep is the detestation which I they are taught
to feel for "the unclean and idolatrous infidel." A Christian,
therefore, who falls into the hands of the Arabs, has no reason to
expect any mercy. If it be his lot to be possessed by the Arabs of
the desert, his value as a slave will probably save his life, but if
he happens to be wrecked on the coasts of the emperor's dominions,
where Europeans are not allowed to be retained in slavery, his fate
would in most cases be immediate death, before the government could
have time to interfere for his protection. The next great division of
the people of western Barbary, are the inhabitants of the cities and
towns, who may be collectively classed under the general denomination
of MOORS, although this name is only known to them through the
language of Europeans. They depend chiefly on trade and manufactures
for subsistence, and confine their pursuits in general to occupations
in the towns. Occasionally, however, but very rarely, they may be
found to join agricultural operations with the Arabs.

The Moors may be divided into the four following classes:--1st. The
tribes descended from _Arab_ families. 2nd. Those of _Berrebber_
descent. 3rd. The _Bukharie._ 4th. The _Andalusie._

The _Arab_ families are the brethren of the conquerors of the
country, and they form the largest portion of the population of the
southern towns, especially of those, which border on Arab districts.
The _Berrebber_ families are in like manner more or less numerous in
the towns, according to the proximity of the latter to the Berrebber
districts.

The _Bukharie,_ or black tribe, are the descendants of the negroes,
brought by the emperor Mulai Ismael, from Soudan. They have been
endowed with gifts of land, and otherwise encouraged by the
subsequent emperors, and the tribe, although inconsiderable in point
of numbers, has been raised to importance in the state, by the
circumstance of its forming the standing army of the emperor, and of
its being employed invariably as the instruments of government. Their
chief residence is in the city of Mequinez, about the emperor's
person. They are also found, but in smaller numbers, in the different
towns of the empire.

The _Andalusie,_ who form the fourth class of Moors, are the reputed
descendants of the Arab conquerors of Spain, the remnant of whom, on
being expelled from that kingdom, appear to have retained the name of
its nearest province. These people form a large class of the
population of the towns in the north of Barbary, particularly of
Tetuan, Mequinez, Fez, and Rhabatt or Sallee. They are scarcely, if
at all found residing to the south of the river Azamoor, being
confined chiefly to that province of Barbary known by the name of El
Gharb.

These may be considered the component parts of that mixed population,
which now inhabit the towns of Barbary, and which are known to
Europeans by the name of Moors. In feature and appearance the greater
part of them may be traced to the Arab, or Berrebber tribes, from
which they are respectively derived, for marriages between
individuals of different tribes are generally considered
discreditable. Such, marriages, however, do occasionally take place,
either in consequence of domestic troubles, or irregularity of
conduct in the parties, and they are of course attended with a
corresponding mixture of feature. Intermarriages of the other tribes
with the Bukharie are almost universally reprobated, and are
attributed, when they occur, to interested motives on the part of the
tribe which sanctions them, or to the overbearing influence and power
possessed by the Bukharie. These matches entail on their offspring
the negro feature, and a mulatto-like complexion, but darker. In all
cases of intermarriage between different tribes or classes, the woman
is considered to pass over to the tribe of her husband.

Besides the Moors, the population of the towns is considerably
increased by the negro slaves, who are in general prolific, and whose
numbers are continually increasing by fresh arrivals from the
countries of Soudan.

There are but few of the African travellers, who, in their
descriptions of the different characters, which may be said to
constitute the various branches of African society, do not frequently
make mention of a class of men known by the name of Marabouts, who
may be regarded as the diviners or astrologers of the ancients, and
of whose manners and imposition a slight sketch may not be thought in
this place inexpedient nor useless.

In order to belong to the privileged class of the marabouts, it is
requisite to have only one wife, to drink no wine nor spirits, and to
know how to read the Koran, no matter however ill the task may be
performed. In a country where incontinence and intemperance are so
prevalent, and literature is so entirely unknown, it is not
surprising that these men should easily gain credit with the public,
but this credit is much augmented if the marabout be skilled in such
tricks as are calculated to impose upon the vulgar. The least crafty
amongst them will continue shaking their heads and arms so violently
during several hours, that they frequently fall down in a swoon;
others remain perfectly motionless, in attitudes the most whimsical
and painful, and many of these impostors have the talent of
captivating the confidence and good opinion of the multitude, by
pretending to perform miracles in the public streets. This trade
descends from father to son; and is so lucrative, that the most
fertile parts of the country swarm with these knavish hypocrites.
When they die, the neighbouring tribes erect a sort of mausoleum to
their memory, consisting of a square tower, surmounted by a cupola of
the most fantastical architecture. To these tombs, called likewise
marabouts, the devout repair in crowds, and are accosted by the
deceased through the organs of his surviving representatives, who
dwell within the walls of the tower, and artfully contrive to
increase the holy reputation of their predecessor, as well as their
own profits. The walls of their tombs are covered with votive tablets
and offerings to the deceased, consisting of fire-arms, saddles,
bridles, stirrups and baskets of fruit, which no profane hand is
allowed to touch, because the departed saint may choose to
appropriate the contents to his own use, and by emptying the basket,
acquire fresh claims to the veneration of the credulous. Some of
these jugglers generally accompany the armies, when they take the
field, feeding the commanders with promises of victory, making the
camp the scene of their mummeries and impostures, and dealing in
amulets, containing mystic words, written in characters, which none
but the marabout who disposes of them can decipher. According to the
price of these amulets, they have respectively the power of shielding
the wearer from a poniard, a musket shot and cannon ball, and there
is scarcely a man in the army, who does not wear one or more of them
round his neck, as well as hang them round that of his horse or
camel. Miraculous indeed is said to be the efficacy of their written
characters in cases of sickness, but the presence of the marabout
himself is necessary, in order that the writing may suit the nature
of the disorder. When the disease is dangerous, the writing is
administered internally, for which purpose they scrawl some words in
large characters, with thick streaks of ink round the inside of a
cup, dissolve the ink with broth, and with many devout ceremonies
pour the liquor down the sick man's throat. These impostors have
always free access to the beys and other high dignitaries of the
state; and with regard to the former, in public audiences they never
kiss his hand, but his shoulder, a token of distinction and
confidence granted only to relations and persons of importance.

In their religion, the Africans labour under the disadvantage of
being left to unassisted reason, and that too very little
enlightened. Man has, perhaps, an instinctive sentiment, that his own
fate and that of the universe are ruled by some supreme and invisible
power, yet he sees this only through the medium of his wishes and
imagination. He seeks for some object of veneration and means of
protection, which may assume an outward and tangible shape. Thus the
African reposes his faith in the doctrine of charms, which presents a
substance stamped with a supernatural character, capable of being
attached to himself individually, and of affording a feeling of
security amid the many evils that environ him. In all the moorish
borders where writing is known, it forms the basis of _Fetisherie,_
and its productions enclosed in golden or ornamented cases, are hung
round the person as guardian influences. Absurd, however, as are the
observances of the negro, he is a stranger to the bigotry of his
moslem neighbours. He neither persecutes nor brands as impious those
whose religious views differ from his own. There is only one point,
on which his faith assumes a savage character, and displays darker
than inquisitorial horrors. The despot, the object of boundless
homage on earth, seeks to transport all his pomp and the crowd of his
attendants to his place in the future world. His death must be
celebrated by the corresponding sacrifice of a numerous band of
slaves, of wives and of courtiers; their blood must moisten his
grave, and the sword of the rude warrior once drawn, does not readily
stop; a general massacre often takes place, and the capitals of these
barbarian chiefs are seen to stream with blood.



CHAPTER  XV.

It is impossible not to view the unquenchable zeal and intrepidity,
which Park evinced on his first journey, without feeling for the
individual the highest sentiments of admiration and respect. In
addition to those high qualifications, we witnessed an admirable
prudence in his intercourse with the natives, and a temper not to be
ruffled by the most trying provocations; a union of qualities often
thought incompatible, and which in our days we fear we cannot expect
to see again directed to the same pursuits. It may be further stated,
that to our own feelings, scarcely an individual of the age can be
named, who has sunk under circumstances of deeper interest than this
lamented traveller; whether we consider the loss, which geographical
science has suffered in his death, or whether we confine our views to
the blasted hopes of the individual, snatched away from his
hard-earned, but unfinished triumph, and leaving to others that
splendid consummation, which he so ardently sought to achieve. True
it is, that the future discoverer of the termination of the Niger,
must erect the structure of his fame on the wide foundation, with
which his great predecessor had already occupied the ground; but
although the edifice will owe its very existence to the labours of
Park, yet another name than his is now recorded on the finished pile;

Hos ego--feci, tulit alter honores.

The African Association, although enthusiastically attached to every
subject connected with the interior of Africa, soon found that,
unless the government would take up the subject as a national affair,
no great hope existed of arriving at the great objects of their
research; it was therefore proposed by Sir Joseph Banks, that a
memorial should be presented to his majesty George III, praying him
to institute those measures, by which the discoveries that Park had
made in the interior of Africa could be prosecuted, and which might
ultimately lead to the solution of those geographical problems, to
which the attention of the scientific men of the country were then
directed.

In the mean time Mr. Park had married the daughter of a Mr. Anderson,
with whom he had served his apprenticeship as a surgeon, and having
entered with some success in the practice of his profession, in the
town of Peebles, it was supposed, that content with the laurels so
dearly earned, he had renounced a life of peril and adventure. But
none of these ties could detain him, when the invitation was given to
renew and complete his splendid career. The invitation was formally
sent to him by government, in October 1801, to undertake an
expedition on a larger scale, into the interior of Africa. His mind
had been brooding on the subject with enthusiastic ardour. He had
held much intercourse with Mr. Maxwell, a gentleman who had long
commanded a vessel in the African trade, by whom he was persuaded
that the Congo, which since its discovery by the Portuguese, had been
almost lost sight of by the Europeans, would prove to be the channel
by which the Niger, after watering all the regions of interior
Africa, enters the Atlantic. The scientific world were very much
disposed to adopt Park's views on this subject, and accordingly the
whole plan of the expedition was adjusted with an avowed reference to
them. The agitation of the public mind, by the change of ministry,
and the war with France, delayed further proceedings till 1804, when
Mr. Park was desired by Lord Camden, the colonial secretary, to form
his arrangements, with an assurance of being supplied with every
means necessary for their accomplishment. The course which he now
suggested, was, that he should no longer travel as a single and
unprotected wanderer; his experience decided him against such a mode
of proceeding. He proposed to take with him a small party, who being
well armed and disciplined, might face almost any force which the
natives could oppose to them. He determined with this force to
proceed direct to Sego, to build there two boats forty feet long, and
thence to sail downwards to the estuary of the Congo. Instructions
were accordingly sent out to Goree, that he should be furnished
liberally with men, and every thing else of which he might stand in
need.

Mr. Park sailed from Portsmouth, in the Crescent transport, on the
30th January 1805. About the 9th of March, he arrived at the Cape
Verd Islands, and on the 28th reached Goree. There he provided
himself with an officer and thirty-five soldiers, and with a large
stock of asses from the islands, where the breed of these animals is
excellent, and which appeared well fitted for traversing the rugged
hills of the high country, whence issue the sources of the Senegal
and Niger. He took with him also two sailors and four artificers, who
had been sent from England. A month however elapsed, before all these
measures could be completed, and it was then evident that the rainy
season could not be far distant, a period, in which travelling is
very difficult and trying to European constitutions. It is clear,
therefore, that it would have been prudent to remain at Goree or
Pisania, till that season had passed; but in Mr. Park's enthusiastic
state of mind, it would have been extremely painful to linger so long
on the eve of his grand and favorite undertaking. He hoped, and it
seemed possible, that before the middle of June, when the rains
usually began, he might reach the Niger, which could then be
navigated without any serious toil or exposure. He departed,
therefore, with his little band from Pisania, on the 4th May, and
proceeded through Medina, along the banks of the Gambia. With so
strong a party, he was no longer dependent on the protection of the
petty kings and mansas, but the Africans seeing him so well provided,
thought he had now no claim on their hospitality; on the contrary,
they seized every opportunity to obtain some of the valuable articles
which they saw in his possession. Thefts were practised in the most
audacious manner; the kings drove a hard bargain for presents; at one
place, the women, with immense labour had emptied all the wells, that
they might derive an advantage from selling the water. Submitting
quietly to these little annoyances, Mr. Park proceeded along the
Gambia till he saw it flowing from the south, between the hills of
Foota Jalla and a high mountain called Mueianta. Turning his face
almost due west, he passed the streams of the Ba Lee, the Ba Ting,
and the Ba Woollima, the three principal tributaries of the Senegal.
His change of direction led him through a tract much more pleasing,
than that passed in his dreary return through the Jallonka
wilderness. The villages, built in delightful mountain glens, and
looking from their elevated precipices over a great extent of wooded
plain, appeared romantic beyond any thing he had ever seen. The rocks
near Sullo, assumed every possible diversity of form, towering like
ruined castles, spires and pyramids. One mass of granite so strongly
resembled the remains of a gothic abbey, with its niches: and ruined
staircase, that it required some time to satisfy him of its being
composed wholly of natural stone. The crossing of the river, now
considerably swelled, was attended with many difficulties, and in one
of them Isaaco, the guide, was nearly devoured by a crocodile.

It was near Satadoo, soon after passing the Faleme, that the party
experienced the first tornado, which marking the commencement of the
rainy season, proved for them the "beginning of sorrows." In these
tornadoes, violent storms of thunder and lightning are followed by
deluges of rain, which cover the ground three feet deep, and have a
peculiarly malignant influence on European constitutions. In three
days twelve men were on the sick-list; the natives, as they saw the
strength of the expedition decline, became more bold and frequent in
their predatory attacks. At Gambia attempts were made to overpower by
main force the whole party, and seize all they possessed; but, by
merely presenting their muskets, the assault was repelled without
bloodshed. At Mania Korro the whole population hung on their rear for
a considerable time, headed by thirty of the king's sons; and some
degree of delicacy was felt as to the mode of dealing with these
august thieves, so long as their proceedings were not quite
intolerable. One of them came up and engaged Mr. Park in
conversation, while another ran off with his fowling-piece, and on
his attempting to pursue him, the first took the opportunity of
seizing his great coat. Orders were now given to fire on all
depredators, royal or plebeian; and after a few shots had been
discharged without producing any fatal effects, the thieves hid
themselves amongst the rocks, and were merely seen peeping through
the crevices.

The expedition continued to melt away beneath the deadly influence of
an African climate. Everyday added to the list of the sick or dead,
or of those who declared themselves unable to proceed. Near Bangassi,
four men lay down at once. It was even with difficulty that Mr. Park
dragged forward his brother-in-law, Mr. Anderson, while he himself
felt very sick and faint. His spirits were about to sink entirely,
when, coming to an eminence, he obtained a distant view of the
mountains, the southern base of which he knew to be watered by the
Niger. Then indeed he forgot his fever, and thought only of climbing
the blue hills, which delighted his eyes.

Before he could arrive at that desired point, three weeks elapsed,
during which he experienced the greatest difficulty and suffering. At
length, he reached the summit of the ridge, which divides the Senegal
from the Niger, and coming to the brow of the hill, saw again this
majestic river rolling its immense stream along the plain. His
situation and prospects were, however, gloomy indeed, when compared
with those, with which he had left the banks of the Gambia. Of
thirty-eight men, whom he then had with him, there survived only
seven, all suffering from severe sickness, and some nearly at the
last extremity. Still his mind was full of the most sanguine hopes,
especially when, on the 22nd August, he found himself floating on the
waters of the Niger, and advancing towards the ultimate object of his
ambition. He hired canoes to convey his party to Maraboo, and the
river here, a mile in breadth, was so full and so deep, that its
current carried him easily over the rapids, but with a velocity,
which was even in a certain degree painful.

At Maraboo, he sent forward Isaaco, the interpreter, to Mansong, with
part of the presents, and to treat with that monarch for protection,
as well as for permission to build a boat. This envoy was absent
several days, during which great anxiety was felt, heightened by
several unfavourable rumours, amongst which was, that the king had
killed the envoy with his own hand, and announced his purpose to do
the same to every white man, who should come within his reach. These
fears were, however, dispelled by the appearance of the royal
singing-man, who brought a message of welcome, with an invitation to
repair to Sego, and deliver in person the remaining presents intended
for the monarch. At Samee, the party met Isaaco, who reported that
there was something very odd in his reception by Mansong. That prince
assured him, in general, that the expedition would be allowed to pass
down the Niger; but whenever the latter came to particulars, and
proposed an interview with Mr. Park, the king began to draw squares
and triangles with his finger on the sand, and in this geometrical
operation his mind seemed wholly absorbed. Isaaco suspected that he
laboured under some superstitious dread of white men, and sought by
these figures to defend himself against their magic influence. It was
finally arranged, that the presents should be delivered, not to
Mansong in person, but to Modibinne, his prime minister, who was to
come to Samee for that purpose. He accordingly appeared, and began by
inquiring, in the king's name, an explanation why Park had come to
Bambarra, with so great a train, from so distant a country, allowing
him a day to prepare his reply. Next morning, the traveller gave an
answer in form, representing his mission as chiefly commercial, and
holding forth the advantages, which Bambarra might reap by receiving
European goods directly from the coast, instead of circuitously, as
now, through Morocco, the desert, Timbuctoo, and Jenne, having a
profit levied on them at every transfer. Modibinne expressed
satisfaction both with the reasons and the presents, and on his
return next day, offered, on the part of Mansong, the option of
building a boat either at Samee, Sego, Sansanding, or Jenne. Park
chose Sansanding, thus enabling the king to avoid an interview with
the Europeans, of which he seemed to entertain so mysterious a dread.

The voyage down the river was distressing; for although the fatigue
of travelling was avoided, the heat was so intense, that it was
thought sufficient to have roasted a sirloin, and the sick had thus
no chance of recovery. Sansanding was found a prosperous and
flourishing town, with a crowded market well arranged. The principal
articles, which were cloth of Houssa or Jenne, antimony, beads, and
indigo, were each arranged in stalls, shaded by mats from the heat of
the sun. There was a separate market for salt, the main staple of
their trade. The whole presented a scene of commercial order and
activity totally unlooked for in the interior of Africa.

Mansong had promised to furnish two boats, but they were late in
arriving, and proved very defective. In order to raise money, it was
necessary to sell a considerable quantity of goods; nor was it
without much trouble, that the two skiffs were finally converted into
the schooner Joliba, forty feet long, six broad, and drawing only one
foot of water, being the fittest form for navigating the Niger
downward to the ocean.

During Mr. Park's stay at Sansanding, he had the misfortune to lose
his brother-in-law, Mr. Anderson, to whom his attachment was so
strong as to make him say, "No event which took place during the
journey ever threw the smallest gloom over my mind, till I laid Mr.
Anderson in the grave. I then felt myself as if left a second time,
lonely and friendless amidst the wilds of Africa." Although the party
were now reduced to five Europeans, one of whom was deranged, and
although the most gloomy anticipations could not fail to arise in the
mind of Mr. Park, his firmness was in no degree shaken. He announced
to Lord Camden his fixed purpose to discover the termination of the
Niger, or to perish in the attempt, adding, "Though all the
Europeans, who are with me should die, and though I were myself half
dead, I would still persevere." To Mrs. Park he announced the same
determination, combined with an undoubting confidence of success, and
the commencement of his voyage down the Niger, through the vast
unknown regions of interior Africa, he called, "turning his face
towards England."

It was on the 7th November 1805, that Park set sail on his last and
fatal voyage. A long interval elapsed without any tidings, which,
considering the great distance, and the many causes of delay, did not
at first excite alarm amongst his friends. As the following year,
however, passed on, rumours of an unpleasant nature began to prevail.
Alarmed by these, and feeling a deep interest in his fate, Governor
Maxwell, of Sierra Leone, engaged Isaaco, the guide, who had been
sent to the Gambia with despatches from the Niger, to undertake a
fresh journey to inquire after him. At Sansanding he was so far
fortunate as to meet Amadi Fatouma, who had been engaged to succeed
himself as interpreter. From him he received a journal, purporting to
contain the narrative of the voyage down the river, and of its final
issue. The party, it would appear, had purchased three slaves, who,
with the five Europeans and Fatouma, increased their number to nine.
They passed Silla and Jenne in a friendly manner; but at Rakbara
(Kabra) and Timbuctoo, they were attacked by several armed parties,
who were repelled only by a smart and destructive fire. No
particulars are given of any of these important places; nor of Kaffo
Gotoijege and others, which the discoverers are represented as having
afterwards passed. At length they came to the village, more properly
the city of Yaour, where Amadi Fatouma left the party, his services
having been engaged only to that point, He had, however, scarcely
taken his leave, when he was summoned before the king, who bitterly
complained that the white men, though they brought many valuable
commodities with them, had passed without giving him any presents. He
therefore ordered that Fatouma should be thrown into irons, and a
body of troops sent in pursuit of the English. These men reached
Boussa, and took possession of a pass, where rocks, hemming in the
river, allowed only a narrow channel for vessels to descend. When
Park arrived, he found the passage thus obstructed, but attempted
nevertheless to push his way through. The people began to attack him,
throwing lances, pikes, arrows, and stones. He defended himself for a
long time, when two of his slaves at the stern of the canoe were
killed. The crew threw every thing they had into the river, and kept
firing; but being overpowered by numbers and fatigue, unable to keep
up the canoe against the current, and seeing no probability of
escaping, Mr. Park took hold of one of the white men, and jumped into
the water. Martyn did the same, and they were all drowned in the
stream in attempting to escape. The only slave that remained in the
boat, seeing the natives persist in throwing weapons into it without
ceasing, stood up and said to them, "Stop throwing now; you see
nothing in the canoe, and nobody but myself; therefore cease. Take me
and the canoe; but don't kill me." They took possession of both, and
carried them to the king.

These sad tidings, conveyed in course to England, were not for a long
time received with general belief. The statement, being sifted with
care, was thought to contain inconsistencies, as well as such a
degree of improbability as left some room for hope; but year after
year elapsed, and this hope died away. Denham and Clapperton received
accounts from various quarters, which very nearly coincided with
those of Amadi Fatouma. Clapperton, in his last journey, even saw the
spot where he perished, which, allowing for some exaggeration, did
not ill correspond with the description just given; and further, he
received notice that Park's manuscripts were in the possession of the
king of Yaour, or Youri, who offered to deliver them up, on condition
that the captain would pay him a visit, which he, unfortunately, was
never able to perform.



CHAPTER XVI.

The fate of Park, notwithstanding the deep regret which it excited in
England and in Europe, presented nothing which could destroy the hope
of future success. The chief cause of failure could be easily traced
to the precipitation into which he had been betrayed by a too ardent
enthusiasm. Nothing had ever been discovered adverse to the
hypothesis that identified the Niger with the Congo, which still
retained a strong hold on the public mind. The views of government
and of the nation on this subject were entirely in unison. It was
therefore determined, that an expedition on a grand scale should be
fitted out, divided into two portions; one to descend the Niger, and
the other to ascend the Congo; which two parties, it was fondly
hoped, would effect a triumphant meeting in the middle of the great
stream that they were sent to explore. The public loudly applauded
this resolution; and never perhaps did an armament, expected to
achieve the most splendid victories, excite deeper interest than
this, which seemed destined to triumph over the darkness that had so
long enveloped the vast interior of Africa.

The expedition to the Congo was entrusted to Captain Tuckey, an
officer of merit and varied services, who had published several works
connected with geography and navigation. Besides a crew of about
fifty, including marines and mechanics; he was accompanied by Mr.
Smith, an eminent botanist, who likewise possessed some knowledge of
geology; Mr. Cranck, a self-taught, but able zoologist; Mr. Tudor, a
good comparative-anatomist; Mr. Lock-hart, a gardener from Kew; and
Mr. Galwey, an intelligent person, who volunteered to join the party.

They sailed from Deptford on the 16th February 1816, and reached
Malemba on the 30th June, where they met with a cordial reception
from the mafook, or king's merchant, in the belief that they were
come to make up a cargo of slaves. The chiefs, on being reluctantly
convinced of the contrary, burst into the most furious invectives
against the crowned heads of Europe, particularly the king of
England, whom they denominated the "devil," imputing chiefly to him
the stop put to this odious, but lucrative traffic. A few days
brought the English into the channel of the Congo, which, to their
great surprise, instead of exhibiting the immense size they had been
taught to expect, scarcely appeared a river of the second class. The
stream it is true, was then at the lowest, but the depth being still
more than 150 fathoms, made it impossible to estimate the mass of
water which its channel might convey to the ocean. The banks were
swampy, overgrown with mangrove trees, and the deep silence and
repose of these extensive forests made a solemn impression upon the
mind.

At Embomma, the emporium of the Congo, much interest was excited by
the discovery, that a negro officiating as cook's mate, was a prince
of the blood. [*] He was welcomed with rapture by his father, and
with a general rejoicing by the whole village. The young savage was
soon arrayed in full African pomp, having on an embroidered coat,
very much tarnished, a silk sash, and a black glazed hat, surmounted
by an enormous feather. Captain Tuckey was introduced to the
_cheeno,_ or hereditary chief, who, with his huge gilt buttons,
stockings of pink sarcenet, red half-boots, and high-crowned
embroidered hat, reminded him of punch in a puppet show. It was vain
attempting to convey to this sage prince, any idea of the objects of
the expedition. The terms which express science, and an enlightened
curiosity, did not excite in his mind a single idea, and he rang
continual changes on the questions:--Are you come to trade? and are
you come to make war? being unable to conjecture any other motive. At
length having received a solemn declaration, that there was no
intention to make war, he sealed peace by the acceptance of a large
present of brandy.

[Footnote: This is by no means an uncommon case in the ships trading
to Africa, for we were once honoured by an introduction to one of
these princes, who came to England in Capt. Fullerton's ship, in the
humble capacity of a cabin boy. We could not exactly ascertain
whether he considered any part of England, as belonging to the
territory of his father, but he seemed very much disposed to consider
our house as his home, for having once gained a footing in it, it was
a very difficult matter to make him comprehend, when it was high time
for him to take his departure. He once honoured us with a visit at
nine o'clock in the morning, and at eleven at night, he was seated
upon the same chair that he had taken possession of in the morning,
during which time he had consumed ten basins of pea-soup, with a
proportionate quantity of other substantials.]

After sailing between ridges of high rocky hills, the expedition came
to the Yellala, or great cataract, and here they met with a second
disappointment. Instead of another Niagara, which general report had
led them to expect, they saw only a comparative brook bubbling over
its stony bed. The fall appears to be occasioned merely by masses of
granite, fragments of which have fallen down and blocked up the
stream. Yet this obstruction rendered it quite impossible for the
boats to pass, nor could they be carried across the precipices and
deep ravines, by which the country was intersected. The discoverers
were, therefore, obliged to proceed by land through this difficult
region, which, without a guide on whom they could rely, was attended
with overwhelming toil. Cooloo Inga, and Mavoonda, the principal
villages, were  separated by wide intervals, which placed the
travellers under the necessity of often sleeping in the open air.
At length the country improved and became more level; the river
widened, and the obstacles to its navigation gradually disappeared.
But just as the voyage began to assume a prosperous aspect,
indications of its fatal  termination began to show themselves.
The health of the party was rapidly giving way under the effects of
fatigue, as well as the malignant influence of a damp and burning
atmosphere. Tudor, Crouch and Galwey, were successively obliged to
return to the ship. Captain Tuckey, after struggling for some time
against the increasing pressure of disease and exhaustion, as well as
the accumulating difficulties of the expedition, saw the necessity of
putting a stop to its further progress. Mr. Smith at first expressed
deep disappointment at this resolution, but soon became so ill that
he could scarcely be conveyed to the vessel. On reaching it, a sad
scene awaited the survivors; Crouch, Tudor and Galwey, were no more;
they had successively sunk under the weight of disease. Mr. Smith
soon shared their fate, and Captain Tuckey himself, on the 4th
October, added one more to the number of deaths, without having
suffered the usual attack of fever. He had been exhausted by constant
depression and mental anxiety.

From this unfortunate expedition, however, some information was
obtained respecting a part of Africa, not visited for several
centuries. No trace indeed was seen of the great kingdoms, or of the
cities and armies described by the Portuguese missionaries, so that
though the interior may very probably be more populous than the banks
of the river, there must in these pious narratives be much
exaggeration; indeed it is not unworthy of remark, that all the
accounts of the early missionaries, into whatever part of the world
they undertook to intrude themselves, can only be looked upon as a
tissue of falsehood, and hyperbolical misrepresentation.

The largest towns, or rather villages, did not contain above one
hundred houses, with five hundred or six hundred inhabitants. They
were governed by chenoos, with a power nearly absolute, and having
mafooks under them, who were chiefly employed in the collection of
revenue. The people were merry, idle, good-humoured, hospitable, and
liberal, with rather an innocent and agreeable expression of
countenance. The greatest blemish in their character appeared in the
treatment of the female sex, on whom they devolved all the laborious
duties of life, even more exclusively than is usual among negro
tribes, holding their virtues also in such slender esteem, that the
greatest chiefs unblushingly made it an object of traffic. Upon this
head, however, they have evidently learned much evil from their
intercourse with Europeans. The character of the vegetation, and the
general aspect of nature, are pretty nearly the same on the Congo, as
on the other African rivers.

Meantime the other part of the expedition, under Major Peddie, whose
destination it was to descend the Niger, arrived at the mouth of the
Senegal. Instead of the beaten track along the banks of that river or
of the Gambia, he preferred the route through the country of the
Foulahs, which, though nearer, was more difficult and less explored.
On the 17th November 1816, he sailed from the Senegal, and on the
14th December, the party, consisting of one hundred men, and two
hundred animals, landed at Kakundy, on the Rio Nunez; but before they
could begin their march, Major Peddie was attacked with fever, and
died. Captain Campbell, on whom the command devolved, proceeded on
the line proposed till he arrived at a small river, called the
Ponietta, on the frontier of the Foulah territory. By this time many
of the beasts of burden had sunk, and great difficulty was found in
obtaining a sufficient supply of provisions. The king of the Foulahs,
on being asked permission to pass through his territory, seemed
alarmed at hearing of so large a body of foreigners about to enter
his country. He contrived, under various pretexts, to detain them on
the frontier four months, during which their stock of food and
clothing gradually diminished, while they were suffering all the
evils that arise from a sickly climate and a scanty supply of
necessaries. At length, their situation became such as to place them
under the absolute necessity of returning. All their animals being
dead, it was necessary to hire the natives to carry their baggage, an
expedient which gave occasion to frequent pillage. They reached
Kakundy with the loss only of Mr. Kum-Doer, the naturalist; but
Captain Campbell, overcome by sickness and exertion, died two days
after, on the 13th of June 1817. The command was then transferred to
Lieutenant Stokoe, a spirited young naval officer, who had joined the
expedition as a volunteer. He had formed a new scheme for proceeding
into the interior; but unhappily he also sunk under the climate and
the fatigues of the, journey.

A sentence of death seemed pronounced against all, who should attempt
to penetrate the African continent, and yet were still some, daring
spirits, who did not shrink from the undertaking. Captain Gray, of
the Royal African corps, who had accompanied the last-mentioned
expedition, under Major Peddie and Captain Campbell, undertook, in
1818, to perform a journey by Park's old route along the Gambia. He
reached, without any obstacle, Boolibani, the capital of Bondou,
where he remained from the 20th June 1818 to the 22nd May 1819; but,
owing to the jealousy of the monarch, he was not permitted to proceed
any further. With some difficulty he reached Gallam, where he met
Staff-surgeon Dockard, who had gone forward to Sego, to ask
permission to proceed through Bambarra, a request which had also been
evaded. The whole party then returned to Senegal.

In 1821, Major Laing was sent on a mission from Sierra Leone, through
the Timannee, Kooranko, and Soolima countries, with the view of
forming some commercial arrangements. On this journey he found reason
to believe, that the source of the Niger lay much further to the
south than was supposed by Park. At Falabo he was assured that it
might have been reached in three days, had not the Kissi nation, in
whose territory it was situated, been at war with the Soolimanas,
with whom Major Laing then resided. He was inclined to fix the source
of this great river a very little above the ninth degree of latitude.



CHAPTER XVII.

The British government was in the mean time indefatigable in their
endeavours to find out the channels for exploring the interior of
Africa. The pashaw of Tripoli, although he had usurped the throne by
violent means, showed a disposition to improve his country, by
admitting the arts and learning of Europe, while the judicious
conduct of Consul Warrington inclined him to cultivate the friendship
of Britain. Through his tributary kingdom of Fezzan, he held close
and constant communication with Bornou, and the other leading states
of central Africa, and he readily undertook to promote the views of
any English expedition in that direction. The usual means were
supplied by the government, and the ordinary inducements held forth
by the association.

In consequence of these amicable dispositions evinced by the bashaw
of Tripoli towards the British government, it was resolved to appoint
a vice-consul to reside at Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan; and the
late Mr. Ritchie, then private secretary to Sir Charles Stuart, the
British ambassador at Paris, was selected for the undertaking. He was
joined at Tripoli by Captain G. F. Lyon, who had volunteered his
services as his companion; and to this enterprising and more
fortunate traveller, who has braved alike the rigours of an Arctic
winter, and the scorching heats of central Africa, we are indebted
for the narrative of the expedition.

On the 25th March 1819, the coffle, (_kafila_, _kefla_,) consisting
of about two hundred men, and the same number of camels, commenced
its march from Tripoli for the interior. They were accompanied by
Mohammed el Mukni, the sultan of Fezzan, from whose protection and
friendship the greatest advantages were anticipated. By the express
advice of the bashaw, the English travellers assumed the moorish
costume, with the character of Moslem. Mr. Ritchie's name was
converted into Yusuf al Ritchie; Captain Lyon called himself Said Ben
Abdallah; and Belford, a ship-wright, who had entered into their
service, took the name of Ali. In the coffle were several parties of
liberated blacks, all joyful at the idea of once more returning to
their native land, though the means of their support were very
slender, and many of them, with their young children, had to walk a
distance of two thousand miles before they could reach their own
country.

The route lay for the first two days over a sandy irregular desert,
and then entered the mountains of Terkoona, situated to the
south-east of Tripoli, and which seems to be a continuation of the
Gharian or Wahryan range. Several little streams flow from the sides
of the hills, abounding with game, particularly snipes and
partridges. On the sixth day, passing over a stony desert, they
reached Benioleed, an Arab town, with about two thousand inhabitants.
It consists of several straggling mud villages, on the sides of a
fertile ravine, several miles in length, and bounded by rocks of
difficult access. The centre is laid out in gardens, planted with
date and olive trees, and producing also corn, vegetables, and pulse.
The valley is subject to inundation during the winter rains, but in
summer requires to be watered with great labour, by means of wells of
extraordinary depth. It is inhabited by the Orfella tribe, subsisting
chiefly by agriculture, and the rearing of cattle, aided only in a
trifling degree by a manufacture of nitre; they are accounted hardy
and industrious, but at the same time dishonest and cruel. Benioleed
castle stands in latitude 31° 45' 38" N., longitude 14° 12' 10" E.

The houses are built of rough stones, on each side of the Wady, none
are above eight feet in height, receiving their light only through
the doors, and their appearance is that of a heap of ruins. The wells
are from 100 to 200 feet in depth, the water excellent. During the
rains, the valley frequently became flooded by the torrents, and the
water has been known to rise so nigh as to hide from view the tallest
olive trees in the low grounds. Men and animals are often drowned in
the night, before they have time to escape. The torrents from the
hill-sides rushing down with such impetuosity, that in an hour or
two, the whole country is inundated.

On leaving Benioleed, it was necessary to take a supply of water for
three days. The country presented an alternation of stony desert, and
plains not incapable of cultivation, but having at this season no
water. On the fifth day (6th April), they crossed Wady Zemzem, which
runs into the Gulf of Syrtis, and passing over a plain strewed in
some parts with cockle-shells, reached the well of Bonjem, which is
the northern boundary of Fezzan.

On the 7th April, the camels being loaded with four days' water, the
caravan left Bonjem, and proceeded over a barren desert called Klia.
At the end of three hours and a half, they passed a remarkable mound
of limestone and sand, resembling, until a very near approach, a
white turret. It is called by the natives the Bowl of Bazeen, the
latter word signifying an Arab dish, somewhat resembling a hasty
pudding. The halt was made at the end of ten hours, in a sandy
_wady_, called Boo-naja, twenty-two miles south-southeast of Bonjem.

The next day, the road led through a defile, called Hormut Em-halla
(the pass of the army); then passing a range of table-mountains,
running north-east and south-west, called Elood, it crossed a stony
and very uneven plain, encircled with mountains, to the pass of
Hormut Tazzet. Having cleared the pass, the road opened upon a plain
called El Grazat Arab Hoon, where the caravan encamped, after a march
of twelve hours and a half. Here one of the camels died; three others
were unable to come up, and all of the camels in the coffle were much
distressed, not having for several days tasted any kind of food. Two
hours and a half further, they came to a solitary tree, which is
reckoned a day's journey from water. Slaves, in coming from the
water, are not allowed to drink until they reach the tree, which is
one of the longest stages from Fezzan. At the end of nearly eleven
hours, the route led through a pass called Hormut Taad Abar, and
after wading through a _wady_, closely hemmed in by mountains, opened
into a small circular plain, in which was found a well of brackish,
stinking water. In hot seasons, the well is dry, and even at this
time it was very low; but the horses sucked up with avidity the mud
that was thrown out of it. Still there was not any fodder for the
camels, till, about the middle of the next day's march, they reached
a small wady, in which there were some low bushes. A strong sand-wind
from the southward now rendered the march extremely harassing. The
sand flew about in such quantities, that the travellers were unable
to prepare any food, and they could not even see thirty yards before
them. In the evening they encamped amid a plantation of palms, near
two wells of tolerably fresh water, at a short distance from Sockna.
Of this town, which is about half-way between Tripoli and Mourzouk,
Captain Lyon gives the following description:--

Sockna stands on an immense plain of gravel, bounded to the south by
the Soudah mountains, at about fifteen miles; by the mountains of
Wadam, about thirty miles to the eastward; a distant range to the
west, and those already mentioned on the north. The town is walled,
and may contain two thousand persons. There are small projections
from the walls, having loop-holes for musketry. It has seven gates,
only one of which will admit a loaded camel. The streets are very
narrow, and the houses are built of mud and small stones mixed, many
of them having a story above the ground-floor. A small court is open
in the centre, and the doors, which open from this area, give the
only light which the rooms receive. The water of Sockna is almost all
brackish or bitter. There are 200,000 date trees in the immediate
neighbourhood of the town, which pay duty; also an equal number, not
yet come into bearing, which are exempt. These dates grow in a belt
of sand, at about two or three miles distant from the town, and are
of a quality far superior to any produced in the north of Africa.
Owing to their excellence, they are sold at a very high price at
Tripoli. The adjoining country is entirely destitute of shrubs, or
any kind of food for camels, which are therefore sent to graze about
five miles off; while in the town, all animals are fed on dates.
Sheep are brought here from Benioleed, and are, in consequence of
coming from such a distance, very dear. In the gardens about three
miles from the town, barley, maize, and _gussob ohourra_ are
cultivated, as well as a few onions, turnips, and peppers. The number
of flies here are immense, and all the people carry little flappers,
made of bunches of wild bulls' hair tied to a short stick, in order
to keep those pests at a distance. The dates all being deposited in
store-houses in the town, may account in some degree for the
multitude of these insects, which in a few minutes fill every dish or
bowl containing any liquid.

The costume is here the same as that of the Bedouins, consisting
generally of a shirt and barracan, a red cap, and sandals. A few,
whose circumstances allow of it, dress in the costume of Tripoli. The
neat appearance of the men in general is very striking, compared with
that of the Arabs about the coast. The women are considered
exceedingly handsome, indeed one or two were really so, and as fair
as Europeans, but they are noted for their profligacy and love of
intrigue.

The first day of spring is at Sockna a day of general rejoicing. It
is then the custom, to dress out little tents or bowers on the tops
of the houses, decorating them with carpets, _jereeds_, shawls, and
sashes. A gaudy handkerchief on a pole, as a standard, completes the
work, which is loudly cheered by the little children, who eat, drink,
and play during the day in these covered places, welcoming the
spring by songs, and crying continually, "O welcome spring, with
pleasure bring us plenty." The women give entertainment in their
houses, and the day is quite a holiday. From the top of the houses in
which Captain Lyon lodged, these little bowers had a very pretty
effect, every roof in the town being ornamented with one. Four ears
of corn were this day seen perfectly ripe, which was very early for
the season. The gardens here are excellent, compared with the others
in Fezzan.

Ten miles east by south from Sockna is the town of Hoon. It is
smaller than Sockna, but is built and walled in the same manner. It
has three gates, three mosques, and a large building, which is
dignified with the name of a castle, but it does not appear to have
even a loop-hole for musketry. The palm groves and gardens come up
close to the walls of the town, and completely conceal it. The soil
is sand, but is fertilized by being constantly refreshed by little
channels, from wells of brackish water. The inhabitants, who are of
the tribe Fateima, bear a good character.

The town of Wadan is between twelve and thirteen miles east by north
of Hoon. It appeared much inferior to either of the other two in
point of neatness, comfort, and convenience; although its aspect is
much more pleasing; it is built on a conical hill, on the top of
which are some enclosed houses, called the castle. Here is a well of
great depth, cut through the solid rock, evidently not the work of
the Arabs. The tombs and mosques, both here and at Hoon, were
ornamented with numbers of ostrich eggs. The inhabitants of Wadan are
sheerefs, who are the pretended descendants of the prophet, and form
the bulk of the resident population, and Arabs of the tribe _Moajer_,
who spend the greater part of the year with their flocks in the
Syrtis. A few miles eastward of the town, there is a chain of
mountains, which, as well as the town itself, derives its name from a
species of buffalo called _wadan_, immense herds of which are found
there. The wadan is of the size of an ass, having a very large head
and horns, a short reddish hide, and large bunches of hair hanging
from each shoulder, to the length of eighteen inches or two feet;
they are very fierce. There are two other specimens found here, the
_bogra el weish_, evidently the _bekker el wash_ of Shaw, a red
buffalo, slow in its motions, having large horns, and of the size of
a cow; and the white buffalo, of a lighter and more active make, very
shy and swift, and not easily procured. The wadan seems best to
answer to the oryx.

There are great numbers of ostriches in these mountains, by hunting
of which, many of the natives subsist. At all the three towns,
Sockna, Hoon, and Wadan, it is the practice to keep tame ostriches in
a stable, and in two years to take three cullings of the feathers.

Captain Lyon supposes that all the fine _white_ ostrich feathers sent
to Europe are from tame birds, the wild ones being in general so
ragged and torn, that not above half a dozen perfect ones can be
found. The black, being shorter and more flexible, are generally
good. All the Arabs agree in stating, that the ostrich does not leave
its eggs to be hatched by the heat of the sun. The parent bird forms
a rough nest, in which she covers from fourteen to eighteen eggs, and
regularly sits on them, in the same manner as the common fowl does on
her chickens, the male occasionally relieving the female.[Footnote]
It is during the breeding season that the greatest numbers are
procured, the Arabs shooting the old ones on their nests.

[Footnote: There is one peculiarity attending the ostrich, which is,
that although the female lays from about twenty-five to thirty eggs,
yet she only sits upon about fifteen, throwing the remainder outside
the nest, where they remain until the young ones are hatched, and
these eggs form the first food of the young birds.--EDITOR.]

On the 22d April, Captain Lyon and his companions left Sockna, in
company with Sultan Mukni, for Mourzouk, which they entered upon the
4th May. The whole way is an almost uninterrupted succession of stony
plains and gloomy wadys, with no water but that of wells, generally
muddy, brackish, or bitter, and at fearful intervals. On the first
evening, the place of encampment was a small plain, with no other
vegetation than a few prickly _talk_ bushes, encircled by high
mountains of basalt, which gave it the appearance of a volcanic
crater. Here, at a well of tolerably good water, called Gatfa, the
camels were loaded with water for five days. The next day, the horse
and foot men passed over a very steep mountain called Nufdai, by a
most difficult path of large irregular masses of basalt; the camels
were four hours in winding round the foot of this mountain, which was
crossed in one hour. From the wady at its foot, called Zgar, the
route ascended to a flat covered with broken basalt, called Dahr
t'Moumen (the believer's back): it then led through several gloomy
wadys, till, having cleared the mountainous part of the Soudah (Jebel
Assoud), it issued in the plain called El Maitba Soudah, from its
being covered in like manner with small pieces of basalt. Three
quarters of an hour further, they reached El Maitba Barda, a plain
covered with a very small white gravel, without the slightest trace
of basalt.

"We did not see any where," says Captain Lyon, "the least appearance
of vegetation, but we observed many skeletons of animals, which had
died of fatigue in the desert, and occasionally the grave of some
human being. All their bodies were so dried by the extreme heat of
the sun, that putrifaction did not appear to have taken place after
death. In recently dead animals, I could not perceive the slightest
offensive smell; and in those long dead, the skin, with the hair on
it, remained unbroken and perfect, although so brittle as to break
with a slight blow. The sand-winds never cause these carcases to
change their places, as in a short time, a slight mound is formed
round them, and they become stationary."

Afterwards, passing between low, table-topped hills, called El Gaaf,
the coffle encamped on the third evening in a desert, called Sbir ben
Afeen, where the plain presented on all sides so perfect a horizon,
that an astronomical observation might have been taken as well as at
sea. From the excessive dryness of the air, the blankets and
barracans emitted electric sparks, and distinctly crackled on being
rubbed. The horses' tails, also, in beating off the flies, had the
same effect.

The fourth day, the route passed over sand lulls to a sandy irregular
plain, very difficult and dangerous. Here the wind, being southerly,
brought with it such smothering showers of burning sand, that they
frequently lost the track, being unable to distinguish objects at the
distance of only a few yards.

The next day's march, the fifth from Sockna, over a rocky country,
led to the walled village of Zeighan, or Zeghren, situated in the
midst of a large forest of palms, in latitude 27° 26' N. Eight miles
further, on basaltic hillocks, is another village, somewhat larger,
and more neatly walled, called Samnoo. The houses are very neatly
built, and the rooms are washed with a yellow mud, which has a pretty
effect. Three tolerably built white-washed minarets, the first that
had been seen since leaving Tripoli, rose to some height above the
houses, and have a pleasing appearance. Palm trees encircle the town,
and the gardens are considered good. This town, as well as Zeighan,
is famed for the number and sanctity of its marabouts. A stage of
twenty miles, over a barren plain of gravel, leads to another, but
inconsiderable town, called Timen-hint. On the next day but one, they
reached Sebha, a mud-walled town, picturesquely situated on rising
ground, surrounded with its palm groves, in the midst of a dreary,
desert plain; it has a high, square, white-washed minaret to its
principal mosque. At this place, Captain Lyon remarked a change of
colour in the population, the people being mulattoes. Two marches
more led to Ghroodwa, a miserable collection of mud huts, containing
about fifty people, who appeared a ragged drunken set, as the immense
number of tapped palms testified. From the ruins of some large mud
edifices, this place seems once to have been of more importance. The
palms, which extend for ten or fifteen miles, east and west, are the
property of the sultan, and appeared in worse condition than any they
had seen. On leaving this place, the route again entered on a barren,
stony plain, and in five hours and a half passed a small wady, called
Wad el Nimmel (the valley of ants), from the number of ants, of a
beautiful pink colour, that are found there. A few scattered palms,
and some ill-built ruined huts occurring at intervals, and betokening
the greatest wretchedness, alone relieved the dreariness of the
remainder of the journey.



CHAPTER XVIII.

The entry into Mourzouk, the capital of Sultan Mukni, was attended
with the usual ceremonial. On drawing near to the palm groves and
gardens, which encompass the city, a large body of horse and foot was
seen approaching with silken flags. When the horsemen had advanced
within five hundred yards of the party, they set off at full speed,
and, on coming up, threw themselves from their horses, and ran to
kiss the sultan's hand. On drawing nearer to the town, the cavalcade
was met by the dancers, drummers, and pipers. Two men, bearing fans
of ostrich feathers, stationed themselves on each side of the sultan,
beating off the flies. Thus preceded by the led horses and silken
flags, they made their entry, the horsemen continuing to skirmish
till they reached the gate. The soldiers then raced up every broad
street, shouting and firing, whilst the women uttered their shrill
cry, and on passing a large open space, a salute was fired from two
six-pounders. The scene was altogether highly interesting.

Mourzouk is a walled town, containing about 2,500 inhabitants, who
are blacks, and who do not, like the Arabs, change their residence.
The walls are of mud, having round buttresses, with loopholes for
musketry, rudely built, but sufficiently strong to guard against
attack; they are about fifteen feet in height, and at the bottom
eight feet in thickness, tapering, as all the walls in this country
do, towards the top. The town has seven gates, four of which are
built up, in order to prevent the people escaping when they are
required to pay their duties. A man is appointed by the sultan to
attend each of these gates, day and night, lest any slaves or
merchandise should be smuggled into the town. The people, in building
the walls and houses, fabricate a good substitute for stones, which
are not to be found in those parts, by forming clay into balls, which
they dry in the sun, and use with mud as mortar; the walls are thus
made very strong, and as rain is unknown, durable also. The houses,
with very few exceptions, are of one story, and those of the poorer
sort, receive all their light from the doors. They are so low as to
require stooping nearly double to enter them; but the large houses
have a capacious outer door, which is sufficiently well contrived,
considering the bad quality of the wood, that composes them. Thick
palm planks, of four or five inches in breadth, for the size and
manner of cutting a tree will not afford more, have a square hole
punched through them at the top and bottom, by which they are firmly
wedged together with thick palm sticks; wet thongs of camels' hide
are then tied tightly over them, which, on drying, draw the planks
more strongly and securely together. There are not any hinges to the
doors, but they turn on a pivot, formed on the last plank near the
wall, which is always the largest on that account. The locks and keys
are very large and heavy, and of curious construction. The houses are
generally built in little narrow streets, but there are many open
places, entirely void of buildings, and covered with sand, on which
the camels of the traders rest. Many palms grow in the town, and some
houses have small square enclosures, in which are cultivated a few
red peppers and onions. The street of entrance is a broad space, of
at least a hundred yards, leading to the wall that surrounds the
castle, and is extremely pretty. Here the horsemen have full scope to
display their abilities, when they skirmish before the sultan. The
castle itself is an immense mud building, rising to the height of
eighty or ninety feet, with little battlements on the walls, and at a
distance really looks warlike. Like all the other buildings, it has
no pretensions to regularity. The lower walls are fifty or sixty feet
in thickness, the upper taper off to about four or five feet. In
consequence of the immense mass of wall, the apartments are very
small, and few in number. The rooms occupied by the sultan are of the
best quality, that is to say, comparatively, for the walls are
tolerably smooth and white-washed, and have ornamental daubs of red
paint in blotches, by way of effect. His couch is spread on the
ground, and his visitors squat down on the sandy floor, at a
respectful distance. Captain Lyon and his party were always honoured
by having a corner of the carpet offered to them. The best and most
airy part of the castle is occupied by the women, who have small
rooms round a large court, in which they take exercise, grind corn,
cook, and perform other domestic offices. The number of great ladies,
called _kibere,_ seldom exceed six. This dignified title is generally
given to the mothers of the sultan's children, or to those, who
having been once great favorites, are appointed governesses to the
rest; there are, altogether about fifty women, all black and very
comely, and from what stolen glances we could obtain, they appeared
extremely well dressed. They are guarded by five eunuchs, who keep up
their authority by occasionally beating them.

The sultan has three sons and two daughters, who live with him in
this cage, the doors of which are locked at night, and the keys
brought to him, so that he remains free from any fear of attack. The
castle is entered by a long winding passage in the wall, quite dark
and very steep. At the door is a large shed, looking on a square
place capable of containing three or four hundred men, closely
huddled together. Under this shed is a great chair of state, once
finely gilt and ornamented, with a patchwork quilt thrown over it,
and behind it are the remains of two large looking-glasses. In this
chair the sultan receives homage every Friday, before he ascends the
castle, after returning from the mosque. This place is the Mejlees,
and was the scene of all the cruelties practised by Mukni, when he
first took possession of the country.

The habitation in which Captain Lyon and his party were lodged, was a
very good one, and as all the houses are built upon nearly the same
plan, the following description will give an idea of all the rest. A
large door, sufficiently high to admit a camel, opened into a broad
passage or _skeefa,_ on one side of which was a tolerable stable for
five horses, and close to it, a small room for the slaves, whose duty
it might be to attend the house. A door opposite to that of the
stable opened into the _kowdi,_ a large square room, the roof of
which at the height of eighteen feet, was supported by four palm
trees as pillars. In the centre of the roof was a large open space,
about twelve feet by nine, from this, the house and rooms receive
light, not to mention dust and excessive heat in the afternoon. At
the end of the room facing the door, a large seat of mud was raised
about eighteen inches high, and twelve feet in length. Heaps of this
description, though higher, are found at the doors of most houses,
and are covered with loungers in the cool of the morning and evening.
The large room was fifty feet by thirty-nine. From the sides, doors
opened into smaller ones, which might be used as sleeping or store
rooms, but were generally preferred for their coolness. Their only
light was received from the door. Ascending a few steps, there was a
kind of gallery over the side rooms, and in it were two small
apartments, but so very hot as to be almost useless. From the large
room was a passage leading to a yard, having also small houses
attached to it in the same manner, and a well of comparatively good
water. The floors were of sand, and the walls of mud roughly
plastered, and showing every where the marks of the only trowel used
in the country--the fingers of the right hand. There are no windows
to any of the houses, but some rooms have a small hole in the
ceiling, or high up the wall.

Near the house was the principal mosque, to which the sultan and the
Christian party went every Friday, as a matter of course, and every
other day they found it necessary to appear there once or twice. It
is a low building, having a shed projecting over the door, which,
being raised on a platform, is entered by a few steps. A small
turret, intended to be square and perpendicular, is erected for the
Mouadden to call to prayers. One of the great lounges is on the seat
in front of the mosque, and every morning and evening they are full
of idle people, who converse on the state of the markets, and on
their own private affairs, or in a fearful whisper canvass the
sultan's conduct.

In Mourzouk there are sixteen mosques, which are covered in, but some
of them are very small. Each has an imaum, but the kadi is their
head, of which dignity he seems not a little proud. This man had
never, been beyond the boundaries of Fezzan, and could form no idea
of any thing superior to mud houses and palms; he always fancied the
Europeans to be great romancers, when they told him of their country,
and described it as being in the midst of the sea.

They had many opportunities of observing the fighi and their scholars
sitting on the sand. The children are taught their letters by having
them written on a flat board, of a hard wood, brought from Bornou and
Soudan, and repeating them after their master. When quite perfect in
their alphabet, they are allowed to trace over the letters already
made, they then learn to copy sentences, and to write small words
dictated to them. The master often repeats verses from the Koran, in
a loud voice, which the boys learn by saying them after him, and when
they begin to read a little, he sings aloud, and all the scholars
follow him from their books, as fast as they can. Practice at length
renders them perfect, and in three or four years their education is
considered complete. Thus it is, that many who can read the Koran
with great rapidity, cannot peruse a line of any other book.
Arithmetic is wholly put of the question. On breaking up for the day,
the master and all the scholars recite a prayer. The school-hours are
by no means regular, being only when the fighi has nothing else to
do. Morning early, or late in the evening, are the general times for
study. The punishments are beating with a stick on the hands or feet
and whipping, which is not unfrequently practised. Their pens are
reeds--their rubber sand. While learning their tasks, and perhaps
each boy has a different one, they all read aloud, so that the
harmony of even a dozen boys may be easily imagined.

In the time of the native sultans, it was the custom, on a fixed day,
annually, for the boys who had completed their education, to assemble
on horseback, in as fine clothes as their friends could procure for
them, on the sands to the westward of the town. On an eminence stood
the fighi, bearing in his hand a little flag rolled on a staff; the
boys were stationed at some distance, and on his unfurling the flag
and planting it in the ground, all started at full speed. He who
first arrived and seized it, was presented by the sultan with a fine
suit of clothes, and some money, and rode through the town at the
head of the others. These races ceased with the arrival of Mukni, and
parents now complain that their sons have no inducement to study.

All the houses are infested with multitudes of small ants, which
destroyed all the animals which the party had preserved, and even
penetrated into their boxes. Their bite was very painful, and they
were fond of coming into the blankets. One singularity is worthy of
remark in Fezzan, which is, that fleas are unknown there, and those
of the inhabitants, who have not been on the sea-coast, cannot
imagine what they are like. Bugs are very numerous, and it is
extraordinary that they are called by the same name as with us. There
is a species of them which is found in the sands, where the coffles
are in the habit of stopping; they bite very sharply, and fix in
numbers round the coronet of a horse; the animals thus tormented,
often become so outrageous as to break their tethers.

There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which it
is conceived in a great measure promote the advance of the summer
fever and agues. The burying places are outside the walls, and are of
considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments are
formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of cloth
tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich eggs.
One of the burying places is for slaves, who are laid very little
below the surface, and in some places the sand has been so carried
away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing to the
want of wood, no coffins are used. The bodies are merely wrapped in a
mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches, over which the
earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth falls in, and the
graves are easily known by being concave, instead of convex. The
place where the former sultans were buried, is a plain near the town;
their graves are only distinguished from those of other people, by
having a larger proportion of broken pots scattered about them. It is
a custom for the relations of the deceased to visit, and occasionally
to recite a prayer over the grave, or to repeat a verse of the Koran.
Children never pass within sight of the tombs of their parents,
without stopping to pay this grateful tribute of respect to their
memory. Animals are never buried, but thrown on mounds outside the
walls, and there left. The excessive heat soon dries up all their
moisture, and prevents their becoming offensive; the hair remains on
them, so that they appear like preserved skins.

The men of Mourzouk of the better sort, dress nearly like the people
of Tripoli. The lower orders wear a large shirt of white or blue
cotton, with long loose sleeves, trousers of the same, and sandals of
camel's hide. The shirts being long, many wear no other covering.
When leaving their houses, and walking to the market or gardens, a
_jereed_ or _aba_ is thrown round them, and a red cap, or a neatly
quilted cotton white one, completes the dress. On Fridays, they
perhaps add a turban, and appear in yellow slippers. In the gardens,
men and women wear large broad-brimmed straw hats, to defend their
eyes from the sun, and sandals made from the leaves and fibres of the
palm trees. Very young children go entirely naked, those who are
older have a shirt, many are quite bare-headed, and in that state
exposed all day to the sun and flies. The men have but little beard,
which they keep closely clipped. The dress of the women here, differs
materially from that of the moorish females, and their appearance and
smell are far from agreeable. They plait their hair in thick bobbins,
which hang over their foreheads, nearly as low down as the eye-brows,
and are there joined at the bottom, as far round to each side as the
temples. The hair is so profusely covered with oil, that it drops
down over the face and clothes. This is dried up, by sprinkling it
with plenty of a preparation made of a plant resembling wild
lavender, cloves, and one or two more species pounded into powder,
and called atria; it forms a brown dirty-looking paste, and combined
with perspiration and the flying sand, becomes in a few days far from
savoury. The back hair is less disgusting, as it is plaited into a
long tress on each side, and is brought to hang over the shoulders;
from these tresses, ornaments of silver or of coral are suspended.
Black wool is frequently worked in with their black locks, to make
them appear longer. In the centre of the forehead, an ornament of
coral or beads is placed, hanging down to the depth of an inch or
two. A woollen handkerchief is fastened on the back of the head; it
falls over behind, and is tied by a leathern strap under the chin.
Each ear is perforated for as many rings as the woman possesses, some
wearing even six on one side. The largest, which is about five inches
in diameter, hanging lowest, supported by a string from the head.
Round the neck, a tight flat collar of beads, arranged in fancy
patterns, is worn with coral necklaces, and sometimes a broad gold
plate immediately in front. A large blue shirt is generally worn, the
collar and breast ornamented with needle-work. The women also wear
white shirts, and striped silk ones called shami, which are brought
from Egypt; a jereed and red slippers complete their dress. They
generally have their wrappers of a darker colour than those of the
men. Some of the better class of women wear trousers, not fuller in
the leg than those worn in Europe; they are very prettily embroidered
with silk at the bottom of the leg, and form a handsome contrast to
the black skin of the wearer. Cornelians or agates, roughly shaped in
the form of hearts, are much worn as necklaces, and they have a
variety of rings for the thumbs and fingers. A band of silk cord
hanging round the body from one shoulder, is generally filled with
pendent leather or cloth bags, containing charms. Round the wrists
and above the elbows, armlets of silver, gold, glass, horn or ivory
are worn, according to the ability of the wearer to purchase them,
and on the ankles they have silver, brass, copper or iron shackles.
A pair of silver ones were seen, which weighed one hundred and
twenty-eight ounces, but these ponderous ornaments produce a callous
lump on the leg, and entirely deform the ankle. The poorest people
have only the jereed and sandals. Both men and women have a singular
custom of stuffing their nostrils with a twisted leaf of onions or
clover, which has a very disgusting appearance. The men, not using
oil, are much cleaner than the women, but the whole race of them,
high and low, apparently clean, are otherwise stocked with vermin,
and they make no secret of it. The sultan has been frequently
observed, when detecting an interloper, to moisten his thumb to
prevent its escape, and then demolish it with great composure and
dignity. Some of the neighbours, whom Captain Lyon visited, while
reposing on their carpets, would send for a slave to hunt for these
tormentors on their shirts, and it is a great recommendation to a
female slave on sale to say that she is well skilled in this art, and
in that of shampooing.

The natives have a variety of dances, of which two or three are
peculiar to the country. The parties assemble on the sands in the
dusk of the evening, when a number of young men and women range
themselves side by side, and dance to the sound of drums, to which
they keep good time. The men have a rude kind of iron cymbal in each
hand, which opens and shuts; this they beat in the manner of
castanets, both sexes singing at the same time in chorus. The
movements consist in stepping forward, the whole line at once, at a
particular turn of the tune, as if to catch something with their two
hands, which they hold out; they balance themselves a short time on
the advanced foot, and then step back, turning half round, first to
one side and then to the other, the whole line then moves slowly in a
circle round the musicians, who form the centre, and who all join in
the dance. There is nothing improper nor immodest in this exhibition,
but on the contrary, from its slowness and the regularity of its
movements, it is extremely pleasing and elegant. Another dance is
performed by women only, who form a circle round the drummers, and
occasionally sing a lively chorus; one advances, and with her arms
extended, foots it to and from the drummers, two or three times,
until a change of tune, when she runs quickly backwards and falls
flat down, the women behind are ready to receive her, and by a jerk
of their arms throw her again upright, on which she once more turns
round and resumes her place, leaving the one next in succession to
her, to go through the same movements, all of which are performed in
the most just time; the whole party occasionally enlivening the
music, by their skill and extraordinary shout of joy. The dancing in
the houses is not so pleasing as that in public, and as for decency,
it is quite out of the question. The male slaves have many dances, in
which great activity and exertion are requisite. One consists in
dancing in a circle, each man armed with a stick, they all move,
first half and then quite round, striking as they turn, the sticks of
those on each side of them, and then jumping off the ground as high
as they can. Another is performed by boys, and they have no drum, but
keep chorus by singing in a particular manner, _la ilia il alia,_
(there is no God, but God.)

The sultan had frequently requested Mr. Ritchie to visit his
children, and some of his negresses when they were indisposed, and he
had in consequence frequently attended them, but being himself
confined by illness, Captain Lyon was allowed to prescribe for them,
and had therefore frequent opportunities of observing the interior of
his family, which would not otherwise have been afforded him. He was
much struck with the appearance of his daughters, one of three, the
other of one year and a half old, who were dressed in the highest
style of barbarian magnificence, and were absolutely laden with gold.
From their necks were suspended large ornaments of the manufacture of
Timbuctoo; and they had massive gold armlets and anklets of two
inches in breadth, and half an inch in thickness, which, from their
immense weight had produced callous rings round the legs and arms of
the poor infants. They wore silk shirts composed of ribbons sewed
together, in stripes of various colours, which hung down over silk
trousers. An embroidered waistcoat and cap completed this
overwhelming costume. Their nails, the tips of their fingers, the
palms of their hands and soles of their feet were dyed dark-brown
with henna. Captain Lyon viewed with amazement and pity the dress of
these poor little girls, borne down as they were with finery; but
that of the youngest boy, a stupid looking child of four years old,
was even more preposterous than that of his sisters. In addition to
the ornaments worn by them, he was loaded with a number of charms,
enclosed in gold cases, slung round his body, while in his cap were
numerous jewels, heavily set in gold, in the form of open hands, to
keep off _the evil eye._ These talismans were sewn on the front of
his cap, which they entirely covered. His clothes were highly
embroidered, and consisted of three waistcoats, a shirt of white
silk, the women only wearing coloured ones, and loose cloth, silk, or
muslin trousers.

The costume of the sultan's court or hangers-on, is strictly
Tripoline, and as fine as lace or presents of cast off-clothes can
make them. It is the custom with Mukni, in imitation of the bashaw,
to bestow occasionally on his principal people some article of dress.
Those presents are made with much affected dignity, by throwing the
garment to the person intended to be honoured, and saying, "Wear
that," the dress is immediately put on in his presence, and the
receiver kneels and kisses his hand in token of gratitude. Captain
Lyon once saw the old kadi, who was very corpulent, receive as a gift
a kaftan, which was so small for him, that when he had squeezed
himself into it, he was unable to move his arms, and was in that
condition obliged to walk home.

Each of the sultan's sons has a large troop of slaves, who attend him
wherever he goes; they are generally about the same age as their
master, and are his playmates, though they are obliged to receive
from him many hearty cuffs, without daring to complain. The suite of
the youngest boy in particular, formed a very amusing groupe, few of
them exceeding five years of age. One bears his master's _bornouse,_
another holds one shoe, walking next to the boy who carries its
fellow. Some are in fine cast-off clothes, with tarnished embroidery,
whilst others are quite or nearly naked, without even a cap on their
heads, and the procession is closed by a boy, tottering under the
weight of his master's state gun, which is never allowed to be fired
off.

In Mourzouk, the luxuries of life are very limited, the people
principally subsisting on dates. Many do not, for months together,
taste corn; when obtained, they make it into a paste called _asooda,_
which is a softer kind of _bazeen._ Fowls have now almost disappeared
in the country, owing to the sultan having appropriated all he could
find for the consumption of his own family. The sheep and goats are
driven from the mountains near Benioleed, a distance of four hundred
miles; they pass over one desert, which, at their rate of travelling,
occupies five days, without food or water. Numbers therefore die,
which in course raises the price of the survivors, They are valued at
three or four dollars each, when they arrive, being quite skeletons,
and are as high as ten and twelve, when fatted. Bread is badly made,
and is baked in ovens formed of clay in holes in the earth, and
heated by burning wood; the loaves, or rather flat cakes are struck
into the side, and are thus baked by the heat which rises from the
embers. Butter is brought in goat-skins from the Syrtis, and is very
dear. Tobacco is very generally chewed by the women, as well as by
the men. They use it with the _trona_ (soda). Smoking is the
amusement of a great man, rather than of the lower class, the mild
tobacco being very dear, and pipes not easily procured.

The revenues of the sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise,
and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their
entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars; in some years the number
of slaves amount to 4,000; for a camel's load of oil or butter, seven
dollars; for a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars; and
of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs, who buy dates pay a dollar
duty on each load, equal at times to the price of the article, before
they are allowed to remove it. Above 3,000 loads are sold to them
annually. Date trees, except those of the kadi and mamlukes, are
taxed at the rate of one dollar for every two hundred; by this duty,
in the neighbourhood of Mourzouk, or more properly in the few
immediately neighbouring villages, the sultan receives yearly 10,000
dollars. Of all sheep or goats, he is entitled to a fifth. On the
sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head-money, a dollar
and a half, which, at the rate of 4,000, gives another 6,000 dollars.
The captured slaves are sold by auction, at which the sultan's
brokers attend, bidding high only for the finest. The owner bids
against them until he has an offer equal to what he considers as the
value of the slave; he has then three-fourths of the money paid to
him, while one-fourth is paid by the purchaser to the sultan. Should
the owner not wish to part with his slaves, he buys them in, and the
sum which he last names, is considered as the price, from which he
has to pay the sultan's share. The trees, which are his private
property, produce about 6,000 camel loads of dates, each load 400
pounds weight, and which may be estimated at 18,000 dollars. Every
garden pays a _tenth_ of the corn produced. The gardens are very
small, and are watered, with great labour, from brackish wells. Rain
is unknown, and dews never fall. In these alone corn is raised, as
well as other esculents. Pomegranates and fig-trees are sometimes
planted in the water-channels. Presents of slaves are frequently
made, and fines levied. Each town pays a certain sum, which is small;
but as the towns are numerous, it may be averaged to produce 4,000
dollars. Add to this his annual excursions for slaves, sometimes
bringing 1,000 or 1,600, of which one-fourth are his, as well as the
same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses, which he buys
for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the Arabs, who come
to trade, and cannot maintain them, and makes a great profit by
obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are fed by the
public, and he has no money to pay, except to the bashaw, which is
about 15,000 dollars per annum. There are various other ways, in
which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the sultan inherits
great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary to kill a
man, he becomes his entire heir.

In Mourzouk, about a tenth part of the population are slaves, though
many of them have been brought away from their native country so
young as hardly to be considered in that light. With respect to the
household slaves, little or no difference is to be perceived between
them and freemen, and they are often entrusted with the affairs of
their master. These domestic slaves are rarely sold, and on the death
of any of the family to which they belong, one or more of them
receive their liberty; when, being accustomed to the country, and not
having any recollection of their own, they marry, settle, and are
consequently considered as naturalised. It was the custom, when the
people were more opulent, to liberate a male or female on the feast
of Bairam, after the fast of Rhamadan. This practice is not entirely
obsolete, but nearly so. In Mourzouk there are some white families,
who are called mamlukes, being descended from renegades, whom the
bashaw had presented to the former sultan. These families and their
descendants are considered noble, and, however poor and low their
situation may be, are not a little vain of their title.

The general appearance of the men of Fezzan is plain, and their
complexion black. The women are of the same colour, and ugly in the
extreme. Neither sex are remarkable for figure, weight, strength,
vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of countenance,
which distinguishes them from other blacks; their cheek-bones are
higher and more prominent, their faces flatter, and their noses less
depressed, and more peaked at the tip than those of the negroes.
Their eyes are generally small, and their mouths of an immense width;
but their teeth are frequently good; their hair is woolly, though not
completely frizzled. They are a cheerful people, fond of dancing and
music, and obliging to each other. The men almost all read and write
a little, but in every thing else they are very dull and heavy; their
affections are cold and selfish, and a kind of general indifference
to the common incidents of life, mark all their actions. They are
neither prone to sudden anger, nor at all revengeful. In Mourzouk the
men drink a great quantity of _lackbi,_ or a drink called _busa,_
which is prepared from the dates, and is very intoxicating. The men
are good-humoured drunkards, and when friends assemble in the
evening, the ordinary amusement is mere drinking; but sometimes a
_kadanka_ (singing girl) is sent for. The Arabs practise hospitality
generally; but among the Fezzaners that virtue does not exist, they
are, however, very attentive and obsequious to those in whose power
they are, or who can repay them tenfold for their pretended
disinterestedness. Their religion enjoins, that, should a stranger
enter while they are at their meals, he must be invited to partake,
but they generally contrive to evade this injunction by eating with
closed doors. The lower classes are from necessity very industrious,
women as well as men, as they draw water, work in the gardens, drive
the asses, make mats, baskets, &c. in addition to their other
domestic duties. People of the better class, or, more properly, those
who can afford to procure slaves to work for them, are, on the
contrary, very idle and lethargic; they do nothing but lounge or loll
about, inquiring what their neighbours have had for dinner, gossip
about slaves, dates, &c., or boast of some cunning cheat, which they
have practised on a Tibboo or Tuarick, who, though very knowing
fellows, are, comparatively with the Fezzaners, fair in their
dealings. Their moral character is on a par with that of the
Tripolines, though, if any thing, they are rather less insincere.
Falsehood is not considered odious, unless when detected; and when
employed in trading, they affirm that it is allowed by the Koran, for
the good of merchants. However this may be, Captain Lyon asserts,
that he never could find any one able to point out the passage
authorizing these commercial falsehoods.

The lower classes work neatly in leather; they weave a few coarse
barracans, and make iron-work in a solid, though clumsy manner. One
or two work in gold and silver with much skill, considering the
badness of their tools, and every man is capable of acting as a
carpenter or mason; the wood being that of the date tree, and the
houses being built of mud, very little elegance or skill is
necessary. Much deference is paid to the artists in leather or
metals, who are called, _par excellence, sta,_ or master, as
leather-master, iron-master, &c.

From the constant communication with Bornou and Soudan, the languages
of both these countries are generally spoken, and many of their words
are introduced into the Arabic. The family slaves and their children
by their masters, constantly speak the language of the country,
whence they originally come. Their writing is in the Mogrebyn
character, which is used, as is supposed by Captain Lyon, universally
in western Africa, and differs much from that of the east. The
pronunciation is also very different, the kaf being pronounced as a
G, and only marked with one nunnation, and F is pointed below; they
have no idea of arithmetic, but reckon every thing by dots on the
sand, ten in a line; many can hardly tell how much two and two amount
to. They expressed great surprise at the Europeans being able to add
numbers together without fingering. Though very fond of poetry, they
are incapable of composing it. The Arabs, however, invent a few
little songs, which the natives have much pleasure in learning, and
the women sing some of the negro airs very prettily, while grinding
their corn.

The songs of the kadankas (singing girls), who answer to the Egyptian
almehs, is Soudanic. Their musical instrument is called rhababe, or
erhab. It is an excavated hemisphere, made from the shell of a gourd
lime, and covered with leather; to this a long handle is fixed, on
which is stretched a string of horse hairs, longitudinally closed,
and compact as one cord, about the thickness of a quill. This is
played upon with a bow. Captain Lyon says, the women really produced
a very pleasing, though a wild melody; their songs were pretty and
plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which is very
musical. What is rather singular, he heard the same song sung by the
same woman that Horneman mentions, and she recollected having seen
that traveller at the castle.

The lower classes and the slaves, who, in point of colour and
appearance, are the same, labour together. The freeman has, however,
only one inducement to work, which is hunger; he has no notion of
laying by any thing for the advantage of his family, or as a reserve
for himself in his old age; but if by any chance he obtains money, he
remains idle until it is expended, and then returns unwillingly to
work. The females here are allowed greater liberty than those of
Tripoli, and are more kindly treated. Though so much better used than
those of Barbary, their life is still a state of slavery. A man never
ventures to speak of his women; is reproached, if he spends much time
in their company, never eats with them; but is waited upon at his
meals, and fanned by them while he sleeps. Yet these poor beings,
never having known the sweets of liberty, are, in spite of their
humiliation, comparatively happy.

The authority of parents over their children is very great; some
fathers of the better class do not allow their sons even to eat or
sit down in their presence, until they become men; the poorer orders
are less strict.

There are no written records of events amongst the Fezzaners, and
their traditions are so disfigured, and so strangely mingled with
religious and superstitious falsehoods, that no confidence can be
placed in them. Yet the natives themselves look with particular
respect on a man capable of talking of the people of the olden time.
Several scriptural traditions are selected and believed. The Psalms
of David, the Pentateuch, the Books of Solomon, and many extracts
from the inspired writers, are universally known, and most
reverentially considered. The New Testament, translated into the
Arabic, which Captain Lyon took with him, was eagerly read, and no
exception was made to it, but that of our Saviour being designated as
the son of God. St. Paul, or Baulus, bears all the blame of Mahomet's
name not being inserted in it, as they believe that his coming was
foretold by Christ, but that Paul erased it; he is therefore called a
kaffir, and his name is not used with much reverence.

Captain Lyon had not been more than ten days at Mourzouk, before he
was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined him to his bed
during twenty-two days, and reduced him to the last extremity. His
unadorned narrative conveys an affecting account of the sufferings to
which the party were exposed from the insalubrity of the climate; the
inadequate arrangements which had been made for their comfort, or
even subsistence, and the sordid and treacherous conduct of the
sultan. "Our little party," he says, "was at this time miserably
poor; for we had money only sufficient for the purchase of corn to
keep us alive, and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill
a pigeon in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our
little community, and from that time, it rarely happened that one or
two of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the
water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive heat
and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery, and when it
did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who had seen
me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for me to
survive. I was no sooner convalescent than Mr. Ritchie fell ill, and
was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever, accompanied
with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys, for which he
required frequent cupping. When a little recovered, he got up for two
days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled and alarming
violence. He rejected every thing but water, and, excepting about
three hours in the afternoon, remained either constantly asleep or in
a delirious state. Even had he been capable of taking food, we had
not the power of purchasing any which could nourish or refresh him.
Our money was now all expended, and the sultan's treacherous plans to
distress us, which daily became too apparent, were so well arranged,
that we could not find any one to buy our goods. For six entire weeks
we were without animal food, subsisting on a very scanty portion of
corn and dates. Our horses were mere skeletons, added to which,
Belford became totally deaf, and so emaciated as to be unable to
walk. My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy
apprehensions. My naturally sanguine mind, however, and above all, my
firm reliance on that Power which had so mercifully protected me on
so many trying occasions, prevented my giving way to despondency; and
Belford beginning soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns
in nursing and attending on our poor companion. At this time, having
no servant, we performed for Mr. Ritchie the most menial offices.
Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and
whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our
forlorn condition, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off
our little store of rice and cuscoussou; laughing at our complaints,
and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we
should otherwise have sought and obtained."

Rhamadan, the Mahommedan Lent, was announced on the 22nd June. The
strictest fast was immediately commenced, lasting from before day,
about three a.m., till sunset, seven p.m. In order to support their
assumed character as Moslem; they were now obliged, during the
sixteen hours, to eat only by stealth, their friend Mukni having
surrounded them with spies. Mr. Ritchie only, being confined to his
bed by illness, was privileged to take food or drink. The excessive
heat, which now raged, added to their sufferings. During the month of
June, the thermometer, at five o'clock a.m., stood at from 86° to
93°, but at two o'clock p.m., it rose to 117°, 122°, 124°, and at
length, on the 19th and 20th, to 131° and 133° of Fahrenheit. In the
early part of July, the heat somewhat abated; the thermometer, at two
p.m., ranging between 110° and 117°. Towards the close of the month,
it again rose to 125°, in August to 130° and 133°, in September it
ranged between 119° and 133°, with little difference in the
temperature of the mornings; and in October, the average was about
110°. The minimum, in December, was 51° at five a.m., and 77° in the
afternoon.

The close of the Rhamadan, on the 22d July, was attended, in the
city, with the most extravagant demonstrations of rejoicing.
Everybody was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns, eating and
drinking. Poor Mr. Ritchie, after having been confined to his bed for
fifty-eight days, was now able to sit up a little, and by the 20th
August had tolerably recovered. About the same time, Belford was
again attacked with giddiness and deafness, and fell into a very weak
state. Their rate of living was now reduced to a quart of corn _per
diem,_ with occasionally a few dates, divided amongst four persons.
No one would purchase their merchandize, owing, as it became apparent
to Mukni's treacherous orders. Mr. Ritchie, for reasons not
explained, did not think it right to draw for money on the treasury,
and they were reduced to the last extremity, when the sultan
graciously condescended to advance them eight dollars, and at this
time a neighbour repaid them ten dollars, which they had lent soon
after their arrival. They were now able to treat themselves with a
little meat. About the 20th September, Mr. Ritchie, who had never
recovered his spirits, but had latterly shunned the society even of
his companions, again relapsed, and was confined to his bed, and
Belford, though better in health, was entirely deaf; their condition
became every day more destitute. They had hired a woman to cook for
them at a dollar a month. She was required to come only once a day,
to bake their bread or make their cuscoussou; and it often happened,
that when she had stolen half the allowance to which they had
restricted themselves, they were obliged to fast till the morrow.
They were saved, when on the very brink of starvation, by a supply of
seven dollars, the munificent reward conferred upon Belford by the
sultan, for constructing a rude kind of carriage for him. Soon
afterwards, they sold a horse for seventy dollars. This seasonable
supply was carefully economized; but it had become much reduced when
Captain Lyon and Belford both fell ill again. The former rose from
his bed, after being confined to it for a week, a skeleton. Under
this exigency they met with a remarkable instance of disinterested
friendship on the part of a native, Yusuf el Lizari, who, as well as
his brother, had previously shown them much kindness. "One night,"
says Captain Lyon, "as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our
friend Yusuf came in, and, addressing Mr. Ritchie, said, 'Yusuf, you,
and Said are my friends. Mukni has hopes you may die, that he may
secure to himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy; do you
want money?' Mr. Ritchie having acknowledged that he did, Yusuf
rejoined, 'I have none myself, but I will borrow some for you.'
Twenty dollars being the sum named, our kind friend went out, and
soon returned with thirty, an act of generosity so unlocked for, that
we were incapable of thanking him as he deserved. This seasonable
supply enabled us to buy some good food, and to make some amends for
our late privations. Our health soon improved, and Mr. Ritchie's
spirits began to brighten."

But this interval of hope was soon darkened. On the 8th of November,
poor Ritchie was again attacked by illness, and after lying for three
or four days in a state of torpor, without taking any refreshment, he
again became delirious, and on the 20th expired. The two survivors of
this ill-fated party were themselves reduce to the lowest state of
debility, and the only prospect before them, was that of probably
following, in a few days, their lamented companion. "And now, for the
first time in all our distresses," says Captain Lyon, "my hopes did
indeed fail me. Belford, as well as he was able, hastened to form a
rough coffin out of their chests, while the washers of the dead came
to perform their melancholy office. The protestant burial service was
read over the body, in secret, during the night, and on the next day,
the remains were committed to the grave. At the grave, it was deemed
necessary to keep up the farce of Mahommadism, by publicly reciting
the first chapter of the Koran, which the most serious Christian
would consider as a beautiful and applicable form on such an
occasion."

Within an hour after the funeral, a courier arrived from Tripoli,
announcing that a further allowance of £1,000 had been made by the
British government towards the expenses of the expedition. Had this
welcome intelligence reached them a little sooner, many of their
distresses would have been prevented. The efforts and mental
exertions which the survivors of the party had undergone, proved,
however, too much for their strength, and, for ten days, both were
again confined to their beds. During this time, they were most
humanely attended by Yusuf and Haji Mahmoud, and by a little girl,
who was their principal nurse. At length, Captain Lyon sufficiently
recovered his health, to undertake, during the months of December and
January, two excursions to the east and south of Mourzouk,
preparatory to his return to England. On the 9th of February, he
finally left Mourzouk; and on the 25th March, exactly one year from
the day on which the party left Tripoli, the Captain and Belford, his
surviving companion, re-entered that capital.



CHAPTER  XIX.

Death had hitherto been the lot of the African adventurers, but
nothing could shake the determination of the British government, to
obtain, by some means or other, a competent degree of information
respecting the unknown countries of Africa. The great favour enjoyed
at the court of Tripoli, was still regarded as an advantageous
circumstance. It was chiefly due to the prudence and ability of Mr.
Warrington, without whose advice scarcely any thing of importance was
transacted. The bashaw was therefore disposed to renew his protection
to whatever mission Britain might send; nor could the support of any
sovereign have been more efficient, for the influence of this petty
prince, and the terror of his name, were almost unbounded in the
greatest kingdoms of central Africa. One weapon, the gun, in the
hands of his troops, gives him all this superiority; for the remoter
nations, from the Nile to the Atlantic, scarcely know any other arms
besides the spear, the bow, and the javelin. A musket among those
tribes is an object of almost supernatural dread; individuals have
been seen kneeling down before it, speaking to it in whispers, and
addressing to it earnest supplications. With troops thus armed, the
bashaw of Tripoli is esteemed, in northern Africa, the most potent
monarch on earth; and it is a matter of surprise amongst the natives,
that he has not ere now compelled all Europe to embrace the
Mahommedan faith. He could, therefore, assure the English, that for
any but physical obstacles, they might travel in safety from Tripoli
to Bornou, as from Edinburgh to London.

Under the confidence inspired by these circumstances, government
prepared another expedition, and without difficulty procured a fresh
band of adventurers, who undertook to brave all its perils. Major
Denham, Lieutenant Clapperton, of the navy, and Dr. Oudney, a naval
surgeon, possessing a considerable knowledge of natural history, were
appointed to the service. Without delay they proceeded to Tripoli,
where they arrived on the 18th November, 1821. They were immediately
introduced to the bashaw, whom they found sitting cross-legged on a
carpet, attended by armed negroes. After treating them to sherbet and
coffee, he invited them to a hawking party, where he appeared mounted
on a milk-white Arabian steed, superbly caparisoned, having a saddle
of crimson velvet, richly studded with gold nails and with
embroidered trappings. The hunt began on the borders of the desert,
where parties of six or eight Arabs dashed forward quick as
lightning, fired suddenly, and rushed back with loud cries. The
skill, with which they manoeuvred their steeds, whirling the long
muskets over their heads, as they rode at full gallop, appeared quite
surprising.

On the 5th March, the party left Tripoli for Benioleed. Here the
consul and his son, who had accompanied them from Tripoli, took their
leave, with many hearty good wishes for their success and prosperity.

On the day previously to their approach to Sockna, the uniformity of
the journey was somewhat enlivened, by meeting with a kafila, or
coffle of slaves from Fezzan, in which were about seventy negresses,
much better looking and more healthy than any they had seen near the
sea coast. They were marching in parties of fifteen or twenty, and on
inquiring of one of these parties from whence they came, the poor
things divided themselves with the greatest simplicity, and answered,
"Soudan, Berghami and Kanem," pointing out the different parcels from
each country as they spoke. Those from Soudan had the most regular
features, and an expression of countenance particularly pleasing.

Passing a small wadey and plantation of date trees, they had soon a
view of Sockna, and were met on the plain on which it stands, by the
governor and principal inhabitants, accompanied by some hundreds of
the country people, who all crowded round their horses, kissing their
hands, and welcoming them with every appearance of sincerity and
satisfaction, and in this way they entered the town; the words
_Inglesi, Inglesi,_ were repeated by a hundred voices. This was to
them highly satisfactory, as they were the first English travellers
in Africa, who had resisted the persuasion that a disguise was
necessary, and who had determined to travel in their real character
as Britons and Christians, and to wear on all occasions their English
dresses; nor had they at any future period occasion to regret that
they had done so. There was here neither jealousy nor distrust of
them as Christians, on the contrary, Major Denham was perfectly
satisfied that their reception would have been less friendly, had
they assumed a character that would have been at the best but ill
supported. In trying to make themselves appear as Mussulmans, they
would have been set down as real impostors.

Of the inhabitants of Sockna, we have already given a full account in
the foregoing travels of Captain Lyon, nor does the history given by
Major Denham differ in any of the essential points. Of the affability
of the females, the travellers had however many proofs, and whilst
only two of them were walking through the town one morning, with a
little army of ragged boys following them, two of rather the better
order quickly dispersed them, and invited the English to enter a
house, saying that a _mara zene,_ a beautiful woman, wished to see
them. They put themselves under their guidance, and entering a better
sort of dwelling house, were quickly surrounded by half a dozen
ladies, most of them aged, but who asked them a thousand questions,
and when satisfied that their visitors were not dangerous people,
called several younger ones, who appeared to be but waiting for
permission to show themselves. The dresses of the visitors  were
then minutely examined; the yellow buttons on their waistcoats, and
their watches created the greatest astonishment. Major Denham wore a
pair of loose white trousers, into the pockets of which he
accidentally put his hands, which raised the curiosity of the ladies
to a wonderful degree; the major's hands were pulled out, and those
of three or four of the ladies thrust in, in their stead; these were
replaced by others, all demanding their use so violently and loudly,
that he had considerable difficulty in extricating himself, and was
glad to make his escape.

The remaining half of their journey to Mourzouk was pretty nearly the
same kind of surface as they had passed before, but in some places
worse. Sometimes two, and once three days, they were without finding
a supply of water, which was generally muddy, bitter, or brackish.
Nor is this the worst which sometimes befals the traveller; the
overpowering effect of a sudden sand-wind, when nearly at the close
of the desert, often destroys a whole kafila, already weakened by
fatigue, and the spot was pointed out to them strewed with bones and
dried carcasses, where the year before, fifty sheep, two camels, and
two men perished from thirst and fatigue, when within eight hours
march of the well, for which they were then anxiously looking.

Indeed the sand storm they had the misfortune to encounter in
crossing the desert, gave them a pretty correct idea of the dreaded
effects of these hurricanes. The wind raised the fine sand, with
which the extensive desert was covered, so as to fill the atmosphere,
and render the immense space before them impenetrable to the eye
beyond a few yards. The sun and clouds were entirely obscured, and a
suffocating and oppressive weight accompanied the flakes and masses
of sand, which it might be said they had to penetrate at every step.
At times they completely lost sight of the camels, though only a few
yards before them. The horses hung their tongues out of their mouths,
and refused to face the torrents of sand. A sheep that accompanied
the kafila, the last of their stock, lay down in the road, and they
were obliged to kill him and throw the carcass on a camel; a parching
thirst oppressed them, which nothing alleviated. They had made but
little way by three o'clock in the afternoon, when the wind got round
to the eastward, and imparted to them a little refreshment. With this
change they moved on until about five, when they halted, protected a
little by three several ranges of irregular hills, some conical, and
some table-topped. As they had but little wood, their fare was
confined to tea, and they hoped to find relieve from their fatigues
by a sound sleep. That, however, was denied them; the tent had been
imprudently pitched, and was exposed to the east wind, which blew a
hurricane during the night: the tent was blown down, and the whole
detachment were employed a full hour in getting it up again; their
bedding and everything within it was during that time completely
buried, by the constant driving of the sand. Major Denham was obliged
three times during the night, to get up for the purpose of
strengthening the pegs, and when he awoke in the morning, two
hillocks of sand were formed on each side of his head, some inches
high. On the 7th April, they arrived at a village in the midst of a
vast multitude of palm trees, just one day's journey short of
Mourzouk. As it was to be the last day's march, they were all in good
spirits at the prospect of rest, and had they made their arrangements
with judgment, every thing would have gone on well. They had,
however, neglected sending _an axant courier,_ to advise the sultan
of their arrival, a practice which ought particularly to have been
attended to, and consequently their reception was not what it ought
to have been. They arrived at D'leem, a small plantation of date
trees, at noon, and finding no water in the well, were obliged to
proceed, and it was three in the afternoon before they arrived at the
wells near Mourzouk. Here they were obliged to wait till the camels
came up, in order that they might advance in form. They might,
however, have saved themselves the trouble. No one came out to meet
them, except some naked boys, and a mixture of Tibboos, Tuaricks, and
Fezzanese, who gazed at them with astonishment, and no very pleasant
aspect.

They determined on not entering the town, in a manner so little
flattering to those whom they represented, and retiring to a rising
ground, a little distance from the gates of the town, waited the
return of a _chaoush,_ who had been despatched to announce their
arrival. After half an hour's delay, the Shiek el Blad, the governor
of the town came out, and in the sultan's name requested they would
accompany him to the house, which had been prepared for them, and he
added, to their great surprise, the English consul is there already.
The fact was, a very ill-looking Jew servant of Major Denham's,
mounted on a white mule, with a pair of small canteens under him, had
preceded the camels and entered the town by himself. He was received
with great respect by all the inhabitants, conducted through the
streets to the house which was destined to receive the party, and
from the circumstance of the canteens being all covered with small
brass shining nails, a very high idea, of his consequence was formed.
He very sensibly received ail their attentions in silence, and drank
the cool water and milk which were handed to him, and they always had
the laugh against them afterwards, for having shown so much civility
to an Israelite, a race which are heartily despised. "We thought the
English," said they, "were better looking than Jews--death to their
race! but the God made us all, though not all handsome like
Mussulmans, so who could tell?"

As they were all this time exposed to a burning sun, they were well
inclined to compromise a little of their dignity, and determined on
entering the town, which they did by the principal gate. Their
interview with the sultan of Mourzouk was anything but encouraging;
he told them that there was no intention, as they had been led to
expect, of any expedition to proceed to the southward for some time
to come; that an army could only move in the spring of the year; that
the arrangements for moving a body of men through a country, where
every necessary must be carried on camels, both for men and horses,
were go numerous, that before the following spring it was scarcely
possible to complete them, that two camels were required for every
man and horse, and one for every two men on foot. And as to their
proceeding to Bornou, it would be necessary had the bashaw instructed
him to forward them, that they should be accompanied by an escort of
two hundred men. He said, he would read to them the bashaw's letter,
and they should see the extent to which he could forward their
wishes. The letter was then handed to his fighi, or secretary, and
they found that they were entrusted to the protection of the sultan
of Fezzan, who was to charge himself with their safety, and to ensure
their being treated with respect and attention by all his subjects.
That they were to reside at Sebha or Mourzouk, or wherever they chose
in the kingdom of Fezzan, and to await his return from Tripoli. With
this their audience ended, and they returned to their habitation.

It is quite impossible to express the disheartening feelings, with
which they left the castle. The heat was intense; the thermometer
standing at 97° in the coolest spot in the house during the of the
day; and the nights were scarcely less oppressive; the flies were in
such myriads, that darkness was the only refuge from their annoyance.

They received visits from all the principal people of Mourzouk, the
day after their arrival, and remarking a very tall Turiack, with a
pair of expressive, large, benevolent looking eyes, above the black
mask, with which they always cover the lower part of their face,
hovering about the door, Major Denham made signs to him to come near,
and inquired after Hateeta, the chief, of whom Captain Lyon had
spoken so highly, and for whom at his request, he was the bearer of a
sword. To the great surprise of Major Denham, striking his breast, he
exclaimed, "I am Hateeta, Are you a countryman of Said? (Captain
Lyon's travelling name,) How is he? I have often longed to hear of
him." Major Denham found that Hateeta had been but once in Mourzouk,
since the departure of Captain Lyon, and was to remain only a few
days. On the following morning, he came to the house, and the sword
was presented to him. It would be difficult to describe his delight,
he drew the sword and returned it repeatedly, pressed it to his
breast, exclaimed, Allah! Allah! took the hand of Major Denham, and
pressing it, said, _katar heyrick yassur yassur,_ (thank you very,
very much,) nearly all the Arabic he could speak. It was shortly
reported all over the town, that Hateeta had received a present from
Said, worth one hundred dollars.

They had been several times visited, and their hopes and spirits
raised by a person called Boo Bucker, Boo Khaloom. He said that it
was in the sultan's power to send them on to Bornou, if he pleased,
he even hinted that a bribe for himself might induce him to do so;
this, however, was found not to be the case. Boo Khaloom was
represented to them, and truly, as a merchant of very considerable
riches and affluence in the interior. He was on the eve of starting
for Tripoli, with really superb presents for the bashaw. He had five
hundred slaves, the handsomest that could be procured, besides other
things. He stated in secret, that his principal object in going to
Tripoli, was to obtain the removal of the sultan of Fezzan, and he
wished that they should make application to the bashaw, for him to
accompany them further into the interior; they were not, however, to
hint that the proposition had come from him. Boo Khaloom said, that
he should be instantly joined by upwards of one hundred merchants,
who waited for his going, and no further escort would be necessary;
that he should merely remain a few weeks in Tripoli, and on his
return they should instantly move on.

Boo Khaloom left Mourzouk for Tripoli with his slaves and presents,
loading upwards of thirty camels, apparently reconciled to, and upon
good terms with the sultan. It was, however, very well known, that
Sultan Mustapha had set every engine at work to have Boo Khaloom's
head taken off, on his arrival at Tripoli, and that the other was
willing to sacrifice all that he was worth to displace and ruin
Mustapha in the bashaw's favour.

It was not until the 18th, that the sultan, after attending the
mosque, started for Tripoli; all his camels and suite had marched in
divisions for three days previously; in slaves he had alone more than
1,500. He was attended by about ten horsemen, his particular
favourites, and four flags were carried before him, through the town.
The inhabitants complained dreadfully of his avarice, and declared
that he had not left a dollar, or an animal worth one, in all Fezzan.

Nothing was now to be done but to make their arrangements for a
favourable start the following spring. By the sultan's departure,
every necessary for their proceeding was withdrawn from the spot
where they were. Not a camel was to be procured, and every dollar,
that he could by any means force from his subjects, was forwarded to
Tripoli. To that place, therefore, were they to look for supplies of
every kind, and it was unanimously decided, that the departure of
Major Denham for Tripoli should follow that of the sultan or as soon
as possible.

In pursuance of this determination to represent to the bashaw of
Tripoli, how necessary it was that something more than promises
should be given them for their sterling money, on Monday, the 20th
May, Major Denham left Mourzouk, with only his own negro servant,
three camels, and two Arabs, and after a most dreary journey of
twenty days, over the same uninteresting country which he had already
traversed, the more dreary for want of his former companions, he
arrived at Tripoli on the 12th June, where he was received by the
consul, with his usual hospitality and kindness, and he assigned him
apartments in the consulate.

Major Denham requested an immediate audience of the bashaw, which, in
consequence of the Rhamadan, was not granted him until the following
evening. The consul, Captain Smyth of the navy, and Major Denham,
attended. The latter represented, in the strongest terms, how greatly
they were disappointed at the unexpected and ruinous delay, which
they had experienced at Mourzouk, and requested a specific time being
fixed for their proceeding to Bornou, stating also, that were the
answer not satisfactory, he should proceed forthwith to England, and
represent to the government how grievously they had  been deceived.
The I bashaw denied having intentionally broken his word, and
solemnly declared that the will of God, in visiting the sultan of
Fezzan with sickness, had alone prevented their being now on the road
to Bornou.

Not receiving the full satisfaction which was expected, Major Denham
lost no time in setting sail for England, to lodge a complaint with
his own court. This news was painfully felt by the bashaw, who sent
vessel after vessel, one of which at last overtook Major Denham,
while performing quarantine at Marseilles, and announced to him, that
arrangements were actually made with Boo Khaloom, for escorting him
to the capital of Bornou. Major Denham immediately re-embarked, and a
seven days' passage brought him once more to the shores of Barbary.
Boo Khaloom and part of the escort were already at the entrance of
the desert; and on the 17th September, they re-entered the pass of
Melghri in the Tarhona Mountains.

Hope and confidence had now taken possession of the mind of Major
Denham, in the place of anxiety and disappointment; there was now an
air of assurance and success in all their arrangements, and, with
this conviction, Major Denham felt his health and spirits increase.
But little beyond the casualties attendant on desert travelling,
occurred previously to their arriving again at Sockna, which took
place on the 2nd October.

Major Denham found that the great failing of his friend, Boo Khaloom,
was pomp and show; and feeling that he was on this occasion the
representative of the bashaw, he was evidently unwilling that any
sultan of Fezzan should exceed him in magnificence. On entering
Sockna, his six principal followers, handsomely attired in turbans
and fine barracans, and mounted on his best horses, kept near his
person, whilst the others at a little distance, formed the flanks.
Major Denham rode on his right hand, dressed in his British uniform,
with loose Turkish trousers, a red turban, red boots, with a white
bornouse over all, as a shade from the sun, and this, though not
strictly according to orders, was by no means an unbecoming dress.
Boo Khaloom was mounted on a beautiful white Tunisian horse, a
present from the bashaw, the peak and rear of the saddle covered with
gold, and his housings were of scarlet cloth, with a border of gold
six inches broad. His dress consisted of red boots, richly
embroidered with gold, yellow silk trousers, a crimson velvet caftan
with gold buttons, a silk benise of sky blue, and a silk sidria
underneath. A transparent white silk barraca was thrown lightly over
this, and on his shoulder hung a scarlet bornouse with wide gold
lace, a present also from the bashaw, which had cost at least four
hundred dollars, and a cashmere shawl turban crowned the whole. In
this splendid array they moved on, until, as they approached the
gates of the town, the dancing and singing men and women met them,
and amidst these, the shouts and firing of the men, who skirmished
before them, and the loo! loo! of the women, they entered Sockna.

They found that houses were provided for them in the town, but the
kafila bivouacked outside the gates. It had always been their
intention to halt at Sockna for three or four days, and here they
expected to be joined by a party of Megarha Arabs, whom their sheik,
Abdi Smud ben Erhoma, had left them for the purpose of collecting
together. Hoon and Wadan were also to furnish them with another
quota.

The house of Major Denham consisted of a court yard eighteen feet
square, and a small dark room, leading out of it by two steps. The
court, however, was the greater part of the day shaded, and here on a
carpet, the major received his visitors. The Arabs, as they arrived,
were all sent to him by Boo Khaloom, and their presentation has a
form in it, not much in character with their accustomed rudeness:
they all come armed with their long guns, and the same girdle which
confines their barracan, contains also two long pistols; the chief
enters, and salutes, dropping on one knee, and touching the
stranger's right hand with his, which he carries afterwards to his
lips; he then says, "Here are my men, who are come to say health to
you." On receiving permission, they approached Major Denham one by
one, saluting in the same manner as their chief, who continued to
remain at his side; they then sat down, forming a sort of semi-circle
round the major, with their guns upright between their knees, and
after a little time, on the sheik's making a signal, they all quitted
the presence.

Boo Khaloom at this time became so alarmingly ill, that their
departure was of necessity postponed. He requested Major Denham to
prescribe for him. All the fighis' (writers,) and marabouts in
Sockna, were employed on this occasion by the friends of Boo Khaloom;
and one night the tassels of his cap were literally loaded with their
charms. Boo Khaloom assured Major Denham, when alone, that he had no
faith in such things, and smiled when he said his friends would think
ill of him, were he to refuse; his faith was, however, stronger than
he chose to acknowledge; for entering one morning unexpectedly, the
major found him with a dove, that had just been killed and cut open,
lying on his head, which, as he assured him, was, because a very
great marabout had come from Wadan on purpose to perform the
operation. Major Denham was nevertheless still more surprised to find
him seated on a carpet, in the centre of the little court yard of his
house, in the middle of the day, with five of his hordes round him,
which had been brought from the tents by his order. The major was
convinced, that this was some superstitious idea of the mystic
influence which his horses were supposed to have upon his fate, and
on expressing his surprise, he made him sit down and told him the
following story.

"Sidi Mohammed, praise be to his name!" said he, "was once applied to
by a poor man, whose speculations in trade always turned out
disadvantageously; his children died, and nothing flourished with
him. Mohammed told him, that horses were nearly connected with his
fate, and that he must buy horses before he would be fortunate. 'If I
cannot afford to keep myself,' said the man, 'how can I feed
horses?'--'No matter,' said the prophet; alive or dead, no good
fortune will come upon your house until you have them.' The poor man
went and purchased the head of a dead horse, which was all his means
enabled him to do, and this he placed over his house, little dreaming
of the good fortune, which by this means he was to enjoy. Before the
first day passed, to his extreme surprise and joy, he saw a bird,
with a chain attached to its neck, entangled with the horse's head;
and, on mounting to the housetop to extricate the bird, he found it
one of the greatest beauty, and that the chain was of diamonds. He
was not long in discovering the bird had escaped from the window of
the favourite of a certain sultan, who, on its being restored, gave
the poor man the chain as his reward, and by means of which he became
rich and happy. Now," said Boo Khaloom, "I dreamt of this story last
night, and that I was the poor man."

During their stay at Sockna, the marriage of the son of one of the
richest inhabitants, Haji Mohammed-el-Hair-Trigge, was celebrated in
the true Arab style. There is something so rudely chivalric in their
ceremonies, so very superior to the dull monotony of a Tripolitan
wedding, where from one to five hundred guests, all males assemble,
covered with gold lace, and look at one another from the evening of
one day until daylight the next, that we cannot refrain from
transcribing it.

The morning of the marriage-day, (for the ceremony is always
performed in the evening, that is, the final ceremony, for they are
generally betrothed, and the fatah read a year before,) is ushered in
by the music of the town or tribe, consisting of a bagpipe and two
small drums, serenading the bride first, and then the bridegroom, who
generally walks through the streets, very finely dressed, with all
the town at his heels; during which all the women assemble at the
bride's house, dressed in their finest clothes, and place themselves
at the different holes in the walls, which serve as windows, and look
into the court-yard. When they are so placed, and the bride is in
front of one of the windows, with her face entirely covered with her
barracan, the bridal clothes, consisting of silk shifts, shawls, silk
trousers, and fine barracans, to show her riches, are hung from the
top of the house, quite reaching to the ground. The young Arab chiefs
are permitted to pay their respects; they are preceded from the
skiffa, or entrance, by their music, and a dancing woman or two
advance with great form, and with slow steps, to the centre of the
court, under the bride's window; here the ladies salute their
visitors with "loo! loo! loo!" which they return by laying their
right hand on their breasts, as they are conducted quite round the
circle. Ample time is afforded them to survey the surrounding
beauties, and there are but few who on those occasions are so cruel
as to keep the veil quite closed. Such an assemblage of bright black
eyes, large ear-rings, and white teeth, are but rarely seen in any
country. After having made the circuit, the largess is given, and
exposed to view by the chief _danseuse,_ and according to its amount,
is the donor hailed and greeted by the spectators. Previously to
their departure, all visitors discharge their pistols, and then again
the ladies salute with the loo! loo!

So far from being displeased at Major Denham asking permission to pay
his respects, it was considered as a favour conferred, and the
bridegroom, although he could not himself be admitted, attended him
to and from the house of his mistress. This ceremony being ended, a
little before sunset, the bride prepares to leave her father's house;
a camel is sent for her, with a jaafa or sedan chair of basket work
on its back, covered with skins of animals, shawls from Soudan,
Cairo, and Timbuctoo; she steps into this, and so places herself as
to see what is going forward, and yet to lie entirely hidden from the
view of others. She is now conducted outside the town, where all the
horsemen and footmen, who have arms are assembled. The escort of the
travellers on this occasion added to the effect, as they were all by
Boo Khaloom's order in the field, consisting of sixty mounted Arabs,
and when they all charged and fired at the foot of the bride's camel,
Major Denham says, he really felt for the virgin's situation, but it
was thought a great honour, and that, he supposes, consoled her for
the fright. They commenced by skirmishing by twos and fours, and
charging in sections at full speed, always firing close under the
bride's jaafa; in this manner they proceeded three times round the
town, the scene occasionally relieved by a little interlude of the
bridegroom; approaching the camel, which was surrounded by the
negresses, who instantly commenced a cry, and drove him away, to the
great amusement of the bystanders, exclaiming, _"burra! Burra!"_ (be
off! be off!) _mazal shouia,_ (a little yet.) With discharges of
musketry, and the train of horsemen, &c., she is then conveyed to the
bridegroom's house, upon which it is necessary for her to appear
greatly surprised, and refuse to dismount; the women scream, and the
men shout, and she is at length persuaded to enter, when after
receiving a bit of sugar in her mouth, from the bridegroom's hand,
and placing another bit in his, with her own fair fingers, the
ceremony is finished, and they are declared man and wife.

They had now to pass the Gibel Assoud, or Black Mountains; the
northernmost part of this basaltic chain commences on leaving Sockna.
They halted at Melaghi the place of meeting; immediately at the foot
of the mountain is the well of Agutifa, and from hence probably the
most imposing view of these heights will be seen. To the south, the
mountain path of Niffdah presents its black, overhanging peaks, the
deep chasm round which, the path winds, bearing a most cavern-like
appearance; a little to the west, the camel path, called El Nishka,
appears scarcely less difficult and precipitous; the more southern
crags close in the landscape, while the foreground is occupied by the
dingy and barren wadey of Agutifa, with the well immediately overhung
by red ridges of limestone and clay; the whole presenting a picture
of barrenness not to be perfectly described either by poet or
painter.

The first four days of their journey after leaving Agutifa, were all
dreariness and misery. This was the third time that they had passed
these deserts, but no familiarity with the scenery at all relieves
the sense of wretchedness which the dread barrenness of the place
inspires. They marched from dawn until dark, for the sake of getting
over them as soon as possible, and as scarcely sufficient fuel was to
be found to boil a little water, a mass of cold tumuta was usually
their supper.

On leaving Tingazeer they had the blessing of a rainy day, for such
it was to all, but particularly to the poor negroes who accompanied
the kafila; although Boo Khaloom always gave something to drink from
his skins once a day, an unusual kindness; yet, marching as they were
for twelve and fourteen hours, a single draught was scarcely
sufficient to satisfy nature. In consequence of the rain, they found
water fresh and pure during almost every day's march, and arrived at
Zeghren with the loss of only one camel. On the last day, previously
to arriving at the well, Omhul Abeed, a skeleton of a man, with some
flesh still hanging about him, lay close to the road, but it was
passed by the whole kafila with scarcely a remark.

After these dreary wastes, it was no small pleasure to rest a day at
Zeghren, the native town of a considerable merchant, who accompanied
the kafila. When they first left Sockna for Mourzouk, Abdi Zeleel had
before taken Major Denham to his house, and presented him to his
mother and sister, and he now insisted upon his taking up his
quarters there altogether. Almost the first person who presented
herself, was his friend the merchant's sister, he had almost said,
the fair Omhal Henna, (the mother of peace.) We shall allow Major
Denham to relate this African amour in his own words:--

"She had a wooden bowl of haleb (fresh milk) in her hand, the
greatest rarity she could offer, and holding out the milk, with some
confusion, towards me, with both her hands, the hood, which should
have concealed her beautiful features, had fallen back. As my taking
my milk from her, would have prevented the amicable salutation we
both seemed prepared for, and which consisted of four or five gentle
pressures of the hand, with as many _aish harleks,_ and _tiels,_ and
_ham-dulillahs,_ she placed the bowl upon the ground, while the
ceremonies of greeting, which take up a much longer time in an
African village, than in an English drawing room, were by mutual
consent most cordially performed. I really could not help looking at
her with astonishment, and I heartily wish I had the power of
conveying an idea of her portrait. It was the jemma (Friday,) the
sabbath, and she was covered, for I cannot call it dressed, with only
a blue linen barracan, which passed under one arm, and was fastened
on the top of the opposite shoulder, with a silver pin, the remaining
part thrown round the body behind, and brought over her head as a
sort of hood, which, as I have before remarked, had fallen off, and
my having taken her hand, when she set down the milk, had prevented
its being replaced. This accident displayed her jet black hair, in
numberless plaits, all round her expressive face and neck, and her
large sparkling eyes and little mouth, filled with the whitest teeth
imaginable. She had various figures burnt on her chin, with
gunpowder; her complexion was a deep brown, and round her neck were
eight or ten necklaces, of coral and different coloured beads. So
interesting a person I had not seen in the country, and on my
remaining some moments with my eyes fixed on her, she recommenced the
salutation. How is your health? &c., and smiling, asked with great
naivete, whether I had not learned, during the last two months, a
little more Arabic? I assured her that I had. Looking round to see if
any body heard her, and having brought the hood over her face, she
said, 'I first heard of your coming last night, and desired the slave
to mention it to my brother. I have always looked for your coming,
and at night, _because at night I have sometimes seen you._ You were
the first man whose hand I ever touched, but they all said it did not
signify with you, an Insara (a Christian.) God turn your heart! But
my brother says you will never become Moslem--won't you, to please
Abdi Zeleel's sister? my mother says, God would never have allowed
you to come, but for your conversion.' By this time again the hood
had fallen back, and I had again taken her hand, when the unexpected
appearance of Abdi Zeleel, accompanied by the governor of the town,
who came to visit me, was a most unwelcome interruption. Omhal Henna
quickly escaped; she had overstepped the line, and I saw her no
more."

On Wednesday the 30th October, they made their entree into Mourzouk,
with all the parade and show that they could muster. By Boo Khaloom's
presents to the bashaw, but chiefly on account of his having
undertaken to conduct the travellers to Bornou, he had not only
gained the bashaw's favour, but had left Tripoli with strong proofs
of his master's consideration. The inhabitants came out to meet them,
and they entered the gates amidst the shouts of the people, preceded
by singing and dancing women. And the Arabs who formed their escort,
made such repeated charges, upon their jaded and tired animals, that
Major Denham expected some of them would "fall to rise no more." No
living creatures can be treated worse than an Arab's wife and his
horse, and if plurality could be transferred from the marriage bed to
the stable, both wives and horses would be much benefited by the
change.

Major Denham could not quite resist a sensation of disappointment,
that no friends came out to meet him, but as the sun was insufferably
powerful, and as he had received a message  by Boo Khaloom's brother,
from Dr. Oudney, that he was unwell, and that Lieutenant Clapperton
had the ague, he did not much expect to see them. He was, however, by
no means prepared to see either of them so much reduced as they were.
He found that both his companions and Hillman, had been confined to
their beds with _hemma,_ (fever and ague,) had been delirious, and
the doctor and Hillman only a little recovered. Clapperton was still
on his bed, which for fifteen days he had not quitted. Doctor Oudney
was suffering also from a severe complaint in his chest, arising from
a cold caught during his excursion to Ghraat, and nothing could be
more disheartening than their appearance. The opinion of every body,
Arabs, Tripolines, and Ritchie, and Lyon, their predecessors, were
all unanimous as to the insalubrity of the air. Every one belonging
to the present expedition had been seriously disordered, and amongst
the inhabitants themselves, any thing like a healthy-looking person
was a rarity.

Notwithstanding Boo Khaloom made every exertion in his power to get
away from Mourzouk, as early as possible, yet, from the numerous
arrangements, which it was necessary for him to make, for the
provisioning of so many persons, during a journey through a country
possessing no resources, it was the 29th November before those
arrangements were complete. Dr. Oudney and Mr. Clapperton, from a
most praiseworthy impatience to proceed on their journey, and at the
same time thinking their health might be benefited by the change of
air, preceded him to Gatrone by ten days. Major Denham remained
behind to urge Boo Khaloom, and expedite his departure, as it was
considered, by those means, that any wish might be obviated, which he
might have to delay, on account of his private affairs, even for a
day. Their caution was, however, needless, no man could be more
anxious to obey the orders he had received, and forward their views
than himself; indeed so peremptory had been the commands of the
bashaw, in consequence of the representation of our consul general,
when complaining of former procrastinations, that Boo Khaloom's
personal safety depended on his expedition, and of this he was well
aware.

The following is a correct account of the strength of the party, as
it proceeded from Mourzouk. Major Denham had succeeded in engaging,
on his return to Tripoli, as an attendant to accompany him to Bornou,
a native of the island of St. Vincent, whose real name was Adolphus
Sympkins, but who, in consequence of his having run away from home,
and as a merchant traversed hall the world over, had acquired the
name of Columbus. He had been several years in the service of the
bashaw, spoke three European languages, and perfect Arabic. [*] They
had besides, three free negroes, who had been hired in Tripoli as
private servants. Jacob, a Gibraltar Jew, who was a sort of
store-keeper, four men to look after the camels, and these, with Mr.
Hillman and the remainder of the Europeans, made up the number of
their household to thirteen persons. They were also accompanied by
several merchants from Mesurata, Tripoli, Sockna, and Mourzouk, who
gladly embraced the protection of their escort, to proceed to the
interior with their merchandize.

[Footnote: This person afterwards accompanied Captain Clapperton on
his second journey.]

The Arabs in the service of the bashaw of Tripoli, by whom they were
to be escorted to Bornou, and on whose good conduct their success
almost wholly depended, were now nearly all assembled, and had been
chosen from amongst the most convenient tribes. They gained
considerably in the good opinion of the travellers, each day as they
became better acquainted with them; they were not only a great and
most necessary protection to them, breaking the ground, as they were,
for any Europeans who might follow their steps, but enlivened them
greatly on their dreary desert way, by their infinite wit and
sagacity, as well as by their poetry, extempore and traditional.
There were several amongst the party, who shone as orators in verse,
to use the idiom of their own expressive language, particularly one
of the tribe of Boo Saiff Marabooteens, or gifted persons, who would
sing for an hour together, faithfully describing the whole of their
journey for the preceding fortnight, relating the most trifling
occurrence that had happened, even to the name of the well, and the
colour and taste of the water, with astonishing rapidity and humour,
and in very tolerable poetry, while some of his traditional ballads
were beautiful.

The Arabs are generally thin, meagre figures, though possessing
expressive and sometimes handsome features; great violence of gesture
and muscular action; irritable and fiery, they are unlike the
dwellers in towns and cities; noisy and loud, their common
conversational intercourse appears to be a continual strife and
quarrel. They are, however, brave, eloquent, and deeply sensible of
shame. Major Denham once knew an Arab of the lower class refuse his
food for days together, because in a skirmish his gun had missed
fire; to use his own words, _"Gulbi wahr,_ (my heart aches,)
_Bin-dikti kadip hashimtui gedam el naz._ (my gun lied, and shamed me
before the people.)" Much has been said of their want of cleanliness;
they may, however, be pronounced to be much more cleanly than the
lower orders of people in any European country. Circumcision, and the
shaving the hair from the head, and every other part of the body; the
frequent ablutions, which their religion compels them to perform; all
tend to enforce practices of cleanliness. Vermin, from the climate of
their country, they, as well as every other person, must be annoyed
with; and although the lower ranks have not the means of frequently
changing their covering, for it can be scarcely called apparel, yet
they endeavour to free themselves as much as  possible from the
persecuting vermin. Their mode of dress has undergone no change for
centuries back, and the words of Fenelon will at this day apply with
equal truth to their present appearance. "Leurs habits sont aisés a
faire, car en ce doux climat on ne porte qu'une piece d'étoffe fine
et légère, qui n'est point taillée et que chacun met à long plis
autour de son corps pour la modestie; lui donnant la forme qu'il
veut."



CHAPTER XX.

During the time that Major Denham had been occupied with transacting
his business with the bashaw of Tripoli, Dr. Oudney and Lieutenant
Clapperton had determined to make an excursion to the westward of
Mourzouk, for the purpose of ascertaining the course of the rivers,
and the local curiosities of the country. Accordingly on the 8th June
1822, Dr. Oudney, Lieutenant Clapperton, and Mr. Hillman, departed
from Mourzouk, accompanied by Hadje Ali, brother of Ben Bucher, Ben
Khalloom, Mahommed Neapolitan Mamelouk, and Mahomet, son of their
neighbour Hadje Mahmud. It was their intention to have proceeded
direct to Ghraat, and laboured hard to accomplish their object;
obstacle after obstacle was, however, thrown in their way by some
individuals in Mourzouk. Several came begging them not to go, as the
road was dangerous, and the people not all under the bashaw's
control. They at length hired camels from a Targee, Hadge Said, but
only to accompany them as far as the wadey Ghrurby.

This course was over sands skirted with date trees, the ground
strewed with fragments of calcareous crust, with a vitreous surface
from exposure to the weather. About mid-day, after an exhausting
journey from oppressive heat, they arrived at El Hummum, a straggling
village, the houses of which were mostly constructed of palm leaves.
They remained until the sun was well down and then proceeded on their
course. The country had the same character. At eight they arrived at
Tessouwa.

The greater number of inhabitants were Turiacks. They had a warlike
appearance, a physiognomy and costume different from the Fezzaners.
More than a dozen muffled-up faces were seated near their tents, with
every one's spear stuck forcibly in the ground before him. This
struck them forcibly, from being very different from that which they
had been accustomed to see. The Arab is always armed in his journey,
with his long gun and pistols, but there is something more imposing
in the spear, dagger, and broad straight sword.

Their course now lay over an extensive high plain, with a long range
of hills, running nearly east and west. They entered them by a pass,
in which were numerous recesses, evidently leading to more extensive
wadeys. This pass led to another, the finest they had yet seen, and
the only part approaching to the sublime, which they had beheld in
Fezzan. It was rugged and narrow; its sides high, and overhanging in
some places near the end of the pass, the wady Ghrarby opens, with
groves of date palms, and high sandy hills. The change was sudden and
striking, and instead of taking away, added to the effect of the pass
they were descending.

Having travelled up the valley for about four miles, they halted at a
small town, called Kharaik, having passed two in their course. The
number of date trees in the eastern and western division of the
valley, is said to be 340,000. The first division, or wadey Shirgi,
extends from near Siba to within a few miles of Thirtiba, the other
from the termination of Shirgi to Aubari.

In the evening, they saw some of the preparatory steps for a
marriage. The woman belonged to Kharaik, and the man to the next
town. A band of musicians, accompanied by all the women of the
village, with every now and then a volley of musketry, formed the
chief part of the procession. One woman carried a basket on her head,
for the purpose of collecting gomah to form a feast, and pay the
musicians. They came from the village of the bridegroom, which was
about a mile distant.

The sheik of this town, whose name was Ali, was a good-natured
Tibboo, exceedingly poor, but very attentive, and always in good
humour. The place was so poor that they had sometimes to wait half a
day before they could get a couple of fowls, or a feed of dates or
barley for their horses. They were in hourly expectation of the
arrival of camels from the friends of Hateeta, for the purpose of
conveying them to Ghraat; no camels, however, arrived, and they were
obliged to remain, much against their inclination. On Hateeta
conversing with Dr. Oudney, on the difficulty they experienced in
getting away from Mourzouk, on account of the obstacles thrown in the
way by the people, he said, that the dread, which they had of the
Turiacks, was unfounded, and that they should soon be convinced of
it. He further added, that he could by his influence alone conduct
them in perfect safety to Timbuctoo, and would answer with his head.
He was indignant at the feelings, which the people of Mourzouk had
against the Turiacks, who, he said, pride themselves on having but
one word, and performing whatever they promise.

The promised camels not having arrived, they hired two of Mahomet el
Buin, and with these they proceeded on to Gorma, which they found to
be a larger town than any in the wadey, but both walls and houses
have the marks of time. The sheik, Mustapha Ben Ussuf, soon visited
them. He was an old man, a Fezzaner. His ancestors were natives of
the place, and his features might be considered as characteristic of
the natives of Fezzan.

They had many accounts of inscriptions being in this place, which the
people could not read. They were conducted by sheik Mustapha to
examine a building, different, as he stated, from any in the country.
When they arrived, they found to their satisfaction, it was a
structure which had been erected by the Romans.

There were no inscriptions to be found, although they carefully
turned up a number of the stones strewed about, but a few figures and
letters rudely hewn out, and evidently of recent date. They imagined
they could trace some resemblance to the letters of Europe, and
conjectured that they had been hewn out by some European traveller at
no very distant period. Their thoughts naturally went back to
Horneman, but again they had no intelligence of his having been
there, "In short," as Dr. Oudney says, "to confess the truth, we did
not know what to make of them, till we afterwards made the discovery
of the Targee writing."

This building is about twelve feet high, and eight broad. It is built
of sandstone well finished, and dug from the neighbouring hills. Its
interior is solid, and of small stones, cemented by mortar. It stands
about three miles from Gorma, and a quarter of a mile from the foot
of the mountain. It is either a tomb or an altar; those well
acquainted with Roman architecture will easily determine which. The
finding a structure of these people proves, without doubt, their
intercourse here. It is probable they had no extensive establishment,
otherwise they would have seen more remains as they went along; they
passed by, and saw to the westward, the remains of ancient Gorma. It
appeared to occupy a space more extensive than the present town. They
were not able to learn from the old sheik, whether any antique coins
were ever found, or any building similar to this in the vicinity. Was
this the tract of the Romans merely into the interior, or did they
come to the valley for dates?

Hateeta arrived during the night of the 18th June; their departure
was, however, delayed on account of his illness. On the following
morning, they struck their tents by daylight, and commenced their
journey. They sent their horses home, that is, to Mourzouk, by their
servant, Adam, and set out on foot. They intended mounting the
camels, but the loads were so ill arranged that they dared not
venture. Their course lay through groves of date trees, growing in
the salt plains. These extended about four miles, and two miles
further west, was a small Arab town. They halted about an hour under
the shade of the date trees, waiting for the coming up of the camels.
They then mounted, and in the afternoon entered the date groves of
Oubari, where they halted. Hateeta joined them in the evening. They
had numerous Tuarick visitors, some residents of the town, and others
belonging to a kafila about to depart for the Tuarick country. They
are an independent-looking race. They examine with care every thing
they see, and are not scrupulous in asking for different articles,
such as tobacco, powder, and flints.

The camel men not coming forward with their camels, the party took
the advantage of their detention to visit the neighbouring hills. One
part appeared at a distance as an artificial excavation, which,
however, disappeared as they approached, and they found it to be a
smooth surface, with a portion so removed as to give rise to the
delusion.

In ascending this by the track of a mountain torrent, they fell in
with numerous inscriptions, in characters similar to those on the
Roman building. Some were evidently done centuries ago, others very
recently. To the southward there was another portion of the same
range. When they got to the top, they were perspiring copiously, and
had to take care that the perspiration was not checked too suddenly,
as a strong cool breeze was blowing on the top. Many places were
cleared away for prayer, in the same manner as they had observed in
places on all the roads, on which they had travelled. The form in
general is an oblong square, with a small recess in one of the longer
sides, looking to the rising sun, or it is semicircular, with a
similar recess. On the top of a steep precipice, "God save the king"
was sung with great energy and taste by Hillman.

The new moon was seen on this evening, to the great joy of all the
followers of Mahomet. Muskets and pistols were discharged, and all
the musicians began their labours. This sport was continued until
night. A party of musicians came out to visit them, but several of
them were so drunk that they could scarcely walk. The fast was kept
by all with a bad grace, and scarcely one was to be seen who had not
a long visage. It was even laughable to see some young men going
about the streets, with long walking-sticks, leaning forward like men
bent with age. As soon as the maraboot calls, not a person was to be
seen in the streets; all commence, as soon as he pronounces "Allah
Akber!" All pretend to keep it, and if they do not, they take care
that no one shall know it; but from the wry faces and pharasaical
shows, the rigidity may be called in question. None of the European
party kept the fast, except for a day now and then; for all
travellers, after the first day, are allowed exemption, but they have
to make it up at some other time.

They were greatly amused with stories of the great powers of eating
of the Tuaricks. They were told that two men have consumed three
sheep at one meal, another eating a kail of bruised dates, and a
corresponding quantity of milk, and another eating about a hundred
loaves, about the size of an English penny loaf. They had many
inquiries respecting the English females; for a notion prevailed,
that they always bore more than one child at a time, and that they
went longer than nine calendar months. On being told that they were
the same in that respect as other women, they appeared pleased.
They were also asked, how the women were kept; if they were locked up
as the moorish women, or allowed to go freely abroad. The Tuarick
women are allowed great liberties that way, and are not a little
pleased at having such an advantage. The customs and manners of
Europe, which they related to their friends, were so similar to some
of theirs, that an old Targee exclaimed, in a forcible manner, "that
he was sure they had the same origin as us." The Tuarick women have
full round faces, black curling hair, and, from a negro mixture,
inclined to be crispy; eyebrows a little arched, eyes black and
large, nose plain and well formed. The dress a barracan, neatly
wrapped round, with a cover of dark blue cloth for the head,
sometimes coming over the lower part of the face, as in the men.
They are not very fond of beads, but often have shells suspended to
the ears as ear-drops.

Being obliged to postpone their departure for ten days, in
consequence of the indisposition of Hateeta, Dr. Oudney determined in
the mean time to visit Wady Shiati, whilst Mr. Hillman was sent back
to Mourzouk, to send down supplies, and to take charge of the
property. They arranged about the fare for their camels, and made
every preparation for their immediate departure. Before, however,
they could set out, a guide for the sands was necessary; and for that
purpose they engaged an old Targee, who professed to know every part
of the track. They travelled by moonlight, over a sandy soil, with
numerous tufts of grass, and mound hillocks covered with shrubs, the
surface in many places hard and crusty, from saline incrustations.
The old men told them, that the mounds of earth were formed by water,
as the wadey, at the times of great rains, was covered with water.

At daylight they resumed their journey, and a little after sunrise
entered among the sand-hills, which were here two or three hundred
feet high. The ascent and descent of these proved very fatiguing to
both their camels and themselves. The precipitous sides obliged them
often to make a circuitous route, and rendered it necessary to form
with their hands a track, by which the camels might ascend. Beyond
this boundary there was an extensive sandy plain, with here and there
tufts of grass.

In the afternoon, their track was on the same plain; and near sunset
they began ascending high sand-hills, one appearing as if heaped upon
the other. The guide ran before, to endeavour to find out the easiest
track, with all the agility of a boy. The presence of nothing but
deep sandy valleys and high sand-hills strikes the mind most
forcibly. There is something of the sublime mixed with the
melancholy; who can contemplate without admiration masses of loose
sand, fully four hundred feet high, ready to be tossed about by every
breeze, and not shudder with horror at the idea of the unfortunate
traveller being entombed in a moment by one of those fatal blasts,
which sometimes occur. They halted for the night on the top of one of
these sand-hills.

For three or four days their course still lay among the sand-hills;
their guide, whom they now styled Mahomet Ben Kami, or son of the
sand, was almost always on before, endeavouring to find out the best
way. They could detect in the sand numerous footmarks of the jackal
and the fox, and here and there a solitary antelope. In some of the
wadeys there were a great many fragments of the ostrich egg. About
mid-day, they halted in a valley, and remained under the shade of
some date trees for a few hours. The heat was oppressive, and their
travelling was difficult They next came to an extensive level plain,
which was some refreshment, for they were completely tired of
ascending and descending sand-hills. The servants strayed, proceeding
on a track, which was pointed out to them as the right one, and,
before they were aware of their error, they went so far that they
were not able to send after them. They, as well as themselves,
thought the town was near, and they went forwards, with the intention
of getting in before the remainder of the party could come up. They
felt exceedingly uneasy respecting them, as they might so easily lose
themselves in such intricate travelling. They halted in low spirits,
and, after a little refreshment, went to sleep with heavy hearts.

During the night, some strong breezes sprang up, by which their
trunks and bed-clothes were all covered with sand in the morning.
They heard nothing of their servants, and consoled themselves that
they had perhaps found some place of shelter or rest. They commenced
their journey early, and in a short time the hills of Wadey Shiati
were seen stretching east and west, and the date-palms in several
groves; but some high sand-hills were seen between them. They wished
their old guide to take them a more direct course, but
notwithstanding their desire, and even threats, he persevered in
having his way; and, to do the old man justice, they afterwards found
it would almost have been impossible for the camels to have gone the
way they wished. After passing the base of some high sand-hills, they
came to a strong pass, of gentle descent, covered with loose
fragments of quartz rock, a yellowish feldspar, and iron ore, very
similar to the rocks in the Sebah district. From this place the town
opened to their view, erected on a hill about three hundred feet
high, standing in the middle of the valley, and has the appearance,
at a distance, of a hill studded over with basaltic columns. They had
no idea that the town was built on the hill, and consequently that
the deception was produced by it.

The majority of the inhabitants soon visited them, and all appeared
pleased at their arrival. The kadi of the two neighbouring towns paid
them many compliments, and pressed them much to spend a few days in
his towns. They could not take advantage of this offer, which was no
doubt of a selfish nature, for Dr. Oudney had not conversed long with
him, before he began to beg a shirt. The doctor told him that his
could be of no use to him, as it was very different from those of the
country. On being told that, he asked for a dollar to buy one, which
Dr. Oudney took care to refuse, saying that he only gave presents of
money to the poor. The people made numerous urgent demands for
medicines, and in a very short time, their large tent was surrounded
with sick, the female part forming the majority. Some beautiful faces
and forms were clothed in rags; the plaited hair and necks of these
even were loaded with ornaments. The females were rather under the
middle stature, strongly built, and possess considerable vivacity,
and liveliness. The complexion of those not much exposed to the sun
was of a dirty white.

Dr. Oudney was also applied to in a new capacity, that of a
charm-writer. A man came and offered him two fowls, if he would give
him a charm for a disease of the stomach; he was, however, obliged to
decline the office of charm-writer, and confine himself to the cure
of diseases by medicine. A buxom widow applied for a medicine to
obtain her a husband, but the doctor told her he had no such medicine
along with him. The same worthy personage took Lieutenant Clapperton
for an old man, on account of his light-coloured beard and
mustachios; but although this afforded some amusement to the party,
Clapperton felt some chagrin at it, for he had prided himself on the
strength and bushiness of his beard, and was not a little hurt that
light colour should be taken as a mark of old age. None of them had
ever seen a light-coloured beard before, and all the old men dye
their grey beards with henna, which gives them a colour approaching
to that of Lieutenant Clapperton.

They now proceeded to visit the interior of the town. The houses were
built of mud, and erected on the sides of the hill, appearing as if
one were pulled on the other. The passages or streets between them
are narrow, and in two or three instances, some excavations were made
through the rocks. The ascent was steep in some places, and they had
to pass through the mosque before they arrived at the highest
portion. From this they had a line view of Wadey Shiati in every
direction, running nearly east and west; in the former direction it
was well inhabited as far as Oml' Abeed, which is the westernmost
town. Many houses were in ruins, and many more were approaching to
that state, still it was called the new town, although its appearance
little entitles it to that appellation; but the ancient inhabitants
lived in excavations in the rocks, the remains of which are very
distinct. At the bottom of the hill, they entered several, not much
decayed by time. At a hundred yards, however, from the base of the
hill, and now used as a burying-ground, there is a subterranean
house, of large dimensions, and probably the residence of the great
personage. Dr. Oudney and Clapperton entered this excavation, and
found three extensive galleries, which communicated only by small
openings, on passing through which, they had to stoop considerably.
The galleries were, however, high, and of considerable length, about
one hundred and fifty feet, and each had several small recesses, like
sleeping rooms. The whole had neatness about it, and showed a taste
in the excavation. There are no traces of similar abodes in Fezzan.
The people are so afraid, and so superstitious, that scarcely one of
the town had ever entered it. They were astonished when the Europeans
entered it without ceremony, and two, encouraged by their example,
brought them a light, by which they were enabled to look into the
different recesses.

On the 6th July, they started, with a beautiful moonlight, over a
sandy plain, with a great many small hillocks. They stopped at
Dalhoon, a well nearly filled up with sand, and containing water so
brackish that they were unable to drink it. They started again, and
got in amongst the sand-hills. Their new guide proved neither such an
active man, nor so experienced a pilot, as their old Tuarick, as they
had several times to retrace their steps.

After visiting several places of no particular note, they arrived at
Ghraat, and were soon visited by a number of Hateeta's relations, one
of whom was his sister; some were much affected, and wept at the
sufferings that had detained him so long from them. A number of his
male relations soon came, and many of the inhabitants of the town.
The ladies were a free and lively set. They were not a little pleased
with the grave manner in which their visitors uttered the various
complimentary expressions. Hateeta was not well pleased with
something he had heard, but he told them not to be afraid, as he had
numerous relations. They informed him that fear never entered their
breasts, and begged him not to be uneasy on their account.

Early on the following morning, numerous visitors paid their respects
to Hateeta, and were introduced in due form to the Europeans, who
felt the length of time spent in salutations quite fatiguing, and so
absurd in their eyes, that they could scarcely at times retain their
gravity. The visitors were mostly residents of the city, and all were
decorated in their best. There were also a sedateness and gravity in
the appearance of all, which the dress tended greatly to augment.

In the afternoon, they visited the sultan. Mats had been spread in
the castle in a small anti-chamber. The old man was seated, but rose
up to receive them, and welcomed them to his city. He apologized for
not waiting on them, but said he was sick, and had been very little
out for some time. He had guinea-worm, and cataract was forming in
his eyes. He was dressed in a nearly worn-out robe, and trousers of
the same colour, and round his head was wrapped an old piece of
yellow coarse cloth for a turban. Notwithstanding the meanness of the
dress, there was something pleasing and prepossessing in his
countenance, and such as made them quite as much at home, as if in
their tents. They presented him with a sword, with which he was
highly pleased. Hateeta wished it had been a Bornouse; but they had
none with them which they considered sufficiently good. They were led
away by the title sultan, having no idea that the Tuaricks were so
vain; for they used to fill them with high notions of the wealth and
greatness of the people of Ghraat.

On the whole, their interview was highly pleasing, and every one
seemed much pleased with their visitors. The old sultan showed them
every kindness, and they had every reason to believe him sincere in
his wishes. After their visit, they called at the house of Lameens,
son of the kadi. He was a young man of excellent character, and
universally respected. His father was then in Ghadames, arranging,
with some of the other principal inhabitants, the affairs of the
community. He had left directions with his son, to show the strangers
every attention. His house was neatly fitted up, and carpets spread
on a high bed, on which the visitors seated themselves. Several of
the people who were in the castle came along with them, and by the
assistance of those, who could speak Arabic, they were able to keep
up a tolerably good conversation. On inquiring about the Tuarick
letters, they found the same sounds given them as they had before
heard from others. They were here at the fountain-head, but were
disappointed at not being able to find a book in the Tuarick
language; they were informed, that there was not one extant.

In the evening Hateeta's kinswomen returned. They were greatly
amused, and laughed heartily at their visitors blundering out a few
Tuarick words. It may be well supposed they were very unfit
companions for the ladies, as they spoke no other language than their
own, and the strangers knew very little of it. Still, however, they
got on very well, and were mutually pleased. Dr. Oudney could
scarcely refrain laughing several times, at the grave manner which
Clapperton assumed. He  had been tutored  by Hateeta, and fully acted
up to his instructions; no Tuarick could have done it better. Their
friend Hateeta was anxious that they should shine, if not make an
impression on the hearts of the ladies, and therefore read a number
of lectures to Clapperton, as to the manner in which he should deport
himself. He was directed not to laugh nor sing, but to look as grave
as possible, which Hateeta said would be sure to please the grave
Tuaricks. The liveliness of the women, their freeness with the men,
and the marked attention the latter paid them, formed a striking
contrast with other Mahommedan states.

They now proceeded to take a circuit of the town, and during their
walk they fell in with a number of females, who had come out to see
them. All were free and lively, and riot at all deferred by the
presence of the men. Several of them had fine features, but only one
or two could be called beautiful. Many of the natives came out of
their houses as they passed along, and cordially welcomed them to
their town. It was done with so much sincerity and good heartedness,
that they could not but be pleased and highly flattered.

In the evening they heard a numerous band of females, singing at a
distance, which was continued till near midnight. The women were
principally those of the country. This custom is very common among
the people, and is one of the principal amusements in the mountain
recesses. Hateeta said they go out when their work is finished, in
the evening, and remain till near midnight, singing and telling
stories; return home, take supper, and go to bed.



CHAPTER XXI.

Dr. Oudney and his companions now determined to return to Mourzouk,
where they arrived in November, and on the 29th of the same month,
they again departed, accompanied by nearly all those of the town, who
could muster horses; the camels had moved early in the day, and at
Zerzow, they found the tents pitched. From Zerzow to Traghan there is
a good high road, with frequent incrustations of salt. A marabout of
great sanctity, is the principal person in Traghan, as his father was
before him. After being crammed as it were by the hospitality of this
marabout, they left Traghan for Maefen, an assemblage of date huts,
with but one house. The road to this place lies over a mixture of
sand and salt, having a curious and uncommon appearance. The path, by
which all the animals move for some miles, is a narrow space, or
strip, worn smooth, bearing a resemblance both in appearance and
hardness to ice.

Quitting Maefen, they quickly entered on a desert plain, and after a
dreary fourteen hours march for camels, they arrived at Mestoota, a
maten or resting place, where the camels found some little grazing,
from a plant called ahgul. Starting at sunrise, they had another
fatiguing day, over the same kind of desert, without seeing one
living thing that did not belong to the kafila, not a bird, nor even
an insect; the sand is beautifully fine, round, and red. It is
difficult to give the most distant idea of the stillness and beauty
of a night scene, on a desert of this description. The distance
between the resting places is not sufficiently great, for the dread
of want of water to be alarmingly felt, and the track, though a sandy
one, is well known to the guides. The burning heat of the day is
succeeded by cool and refreshing breezes, and the sky ever illumined
by large and brilliant stars, or an unclouded moon. By removing the
loose and pearl-like sand, to the depth of a few inches, the effects
of the sunbeams of the day are not perceptible, and a most soft and
refreshing couch is easily formed. The ripple of the driving sand
resembles that of a slow and murmuring stream, and after escaping
from the myriads of fleas, which day and night persecute you, in the
date-bound valley in which Mourzouk stands, the luxury of an evening
of this description is an indescribable relief. Added to the solemn
stillness, so peculiarly striking and impressive, there is an
extraordinary echo in all deserts, arising probably from the
closeness and solidity of a sandy soil, which does not absorb the
sound. They now arrived at Gabrone. The Arabs watch for a sight of
the high date trees, which surround this town, as sailors look for
land, and after discovering these land marks, they shape their course
accordingly.

Here Major Denham joined his companions, whom he found in a state of
health but ill calculated for undertaking a long and tedious journey.
During the stay of the major at Mourzouk, he had suffered from a
severe attack of fever, which had kept him for ten days in his bed,
and although considerably debilitated, yet he was strong in
comparison with his associates. Dr. Oudney was suffering much from
his cough, and still complaining of his chest. Mr. Clapperton's ague
had not left him, and Hillman had been twice attacked so violently,
as to be given over by the doctor. They all, however, looked forward
anxiously to proceeding on their journey, and fancied that change of
scene and warmer weather, would bring them all round.

Gabrone is not unpleasantly situated; it is surrounded by sandhills
and mounds of earth, covered with a small tree, called _athali._ The
person of the greatest importance at Gabrone, is one Hagi el Raschid,
a large proprietor, and a marabout. He was a man of very clear
understanding and amiable manners, and as he uses the superstition of
the people as the means of making them happy, and turning them from
vicious pursuits, we become, as it were, almost reconciled to an
impostor.

They departed from Gabrone at 11 o'clock, a.m. The marabout
accompanied Boo Khaloom outside the town, and having drawn, not a
magic circle, but a parallelogram on the sand, with his wand, he
wrote in it certain words of great import, from the Koran; the crowd
looked on him in silent astonishment, while he assumed a manner both
graceful and imposing, so as to make it impossible for any one to
feel at all inclined to ridicule his motions. When he had finished
repeating the fatah aloud, he invited the party singly to ride
through the spot he had consecrated, and having obeyed him, they
silently proceeded on their journey, without repeating even an idea.

They passed a small nest of huts in the road, prettily situated,
called El Bahhi, from whence the women of the place followed them
with songs for several miles. Having halted at Medroosa, they moved
on the next morning, and leaving an Arab castle to the south-east,
and some table-top hills, they arrived at Kasrowa by three in the
afternoon.

On the 9th December, they were to arrive at Tegerhy. The Arabs
commenced skirmishing as soon as they came within sight of it, and
kept it up in front of the town for half an hour after their arrival.
They were to halt here for a day or two, for the purpose of taking in
the remainder of their dates and provisions, and never was halt more
acceptable. Almost the whole of the party were afflicted with
illness; the servants were all so ill, that one of the negro women
made them a mess of kouscasou, with some preserved fat, which had
been prepared in Mourzouk, it was a sorry meal, for the fat was
rancid, and although tired and not very strong, Major Denham could
not refuse an invitation about nine at night, after he had laid down
to sleep, to eat camels' heart with Boo Khaloom; it was woefully hard
and tough, and the major suffered the next morning from indulging too
much at the feast.

The Tibboos and Arabs kept them awake half the night with their
singing and dancing, in consequence of the bousafer or feast, on
entering the Tibboo country. Boo Khaloom gave two camels, and the
major and his party gave one. The sick seemed to gain a little
strength; they had succeeded in purchasing a sheep, and a little soup
seemed to revive them much, but they feared that Hillman and one of
the servants must be left behind. However distressing such an event
would have been, it was impossible for men, who could not sit upright
on a mule, to commence a journey of fifteen days over a desert,
during which travellers are obliged to march from sunrise until dark.

The morning of the 12th December was beautifully mild. After
breakfast, all seemed revived, but it was with great pain that Major
Denham observed the exceeding weakness of Dr. Oudney and Hillman; he
fancied that he already saw in them, two more victims to the noxious
climate of central Africa.

Almost every town in Africa has its charm or wonder, and Tegerhy is
not without one. There is a well just outside the castle gates, the
water of which, they were told most gravely, always rose when a
kafila was coming near the town; that the inhabitants always prepared
what they had to sell, on seeing this water increase in bulk, for it
never deceived them. In proof of this assertion, they pointed out to
Major Denham, how much higher the water had been previously to their
arrival, than it was at the moment, when they were standing on the
brink. This Major Denham could have explained, by the number of
camels that had drunk at it, but he saw it was better policy to
believe what every body allowed to be true, even Boo Khaloom
exclaimed, "Allah! God is great, powerful, and wise. How wonderful!
Oh!" Over the inner gate of the castle, there is a large hole through
to the gateway underneath, and they tell a story, of a woman dropping
from thence a stone on the head of some leader, who had gained the
outer wall, giving him by that means the death of Abimelech in sacred
history.

The natives of Tegerhy are quite black, but have not the negro face;
the men are slim, very plain, with high cheek bones, the negro nose,
large mouth, teeth much stained by the quantity of tobacco, and
_trona_ or carbonate of soda, which they eat, and even snuff, when
given to them, goes directly into their mouths.

The young girls are most of them pretty, but less so than those of
Gabrone. The men always carry two daggers, one about eighteen inches,
and the other six inches; the latter of which is attached to a ring,
and worn on the arm or wrist. A Tibboo once told Major Denham,
pointing to the long one, "This is my gun, and this" showing the
smaller of the two, "is my pistol."

On the 13th they left Tegerhy and proceeded on the desert. After
travelling six miles they arrived at a well called Omah, where their
tents were pitched, and here they halted three days. Near these
wells, numbers of human skeletons, or parts of them, lay scattered on
the sands. Hillman, who had suffered dreadfully since leaving
Tegerhy, was greatly shocked at these whitened skulls, and unhallowed
remains, so much so as to stand in need of all the encouragement
which Major Denham could administer to him.

On the 17th they continued their course over a stony plain, without
the least appearance of vegetation. About sunset, they halted near a
well, within half a mile of Meshroo. Round this spot were lying more
than a hundred skeletons, some of them with the skin still remaining
attached to the bones, not even a little sand thrown over them. The
Arabs laughed heartily at the expression which Major Denham evinced,
and said, "they were only blacks, _nam boo!_ (d--n their fathers,)"
and began knocking about the limbs with the butt end of their
firelocks, saying, "this was a woman: this was a youngster," and such
like unfeeling expressions. The greater part of the unhappy people,
of whom these were the remains, had formed the spoils of the sultan
of Fezzan the year before. Major Denham was assured, that they had
left Bornou, with not above a quarter's allowance for each; and that
more died from want than fatigue; they were marched off with chains
round their necks and legs; the most robust only arrived in Fezzan in
a very debilitated state, and were there fattened for the Tripoli
slave market.

Their camels did not come up until it was quite dark, and they
bivouacked in the midst of these unearthed remains of the victims of
persecution and avarice, after a long day's journey of twenty-six
miles, in the course of which, one of the party counted one hundred
and seven of these skeletons.

Their road now lay over a long plain with a slight ridge. A fine naga
(she camel), lay down on the road, as it was supposed from fatigue.
The Arabs crowded round and commenced unloading her, when, upon
inquiry, it was found that she was suddenly taken in labour; about
five minutes completed the operation; a very fine little animal was
literally dragged into light. It was then thrown across another
camel, and the mother, after being reloaded, followed quietly after
her offspring.

One of the skeletons which they passed this day, had a very fresh
appearance, the beard was still hanging to the skin of the face, and
the features were still discernible. A merchant, travelling with the
kafila, suddenly exclaimed, "That was my slave I left behind four
months ago, near this spot." "Make haste! take him to the _fsug_
(market)," said an Arab wag, "for fear any body else should claim
him."

On the 20th December, they arrived at the Hormut el Wahr, which were
the highest hills they had seen since leaving Fezzan; the highest
peak being from five to six hundred feet. They had a bold black
appearance, and were a relief to the eye, after the long level they
had quitted. They blundered and stumbled on until ten at night, when
they found the resting place, after a toilsome and most distressing
day. This was the eighth day since the camels had tasted water; they
were weak and sore-footed, from the stony nature of the passes in
these hills of Elwahr.

They had now a stony plain, with low hills of sand and gravel, till
they reached El Garha, and here they rested for the night. Several of
the camels during this day were drunk--their eyes heavy, and wanting
their usual animation; their gait staggering, and every now and then
falling, as a man in a state of intoxication. This arose from eating
dates after drinking water; these probably pass into a spirituous
fermentation in the stomach.

On the 22nd of December, they moved before daylight, and halted at
the maten called El Hammar, close under a bluff head, which had been
in view since quitting their encampment in the morning. Strict orders
were given this day for the camels to keep close up, and for the
Arabs not to straggle, the Tibboo Arabs having been seen on the look
out. During the last two days, they had passed, on an average, from
sixty to ninety skeletons each day, but the numbers that lay about
the wells at El Hammar were countless; those of two young women,
whose perfect and regular teeth bespoke them young, were particularly
shocking; their arms still remained clasped round each other as they
had expired, although the flesh had long since perished by being
exposed to the burning rays of the sun, and the blackened bones only
left; the nails of the fingers, and some of the sinews of the hand
also remained, and part of the tongue of one of them still appeared
through the teeth.

They had now passed six days of desert, without the slightest
appearance of vegetation, and a little branch of the snag, _(Caparis
sodada,)_ was brought as a comfort and curiosity. On the following,
day, they had alternately plains of sand and loose gravel, and had a
distant view of some hills to the westward. While Major Denham was
dozing on his horse about noon, overcome by the heat of the sun,
which, at that time of the day, shone with great power, he was
suddenly awakened by a crashing under his feet, which startled him
excessively. He found that his steed had, without any sensation of
shame or alarm, stepped upon the perfect skeletons of two human
beings, cracking their brittle bones under his feet, and by one trip
of his foot, separating a skull from the trunk, which rolled on like
a ball before him. This event imparted a sensation to him, which it
took him a long time to remove. His horse was for many days
afterwards not looked upon with the same regard as formerly.

One of their nagas had this day her accouchement on the road, and
they all looked forward to the milk, which the Arabs assured them she
had in abundance, and envied them not a little their morning
draughts, which they were already quaffing in imagination. However,
one of the many slips between the cup and the lip was to befall them.
The poor naga suddenly fell, and as suddenly died. The exclamations
of the Arabs were dreadful. "The evil eye! the evil eye!" they all
exclaimed; "she was sure to die, I knew it. Well! if she had been
mine, I would rather have lost a child, or three slaves. God be
praised! God is great, powerful, and wise; those looks of the people
are always fatal."

On the 1st January 1823, they arrived at the wadey Ikbar. The Arabs
here caught a hyena, and brought it to Major Denham; he, nor any
other of the party, had any other wish than to have merely a look at
it. They then tied it, to a tree, and shot at it, until the poor
animal was literally knocked to pieces. This was the most refreshing
spot they had seen for many days; there were dome trees laden with
fruit, though not ripe, which lay in clusters, and grass in
abundance. They could have stayed here a week, says Major Denham,
with pleasure; so reviving is the least appearance of cultivation, or
rather a sprinkling of nature's beauty, after the parching wilds of
the long and dreary desert they had passed.

Looking back with great regret at leaving the few green branches in
Ikbar, with nothing before them but the dark hills and sandy desert,
they ascended slightly from the wadey, and leaving the hills of
Ikbar, proceeded towards a prominent head in a low range to the east
of their course, called Tummer as Kumma, meaning "You'll soon drink
water;" and about two miles in advance, they halted just under a
ridge of the same hills, after making twenty-four miles. Four camels
were knocked up during this day's march: on such occasions, the Arabs
wait in savage impatience in the rear, with their knives in their
hands, ready, on the signal of the owner, to plunge them into the
poor animal, and bear off a portion of the flesh for their evening
meal. They were obliged to kill two of them on the spot; the other
two, it was hoped, would come up in the night. Major Denham attended
the slaughter of one, and despatch being the order of the day, a
knife is struck into the camel's heart, while his head is turned to
the east, and he dies almost in an instant; but before that instant
expires, a dozen knives are thrust into different parts of the
carcass, in order to carry off the choicest parts of the flesh. The
heart, considered as the greatest delicacy, is torn out, the skin
stripped from the breast and haunches, part of the meat cut, or
rather torn from the bones, and thrust into bags, which they carry
for the purpose, and the remainder of the carcass is left for the
crows, vultures, and hyenas, while the Arabs quickly follow the
kafila.

On the 4th, they arrived at Anay, a town which consists of a few huts
built on the top of a mass of stone, round the base of which are also
habitations, but the riches of the people are always kept above. The
Tuaricks annually, and sometimes oftener, pay them a most destructive
visit, carrying off cattle and every thing they can lay their hands
upon. The people, on those occasions, take refuge at the top of the
rock, ascending by a rude ladder, which is drawn up after them; and
as the sides of their citadel are always precipitous, they defend
themselves with their missiles, and by rolling down stones on the
assailants.

The sultan Tibboo, whose territory extends from this place to Bilma,
was at this time visiting a town to the south-west of Anay, called
Kisbee, and he requested Boo Khaloom to halt there one day, promising
to proceed with him to Bilma. They accordingly reached Kisbee on the
evening of the 5th, where the camels got some pickings of dry grass.

Kisbee is a great place of rendezvous for all kafilas and merchants,
and it is here that the sultan always takes his tribute for
permission to pass through his country. The sultan himself had
neither much majesty nor cleanliness of appearance; he came to Boo
Khaloom's tent, accompanied by six or seven Tibboos, some of them
really hideous. They take a quantity of snuff, both in their mouths
and noses; their teeth were of a deep yellow; the nose resembles
nothing so much as a round lump of flesh stuck on the face, and the
nostrils are so large, that their fingers go up as far as they can
reach, in order to ensure the snuff an admission into the head. The
watch, compass, and musical snuff-box of one of the party created but
little astonishment; they looked at their own faces in the bright
covers, and were most stupidly inattentive to what would have excited
the wonder of almost any imagination, however savage. Here was "the
_os sublime,_" but the "_spiritus intus,_" the "_mens divinior,_"
were scarcely discoverable. Boo Khaloom gave the sultan a fine
scarlet bornouse, which seemed a little to animate his stupid
features.

In the evening, they had a dance by Tibboo men, performed in front of
their tents. It is graceful and slow, but not so well adapted to the
male as the female. It was succeeded by one performed by some free
slaves from Soudan, who were living with the Tibboos, enjoying, as
they said, their liberty. It appeared to be most violent exertion;
one man is placed in the middle of a circle, which he endeavours to
break, and each one whom he approaches, throws him off, while he adds
to the impetus by a leap, and ascends several feet from the ground;
when one has completed the round, another lakes his place.

Whilst they were  on the road,  a violent disturbance arose amongst
the Arabs, one of them having shot a ball through the shirt of
another of the Magarha tribe; the sheik of the Magarha took up the
quarrel, and the man saved himself from being punished, by hanging to
the stirrup-leather of Major Denham's saddle. The Arab sheik made use
of some expressions, in defending his man, which displeased Boo
Khaloom, who instantly knocked him off his horse, and his slaves
soundly bastinadoed him.

Tiggema, near which they halted, is one of the highest points in the
range, and hangs over the mud houses of the town; this point stands
at the south extremity of the recess, which the hills here form, and
is about four hundred feet high; the sides are nearly perpendicular,
and it is detached from the other hills by a chasm. On the approach
of the Tuaricks, the whole population flock to the top of these
heights, with all their property, and make the best defence they can.
The interior of some of the houses is neat and tidy; the men are
generally travelling merchants, or rather pedlars, and probably do
not pass more than four months in the year with their families, for
the Tibboos rarely go beyond Bornou to the south, or Mourzouk to the
north; they appeared light-hearted, and happy as people constantly in
dread of such visitors as the Tuaricks can be, who spare neither age
nor sex.

They proceeded from Tiggema nearly in a south-west direction, leaving
the hills; and while resting under the shade of acacia trees, which
were here very abundant, they had the agreeable, and to them very
novel sight, of a drove of oxen; the bare idea of once more being in
a country that afforded beef and pasture, was consoling in the
extreme; and the luxurious thought of fresh milk, wholesome food, and
plenty, were highly exhilarating to the whole of the party.

In the afternoon, they came to a halt at Dirkee, A good deal of
powder was here expended in honour of the sultan, who again met them
on their approach: his new scarlet bornouse was thrown over a filthy
check shirt, and his turban and cap, though once white, were rapidly
approaching to the colour of the head which they covered; when,
however, on the following morning, his majesty condescended to ask
one of the party for a little soap, these little negligences in his
outward appearance were more easily accounted for.

They had rather a numerous assembly of females, who danced for some
hours before the tents. Some of their movements were very elegant,
and not unlike the Greek dances, as they are represented. They were
regaled by the sultan with cheese and ground nuts from Soudan; the
former of a pleasant flavour, but so hard that they were obliged to
moisten it with water previously to eating. During the time that they
halted at Dirkee, the women brought them dates, fancifully strung on
rushes, in the shape of hearts, with much ingenuity, and a few pots
of honey and fat.

They halted at Dirkee rather more than two days. So many of Boo
Khaloom's camels had fallen on the road, that, notwithstanding the
very peaceable professions which the travelling party held forth, a
marauding party was sent out to plunder some maherhies, and bring
them in; an excursion that was sanctioned by the sultan, who gave
them instructions as to the route they were to take. The former deeds
of the Arabs are, however, still in the memory of the Tibboos, and
they had therefore increased the distance between their huts and the
high road, by a timely striking of their tents. Nine camels, of the
maherhy species, were brought in, but not without a skirmish; and a
fresh party were despatched, which did not return that night. All the
party were ordered to remain loaded, and no one was allowed to quit
the circle in which the tents were pitched.

On the following day, the Arabs, who had been out foraging, returned
with thirteen camels, which they had much difficulty in bringing to
the halting place, as the Tibboos had followed them several miles.
Patrols were placed during the whole of the night, who, to awaken the
sleepers for the purpose of assuring them they were awake themselves,
were constantly exclaiming, _Balek ho!_ the watchword of the Arabs.

They had this day the enjoyment of a dish of venison, one of the
Arabs having succeeded in shooting two gazelles, many of which had
crossed their path for the last three days. On finding a young one,
only a few days old, the wily Arab instantly laid down on the grass,
imitating the cry of the young one, and as the mother came bounding
towards the spot, he shot her in the throat.

On the 12th, they reached Bilma, the capital of the Tibboos, and the
residence of their sultan, who having always managed to get before
and receive them, advanced a mile from the town attended by some
fifty of his men-at-arms, and double the number of the sex, styled in
Europe, the fair. The men had most of them bows and arrows, and all
carried spears; they approached Boo Khaloom, shaking the spears in
the air over their heads, and after this salutation, the whole party
moved on towards the town, the females dancing, and throwing
themselves about with screams and songs quite original, at least to
the European portion of the party. They were of a superior class to
those of the minor towns; some having extremely pleasing features,
while the pearly whiteness of their regular teeth, was beautifully
contrasted with the glossy black of their skin, and the triangular
flaps of plaited hair, which hung down on each side of their faces,
streaming with oil, with the addition of the coral in the nose, and
large amber necklaces, gave them a very-seducing appearance. Some of
them carried a _sheish,_ a fan made of soft grass or hair, for the
purpose of keeping off the flies; others a branch of a tree, and
some, fans of ostrich feathers, or a branch of the date palm. All had
something in their hands, which they waved over their heads as they
advanced. One wrapper of Soudan, tied on the top of the left
shoulder, leaving the right breast bare, formed their covering, while
a smaller one was thrown over the head, which hung down to their
shoulders, or was thrown back at pleasure; notwithstanding the
apparent scantiness of their habiliments, nothing could be farther
from indelicate than was their appearance or deportment.

On arriving at Bilma, they halted under the shade of a large tulloh
tree, whilst the tents were pitching, and the women danced with great
taste, and, as Major Denham was assured by the sultan's nephew, with
great skill also. As they approached each other, accompanied by the
slow beat of an instrument formed out of a calabash, covered with
goat's skin, for a long time their movements were confined to the
head, hands, and body, which they throw from one side to the other,
flourish in the air, and bend without moving their feet; suddenly,
however, the music becomes quicker and louder, when they start into
the most violent gestures, rolling their heads round, gnashing their
teeth, and shaking their hands at each other, leaping up, and on each
side, until one or both are so exhausted that they fall to the
ground, another pair then take their place.

Major Denham now, for the first time, produced Captain Lyon's book,
in Boo Khaloom's tent, and on turning over the prints of the natives,
he swore, and exclaimed, and insisted upon it, that he knew every
face. This was such a one's slave--that was his own--he was
right,--he knew it. Praised be God for the talents he gave the
English: they were _shater; walla shater,_ (very clever.) Of a
landscape, however, it was found, that he had not the least idea, nor
could he be made at all to understand the intention of the print of
the sand-wind in the desert; he would look at it upside down, and
when it was twice reversed for him, he exclaimed, _why! why!_ (it is
all the same.) A camel, or a human figure, was all he could be made
to understand, and at these he was all agitation and delight. _Gieb!
gieb!_ (wonderful! wonderful!) The eyes first took his attention,
then the other features; at the sight of the sword, he cried out,
_Allah! allah!_ and on discovering the guns, instantly exclaimed,
"Where is the powder?" This want of perception as was imagined in so
intelligent a man, excited at first the surprise of Major Denham, but
perhaps, just the same would a European have felt, under similar
circumstances. Were a European to attain manhood without ever casting
his eye upon the representation of a landscape on paper, would he
immediately feel the particular beauties of it, the perspective and
the distant objects of it? It is from our opportunities of
contemplating works of art, even in the common walks of life, as well
as to cultivation of mind, and associations of the finer feelings, by
an intercourse with the enlightened and accomplished, that we derive
our quick perception in matters of this kind, rather than from
nature.

On leaving Bilma their road lay over loose hills of sand, in which
the camels sunk nearly knee-deep. In passing these desert wilds,
where hills disappear in a single night by the drifting of the sand,
and where all traces of the passage of even a large kafila sometimes
vanish in a few hours, the Tibboos have certain points in the dark
sandstone ridges, which from time to time raise their heads in the
midst of this dry ocean of sand, and form the only variety, and by
them they steer their course. From one of these land-marks they waded
through sand formed into hills from twenty to sixty feet in height,
with nearly perpendicular sides, the camels blundering and falling
with their heavy loads. The greatest care is taken by the drivers in
descending these banks; the Arabs hang with all their weight on the
animal's tail, by which means they steady him in his descent. Without
this precaution the camel generally falls forward, and of course all
he carries goes over his head.

In the evening they bivouacked under a head called Zow, (the
difficult,) where they found several wells. On the following day, the
sand-hills were less than on the preceding one. But the animals still
sank so deep that it was a tedious day, for all the four camels of
Boo Khaloom gave in; two were killed by the Arabs, and two were left
to the chance of coming up before the following morning. Tremendously
dreary are these marches, as far as the eye can reach, billows of
sand bound the prospect. On seeing the solitary foot passenger of the
kafila, with his water flask in his hand, and the bag of zumeeta on
his head, sink at a distance beneath the slope of one of these, as he
plods his way along, hoping to gain a few paces in his long day's
work, by not following the track of the camels, one trembles for his
safety; the obstacle passed which concealed him from the view, the
eye is strained towards the spot, in order to be assured that he has
not been hurried quickly in the treacherous overwhelming sand.

An unfortunate merchant of Tripoli, Mahomet N' Diff, who had suffered
much on the road from an enlarged spleen, was here advised to undergo
the operation of burning with a red hot iron, the sovereign Arab
remedy for almost every disorder; he gave his consent, and previously
to their proceeding, he was laid on his back, and while five or six
Arabs held him on the sand, the rude operators burnt him on the left
side under the ribs in three places, nearly the size of a sixpence
each. The iron was again placed in the fire, and while heating, the
thumbs of about a dozen Arabs were thrust into different parts of the
poor man's side, to know if the pressure pained him, until his flesh
was so bruised, that he declared all gave him pain: four more marks
with the iron were now made near the former ones, upon which he was
turned on his face, and three larger made within two inches of the
back-bone. It might have been supposed that the operation was now at
an end, but an old Arab, who had been feeling his throat for some
time, declared that a hot iron and a large burn were absolutely
necessary just above the collar bone on the same side. The poor man
submitted with wonderful patience to all this mangling, and after
drinking a draught of water moved on with the camels. More than
twenty camels were lost this day, on account of their straying out of
the path. After travelling several days over the desert, encountering
great distress and many privations, they arrived at an extensive
wadey called Agbadem. Here there were several wells of excellent
water, forage, and numbers of the tree called Suag, the red berries
of which are nearly as good as cranberries. They here broke in upon
the retreats of about a hundred gazelles, who were enjoying the
fertility of the valley. It was, however, not without great
difficulty, from their extreme shyness, that one was shot, which
afforded an ample and salutary meal to the distressed travellers.
Aghadem is a great rendezvous, and the dread of all small kafilas and
travellers. It is frequented by freebooters of all descriptions.

On the 24th January, the thermometer, in the shade of Major Denham's
tent, was 101 degrees at half-past two. The animals were all enjoying
the blessings of plenty in the ravines, which run through the range
of low black hills, extending nearly north and south, quite across
the valley. The camels, in particular, feasted on the small branches
of the suag, of which they are fond to excess. The tracks of the
hyena had been numerous for the last three days, and one night they
approached in droves quite close to the encampment.

The evening of the 25th being beautifully serene, the telescope of
Major Denham afforded great delight to Boo Khaloom; the brother of
the kadi at Mourzouk, Mohamed Abedeen, and several others, for more
than an hour. Major Denham usually passed some time every evening in
Boo Khaloom's tent, and had promised them a sight of the moon _greeb_
(near) for some time. An old hadje, who obtained a sight by the
assistance of the major, for he could not fix the glass on the
object, after an exclamation of wonder, looked him fully in the face,
spoke not a word, but walked off as last as he could, repeating some
words from the Koran. This conduct the major was pleased to see,
brought down the ridicule of the others, who were gratified beyond
measure, and asked a hundred questions. The night was beautifully
serene and clear, and the three splendid constellations, Orion, Canis
Major, and Taurus, presented a coup d'oeil at once impressive and
sublime.

On the 25th January, the camels moved off soon after eight, and they
took shelter from the sun, under the shade of some clumps, covered
with high grass, near the wells, in order that the horses might drink
at the moment of their departure. They had three or four long days to
the next water, and the camels were too much fatigued to carry more
than one day's food for the horses. While they were in this
situation, two Arabs, who had gone on with the camels, came galloping
back, to say that they had encountered two Tibboo couriers, on their
way from Bornou to Mourzouk. They soon made their appearance, mounted
on maherhies, only nine days from Kouka. They brought news, that the
sheik el Kanemy, who now governed Bornou, had just returned from a
successful expedition against the sultan of Bergharmi; that he had
attacked and routed a powerful tribe of Arabs, called La Sala; and
that the sultan, on hearing this, had fled, as before, to the south
side of the great river, amongst the Kirdies.

They proceeded on their route, which was along a continued desert,
and at sunset halted on the sand, without either wood or water, after
twenty-four miles. The courier from Bornou to Mourzouk assured them,
that he should not be more than thirty days on the road from where
they left him. The Tibboos are the only people who will undertake
this most arduous service, and the chances are so much against both
returning in safety, that one is never sent alone. The two men whom
they had encountered were mounted on two superb maherhies, and
proceeding at the rate of about six miles an hour. A bag of zumeeta
(some parched corn), and one or two skins for water, with a small
brass basin, and a wooden bowl, out of which they ate and drank, were
all their comforts. A little meat, cut in strips, and dried in the
sun, called _gedeed,_ is sometimes added to the store, which they eat
raw; for they rarely light a fire for the purpose of cooking;
although the want of this comfort during the nights, on approaching
Fezzan, where the cold winds are sometimes biting after the day's
heat, is often fatal to such travellers. A bag is suspended under the
tail of the maherhy, by which means the dung is preserved, and this
serves as fuel on halting in the night. Without a kafila, and a
sufficient number of camels to carry such indispensables as wood and
water, it is indeed a perilous journey.

On the 27th, they appeared gradually to approach something resembling
vegetation. They had rising lands and clumps of fine grass the whole
of the way, and the country was not unlike some of the heaths in
England. A herd of more than a hundred gazelles crossed them towards
the evening, and the footmarks of the ostrich, and some of its
feathers, were discovered by the Arabs. The spot where they halted
was called Geogo Balwy.

Early on the following morning, they made Beere-Kashifery, and soon
afterwards Mina Tahr, (the black bird,) the sheik of the Gunda
Tibboos, attended by three of his followers, approached the camp.
Beere-Kashifery lay within his territories, and no kafilas pass
without paying tribute, which, as he is absolute, sometimes amounts
to half what they possess. In the present case, the visit was one of
respect. Boo Khaloom received him in his tent, and clothed him in a
scarlet bornouse of coarse cloth, and a tawdry silk caftan, which was
considered as a superb present. The Tibboos are smart active fellows,
mounted on small horses of great swiftness; their saddles are of
wood, small and light, open along the bone of the back; the pieces of
wood, of which they are composed, are lashed together with thongs of
hide; the stuffing is camels' hair, wound and plaited so as to be a
perfect guard; the girths and stirrup-leathers are also of plaited
thongs, and the stirrups themselves of iron, very small and light;
into these, four toes only are thrust, the great toe being left to
take its chance. They mount quickly, in half the time an Arab does,
by the assistance of a spear, which they place in the ground, at the
same time the left foot is planted in the stirrup, and thus they
spring into the saddle.

Their camels had not finished drinking until the sun was full six
fathoms high, as the Arabs term it; and as the expedition was in want
of fresh meat, and indeed of every thing, Mina Tahr proposed that
they should go to a well nearer his people, which, he assured them,
was never yet shown to an Arab.

On the 29th January, therefore, they moved on, accompanied by the
Tibboos; and after travelling about ten miles, they came to the well
of Duggesheinga. This was a retired spot, undiscoverable from the
ordinary route of travellers, being completely hidden from it by
rising sand-hills. Here the Tibboos left them, promising to return
early on the following day, with sheep, an ox, honey, and fat. This
was joyful news to persons who had not tasted fresh animal food for
fourteen or fifteen days, with the exception of a little camel's
flesh.

On the following day, the wind and drifting sand were so violent,
that they were obliged to keep their tents during the whole of it.
Major Denham found a loose shirt only the most convenient covering,
as the sand could be shaken off as soon as it made a lodgement, which
with other articles of dress, could not be done, and the irritation
it caused, produced a soreness almost intolerable. A little oil or
fat, from the hand of a negress, all of whom are early taught the art
of shampooing to perfection, rubbed well round the neck, loins, and
back, is the best cure, and the greatest comfort in cases of this
kind; and although, from his Christian belief, he was deprived of the
luxury of possessing half a dozen of these shampooing beauties, yet,
by marrying his negro, Barca, to one of the freed women slaves, as he
had done at Sockna, he became, to a certain degree, also the master
of Zerega, whose education in the castle had been of a superior kind,
and she was of the greatest use to the major on these occasions of
fatigue or sickness. It is an undoubted fact, and in no case probably
better exemplified than in this, that man naturally longs for
attentions and support from female hands, of whatever colour or
country, so soon as debility or sickness comes upon him.

Towards the evening, when the wind became hushed, and the sky
re-assumed its bright and truly celestial blue, the Tibboo sheik, and
about thirty of his people, male and female, returned; but their
supplies were very scanty for a kafila of nearly three hundred
persons. The sweet milk turned out to be nothing but sour camel's
milk, full of dirt and sand; and the fat was in small quantities, and
very rancid. They, however, purchased a lean sheep for two dollars,
which was indeed a treat.

Some of the girls who brought the milk were really pretty, as
contrasted with the extreme ugliness of the men. They were different
from those of Bilma, were more of a copper colour, with high
foreheads, and a sinking between the eyes. They have fine teeth, and
are smaller and more delicately formed than the Tibboos who inhabit
the towns.

It is quite surprising with what terror these children of the desert
view the Arabs, and the idea they have of their invincibility, while
they are smart, active fellows themselves, and both ride and move
better and quicker; but the guns! the guns! are their dread; and five
or six of them will go round a tree, where an Arab has laid down his
gun for a minute, stepping on tiptoe, as if afraid of disturbing it,
talking to each other in a whisper, as if the gun could understand
their exclamations, and, it may be presumed, praying to it not to do
them an injury, as fervently as ever man Friday did Robinson Crusoe's
musket.

None of the Gunda Tibboos were above the middle size, well made, with
sharp, intelligent, copper-coloured faces, large prominent eyes, flat
noses, large mouth, and teeth regular, but stained a deep red, from
the immoderate use of tobacco; the forehead is high, and the turban,
which is a deep indigo colour, is worn high on the head, and brought
under the chin, and across the face, so as to cover all the lower
part, from the nose downwards; they have sometimes fifteen or twenty
charms, in red, green, or black leather cases, attached to the folds
of their turbans.

The majority of them have scars on different parts of their faces;
these generally denote their rank, and are considered as an ornament.
Their sheik had one under each eye, with one more on each side of his
forehead, in shape resembling a half-moon. Like the Arabs of the
north, their chieftainship is hereditary, provided the heir be
worthy, any act of cowardice disqualifies, and the command devolves
upon the next successor. Their guide a sheik, Mina Tahr ben Soogo
Lammo, was the seventh in regular succession. This tribe is called
Nafra Sunda, and are always near Beere-Kashifery.

The watch of Major Denham pleased him wonderfully at first but after
a little time, it was found that looking at himself in the bright
part of the inside of the case, gave him the greatest satisfaction;
they are vainer than the vainest. Mina Tahr was now habited in the
finest clothes that had ever been brought to Beere-Kashifery, and
what to him could be so agreeable as contemplating the reflection of
his own person so decked out? Major Denham, therefore, could not help
giving him a small looking-glass, and he took his station in one
corner of the major's tent, for hours, surveying himself with a
satisfaction that burst from his lips in frequent exclamations of
joy, and which he also occasionally testified by sundry high jumps
and springs into the air.

After regaining the road, they moved till noon, when their horses
were watered at a well called Kanimani, or the sheep's well, where
some really sweet milk was brought to them, in immensely large basket
bottles, some holding two gallons and more. They had drank and
acknowledged its goodness, and how grateful it was to their weak
stomachs, before they found out that it was camel's milk.

No traveller in Africa should imagine that _this_ he could not bear,
or _that_ could not be endured. It is most wonderful how a man's
taste conforms itself to his necessities. Six months ago camel's milk
would have acted upon them as an emetic, now they thought it a most
refreshing and grateful cordial.

The face of the country now improved in appearance every mile, and on
this day they passed along, what seemed to them a most joyous valley,
smiling in flowery grasses, tulloh trees, and kossom. About mid-day,
they halted in a luxurious shade, the ground covered with creeping
vines of the colycinth, in full blossom, which, with the red flower
of the kossom, that drooped over their heads, made their resting
place a little Arcadia.

They killed to-day one of the largest serpents they had seen: it is
called _liffa_ by the Arabs, and its bite is said to be mortal,
unless the part is instantly cut out. It is a mistaken idea that all
the serpent tribe are called liffa; this species alone bears the
name; it has two horns, and is of a light brown colour. Major
Denham's old Choush Ghreneim had a distorted foot, which was but of
little use to him except on horseback, from the bite of one of those
poisonous reptiles, notwithstanding the part infected was cut out; he
was for thirteen months confined to his hut, and never expected to
recover.

Arabs are always on the look out for plunder, "'Tis my vocation,
Hal," none were ashamed to acknowledge it, but they were on this
occasion to act as an escort, to oppose banditti, and not play the
part of one. Nevertheless, they were greatly dissatisfied at having
come so far, and _done_ so little; they formed small parties for
reconnoitering on each side of the road, and were open-mouthed for
any thing that might offer. One fellow on foot had traced the marks
of a flock of sheep, to a small village of tents to the east of their
course, and now gave notice of the discovery he had made, but that
the people had seen him, and he believed struck their tents. Major
Denham felt that he should be a check upon them in their
plunderings, and he, Boo Khaloom, and about a dozen horsemen, with
each a footman behind him, instantly started for their retreat, which
lay over the hills to the east. On arriving at the spot, in a valley
of considerable beauty, where these flocks and tents had been
observed, they found the place quite deserted. The poor affrighted
shepherds had moved off with their all, knowing too well what would
be their treatment from the Naz Abiad (white people), as they call
the Arabs. Their caution, however, was made the excuse for plundering
them, and a pursuit was instantly determined upon. "What! not stay to
sell their sheep--the rogues, we'll take them without payment." They
scoured two valleys, without discovering the fugitives, and Major
Denham began to hope that the Tibboos had eluded their pursuers, when
after crossing a deep ravine, and ascending the succeeding ridge,
they came directly on two hundred head of cattle, and about twenty
persons, men, women, and children, with ten camels, laden with their
tents and other necessaries, all moving off. The extra Arabs
instantly slipped from behind their leaders, and with a shout rushed
down the hill; part headed the cattle to prevent their escape, and
the most rapid plunder immediately commenced. The camels were
instantly brought to the ground, and every part of their load rifled;
the poor girls and women lifted up their hands to Major Denham,
stripped as they were to the skin, but he could do nothing more for
them beyond saving their lives. A sheik and a marabout assured Major
Denham, it was quite lawful to plunder those, who left their tents
instead of supplying travellers. Boo Khaloom now came up and was
petitioned. Major Denham saw that he was ashamed of the paltry booty
which his followers had obtained, as well as moved by the tears of
the sufferers. The major seized the favourable moment, and advised
that the Arabs should give every thing back, and have a few sheep and
an ox for a bousafer (feast), he accordingly gave the orders, and the
Arabs from under their barracans, threw down the wrappers they had
torn off the bodies of the Tibboo women, and the major was glad in
his heart, when taking ten sheep and a fat bullock, they left these
poor creatures to their fate, as had more Arabs arrived, they would
most certainly have stripped them of every thing.

On the 31st, Boo Khaloom had thought it right to send on a Tibboo,
with the news of their approach to the sheik El Kanemy who, they
understood, resided at Kouka, and one was despatched with a camel,
and a man of Mina Tahr. On their arrival at Kofei, the Tibboo only,
who had been despatched, was found alone and naked, some Tibboo Arabs
of a tribe called Wandela, had met them near the well, on the
preceding evening, and robbed him even to his cap, and taking from
him the letters, saying they cared not for the sheik or Boo Khaloom,
tied him to a tree and there left him. In this state he was found by
Major Denham's party, and Mr. Clapperton coming up soon afterwards,
gave him from his biscuit bag, wherewithal to break his fast, after
being twenty-four hours without eating. Eighteen men had stripped
him, he said, and taken off the camel and Mina Tahr's man, who, they
also said, should be ransomed, or have his throat cut. Mina Tahr
represented these people as the worst on the road, in every sense of
the word. "They have no flocks," said he, "and have not more than
three hundred camels, although their numbers are one thousand and
more; they live by plunder, and have no connexion with any other
people. No considerable body of men can follow them; their tents are
in the heart of the desert, and there are no wells for four days in
the line of their retreat. Geddy Ben Agah is their chief, and I alone
would give fifty camels for his head: these are the people, who often
attack and murder travellers and small kafilas, and the Gundowy, who
respect strangers, have the credit of it."

The men of Traita, with their chief Eskou Ben Cogla, came in the
evening to welcome them; the well Kofei belongs to them, and greatly
enraged they appeared to be at the conduct of the Wandelas. This
chief returned to Boo Khaloom his letters, which he said, the chief
of the Wandelas had sent him that morning, begging that he would meet
the kafila at the well, and deliver them to Boo Khaloom; had he known
then what had taken place, "the slave," he said, "should have been
stabbed at his father's grave, before he would have delivered them."
Boo Khaloom was greatly enraged, and Major Denham was almost afraid,
that he would have revenged himself on the Traita chiefs. However the
Tibboo courier was again clothed and mounted, and once more started
for Bornou.

Their course during the early part of the following day, was due
south, and through a country more thickly planted by the all tasteful
hand of bounteous nature. Boo Khaloom, Major Denham, and about six
Arabs had ridden on in front; it was said they had lost the track,
and should miss the well; the day had been oppressively hot--the
major's companions were sick and fatigued, and they dreaded the want
of water. A fine dust, arising from a light clayey and sandy soil,
had also increased their sufferings; the exclamations of the Arab who
first discovered the wells, were indeed music to their ears, and
after satisfying his own thirst, with that of his weary animals,
Major Denham laid himself down by one of the distant wells, far from
his companions, and these moments of tranquillity, the freshness of
the air, with the melody of the hundred songsters that were perched
amongst the creeping plants, whose flowers threw an aromatic odour
all around, were a relief scarcely to be described. Ere long,
however, the noisy kafila, and the clouds of dust, which accompanied
it, disturbed him from the delightful reverie into which he had
fallen.

Previously to their arrival at Lari, they came upon two encampments
of the Traita Tibboos, calling themselves the sheik's people; their
huts were not numerous, but very regularly built in a square, with a
space left in the north and south faces of the quadrangle, for the
use of the cattle. The huts were entirely of mats, which excluding
the sun, yet admitted both the light and the air. These habitations
for fine weather are preferable to the bete shars or tents of the
Arabs of the north. The interior was singularly neat; clean wooden
bowls, with each a cover of basketwork, for holding their milk, were
hung against the wall. In the centre of the enclosure were about one
hundred and fifty head of cattle, feeding from cradles; these were
chiefly milch cows with calves, and sheep. The Tibboos received them
kindly at first, but presumed rather too much on sheik Kaneny's
protection, which they claim or throw off, it is said, accordingly as
it suits their purpose. The modest request of a man with two hundred
armed Arabs, for a little milk, was refused, and ready as the Arabs
are to throw down the gauntlet, a slight expression of displeasure
from their leader, was followed by such a rapid attack on the
Tibboos, that before Major Denham could mount, half the stock was
driven off, and the sheik well bastinadoed. Boo Khaloom was, however,
too kind to injure them, and after driving their cattle for about a
mile, he allowed them to return, with a caution to be more
accommodating for the future. Accustomed as these people are to
plunder one another, they expect no better usage from any one, who
visits them, provided they are strong enough, and _vice versa._ They
are perfect Spartans in the art of thieving, both male and female.

An old woman, who was sitting at the door of one of the huts, sent a
very pretty girl to Major Denham, as he was standing by his horse,
whose massy amber necklace, greased head, and coral nose-studs and
ear-rings, announced a person of no common order, to see what she
could pick up; and after gaining possession of his handkerchief and
some needles, while he turned his head, in an instant thrust her hand
into the pocket of the saddle cloth, as she said, to find some beads,
for she knew he had plenty.

Another and much larger nest of the Traitas, lay to the east of their
course, a little further on, with numerous flocks and herds. About
two in the afternoon, they arrived at Lari, ten miles distant from
Mittimee. On ascending the rising ground on which the town stands,
the distressing sight presented itself of all the female, and most of
the male inhabitants with their families, flying across the plain in
all directions, alarmed at the strength of the kafila. Beyond,
however, was an object full of interest to them, and the sight of
which conveyed to their minds a sensation so gratifying and
inspiring, that it would be difficult for language to convey an idea
of its force and pleasure. The great Lake Tchad, glowing with the
golden rays of the sun in its strength, appeared to be within a mile
of the spot on which they stood. The hearts of the whole party
bounded within them at the prospect, for they believed this lake to
be the key to the great object of their search: and they could not
refrain from silently imploring Heaven's continued protection, which
had enabled them to proceed so far in health and strength, even to
the accomplishment of their task.

It was long before Boo Khuloom's best endeavours could restore
confidence; the inhabitants had been plundered by the Tuaricks only
the year before, and four hundred of their people butchered, and but
a few days before, a party of the same nation had again pillaged
them, though partially. When at length these people were satisfied
that no harm was intended them, the women came in numbers with
baskets of gussub, gafooly, fowls and honey, which were purchased by
small pieces of coral and amber of the coarsest kinds, and coloured
beads. One merchant bought a fine lamb for two bits of amber, worth
about two pence each in Europe; two needles purchased a fowl, and a
handful of salt, four or five good-sized fish from the lake.

Lari is inhabited by the people of Kanem, who are known by the name
of Kanimboo; the women are good looking, laughing negresses, and all
but naked; but this they were now used to, and it excited no emotions
of surprise. Most of them had a square of silver or tin hanging at
the back of the head, suspended from the hair, which was brought down
in narrow plaits, quite round the neck.

The town of Lari stands on an eminence, and may probably contain two
thousand inhabitants. The huts are built of the rush which grows by
the side of the lake, have conical tops, and look very like
well-thatched stacks of corn in England. They have neat enclosures
round them, made with fences of the same reed, and passages leading
to them like labyrinths. In the enclosure are a goat or two, poultry,
and sometimes a cow. The women were almost always  spinning cotton,
which grows well, though not abundantly, near the town and the lake.
The interior of the huts is neat, they are completely circular, with
no admission for air or light, except at the door, which has a mat,
hung up by way of safeguard. Major Denham entered one of the best
appearance, although the owner gave him no smiles of encouragement,
and followed close at his heels, with a spear and dagger in his hand.
In one corner stood the bed, a couch of rushes lashed together, and
supported by six poles, fixed strongly in the ground. This was
covered by the skins of the tiger-cat and wild bull. Round the sides
were hung the wooden bowls, used for water and milk; his tall shield
rested against the wall. The hut had a division of mat-work, one half
being allotted to the female part of the family. The owner, however,
continued to look at his unexpected visitor with so much suspicion,
and seemed so little pleased with his visit, notwithstanding all the
endeavours of Major Denham to assure him, he was his friend, that he
hurried from the inhospitable door, and resumed his walk through the
town.

On quitting Lari, they immediately plunged into a thickly-planted
forest of acacias, with high underwood, and at the distance of only a
few hundred yards from the town, they came upon large heaps of
elephants' dung, forming hillocks three or four feet in height, and
marks of their footsteps; the tracks of these animals increased as
they proceeded. Part of the day their road lay along the banks of the
Tchad, and the elephants' footmarks of an immense size, and only a
few hours old, were in abundance. Whole trees were broken down, where
they had fed; and where they had reposed their ponderous bodies,
young trees, shrubs, and underwood, had been crushed beneath their
weight. They also killed an enormous snake, a species of coluber; it
was a most disgusting, horrible animal, but not, however, venomous.
It measured eighteen feet from the mouth to the tail, it was shot by
five balls and was still moving off, when two Arabs, with each a
sword, nearly severed the head from the body. On opening the belly,
several pounds of fat were found, and carefully taken off by the two
native guides, by whom they were accompanied. This they pronounced a
sovereign remedy for sick and diseased cattle, and much prized
amongst them. Scarcely a mile further, a drove of wild red cattle,
which were first taken for deer, were seen bounding to the westward.
They were what the Arabs called, _bugra hammar wahash_ (red cow
wild.) They appeared to partake of the bullock and buffalo, with a
tuft or lump on the shoulder.

They bivouacked near a small parcel of huts, called Nyagami, in a
beautiful spot, so thick of wood, that they could scarcely find a
clear place for their encampment. While the tents were fixing, an
alarm was given of wild boars; one of the party followed the scent,
and on his return, said he had seen a lion, and near him seven
gazelles. No information could be obtained from the natives of lions
ever being seen in the neighbourhood; numerous other animals appeared
to abound, and that confirmed the opinion.

They moved for Woodie on the 7th February, accompanied by two Arabs
of Boo Saif. Major Denham left the kafila, and proceeded a little to
the westward, making a parallel movement with the camels. Birds of
the most beautiful plumage were perched on every tree, and several
monkeys chattered at them so impudently, that separating one from the
rest, they chased him for nearly half an hour; he did not run very
fast, nor straight forward, but was constantly doubling and turning,
with his head over his shoulder, to see who was close to him. He was
a handsome fellow, of a light brown colour, and black about the
muzzle. About noon they came to a village of huts, called Barrah, and
although only three in number, the natives flew in all directions.
On their approaching the town, they beckoned to them, and got off
their horses, for the purpose of giving them confidence, and sat down
under the shade of a large tamarind tree. An old negro, who spoke a
little Arabic, was the first who ventured to approach; seeing that he
was not ill-treated, the others soon followed his example. Major
Denham begged a little sour milk, a most refreshing beverage after a
hot ride, but none was to be found, until they were assured that it
should be paid for, and at the sight of the dollar they all jumped
and skipped like so many monkeys. Major Denham now began to eat some
biscuit which he had in his saddle cloth, which created much
astonishment, and the first to whom he offered some, refused to eat
it. One, rather bolder than the rest, put a small piece in his mouth,
and pronounced it good, with such extravagant gestures, that the
visitors all became clamorous. The major refused for a long time the
man, who had been suspicious at first, to the great amusement of the
rest, who seemed to relish the joke amazingly.

The little nest of thatched huts in which they lived, was most
beautifully situated on a rising spot, in the midst of a rich and
luxuriant though not thick forest, about three miles to the northeast
of Woodie. One of the old men accompanied them, while his son carried
a sheep, which the major had purchased at Woodie, for which service
he was rewarded by two coral beads and a little snuff.

Close to the town of Woodie, they found the tents. The party had made
about fourteen miles, without leaving the banks of the lake at any
great distance. Two elephants were seen swimming in the lake this
day, and one, belonging to a drove at a distance, absolutely remained
just before the kafila. Hillman had gone on in front on his mule,
suffering sadly from weakness and fatigue, and had laid himself down
in what appeared a delightful shade, to await the arrival of the
camels, not expecting to see an elephant. He was actually reposing
within a dozen yards of a very large one, without being aware of it;
and on an Arab striking the animal with a spear, he roared out, and
moved off.

Poor Hillman's alarm was extreme.

The courier had been sent off a second time, after being re-clothed
and remounted, to receive the sheik's orders, and they were not to
proceed beyond Woodie until his pleasure was known. So jealous and
suspicious are these negro princes of the encroachments of the Arabs,
that divers were the speculations as to whether the sheik would or
would not allow the Arabs to proceed with the party nearer his
capital.

A weekly fsug, or market, was held about a mile from the town, and
the women, flocking from the neighbouring negro villages, mounted on
bullocks, who have a thong of hide passed through the cartilage of
the nose when young, and are managed with great ease, had a curious
appearance. A skin is spread on the animal's back, upon which, after
hanging the different articles they take for sale, they mount
themselves. Milk, sour and sweet, a little honey, lowls, gussub, and
gafooly, are amongst their wares; fat and _meloheea_ (ochra), a green
herb, which, with the bazeen, all negroes eat voraciously, and indeed
Christians too, as was afterwards experienced. The men brought oxen,
sheep, goats, and slaves; the latter were few in number, and in
miserable condition.

Woodie is a capital, or, as they say, blad kebir, and is governed by
a sheik, who is a eunuch, and a man of considerable importance; they
appear to have all the necessaries of life in abundance, and are the
most indolent people which the travellers ever met with. The women
spin a little cotton, and weave it into a coarse cloth of about six
inches width. The men either lie idling in their huts during the
whole of the day, or in the shade of a building formed by four
supporters and a thatched roof, which stands in an open space amongst
the huts; this is also the court of justice and the house of prayer.
The men are considerably above the common stature, and of an athletic
make, but have an expression of features particularly dull and heavy.
The town stands about one mile west of the Tchad, four short days'
march from Bornou.

The women, like the Tibboos, have a square piece of blue or white
cloth tied over one shoulder, which forms their whole covering; their
hair is, however, curiously and laboriously trained, and it was
observed, that no one of tender years had any thing like a perfect head
of hair. From childhood the head is shaved, leaving only the top
covered; the hair from hence falls down quite round, from the
forehead to the pole of the neck, and is there formed into one solid
plait, which in front lying quite flat just over the eyes, and,
behind, being turned up with a little curl, has just the appearance
of an old-fashioned coachman's wig in England; some of them are,
however, very pretty.

On the morning of the 10th February, Major Denham went to the
eastward, in order to see the extent of the forest, and also, if
possible, to get a sight of the herd of upwards of one hundred and
fifty elephants, which some of the Arabs had seen the day before,
while their camels were feeding. He was not disappointed, for he
found them about six miles from the town, on the grounds annually
overflowed by the waters of the lake, where the coarse grass is twice
the height of a man; they seemed to cover the face of the country,
and far exceeded the number which was reported. When the waters flow
over these their pasturages, they are forced by hunger to approach
the towns, and spread devastation throughout their march; whole
plantations, the hopes of the inhabitants for the next year, are
sometimes destroyed in a single night.

When quite fatigued, Major Denham determined on making for some huts,
and begged a little milk, sweet or sour. No knowing landlady of a
country ever scanned the character of her customer more than did this
untaught, though cunning negro, who was found there. He first denied
that he had any, notwithstanding the bowls were scarcely ten paces
behind him, and then asked, what they had got to pay for it? Major
Denham had in reality nothing with him; and after offering his pocket
handkerchief, which was returned to him, as not worth any thing, he
was about to depart, though ten long miles from the tents, thirsty as
he was, when the Arab pointed to a needle, which was sticking in the
major's jacket; for this and a white bead, which the Arab produced,
they had a bowl of fine milk and a basket of nuts, which refreshed
them much. On their way to the tents, they saw a flock of at least
five hundred pelicans, but could not get near enough to fire at them.

On the 11th, two of the sheik's officers arrived, with letters and a
present of goroo nuts of Soudan; they have a pleasant bitter taste,
and are much esteemed by all the Tripoli people. These letters
pressed Boo Khaloom to continue his march towards Kouka, with all his
people, a very great proof of his confidence in the peaceable
disposition of their chief. In the evening of the same day, they
reached a town called Burwha. It is walled, and it was the first
negro one they had seen. It may be called in that country a place of
some strength, in proof of which, the inhabitants have always defied
the Tuarick marauders, who never entered the town. The walls may be
about thirteen or fourteen feet high, and have a dry ditch which runs
quite round them. The town probably covers an extent equal to three
square miles, and contains five or six thousand inhabitants. There is
a covered way, from which the defenders lance their spears at the
besiegers, and instantly conceal themselves. There are but two gates,
which are nearly east and west; and these being the most vulnerable
part for an enemy to attack, are defended by mounds of earth thrown
up on each side, and carried out at least twenty yards in front of
the gate, and have nearly perpendicular faces. These advanced posts
are always thickly manned, and they conceive them to be a great
defence to their walls; they cannot, however, calculate upon their
being abandoned, as an enemy once in possession of them, would so
completely command the town, that from thence every part of it may be
seen. Nevertheless, Burwha is a strong place, considering the means
of attack which the Arabs have.

Major Denham rode nearly the whole of this day with Min Ali Tahar,
the Gundowy Tibbo sheik, who was accompanying them to Bornou; he had
some little difference with the sheik, of whom he was perfectly
independent, and Boo Khaloom, ever politic, undertook to make up the
misunderstanding; thereby not only showing his influence, but
securing in a manner the future friendship of Tahar, whose district
was always considered the most dangerous part of the Tibboo country,
on the road to Mourzouk. Tahar was a sharp, intelligent fellow, spoke
a little Arabic, and had often asked Major Denham many questions
about his country, and his sultan or king, but on this day he was
more inquisitive than usual. "Rais Khaleel," said he, "what would
your sultan do to Min Ali, if he was to go to England? Would he kill
me, or would he keep me there a prisoner? I should like to be there
for about a month."

"Certainly neither the one nor the other," replied Major Denham; "he
would be much more inclined to make you a handsome present, and send
you back again."

"Oh!" exclaimed Min Ali, "I should take him something; but what could
I give him? nothing but the skins of a dozen ostriches, some
elephants' teeth, and a lion's skin."

"The value of the present," said Major Denham, "could be of no
importance to my sultan; he would look at the intention. Do you,
however, befriend his people; remember the Inglezi that you have
seen; and should any more ever find their way to your tents, give
them milk and sheep, and put them in the road they are going.
Promise me to do this, and I can almost promise you, that my sultan
shall send you a sword, such a one as Hateeta had on my return,
without your going to England, or giving him any thing."

"Is he such a man?" exclaimed Min Ali. "Barak Allah! what is his
name?"

"George," replied Major Denham.

"George," repeated Min Ali. "Health to George; much of it! _Salem
Ali; George yassur._ Tell him, Min Ali Tahar wishes him all health
and happiness; that he is a Tibboo, who can command a thousand
spears, and fears no man. Is he liberal? Is his heart large? _Gulba
kablr,_ does he give presents to his people?"

"Very much so indeed," replied Major Denham; "some of his people
think him too generous."

"By the head of my father!" _"Raas el Booe!_" exclaimed Min Ali, they
are wrong; the sultan of a great people should have a large heart, or
he is unworthy of them. Who will succeed him when he dies?"

"His brother," answered Major Denham. "What is his name?" asked Min
Ali. "Frederick," replied the major.

"Barak Allah!" cried Min Ali; "I hope he will be like George,
_matlook_ (liberal). _Salem Ali Frederick!_ How many wives have
they?"

"No Englishman," replied Major Denham, "has more than one."

"A gieb! a gieb! wonderful! wonderful!" exclaimed Min Ali; why, they
should have a hundred."

"No, no," said Major Denham, "we think that a sin." "Wallah! really!"
(literally, by God!) cried Min Ali; "why, I have four now, and I have
had more than sixty. She, however, whom I like best, always says, one
would be more lawful; she may be right; you say she is. You are a
great people; I see you are a great people, and know every thing. I,
a Tibboo, am little better than a gazelle."



CHAPTER XXII.

The 17th of February was a momentous day to the Europeans, as well as
to their conductors. Notwithstanding all the difficulties that had
presented themselves at the various stages of their journey, they
were at last within a few short miles of their destination; they were
about to become acquainted with a people, who had never seen, or
scarcely heard of a European, and to tread on ground, the knowledge
and true situation of which had hitherto been wholly unknown. These
ideas of course excited no common sensations, and could scarcely be
unaccompanied by strong hopes of their labours being beneficial to
the race amongst whom they were shortly to mix; of their laying the
first stone of a work, which might lead to their civilization, if not
their emancipation from all their prejudices and ignorance, at the
same time open a field of commerce to their own country, which might
increase its wealth and prosperity.

The accounts, which they had received of the state of this country,
had been so contradictory, that no opinion could be formed as to the
real condition, or the number of its inhabitants. They had been told
that the sheik's soldiers were a few ragged negroes, armed with
spears, who lived upon the plunder of the black kaffir countries, by
which he was surrounded, and which he was enabled to subdue by the
assistance of a few Arabs, who were in his service; and again they
had been assured that his forces were not only numerous, but to a
certain degree well trained. The degree of credit which might be
attached to these reports, was nearly balanced in the scales of
probability, and they advanced towards the town of Kouka, in a most
interesting state of uncertainty, whether they should find its chief
at the head of thousands, or be received by him under a tree,
surrounded by a few naked slaves.

These doubts, however, were quickly removed; Major Denham had ridden
on a short distance in front of Boo Khaloom, with his train of Arabs
all mounted, and dressed out in their best apparel, and from the
thickness of the leaves soon lost sight of them, fancying that the
road could not be mistaken. He rode still onwards, and on approaching
a spot less thickly planted, was not a little surprised to see in
front of him a body of several thousand cavalry, drawn up in a line,
and extending right and left as far as he could see; checking his
horse, he awaited the arrival of his party, under the shade of a
wide-spreading acacia. The Bornou troops remained quite steady
without noise or confusion, and a few horsemen, who were moving about
in front giving directions, were the only persons out of the ranks.
On the Arabs appearing in sight, a shout or yell was given by the
sheik's people, which rent the air; a blast was blown from their rude
instruments of music equally loud, and they moved on to meet Boo
Khaloom and his Arabs. There was an appearance of tact and management
in their movements, which astonished every one; three separate small
bodies from the centre and each flank, kept charging rapidly towards
them, to within a few feet of their horses' heads, without checking
the speed of their own, until the movement of their halt, while the
whole body moved onwards. These parties, shaking their spears over
their heads, exclaimed, _Barca! barca! Alla hiakkum, cha, alla
cheraga;_ Blessing! blessing! sons of your country! sons of your
country. While all this was going on, they closed in their left and
right flanks, and surrounded the little body of Arab warriors so
completely, as to give the compliment of welcoming them, very much
the appearance of a declaration of their contempt of their weakness.
They were all now so closely pressed as to be nearly smothered, and
in some danger from the crowding of the horses, and clashing of the
spears; moving on was impossible, and they therefore came to a full
stop. Boo Khaloom was much enraged, but it was all to no purpose; he
was only answered by shrieks of welcome, and the spears most
unpleasantly rattled over their heads, expressive of the same
feeling. This annoyance, however, was not of long duration. Barca
Gana, the sheik's first general, a negro of noble aspect, clothed in
a figured silk tobe, and mounted on a beautiful Mandara horse, made
his appearance, and after a little delay, the rear was cleared of
those, who had pressed in upon the Europeans and Arabs, and they
moved on, although very slowly, from the frequent impediments thrown
in their way by these wild equestrians.

The sheik's negroes as they were called, meaning the black chiefs and
favourites, all raised to that rank by some deed of bravery, were
habited in coats of mail composed of iron chain, which covered them
from the throat to the knees, dividing behind, and coming on each
side of the horse. Their horses heads were also defended by plates of
iron, brass, and silver, just leaving sufficient room for the eyes of
the animal.

At length, on arriving at the gate of the town, the Europeans, Boo
Khaloom, and about a dozen of his followers, were alone allowed to
enter the gates, and they proceeded along a wide street, completely
lined with spearmen on foot, with cavalry in front of them to the
door of the sheik's residence. Here the horsemen were formed up three
deep, and they came to a stand; some of the chief attendants came
out, and after a great many Barcas! barcas! retired, when others
performed the same ceremony. They were now again left sitting on
their horses in the sun. Boo Khaloom began to lose all patience, and
swore by the bashaw's head, that he would return to the tents, if he
was not immediately admitted, he got, however, no satisfaction but a
motion of the hand from one of the chiefs, meaning "wait patiently;"
and Major Denham whispered to him the necessity of obeying, as they
were hemmed in on all sides, and to retire without permission would
have been as difficult as to advance. Barca Gana now appeared, and
made a sign that Boo Khaloom should dismount; the Europeans were
about to follow his example, when an intimation that Boo Khaloom was
alone to be admitted, fixed them again to their saddles. Another half
hour at least elapsed, without any news from the interior of the
building, when the gates opened, and the four Englishmen only were
called for, and they advanced to the skiffa (entrance). Here they
were stopped most unceremoniously by the black guards in waiting, and
were allowed one by one only to ascend a staircase; at the top of
which they were again brought to a stand by crossed spears, and the
open flat hand of a negro laid upon their breast. Boo Khaloom came
from the inner chamber, and asked, "If we were prepared to salute the
sheik, as we did the bashaw." They replied, "certainly;" which was
merely an inclination of the head, and laying the right hand on the
heart. He advised their laying their hands also on their heads--but
they replied the thing was impossible. They had but one manner of
salutation for any body, except their own sovereign.

Another parley now took place, but in a minute or two he returned,
and they were ushered into the presence of the sheik of spears.
They found him in a small dark room, sitting on a carpet, plainly
dressed in a blue tobe of Soudan, and a shawl turban. Two negroes
were on each side of him, armed with pistols, and on his carpet lay a
brace of those instruments. Fire arms were hanging in  different
parts of the room, presents from the bashaw and Mustapha L'Achmar,
the sultan of Fezzan, which are here considered as invaluable. His
personal appearance was prepossessing, apparently not more than
forty-five or forty-six, with an expressive countenance and
benevolent smile. They delivered their letter from the bashaw, and
after he had read it, he inquired, "What was our object in coming?"
They answered, "to see the country merely, and to give an account of
its inhabitants, produce, and appearance; as our sultan was desirous
of knowing every part of the globe." His reply was, "that we were
welcome, and whatever he could show us would give him pleasure; that
he had ordered huts to be built for us in the town, and that we might
then go, accompanied by one of his people, to see them, and that when
we were recovered from the fatigue of our long journey, he would be
happy to see us." With this, they took their leave. Their huts were
little round mud buildings, placed within a wall, at no great
distance from the residence of the sheik. The enclosure was
quadrangular, and had several divisions, formed by partitions of
straw mats, where nests of huts were built, and occupied by the
stranger merchants, who accompanied the kafila. One of these
divisions was assigned to the Europeans, and they crept into the
shade of their earthly dwellings, not a little fatigued with their
entrée and presentation.

Their huts were immediately so crowded with visitors, that they had
not a moment's peace, and the heat was insufferable. Boo Khaloom had
delivered his presents from the bashaw, and brought the Europeans a
message of compliment, together with an intimation, that their
presents would be received on the following day. About noon, a
summons was received for them to attend the sheik, and they proceeded
to the palace, preceded by their negroes, bearing the articles
destined for the sheik by their government, consisting of a
double-barrelled gun, with a box, and all the apparatus complete, a
pair of excellent pistols, in a case; two pieces of superfine
broad-cloth, red and blue, to which were added a set of china and two
bundles of spices.

The ceremony of getting into the presence was ridiculous enough,
although nothing could be more plain and devoid of pretension than
the appearance of the sheik himself. They entered through passages
lined with attendants, the front men sitting on their hams; and when
they advanced too quickly, they were suddenly arrested by these
fellows, who caught forcibly hold of them by their legs, and had not
the crowd prevented their falling, they would most infallibly have
become prostrate before arriving in the presence. Previously to
entering into the open court in which they were received; their
papouches, or slippers, were whipped off by those active, though
sedentary gentlemen of the chamber, and they were seated on some
clean sand, on each side of a raised bench of earth, covered with a
carpet, on which the sheik was reclining. They laid the gun and the
pistols together before him, and explained to him the locks,
turnscrews, and steel shot cases, holding two charges each, with all
of which he seemed exceedingly well pleased; the powder-flask, and
the manner in which the charge is divided from the body of the
powder, did not escape his observation. The other articles were taken
off by the slaves, as soon as they were laid before him. Again they
were questioned as to the object of their visit. The sheik, however,
showed evident satisfaction at their assurance that the king of
England had heard of Bornou and himself, and immediately turning to
his kaganawha (counsellors), said, "This is in consequence of our
defeating the Begharmis." Upon which the chief who had most
distinguished himself in these memorable battles, Ragah Turby, (the
gatherer of horses,) seating himself in front of them, demanded, "Did
he ever hear of me?" The immediate reply of _"Certainly,"_ did
wonders for the European cause. Exclamations were general, and "Ah!
then your king must be a great man," was re-echoed from every side.
They had not any thing offered them by way of refreshment, and took
their leave.

It may be here observed, that besides occasional presents of
bullocks, camel loads of wheat and rice, leathern skins of butter,
jars of honey, and honey in the comb, five or six wooden bowls were
sent them morning and evening, containing rice with meat, paste made
of barley flour, savoury but very greasy, and on their first arrival,
as many had been sent of sweets, mostly composed of curd and honey.

In England a brace of trout might be considered as a handsome present
to a traveller sojourning in the neighbourhood of a stream, but at
Bornou things are managed differently. A camel load of bream and a
sort of mullet were thrown before their huts on the second morning
after their arrival, and for fear that should not be sufficient, in
the evening another was sent.

The costume of the women, who attended the fsug, or market, was
various; those of Kanem and Bornou were most numerous, and the former
was as becoming as the latter had a contrary appearance. The variety
in costume amongst the ladies consists entirely in the head
ornaments; the only difference in the scanty covering which is
bestowed on the other parts of the person, lies in the choice of the
wearer, who either ties the piece of linen, blue or white, under the
arms and across the breasts, or fastens it rather fantastically on
one shoulder, leaving one breast naked. The Kanamboo women have small
plaits of hair hanging down all round the head, quite to the poll of
the neck, with a roll of leather, or string of little brass beads in
front, hanging down from the centre on each side of the face, which
has by no means an unbecoming appearance; they have sometimes strings
of silver rings instead of the brass, and a large round silver
ornament in front of their foreheads. The female slaves from Musgow,
a large kingdom to the south-east of Mandara, are particularly
disagreeable in their appearance, although considered as very
trustworthy, and capable of great labour; their hair is rolled up in
three large plaits, which extend from the forehead to the back of the
neck, like the Bornowy; one larger in the centre, and two smaller on
each side; they have silver studs in their nose, and one large one
just under the lower lip, of the size of a shilling, which goes quite
through into the mouth; to make room for this ornament, a tooth or
two are sometimes displaced.

Amongst the articles offered to Major Denham in the market, was a
young lion and a monkey; the latter appeared really the more
dangerous of the two, and from being a degree or two lighter in
complexion than his master, he seemed to have taken a decided
aversion to the European.

The lion walked about with great unconcern, confined merely by a
small rope round his neck, held by the negro who had caught him when
he was not two months old, and having had him for a period of three
months, now wished to part with him; he was about the size of a
donkey colt, with very large limbs, and the people seemed to go very
close to him without much alarm, notwithstanding he struck with his
foot the leg of one man who stood in his way, and made the blood flow
copiously. They opened the ring which was formed round the noble
animal, as Major Denham approached, and coming within two or three
yards of him, he fixed his eye upon him, in a way that excited
sensations, which it was impossible to describe, and from which the
major was awakened, by a fellow calling him to come nearer, at the
same time laying his hand on the animal's back; a moment's
recollection convinced him, that there could be no more danger
nearer, than where he was, and he stepped boldly up beside the negro,
and he believed he should have laid his hand on the lion the next
moment, but the beast, after looking carelessly at him, brushed past
his legs, broke the ring, overturning several who stood before him,
and bounded off to another part, where there were fewer people.

It remained that Major Denham should be introduced to the sultan, in
his royal residence at Birnie, where all the real state and pomp of
the kingdom, with none of its real power were concentrated. On the
2nd March, the English accompanied Boo Khaloom to that city, and on
their arrival, the following day was fixed for the interview. Fashion
even in the most refined European courts, does not always follow the
absolute guidance of taste or reason, and her magic power is often
displayed in converting deformities into beauties, but there is
certainly no court, of which the taste is so absurd, grotesque, and
monstrous, as that to which Major Denham was now introduced. An
enormous protruding belly, and a huge misshapen head, are the two
features, without which it is vain to aspire to the rank of a
courtier, or fine gentleman. The form, valued perhaps as the type of
abundance and luxury, is esteemed so essential, that where nature has
not bestowed, and the most excessive feeding and cramming cannot
supply it, wadding is employed, and a false belly produced, which in
riding appears to hang over the saddle. Turbans are also wrapped
round the head, in fold after fold, till it appears swelled on one
side to the most unnatural dimensions, and only one half of the face
remains visible. The fictitious bulk of the lords of Bornou is still
further augmented by drawing round them, even in this burning
climate, ten or twelve successive robes of cotton or silk, while the
whole is covered with numberless charms enclosed in green leathern
cases. Yet under all these incumbrances, they do sometimes mount and
take the field, but the idea of such unwieldy hogsheads being of any
avail in the day of battle, appeared altogether ridiculous, and it
proved accordingly, that on such high occasions, they merely
exhibited themselves as ornaments, without making even a show of
encountering the enemy.

With about three hundred of this puissant chivalry before and around
him, the sultan was himself seated in a sort of cage of cane or wood
near the door of his garden, on a seat, which at the distance
appeared to be covered with silk or satin, and through the railing
looked upon the assembly before him, who formed a kind of semicircle,
extending from his seat to nearly where the English were waiting. The
courtiers having taken their seats in due form, the embassy was
allowed to approach within about pistol shot of the spot where the
sultan was sitting, and desired to sit down, when the ugliest black
that can be imagined, his chief eunuch, the only person who
approached the sultan's seat, asked for the presents. Boo Khaloom's
were produced in a large shawl, and were carried unopened to the
presence. The glimpse which the English obtained of the sultan, was
but a faint one, through the lattice work of his pavilion,
sufficient, however, to show that his turban was larger than any of
his subjects, and that his face from the nose downwards was
completely covered. A little to the left, and nearly in front of the
sultan, was an extempore declaimer, shouting forth praises of his
master, with his pedigree; near him was one who bore the long wooden
frumfrum, on which ever and anon he blew a blast loud and unmusical.
Nothing could be more ridiculous than the appearance of these people,
squatting under the weight and magnitude of their bellies, while the
thin legs that appeared underneath, but ill accorded with the bulk of
the other parts.

This was all that was ever seen of the sultan of Bornou. The party
then set out for Kouka, passing on their way through Angornou, the
largest city in the kingdom, containing at least thirty thousand
inhabitants.

During his residence at Kouka and Angornou, Major Denham frequently
attended the markets, where besides the proper Bornouese, he saw the
Shouass, an Arab tribe, who are the chief breeders of cattle; the
Kanemboos from the north, with their hair neatly and tastefully
plaited, and the Musgow, a southern clan of the most savage aspect.
A loose robe or shirt of the cotton cloth of the country, often
finely and beautifully dyed, was the universal dress, and high rank
was indicated by six or seven of these, worn one above another.
Ornament was studied chiefly in plaiting the hair, in attaching to it
strings of brass or silver beads, in inserting large pieces of amber
or coral into the nose, the ear, and the lip, and when to these was
added a face, streaming with oil, the Bornouese belle was fully
equipped for conquest. Thus adorned, the wife or daughter of a rich
Shouaa might be seen entering the market in full style, bestriding an
ox, which she managed dexterously, by a leathern thong passed through
the nose, and whose unwieldy bulk she even contrived to torture into
something like capering and curvetting. Angornou is the chief market,
and the crowd there is sometimes immense, amounting to eighty or one
hundred thousand individuals. All the produce of the country is
bought and sold in open market, for shops and warehouses do not enter
into the system of African traffic.

Bornou taken altogether forms an extensive plain, stretching two
hundred miles along the western shore of Lake Tchad, and nearly the
same distance inland. This sea periodically changes its bed in a
singular manner. During the rains, when its tributary rivers pour in
thrice the usual quantity of water, it inundates an extensive tract,
from which it retires in the dry season. This space, then overgrown
with dense underwood, and with grass double the height of a man,
contains a motley assemblage of wild beasts--lions, panthers, hyenas,
elephants, and serpents of extraordinary form and bulk. These
monsters, while undisturbed in this mighty den, remain tranquil, or
war only with each other, but when the lake swells, and its waters
rush in, they of necessity seek refuge among the abodes of men, to
whom they prove the most dreadful scourge. Not only the cattle but
the slaves attending the grain, often fall victims; they even rush in
large bodies into the towns. The fields beyond the reach of this
annual inundation are very fertile, and land may be had in any
quantity, by him who has slaves to cultivate it. This service is
performed by females from Musgow, who, aiding their native ugliness,
by the insertion of a large piece of silver into the upper lip, which
throws it entirely out of shape, are estimated according to the
quantity of hard work which they can execute. The processes of
agriculture are extremely simple. Their only fine manufacture is that
of tobes, or vestments of cotton skilfully woven and beautifully
dyed, but still not equal to those of Soudan.

The Bornouese are complete negroes both in form and feature; they are
ugly, simple, and good natured, but destitute of all intellectual
culture. Only a few of the great fighis or doctors, of whom the sheik
was one, can read the Koran. "A great writer" is held in still higher
estimation than with us, but his compositions consist only of words
written on scraps of paper, to be enclosed in cases, and worn as
amulets. They are then supposed to defend their possessor against
every danger, to act as charms to destroy his enemies, and to be the
main instrument in the cure of all diseases. For this last purpose
they are assisted only by a few simple applications, yet the Bornou
practice is said to be very successful, either through the power of
imagination, or owing to the excellence of their constitutions. In
the absence of all refined pleasure, various rude sports are pursued
with eagerness, and almost with fury. The most favourite is
wrestling, which the chiefs do not practise in person, but train
their slaves to it as our jockeys do game cocks, taking the same
pride in their prowess and victory. Nations are often pitched against
each other; the Musgowy and the Bughami being the most powerful. Many
of them are extremely handsome, and of gigantic size, and hence their
contests are truly terrific. Their masters loudly cheer them on,
offering high premiums for victory, and sometimes threatening instant
death in case of defeat. They place their trust not in science, but
in main strength and rapid movements. Occasionally, the wrestler,
eluding his adversary's vigilance, seizes him by the thigh, lifts him
into the air, and dashes him against the ground. When the match is
decided, the victor is greeted with loud plaudits by the spectators,
some of whom even testify their admiration by throwing to him
presents of fine cloth. He then kneels before his master, who not
unfrequently bestows upon him a robe worth thirty or forty dollars,
taken perhaps from his own person. Death or maiming is no unfrequent
result of these encounters. The ladies even of rank engage in another
very odd species of contest. Placing themselves back to back, they
cause certain parts to strike together with the most violent
collision, when she who maintains her equilibrium, while the other
lies stretched upon the ground, is proclaimed victor with loud
cheers. In this conflict the girdle of beads worn by the more opulent
females, very frequently bursts, when these ornaments are seen flying
about in every direction. To these recreations is added gaming,
always the rage of uncultivated minds. Their favourite game is one
rudely played with beans, by means of holes made in the sand.

Boo Khaloom having despatched his affairs in Bornou, wished to turn
his journey to some farther account, and proposed an expedition into
the more wealthy and commercial region of Houssa or Soudan, but the
eager wishes of his follower pointed to a different object. They
called upon him to lead them into the mountains of Mandara, in the
south, to attack a village of the Kerdies or unbelievers, and carry
off the people as slaves to Fezzan. He long stood out against this
nefarious proposal, but the sheik who also had his own views, took
part against him; even his own brother joined the malcontents, and at
length there appeared no other mode in which he could return with
equal credit and profit. Influenced by these inducements, he suffered
his better judgement to be overpowered, and determined to conduct his
troops upon this perilous and guilty excursion. Major Denham allowed
his zeal for discovery to overcome other considerations, and
contrived, notwithstanding the prohibition of the sheik, to be one of
the party. They were accompanied by Barca Gana, the principal
general, a negro of huge strength and great courage, along with other
warriors, and a large troop of Bournouse cavalry. These last are a
fine military body in point of external appearance. Their persons are
covered with iron plate and mail, and they manage with surprising
dexterity their little active steeds, which are also supplied with
defensive armour. They have one fault only, but it is a serious one,
they cannot stand the shock of an enemy. While the contest continues
doubtful, they hover round as spectators, ready, should the tide turn
against them, to spur on their coursers to a rapid flight; but if
they see their friends victorious, and the enemy turning their backs,
they come forward and display no small vigour in pursuit and plunder.

The road to Mandara formed a continual ascent through a fertile
country, which contained some populous towns. The path being quite
overgrown with thick and prickly underwood, twelve pioneers went
forward with long poles, opening a track, pushing back the branches,
and giving warning to beware of holes. These operations they
accompanied with loud praises of Barca Gana, calling out, "Who is in
battle like the rolling of thunder? Barca Gana. In battle, who
spreads terror around him like the buffalo in his rage? Barca Gana."
Even the chiefs on this expedition carried no provisions, except a
paste of rice, flour, and honey, with which they contented
themselves, unless when sheep could be procured; in which case, half
the animal, roasted over a frame-work of wood, was placed on the
table, and the sharpest dagger present was employed in cutting it
into large pieces, to be eaten without bread or salt. At length they
approached Mora, the capital of Mandara. This was another kingdom,
which the energy of its present sultan had rescued from the yoke of
the Fellata empire; and the strong position of its capital, enclosed
by lofty ridges of hills, had enabled it to defy repeated attacks. It
consists of a fine plain, bordered on the south by an immense and
almost interminable range of mountains. The eminences directly in
front were not quite so lofty as the hills of Cumberland, but bold,
rocky, and precipitous, and distant summits appeared towering much
higher, and shooting up a line of sharp pinnacles, resembling the
Needles of Mont Blanc. It was reported that two months were required
to cross their greatest breadth, and reach the other side, where they
rose ten times higher, and were called large _moon_ mountains. They
there overlooked the plain of Adamowa, through which a great river,
that has erroneously been supposed to be the Quorra or Niger, was
said to flow from the westward. The hills immediately in view were
thickly clustered with villages perched on their sides, and even on
their tops, and were distinctly seen from the plain of Mandara. They
were occupied by half-savage tribes, whom the ferocious bigotry of
the nations in the low country branded as pagans, and whom they
claimed a right to plunder, seize, and drive in crowds for sale to
the markets of Fezzan and Bornou. The fires, which were visible, in
the different nests of these unfortunate beings, threw a glare upon
the bold rocks and blunt promontories of granite by which they were
surrounded, and produced a picturesque and somewhat awful appearance.
A baleful joy beamed on the visage of the Arabs, as they eyed these
abodes of their future victims, whom they already fancied themselves
driving in bands across the desert. "A Kerdy village to plunder!" was
all their cry, and Boo Khaloom doubted not that he would be able to
gratify their wishes. Their common fear of the Fellatas had united
the sultan of Mandara in close alliance with the sheik, to whom he
had lately married his daughter; and the nuptials had been celebrated
by a great slave-hunt amongst the mountains, when, after a dreadful
struggle, three thousand captives, by their tears and bondage,
furnished out the materials of a magnificent marriage festival.

The expedition obtained a reception quite as favourable as had been
expected. In approaching the capital, they were met by the sultan,
with five hundred Mandara horse, who, charging full speed, wheeled
round them with the same threatening movements which had been
exhibited at Bornou. The horses were of a superior breed, most
skilfully managed, and covered with cloths of various colours, as
well as with skins of the leopard and tiger-cat. This cavalry, of
course, made a most brilliant appearance; but Major Denham did not
yet know that their valour was exactly on a level with that of their
Bornou allies. The party were then escorted to the capital, amid the
music of long pipes, like clarionets, and of two immense trumpets.
They were introduced next day. The mode of approaching the royal
residence is to gallop up to the gate with a furious speed, which
often causes fatal accidents, and on this occasion a man was ridden
down and killed on the spot. The sultan was found in a dark-blue
tent, sitting on a mud bench, surrounded by about two hundred
attendants, handsomely arrayed in silk and cotton robes. He was an
intelligent little man, about fifty years old, with a beard dyed
sky-blue. Courteous salutations were exchanged, during which he
steadily eyed Major Denham, concerning whom he at last inquired, and
the traveller was advantageously introduced, as belonging to a
powerful distant nation, allies of the bashaw of Tripoli. At last,
however, came the fatal question,--"Is he moslem?" _"La! la!"_ (No,
no.) "What: has the great bashaw caffre friends?" Every eye was
instantly averted; the sun of Major Denham's favour was set, and he
was never again allowed to enter the palace.

The bigotry of this court seems to have surpassed even the usual
bitterness of the African tribes, and our traveller had to undergo a
regular persecution, carried on especially by Malem Chadily, the
leading fighi of the court. As Major Denham was showing to the
admiring chiefs, the mode of writing with a pencil, and effacing it
with Indian rubber; Malem wrote some words of the Koran with such
force, that their traces could not be wholly removed. He then
exclaimed with triumph, "They are the words of God delivered to his
prophet. I defy you to erase them." The major was then called upon to
acknowledge this great miracle, and as his countenance still
expressed incredulity, he was viewed with looks of such mingled
contempt and indignation, as induced him to retire. Malem, however,
again assailed him with the assurance that this was only one of the
many miracles which he could show, as wrought by the Koran, imploring
him to turn, and paradise would be his, otherwise nothing could save
him from eternal fire. "Oh!" said he, "while sitting in the third
heaven, I shall see you in the midst of the flames, crying out to
your friend Barca Gana and myself for a drop of water, but the gulf
will be between us." His tears then flowed profusely. Major Denham,
taking the general aside, entreated to be relieved from this
incessant persecution, but Gana assured him that the fighi was a
great and holy man, to whom he ought to listen. He then held out not
only paradise, but honours, slaves, and wives of the first families,
as gifts to be lavished on him by the sheik, if he would renounce his
unbelief. Major Denham asked the commander what would be thought of
himself, if he should go to England and turn Christian. "God forbid,"
exclaimed he, "but how can you compare our faiths? mine would lead
you to paradise, while yours would bring me to hell. Not a word
more." Nothing appears to have annoyed the stranger more than to be
told, that he was of the same faith with the Kerdies or savages,
little distinction being made between any who denied the Koran. After
a long discussion of this question, he thought the validity of his
reasoning would be admitted, when he could point to a party of those
wretches devouring a dead horse, and appealed to Boo Khaloom if he
had ever seen the English do the same; but to this, which after all
was not a very deep theological argument, the Arab replied, "I know
they eat the flesh of swine, and God knows, that is worse." "Grant me
patience," exclaimed the major to himself, "this is almost too much
to bear and to remain silent."

The unfortunate Kerdies, from the moment they saw Arab tents in the
valley of Mandara, knew the dreadful calamity which awaited them. To
avert it and to propitiate the sultan, numerous parlies came down
with presents of honey, asses, and slaves. Finally appeared the
Musgow, a more distant and savage race, mounted on small fiery
steeds, covered only with the skin of a goat or leopard, and with
necklaces made of the teeth of their enemies. They threw themselves
at the feet of the sultan, casting sand on their heads, and uttering
the most piteous cries. The monarch apparently moved by these gifts
and entreaties, began to intimate to Boo Khaloom his hopes, that
these savages might by gentle means be reclaimed, and led to the true
faith. These hopes were held by the latter in the utmost derision,
and he privately assured Major Denham, that nothing would  more annoy
the devout Mussulmans, than to see them fulfilled, whereby he must
have forfeited all right to drive these unhappy creatures in crowds,
to the markets of Soudan and Bornou. In fact, both the sultan and the
sheik had a much deeper aim. Every effort was used to induce Boo
Khaloom to engage in the attack of some strong Fellata posts, by
which the country was hemmed in, and as the two monarchs viewed the
Arabs with extreme jealousy, it was strongly suspected that their
defeat would not have been regarded as a public calamity. The royal
councils were secret and profound, and it was not known what
influences worked upon Boo Khaloom. On this occasion, however, he was
mastered by his evil genius, and consented to the proposed attack,
but as he came out and ordered his troops to prepare for marching,
his countenance bore such marks of trouble, that Major Denham asked,
if all went well, to which he Hurriedly answered, "Please God."
The Arabs, however, who at all events expected plunder, proceeded
with alacrity.

The expedition set out on the following morning, and after passing
through a beautiful plain, began to penetrate the mighty chain of
mountains, which form the southern border of the kingdom. Alpine
heights rising around them in rugged magnificence, and gigantic
grandeur, presented scenery which our traveller had never seen
surpassed. The passes of Hairey and of Horza, amid a superb
amphitheatre of hills, closely shut in by overhanging cliffs, more
than two thousand feet high, were truly striking. Here for the first
time in Africa, did nature appear to the English to rival in the
production of vegetable life. The trees were covered with luxuriant
and bright green foliage, and their trunks were hidden by a crowd of
parasitical plants, whose aromatic blossoms perfumed the air. There
was also an abundance of animal life of a less agreeable description.
Three scorpions were killed in the tent, and a fierce but beautiful
panther, more than eight feet long, just as he had gorged himself by
sucking the blood of a newly-killed negro, was attacked and speared.
The sultan and Barca Gana were attended by a considerable body of
Bornou and Mandara cavalry, whose brilliant armour, martial aspect,
and skilful horsemanship, gave confidence to the European officer,
who had not seen them put to the proof.

It was the third day, when the expedition came in view of the Fellata
town of Dirkulla. The Arabs, supported by Barca Gana, and about one
hundred spearmen marched instantly to the attack, and carried first
that place, and then a smaller town beyond it, killing all who had
not time to escape. The enemy, however, then entrenched themselves in
a third and stronger position, called Musfeia, enclosed by high
hills, and fortified in front by numerous swamps and palisades. This
was likewise attacked and all its defences forced. The guns of the
Arabs spread terror, while Barca Gana threw eight spears with his own
hand, every one of which took effect. It was thought, that had the
two bodies of cavalry, made even a show of advancing, the victory
would have been at once decided, but Major Denham was much surprised
to see those puissant warriors, keeping carefully under cover, behind
a hill, on the opposite side of the stream, where not an arrow could
reach them. The Fellatas seeing that their antagonists were only a
handful, rallied on the top of the hills, were joined by new troops,
and turned round. Their women behind cheered them on, continually
supplied fresh arrows, and rolled down fragments of rock on the
assailants. These arrows were tipped with poison, and wherever they
pierced the body, in a few hours became black, blood gushed from
every orifice, and the victim expired in agony. The condition of the
Arabs soon became alarming, scarcely a man was left unhurt, and their
horses were dying under them. Boo Khaloom and his charger were both
wounded with poisoned arrows. As soon as the Fellatas saw the Arabs
waver, they dashed in with their horse, at the sight of which all the
heroic squadrons of Bornou and Mandara put spurs to their steeds, the
sultan at their head, and the whole became one mass of confused and
tumultuous flight. Major Denham saw too late the peril into which he
had inconsiderately plunged. His horse, wounded in to the shoulder,
could scarcely support his weight, but the cries of the pursuing
Fellatas urged him forward. At last the animal fell twice, and the
second time threw him against a tree, then, frightened by the noise
behind, started up and ran off. The Fellatas were instantly up, when
four of his companions were stabbed beside him, uttering the most
frightful cries. He himself fully expected the same fate, but happily
his clothes formed a valuable booty, through which the savages were
loath to run their spears. After inflicting some slight wounds,
therefore, they stripped him to the skin, and forthwith began to
quarrel about the plunder. While they were thus busied, he contrived
to slip away, and though hotly pursued, and nearly overtaken,
succeeded in reaching a mountain stream, gliding at the bottom of a
deep and precipitous ravine. Here he had snatched the young branches
issuing from the stump of a large over-hanging tree, in order to let
himself down into the water, when beneath his hand, a large _siffa,_
the most dangerous serpent in this country, rose from its coil, as in
the very act of darting upon him. Struck with horror, Major Denham
lost all recollection, and fell headlong into the water, but the
shock revived him, and with three strokes of his arm, he reached the
opposite bank, and felt himself for the moment in safety. Running
forward, he was delighted to see his friends Barca Gana and Boo
Khaloom, but amidst the cheers with which they were endeavouring to
rally their troops, and the cries of those who were falling under the
Fellata spears, he could not for some time make himself heard.
Then Maramy, a negro appointed by the sheik to attend upon him, rode
up and took him on his own horse. Boo Khaloom ordered a bornouse to
be thrown over the major--very seasonably, for the burning sun had
began to blister his naked body. Suddenly, however, Maramy called
out, "See! see! Boo Khaloom is dead," and that spirited chief,
overpowered by the wound of a poisoned arrow, dropped from his horse
and spoke no more. The others now only thought of pressing their
flight, and soon reached a stream, where they refreshed themselves by
copious draughts, and a halt was made to collect the stragglers.
Major Denham here fell into a swoon, during which, as he afterwards
learned, Maramy complained that the jaded horse could scarcely carry
the stranger forward, when Barca Gana said, "By the head of the
prophet! believers enough have breathed their last to-day, why should
we concern ourselves about a Christian's death." Malem Chadily,
however, so bitter as a theological opponent, showed now the
influence of a milder spirit, and said, "No, God has preserved him;
let us not abandon him;" and Maramy declared, his heart told him what
to do. They therefore moved on slowly till about midnight, when they
passed the Mandara frontier, in a state of severe suffering, but the
major met with much kindness from a dethroned prince, Mai Meagamy,
who seeing his wounds festering under the rough woollen cloak, which
formed his only covering, took off his own trousers and gave them to
him.

The Arabs lost forty-five of their number, besides their chief; the
survivors were in a miserable plight, most of them wounded, some
mortally, and all deprived of their camels, and the rest of their
property. Renouncing their pride, they were obliged to supplicate
from Barca Gana a handful of corn to keep them from starving. The
sultan of Mandara, in whose cause they had suffered, treated them
with the utmost contumely, which, perhaps, they might deserve, but
certainly not from him. Deep sorrow was afterwards felt in Fezzan,
when they arrived in this deplorable condition, and reported the fall
of their chief, who was there almost idolized. A national song was
composed on the occasion, which the following extract will show to be
marked by great depth of feeling, and not devoid of poetical
beauty:--

"Oh trust not to the gun and the sword: the spear of the unbeliever
prevails!

"Boo Khaloom, the good and the brave, has fallen! Fallen has he in
his might! Who shall now be safe? Even as the moon amongst the little
stars, so was Boo Khaloom amongst men! Where shall Fezzan now look
for her protector? Men hang their heads in sorrow, while women wring
their hands, rending the air with their cries! As a shepherd is to
his flock, so was Boo Khaloom to Fezzan.

"Give him songs! Give him music! What words can equal his praise! His
heart was as large as the desert! His coffers were like the rich
overflowings from the udder of the she camel, comforting and
nourishing those around him.

"Even as the flowers without rain perish in the field, so will the
Fezzaners droop; for Boo Khaloom returns no more.

"His body lies in the land of the heathen! the poisoned arrow of the
unbeliever prevails!

"Oh trust not to the gun and the sword! The spear of the heathen
conquers! Boo Khaloom, the good and the brave, has fallen! Who shall
now be safe?"

The sheik of Bornou was considerably mortified by the result of this
expedition, and the miserable figure made by his troops, though he
sought to throw the chief blame on the Mandara part of the armament.
He now invited the major to accompany an expedition against the
Mungas, a rebel tribe on his outer border, on which occasion he was
to employ his native band of Kanemboo spearmen, who, he trusted,
would redeem the military reputation of the monarchy. Major Denham
was always ready to go wherever he had a chance of seeing the manners
and scenery of Africa. The sheik took the field, attended by his
armour-bearer, his drummer, fantastically dressed in a straw hat with
ostrich feathers, and followed by-three wives, whose heads and
persons were wrapped up in brown silk robes, and each led by a
eunuch. He was preceded by five green and red flags, on each of which
were extracts from the Koran, written in letters of gold. Etiquette
even required that the sultan should follow with his unwieldy pomp,
having a harem, and attendance much more numerous; while frumfrums,
or wooden trumpets, were continually sounding before him. This
monarch is too distinguished to fight in person; but his guards, the
swollen and overloaded figures formerly described, enveloped in
multiplied folds, and groaning beneath the weight of ponderous
amulets, produced themselves as warriors, though manifestly unfit to
face any real danger.

The route lay along the banks of the river Yeou, called also
Gambarou, through a country naturally fertile and delightful, but
presenting a dismal picture of the desolation occasioned by African
warfare. The expedition passed through upwards of thirty towns,
completely destroyed by the Fellatas in their last inroad, and of
which all the inhabitants had been either killed or carried into
slavery. These fine plains were now overgrown with forests and
thickets, in which grew tamarind and other trees, producing delicate
fruits, while large bands of monkeys, called by the Arabs "enchanted
men," filled the woods with their cries. Here, too, was found old
Birnie, the ancient but now desolate capital, evidently much larger
than any of the present cities, covering five or six miles with its
ruins. They passed also Gambarou, formerly the favourite residence of
the sultans, where the remains of a palace and two mosques gave an
idea of civilization superior to any thing that had yet been seen in
interior Africa. There were left in this country only small detached
villages, the inhabitants of which remained fixed to them by local
attachment, in spite of constant predatory inroads of the Tuaricks,
who carried off their friends, their children, and cattle. They have
recourse to one mode of defence, which consists in digging a number
of _blaquas,_ or large pits; these they cover with a false surface of
sods and grass, into which the Tuarick with his horse plunges before
he is aware, and is received at the bottom upon sharp-pointed stakes,
which often kill both on the spot. Unluckily, harmless travellers are
equally liable to fall into these living graves. Major Denham was
petrified with horror, to find how near he had approached to several
of them; indeed one of his servants stepped upon the deceitful
covering, and was saved only by an almost miraculous spring. It seems
wonderful that the sheik should not have endeavoured to restore some
kind of security to this portion of his subjects, and to re-people
those fine but deserted regions.

The troops that had been seen hastening in parties to the scene of
action were mustered at Kobshary, a town which the Mungas had nearly
destroyed. The sheik made a review of his favourite forces, the
Kanemboo spearmen, nine thousand strong. They were really a very
savage and military-looking host, entirely naked, except a girdle of
goat-skin, with the hair hanging down, and a piece of cloth wrapped
round the head. They carried large wooden shields, shaped like a
gothic window, with which they warded off the arrows of the enemy,
while they pressed forward to attack with their own spears. Unlike
almost all other barbarous armies, they kept a regular night-watch,
passing the cry every half-hour along the line, and, at any alarm,
raising a united yell, which was truly frightful. At the review they
passed in tribes before the sheik, to whom they showed the most
enthusiastic attachment, kneeling on the ground, and kissing his
feet. The Mungas again were described as terrible antagonists,
hardened by conflicts with the Tuaricks, fighting on foot with
poisoned arrows, longer and more deadly than those of the Fellatas.

The sultan, however, contemplated other means of securing success,
placing his main reliance on his powers as a mohammedan doctor and
writer. Three successive nights were spent in inscribing upon little
scraps of paper figures or words, destined to exercise a magical
influence upon the rebel host, and their effect was heightened by the
display of sky-rockets, supplied by Major Denham. Tidings of his
being thus employed were conveyed to the camp, when the Mungas, stout
and fierce warriors, who never shrunk from an enemy, yielded to the
power of superstition, and felt all their strength withered. It
seemed to them that their arrows were blunted, their quivers broken,
their hearts struck with sickness and fear, in short, that to oppose
a sheik of the Koran, who could accomplish such wonders, was alike
vain and impious. They came in by hundreds, bowing themselves to the
ground, and casting sand on their heads, in token of the most abject
submission. At length, Malem Fanamy, the leader of the rebellion, saw
that resistance was hopeless. After vain overtures of conditional
submission, he appeared in person, mounted on a white horse, with one
thousand followers. He was clothed in rags, and having fallen
prostrate, was about to pour sand on his head, when the sultan,
instead of permitting this humiliation, caused eight robes of fine
cotton cloth, one after another, to be thrown over him, and his head
to be wrapped in Egyptian turbans till it was swelled to six times
its natural size, and no longer resembled any thing human. By such
signal honours the sheik gained the hearts of those whom his pen had
subdued, and this wise policy enabled him not only to overcome the
resistance of this formidable tribe, but to convert them into
supporters and bulwarks of his power.



CHAPTER XXIII.

Major Denham, who always sought, with laudable zeal, to penetrate
into every corner of Africa, now found his way in another direction.
He had heard much of the Shary, a great river flowing into lake
Tchad, on whose banks the kingdom of Loggun was situated. After
several delays, he set out on the 23d January 1824, in company with
Mr. Toole, a spirited young volunteer, who, journeying by way of
Tripoli and Mourzouk, had thence crossed the desert to join him.
The travellers passed Angornou and Angola, and arrived at Showy,
where they saw the river, which really proved to be a magnificent
stream, fully half a mile broad, and flowing at the rate of two or
three miles an hour. They descended it through a succession of noble
reaches, bordered with fine woods and a profusion of variously tinted
and aromatic plants. At length, it opened into the wide expanse of
the Tchad, after viewing which, they again ascended, and reached the
capital of Loggun, beneath whose high walls the river was seen
flowing in majestic beauty. Major Denham entered, and found a
handsome city, with a street as wide as Pall-Mall, and bordered by
large dwellings, having spacious areas in front. Having proceeded to
the palace, for the purpose of visiting the sovereign, he was led
through several dark rooms into a wide and crowded court, at one end
of which a lattice opened, and showed a pile of silk robes, stretched
on a carpet, amid which two eyes became gradually visible; this was
the sultan. On his appearance, there arose a tumult of horns and
frumfrums, while all the attendants threw themselves prostrate,
casting sand on their heads. In a voice, which the court fashion of
Loggun required to be scarcely audible, the monarch inquired Major
Denham's object in coming to this country, observing that, if it was
to purchase handsome female slaves, he need go no further, since he
himself had hundreds, who could be afforded at a very easy rate. This
overture was rejected on other grounds than the price; yet,
notwithstanding so decided a proof of barbarism, the Loggunese were
found to be a people more advanced in the arts of peace than any
hitherto seen in Africa. By a studied neutrality they avoided
involving themselves in the dreadful wars, which had desolated the
neighbouring countries; manufacturing industry was honoured, and the
cloths woven here were superior to those of Bornou, being finely dyed
with indigo, and beautifully glazed. There was even a current coin,
made of iron, somewhat in the form of a horse-shoe, and rude as this
was, none of their neighbours possessed any thing similar. The ladies
were handsome, intelligent, and of a lively air and carriage; but,
besides pushing their frankness to excess, their general demeanour
was by no means scrupulous. They used, in particular, the utmost
diligence in stealing from Major Denham's person every thing that
could be reached, even searching the pockets of his trousers, and
when detected, only laughed, and called to each other, how sharp he
was. But the darkest feature of savage life was disclosed, when the
sultan and his son each sent to solicit poison "that would not lie,"
to be used against each other. The latter even accompanied the
request with a bribe of three lovely black damsels, and ridiculed the
horror which was expressed at the proposal.

The Loggunese live in a country abounding in grain and cattle, and
diversified with forests of lofty acacias, and many beautiful shrubs.
Its chief scourge consists in the millions of tormenting insects,
which fill the atmosphere, making it scarcely possible to go into the
open air at mid-day, without being thrown into a fever, indeed,
children have been killed by their stings. The natives build one
house within another to protect themselves against this scourge,
while some kindle a large fire of wet straw, and sit in the smoke;
but this remedy seems worse than the evil it is meant to obviate.

Major Denham was much distressed on this journey by the death of his
companion, Mr. Toole; and he could no longer delay his return, when
he learnt that the Begharmis, with a large army, were crossing the
Shary to attack Bornou. Soon after his arrival at Kouka, the sheik
led out his troops, which he mustered on the plain of Angola, and was
there furiously attacked by five thousand Begharmis, led by two
hundred chiefs. The Begharmi cavalry are stout, fierce-looking men,
and both riders and horses still more thoroughly cased in mail than
those of Bornou; but their courage, when brought to the proof, is
nearly on a level. The sheik encountered them with his Kanemboo
spearmen and a small band of musketeers, when, after a short
conflict, the whole of this mighty host was thrown into the most
disorderly flight; even the Bornou cavalry joined in the pursuit.
Seven sons of the sultan, and almost all the chiefs fell; two hundred
of their favourite wives were taken, many of whom were of exquisite
beauty.

Mr. Tyrwhit, a gentleman sent out by government to strengthen the
party, arrived on the 20th May, and on the 22nd delivered to the
sheik a number of presents, which were received with the highest
satisfaction. In company with this gentleman, Major Denham, eager to
explore Africa, still further took advantage of another expedition,
undertaken against a tribe of Shouaa Arabs, distinguished by the name
of La Sala, a race of amphibious shepherds, who inhabit certain
islands along the south-eastern shores of the Tchad. These spots
afford rich pasture; while the water is so shallow, that, by knowing
the channels, the natives can ride without difficulty from one island
to the other. Barca Gana led one thousand men on this expedition, and
was joined by four hundred of a Shouaa tribe, called Dugganahs,
enemies to the La Salas. These allies presented human nature under a
more pleasing aspect than it had yet been seen in any part of central
Africa. They despise the negro nations, and all who live in houses,
and still more in cities, while they themselves reside in tents of
skin, in circular camps, which they move periodically from place to
place. They live in simple plenty on the produce of their flocks and
herds, celebrate their joys and sorrows in extemporary poetry, and
seem to be united by the strongest ties of domestic affection. Tahr,
their chief, having closely examined our traveller, as to the motives
of his journey, said, "And have you been three years from your home?
Are not your eyes dimmed with straining to the north, where all your
thoughts must ever be? If my eyes do not see the wife and children of
my heart for ten days, they are flowing with tears, when they should
be closed in sleep." On taking leave, Tahr's parting wish was, "May
you die at your own tents, and in the arms of your wife and family."
This chief might have sitten for the picture of a patriarch; his
fine, serious, expressive countenance, large features, and long bushy
beard, afforded a favourable specimen of his tribe.

The united forces now marched to the shores of the lake, and began to
reconnoitre the islands on which the Shouaas, with their cattle and
cavalry, were stationed; but the experienced eye of Barca Gana soon
discerned, that the channel, though shallow, was full of holes, and
had a muddy deceitful appearance. He proposed therefore to delay the
attack, till a resolute band of Kanemboo spearmen should arrive and
lead the way. The lowing, however, of the numerous herds, and the
bleating of the flocks on the green islands, which lay before them,
excited in the troops a degree of hunger, as well as of military
ardour, that was quite irrepressible. They called out, "What! be so
near them, and not eat them?--No, no, let us on; this night, these
flocks and women shall be ours." Barca Gana suffered himself to be
hurried away, and plunged in amongst the foremost. Soon, however, the
troops began to sink into the holes, or stick in the mud; their guns
and powder were wetted, and became useless; while the enemy, who knew
every step, and could ride through the water as quickly as on land,
at once charged the invaders in front, and sent round a detachment to
take them in the rear. The assault was accordingly soon changed into
a disgraceful flight, in which those who had been the loudest in
urging to this rash onset set the example. Barca Gana, who had
boasted himself invulnerable, was deeply wounded through his coat of
mail and four cotton tobes, and with difficulty rescued by his chiefs
from five La Sala horsemen, who had vowed his death. The army
returned to their quarters in disappointment and dismay, and with a
severe loss. During the whole night, the Dugganah women were heard
bewailing their husbands, who had fallen, in dirges composed for the
occasion, and with plaintive notes, which could not be listened to
without the deepest sympathy. Major Denham was deterred by this
disaster from making any further attempt to penetrate to the eastern
shores of the Tchad.

The Beddoomahs are another tribe who inhabit extensive and rugged
islands, in the interior of the lake, amid its deep waters, which
they navigate with nearly a thousand large boats. They neither
cultivate the ground, nor rear flocks and herds, while their manners
appeared to Major Denham, the rudest and most savage observed even
among Africans--the Musgows always excepted. They have adopted as a
religious creed, that God having withheld from them corn and cattle,
which the nations around enjoy, has given in their stead strength and
courage, to be employed in taking these good things from all in whose
possession they may be found. To this belief they act up in the most
devout manner, spreading terror and desolation over all the shores of
this inland sea, no part of which, even in the immediate vicinity of
the great capitals, is for a moment secure from their ravages. The
most powerful and warlike of the Bornou sovereigns, finding among
their subjects neither the requisite skill nor experience in
navigation, make no attempt to cope with the Biddoomahs on these
watery domains, and thus give up the lake to their undisputed sway.

While Major Denham was thus traversing in every direction Bornou, and
the surrounding countries, Lieutenant Clapperton and Dr. Oudney were
proceeding through Houssa, by a route less varied and hazardous
indeed, but disclosing forms both of nature and society fully as
interesting. They departed from Kouka on the 14th December 1823, and
passing the site of old Birnie, found the banks of the Yeou fertile,
and diversified with towns and villages.

On entering Katagum, the most easterly Fellata province, they
observed a superior style of culture; two crops of wheat being raised
in one season by irrigation, and the grain stored in covered sheds,
elevated from the ground on posts. The country to the south was
covered with extensive swamps and mountains, tenanted by rude and
pagan tribes, who furnish to the faithful an inexhaustible supply of
slaves. The practice of travelling with a caravan was found very
advantageous, from the help it afforded, as well as from the good
reports spread by the merchants, respecting their European
companions. In Bornou, these last had been viewed with almost
unmingled horror, and for having eaten their bread under the
extremest necessity, a man had his testimony rejected in a court of
justice. Some young Bornouese ladies, who accosted Major Denham,
having ventured to say a word in his favour, an attendant matron
exclaimed, "Be silent, he is an uncircumcised kafir--neither washes
nor prays, eats pork, and will go to hell." Upon which the others
screamed, and ran off. But in Houssa, this horror was not so great,
and was mingled with the belief, that they possessed supernatural
powers. Not only did the sick come in crowds expecting to be cured,
but the ladies solicited amulets to restore their beauty, to preserve
the affections of their lovers, and even to destroy a hated rival.
The son of the governor of Kano, having called upon Clapperton,
stated it was the conviction of the whole city and his own, that the
English had the power of converting men into asses, goats, and
monkeys, and likewise that by reading in his book, he could at any
time commute a handful of earth into gold. The traveller having
declared to him the difficulty he often found in procuring both asses
and gold, induced him with trembling hands to taste a cup of tea,
when he became more composed, and made a sort of recantation of his
errors.

As the caravan proceeded they met many other travellers, and found
sitting along the road, numerous females selling potatoes, beans,
bits of roasted meat, and water with an infusion of gussub-grains;
and when they stopped at any place for the night, the people crowded
in such numbers as to form a little fair. Clapperton attracted the
notice of many of the Fellata ladies, who, after examining him
closely, declared, that had he only been less white, his external
appearance might have merited approbation.

The travellers passed through Sansan, a great market place, divided
into three distinct towns, and Katagum, the strongly fortified
capital of the province, containing about eight thousand inhabitants.
Thence they proceeded to Murmur, where the severe illness under which
Dr. Oudney had long laboured, came to a crisis. Though now in the
last stage of consumption, he insisted on continuing his journey and
with the aid of his servant had been supported to his camel, when
Clapperton, seeing the ghastliness of death on his countenance,
insisted on replacing him in his tent, where, soon after, without a
groan, he breathed his last. His companion caused him to be buried
with the honours of the country. The body was washed, wrapped in
turban shawls, and a wall of clay built round the grave, to protect
it from wild beasts; two sheep were also killed and distributed
amongst the poor.

Katungwa, the first town of Houssa proper, and the next on the route,
is situated in a country well enclosed, and under high cultivation.
To the south is an extensive range of rocky hills, amid which is the
town of Zangeia, with its buildings picturesquely scattered over
masses of rocks. Clapperton passed also Girkwa, near a river of the
same name, which appears to come from these hills, and to fall into
the Yeou.

Two days after, he entered Kano, the Ghana of Edrisi, and which is
now, as it was six hundred years ago, the chief commercial city of
Houssa, and of all central Africa. Yet it disappointed our traveller
on his first entry, and for a quarter of a mile scarcely appeared a
city at all. Even in its more crowded quarters, the houses rose
generally in clusters, separated by stagnant pools. The inhabited
part on the whole, did not comprise more than a fourth of the space
enclosed by the walls, the rest consisted of fields, gardens, and
swamps; however, as the whole circuit is fifteen miles, there is
space for a population moderately estimated, to be between thirty or
forty thousand. The market is held on a neck of land, between two
swamps, by which, during the rains, it is entirely overflowed, but in
the dry season it is covered with sheds of bamboo, arranged into
regular streets. Different quarters are allowed for the several kinds
of goods; some for cattle, others for vegetables, while fruits of
various descriptions, so much neglected in Bornou, are here displayed
in profusion. The fine cotton fabrics of the country are sold either
in webs, or in what are called tobes and Turkadees, with rich silken
strips or borders ready to be added. Amongst the favourite articles
are goora or kolla nuts, which are called African coffee, being
supposed to give a peculiar relish to the water drunk after them; and
crude antimony, with the black tint of which every eyebrow in Houssa
must be dyed. The Arabs also dispose here of sundry commodities that
have become obsolete in the north; the cast-off dresses of the
mamelukes and other great men, and old sword-blades from Malta. But
the busiest scene is the slave market, composed of two long ranges of
sheds, one for males and another for females. These poor creatures
are seated in rows, decked out for exhibition. The buyer scrutinizes
them as nicely as a purchaser with us does a horse, inspecting the
tongue, teeth, eyes, and limbs; making them cough and perform various
movements, to ascertain if there be any thing unsound, and in case of
a blemish appearing, or even without assigning a reason, he may
return them within three days. As soon as the slaves are sold, the
exposer gets back their finery, to be employed in ornamenting others.
Most of the captives purchased at Kano, are conveyed across the
desert, during which their masters endeavour to keep up their
spirits, by an assurance, that on passing its boundary, they will be
set free and dressed in red, which they account the gayest of
colours. Supplies, however, often fail in this dreary journey, a want
first felt by the slaves, many of whom perish with hunger and
fatigue. Clapperton heard the doleful tale of a mother, who had seen
her child dashed to the ground, while she herself was compelled by
the lash to drag on an exhausted frame. Yet, when at all tolerably
treated, they are very gay, an observation generally made in regard
to slaves, but this gaiety, arising only from the absence of thought,
probably conceals much secret wretchedness.

The regulations of the market of Kano seem to be good, and strictly
enforced. A sheik superintends the police, and is said even to fix
the prices. The _dylalas_ or brokers, are men of somewhat high
character; packages of goods are often sold unopened bearing merely
their mark. If the purchaser afterwards finds any defect, he returns
it to the agent, who must grant compensation. The medium of exchange
is not cloth as in Bornou, nor iron as in Loggun, but cowries or
little shells, brought from the roast, twenty of which are worth a
halfpenny, and four hundred and eighty make a shilling, so that in
paying a pound sterling, one has to count over nine thousand six
hundred cowries. Amid so many strangers, there is ample room for the
trade of the _restaurateur,_ which is carried on by a female seated
on the ground, with a mat on her knees, on which are spread
vegetables, gussub water, and bits of roasted meat about the size of
a penny; these she retails to her customers squatted around her. The
killing of a bullock forms a sort of festival at Kano; its horns are
dyed red with henna, drums are beaten, and a crowd collected, who, if
they approve of the appearance and condition of the animal, readily
become purchasers.

Boxing in Houssa, like wrestling in Bornou, forms a favourite
exercise, and the grand national spectacle. Clapperton, having heard
much of the _fancy_ of Kano, intimated his willingness to pay for a
performance, which was forthwith arranged. The whole body of butchers
attended, and acted as masters of the ceremonies; while, as soon as
the tidings spread, girls left their pitchers at the wells; the
market people threw down their baskets, and an immense crowd were
assembled. The ring being formed, and drums beaten, the performers
first came forward singly, plying their muscles, like a musician
tuning his instrument, and each calling out to the bystanders--"I am
a hyena." "I am a lion." "I can kill all that oppose me." After about
twenty had shown off in this manner, they came forward in pairs,
wearing only a leathern girdle, and with their hands muffled in
numerous folds of country cloth. It was first ascertained that they
were not mutual friends; after which they closed with the utmost
fury, aiming their blows at the most mortal parts, as the pit of the
stomach, beneath the ribs, or under the ear; they even endeavoured to
scoop out the eyes; so that in spite of every precaution, the match
often terminated in the death of one of the combatants. Whenever
Clapperton saw the affair verging to such an issue, he gave orders to
stop, and after seeing six parties exhibit, he paid the hire, and
broke up the meeting.

The negroes here are excessively polite and ceremonious, especially
to those advanced in years. They salute one another by laying the
hand on the breast, making a bow, and inquiring, _Kona lafia? ki ka
ky kee--Fo fo da rana:_ How do you do? I hope you are well. How have
you passed the heat of the day? The last question corresponds in
their climate to the circumstantiality, with what our country folks
inquire about a good night's rest.

The unmarried girls, whether slaves or free, and likewise the young
unmarried men, wear a long apron of blue and white check, with a
notched edging of red woollen cloth. It is tied with two broad bands,
ornamented in the same way, and hanging down behind to the very
ankles. This is peculiar to Soudan, and forms the only distinction in
dress from the people of Bornou.

Their marriages are  not distinguished by any great form or ceremony.
When a bride is first conducted to the house of the bridegroom, she
is attended by a great number of friends and slaves, bearing presents
of melted fat, honey, wheat, turkadees, and tobes as her dower.
She whines all the way, _"Wey kina! wey kina! wey lo!"_ O my head! My
head! Oh! dear me. Notwithstanding this lamentation, the husband has
commonly known his wife some time before marriage. Preparatory to the
ceremony of reading the fatah, both bridegroom and bride remain shut
up for some days, and have their hands and feet dyed for three days
successively, with henna. The bride herself visits the bridegroom,
and applies the henna plasters with her own hands.

Every one is buried under the floor of his own house, without
monument or memorial, and among the commonalty the house continues
occupied as usual, but among the great there is more refinement, and
it is ever after abandoned. The corpse being washed, the first
chapter of the Koran is read over it, and the interment takes place
the same day. The bodies of slaves are dragged out of town, and left
a prey to vultures and wild beasts. In Kano they do not even take the
trouble to convey them beyond the walls, but throw the corpse into
the morass, or nearest pool of water.

Major Denham was now informed that the sultan had sent a messenger
express, with orders to have him conducted to his capital, and to
supply him with every thing necessary for his journey. He now begged
him to state what he stood in need of. The major assured him that the
king of England, his master, had liberally provided for all his
wants, but that he felt profoundly grateful for the kind offer of the
sultan, and had only to crave from him the favour of being attended
by one of his people as a guide. He instantly called a
fair-complexioned Fellata, and asked the major if he liked him; the
answer was given in the affirmative, and Major Denham took his leave.
He afterwards went by invitation, to visit the governor of Hadyja,
who was here on his return from Sockatoo, and lived in the house of
the Wanbey. He found this governor of Hadyja, a black man, about
fifty years of age, sitting amongst his own people, at the upper end
of the room, which is usually a little raised, and is reserved in
this country for the master of the house, or visitors of high rank.
He was well acquainted with the major's travelling name, for the
moment he entered, he said laughing, "How do you do, Abdallah? Will
you come and see me at Hadyja on your return?"

"God be willing," answered the major, with due moslem solemnity.

"You are a Christian, Abdallah?" asked the governor. "I am," replied
the major.

"And what are you come to see?" inquired the governor. "The country,"
replied the major, "its manners and customs." "What do you think of
it?" asked the governor. "It is a fine country," said the major, "but
very sickly." At this the governor smiled, and again asked, "would
you Christians allow us to come and see your country?"

"Certainly," said the major, "and every civility and kindness would
be shown to you."

"Would you force us to become Christians?" asked the governor.

"By no means," answered the major, "we never meddle with a man's
religion."

"What!" he exclaimed, "and do you ever pray?" "Sometimes," said the
major. "Our religion commands us to pray always, but we pray in
secret, and not in public, except on Sundays."

One of his attendants here abruptly asked, what a Christian was "Why,
a kafir," rejoined the governor. "Where is your Jew servant?" he
asked, "you ought to let us see him."

"Excuse me," said the major, "he is averse from it, and I never allow
my servants to be molested for their religious opinions."

"Well, Abdallah," said the governor, "thou art a man of
understanding, and must come and see me at Hadyja."

The major then retired, and the Arabs afterwards told him, that he
was a perfect savage, and sometimes put a merchant to death for the
sake of his goods, but this account, if true, is less to be wondered
at, from the notorious villainy of some of them.

From Kano, Lieutenant Clapperton set out, under the guidance of
Mohammed Jollie, leader of a caravan intended for Sockatoo, capital
of the sultan of the Fellatas. The country was perhaps the finest in
Africa, being under high cultivation, diversified with groves of
noble trees, and traversed in a picturesque manner by ridges of
granite. The manners of the people, too, were pleasing and pastoral.
At many clear springs, gushing from the rocks, young women were
drawing water. As an excuse for engaging in talk, our traveller asked
several times for the means of quenching his thirst. Bending
gracefully on one knee, and displaying, at the same time, teeth of
pearly whiteness and eyes of the blackest lustre, they presented a
gourd, and appeared highly delighted, when he thanked them for their
civility, remarking to one another, "Did you hear the white man thank
me?" But the scene was changed on reaching the borders of the
provinces of Goobar and Zamfra, which were in a state of rebellion
against Sockatoo. The utmost alarm at that moment prevailed; men and
women, with their bullocks, asses, and camels, all struggled to be
foremost, every one crying out, "Woe to the wretch that falls behind;
he will be sure to meet an unhappy end, even at the hands of the
Goobarites!" There was danger of being even thrown down and trampled
to death by the bullocks, which were furiously rushing backward and
forward; however, through the unremitting care of the escort,
Clapperton made his way safely, though not without much fatigue and
annoyance, along this perilous frontier.

The country was now highly cultivated. The road was crowded with
passengers and loaded bullocks, going to the market of Zimrie, which
town was passed a little to the southward about noon, when the
country became more wooded. In the evening, a halt was made at a town
called Quarra, where Clapperton waited upon the governor, who was an
aged Fellata. Here Clapperton was unluckily taken for a fighi, or
teacher, and was pestered at all hours of the clay to write out
prayers by the people. His servants hit upon a scheme to get rid of
their importunities, by acquainting them, that, if he did such
things, they must be paid the perquisites usually given to the
servants of other fighis. Clapperton's washerwoman positively
insisted on being paid with a charm in writing, that would entice
people to buy earthen-ware of her, and no persuasion of his could
either induce her to accept of money for her service, or make her
believe that the request was beyond human power. In the cool of the
afternoon, he was visited by three of the governor's wives, who,
after examining his skin with much attention, remarked,
compassionately, it was a thousand pities he was not black, for then
he would have been tolerably good looking. He asked one of them, a
buxom young girl of fifteen, if she would accept of him for a
husband, provided he could obtain the permission of her master, the
governor. She immediately began to whimper, and on urging her to
explain the cause, she frankly avowed, _she did not know what to do
with his white legs._ He gave to each of them a snuff-box, and, in
addition, a string of white beads to the coy maiden. They were
attended by an old woman and two little female slaves, and, during
their stay, made very merry; but he feared much that their gaiety
soon fled on returning to the close custody of their old gaoler.

Clapperton now tried every thing in his power to induce his guide to
proceed, without waiting for the escort; but El Wordee and the
shreef, who were the most pusillanimous rascals he ever met with,
effectually dissuaded him from it.

He was much amused with a conversation he overheard between the blind
shreef and his servant, respecting himself and his intended journey.
"That Abdallah," says the servant, "is a very bad man; he has no more
sense than an ass, and is now going to lead us all to the devil, if
we will accompany him. I hope, master, you are not such a fool."

"Yes," ejaculated the shreef, "it was a black day when I joined that
kafir; but if I don't go with him; I shall never see the sultan; and
when I return to Kano without any thing, the people will laugh at me
for my pains."

"Why did you not talk to him," said the servant, "about the dangers
of the road?"

"D--n his father!" replied the shreef; "I have talked to him, but
these infidels have no prudence."

Clapperton now called out, "A thousand thanks to you, my lord
shreef."

"May the blessings of God be upon you!" exclaimed the shreef. "Oh!
Rais Abdallah, you are a beautiful man. I will go with you wherever
you go. I was only speaking in jest to this dog."

"My lord shreef," said Clapperton, "I was aware of it from the first;
it is of no importance, but, if the escort does not arrive to-morrow,
I may merely mention to you, I shall certainly proceed, without
further delay, to Kashna."

This Clapperton said by way of alarming the shreef, who liked his
present quarters too well, from the number of pious females, who
sought edification from the lips of so true a descendant of the
prophet; besides the chance such visits afforded of transmitting to
their offspring the honour of so holy a descent.

The small-pox was at this time raging in the country to an alarming
degree. The treatment of the disease is as follows:--When the disease
makes its appearance, they anoint the whole body with honey, and the
patient lies down on the floor, previously strewed with warm sand,
some of which is also sprinkled upon him. If the patient be very ill,
he is bathed in cold water early every morning, and is afterwards
anointed with honey, and replaced in the warm sand. This is their
only mode of treatment; but numbers died every day of this loathsome
disease, which had now been raging for six months.

Clapperton had now his baggage packed up for his journey to Kashna,
to the great terror of El Wordee, the shreef, and all his servants,
who earnestly begged him to remain only a day longer. A party of
horse and foot arrived from Zirmee the same night. It was the retinue
of a Fellata captain, who was bringing back a young wife from her
father's, where she had made her escape. The fair fugitive bestrode a
very handsome palfrey, amid a groupe of female attendants on foot.
Clapperton was introduced to her on the following morning, when she
politely joined her husband in requesting Clapperton to delay his
journey another day, in which case, they kindly proposed they should
travel together. Of course, it was impossible to refuse so agreeable
an invitation, to which Clapperton seemed to yield with all possible
courtesy. Indeed he had no serious intention of setting out that day.
The figure of the lady was small, but finely formed, and her
complexion of a clear copper colour, while, unlike most beautiful
women, she was mild and unobtrusive in her manners. Her husband, too,
whom she had deserted, was one of the finest looking men Clapperton
ever saw, and had also the reputation of being one of the bravest of
his nation.

A humpbacked lad, in the service of the gadado, or vizier of Bello,
who, on his way from Sockatoo, had his hand dreadfully wounded by the
people of Goober, was in the habit of coming every evening to
Clapperton's servants to have the wound dressed. On conversing with
Clapperton himself, he told him that he had formerly been on an
expedition under Abdecachman, a Fallata chief. They started from the
town of Labogee, or Nyffee, and, crossing the Quarra, travelled south
fourteen days along the banks of the river, until they were within
four days journey of the sea, where, according to his literal
expression, "the river was one, and the sea was one," but at what
precise point the river actually entered the sea, he had no distinct
notion.



CHAPTER  XXIV.

Early in the morning of the 13th March, Clapperton commenced his
journey, in company with the Fellata chief. El Wordee and the shreef
were evidently in much trepidation, as they did not consider their
present party sufficiently strong, in case of attack; but they had
not proceeded far on their route, when they were agreeably surprised
by meeting the escort, which they expected. It consisted of one
hundred and fifty horsemen, with drums and trumpets. Their leader,
with his attendants, advanced to Clapperton in full gallop, and bade
him welcome to the country in the name of his master, the sultan,
who, he said, was rejoiced to hear he was so near, and had sent him
to conduct the travellers to his capital.

They continued to travel with the utmost speed, but the people soon
began to fag, and the lady of the Fellata chief, who rode not far
from Clapperton, began to complain of fatigue. In the evening they
halted at the wells of Kamoon, all extremely fatigued, and on the
following morning, they discovered that all their camels had strayed
away in quest of food; they were, however, recovered by the exertions
of the escort, to the commander of which Clapperton made a handsome
present, consisting of some European articles, and to his officers a
present of minor value.

On the following day, Clapperton left the wells of Kamoon, followed
by his escort and a numerous retinue, and a loud flourish of horns
and trumpets. Of course, this extraordinary respect was paid to him
as the servant of the king of England, as he was styled in the sheik
of Bornou's letter. To impress them still farther with his official
importance, Clapperton arrayed himself in his lieutenant's coat,
trimmed with gold lace, white trousers, and silk stockings, and to
complete his finery, he wore Turkish slippers and a turban. Although
his limbs pained him extremely, in consequence of their recent forced
march, he constrained himself to assume the utmost serenity of
countenance, in order to meet, with befitting dignity, the honours
they lavished on him as the humble representative of his country.

From the top of the second hill after leaving Kamoon, they at length
saw Sockatoo. A messenger from the sultan met them here to bid the
travellers welcome, and to acquaint them that the sultan was at a
neighbouring town, on his return from a ghrazzie or expedition, but
intended to be in Sockatoo in the evening. At noon they arrived at
Sockatoo, where a great number of people were assembled to look at
the European traveller, and he entered the city amid the hearty
welcomes of young and old. He was immediately conducted to the house
of the gadado or vizier, where apartments were provided for him and
his servants. The gadado, an elderly man named Simnon Bona Lima,
arrived near midnight, and came instantly to see him. He was
excessively polite, but would on no account drink tea with
Clapperton, as he said, he was a stranger in their land, and had not
yet eaten of his bread. He told Clapperton that the sultan wished to
see him in the morning, and repeatedly assured him of experiencing
the most cordial reception. He spoke Arabic extremely well, which he
said he learned solely from the Koran.

After breakfast on the following morning, the sultan sent for
Clapperton, his residence being at no great distance. In front of it
there is a large quadrangle, into which several of the principal
streets of the city lead. They passed through three coozees, as
guardhouses, without the least detention, and were immediately
ushered into the presence of Bello, the second sultan of the
Fellatas. He was seated on a small carpet, between two pillars
supporting the roof of a thatched house, not unlike one of our
cottages. The walls and pillars were painted blue and white, in the
moorish taste and on the back wall was sketched a fire screen,
ornamented with a coarse painting of a flower-pot. An arm-chair with
an iron lamp standing on it, was placed on each side of the screen.
The sultan bade Clapperton many hearty welcomes, and asked him if he
were not much tired with his journey from Burderewa. Clapperton told
him it was the most severe travelling he had experienced between
Tripoli and Sockatoo, and thanked him for the guard, the conduct of
which he did not fail to commend in the strongest terms.

The sultan asked him a great many questions about Europe, and our
religious distinctions. He was acquainted with the names of some of
the more ancient sects, and asked whether we were Nestorians or
Socinians. To extricate himself from the embarrassment occasioned by
this question, Clapperton bluntly replied, we were called
Protestants. "What are Protestants?" said he. Clapperton attempted to
explain to him, as well as he was able, that having protested more
than two centuries and a half ago, against the superstition,
absurdities, and abuses practised in those days, we had ever since
professed to follow simply what was written "in the book of our Lord
Jesus," as they call the New Testament, and thence received the name
of Protestants. He continued to ask several other theological
questions, until Clapperton was obliged to confess himself not
sufficiently versed in religious subtleties, to resolve these knotty
points, having always left that task to others more learned than
himself.

The sultan was a noble-looking man, forty-four years of age, although
much younger in appearance, five feet ten inches high, portly in
person, with a short curling black beard, a small mouth, a fine
forehead, a grecian nose, and large black eyes. He was dressed in a
light blue cotton tobe, with a white muslin turban, the shawl of
which he wore over the nose and mouth, in the Tuarick fashion.

In the afternoon Clapperton repeated his visit, accompanied by the
Gadado, Mahomed El Wordee, and Mahomed Gomsoo, the principal Arab of
the city, to whom he had a letter of introduction from Hat Salah, at
Kano. The sultan was sitting in the same apartment in which he
received him in the morning, and Clapperton laid before him the
presents, in the name of his majesty the king of England. Amongst
these presents, the compass and spy glass excited the greatest
interest, and the sultan seemed highly gratified when Clapperton
pointed out, that by means of the former he could at any time find
out the east, to address himself in his daily prayers. He said "Every
thing is wonderful, but you are the greatest curiosity of all," and
then added, "What can I give that is most acceptable to the king of
England?" Clapperton replied, "The most acceptable service you can
render to the king of England, is to cooperate with his majesty, in
putting a stop to the slave trade on the coast, as the king of
England sends every year large ships to cruise there, for the sole
purpose of seizing all vessels engaged in this trade, whose crews are
thrown into prison, and of liberating the unfortunate slaves, on whom
lands and houses are conferred, at one of our settlements in Africa."

"What!" said the sultan, "have you no slaves in England."

"No," replied Clapperton, "whenever a slave sets his foot on England,
he is from that moment free."

"What do you do then for servants?" asked the sultan.

"We hire them for a stated period," replied Clapperton, "and give
them regular wages; nor is any person in England allowed to strike
another, and the very soldiers are fed, clothed, and paid by
government."

"God is great!" exclaimed the sultan, "you are a beautiful people."

Clapperton now presented the sheik of Bornou's letter. On perusing
it, the sultan assured Clapperton that he should see all that was to
be seen within his dominions, as well as in Youri and Nyffee, both of
which Clapperton informed him, he was most anxious to visit. This
interview terminated very satisfactory to Clapperton, as through the
influence and power of the sultan, he hoped to be able to accomplish
his design of penetrating further into the country, but the sequel
will show, that the knowledge which Clapperton had as yet entertained
of the African character, was very limited and superficial.

In describing the events which took place during the residence of
Clapperton at Sockatoo, we shall be obliged in several instances to
be very circumstantial, as they have all a reference proximate or
remote to the affairs which took place, when he visited the place at
a future period, in company with Richard Lander, in whose papers some
highly interesting information is contained, respecting the conduct
of the sultan and the natives, both prior and subsequent to the death
of Clapperton, and from which in some degree resulted the death of
that amiable and highly spirited officer.

On the morning of the 19th March, Clapperton was sent for by the
sultan, and desired to bring with him "the looking glass of the sun,"
the name which they gave to the sextant. He was on this occasion
conducted further into the interior of his residence, than on his two
former visits. Clapperton first exhibited a planisphere of the
heavenly bodies. The sultan knew all the signs of the zodiac, some of
the constellations, and many of the stars by their Arabic names.
The looking glass of the sun was then brought forward, and occasioned
much surprise. Clapperton had to explain all its appendages. The
inverting telescope was an object of intense astonishment, and
Clapperton had to stand at some little distance, to let the sultan
look at him through it, for his people were all afraid of placing
themselves within its magical influence. He had next to show him how
to take an observation of the sun. The case of the artificial
horizon, of which Clapperton had lost the key, was sometimes very
difficult to open, as happened on this occasion, and he asked one of
the people near him for a knife to press up the lid. The person
handed him one much too small, and he quite inadvertently asked for a
dagger for the same purpose. The sultan was instantly thrown into a
fright; he seized his sword, and half drawing it from the scabbard,
placed it before him, trembling all the time like an aspen leaf.
Clapperton did not deem it prudent to take the least notice of this
alarm, although it was himself who had in reality the greatest cause
of fear. On receiving the dagger, Clapperton calmly opened the case,
and returned the weapon to its owner with apparent unconcern. When
the artificial horizon was arranged, the sultan and all his
attendants had a peep at the sun, and the breach of etiquette which
Clapperton had committed, seemed to be entirely forgotten. In the
evening the sultan sent him two sheep, a camel load of wheat and
rice, and some of the finest figs which Clapperton had ever tasted in
Africa.

On the following day, Clapperton returned the visit of Mahomed
Gomsoo, the chief of the Arabs, of whose excessive greediness he had
been warned at Kano, but at the same time recommended to make him a
handsome present, and to endeavour by all means to keep him in good
humour, on account of his great influence. On receiving the presents,
Gomsoo promised to give Clapperton a letter to the sultan of Youri,
who was his particular friend, and with whom he had lived many years.
From this person Clapperton obtained the following information
respecting the death of Mr. Park, and which confirmed the previous
reports which had been obtained respecting him. Gomsoo said he was at
Youri when the English came down in a boat from Timbuctoo, and were
lost, which circumstance he related in the following manner:--They
had arrived off a town called Boosa, and having sent a gun and some
other articles as presents to the sultan of Youri, they sent to
purchase a supply of onions in the market. The sultan apprised them
of his intention to pay them a visit, and offered to send people to
guide them through the ledges of rock, which run quite across the
channel of the river a little below the town, where the banks rise
into high hills on both sides. Instead of waiting for the sultan,
they set off at night, and by daybreak next morning, a horseman
arrived at Youri, to inform the sultan that the boat had struck upon
the rocks. The people on both sides of the river then began to assail
them with arrows, upon which they threw overboard all their effects,
and _two white men,_ arm and arm, jumped into the water, two slaves
only remaining in the boat, with some books and papers, and several
guns. One of the books was covered with wax-cloth, and still remained
in the hands of the sultan of Youri. Gomsoo also told Clapperton, and
his account was confirmed by others, that the sultan of Youri was a
native of Sockna, in the regency of Tripoli, and prided himself
extremely on his birth, but that he was such a drunkard, whenever any
person of consequence came to visit him, that nothing proved so
acceptable a present as a bottle of rum.

On Clapperton's return home from Gomsoo's, he found a message had
been left for him to wait upon the sultan, which he complied with
immediately after breakfast. He received him in an inner apartment,
attended only by a few slaves. After asking Clapperton how he did,
and several other chit chat questions, he was not a little surprised,
without a single question being put to him on the subject, to hear,
that if he wished to go to Nyffee, there were two roads leading to
it, the one direct, but beset by enemies; the other safer, but more
circuitous; that by either route he would be detained during the
rains, in a country at present in a state of rebellion, and therefore
that he ought to think seriously of these difficulties. Clapperton
assured the sultan that he had already taken the matter into
consideration, and that he was neither afraid of the dangers of the
roads nor of the rains. "Think of it with prudence," the sultan
replied, and they parted.

From the tone and manner in which the sultan pronounced the latter
sentence, Clapperton felt a foreboding that his intended visit to
Youri and Nyffee was at an end. He could not help suspecting the
intrigues of the Arabs to be the cause, as they knew well, if the
native Africans were once acquainted with English commerce by the way
of the sea, their own lucrative inland trade would from that moment
cease. He was much perplexed during the whole of the day, to know how
to act, and went after sunset to consult Mahomed Gomsoo. Clapperton
met him at the door of his house, on his way to the sultan, and
stopped him to mention what had passed, and how unaccountably strange
it appeared to him, that the sultan, after having repeatedly assured
him of being at liberty to visit every part of his dominions, should
now, for the first time, seem inclined to withdraw that permission,
adding, that before he came to Sockna, he never heard of a king
making a promise one day and breaking it the next. All this, he knew,
would find its way to the sultan. Gomsoo told Clapperton that he was
quite mistaken; for that the sultan, the gadado, and all the
principal people, entertained the highest opinion of him, and wished
for nothing so much as to cultivate the friendship of the English
nation. But, said Clapperton, on leaving him, it is necessary for me
to visit those places, or else how can the English get here? As
Clapperton anticipated, Gomsoo repeated to the sultan every word he
had said, for he was no sooner at home, than he was sent for by the
sultan, whom he found seated with Gomsoo and two others. He was
received with great kindness, and Gomsoo said he had made the sultan
acquainted with their conversation. Clapperton thanked him, and
expressed his earnest hope, that he had neither done nor said any
thing to offend him. The sultan assured him that his conduct had
always met with his approbation, and although he was freely disposed
to show him all the country, still he wished to do so with safety to
him. An army, he added, was at this moment ravaging the country,
through which he had to pass, and until he heard from it, it would be
unsafe to go, he expected, however, further information in three or
four days. He drew on the sand the course of the river Quarra, which
he informed Clapperton entered the sea at Fundah. By his account the
river ran parallel to the sea coast for several days' journey, being
in some places only a few hours, in others a day's journey distant
from it. After questioning Clapperton on some points connected with
the English trade, the sultan said, "I will give the king of England
a place on the coast to build a town, only I wish a road to be cut to
Rakah, if vessels should not be able to navigate the river."
Clapperton asked him, if the country which he had promised, belonged
to him. "Yes," said he, "God has given me all the lands of the
infidels." This was an answer that admitted of no contradiction.

The sultan informed Clapperton, that some timbers of Park's boat,
fastened together with nails, remained a long time on the rocks of
the river, and that a double-barrelled gun, taken in the boat, was
once in his possession, but it had lately burst. His cousin,
Abderachman, however, had a small printed book, taken out of the
boat; but he was now absent on an expedition to Nyffee. The other
books were in the hands of the sultan of Youri, who was tributary to
him. Clapperton told the sultan, if he could procure these articles
for the king of England, they would prove a most acceptable present,
and he promised to make every exertion in his power.

The direct road to Youri is only five days' journey; but on account
of the rebellious state of the country, it was necessary to take a
circuitous route of twelve days. Numbers of the principal people of
Sockatoo came to Clapperton, to advise him to give up the idea of
going, all alleging that the rains had already commenced it Youri,
and that the road was in the hands of their enemies. They repeated
the same tales to the servants who were to accompany him, and threw
them all into a panic at the prospect of so dangerous a journey.
Clapperton discovered also, that the Arabs were tampering with his
servants, and some of them absolutely refused to go, from some
information that was given to them, that, if they met with no
disasters on the route to Youri, the sultan there would assuredly
sell them, and that they would never be allowed to return.

The journey to Youri now appeared to engross the whole of
Clapperton's attention, and the sultan sent for him, to consult with
him about the guide, who was to accompany him to that place. One man
had already refused, and he had to tempt another with a promise of
forty thousand kowries unknown to the sultan, who kindly took much
pains to impress upon Clapperton the necessity of his return within
twenty-six days, on account of the capricious character of the people
of the place.

Clapperton now began to see that no chance existed of his prosecuting
his journey to Youri; but it must be admitted, that some of the
suspicions which he entertained were groundless, for the state of the
country was afterwards found to be, if possible, worse than had been
described; and the ravages of the Fellatas so terrible, that any one
coming from amongst them was likely to experience a very disagreeable
reception. Indeed it may be suspected, that the sultan must have been
a good deal embarrassed by the simplicity with which his guest
listened to his pompous boasting as to the extent of his empire, and
by the earnestness with which he entreated him to name one of his
seaports, where the English might land, when it was certain that he
had not a town which was not some hundred miles distant from the
coast. To prevent the disclosure of this fact, which must have taken
place, had Clapperton proceeded in that direction, might be an
additional motive for refusing his sanction. In short, it was finally
announced to Clapperton, that no escort could be found to accompany
him on so rash an enterprise, and that he could return to England
only by retracing his steps.

One morning, Clapperton was surprised at a visit from Ateeko, the
brother of the sultan, to whom he had sent a present of a scarlet
jacket, breeches, and bornouse. When he was seated, and the usual
compliments were over, Clapperton apologized, on the score of ill
health, for not having already paid him a visit. He now told him he
had a few things belonging to the Englishman who was at Musfeia with
the late Boo Khaloom, but as no person knew what they were, he would
gladly sell them to him, ordering his servant, at the same time, to
produce a bundle he held under his arm. The servant took from the
bundle a shirt, two pair of trousers, and two pieces of parchment
used for sketching by Major Denham. The only other articles, Ateeko
said, were a trunk, a broken sextant, and a watch; the latter had
been destroyed, as he alleged, in their ignorant eagerness to examine
its structure. He then invited Clapperton to visit him on the
following morning, when they might fix the price of what he wished to
buy, to which Clapperton assented; but on reconsidering the matter,
he thought it prudent first to consult the gadado, particularly as
the sultan had gone on an expedition, and was not expected to return
for five days. Clapperton began to fear lest a bad construction might
be put upon his visit to this mean prince, who, on the death of his
father, Bello the First, had aspired to the throne, and even had
himself proclaimed sultan in Sockatoo; from the mere circumstance of
his brother Bello, the present sultan, having expressed the
intention, during his father's lifetime, of resigning the splendour
of royalty for the tranquillity of a holy and learned life. Ateeko
had even the audacity to enter his brother's house, preceded by drums
and trumpets; and when Bello inquired the cause of the tumult, he
received the first intimation of his brother's perfidy in the answer,
"The sultan Ateeko is come." Bello, nowise disconcerted, immediately
ordered the usurper into his presence, when Ateeko pleaded, in
vindication of his conduct, his brother's proposed disinclination to
reign; to which the sultan only deigned to reply, "Go and take off
these trappings, or I will take off your head." Ateeko, with
characteristic abjectness of spirit, began to wring his hands, as if
washing them in water, and called God and the prophet to witness that
his motives were innocent and upright, since which time he has
remained in the utmost obscurity. According, however, to another
authority, Bello confined him to the house for twelve months, and
then a reconciliation took place between them. We are apt to speak of
the sovereigns of barbarous and uncivilized nations as deficient in
those virtues for which civilized sovereigns are or ought to be
distinguished; but we suspect that few of the latter would have acted
towards the usurper of his throne with the same magnanimity as was
displayed by the Fellata sovereign.

On visiting the gadado, he told Clapperton by no means to go to
Ateeko whilst the sultan was absent, as his visit at this juncture
might be regarded with a very jealous eye by the people, who would
not hesitate to charge him with a plot to place Ateeko on the throne,
by the assistance of England. The gadado undisguisedly expressed his
contempt at Ateeko's conduct, and assured him that it was entirely
without the sanction of the sultan.

On the return of the sultan from the army, permission was given to
Clapperton to purchase from Ateeko the sorry remains of Major
Denham's baggage; accompanied, therefore, by El Wordee, he went to
the prince's house, and after waiting for some time in the porch of a
square tower, they were introduced into an inner coozee, hung round
with blue and yellow silk, in sharp-pointed festoons, not unlike
gothic arches. Ateeko soon made his appearance, and after a few
compliments, they proceeded to business. He brought out a damaged
leathern trunk, with two or three shirts, and other articles of
dress, much the worse for wear, and the sextant and parchment already
mentioned. The former was completely demolished, the whole of the
glasses being taken out, or, where they could not unscrew them,
broken off the frame, which remained a mere skeleton. Ateeko seemed
to fancy that the sextant was gold, in which Clapperton soon
undeceived him; and selecting it, with the parchment and one or two
flannel waistcoats and towels, likely to be useful to Major Denham,
he offered the prince five thousand kowries, at which he appeared
much surprised and mortified. El Wordee whispered into Clapperton's
ear, "Remember he is a prince, and not a merchant." But Clapperton
said, loud enough for his highness to hear, "Remember, that when a
prince turns merchant, he must expect no more than another man; and
as that is the value of the articles, it is a matter of indifference
to me whether I buy them or not." Ateeko frequently repeated his
belief of the sextant being gold; but at length the bargain seemed to
be concluded, and Clapperton requested the prince to send a slave to
his house with the articles he had picked out, to whom also he would
pay the money. The slave, however, was recalled before he got
half-way, and his suspicious master took back the sextant-frame, in
dread of being overreached by the purchaser in its value, which
Clapperton did not fail to deduct from the price agreed on.

The prince stated, that he kept two hundred civet cats, two of which
he showed Clapperton. These animals were extremely savage, and were
confined in separate wooden cages. They were about four feet long
from the nose to the tip of the tail, and, with the exception of a
greater length of body and a longer tail, they very much resembled
diminutive hyenas. They are fed with pounded guinea corn and dried
fish made into balls. The civet is scraped off with a kind of muscle
shell every other morning, the animal being forced into a corner of
the cage, and its head held down with a stick during the operation.
The prince offered to sell any number of them which Clapperton might
wish to have; but he did not look upon them as very desirable
travelling companions. Ateeko was a little spare man, with a full
face, of monkey-like expression. He spoke in a slow and subdued tone
of voice, and the Fellatas acknowledge him to be extremely brave, but
at the same time avaricious and cruel. "Were he sultan," say they,
"heads would fly about in Soudan."

One evening, on paying the gadado a visit, Clapperton found him
alone, reading an Arabic book, one of a small collection he
possessed. "Abdallah," said he, "I had a dream last night, and am
perusing this book to find out what it meant. Do you believe in such
things?"

"No, my lord gadado. I consider books of dreams to be full of idle
conceits. God gives a man wisdom to guide his conduct, while dreams
are occasioned by the accidental circumstances of sleeping with the
head low, excess of food, or uneasiness of mind."

"Abdallah," he replied, smiling, "this book tells me differently." He
then mentioned, that, in a few days, the sultan was going on another
expedition, and wished him to join it; but that he preferred
remaining, in order to have a mosque, which was then building,
finished before the Rhamadan, lest the workmen should idle away their
time in his absence.

Previously to the sultan's departure, he sent Clapperton a present of
two large baskets of wheat, who now began to think seriously of
retracing his steps to Kano. He was sitting in the shade before his
door, with Sidi Sheik, the sultan's fighi, when an ill-looking
wretch, with a fiend-like grin on his countenance, came and placed
himself directly before Clapperton, who immediately asked Sidi Sheik
who he was. He immediately answered, "The executioner." Clapperton
instantly ordered his servants to turn him out. "Be patient," said
Sidi Sheik, laying his hand upon that of Clapperton; "he visits the
first people in Sockatoo, and they never allow him to go away without
giving him a few goora nuts, or money to buy them." In compliance
with this hint, Clapperton requested forty kowries to be given to the
fellow, with strict orders never again to cross his threshold. Sidi
Sheik now related a professional anecdote of Clapperton's uninvited
visitor. Being brother of the executioner of Yacoba, of which place
he was a native, he applied to the governor for his brother's
situation, boasting of superior adroitness in the family vocation.
The governor coolly remarked, "We will try; go and fetch your
brother's head." He instantly went in quest of his brother, and
finding him seated at the door of his house, without noise or
warning, he struck off his head with a sword at one blow; then
carrying the bleeding head to the governor, and claiming the reward
of such transcendent atrocity, he was appointed to the vacant office.
The sultan being afterwards in want of an expert headsman, sent for
him to Sockatoo, where, a short time after his arrival, he had to
officiate at the execution of two thousand Tuaricks, who, in
conjunction with the rebels at Goober, had attempted to plunder the
country, but were all made prisoners. It may be added, that the
capital punishments inflicted in Soudan are beheading, impaling, and
crucifixion; the first being reserved for Mahometans, and the other
two practised on pagans. Clapperton was told, that wretches on the
cross generally linger three days before death puts an end to their
sufferings. Clapperton was for some time delayed in completing his
arrangements for his departure from Sockatoo, on account of the fast
of the Rhamadan, which the Fellatas keep with extreme rigour. The
chief people never leave their houses, except in the evening to
prayer; and the women frequently pour cold water over their backs and
necks. Under the idea, that the greater the thirst they appear to
endure, the better entitled they become to paradise; though
Clapperton was inclined to believe that they made a parade of these
privations, in a great measure, to obtain the reputation of
extraordinary sanctity.

On the 2nd May, Clapperton sent for the steward of the gadado's
household, and all the female slaves, who had daily performed the
duty of bringing him provisions from the time of his arrival. These
provisions were about a gallon of new milk every morning, in a large
bowl, for himself, and two gallons of sour milk and siccory for his
servants at noon, in return for which he always gave fifty kowries;
at three o'clock three roast fowls, with doura or nutta sauce, for
which he sent fifty kowries; again after sunset two bowls of bozeen
were brought by two female slaves, to whom he gave one hundred
kowries; and about two quarts of new milk afterwards, for which he
gave fifty kowries more. As an acknowledgment for their attention
during his residence in Sockatoo, he now presented the steward of the
household with ten thousand kowries, and the slaves with two thousand
each. The poor creatures were extremely grateful for his bounty, and
many of them even shed tears. In the afternoon he waited upon the
sultan, who told him that he had appointed the same escort which he
had before, under the command of the gadado's brother, to conduct him
through the provinces of Goober and Zamfra, and that an officer of
the gadado, after the escort left him, should accompany him to
Zirmee, Kashna, Kano, and Katagun; the governor of which would
receive orders to furnish him with a strong escort through the Bedite
territory, and to deliver him safely into the hands of the sheik of
Bornou. He also mentioned that the letter for the king of England
would be ready the next day.

On the following day, Clapperton was visited by all the principal
people of Sockatoo, to bid him farewell, and in the evening he went
to take his leave of the sultan. He was, however, at the mosque, and
he had to wait about two hours before he came out. Clapperton
followed him at a little distance to the door of his residence, where
an old female slave took Clapperton by the hand and led him through a
number of dark passages, in which, at the bidding of his conductress,
he had often to stoop, or at times to tread with great caution, as
they approached flights of steps, whilst a faint glimmering light
twinkled from a distant room. He could not imagine where the old
woman was conducting him, who, on her part, was highly diverted at
his importunate inquiries. After much turning and winding, he was at
last brought into the presence of Bello, who was sitting alone, and
immediately delivered into his hands a letter for the king of
England. He had previously sent to Clapperton to know what were his
majesty's name, style, and title. He again expressed with much
earnestness of manner, his anxiety to enter into permanent relations
of trade and friendship with England, and reminded Clapperton to
apprise him by letter, at what time the English expedition would be
upon the coast. After repeating the fatah, and praying for his safe
arrival in England, and speedy return to Sockatoo, he affectionately
bade him farewell.

Clapperton went next to take his leave of his good old friend the
gadado, for whom he felt the same regard, as if he had been one of
his oldest friends in England, and he was certain it was equally
sincere on his side. The poor old man prayed very devoutly for his
safety, and gave strict charge to his brother, who was to accompany
Clapperton, to take especial care of him in their journey through the
disturbed provinces.

The town of Sockatoo lies in latitude 13° 4' 52" north, and longitude
6° 12' east, and is situated near the junction of an inconsiderable
stream, with the same river which flows past Zirmee, and which taking
its rise between Kashna and Kano, is said to fall into the Quarra
four days' journey to the west. The name in their language signifies,
a halting place, the city being built by the Fellatas, after the
conquest of Goober and Zamfra, as near as Clapperton could learn
about the year 1805. It occupies a long ridge, which slopes gently
towards the north, and appeared to Clapperton the most populous town
he had visited in the interior of Africa, for unlike most other towns
in Houssa, where the houses are thinly scattered, it is laid out in
regular well-built streets. The houses approach close to the walls,
which were built by the present sultan in 1818, after the death of
his father; the old walls being too confined for the increasing
population. This wall is between twenty and thirty feet high, and has
twelve gates, which are regularly closed at sunset. There are two
large mosques, including the new one which was then building by the
gadado, besides several other places for prayer. There is a spacious
market-place in the centre of the city, and another large square in
front of the sultan's residence. The inhabitants are principally
Fellatas, possessing numerous slaves. Such of the latter as are not
employed in domestic duties, reside in houses by themselves, where
they follow various trades; the master of course reaping the profit.
Their usual employments are weaving, house-building, shoemaking, and
iron work, many bring firewood to the market for sale. Those employed
in raising grain and tending cattle, of which the Fellatas have
immense herds, reside in villages without the city. It is customary
for private individuals to emancipate a number of slaves every year,
according to their means, during the great feast after the Rhamadan.
The enfranchised seldom return to their native country, but continue
to reside near their old masters, still acknowledging them as their
superiors, but presenting them yearly with a portion of their
earnings. The trade at Sockatoo is at present inconsiderable, owing
to the disturbed state of the surrounding country. The necessaries of
life are very cheap, butchers' meat is in great plenty and very good.
The exports are principally civet, and blue check tobes called
sharie, which are manufactured by the slaves from Nyffee, of whom the
men are considered the most expert weavers in Soudan, and the women
the best spinners. The common imports are goora nuts, brought from
the borders of Ashantee, and coarse calico and woollen cloth in small
quantities, with brass and pewter dishes, and some few spices from
Nyffee.

The Arabs from Tripoli and Ghadamis bring unwrought silk, attar of
roses, spices and beads; slaves are both exported and imported. A
great quantity of guinea coin is taken every year by the Tuaricks, in
exchange for salt. The market is extremely well supplied, and is held
daily from sunrise to sunset.

After encountering several difficulties, and experiencing some very
hair-breadth escapes, Clapperton arrived at Zirmee the capital of
Zamfra, a kind of outlawed city, the inhabitants of which are
esteemed the greatest rogues in Houssa, and where all the runaway
slaves find protection. He passed also through Kashna or Cassina, the
metropolis of a kingdom, which, till the rise of the Fellata power,
ruled over all Africa from Bornou to the Niger. In its present
subject and fallen state, the inhabited part does not cover a tenth
of the wide circuit enclosed by its walls, yet a considerable trade
is still carried on with the Tuaricks, or with caravans coming across
the desert by the route of Ghadamis and Suat. Here Clapperton met
with much kindness from Hadgi Ahmet, a powerful and wealthy Arab
chief, who even took him into his seraglio, and desired him, out of
fifty black damsels to make his choice, a complaisance, nothing
resembling which had ever before been shown by a Mussulman. The Arab
was so importunate, and appeared so determined that Clapperton should
have one of his ladies, that to satisfy him, he at length selected
the oldest of the groupe, who made him an excellent nurse in his
illness.

Lieutenant Clapperton rejoined Major Denham at Kouka, whence they set
out, and crossed the desert in the latter part of 1824. They reached
Tripoli in January 1825, and soon after embarked for Leghorn, but
being detained by contrary winds and quarantine regulations, did not
reach London until the following June.



CHAPTER XXV.

Having now completed our preparatory analysis of the principal
travels for the exploration of the interior of Africa, we proceed to
enter upon those in which Richard Lander was remotely or closely
connected, as the coadjutor or the principal, and to whose
perseverance and undaunted courage, we are indebted for some of the
most important information respecting the interior of Africa,
particularly in the solution of the great geographical problem of the
termination of the Niger. At the time when Lander was ransomed by
Captain Laing, of the Maria of London, belonging to Messrs. Forster
and Smith, the papers, which he had with him respecting the travels
which he had performed, as the servant of Captain Clapperton, who had
been promoted on his return from his first expedition, were not very
voluminous. In our personal intercourse with him, however, he
unreservedly dictated to us many interesting particulars respecting
his travels, whilst in the service of Captain Clapperton, which are
not to be found in his published narrative, and particularly of the
occurrences which took place at Whidah, in the kingdom of Dahomey, on
their passage through that territory, in fulfilment of the object of
their mission to sultan Bello of Sockatoo.

Although the second expedition of Clapperton is ostensibly published
under his name, yet it is generally known, that but for the
information given by Lander on his return, after the death of Captain
Clapperton, very little would have transpired relative to any
discoveries which had been made, or towards an elucidation of those
geographical and statistical objects, for which the expedition was
undertaken. We are therefore more disposed to award the merit where
it is most particularly due, for although in accordance with the
received notion, that whatever was accomplished in the second
expedition, is to be attributed to Clapperton, yet, from our private
resources, we are enabled not only to supply many deficiencies in the
published accounts of Clapperton's second expedition, gathered from
the oral communication of Lander himself, but also to give a
description of many interesting scenes, which throw a distinct light
upon the character of the natives, their progress towards
civilisation, and the extent of their commercial relations.

It may be remembered that when Clapperton took his leave of the
sultan at Sockatoo, he delivered into his hands a letter for the king
of England, in consequence of several conversations that had passed
between him and Clapperton, touching the establishment of some
commercial relations between England and the central kingdoms of
Africa. In that letter the sultan proposed three things:--the
establishment of a friendly intercourse between the two nations by
means of a consul, who was to reside at the _seaport_ of Raka; the
delivery of certain presents described, at the port of Fundah,
supposed to be somewhere near Whidah, and the prohibition of the
exportation of slaves, by any of the Houssa merchants, to Atagher,
Dahomy, or Ashantee.

No doubt whatever rested on the mind of Lander, that Clapperton was
in some respects made the dupe of the pride, pomposity, and deception
of the African sultan. It may be remembered that the sultan offered
him land on the sea coast, on which to form a settlement, when it was
subsequently discovered, that he was not in possession of an inch of
territory within several hundred miles of the sea; the _seaport_ of
Raka was nearly similar to Sancho Panza's Island Barrataria, it was
not to be found in any existing map, and it will be seen in the
sequel, that the people resident on the sea coast knew as little of
sultan Bello of Sockatoo, as he knew of them, although, according to
his own report, the greater part of the sea coast belonged to him.

On the arrival of Clapperton in England, Lord Bathurst, then
secretary of state for the colonies, conceived the proposals
contained in the sultan's letter, to afford a fair opportunity for
endeavouring to carry into effect objects of such considerable
importance, and Clapperton immediately volunteered his services for
the occasion. He had arranged with sultan Bello, that his messengers
should about a certain time be at Whidah, to conduct the presents and
the bearers to Sockatoo. Clapperton was allowed to take with him on
this novel and hazardous enterprise two associates, one of whom was
Captain Pearce of the navy, an excellent draughtsman, and the other
Dr. Morrison, a surgeon in the navy, well versed in various branches
of natural history; and at his particular request, a fellow
countryman of the name of Dickson, who had served as a surgeon in the
West Indies, was added to the list; Richard Lander accompanying
Captain Clapperton in the capacity of a servant.

The travellers embarked on board his majesty's ship Brazen, on the
25th August 1825, and arrived off Whidah on the 26th of the following
November. Mr. Dickson landed at Whidah, for reasons which do not
appear in the narrative of Clapperton's expedition, but which have
been fully stated to us by Lander, to whom we are indebted for the
information which we now lay before our readers of the kingdom of
Dahomy, its natives, customs, natural productions, and commercial
advantages.

Mr. Dickson, accompanied with a Portuguese of the name of De Sousa,
proceeded from Whidah to Dahomy, where the latter had resided for
some time. Here he was well received, and sent forward with a
suitable escort to a place called Shar, seventeen days' journey from
Dahomy, where he also arrived in safety, and thence proceeded with
another escort towards Youri, but has not since been heard of.

It was in consequence of the inquiries that were set on foot relative
to Mr. Dickson, that Lander obtained the following highly interesting
information relative to a part of Africa, which was at one time, the
emporium of the slave trade on the sea-coast, but the interior of
which was but very little known.

Whidah was once an independent kingdom, but in the year 1727 was
conquered by Guadja Trudo, the king of Dahomy. Grigwee, the present
capital, lies a few miles up from the sea coast, and may contain
about twenty thousand inhabitants. Dahomy, including the subjugated
districts, extends at least a hundred and fifty miles into the
interior, the principal town of which is Abomey, lying in about 3°
east longitude.

Dahomy produces in perfection all the immense variety of fine fruits
found within the torrid zone, and amongst others one of a most
singular quality. It is not unlike a ripe coffee berry, and does not
at first appear to have a superior degree of sweetness, but it leaves
in the mouth so much of that impression, that a glass of vinegar
tastes like sweet wine, and the sourest lemon like a sweet orange;
sugar is quite an unnecessary article in tea or coffee; in fact, the
most nauseous drug seems sweet to whomever chews this fruit, and its
effect is not worn away until after several meals. It is generally
called the miraculous berry, and whoever eats of it in the morning,
must be content at least for that day to forego the flavour of every
kind of food, whether animal or vegetable, for all will be alike
saccharine to the palate, and the most ridiculous effect is often
produced by playing tricks upon those, who are not aware of its
peculiar property. Lander himself was one of the dupes, and he
relates, that the first time he partook of one of these berries, he
thought himself under the influence of witchcraft--the fowl of which
he partook at dinner seemed to him as if it had been soaked in a
solution of sugar--the lime juice appeared to him as if it were mixed
with some saccharine matter--his biscuit tasted like a bun--and
although he was convinced that he had not put any sugar into his
grog, it seemed to him as if it had been sweetened by the first maker
of punch in his native country.

The beasts of prey are numerous and dangerous, and often commit great
havoc amongst the sheep, and other live stock, notwithstanding every
precaution to put them in a place of security at night. The tigers
and leopards are not contented with what they actually carry off, but
they leave nothing alive which comes within the reach of their
talons. During the residence of Lander in the country, a good mode of
astonishing a tiger was practised with success. A loaded musket was
firmly fixed in a horizontal position, about the height of his head,
to a couple of stakes driven into the ground, and the piece being
cocked, a string from the trigger, first leading a little towards the
butt, and then turning through a small ring forwards, was attached to
a shoulder of mutton, stuck on the muzzle of the musket, the act of
dragging off which, drew the trigger, and the piece loaded with two
balls, discharged itself into the plunderer's mouth, killing him on
the spot.

Elephants are common in Dahomy, but are not tamed and used by the
natives, as in India, for the purposes of war or burthen, being
merely taken for the sake of their ivory and their flesh, which is,
on particular occasions, eaten.

An animal of the hyena tribe, called by the natives tweetwee, is
likewise extremely troublesome; herds of these join together, and
scrape up the earth of newly-made graves, in order to get at the
bodies, which are not buried here in coffins. These resurrection men,
as Lander termed them, make, during the night, a most dismal howling,
and often change their note to one very much resembling the shriek of
a woman in some situation of danger or distress.

Snakes of the boa species are here found of a most enormous size,
many being from thirty to thirty-six feet in length, and of
proportional girth. They attack alike wild and domestic beasts, and
often human kind. They kill their prey by encircling it in their
folds, and squeezing it to death, and afterwards swallow it entire;
this they are enabled to do by a faculty of very extraordinary
expansion in their muscles, without at the same time impairing the
muscular action or power. The bulk of the animals which these
serpents are capable of gorging would stagger belief, were the fact
not so fully attested as to place it beyond doubt. The state of
torpor in which they are sometimes found in the woods, after a
_stuffing_ meal of this kind, affords the negroes an opportunity of
killing them. Lander informed us, that there is not in nature a more
appalling sight than one of these monsters in full motion. It has a
chilling and overpowering effect on the human frame, and it seems to
inspire with the same horror every other animal, even the strongest
and most ferocious; for all are equally certain of becoming victims,
should the snake once fasten itself upon them.

The religion of this country is paganism. They believe in two beings,
equal in power; the one doing good, the other evil; and they pray to
the demon to allow them to remain unmolested by the magicians, who
are constantly endeavouring to injure them.

In Whidah, for some unaccountable reason, they worship their divinity
under the form of a particular species of snake called daboa, which
is not sufficiently large to be terrible to man, and is otherwise
tameable and inoffensive. These daboas arc taken care of in the most
pious manner, and well fed on rats, mice, or birds, in their fetish
houses or temples, where the people attend to pay their adoration,
and where those also who are sick or lame apply for assistance.

The tiger is also an object of religious regard in Dahomy Proper; but
they deem it the safest mode of worship to perform their acts of
devotion to his skin only after death, which is stuffed for that
purpose.

The people of Whidah occasionally imagine themselves inspired by the
divinity, or, as they term it, are seized by the fetish; and in such
cases, it becomes necessary, from the frantic manner in which they
run about, to secure and place them under the charge of the
fetisheers, or priests, until this fit of inspiration be over, and
they become themselves again.

The political management of Whidah is entrusted to a viceroy, who is
called the Yavougah, or captain of the white men. This officer, at
the time of Lander's visit to the country, was a man of majestic
stature, and possessed an uncommon share of dignity, mingled with
complacency of manner. His dress was generally a large hat, somewhat
resembling that of a Spanish grandee, tastefully decorated, and a
piece of damask silk, usually red, thrown over one shoulder, like a
Scotch plaid, with a pair of drawers; but his arms and legs were
bare, except the bracelets of silver, which encircled the arm above
the elbow, with manillas of the same sort, and rows of coral round
the wrist.

When he had any message to deliver from the king, or other public
affairs to transact with the Europeans, it was done with much
ceremony and state; his guards, musicians, and umbrella-bearers, and
a numerous retinue, always attending him. The most polished courtier
of Europe could not have deported himself more gracefully on public
occasions than this man, or have carried on a conference with greater
ease and affability. He was master, besides his own, of the English,
French, and Portuguese languages, having resided from his birth
chiefly in the vicinity of the European forts, and in his younger
days had been much connected with them, officially as a linguist.

Although, therefore, he understood perfectly what was said to him by
the Europeans, who accompanied Lander, yet it was etiquette for the
viceroy to be spoken to through an interpreter, and it was often
amusing to see the bungling efforts of the latter in the performance
of a task, which the yavougah himself so much better understood, and
which he good humouredly, and in an under tone, assisted him to
complete. After the business of ceremony was finished, he laid aside
all formality, and conversed in a familiar manner upon general
subjects, the whole party joining convivially in a collation, or
repast, which was always served up on such occasions.

The government of Dahomy is, in the fullest sense of the word,
despotism. It is a monarchy the most unlimited and uncontrolled on
the face of the earth, there being no law but the king's will, who
may chop off as many heads as he pleases, when he is "i' the vein,"
and dispose of his subjects' property as he thinks fit, without being
accountable to any human tribunal for his conduct. He has from three
to four thousand wives, a proportion of whom, trained to arms, under
female officers, constitute his body-guards. As may naturally be
supposed, but a few of these wives engage his particular attention.

The successor to the throne is not announced during the king's
lifetime; but the moment his decease is known, the proclamation is
made with all possible despatch by the proper officers; for all is
murder, anarchy, and confusion in the palace until it takes place;
the wives of the late king not only breaking the furniture and
ornaments, but killing each other, in order to have the honour of
attending their husband to the grave.

The choice usually falls on the eldest son of the late sovereign's
greatest favourite, provided there exists no particular reason for
setting him aside. There seem to be no rank nor privileges annexed to
any branches of the royal family; the king, in his own person,
absorbing the undivided respect of the people. Those of his relations
whom his majesty may deign to patronise, will, of course, be more
noticed by their fellow-slaves; but are all alike the slaves of the
king.

His palace at Abomey is walled round, and consists, according to the
report of Lander and others, who had an opportunity of visiting its
interior, of numerous courts connected with each other, occupying, in
the whole, a space full as large as St. James' Park.

The first minister is called the _tamegan,_ and he is the only man in
the country whose head the king cannot cut off at pleasure. By some
ancient regulation, he who attains this rank has that very essential
part of his person secured to him, perhaps that he may honestly speak
his mind to the king, without fear of consequences. The second, or
mahou, is the master of the ceremonies, whose office it is to receive
and introduce all strangers, whether black or white, and also to take
care of them during their stay at court, and to see that they are
well fed and lodged, with all their attendants. The third officer in
the state is the yavougah of Whidah; and the fourth is the jahou, or
master of the horse, who is likewise the chief executioner, and has
the duty of superintending the numerous decapitations, which occur in
various ways.

There are entertained about the court a number of king's messengers,
called half-heads, because one side of their head is always shaved,
whilst the hair on the other is allowed to grow to its full length.
They are men, who have distinguished themselves in battle, and wear,
as the badge of their office, strings of the teeth of those enemies
they have actually killed with their own hands, slung round their
necks, like the collar of an order.

These extraordinary-looking couriers, when sent on any mission, are
never permitted to walk, but run at full speed, and are relieved at
certain distances on the road by relays of others, who push on in the
same manner, on receiving their orders, which they transfer from one
to the other with the greatest exactness. The general officers in the
Dahomian army are distinguished by large umbrellas, and when any of
that class are killed in action, they say figuratively, that, on such
an occasion, we lost so many umbrellas.

In delivering what is termed the king's word, the messenger, as well
as all those around him, fall prostrate on the ground, and cover
their heads with dust, or with mud, if it rains; so that they often
display very hideous figures, with their black bodies and the wool
of their heads thus bedaubed with red puddle.

The ministers of state, in communicating with the king, approach
within a certain distance of him, crawling on their hands and knees,
at last they prostrate themselves, kiss the ground, cover their heads
with dust, then make their speech, and receive his reply. His majesty
usually sits on public occasions, as he is represented in our
engraving, under a rich canopy, on a finely carved stool or throne,
surrounded by his women, some with whisks driving away the flies, one
with a handkerchief to wipe his mouth, and another on her knees,
holding a gold cup to spit in, as he smokes.

Their marriages, like those of most barbarous nations, are settled by
the bridegroom paying a certain sum for the woman, which is
calculated at the rate of one or more slaves, or moveable property in
shells, cloth, or other articles, to the amount of the specified
number of slaves. Polygamy is allowed to any extent, and it is
generally carried as far as the means of the gentlemen will admit,
as, after a short period, or honeymoon, the women are employee in the
fields and plantations, and usually are no better situated than the
common servants of their husbands.

Adultery is punished by slavery, or the value of a slave, by the
offender, and the lady likewise subjects herself to be sold, but it
is remarked that this measure is seldom resorted to, and it sometimes
happens that a handsome wife is repeatedly turned to advantage by her
husband, in alluring the unwary into heavy damages.

The state of women is upon the whole very abject in Dahomy. Wives
approach their husbands with every mark of the humblest submission.
In presenting him even with a calabash containing his food, after she
has cooked it, she kneels and offers it with an averted look, it
being deemed too bold to stare him full in the face. By their
constantly practising genuflexion upon the bare ground, their knees
become in time almost as hard as their heels.

A mutinous wife or a vixen, sometimes the treasure and delight of an
Englishman; the enlivener of his fireside, and his safeguard from
ennui, is a phenomenon utterly unknown in Dahomy--that noble spirit,
which animates the happier dames in lands of liberty, being here,
alas! extinguished and destroyed.

In most nations a numerous progeny is considered a blessing, as being
likely to prop the declining years of their parents, but in Dahomy,
children are taken from their mothers at an early age, and
distributed in villages remote from the places of their nativity,
where they remain with but little chance of being ever seen, or at
least recognized by their parents afterwards. The motive for this is,
that there may be no family connexion nor combinations; no
associations that might prove injurious to the king's unlimited
power. Hence each individual is detached and unconnected, and having
no relative for whom he is interested, is solicitous only for his own
safety, which he consults by the most abject submission. Paternal
affection, and filial love, therefore, can scarcely be said to exist.
Mothers, instead of cherishing, endeavour to suppress those
attachments for their offspring, which they know will be violated, as
soon as their children are able to undergo the fatigue of being
removed from them.

At a particular period of the year, generally in April or May, a
grand annual festival is held, which may with much propriety be
termed a _carnival._ On this occasion the chief magistrates or
caboceers of the different towns and districts, the governors of the
English, French, and Portuguese settlements, are expected to attend
at the capital, with their respective retinues; and the captains of
ships, and factors trading at Whidah, usually take this opportunity
of paying their respects to the king. A great part of the population,
in fact; repair to Abomey, which resembles some great fair, from the
number of booths and tents erected in it for various purposes.

It is at this time also that the revenue is collected; all the people
either bringing or sending their respective quotas to the royal
treasury. White men are received there with every mark of respect,
and even saluted by the discharge of cannon. There appears to be an
extraordinary mixture of ferocity and politeness in the character of
these people; though terrible and remorseless to their enemies,
nothing can exceed their urbanity and kindness to strangers.

Should any white person be taken ill at Abomey, the king sends the
mayhou, or some other great officer, to make daily inquiries about
the state of his malady, and desiring to know in what way he can
assist or promote his recovery.

Notwithstanding, the king exacts from his own subjects the most
humiliating and abject prostrations, on approaching his person, yet
he admits Europeans to his presence without the least scruple,
requiring only from them those marks of respect which they may think
fit to perform, in the style of salutation they have been accustomed
to in their own countries. They are allowed to be seated in his
company, and he personally pays them great attention. Cooks are
procured, who understand the mode of preparing European dishes; even
table cloths, with knives and forks, although never used by
themselves, are furnished, and in short every thing which can
contribute to their comfort, is provided with eastern hospitality.

They are likewise entertained with feasts, music, public dances,
processions of the king's women, and the exhibition of sports and
games.

But amidst this general enjoyment of festivity and mirth, deeds are
done from which the civilized mind recoils with horror, and which it
cannot contemplate without feeling an ardent desire, to see mankind
raised from that state of savage ignorance and superstition, which
leads to acts so monstrous and unnatural.

In order to _water_ with their blood the graves of the king's
ancestors, and to supply them with servants of various descriptions
in the other world, a number of human victims are annually sacrificed
in solemn form, and this carnival is the period at which these
shocking rites are publicly performed.

Scaffolds are erected outside the palace wall, and a large space
fenced in round them. On these the king, with the white strangers who
think proper to attend, are seated, and the ministers of state are
also present in the space beneath. Into this field of blood the
victims are brought in succession, with their arms pinioned, and a
fetisheer, laying his hand on the devoted head, pronounces a few
mystical words, when another man, standing behind, with a large
scymitar severs the sufferer's head from his body, generally at a
single blow, and each repetition of this savage act is proclaimed by
loud shouts of applause from the surrounding multitude, who affect to
be highly delighted with the power and magnificence of their
sovereign.

His bards, or laureats, join also at this time in bawling out his
strong names, (their term for titles of honour,) and sing songs in
his praise. These scenes are likewise enlivened by a number of people
engaged in a savage dance round the scaffolds; should the foot of one
of these performers slip, it is considered an ill omen; the
unfortunate figurante is taken out of the ring, and his head
instantly struck off, whilst the dance continues without
interruption, as if nothing unusual had occurred.

The people thus sacrificed are generally prisoners of war, whom the
king often puts aside for this purpose, several months previously to
the celebration of his horrid festival; should there be any lack of
these, the number is made up from the most convenient of his own
subjects. The number of these victims sometimes amount to several
hundred, but about seventy are the average number.

Their bodies are either thrown out into the fields, to be devoured by
vultures and wild beasts, or hung by the heels in a mutilated state
upon the surrounding trees, a practice exceedingly offensive in so
hot a climate. The heads are piled up in a heap for the time, and
afterwards disposed of in decorating the walls of the royal
_simbonies,_  or palaces, some of which are two miles in
circumference, and often require a renewal and repair of these
ornaments.

An anecdote is related of king Adahoouza, who, on a successful attack
upon Badagry, having a great number of victims to sacrifice, ordered
their heads to be applied to the above purpose. The person to whom
the management of this business was committed, having neglected to
make a proper calculation of his materials, had proceeded too far
with his work, when he found that there would not be a sufficient
number of skulls to adorn the whole palace; he therefore requested
permission to begin the work, as the lawyers would say, _de novo,_ in
order that he might, by placing them farther apart, complete the
design in a regular manner; but the king would by no means give his
consent to this proposal, observing that he would soon find a
sufficient number of Badagry heads to render the plan perfectly
uniform, and learning that a hundred and twenty seven were required
to complete this extraordinary embellishment, he ordered that number
of captives to be brought forth and slaughtered in cold blood.

On visiting the bed-chamber of Bossa Ahadee, the passage leading to
it was found to be paved with human skulls. They were those of his
more distinguished adversaries, captured at different times, and
placed in that situation that he might nightly enjoy the savage
gratification of trampling on the heads of his enemies. The top of
the little wall, which surrounded this detached apartment, was
adorned likewise with their jaw-bones. In some more civilized minds
there is an instinctive dread on viewing the remains of a human
being; but it cannot be laid to the charge of these savages, that the
fear of ghosts and hobgoblins forms any part of their character.

The immolation of victims is, however, not confined to this
particular period; for at any time, should it be necessary to send an
account to his forefathers of any remarkable event, the king
despatches a courier to the shades, by delivering his message to
whomsoever may happen to be near him, and then ordering his head to
be chopped off immediately; and it has not unfrequently happened,
that as something new has occurred to the king's mind, another
messenger, as Mr. Canning very justly observed of the postscript of a
letter, has instantly followed on the same errand, perhaps in itself
of the most trivial kind.

It is considered a high honour where his majesty personally
condescends to become the executioner in these feats of decapitation,
an office in which the king, at the time of the visit of Lander to
Abomey, considered himself as a most expert proficient. The Europeans
were present on one occasion, when a poor fellow, whose fear of death
outweighing the sense of the honour conferred on him, on being
desired by the king to carry some message to his father, who was in
the shades below, humbly declared on his knees that he was ignorant
of the way, on which the tyrant vociferated, "I'll show you the way,"
and with one blow made his head fly many yards from his body, highly
indignant that there should have been the least expression of
reluctance.

The performance of the annual sacrifice is considered a duty so
sacred, that no allurement in the way of gain, no additional price
which the white traders can offer for slaves, will induce the king to
spare even a single victim of the established number; and he is
equally inexorable with respect to the chiefs of his enemies, who are
never, on any account, permitted to live if they fall into his hands.

In illustration of the above, the following narrative is highly
characteristic, and serves at once to a clear exposition of the
savage and relentless feelings of the uncivilized negro. In a warlike
excursion towards the Mahee or Ashantee borders, an enemy's town was
surprised, and a great number of the inhabitants were either killed
or made prisoners; but especial care was taken that the head of the
prince of that district should be sent to Abomey, and that every
branch of his family should, if possible, be exterminated, for it was
one which had often given the Dahomian forces a great deal of
trouble. A merciless massacre, therefore, of these individuals took
place, in obedience to strict injunctions to that effect; and it was
believed that not one of the breed was left alive.

A youth, however, about seventeen years of age, one of the sons of
the obnoxious prince, had managed to conceal his real quality, and
not being pointed out, succeeded in passing among the crowd of
prisoners to the Dahomian capital, where, after selecting that
portion thought necessary for the ensuing sacrifices, the captors
sent the remainder to Grigwee, to be sold at the factories. This
young man happened to be purchased by Mr. M'Leod, and he lived
thenceforth in the fort, as a sort of general rendezvous, or trunk,
as it is called, for those belonging to that department.

In a short time after this transaction, it some how transpired at
Abomey that there yet lived the remnant of the enemy's family, and in
order to trace him out, the king fell upon a scheme, which strongly
displays that species of cunning and artifice so often observed among
savages.

Some of his half-heads, who may very appropriately be termed his
mortal messengers, in contradistinction to the immortals sent to the
shades, arrived at the fort, and, with the Coke, a stern and
hardhearted villain, who, in the absence of the yavougah, was the
next caboceer, demanded admittance in the king's name, prostrating
themselves as usual, and covering their heads with dust. On
entering, they proceeded immediately to that quarter where the slaves
were, and repeated the ceremony of kissing the ground before they
spoke the _king's word,_ that is to say, delivered his message. The
Coke then made a long harangue, the purport of which was to signify
the king's regret that animosity should have so long existed between
him and the chief of that country which he had just despoiled, and to
express his sorrow for the fate of a family, which had suffered from
his displeasure, through false accounts and misrepresentations. For
this reason, he was now most anxious to make every reparation in his
power to a son yet remaining of that prince, and would readily
re-establish him in the rank and possessions of his father, could he
only find him out. Completely duped by this wile, the unsuspecting
lad exultingly exclaimed, "I am the son of the prince!"--"Then,"
replied the Coke, with a hellish joy at having succeeded in his
object, "you are just the person we want." Upon which these
half-heads seized him, and began to bind his hands. Finding by this
time the real state of the case, which at first it was impossible to
comprehend, Mr. M'Leod strongly protested against their seizing a
slave whom he had regularly purchased, and complained loudly of the
insult offered to the company's fort; but all in vain. He then
earnestly entreated them to offer the king his own price, or
selection of goods, and to beg as a favour from Mr. M'Leod, that he
might be spared, strongly urging the plea also, that, when once
embarked, he would be as free from every apprehension, respecting
him, as if he had killed him.

The Coke coolly replied, that Mr. M'Leod need not give himself any
further trouble to make any proposals, for he dared not repeat one of
them to the king; and, after an ineffectual struggle, Mr. M'Leod was
at last compelled to witness, with the most painful emotion, this
ill-fated youth dragged off in a state of the gloomiest despair, a
despair rendered more dismal from the fallacious glimpse of returning
happiness, by which he had been so cruelly entrapped.

The party not being able to obtain the slightest information
respecting Mr. Dickson, retraced their steps, and rejoined Captain
Clapperton in the river Benin, where they met with an English
merchant, of the name of Houston, who advised them by no means to
think of proceeding by that river, a circuitous track, and covered
with pestilential swamps; and more particularly as the king bore a
particular hatred to the English for their exertions in putting an
end to the slave-trade, nor did he, Mr. Houston, know how far, or in
what direction, that river might lead them. He recommended Badagry as
the most convenient point on the coast to start from, and he offered
to accompany them across the mountains to Katunga, the capital of
Youriba. His offer was accepted, and Lander's journal commences with
their starting from Badagry, on the 7th December. They were also
attended by a Houssa black, of the name of Pascoe, who had been sent
from one of the king's ships to accompany the late enterprizing
traveller Belzoni, as interpreter, in his last and fatal journey.

It appears, that during their stay at Whidah, every inquiry was made
after Bello and his messengers, but without the slightest success,
and equally so as to Funda and Raka, names never heard of on that
part of the coast. It is now known that these places are nearly two
hundred miles inland, and that Raka is not even on the banks of any
river, and that neither of them was then under the dominion of Bello.

Badagry, the capital of a small territory, is situated at the mouth
of the Lagos river, in latitude 6° 20', and is much frequented by the
Portuguese slave-merchants, who have five factories there. Canoes
being obtained, the party proceeded slowly up a branch of this river,
as far as the mouth of the Gazie creek, which comes from the
north-west, running through part of the kingdom of Dahomy, having its
rise in the country called Keeto. They ascended this creek for about
a mile and a half, and then landed on the western bank, at a place
called Bawie, where a market is held for the people of Badagry and
the adjacent towns. The very first night, they were guilty of a fatal
imprudence. The banks of both these streams are low and covered with
reeds; the soil a red clay mixed with sand; and the surrounding
country is covered with forests of high trees and jungle. Not a hum
of a single mosquito was to be heard. Every circumstance combined to
create an atmosphere fatal to animal life, and the consequence of the
unaccountable disregard of all precaution on the part of the
travellers was too soon apparent. The seeds of those diseases were
here sown, in the very first night of their journey, which speedily
proved fatal to two of the party, and had nearly carried off the
whole. How an old naval surgeon and two experienced naval officers
could commit such an imprudence, in such a climate, is to us most
surprising, when most dreadful consequences are well known to have
almost invariably resulted from such a practice in tropical climates,

On the 9th of December, they again slept in the open air, in the
market-place of Dagmoo, a large town, where they might have had as
many houses as they wanted. This reckless indifference to the
preservation of their health can only be accounted for on the
principle, that on an expedition attended by so many difficulties and
privations, it was deemed justifiable to attempt to inure the
constitution to the noxious influences of the climate, and to look
down with contempt upon any act which had the least tendency to
effeminacy, or a scrupulous attention to personal comfort. The
constitution of Clapperton was well known to have been of an iron
nature; it had already withstood the pestilential climate of some
parts of Soudan, in his previous travels, and, with that impression
upon his mind, he regarded, perhaps, with indifference, or more
likely with inattention, any effect which might arise from the marshy
and swampy country through which the party travelled in the
commencement of their journey. The disastrous sequel will, however,
soon manifest itself.

One morning, Captain Clapperton walked forward with Mr. Houston to
the town of Puka, the first place in the Youriba territory, where
they were civilly received, and they were visited by one of the Eyeo
war-chiefs, who came in state. He was mounted on a small horse, as
were two of his attendants; the rest of the cavalcade were on foot.
His dress was most grotesque, consisting of a ragged red coat, with
yellow facings, and a military cap and feather, apparently
Portuguese. He came curvetting and leaping his horse, until within
the distance of a hundred yards, when he dismounted, and, approaching
the travellers, seated himself down on the ground. Captain
Clapperton, by the hand of Lander, sent him his umbrella, as a token
that he wished him well, on the receipt of which the drums were
beaten, and hands were clapped and fingers cracked at a great rate.
It must be observed, that the latter motion is the method of
salutation practised by the natives of Dahomy and Eyeo. The chief now
came up to them, capering and dancing the whole of the way, and shook
them by the hand, a few of his attendants accompanying him. Lander
informed us that he was not on this occasion honoured by the salute
of the Eyeo chief, and he attributed it to the nigh notion which the
chief entertained of his own dignity and importance, and that it
would be in him an act of great condescension to notice an individual
who was evidently but a subordinate, and an attendant upon his
superior. He, however, did not hesitate to steal a handkerchief
belonging to Lander, which perhaps he considered to be also an act of
condescension in him. Like other great men, who sometimes speak a
great deal, without much meaning or sense being discoverable in their
oration, the Eyeo chief began his speech by saying that he was very
glad that he now saw a white man, and he doubted not that white man
was equally glad to see him, and then, pointing to the various parts
of his dress, he said, "This cloth is not made in my country; this
cap is of white man's velvet; these trousers are of white man's
nankeen; this is a white man's shawl; we get all good things from
white man, and we must therefore be glad when white man come to visit
our country." Although not cheered at the conclusion of his speech,
like other great speakers, yet, on the other hand, like them in
general, he appeared to be very well satisfied with himself; and
Captain Clapperton, by his demeanour, fully gave him to understand
that he fully approved of the sentiments which flowed from his lips,
and that they were perfectly worthy of a chief of the Eyeo nation.

The two men, who appeared next in authority to himself, were stout
good-looking men, natives of Bornou; they were dressed in the fashion
of that country, with blue velvet caps on their heads. Being
Mahometans, they could not be prevailed on to drink spirits, but the
captain and his men drank two drams.

They paid a visit to the caboceer, or chief man of the town, whom
they found seated in the midst of his elders and women. He was an
ancient, tall, stupid-looking man, dressed in a long silk tobe, or
long shirt; on his head was a cap, made of small glass beads of
various colours, surrounded with tassels of small gold-coloured
beads, and three large coral ones in front. The cap was the best part
of the man, for it was very neat; in his hand he held a fly-flapper,
the handle of which was covered with beads. After a number of
compliments, they were presented with goroo nuts and water. They told
him of their intention to proceed to Eyeo; that they were servants of
the king of England; and that they wanted carriers for themselves and
baggage.

The baggage, however, had not come up from the coast, and Captain
Pearce had to return to the beach and see after it. They remained
here for the night, and the old caboceer, their host, sent them a
present of a sheep, a basket of yams, and some firewood. But when,
the next morning, application was made to him for carriers, not a
single man could be obtained. After a great deal of palavering, the
Eyeo captain loaded his own people. They could not procure any
bearers for the hammocks, but they nevertheless set off, having only
one horse, which Captain Clapperton and Mr. Houston agreed to ride
alternately. The former, however, who had almost crippled himself the
preceding day, with a pair of new boots, and could only wear
slippers, became so galled by riding without a saddle, that he was
soon reduced to walk bare-foot, and whenever he crossed an ant path,
his feet felt as if on fire, these insects drawing blood from them
and his ankles.

After a most toilsome and distressing march, part of which wound
through thick and dark woods, the morning proved raw, cold and hazy;
the travellers had nothing to eat, and when at noon they reached the
town of Humba, Captain Clapperton had a slight fit of ague. On the
following day, bearers were with some difficulty procured, and he was
carried forward in a hammock. At Bedgie, which they reached on the
12th, Dr. Morrison became very unwell with symptoms of fever. This
place stands on the banks of a river about a quarter of a mile in
width, full of low swampy islands and floating reeds. On the 14th,
Captain Pearce and Richard Lander were taken ill.

They had by this, time reached Laboo, a town situated on a rising
ground, where the country begins to undulate in hill and dale. Its
distance from the coast is not specified, but it can hardly be so
much as fifty miles, as Lagos can be reached in one day by a
messenger, yet the journey had occupied the travellers no fewer than
seven days. The delay seems partly to have been occasioned by the
heavy baggage and stores, and by the difficulty of obtaining bearers.
The Eyeo people, as they were afterwards told, are unaccustomed to
carry hammocks, and they ought to have proceeded on horseback, in
fact, Lander did not hesitate to express himself in rather severe
terms, in regard to the manner in which the early part of the
expedition was conducted; for, had the plan been adopted of making
use of horses for the conveyance of the baggage, and not have allowed
themselves to be delayed by the difficulty of procuring human
assistance; had the whole party pressed forward to Laboo, and there
attempted to recruit their strength, it is highly probable that they
would have altogether escaped the poisonous effects of the miasmata.

The country thus far appears to have been an almost perfect level; in
some places swampy, for the most part covered with dense forests, but
partially cultivated, and very populous. Towns and villages were
numerous, and everywhere on the road they were met by numbers of
people, chiefly women, bearing loads of produce on their heads,
always cheerful and obliging, and delighted to see white men. At
Humba, the inhabitants kept up singing and dancing all night, in the
true negro style, round the house allotted to the white men. Their
songs were in chorus, and, as Lander expressed himself, "not unlike
some church-music that I have heard."

On leaving Laboo, they were attended for some distance by the
caboceer of the town, at the head of the whole population, the women
singing in chorus, and holding up both hands as they passed, while
groupes of people were seen kneeling down, and apparently wishing
them a good journey. The road now lay over an undulating country,
through plantations of millet, yams, and maize, and at three hours
from Laboo, led to Jannah, which was once a walled town, but the gate
and fosse are all that remain of the fortifications. It is situated
on a gentle declivity, commanding an extensive prospect to the
westward; to the eastward the view is interrupted by thick woods. The
inhabitants may amount to from eight hundred to a thousand souls. The
account which Lander gave us of the natives of this district was
highly favourable. He had only to complain of the eternal loquacity
of the women, by which he was exceedingly annoyed; in addition to
which, they appeared sometimes to be highly offended because, as he
was ignorant of their language, he very often committed the most
extraordinary blunders, in the answers which he gave by signs, and
which were wholly opposite to what they had every reason to expect,
from the significant language which they made use of. The women here
are, however, not much better treated than in more central Africa;
not only the domestic duties are performed by them, but in all
matters of industry the labour appears to be imposed upon them,
whilst their husbands or owners are loitering away their time,
telling unaccountable stories to each other, or sleeping under the
shade of some of the beautiful trees which adorn this part of the
country.

Very differently is it constituted with the canine species; for here
the dog is treated with respect, and made the companion of man; here
he has collars round his neck, of various colours, and ornamented
with kowries; he sits by his master, and follows him in all his
journeys and visits. The great man is never without one; and it
appeared to Lander that a boy was appointed to take care of him. In
no other country in Africa is this faithful animal treated with
common humanity.

The general character of the people of Eyeo appears to be good and
amiable, and, as a proof of their honesty, to which all the
travellers bore ample testimony, they had now travelled sixty miles
in eight days, with a numerous and heavy baggage, and about ten
different relays of carriers, without losing so much as the value of
a shilling, public or private; a circumstance evincing not only
somewhat more than common honesty in the inhabitants, but a degree of
subordination and regular government, which could not have been
supposed to exist among a people hitherto considered as barbarous. It
appears, however, that the Eyeo captain, Adamooli, had not quite so
high an opinion of their spontaneous honesty; for he told the
travellers, at Puka, to keep a good look-out after their things, as
the people there were great thieves.

In some branches of the arts they possess an extraordinary skill.
They are great carvers; their doors, drums, and every thing of wood
being carved. In the weaving of cloth and linen they also evinced
considerable skill. Eight or ten looms were seen at work in one
house; in fact it was a regular manufactory. Captain Clapperton
visited several cloth manufactories, and three dye-houses, with
upwards of twenty vats in each, all in full work. The indigo is of
excellent quality, and the cloth of a good texture; some of it very
fine. The women are the dyers, the boys the weavers, the men, in
general, lookers on. The loom and shuttles are on the same principle
as the common English loom, but the warp is only four inches wide.
They also manufacture earthen-ware, but prefer that of Europe, which
they obtain from Badagry. In walking through the town, the strangers
were followed by an immense crowd, but met with not a word nor a look
of disrespect. The men took off their caps as they passed, and the
women remained kneeling. The market was well supplied with raw
cotton, cloths, oranges, limes, plantains, bananas, onions, pepper,
and gums for soup, boiled yams, and acassous, a paste made of maize
and wrapped in leaves.

A country finely cleared, and diversified with hill and dale, extends
from Jannah to Tshow, distant two short stages. The route then again
entered upon a thickly-wooded tract, with only patches of corn land,
and the roads were dreadfully bad, being partially flooded by heavy
rains. Captain Clapperton here caught a fresh cold, and all the
patients became worse. Dr. Morrison, after being carried in a hammock
as far as Tshow, finding himself grow no better, was left behind,
under the charge of Mr. Houston, who was to see him safe back to the
coast. He, however, expired at Jannah on the 27th. On the same day,
at a town called Engwa, Captain Pearce breathed his last. On this
occasion, Captain Clapperton says, "The death of Captain Pearce has
caused me much concern; for, independently of his amiable qualities
as a friend and companion, he was eminently fitted by his talents,
perseverance, and fortitude, to be of singular service to the
expedition, and on these accounts I deplore his loss, as the greatest
I could have sustained, both as regards my private feelings and the
public service."

On the following morning, the remains of this lamented officer were
interred, in the presence of all the principal people of the town.
The grave was staked round by the inhabitants, and a shed built over
it. An inscription was carved on a board, and placed at the head of
the grave by Lander, Captain Clapperton being unable to sit up, or to
assist in any manner in the mournful ceremony. Thus did Captain
Clapperton see himself bereft of his comrades, and left to pursue his
journey in very painful and distressing circumstances, with only
Richard Lander as his servant, who stood by him in all his fortunes,
and Pascoe, not a very trusty African, whom he had hired at Badagry.
Two days after the interment of Captain Pearce,  Mr. Houston joined
Captain Clapperton from Jannah, bearing the intelligence of the death
of Dr. Morrison.

These unfortunate officers had been conveyed thus far, about seventy
miles, in hammocks, by the people of the country, every where
experiencing the kindest attention, lodged in the best houses, and
supplied with every thing that the country afforded. The fear,
however, that continually preyed upon the mind of Lander was
excessive; for the general appearance of Captain Clapperton indicated
that he would soon join his comrades in the grave; he was able
occasionally to ride on horseback, and sometimes to walk, but he was
greatly debilitated, and subject to a high degree of fever. By
anticipation, Lander saw himself a solitary wanderer in the interior
of Africa, bereft of all those resources with which Clapperton was
liberally supplied, and his only hope of deliverance resting on his
being able to accomplish his return to Badagry, literally as a
Christian mendicant. Lander describes the country between Badagry and
Jannah, the frontier town of the kingdom of Youriba, as abounding in
population, well cultivated with plantations of Indian corn,
different kinds of millet, yams, plantains, wherever the surface was
open and free from the noxious influence of dense and unwholesome
forests.

The old caboceer of Jannah was, according to the report of Lander, a
merry, jocose kind of companion. On one occasion, when he was
surrounded by a whole crowd of the natives, and was informed that the
English had only one wife, they all broke out into a loud laugh, in
which the women in particular joined immoderately. The vanity of this
old negro almost exceeded belief; during the ceremony of the
reception of Captain Clapperton and Mr. Houston, he changed his dress
three different times, each time, as he thought, increasing the
splendour of his appearance.

The whole court in which they were received, although very large, was
filled, crowded, and crammed with people, except a place in front,
where the august strangers sat, into which his highness led Captain
Clapperton and Mr. Houston, in each hand, followed by Lander, who,
ever and anon, first to the right, and then to the left, felt a
twitch at the tail of his coat, and on looking to ascertain the
cause, found it to have proceeded from the _fair_ hands of a
bewitching negress, who, casting upon him a look of irresistible
fascination, accompanied by a smile from a pair of huge pouting lips,
between which appeared a row of teeth, for which one of the toothless
grannies at Almack's would have given half her dowry, seemed to be
anxious of trying the experiment of how far the heart of an
Englishman was susceptible of the tender passion, especially when
excited by objects of such superlative beauty. It may be supposed
that neither Clapperton nor Houston had as yet taken any lessons in
the art and mystery of African dancing, and as to waltzing, neither
of them felt any great inclination to be encircled in the arms of a
negress, who, although she might be young and graceful in her
attitudes, had a scent about her of stinking rancid oil, which was
not very agreeable to the olfactory nerves of the delicate Europeans.
However, it was the etiquette of the court,--and every court, from
the Cape of Good Hope to the country of Boothia, that is, if a court
were ever held in the latter place,--is cursed with the ridiculous
forms of ceremony and etiquette; it must be repeated, that at the
court which his highness the caboceer of Jannah, in the plenitude of
his official importance, held at that place, it was a rule of
etiquette, that every stranger, of whatever rank or nation, should
choose for himself a partner, wherewith to dance an African fandango
or bolero; and it may be easily supposed that, when the Europeans
looked around them, and saw the African beauties squatting on their
haunches, or reclining, in graceful negligence, on banks of mud, a
great difficulty existed as to whom they should select to be their
partners in the African quadrille. We have ourselves been in a
ball-room where the beating of the female heart was almost audible,
when the object of its secret attachment approached to lead out the
youthful beauty to the dancing circle; and although it cannot be
supposed, that, on so short an acquaintance, the heart of any
beautiful negress palpitated at the approach of Captain Clapperton,
Mr. Houston, or the more timid and bashful Lander, yet it was evident
that the negresses, who were selected as their partners, testified
their unqualified delight at the honour conferred upon them by a
grin, which in a civilized country would be called a smile, but which
happened to be of that extent, as if nature had furnished them with a
mouth extending from ear to ear, similar to the opening of the jaws
of a dogger codfish. The Taglionis and Elsters of the court were
present; and although a latitude of a few degrees to the northward of
the line is not exactly suitable for pirouetting and tourbillons,
which, in a negress in a state of almost complete nudity, could not
fail to attract the doting eyes even of the bishop of London, or of
Sir Andrew Agnew, particularly on the Sabbath; yet, on this occasion,
the beauties of the court attempted to outvie each other in the
gracefulness of their attitudes, and the extraordinary height of
their salutations. There is very little doubt but that the _tout
ensemble_ would have formed an excellent subject for a Cruickshanks,
and particularly to take a sketch of the old black caboceer, sailing
majestically around in his damask robe, with a train-bearer behind
him, and every now and then turning up his old withered face, first
to one of his visitors, and then to the other; then whisking round on
one foot, and treading without ceremony on the shoeless foot of his
perspiring partner, then marching slow, with solemn gait, like the
autocrat of all the Russias in a polonnaise, then, not exactly
leading gracefully down the middle, but twining the hands of his
visitors in his, which had very much the appearance of a piebald
affair, showing at the same time an extraordinary inflation of pride,
that a white man should dance with him. But the fate of Lander was
the most to be commiserated; for although it might be the etiquette
of his country, that master and servant should not be quadrilling at
the same time, yet as no such distinction existed in the court of the
old caboceer of Jannah, as far as the sentiments of the female
beauties were concerned, poor Lander led the very devil of a life of
it. He certainly, as it would have been highly unbecoming in him, did
not solicit the hand of any of the expectant beauties, and therefore,
giving him all due credit for his extreme bashfulness and insuperable
modesty, they were determined to solicit his; he was first twirled
round by one beauty, then by another; at one moment he found himself
in a state of juxta position with the old caboceer; at another, his
animated partner was nearly driving him into a state of positive
collision with his own master; in fact he was, like Tom at Almack's,
putting the whole of the dancers into confusion, from his ignorance
of the intricacies of the African dance, and his total inability to
compete with his partner in her gymnastic evolutions. One of the most
graceful movements, according to the opinion of the natives, consists
in a particular part of the body, situated, as the metaphysicians
would term it, _a posteriori,_ coming into contact with a similar
part of the body of the partner, with as much violence as the
physical strength of the female dancer can effect; and if on any of
these occasions the equilibrium should be lost, and the weaker
individual laid prostrate upon the ground, the laugh then sounds
throughout the whole assembly, and the beauty is highly extolled, who
by her prowess could have so well effected the prostration of her
partner. Now it is very possible, that when a person knows of an evil
coming over him, he will be so upon his guard as to prevent any
disastrous consequences arising from it; but Lander not being aware
that any accident could befall him from any movement of the lady who
had selected him, much against his will, as her partner, was footing
it away very composedly and becomingly, when a tremendous blow was
inflicted on a certain part of the hinder portion of his body, which
being as irresistible as if it had come from a battering-ram of the
Romans, laid him prostrate on the floor, to the infinite delight of
all the fashionables of the court, particularly the female part, who
testified their joy by the utterance of the loudest laughs and
clapping their hands in an extacy of mirth. In fact, the travellers
entered into all the humours of the day, and thus, as Captain
Clapperton expressed himself, "cheered we our old friend, and he was
cheered."

The country between Tshow and Engwa, where the ground has been
cleared, is described by Lander as excessively beautiful, diversified
by hills and dales, a small stream running through each valley. All
the towns, however, are situated in the bosom of an inaccessible
wood. The approach is generally through an avenue, defended by three
stockades, with narrow wicker gates, and only one entrance. Beyond
Engwa, the state of the atmosphere becomes much improved, the country
being clear and gradually rising, and on the high grounds, large
blocks of grey granite cropped out, indicated their approach to a
range of primitive mountains. The plains were covered with the female
cocoa nut, and with long high grass. Walled towns occur at the end of
short stages, each containing from five to ten thousand inhabitants.
Those at which the travellers halted were called Afoura, Assula,
Assonda, and Chocho. At Afoura, the granite formation began to show
itself. Assula is surrounded with a wall and a ditch, and contains
about six thousand inhabitants. At these places, the travellers were
abundantly supplied with provisions, and regaled with dancing and
singing the whole night, by the apparently happy natives.

On leaving the town of Chocho, the road wound through beautiful
valleys, planted in many places with cotton, corn, yams, and bananas
and on the tops and hollows of the hills were perched the houses and
villages of the proprietors of these plantations. At this very time,
however, "a slaving war," was being carried on at only a few hours
ride from the route taken by the travellers; such is the withering
curse that hangs over the fairest regions of this devoted country.

The next stage from Bendekka to Duffoo, lay through mountain scenery
of a still wilder character. Rugged and gigantic blocks of grey
granite rose to the height of between six and seven hundred feet
above the valleys, which now contracted to defiles scarcely a hundred
yards in breadth, then widened to half a mile, and in one part the
route crossed a wide table land. The soil is rich, but shallow,
except along the fine streams of water which run through the valleys,
where large tall trees were growing. The sides of the mountains are
bare, but stunted trees and shrubs fill all the crevices. The valleys
are well cultivated with cotton, corn, and yams. This cluster of
hills is said to rise in the province of Borgoo, behind Ashantee, and
to run through Jaboo to Benin, in a direction from W.N.W. to E.S.E.
The width of the range is about eighty miles.

From a summit overlooking the town of Duffoo, a grand and beautiful
view was obtained of mountains, precipices, and valleys in every
direction. The top of the hill was covered with women grinding corn.
This mount might be almost called a large corn mill. Here and in
every other place, the king of Eyeo's wives were found trading for
his majesty, and like women of the common class, carrying large loads
on their heads from town to town. The town of Daffoo is said to
contain a population of 15,000 souls. On leaving it the road wound
between two hills, descending over rugged rocks, beneath impending
masses of granite, which seemed ready to start from their base, to
the destruction of all below. It continued to ascend and descend as
far as the town of Woza, which stands on the edge of a table-land,
gently descending, well cultivated, and watered by several streams.
The stage terminated at another fortified town called Chradoo,
containing upwards of seven thousand inhabitants.

On leaving this town on the following morning, they were attended by
the worthy caboceer, and an immense train of men, women, and
children; the women singing in chorus, whilst drums, horns, and
gongs, formed a barbarous and discordant accompaniment to their
agreeable voices. A difficult and dangerous road over broken rocks,
and through rugged passes, where the natives were perched in groups
to see the travellers pass, led in five hours to the large and
populous town of Erawa. Here they were received with drums, the
people as usual curious beyond measure, but very kind. The next day a
mountain pass led through a thickly populous tract, to a town called
Washoo, beyond which place they entered a second range of mountains,
more elevated and of a more savage character, than any they had
hitherto passed; they appeared as if some great convulsion of nature
had thrown the immense masses of granite in wild and terrific
confusion. The road through this mountain pass, according to the
information of Lander, was grand and imposing, sometimes rising
almost perpendicularly, then descending in the midst of rocks into
deep dells; then winding beautifully round the side of a steep hill,
the rocks above overhanging them in fearful uncertainty. In every
cleft of the hills, wherever there appeared the least soil, were
cottages, surrounded with small plantations of millet, yams, and
plantains, giving a beautiful variety to the rude scenery. The road
continued rising, hill above hill, for at least two miles, until
their arrival at the large and populous town of Chaki, situated on
the top of the very highest hill. On every hand, on the hills, on the
rocks, and crowding on the road, the inhabitants were assembled in
thousands, the women welcoming them with holding up their hands, and
chanting choral songs, and the men with the usual salutations, and
every demonstration of joy. The caboceer was seated on the outside of
his house, surrounded by his ladies, his singing men, and singing
women, his drums, fifes, and gong-gongs. He was a good-looking man,
about fifty years of age, with a pleasing countenance. His house was
all ready for the reception of the strangers, and he immediately
procured for them a large supply of goats, sheep, and yams, pressing
them strongly to stay a day or two with them. He appeared to consider
them as messengers of peace, come with blessings to his king and
country. Indeed a belief was very prevalent, and seems to have gone
before them all the way, that they were charged with a commission to
make peace wherever there was war, and to do good to every country
through which they passed. The caboceer of this town indeed told them
so, and said he hoped that they would be enabled to settle the war
with the Nyffee people and the Fellatas, and the rebellion of the
Houssa slaves, who had risen against the king of Yariba. When Lander
shook hands with him, he passed his hand over the heads of his
chiefs, as confirming on them a white man's blessing. He was more
inquisitive and more communicative than any one whom they had yet
seen. He sat until nearly midnight, talking and inquiring about
England. On asking, if he would send one of his sons to see England,
he rose up with alacrity, and said, he would go himself. He inquired
how many wives an Englishman had. On being told only one, he seemed
much astonished, and laughed greatly, as did all his people. "What
does he do," said he, "when one of his wives has a child? Our
caboceer has two thousand!!"

On leaving Chaka, the caboceer escorted them several miles, attended
by upwards of two hundred of his wives, _one_ of whom was young and
handsome. The country was now extremely beautiful, clear of wood, and
partly cultivated; and a number of Fellata villages were passed, the
inhabitants of which live here as they do in most other parts of
Soudan, a quiet and inoffensive pastoral life, unmolested by the
black natives, and not interfering with their customs.

The next stage led to Koosoo, the largest town they had yet seen,
surrounded with a double wall, and containing at least twenty
thousand people. This place appears to stand at the northwestern
termination of the granite range, the outer wall extending from some
rugged hills on the S.E., to a great distance in the plain. Here the
same favourable impression respecting the whites was found to prevail
as at Chaki. The walls were crowded with people, and the caboceer,
with his wives and head men, came forth to welcome the strangers. He
was glad, he said, to see white men coming to his country, and going
to see his king, adding that he never expected to see this day, and
that now all the wars and bad palavers would be settled. He presented
to them yams, eggs, a goat, a sheep, a fine fat turkey, and milk, and
a large pig was sent by the caboceer of a neighbouring town. The
country was described as being on every side full of large towns. Its
aspect continued through the next stage very beautiful, and well
cultivated. The route lay in a parallel line with the hills as far as
the town of Yaboo, and then entered a fine plain, studded with
Fellata villages, extending to Ensookosoo. At Sadooli, half an hour
further, the range of hills was seen bearing from E. by S. to S. The
well cultivated country continued as far as Aggidiba, but a
considerable change then took place in its general aspect. The road
led through a wood of low, stunted, scrubby trees, on a soil of
gravel and sand, and the destructive ravages of the Fellatas now
became apparent, in the half deserted towns and ruined villages.
Akkibosa, the next town, was large, and surrounded inside the walls
with an impenetrable wood. It was here that Lander again had the
melancholy prospect of seeing himself a lonely wanderer in the wilds
of Africa, for Captain Clapperton became worse than he had been since
leaving Badagry. The pain in his side was relieved by rubbing the
part with a piece of cord, after some Mallegeta pepper chewed had
been applied to it. But the caboceer of Adja gave our traveller some
medicine, which was far more efficacious. It tasted like lime juice
and pepper, and produced nausea to such a degree, that Clapperton was
unable to stand for half an hour after; he then suddenly got well,
both as to the pain in his side, and a severe diarrhoea, which had
troubled him for some time. The worthy caboceer, who had shown
himself such an adept in practical pathology, was of the same opinion
with others of his species, that a preventive is better than a
remedy; but were this principle to be acted upon by the medical
caboceers of the metropolis of England, we should not see them
driving in their carriages from 10 A.M. to 4 P.M. to convince a set
of dupes, that a few latinized words and hieroglyphics scrawled on a
scrap of paper,  which is to produce  for them a nauseous compound of
aperient drugs, are to save them from the jaws of death. Captain
Clapperton was in reality ill, and therefore the application of the
prescription of the scientific caboceer of Adja, was perhaps
advisable, on the ground that if it did not cure it would kill, but
the case was differently situated with Lander, for although his
health had sustained some severe shocks, yet it was good in
comparison to that of his master; but the prudent caboceer considered
that although he was not then actually ill, yet the possibility, and
even the probability existed that he might become so, and therefore
it was determined that the same medicine should be administered to
Lander, as had been done to his master. Lander, however, protested
that he did not stand in need of so potent a medicine, on the other
hand, the caboceer protested that he was a great fool to entertain
any such an opinion, and following the practice of the celebrated Dr.
Sangrado, Lander was obliged to undergo the purgatory of the
caboceer's medicine, and he was ready to admit that he did not feel
himself the worse for it after its effects had subsided. The town of
Adja is remarkable for an avenue of trees, with a creeping briar-like
plant ascending to the very tops, and hanging down so as to form an
impenetrable defence against every thing but a snake, and it is
impossible to burn it. Leaving their medical friend, the caboceer of
Adja, they proceeded to Loko, which is also a considerable walled
town; and on proceeding about four miles further, they came to a
groupe of three towns, one walled and two without walls, all bearing
the name of Soloo.

The approach to the town of Tshow was through a beautiful valley,
planted with large shady trees and bananas, having green plots and
sheets of water running through the centre, where the dingy beauties
of Tshow were washing their well-formed limbs, while the sheep and
goats were grazing around on their verdant banks. This state of
repose is stated, however, to be frequently disturbed by inroads from
the neighbouring kingdom of Borgho, the natives of which are
described as thieves and plunderers, and as the travellers were now
close on its borders, they thought it necessary to brush up their
arms.

In the evening, however, a caboceer arrived with a large escort of
horse and foot from Katunga, the capital of Youriba, and having
shaken hands with the travellers, immediately rubbed his whole body,
that the blessing of their touch might be spread all over him. The
escort was so numerous, that they ate up all the provisions of the
town. Every corner was filled with them, and they kept drumming,
blowing, dancing, and singing during the whole of the night.

On leaving this place, the road through which they passed was wide,
though woody, and covered by men on horseback and bowmen on foot; the
horsemen, armed with two or three long spears, hurrying on as fast as
they could get the travellers to proceed; horns and country drums
blowing and beating before and behind; some of the horsemen dressed
in the most grotesque manner; others covered all over with charms.
The bowmen had also their natty little hats and feathers, with the
jebus, or leathern pouch, hanging by their side. These men always
appeared to Captain Clapperton to be the best troops in this country
and that of Soudan, on account of their lightness and activity. The
horsemen, however, are but ill mounted, the animals are small and
badly dressed; their saddles so ill secured, and the rider sits so
clumsily in his seat, that any Englishman who ever rode a horse with
an English saddle, would upset one of them the first charge with a
long stick. The party were also attended by a great number of
traders. After passing over a granite ridge, commanding a beautiful
view of fine wooded valleys to the eastward, the road again crossed
the Moussa, running to the Quorra, which is only three days distant.

From the brow of a hill the great capital of Eyeo opened to the view,
on the opposite side of a vast plain bordered by a ridge of granite
hills, and surrounded by a brilliant belt of verdure. The approach to
Katunga is thus described by Clapperton: "Between us and it lay a
finely cultivated valley, extending as far as the eye could reach to
the westward, our view to the eastward intercepted by a high rock,
broken into large blocks, with a singular top, the city lying below
us, surrounded and studded with green, shady trees, forming a belt
round the base of a rocky mountain of granite, about three miles in
length, presenting as beautiful a view as I ever saw."

They entered the city by the north gate, accompanied by a band of
music, and followed by an immense multitude of men, women, and
children. After proceeding about five miles through the city, they
reached the residence of the king, who received them seated under a
verandah; the insignia of his state being two red and blue cloth
umbrellas, supported by large poles held by slaves. He was dressed in
a white tobe over another of blue; round his neck was a collar of
large beads of blue stone, and on his head the imitation of a
European crown in pasteboard, covered with blue cotton. The king's
people had some difficulty in clearing the way for the strangers
through the crowd, and sticks and whips were freely used, though
generally in a good-natured manner. When they had at last got as far
as the umbrellas, the space was all clear. The chiefs were observed
to be holding a parley with the king, which Clapperton conjectured to
relate to his being desired to perform the usual ceremony of
prostration. On this, Captain Clapperton told them, that the only
ceremony he would submit to was that of an English salute; that he
would take off his hat, make a bow, and shake hands with his majesty,
if he pleased. The ceremony of prostration is required from all.
The chiefs, who come to pay their court, cover themselves with dust,
and then fall flat on their bellies, having first practised the
ceremony, in order to be perfect, before a large fat eunuch. It is
also the court etiquette to appear in a loose cloth, tied under one
arm; no tobes, no beads, no coral, nor grandeur of any kind, must
appear, but on the king alone. In many points of the ceremonial, in
the umbrellas, the prostrations, the sticks and whips so
good-naturedly inflicted on the crowd, and the extraordinary
politeness practised by these people to each other, we have a
singular approximation to the customs of the celestial empire. The
theatrical entertainments, too, which are acted before the king, are
quite as amusing, and almost as refined, as any which his celestial
majesty can command to be exhibited before a foreign ambassador. The
king of Youriba made a point of the travellers staying to witness one
of these theatrical entertainments. It was exhibited in the king's
park, in a square place, surrounded by clumps of trees. The first
performance was that of a number of men dancing and tumbling about in
sacks, having their heads fantastically decorated with strips of
rags, damask silk, and cotton of variegated colours, and they
performed to admiration. The second exhibition was hunting the boa
snake by the men in the sacks. The huge snake, it seems, went through
the motions of this kind of reptile in a very natural manner, though
it appeared to be rather full in the belly, opening and shutting its
mouth in the most natural manner imaginable. A running fight ensued,
which lasted some time, till at length the chief of the bagmen
contrived to scotch its tail with a tremendous sword, when he gasped,
twisted up, and seemed in great torture, endeavouring to bite his
assailants, who hoisted him on their shoulders, and bore him off in
triumph. The festivities of the day concluded with the exhibition of
the _white devil,_ which had the appearance of a human figure in
white wax, looking miserably thin, and as if starved with cold,
taking snuff, rubbing its hands, treacling the ground as if
tender-footed, and evidently meant to burlesque and ridicule a white
man, while his sable majesty frequently appealed to Clapperton,
whether it was not well performed. After this, the king's women sang
in chorus, and were accompanied by the whole crowd.

The method of salutation is very singular. The king, for instance, on
saluting Captain Clapperton, lifted up his hands three times,
repeating, "Ako! ako!" (How do you do?) the women behind him standing
up and cheering them, and the men on the outside joined. It was
impossible to count the number of his ladies, they were so densely
packed, and so very numerous.

In a private visit subsequently paid to the travellers, the king
assured them that they were truly welcome; that he had frequently
heard of white men; but that neither himself nor his father, nor any
of his ancestors, had ever seen one. He was glad that white men had
come at this time, and now, he trusted, his country would be put
right, his enemies brought to submission, and he would be enabled to
build up his father's house, which the war had destroyed.



CHAPTER XXVI.

The city of Eyeo, in Houssa language, Katunga, the capital of
Youriba, is situated in latitude 8° 59' N., longitude 6° 12 E. It is
built on the sloping side and round the base of a small range of
granite hills, which, as it were, forms the citadel of the town. They
are formed of stupendous blocks of grey granite of the softest kind,
some of which are seen hanging from the summits in the most frightful
manner, while others, resting on very small bases, appear as if the
least touch would send them down into the valley beneath. The soil on
which the town is built is formed of clay and gravel, mixed with
sand, which has obviously been produced from the crumbling granite.
The appearance of these hills is that of a mass of rocks left bare by
the tide. A belt of thick wood runs round the walls, which are built
of clay, and about twenty feet high, and surrounded by a dry ditch.
There are ten gates in the walls, which are about fifteen miles in
circumference, of an oval shape, about four miles in diameter one
way, and six miles the other; the south end leaning against the rocky
hills, and forming an inaccessible barrier in that quarter. The
king's houses, and those of his women, occupy about a square mile,
and are on the south side of the hills, having two large parks, one
in front and another facing the north; they are all built of clay,
and have thatched roofs, similar to those nearer the coast. The posts
supporting the verandahs and the doors of the king's or caboceer's
houses are generally carved in has relief, with figures representing
the boa killing an antelope or a hog, or with processions of warriors
attended by drummers. The latter are by no means meanly executed,
conveying the expression and attitude of the principal man in the
groupe with a lofty air, and the drummer well pleased with his own
music, or rather deafening noise. There are seven different markets,
which are held every evening, being generally opened about three or
four o'clock. The chief articles exposed for sale are yams, corn,
calavances, plantains and bananas, vegetable butter, seeds of the
colocynth, which form a great article of food, sweetmeats, goats,
sheep, and lambs, also cloth of the manufacture of the country, and
their various instruments of agriculture. The price of a small goat
is from 1,500 to 2,000 kowries; 2,000 kowries being equal to a
Spanish dollar; a large sheep, 3,000 to 5,000; a cow, from 20,000 to
30,000; a horse, 80,000 to 100,000; a prime human being, as a slave,
40,000 to 60,000, about half the price of a horse!

The kingdom of Youriba extends from Puka, within five miles of the
coast to about the parallel of 10° N., being bounded by Dahomy on the
north-west, Ketto and the Maha countries on the north, Borgoo on the
north-east, the Quorra to the east, Accoura, a province of Benin, to
the south-east, and Jaboo to the south-west. These are the positions
of the neighbouring countries, as given by Lander, although it is
difficult to reconcile them with the map; Borgoo seems rather to be
north-east, Dahomy west and southwest, Jaboo and Benin south-east.
If Badagry be included in Youriba, the southern boundary will be the
Bight of Benin.

Dahomy, Alladah, Maha, and Badagry were claimed as tributaries; and
the king of Benin was referred to as an ally. The government is an
hereditary despotism, every subject being the slave of the king; but
its administration appears to have been for a long period mild and
humane. When the king was asked, whether the customs of Youriba
involved the same human sacrifices as those of Dahomy, his majesty
shook his head, shrugged up his shoulders, and exclaimed, "No, no! no
king of Youriba could sacrifice human beings." He added, but probably
without sufficient grounds for the vaunt, that, if he so commanded,
the king of Dahomy must also desist from the practice; that he must
obey him. It is, however, stated, on the authority of Lander, that
when a king of Youriba dies, the caboceer of Jannah, three other head
caboceers, four women, and a great many favourite slaves and women,
are obliged to swallow poison, given by fetish men in a parrot's egg;
should this not take effect, the person is provided with a rope to
hang himself in his own house. No public sacrifices are used, at
least no human sacrifices, and no one was allowed to die at the death
of the last king, as he did not die a natural death, having been
murdered by one of his own sons, though the religion of the people of
Youriba, as far as it could be comprehended by the travellers,
consisted in the worship of one God, to whom they also sacrifice
horses, cows, goats, sheep, and fowls. At the yearly feast, all these
animals are sacrificed at the fetish-house, in which a little of the
blood is spilled on the ground. The whole of them are then cooked,
and the king and all the people, men and women attending, partake of
the meat, drinking copiously of pitto (the country ale). It is
stated, moreover, that it depends on the will of the fetish-man, or
priest, whether a human being or a cow or other animal is to be
sacrificed. If a human being, it is always a criminal, and only one.
The usual spot where the feast takes place is a large open field
before the king's houses, under wide-spreading trees, where there are
two or three fetish houses.

The usual mode of burying the dead in this country is, to dig a deep
narrow hole, in which the corpse is deposited in a sitting posture,
the elbows between the knees. A poor person is interred without any
ceremony; in honour of a rich man, guns are fired, and rum is drunk
over his grave, and afterwards in the house by his friends and
retainers. At the celebration of a marriage, pitto is circulated
freely amongst the guests. Wives are bought, and according to the
circumstances of the bridegroom, so is the price. The first question
asked by every caboceer and great man was, how many wives the king of
England, had, being prepared, it should seem, to measure his
greatness by that standard; but when they were told that he had only
one, (and, if they had felt disposed, they might have extended their
information, by telling the inquirers that she was too much for him,)
they gave themselves up to a long and ungovernable fit of laughter,
followed by expressions of pity and wonder how he could possibly
exist in that destitute condition. The king of Youriba's boast was,
that his wives, linked hand-in-hand, would reach entirely across the
kingdom. Queens, however, in Africa, are applied to various uses,
although in some countries at some distance to the northward, it is a
difficult question to solve, whether they be of any use at all,
except for the purpose of entailing an extraordinary expense upon the
people, who have to labour hard for the support of the royal
appendage, which is generally imported from a neighbouring country,
where pride, pauperism, and pomposity are particularly conspicuous.
It would be well for an admirer of queenship to take a trip to Eyeo,
to see to what uses queens can be applied; for there they are formed
into a body-guard, and their majesties were observed, in every part
of the kingdom, acting as porters, and bearing on their heads
enormous burdens, in which they again differ from the queens of the
more northern countries, where, fortunately for the natives of it,
they never _bear_ at all. The queens of Eyeo are, to all intents and
purposes, slaves, and so are also other queens; but then they are
slaves to foolish and ridiculous customs, to stiff starched
etiquette, and to ceremonies degrading to a rational being.

The Eyeos, like other nations purely negro, are wholly unacquainted
with letters, or any form of writing; these are known only to the
Arabs or Fellatahs, who penetrate thither in small numbers; yet they
have a great deal of popular poetry. Every great man has bands of
singers of both sexes, who constantly attend him, and loudly
celebrate his achievements in extemporary poems. The convivial
meetings of the people, even their labours and journeys, are cheered
by songs composed for the occasion, and chanted often with
considerable taste.

The military force of the kingdom consists of the caboceers and their
immediate retainers, which upon an average may be about one hundred
and fifty each, a force formidable enough when called out upon any
predatory excursion, but which would seem to be inadequate to the
defence of the territory, against the encroachments or inroads of the
Fellatahs, and other more warlike tribes. It was supposed by Captain
Clapperton that the army may be as numerous as that of any of the
kingdoms of Africa. No conjecture was offered as to the total
population, but nearly fifty towns occurred in the line of route,
each containing from six to seven thousand, and some fifteen to
twenty thousand souls, and from the crowds on the roads, the
population must be very considerable.

The Youribanies  struck the travellers as having less of the
characteristic features of the negro, than any other African race
which they had seen. Their lips are less thick, and their noses more
inclined to the aquiline shape than negroes in general. The men are
well made, and have an independent carriage. The women are almost
invariably of a more ordinary appearance than the men, owing to their
being more exposed to the sun, and to the drudgery they are obliged
to undergo, all the labours of the land devolving upon them. The
cotton plant and indigo are cultivated to a considerable extent, and
they manufacture the wool of their sheep into good cloth, which is
bartered with the people of the coast for rum, tobacco, European
cloth, and other articles. The medium of exchange throughout the
interior is the kowry shell, the estimated value of which has been
already given. Slaves, however, form the chief article of commerce
with the coast. A prime slave at Jannah is worth, sterling money,
from three to four pounds, according to the value set on the articles
of barter. Domestic slaves are never sold, except for misconduct.
His majesty was much astonished at learning that there are no slaves
in England. Upon the whole, the Youribanies appeared to be a gentle
and a kind people, affectionate to their wives and children, and to
one another, and under a mild, although a despotic government.

Among the domestic animals of this country, there are horses of a
very small breed, but these are scarce. The horned cattle are also
small near the coast, but on approaching the capital, they are seen
as large as those in England; many of them have humps on their
shoulders, like those of Abyssinia. They have also sheep, both of the
common species, and of the African kind; hogs, muscovy ducks, fowls,
pigeons, and a few turkeys. "The people of Youriba," says Lander,
"are not very delicate in the choice of their food; they eat frogs,
monkeys, dogs, cats, rats, mice, and various other kinds of vermin. A
fat dog will always fetch a better price than a goat. Locusts and
black ants, just as they are able to take wing, are a great luxury.
Caterpillars are also held in very high estimation, they are stewed
and eaten with yams and _tuah._ Ants and locusts are fried in
butter." This statement of Lander, as far as regards the dog, is
somewhat at variance with the compliment paid to the Youribanies, for
their treatment of that faithful animal.

The hyena and the leopard are said to be very common, and the lion is
found in some parts, but monkeys were the only wild animals seen by
the travellers.

Although Clapperton and Lander remained at Katunga from January 23rd
to March 7th, and the mysterious Quorra was not more than thirty
miles distant to the eastward, he was not able to prevail upon the
king to allow him to visit it, but was always put off with some
frivolous excuse, and in these excuses, the old gentleman appears to
have been as cunning and as cautious as a Chinese mandarin; observing
at one time that the road was not safe; at another, that the Fellatas
had possession of the country, and what would the king of England say
if any thing should happen to his guest. The greatest difficulty was
experienced in getting away from Katunga, for his majesty could not
or would not comprehend why he should be in any hurry to depart, and
by way of an inducement, but which secretly might have a very
opposite effect to that which was intended, Clapperton and Lander
were both offered any wife they chose to select from his stock, and
if one were not sufficient, five or six might be selected; for
himself he had plenty, although he could not exactly tell their
number, but if Clapperton would stop, the experiment should be tried,
of how far they would reach hand to hand; even this gracious offer
appeared to have no influence upon the obstinate disposition of
Clapperton, he was determined to leave Katunga and reach Bornou
before the rains set in, but the king was equally determined that he
should not carry his project into execution, for, like all the other
African princes, he seemed disposed to make a monopoly of the
strangers who entered his territory. His majesty hinted that one
journey was well and fully employed in seeing the kingdom of Youriba,
and paying the required homage to its potent monarch.

It is curious how etiquette forms a part of every court, from a
latitude of 52° north, to one almost immediately under the equator,
and it must be admitted that if a school of instruction were
established at the former one, wherein the debutants might perfect
themselves in their various gestures and attitudes, we should not
behold such a number of awkward louts, and johnny raw's, as exhibit
themselves at the levee room of the king of the Guelphs. In the
capital of Eyeo, it is the custom of the court, for the monarch to
hold a levee twice a day, at six in the morning, and two in the
afternoon; rather hot work for the courtiers, perspiring in a
temperature of about 120°. The son of a Highland clansman, or of an
Irish bogtrotter, is ushered into the presence of his sovereign with
very little preliminary instruction; not so however with the more
refined and polished court of Katunga. There, before the legitimate
or illegitimate sons of royalty and nobility, or even of the
plebeians are introduced to the king, they are required to wait upon
the chief eunuch, a kind of African lord chamberlain, and before whom
they are required to practise their prostrations and genuflexions, so
as not to commit themselves in the presence of their august monarch.
The finished courtier at the court of the Guelphs, is known by the
grace with which he seizes the hand of royalty, to imprint upon it a
slobbering kiss; and the caboceer at the court of Katunga, is known
by the grace with which he covers himself with dust, and the
intensity of his homage is estimated according to the quantity of the
article which he throws over himself. It must have been a delectable
treat for the Europeans to have been present at one of these
academies of court etiquette, where the old and young were practising
their prostrations before the ugly antiquated eunuch, and who
hesitated not to give his pupils a kick, when any of them evinced an
extraordinary awkwardness in their attitudes. During the whole of the
time that the prostrations were practising, the attendants were
dancing in a circle, with now and then the interlude of a minuet by
one of the performers, in the course of which he would frequently
throw a somerset, as expert as old Grimaldi, and all this under a
burning tropical sun. These caboceers were dressed in robes of
leopard skin, hung round with tassels and chains, and in a short time
afterwards about twenty of them, in all their dirt and debasement,
stretched at full length before the king, stripped to the waist, and
vying with each other, which should have the most dust, and kiss the
ground with the greatest fervour. When any one speaks to the king, it
must be addressed to him through the eunuch, who is prostrated by the
side of his master.

On the 7th March, the travellers resumed their journey into the
interior, and retracing their steps to Tshow, reached at noon the
next day, the town of Algi, which was just rising from its ruins
after the Fellata, inroad of the preceding year. All the intermediate
villages had shared the same fate. Algi, according to the information
received, no longer belonged to Youriba, but to the sultan of Kiama.
It comprised three small villages, and before it was burnt down had
been of considerable size. These marauders have a singular mode of
setting fire to walled towns, by fastening combustibles to the tails
of pigeons, which, on being loosed, fly to the tops of the thatched
houses, while the assailants keep up a sharp fire of arrows, to
prevent the inhabitants from extinguishing the flames.

On the 11th, the travellers once more crossed the Moussa, which
formerly divided the kingdoms of Youriba and Borgoo. It was now dry
in a great many places, with a very rocky bed; when full, it is about
thirty yards in breadth, and flows with a very strong current. On the
other side, the road to Kiama lay through a flat country, thickly
wooded with fine trees, and inhabited by large antelopes. These
creatures are the most lively, graceful, and beautifully proportioned
of the brute creation. Wherever known, they have attracted the
attention and admiration of mankind from the earliest ages, and the
beauty of their dark and lustrous eyes affords a frequent theme to
the poetical imaginings of the eastern poets. The antelopes seen by
Lander are by the Dutch called springbok, and inhabit the great
plains of central Africa, and assemble in vast flocks during their
migratory movements. These migrations, which are said to take place
in their most numerous form only at the intervals of several years,
appear to come from the north-east, and in masses of many thousands,
devouring, like locusts, every green herb. The lion has been seen to
migrate, and walk in the midst of the compressed phalanx, with only
as much space between him and his victims as the fears of those
immediately round could procure by pressing outwards. The foremost of
these vast columns are fat, and the rear exceedingly lean, while the
direction continues one way; but with the change of the monsoon, when
they return towards the north, the rear become the leaders, fattening
in their turn, and leaving the others to starve, and to be devoured
by the numerous rapacious animals, who follow their march. At all
times, when impelled by fear, either of the hunter or beasts of prey
darting amongst the flocks, but principally when the herds are
assembled in countless multitudes, so that an alarm cannot spread
rapidly and open the means of flight, they are pressed against each
other, and their anxiety to escape compels them to bound up in the
air, showing at the same time the white spot on the croup, dilated by
the effort, and closing again in their descent, and producing that
beautiful effect from which they have obtained the name of the
springer or springbok.

Early on the 13th, the travellers were met by an escort from the
chief of Kiama, the capital of a district of the same name, and
containing thirty thousand inhabitants. Kiama, Wawa, Niki, and Boussa
are provinces composing the kingdom of Borgoo, all subject, in a
certain sense, to the sovereign of Boussa; but the different cities
plunder and make war on each other, without the slightest regard to
the supreme authority. The people of Kiama and of Borgoo in general
have the reputation of being the greatest thieves and robbers in all
Africa, a character which nothing in their actual conduct appeared to
confirm. The escort were mounted on beautiful horses, and forming as
fine and wild a looking troop as the travellers had ever seen.

By sultan Yarro himself the travellers were well received. He was
found seated at the porch of his door, dressed in a white tobe, with
a red moorish cap on his head, attended by a mob of people, all lying
prostrate, and talking to him in that posture. He shook hands with
Captain Clapperton, and after telling him who he was, and where he
wished to go, he said, "Very well; I have assigned a house for you;
you had better go and rest from the fatigues of your journey; a
proper supply of provisions shall be sent you." The travellers took
their leave, and repaired to the house prepared for them, which
consisted of three large huts inside a square; they had not been long
there, when a present arrived from Yarro, consisting of milk, eggs,
bananas, fried cheese, curds, and foofoo. The latter is the common
food of both rich and poor in Youriba, and is of two kinds, white and
black. The former is merely a paste made of boiled yams, formed into
balls of about one pound each. The black is a more elaborate
preparation from the flour of yams. In the evening, Yarro paid the
travellers a visit. He came mounted on a beautiful red roan, attended
by a number of armed men on horseback and on foot, and six young
female slaves, naked as they were born, except a fillet of narrow
white cloth tied round their heads, about six inches of the ends
flying out behind, each carrying a light spear in the right hand. He
was dressed in a red silk damask tobe, and booted. He dismounted and
came into the house, attended by the six girls, who laid down their
spears, and put a blue cloth round their waists, before they entered
the door. After a short conference, in which he promised the
travellers all the assistance they solicited, sultan Yarro mounted
his horse; the young spear-women resumed their spears, laying aside
the encumbrance of their aprons, and away they went, the most
extraordinary cavalcade, which the travellers had ever witnessed.
Their light form, the vivacity of their eyes, and the ease with which
they appeared to fly over the ground, made these female pages appear
something more than mortal, as they flew alongside of his horse, when
he was galloping, and making his horse curvet and bound. A man with
an immense bundle of spears remained behind, at a little distance,
apparently to serve as a magazine for the girls to be supplied from,
when their master had expended those they carried in their hands.

Here, as in other large towns, there were music and dancing the whole
of the night. Men's wives and maidens all join in the song and dance,
Mahommedans as well as pagans; female chastity was very little
regarded.

Kiama is a straggling, ill-built town, of circular thatched huts,
built, as well as the town-wall, of clay. It stands in latitude 9°
37' 33" N., longitude 5° 22' 56", and is one of the towns through
which the Houssa and Bornou caravan passes in its way to Gonga, on
the borders of Ashantee. Both the city and provinces are, as
frequently happens in Africa, called after the chief Yarro, whose
name signifies the boy. The inhabitants are pagans of an easy faith,
never praying but when they are sick or in want of something, and
cursing their object of worship as fancy serves. The Houssa slaves
among them are Mahommedans, and are allowed to worship in their own
way. It is enough to call a man a native of Borgoo, to designate him
as a thief and a murderer.

Sultan Yarro was a most accommodating personage, he sent his
principal queen to visit Captain Clapperton, but she had lost both
her youth and her charms. Yarro then inquired of Captain Clapperton,
if he would take his daughter for a wife; to which Clapperton
answered in the affirmative, thanking the sultan at the same time for
his most gracious present. On this, the old woman went out, and
Clapperton followed with the king's head-man, Abubecker, to the house
of the daughter, which consisted of several coozies, separate from
those of the father, and was shown into a very clean one; a mat was
spread, he sat down, and the lady coming in and kneeling down,
Clapperton asked her, if she would live in his house, or if he should
come and live with her; she answered, whatever way he wished, "Very
well," replied Clapperton, "as you have the best house, I will come
and live with you." The bargain was concluded, and the daughter of
the sultan was, _pro tempore,_ the wife of the gallant captain.

On the 18th, the travellers took their leave of sultan Yarro and his
capital, and the fourth day reached Wawa, another territorial
capital, built in the form of a square, and containing from eighteen
to twenty thousand inhabitants. It is surrounded with a good high
clay wall and dry ditch, and is one of the neatest, most compact, and
best walled towns that had yet been seen. The streets are spacious
and dry; the houses are of the coozie form, consisting of circular
huts connected by a wall, opening into an interior area. The
governor's house is surrounded with a clay wall, about thirty feet
high, having large coozies, shady trees, and square towers inside.
Unlike their neighbours of Kiama, they bear a good character for
honesty, though not for sobriety or chastity, virtues wholly unknown
at Wawa; but they are merry, good natured, and hospitable. They
profess to be descended from the people of Nyffee and Houssa, but
their language is a dialect of the Youribanee; their religion is a
mongrel mahommedism grafted upon paganism. Their women are much
better looking than those of Youriba, and the men are well made, but
have a debauched look; in fact, Lander says, he never was in a place
where drunkenness was so general. They appeared to have plenty of the
necessaries of life, and a great many luxuries. Their fruits are
limes, plantains, bananas, and several wild fruits; their vegetables,
yams and _calalow,_ a plant, the leaves of which are used in soup as
cabbage; and their grain are dhourra and maize. Fish they procure in
great quantities from the Quorra and its tributaries, chiefly a sort
of cat-fish. Oxen are in great plenty, principally in the hands of
the Fellatas, also sheep and goats, poultry, honey, and wax. Ivory
and ostrich feathers, they said, were to be procured in great plenty,
but there was no market for them.

It was at this place that Clapperton had nearly, though innocently,
got into a scrape with the old governor by coquetting with a young
and buxom widow, and, in fact, Lander himself experienced some
difficulty in withstanding the amorous attack of this African beauty;
for she acted upon the principle, that, as she could not succeed with
the master, there was no obstacle existing that she knew of, to
prevent her directing the battery of her fine black sparkling eyes
against the servant.

"I had a visit," says Clapperton, "amongst the number, from the
daughter of an Arab, who was very fair, called herself a white woman,
was a rich widow, and wanted a white husband. She was said to be the
richest person in Wawa, having the best house in the town, and a
thousand slaves." She showed a particular regard for Richard Lander,
who was younger and better-looking than Clapperton; but she had
passed her twentieth year, was fat, and a perfect Turkish beauty,
just like a huge walking water-butt. All her arts were, however,
unavailing on the heart of Lander; she could not induce him to visit
her at her house, although he had the permission of his master.

This gay widow appeared by no means disposed to waste any time by
making regular approaches, like those by which widow Wadman
undermined the outworks, and then the citadel of the unsuspecting
uncle Toby, but she was determined at once to carry the object of her
attack by storm.

The widow Zuma attempted in the first place to ingratiate herself
with the Europeans, by sending them hot provisions every day in
abundance, during their stay at Wawa. She calculated very justly,
that gratitude is the parent of love, and therefore imagined that as
the Europeans could not be otherwise than grateful to her, for the
delicacies, with which she so liberally supplied them, it would soon
follow as a natural consequence, that their hearts would overflow
with love; at all events it was not to be supposed, that both master
and man could remain callous to the potency of her corporeal charms.
Finding, however, that the hearts of the Europeans were much like the
rocks of her native land, perfectly impenetrable, she had recourse to
another stratagem, which is generally attended with success. In the
enlightened and civilized country of Europe, or at least in that part
of it called England, it is by no means an obsolete custom, for an
individual, who wishes to ingratiate himself with the object of his
affections, to bestow a valuable present on the waiting woman or
abigail, who is a great deal about her person, and the eulogiums
which she then passes upon the absent lover, are great and exuberant
in proportion to the extent of the bribe. A female, whoever she may
be, whether a Middlesex virgin, or a Wawa widow, delights not only to
have some one to whom she can speak of the object of her attachment,
but who will be continually speaking to her of him, and as it appears
that the female character is very nearly the same in the interior of
Africa, as in the latitude of London, it is by no means a matter of
surprise, that the amorous widow enlisted Pascoe, the black servant
of Clapperton, in her cause, by offering him in the way of a bribe, a
handsome female slave as a wife, if he would manage to bring about an
interview at her own house, between either Clapperton or Lander,
expressing herself at the same time not to be very particular as to
which of the two this interview was obtained with. Clapperton it
appears had greater confidence in himself than Lander could boast of,
and the former considering himself proof against all the arts and
fascinations of the widow, and wishing at the same time to see the
interior arrangement of her house, he determined to pay her a visit.
He found her house large, and full of male and female slaves, the
males lying about the outer huts, the females more in the interior.
In the centre of the huts was a square one, of large dimensions,
surrounded by a verandah, with screens of matting all round, except
in one place, where there was hung a tanned bullock's hide; to this
spot he was led up, and on its being drawn on one side, he saw the
lady sitting cross-legged on a small Turkey carpet, like one of our
hearth-rugs, a large leathern cushion under her left knee; her goora
pot, which was an old-fashioned pewter mug, by her side, and a
calabash of water to wash her mouth out, as she alternately kept
eating goora and chewing tobacco snuff, the custom with all ranks,
male and female, who can procure them; on her right side lay a whip.
At a little distance, squatted on the ground, sat a dwarfish,
humpbacked female slave, with a wide mouth, but good eyes. She had no
clothing on, with the exception of a profusion of strings of beads
and coral round her neck and waist. This dwarfish personage served
the purpose of a bell in our country, and what, it may be supposed,
would in old times have been called a page. The lady herself was
dressed in a white coarse muslin turban, her neck profusely decorated
with necklaces of coral and gold chains, amongst which was one of
rubies and gold beads; her eyebrows and eyelashes were blackened, her
hair dyed with indigo, and her hands and feet with henna; around her
body she had a fine striped silk and cotton country cloth, which came
as high as her tremendous bosom, and reached as low as her ankles; in
her right hand she held a fan made of stained grass, and of a square
form. She desired Clapperton to sit down on the carpet beside her, an
invitation which he accepted, and in an alluring manner she began to
fan him, at the same time sending humpback to bring out her finery
for him to look at, which consisted of four gold bracelets, two large
paper dressing-cases with looking-glasses, and several strings of
coral, silver rings, and bracelets, with a number of other trifling
articles. After a number of compliments, and giving her favoured
visitor an account of all her wealth, he was led through one
apartment into another, cool, clean, and ornamented with pewter
dishes and bright brass pans. She now entered into the history of her
private life, commencing with bewailing the death of her husband, who
had now been dead ten years, during all of which time she had mourned
after him excessively. She had one son, the issue of her marriage,
but he was much darker than herself. With a frankness perfectly
commendable in an African widow, and wholly at variance with the
hypocritical and counterfeit bashfulness of the English one, the
widow Zuma at once exposed the situation of her heart, by declaring
that she sincerely loved white men, and as her visitor belonged to
that species, he saw himself at once the object of her affections,
and the envy of all the aspiring young bachelors of the town, who had
been for some time directing a vigorous attack against the widow's
heart. The denouement of an English court-ship is frequently
distinguished by an elopement; but although it was the last of
Clapperton's thoughts to run away with such an unwieldy mass of human
flesh, yet she very delicately proposed to him, that she would send
for a malem, or man of learning, who should read the fetah to them,
or, in other words, that no time whatever should be lost in endowing
the widow Zuma with all claim, right, title, and privilege to be
introduced at the court of Wawa, or any other court in Africa, or
even at that time at the virtuous and formal court of queen Charlotte
of England, as the spouse of Captain Clapperton, of the royal navy of
Great Britain.

Clapperton was now convinced that the widow was beginning to carry
the joke a little too far, for she assured him, that she should
commence immediately to pack up all her property, and accompany him
to his native country, assuring him, at the same time, that she felt
within herself every requisite qualification to make him a good,
_active,_ and affectionate wife. Clapperton, however, was by no means
disposed to enter so suddenly into a matrimonial speculation, and he
began to look rather serious at the offer which was so unexpectedly,
but so lovingly made to him. This being observed by the widow, she
sent for her looking-glass, and after having taken a full examination
of herself, in every position which the glass would allow her, she
offered it to Clapperton, observing, that certainly she was a little
older than he was, but that circumstance, in her opinion, should not
operate as a bar to their matrimonial union. This was rather too much
for Clapperton to endure, and, taking the first opportunity, he made
his retreat with all possible expedition, determining never to come
to such close quarters again with the amorous widow.

On his arrival at his residence, Clapperton could not refrain from
laughing at his adventure with the African widow, and informed
Lander, that he had now an opportunity of establishing himself for
life; for although he had rejected the matrimonial advances of the
widow, there was little doubt, that, rather than not obtain a
husband, she would not hesitate to make the offer of her hand to any
other white man, who might present himself. Lander, however, was
still more averse from matrimony than his master, at least with the
African beauty; and although a frequent invitation was sent to him,
yet he very politely declined the acceptance of it, and therefore, as
far as the Europeans were concerned, the widow remained without a
husband.

Lander gives us no very flattering account of the character of the
inhabitants. In the town of Wawa, which is supposed to contain 20,000
inhabitants, he does not believe the virtue of chastity to exist.
Even the widow Zuma let out her female slaves for hire, like the rest
of the people of the town. Drinking is the prevailing vice amongst
all classes, nor is it confined to the male sex, for Clapperton was
for three or four days pestered by the governor's daughter, who used
to come several times during the day, painted and bedizened in the
highest style of Wawa fashion, but she was always half tipsy. This
lady, like the widow, had also a design upon the hearts of the
Europeans. On some of these occasions, she expressed her extreme
readiness to prolong her visit during the whole of the night, but
Clapperton informed her, that at night he was employed in prayer, and
looking at the stars, an occupation which she could not comprehend;
and further he told her, that he never drank any thing stronger than
_wa-in-zafir,_ a name which they give to tea, literally, however,
being hot water. Not being able to soften the obdurate heart of
Clapperton, nor to wean him from the unsociable habit of looking at
the stars at night, she always left him with a flood of tears.

In this part of Borgoo, as well as in the neighbourhood of Algi, and
in all the countries between them and the sea, that Lander passed
through, he met with tribes of Fellatas, nearly white, who are not
moslem, but pagan. "They are certainly," he says, "the same people,
as they speak the same language, and have the same features and
colour, except those who have crossed with the negro. They are as
fair as the lower class of Portuguese or Spaniards, lead a pastoral
life, shifting from place to place as they find grass for their
horned cattle, and live in temporary huts of reeds or long grass."

From Wawa there are two roads leading to the Fellata country, one by
Youri, the other through Nyffee. The former was reported to be
unsafe, the sultan of the country being out, fighting the Fellatas.
The latter crosses the Quorra at Comie, and runs direct to Koolfu, in
Nyffee. It was necessary, however, for Clapperton to proceed in the
first instance to Boussa, to visit its sultan, to whom all this part
of Borgoo is nominally subject. They were also particularly anxious
to see the spot where Park and his companions perished, and, if
possible, to recover their papers.

Leaving Wawa at daybreak on the 30th March, the travellers passed
over a woody country, and at length entered a range of low rocky
hills, composed of pudding stone. At the end of an opening in the
range was a beautiful sugar loaf mountain, overlooking all the rest,
and bearing from the village half a mile E. S. E. The name of Mount
George was given to it by Clapperton. The valleys were cultivated
with yams, corn, and maize; and on the same day the travellers
arrived at Ingum, the first village belonging to Boussa, situated on
the north-eastern side of the hills. At four hours from Ingum, they
halted at a village of the Cumbrie or Cambric, an aboriginal race of
kaffirs, inhabiting the woods on both sides of the river. About an
hour further, they arrived at the ferry over the Menai, where it
falls into another branch of the Quorra, and in about a quarter of an
hour's ride from the opposite bank, they entered the western gate of
Boussa. The walls, which appeared very extensive, were undergoing
repair. Bands of male and female slaves, singing in chorus,
accompanied by a band of drums and flutes, were passing to and from
the river, to mix the clay they were building with. Every great man
had his own part of the wall to build, like the Jews when they built
the walls of Jerusalem, every one opposite to his own house.

The city of Boussa is situated on an island formed by the Quorra, in
latitude 10° 14' N. longitude 6° 11' E. It stands nearest the
westernmost branch of the Menai, which is about twenty yards in
breadth, and runs with a slow and sluggish current. The place pointed
out to Lander as the spot where Park perished, is in the eastern
channel. A low flat island about a quarter of a mile in breadth, lies
between the town of Boussa and the fatal spot, which is in a line
from the sultan's house with a double trunked tree, with white bark,
standing singly on the low flat island. The bank, at the time of
Lander's visit, was only ten feet above the level of the stream,
which here breaks over a great slate rock, extending quite across to
the eastern shore, which rises into gentle hills of grey slate,
thinly scattered with trees.

The following statement of the circumstances attending the lamented
fate of Mr. Park, was given to the travellers by an eyewitness, and
together with all the information which they could collect, tallies
with the story, disbelieved at the time, which Isaaco brought back
from Amadi Fatooma. The informant stated "that when the boat came
down the river, it happened unfortunately just at the time that the
Fellatas had risen in arms, and were ravaging Goober and Zamfra; that
the sultan of Boussa, on hearing that the persons in the boat were
white men, and that it was different from any that had ever been seen
before, as she had a house at one end, called his people together
from the neighbouring towns, attacked and killed them, not doubting
they were the advanced guard of the Fellata army, then ravaging
Soudan, under the command of Malem Danfodio, the father of sultan
Bello. That one of the white men was a tall man, with long hair; that
they fought for three days before they were all killed, that the
people in the neighbourhood were very much alarmed, and great numbers
fled to Nyffee, and other countries, thinking that the Fellatas were
certainly coming amongst them; that the number of persons in the boat
were only four, two white men and two black; that they found great
treasure in the boat, but that the people had all died, who ate of
the meat that was found on board."

This meat according to another native informant, was believed on that
account to be human flesh, for they knew, it was added, that we white
men eat human flesh. Lander afterwards received the following
additional information from a mallam or priest, whom he met with at
Wawa, and who tendered it spontaneously. "The sultan of Youri advised
your countrymen to proceed the remainder of the way on land, as the
passage by water was rendered dangerous by numerous sunken rocks in
the Niger, and a cruel race of people inhabiting the towns on its
banks." They refused, however, to accede to this, observing that they
were bound to proceed down the Niger to the salt water. The old
mallam further observed, that as soon as the sultan of Youri heard of
their death, he was much affected, but it was out of his power to
punish the people, who had driven them into the water. A pestilence
reached Boussa at the time, swept off the king and most of the
habitants, particularly those who were concerned in the transaction.
The remainder fancying it was a judgment of the white man's God,
placed everything belonging to the Christians in a hut, and set it on
fire. It is not a little remarkable, that it is now a common saying,
all through the interior of Africa, "Do not hurt a Christian, for if
you do, you will die like the people of Boussa." On Clapperton
waiting on the sultan of Boussa, he was as usual very kindly
received; his first inquiry was concerning some white men, who were
lost in the river, some twenty years ago, near this place.

The sultan appeared rather uneasy at these inquiries, and it was
observed that he stammered in his speech. He assured both Clapperton
and Lander, that he had not any thing in his possession belonging to
the white men, and that he was a little boy when the event happened.
Clapperton told him that he wanted nothing but the books and papers,
and to learn from him a correct account of the manner of their death;
and, with the sultan's permission, he would go and visit the place
where they were lost. To this request, the sultan gave a decided
refusal, alleging that it was a very bad place. Clapperton, however,
having heard that part of the boat remained, inquired if such were
really the case; to which the sultan replied, that there was no truth
whatever in the report; that she did remain on the rocks for some
time after, but had gone to pieces and floated down the river long
ago. Clapperton told the sultan, that, if he would give him the books
and papers, it would be the greatest favour he could possibly confer
on him. The sultan again assured him, that nothing remained with him;
every thing of books or papers having gone into the hands of the
learned men; but that, if any were in existence, he would procure
them, and give them to him. Clapperton then asked him, if he would
allow him to inquire of the old people in the town the particulars of
the affair, as some of them must have witnessed the transaction. The
sultan appeared very uneasy, and as he did not return any answer,
Clapperton did not press him further at that time upon the subject.

Some unpleasant suspicions floating on the mind of Clapperton, he
took the first opportunity of returning to the subject, and on again
inquiring about the papers of his unfortunate countryman, the sultan
said, that the late iman, a Fellata, had had possession of all the
books and papers, and that he had fled from Boussa some time since.
This, therefore, was a death-blow to all future inquiries in that
quarter, and the whole of the information concerning the affair of
the boat, her crew, and cargo, was indefinite and unsatisfactory.
Every one, in fact, appeared uneasy when any information was
required; and they always stifled any further inquiry by vaguely
answering, that it happened before their remembrance, or they had
forgotten it, or they had not seen it. They, however, pointed out the
place where the boat struck and the unfortunate crew perished. Even
this, however, was done with caution, and as if by stealth, although
in every thing unconnected with that affair, they were most ready to
give the travellers whatever information they required, and in no
part of Africa were they treated with greater hospitality and
kindness.

The place where the vessel was sunk is in the eastern channel, where
the river breaks over a grey slate rock extending quite across it. A
little lower down, the river had a fall of three or four feet. Here,
and still further down, the whole united streams of the Quorra were
not above three-fourths the breadth of the Thames at Somerset-house.

On returning to the ferry, Clapperton found a messenger from the king
of Youri, who had sent him a present of a camel.

The messenger stated, that the king, before he left Youri, had shown
him two books, very large and printed, that had belonged to the white
men, who were lost in the boat at Boussa; that he had been offered
one hundred and seventy mitgalls of gold for them, by a merchant from
Bornou, who had been sent by a Christian on purpose for them.
Clapperton advised him to tell the king that he ought to have sold
them, for that he would not give five mitgalls for them; but that, if
he would send them, he would give him an additional present, and that
he would be doing an acceptable thing to the king of England by
sending them, and that he would not act like a king, if he did not.
Clapperton gave the messenger, for his master, one of the mock gold
chains, a common sword, and ten yards of silk, adding that he would
give him a handsome gun and some more silk, if he would send the
books. On asking the messenger, if there were any books like his
journal, which he showed him, he said there was one, but that his
master had given it to an Arab merchant ten years ago; the merchant,
however, was killed by the Fellatas, on his way to Kano, and what had
become of that book afterwards, he did not know.

Upon this, Clapperton sent a person with a letter to Youri. Mohammed,
the Fezzaner, whom he had hired at Tabra, and whom he had sent to the
chief of Youri for the books and papers of the late Mungo Park,
returned, bringing him a letter from that person, which contained the
following account of the death of that unfortunate traveller. That
not the least injury was done to him at Youri, or by the people of
that country; that the people of Boussa had killed them, and taken
all their riches; that the books in his possession were given him by
the iman of Boussa; that they were lying on the top of the goods in
the boat when she was taken; that not a soul was left alive belonging
to the boat; that the bodies of two black men were found in the boat,
chained together; that the white men jumped overboard; that the boat
was made of two canoes joined fast together, with an awning or roof
behind; that he, the sultan, had a gun, double barrelled, and a
sword, and two books, that had belonged to those in the boat; that he
would give the books whenever Clapperton went himself to Youri for
them, but not until then.

This is, however, not exactly what the sultan says, in his letter, of
which the following is a translation:--


"This is issued from the prince or lord of Yaoury to Abdallah, the
English captain--salutation and esteem. Hence your messenger has
arrived, and brought us your letter, and we understand what you
write; you inquire about a thing that has no trace with us. The
prince or lord of Boossy is older (or greater) than us, because he is
our grandfather. Why did you not inquire of him about what you wish
for? You were at Boossy, and did not inquire of the inhabitants what
was the cause of the destruction of the ship and your friends, nor
what happened between them of evil; but you do now inquire of one who
is far off, and knows nothing of the cause of their (the Christians')
destruction.

"As to the book, which is in our hand, it is true, and we did not
give it to your messenger; but we will deliver it to you, if you come
and show us a letter from your lord. You shall then see and have it,
if God be pleased; and much esteem and salam be to you, and prayer
and peace unto the last of the apostles!

"MAHOMMED"


This may be considered as the conclusion of the information which was
obtained respecting the fate of Park; although Clapperton expresses
it to be his opinion, but founded on very slender grounds, that the
journal of Park is yet to be recovered.

On leaving Boussa, Clapperton retraced his steps to the Cumbrie
villages, and then turned to the south-south-west to another of their
villages, named Songa, situated on the banks of the Quorra. About two
hours above Songa, there is a formidable cataract, "where," Lander
observes, "if Park had passed Boussa in safety, he would have been in
danger of perishing, unheard and unseen." An hour and a half below
Songa, the Quorra rushes with great force through a natural gap, such
it seems to be, between porphyritic rocks rising on each side of the
channel. Between Songa and this place, the river is full of rocky
islets and rapids, and these occur occasionally all the way down to
Wonjerque, or the king's ferry at the village of Comie, where it is
all in one stream, about a quarter of a mile in width, and ten or
twelve feet deep in the middle. This is the great ferry of all the
caravans to and from Nyffee, Houssa, and is only a few hours from
Wawa.

On reaching this ferry, Clapperton was told, that, so far from his
baggage having been sent on to Koolfu, it had been stopped at Wawa,
by order of the governor; but this extraordinary proceeding was in
some degree accounted for, as it appeared that although neither
Clapperton nor Lander would have any thing to do with the corpulent
widow Zuma, she was determined not to let them off so easily, and, to
their great surprise, the travellers heard that she was at a
neighbouring village, from which she sent them a present of some
boiled rice and a fowl, giving them, at the same time, a pressing
invitation to come and stop at her house. The governor's son informed
Clapperton, that his baggage would not be allowed to leave Wawa till
the widow Zuma was sent back. "What the d---l have I to do with the
widow?" asked Clapperton.--"You have," he replied; "and you must come
back with me and take her." Clapperton, however, refused, in the most
positive terms, to have any thing to do with or to say to her. At
this moment Lander returned from Boussa, whither he had followed his
master, to acquaint him with the detention of his baggage; all of
which was owing to the widow having left Wawa about half an hour
after he did, with drums beating before her, and a train after her,
first calling at his lodgings, before she waited on the governor.
It was also ascertained that she had given old Pascoe a female slave
for a wife, without having previously asked the governor's
permission. The widow had also intimated her intention to follow the
travellers to Kano, whence she would return to make war on the
governor, as she had done once before. "This," said Clapperton, "let
me into their politics with a vengeance; it would indeed have been a
fine end to my journey, if I had deposed old Mahommed, and set up for
myself, with a walking tun-butt for a queen." Clapperton, however,
determined to go back to Wawa, to release his baggage; and scarcely
had he got there, when the arrival of the buxom widow was announced,
her appearance and escort being as grand as she could make it, hoping
thereby to make an impression upon the flinty hearts of the
Europeans. The following is the description of her dress and
escort:-- Preceding her marched a drummer, beating the instrument with
all his power, his cap being profusely decked with ostrich feathers.
A bowman walked on foot, at the head of her horse, a long train
following, consisting of tall, strong men, armed with spears, bows,
and swords. She rode on a fine horse, whose trappings were of the
first order for this semi-civilized country; the head of the horse
was ornamented with brass-plates, the neck with brass bells, and
charms sewed in various coloured leather, such as red, green, and
yellow; a scarlet breast-piece, with a brass plate in the centre;
scarlet saddle-cloth, trimmed with lace. She was dressed in red silk
trousers and morocco boots; on her head a white turban, and over her
shoulders a mantle of silk and gold. For the purpose of properly
balancing her ponderous frame on the horse, she rode in the style of
the men, a-straddle; and perhaps a more unwieldy mass never pressed
upon the loins of an animal; had she, however, been somewhat younger,
and less corpulent, there might have been some temptation to head her
party, for she certainly had been a very handsome woman, and such as
would have been thought a beauty in any country in Europe.

The widow was summoned before the governor; went on her knees, and,
after a lecture on disobedience and vanity, was dismissed; but on
turning her back, she shook the dust off her feet with great
indignation and contempt; "and," says Clapperton, "I went home,
determined never to be caught in such a foolish affair in future."

The travellers, having secured their baggage, returned to the ferry,
and crossed the Quorra. They were now on the high-road to Koolfu, the
emporium of Nyffee. In the course of the first two stages, they came
to two villages full of blacksmiths' shops, with several forges in
each. They got their iron ore from the hills, which they smelt, where
they dig it. In every village they saw a fetish house in good repair,
adorned with painted figures of human beings, as also the boa, the
alligator, and the tortoise. The country is well cultivated with
corn, yams, and cotton; but the ant-hills were the highest the
travellers had ever seen, being from fifteen to twenty feet high, and
resembling so many gothic cathedrals in miniature.

In the afternoon of the third day, they crossed a stream called the
May Yarrow, opposite the town of Tabra, by a long narrow wooden
bridge of rough branches covered with earth, the first that they had
seen in Africa; it will not, however, bear a man and horse, nor can
two horses pass at once. Tabra, which is divided by the river into
two quarters, was at this time the residence of the queen-mother of
Nyffee, who was governor _ad interim_ during the absence of her son.
It may contain from eighteen to twenty thousand inhabitants, who,
with a few exceptions, are pagans, and they all, men and women, have
the reputation of being great drunkards. There are only a few
blacksmiths here, but a great number of weavers. The Houssa caravans
pass close to the north side of the town, but seldom enter it. Before
the civil war began, the Benin people came here to trade. The war,
which was still raging, originated in a dispute for the succession,
between Mohammed El Majia, the son of the queen-mother, who was a
moslem, and Edrisi, who was represented to be a pagan. The former was
supported by the Fellatas, whom the people of Nyffee cannot endure;
the other had the best right and the people on his side, but there
was little doubt of his being obliged to succumb.

Clapperton, accompanied by Lander, repaired to the camp, to pay his
respects to El Majia. He was found mounted on a good bay horse, the
saddle ornamented with pieces of silver and brass; the breastplate
with large silver plates hanging down from it, like what is
represented in the prints of Roman and eastern emperors on horseback.
He was a tall man, with a stupid expression of countenance, a large
mouth, and snagged teeth, which showed horribly, when he attempted a
smile. His dress consisted of a black velvet cap, with flaps over the
ears, and trimmed with red silk; a blue and white striped tobe, and
ragged red boots, part leather and part cloth; in his hand he bore a
black staff with a silver head, and a coast-made umbrella and sword
were carried by his slaves. Altogether his appearance was far from
being either kingly or soldier-like, and he displayed the most mean
degree of rapacity. He was the ruin of his country by his unnatural
ambition, and by calling in the Fellatas, who would remove him out of
the way the moment he is of no more use to them. Even then, he dared
not move without their permission. It was reported, and generally
believed, that he put to death his brother and two of his sons.
Through him the greater part of the industrious population of Nyffee
had either been killed, sold as slaves, or had fled from their native
country. Lander considered that it would have been an act of charity
to have removed him altogether.

The _sanson,_ or camp, was a large collection of bee-hive-shaped
huts, arranged in streets, and thatched with straw. But for the
number of horses feeding, and some picketed near the huts, the men
being all seen armed, and the drums beating, it might have been taken
for a populous and peaceful village. Here were to be seen weavers,
tailors, women spinning cotton, others reeling it off; some selling
_foofoo_ and _accassons,_ others crying yams and paste; little
markets at every green tree; holy men counting their beads, and
dissolute slaves drinking _wabum,_ palm wine. The king, when the
travellers went to take leave of him, was found in his hut,
surrounded by Fellatas, one of whom was reading the Koran aloud for
the benefit of the whole, the meaning of which not one of them
understood, not even the reader. It is by no means an uncommon
occurrence, both in Bornou and Houssa, for a man to be able to read
the Koran fluently, who does not understand a word in it but _Allah,_
and who is unable to read any other book.

On the 2nd of May the travellers left Tabra, and journeying along the
banks of the May Yarrow, crossed a stream running into it from the
north, and soon after entered the great market town of Koolfu.
Captain Clapperton, it would appear, was doomed to be brought into
contact with the rich widows of the country, for in this town he took
up his abode with the widow Laddie, huge, fat, and deaf, but reputed
to be very rich. She was a general dealer, selling salt, natron, et
cetera, et cetera, et cetera; but she was more particularly famous
for her _booza_ and _wabum._ The former is made from a mixture of
dourra, honey, chili-pepper, the root of a coarse grass on which the
cattle feed, and a proportion of water; these are allowed to ferment
in large earthen jars, placed near a slow fire for four or five days,
when the booza is drawn off into other jars, and is fit to drink. It
is very fiery and intoxicating, but is drunk freely both by moslem
and pagans. Every night, a large outer hut belonging to the widow,
was filled with the topers of Koolfu, who kept it up generally till
dawn, with music and drink. The former consisted of the erhab or Arab
guitar, the drum, the Nyffee harp, and the voice. Their songs were
mostly extempore, and alluded to the company present.

On the night of the travellers' arrival, the new moon was seen, which
put an end to the fast of Rhamadan. It was welcomed both by moslems
and kaffirs with a cry of joy, and the next day, the town exhibited a
scene of general festivity. Every one was dressed in his best, paying
and receiving visits, giving and receiving presents, parading the
streets with horns, guitars, and flutes, whilst groupes of men and
women were seen seated under the shade at their doors, or under
trees, drinking _wabum_ or _booza._

The women were dressed and painted to the height of Nyffee fashion,
and the young and the modest on this day would come up and salute the
men, as if old acquaintance, and bid them joy on the day; with the
wool on their heads dressed, plaited, and dyed with indigo; their
eyebrows painted with indigo, the eyelashes with khol, the lips
stained yellow, the teeth red, and their feet and hands stained with
henna; their finest and gayest clothes on; all their finest beads on
their necks; their arms and legs adorned with bracelets of glass,
brass, and silver; their fingers with rings of brass, pewter, silver,
and copper; some had Spanish dollars soldered on the back of the
rings; they too drank of the booza and wabum as freely as the men,
joining in their songs, whether good or bad. In the afternoon parties
of men were seen dancing, free men and slaves, all were alike; not a
clouded brow was to be seen in Koolfu. But at nine in the evening,
the scene was changed from joy and gladness to terror and dismay: a
tornado had just begun, and the hum of voices, and the din of the
people putting their things under cover from the approaching storm,
had ceased at once. All was silent as death, except the thunder and
the wind. The cloudy sky appeared as if on fire, each cloud rolling
onwards as a sea of flame, and only surpassed in grandeur and
brightness by the forked lightning, which constantly seemed to ascend
and descend from what was then evidently the town of Bali on fire,
only a short distance outside the walls of Koolfu. When this was
extinguished a new scene began, if possible, worse than the first.
The wind had increased to a hurricane. Houses were  blown down;
Roofs of houses going along with the wind like chaff, the shady trees
in the town bending and breaking; and in the intervals between the
roaring of the thunder, nothing was heard but the war cry of the men
and the screams of women and children, as no one knew but that an
enemy was at hand, and that they should every instant share in the
fate of Bali. At last the rain fell, the fire at Bali had ceased by
the town being wholly burnt down, and all was quiet and silent, as if
the angel of extermination had brandished his sword over the devoted
country.

Koolfu or Koolfie stands on the northern bank of the May Garrow, and
contains from twelve to fifteen thousand inhabitants, including
slaves. It is built in the form of an oblong square, surrounded with
a clay wall, about twenty feet high, with four gates. There are a
great number of dyers, tailors, blacksmiths, and weavers, but all
these, together with the rest of the townsfolk, are engaged in
traffic. There are besides the daily market, general markets every
Monday and Saturday, which are resorted to by traders from all
quarters: Youriba, Borgoo, Soccatoo, Houssa, Nyffee, and Benin.
The caravans from Bornou and Houssa, which halt at Koolfu a
considerable time, bring horses, natron, unwrought silk, silk cord,
beads, Maltese swords from Bengazi, remounted at Kano; clothes made
up in the moorish fashion, Italian looking glasses, such as sell for
one penny and upwards at Malta, tobes undyed, made in Bornou, khol
for the eyelids, a small quantity of attar of roses, much
adulterated, gums from Mecca, silks from Egypt, moorish caps, and
slaves. The latter who are intended for sale, are confined in the
house mostly in irons, and are seldom allowed to go out of it, except
to the well or river every morning to wash. They are strictly guarded
on a journey, and chained neck to neck, or else tied neck to neck by
a long rope of raw hide, and carry loads on their heads, consisting
of their master's goods or household stuff; these loads are generally
from fifty to sixty pounds weight. A stranger may remain a long time
in a town without seeing any of the slaves, except by accident or by
making a particular inquiry. Although professedly moslem, religion
had not yet moulded the society of the Koolfuans into the usual
gloomy monotony, nor had it succeeded in secluding or subjecting the
female sex, who on the contrary, were the most active agents in every
mercantile transaction. In the widow Laddie's house, no fewer than
twenty-one of these female merchants were lodged at the same time
that Clapperton and Lander took up their abode with her, and it may
be easily supposed, that the Europeans led a most pleasant life of
it. An African hut is by no means at any time an abode which an
European would covet, but in addition to the suffocating heat, the
mosquitoes, and many other nameless inconveniences, to be congregated
with twenty or thirty females, not carrying about them the most
delicious odour in the world, and making the welkin ring again with
their discordant screams, there denominated singing, is a
consummation by no means devoutly to be wished. In addition to other
nuisances, the organ of amativeness, as the phrenologists would have
it, was strongly developed in some of the skulls of the ladies, and
displayed themselves in their actions towards the Europeans, who not
being disposed to return their amorous advances, often made a
precipitate retreat out of the hut, not being aware at the time that
by avoiding Sylla, they ran a great risk of failing into Charybdis.
The widow Laddie, although huge, fat, and deaf, was by no means of a
cold, phlegmatic or saturnine disposition--many a wistful look she
cast towards Lander, but he either would not or could not comprehend
their meaning, and to punish him for his stupidity, she took care
that he should not comprehend any of the significant glances, which
were cast towards him by the more juvenile portion of the community.
To protect him from this danger, the kind widow attended him
whithersoever he went, to the great annoyance of Lander, who, in
order to escape from such a living torment, betook himself to a more
distant part of the town, or explored its vicinity, although very
little presented itself to attract his immediate attention.

The following is the manner in which the good people of Koolfu fill
up the twenty-four hours. At daylight, the whole household rise. The
women begin to clean the house, the men to wash from head to foot;
the women and children are then washed in water, in which has been
boiled the leaf of a bush called _bambarnia._ When this is done,
breakfast of cocoa is served out, every one having their separate
dish, the women and children eating together. After breakfast, the
women and children rub themselves over with the pounded red wood and
a little grease, which lightens the darkness of the black skin. A
score or patch of the red powder is put on some place, where it will
show to the  best advantage. The eyes are blacked with khol. The
mistress and the better-looking females stain their teeth, and the
inside of the lips, of a yellow colour, with goora, the flower of the
tobacco plant, and the bark of a root; the outer parts of the lips,
hair, and eyebrows are stained with _shunt,_ or prepared indigo. Then
the women, who attend the market, prepare their wares for sale, and
when ready, set off, ten or twelve in a party, and following each at
a stated distance. Many of these trains are seen, and their step is,
so regular, that if they had been drilled by a sergeant of the
foot-guards in England, they could not perform their motions with
greater exactitude. The elderly women prepare, clean, and spin cotton
at home, and cook the victuals; the younger females are generally
sent round the town, selling the small rice balls, fried beans, &c.,
and bringing  back a supply of water for the day. The master of the
house generally takes a walk to the market, or sits in the shade at
the door of his hut, hearing the news, or speaking of the price of
natron or other goods. The weavers are daily employed at their trade;
some are sent to cut wood, and bring it to market; others to bring
grass for the horses that may belong to the house, or to take to the
market to sell. A number of people at the commencement of the rainy
season, are employed in clearing the ground for sowing the maize and
millet, some are sent on distant journeys to buy and sell for their
master or mistress, and they very rarely betray their trust. About
noon, they return home, when all have a mess of the pudding called
_tvaki,_ or boiled beans. About two or three in the afternoon, they
return to their different employments, on which they remain until
near sunset, when they count their gains to their master or mistress,
who receives it, and puts it carefully away in their strong room.
They then have a meal of pudding, and a little fat or stew. The
mistress of the house, when she goes to rest, has her feet put into a
cold poultice of the pounded henna leaves. The young then go to dance
and play, if it be moonlight, and the old to lounge and converse in
the open square of the house, or in the outer _coozie,_ where they
remain until the cool of the night, or till the approach of morning
drives them into shelter.

The majority of the inhabitants of Koolfu are professedly
Mahommedans; the rest are pagans, who once a year, in common with the
other people of Nyffee, repair to a high hill in one of the southern
provinces, on which they sacrifice a black bull, a black sheep, and a
black dog. On their fetish houses are sculptured, as in Youriba, the
lizard, the crocodile, the tortoise, and the boa, with sometimes
human figures. Their language is a dialect of the Youribanee, but the
Houssa is that of the market. They are civil, but the truth is not in
them; and to be detected in a lie is not the smallest disgrace; it
only causes a laugh. The men drink very hard, even the Mahommedans
and the women are not particularly celebrated for their chastity,
although they succeeded in cheating both Clapperton and Lander; they
were not, however, robbed of a single article, and they were
uniformly treated with perfect respect. The people seem, indeed, by
no means devoid of kindness of disposition. When the town of Bali was
burned down, every person sent next day what they could spare of
their goods, to assist the unfortunate inhabitants. In civilized
England, when a fire takes place, thieving and robbery are the order
of the day, but during the conflagration at Bali, not an article was
stolen.

To their domestic slaves, they behave with the greatest humanity,
looking upon them almost as children of the family. The males are
often freed, and the females given in marriage to free men, or to
other domestic slaves. The food of the slave and the free is nearly
the same. The greatest man or woman in the country is not ashamed, at
times, to let the slaves eat of the same dish; but a woman is never
allowed to eat with a man. With a people, who have neither
established law nor government, it is surprising that they are so
good and moral as they are; it is true, they will cheat if they can,
but amongst the civilized nations, who have both laws and government,
cheating is by no means a rare occurrence, and by those too, who are
the loudest in the professions of their honesty and integrity.

The country round Koolfu is a level plain, well cultivated, and
studded with little walled towns and villages along the banks of the
May Yarrow, and of a little river running into it from the north.
Between the walled towns of Bullabulla and Rajadawa, the route passed
through plantations of grain, indigo, and cotton; the soil clay mixed
with sand, with here and there large blocks of sandstone, containing
nodules of iron and veins of iron-stone.

At five days from Koolfu, the route entered at the town of Wazo, or
Wazawo, the district of Koteng Koro, formerly included in Kashna; and
for another five days' journey through a rich and beautiful valley,
and over woody hills, the travellers reached Womba, a large walled
town, where the caravans both from the east and the west generally
halt a day or two, and where, as at Wazo, a toll is levied on
merchandise. The town stands on a rising ground, at the eastern head
of a valley watered by a small stream, having three bare rocky hills
of granite to the north, east, and south. The inhabitants may amount
to between ten and twelve thousand souls. The travellers were here
objects of much kindness; the principal people of the place sent
presents, and the lower ranks sought to obtain a sight of them by
mounting the trees which overlooked their residence. The Koran does
not seem to have much embarrassed these people; their only mode of
studying it was to have the characters written with a black substance
on a piece of board, then to wash them off and drink the water; and
when asked what spiritual benefit could be derived from the mere
swallowing of dirty water, they indignantly retorted, "What! do you
call the name of God dirty water?" This mode of imbibing sacred truth
is indeed extensively pursued throughout the interior of the African
continent.

On the second day from Womba, the travellers passed through another
large and populous town, called Akinjie, where also kafilas pay toll;
beyond which, the route lay for two days over a very hilly country,
for the most part covered with wood, and but little cultivated, till
they approached Guari.

This town, the capital of a district of the same name, formerly
included in Kashna, is built partly on a hill, and partly in a narrow
valley, through which runs a muddy stream, that is dry in summer;
this stream, the source of which is only a day's journey distant,
divides in one part the states of Kotong Kora and Guari, and falls
into the Kodonia in Nyffee. The district of Guari was conquered by
the Fellatas, in a short time after their rising, together with the
rest of Houssa. On the death of old Bello, the father of the then
reigning sovereign, these districts, with the greater part of Kashna,
joined in the towia, or confederacy, against the Fellatas. The chief
of Zamfra was the first to shake the spear of rebellion, and he was
soon joined by the natives of Goober, and the northern parts of
Kashna, by Guari and Kotong Kora, and at length by the states of
Youri, Cubbi, Doura, and the southern part of Zeg Zeg. The strength
of Youri is said to lie in the bravery of its inhabitants, and the
number of horse they can bring into the field, amounting to a
thousand. Clapperton was, however, disposed to place their real
strength in the hilly and woody nature of their country.

Futika, the frontier town of Zeg Zeg, was reached on the second day
from Guari; and at Zaria, where the travellers arrived on the fourth,
they found themselves in a city almost wholly peopled by Fellatas,
who have mosques with minarets, and live in flat-roofed houses. The
population is said to exceed that of Kano, and must contain above
fifty thousand inhabitants. A great number of the inhabitants are
from Foota Ronda and Foota Torra, the Foulahs and Fellatas being, in
fact, the same people. The people from the west professed to be well
acquainted with both the English and the French, and they rattled
over the names of the towns between Sierra Leone and the Senegal and
Timbuctoo. They were armed with French fusees, preferring the guns of
the French and the powder of the English.

The old city of Zaria was taken by the Fellatas, within a month after
they had made themselves masters of the provinces of Goober and
Zamfra, about thirty years ago. It took a siege of two days, when it
was evacuated by the sultan and the greater part of the inhabitants,
who took refuge in hills south and west, where they still maintain
their independence, though subject to the continual attacks of the
Fellatas. The old city is now known only by its ruined walls,
surrounding some high mounds, which were in the centre of the
enclosed area. The new city, built by the Fellatas, to the south-east
of the old, consists of a number of little villages and detached
houses, scattered over an extensive area, surrounded with high clay
walls. Near the centre of the wall stands the principal mosque, built
of clay, with a minaret nearly fifty feet high. On entering one of
the western gates, instead of finding houses, the travellers could
but just see the tops of some of them over the growing grain, at
about a quarter of a mile distance; all was walled fields full of
dhourra, with here and there a horse tethered in the open space.

The province of Zeg Zeg is the most extensive in the kingdom of
Houssa, and both Kashna and Kano were at one time tributary to its
sovereigns. The name of the country appears to be also given to the
capital, and is possibly derived from it. It must, however, be
observed that Lander mentions Zaria only by the name of Zeg Zeg.
Prior to the Fellata conquest, Islamism is said to have been unknown
in Zeg Zeg, and the southern part is still in the possession of
various pagan tribes, whose country is called Boushir or Boushi, that
is, the infidel country, and is said to extend to the ocean.

The country in the vicinity of the capital, Zaria, is clear of wood,
and is all either in pasture or under cultivation. Its appearance at
this season resembled some of the finest counties in England at the
latter end of April. It was beautifully variegated with hill and
dale, like the most romantic parts of England; was covered with
luxuriant crops and rich pastures, and produced the best rice grown
in any part of that continent. Rows of tall trees, resembling
gigantic avenues of poplar, extended from hill to hill. Zaria, like
many other African cities, might be considered as a district of
country surrounded with walls.

After passing several towns at the distance of short stages, the
travellers, on the fourth day from Zaria, entered, at the town of
Dunchow, the province of Kano. A highly cultivated and populous
country extends from this place to Baebaejie, the next stage. This
town stands in an extensive plain, stretching towards the north till
lost in the horizon. The two mounts inside the walls of Kano are just
distinguishable above the horizontal line, bearing north-east by
north. The hills of Nora are seen about ten miles east; to the south
are the mountains of Surem, distant about twenty-five miles, while to
the westward appear the tops of the hills of Aushin, in Zeg Zeg, over
which the route had passed. Small towns and villages are scattered
over the plain, and herds of fine white cattle were seen grazing on
the fallow ground. The inhabitants of Baebaejie, amounting to about
twenty or twenty-five thousand, are chiefly refugees from Bornou and
Waday, and their descendants, all engaged in trade. They appeared
cleanly, civil, and industrious. A broad and good road thronged with
passengers and loaded animals, led in another day's journey to Kano.



CHAPTER XXVII.

The travellers found the city of Kano in a state of dreadful
agitation. There was war on every side. Hostilities had been declared
between the king of Bornou and the Fellatas; the provinces of Zamfra
and Goober were in open insurrection; the Tuaricks threatened an
inroad; in short, there was not a quarter to which the merchants
durst send a caravan. Kano being nearly mid-way between Bornou and
Sockatoo, Clapperton left his baggage there, to be conveyed to the
former place on his return, and set out for the capital of the sultan
Bello, bearing only the presents destined for that prince. On his way
he found numerous bands mustering to form an army for the attack of
Coonia, the rebel metropolis of Ghoober. The appearance of these
troops was very striking, as they passed along the borders of some
beautiful little lakes, formed by the river Zirmie.

The appearance of the country at this season was very beautiful; all
the acacia trees were in blossom, some with white flowers, others
with yellow, forming a contrast with the small dusky leaves, like
gold and silver tassels on a cloak of dark green velvet. Some of the
troops were bathing; others watering their horses, bullocks, camels,
and asses; the lake Gondamee as smooth as glass, and flowing around
the roots of the trees. The sun, in its approach to the horizon,
threw the shadows of the flowering acacias along its surface, like
sheets of burnished gold and silver. The smoking fires on its banks,
the sounding of horns, the beating of their gongs and drums, the
blowing of their brass and tin trumpets; the rude huts of grass or
branches of trees, rising as if by magic, everywhere the calls on the
names Mahomed, Abdo, Mustafa, &c., with the neighing of horses, and
the braying of asses, gave animation to the beautiful scenery of the
lake, and its sloping, green, and woody banks. The only regulation
that appears in these rude feudal armies is, that they take up their
ground according to the situation of the provinces, east, west,
north, or south; but all are otherwise huddled together, without the
least regularity.

The sultan was himself encamped with the forces from Sockatoo,
whither the travellers repaired to join him, and they arrived just in
time to be eye-witnesses of a specimen of the military tactics and
conduct of these much-dreaded Fellatas. This curious scene is thus
described:--

After the mid-day prayers, all except the eunuchs, camel-drivers, and
such other servants as were of use only to prevent theft, whether
mounted or on foot, marched towards the object of attack, and soon
arrived before the walls of the city. Clapperton accompanied them,
and took up his station close to the gadado. The march had been the
most disorderly that could be imagined; horse and foot intermingling
in the greatest confusion, all rushing to get forward; sometimes the
followers of one chief tumbling amongst those of another, when swords
were half unsheathed, but all ended in making a face, or putting on a
threatening aspect. They soon arrived before Coonia, the town not
being above half a mile in diameter, nearly circular, and built on
the banks of one of the branches of the liver, or lakes. Each chief,
as he came, took his station, which, it was supposed, had been
previously assigned to him. The number of fighting men brought before
the town could not be less than fifty or sixty thousand, horse and
foot, of which the latter amounted to more than nine-tenths. For the
depth of two hundred yards, all round the walls, was a dense circle
of men and horses. The horse kept out of bow-shot, while the foot
went up as they felt courage or inclination, and kept up a straggling
fire with about thirty muskets and the shooting of arrows. In front
of the sultan, the Zeg Zeg troops had one French fusee; the Kano
forces had forty-one muskets. These fellows, whenever they fired
their muskets, ran out of bow-shot to load; all of them were slaves;
not a single Fellata had a musket. The enemy kept up a slow and sure
fight, seldom throwing away their arrows, until they saw an
opportunity of letting fly with effect. Now and then a single
horseman would gallop up to the ditch, and brandish his spear, the
rider taking care to cover himself with his large leathern shield,
and return as fast as he went, generally calling out lustily, when he
got amongst his own party, "Shields to the walls! You people of the
gadado, (or atego, &c.) why do you not hasten to the wall?" To which
some voices would call out, "Oh, you have a good large shield to
cover you." The cry of "Shields to the wall!" was constantly heard
from the several chiefs to their troops; but they disregarded the
call, and neither chiefs nor vassals moved from the spot. At length
the men in quilted armour went up "per order." They certainly cut not
a bad figure at a distance, as their helmets were ornamented with
black and white ostrich feathers, and the sides of the helmets with
pieces of tin, which glittered in the sun; their long quilted cloaks
of gaudy colours reaching over part of their horses' tails, and
hanging over the flanks. On the neck, even the horses' armour was
notched or vandyked, to look like a mane; on his forehead, and over
his nose, was a brass or tin plate, also a semicircular piece on each
side. The rider was armed with a large spear, and he had to be
assisted to mount his horse, as his quilted cloak was too heavy; it
required two men to lift him on. There were six of them belonged to
each governor, and six to the sultan. It was at first supposed, that
the foot would take advantage of going under cover of these unwieldy
machines; but no, they went alone, as fast as the poor horses could
bear them, which was but a slow pace. They had one musket in Coonia,
and it did wonderful execution; for it brought down the van of the
quilted men, who fell from his horse like a sack of corn thrown from
a horse's back at a miller's door, but both horse and man were
brought off by two or three footmen. He got two balls through his
breast; one went through his body and both sides of the tobe; the
other went through and lodged in the quilted armour opposite the
shoulders.

The cry of "Allahu akber!" (God is great), the cry of the Fellatas,
was resounded through the whole army every quarter of an hour; but
neither this nor "Shields to the walls!" nor "Why do not the gadado's
people go up?" had any effect, except to produce a scuffle amongst
themselves, when the chiefs would have to ride up and part their
followers, who, instead of fighting against the enemy, were more
likely to fight with one another. At sunset, the besiegers drew off,
and the harmless campaign terminated in a desertion on the part of
the Zirmee troops, followed by a general retreat.

The flags of the Fellatas are white, like the French, and their staff
is a palm branch. They are not borne by men of honour, but by their
slaves. The sultan had six borne before him; each of the governors
had two. They also dress in white tobes and trousers, as an emblem of
their purity in faith and intention. The most useful personage in the
army, and as brave as any of them, was an old female slave of the
sultan's, a native of Zamfra, five of whose former governors, she
said, she had nursed. She was of a dark copper colour, in dress and
countenance very much like a female esquimaux. She was mounted on a
long-backed bright bay horse, with a scraggy tail, crop-eared, and
the mane, as if the rats had eaten part of it, nor was it very high
in condition. She rode a-straddle, had on a conical straw dish-cover
for a hat, or to shade her face from the sun; a short, dirty, white
bed-gown, a pair of dirty white loose and wide trousers, a pair of
Houssa boots, which are wide, and come over the knee, fastened with a
string round the waist. She had also a whip and spurs. At her
saddle-bow hung about half a dozen gourds filled with water, and a
brass basin to drink out of, and with this she supplied the wounded
and the thirsty.

The army being disbanded, Clapperton obtained permission of the
sultan to proceed to Sockatoo, where he found every thing ready for
his reception, in the house, which he had occupied on his former
visit. The traveller, however, found an entire change in the feelings
of kindness and cordiality towards himself, which had been so
remarkably displayed in the previous journey. Jealousy had began to
fester in the breasts of the African princes. They dreaded some
ambitious design in these repeated expeditions sent out by England,
without any conceivable motive; for that men should undertake such
long journeys, out of mere curiosity, they could never imagine. The
sultan Bello had accordingly received a letter from the court of
Bornou, warning him that by this very mode of sending embassies and
presents, which the English were now following towards the states of
central Africa, they had made themselves masters of India, and
trampled on all its native princes. The writer therefore gave it as
his opinion, that the European travellers should immediately be put
to death. An alarm indeed had been spread through Sockatoo, that the
English were coming to invade Houssa. The sultan irritated doubtless
at the shameful result of his grand expedition against Coonia, felt
also another and more pressing fear. War had just broken out between
himself and the king of Bornou. Clapperton was on his way to visit
that prince, and had left six muskets at Kano, supposed to be
intended as presents to him; and six muskets in central Africa, where
the whole Fellata empire could scarcely muster forty, were almost
enough to turn the scale between those two great military powers.
Under the impulse of these feelings, Bello proceeded to steps not
exactly consistent with the character of a prince and a man of
honour. He demanded a sight of the letter which Clapperton was
conveying to the king of Bornou, and when this was, of course,
refused, he seized it by violence. Lander was induced by false
pretences to bring the baggage from Kano to Sockatoo, when forcible
possession was taken of the muskets. Clapperton loudly exclaimed
against these proceedings, declaring them to amount to the basest
robbery, to a breach of all faith, and to be the worst actions, of
which any man could be guilty. This was rather strong language to be
used to a sovereign, especially to one, who could at any moment have
cut off his head, and the prime ministers of the sultan dropped some
unpleasant hints, as if matters might come to that issue, though in
point of fact, the government did not proceed to any personal
outrage. On the contrary, Bello discovered an honourable anxiety to
explain his conduct, and to soothe the irritated feelings of the
traveller. He even wrote to him the following letter, which it must
be confessed, places the character of Bello in a very favourable
light.


"In the name of God, and praise be to God, &c. &c. To Abdallah
Clapperton, salutation and esteem. You are now our guest, and a guest
is always welcomed by us; you are the messenger of a king, and a
king's messenger is always honoured by us. You come to us under our
honour as an ambassador, and an ambassador is always protected by us.
There is no harm in the king's ministers sending you to the sheik
Kanemi, of Bornou, nor do we see any harm in your coming, when thus
sent. But when you formerly came to us from Bornou, peace was then
between us and the sheik; whereas there is now war between him and
ourselves; we cannot perceive any blame in our preventing warlike
stores being sent to him. We continue to maintain our faith with you,
and are ready to attend to all your wishes, because we consider you
as a trusty friend, and one who enjoys a high degree of esteem with
us. Do not encroach upon us, we will not encroach upon you; we have
rights to maintain, and you have also rights to be respected. And
Salam be to you."

(Signed as usual.)


It is difficult to conceive, why so reasonable and friendly a letter
should have failed to subdue the irritation of the traveller; this
cannot be accounted for only by his ill health, or by supposing that
he was not exactly conversant with its contents. It appears, however,
that the conduct of Bello had such an effect upon the spirits of
Clapperton, that Lander reports, he never saw him smile afterwards.
The strong constitution of Clapperton, had till this period enabled
him to resist all the baneful influence of an African climate. He had
recovered, though perhaps not completely, from the effects of the
rash exposure which had proved fatal to his two companions, but
subsequently when overcome with heat and fatigue he had lain down on
a damp spot in the open air, he was soon after seized with dysentery,
which continued to assume more alarming symptoms. Unable to rise from
his bed, and deserted by all his African friends, who saw him no
longer a favourite at court, he was watched with tender care by his
faithful servant Lander, who devoted his whole time to attendance on
his sick master. At length he called him to his bed-side, and said,
"Richard, I shall shortly be no more; I feel myself dying." Almost
choked with grief, Lander replied, "God forbid, my dear master--you
will live many years yet." Clapperton replied, "don't be so much
affected, my dear boy, I entreat you, it is the will of the Almighty,
it cannot be helped. I should have wished to live to have been of
further use to my country--and more, I should like to have died in my
native land--but it is my duty to submit." He then gave particular
directions as to the disposal of his papers, and of all that remained
of his property, to which the strictest attention was promised. "He
then," says Lander, "took my hand within his, and looking me full in
the face, while a tear stood glistening in his eye, said in a low but
deeply affecting tone, 'My dear Richard, if you had not been with me,
I should have died long ago. I can only thank you with my latest
breath for your kindness and attachment to me, and if I could have
lived to return with you, you should have been placed beyond the
reach of want, but God will reward you.'" He survived some days, and
appeared even to rally a little, but one morning, Lander was alarmed
by a peculiar rattling sound in his throat, and hastening to the
bed-side found him sitting up, and staring wildly around; some
indistinct words quivered on his lips, he strove but ineffectually to
give them utterance, and expired without a struggle or a sigh.

Bello seems to have repented in some degree of his harsh conduct,
especially after the news arrived of a great victory gained by his
troops over the sultan of Bornou. He allowed Lander to perform the
funeral obsequies with every mark of respect, agreeably to the
sultan's own directions at Jungavie, a small village on a rising
ground, about five miles to the S. E. of Sockatoo. Lander performed
the last sad office of reading the English service over the remains
of his generous and intrepid master; a house was erected over his
grave;

"And he was left alone in his glory."



CHAPTER  XXVIII.

Lander may now be said to be in the interior of Africa, a solitary
wanderer, dependent entirely on his own resources, at the same time
that he received from sultan Bello, all the requisite means to enable
him to return to his native country, allowing him to choose his own
road, though advising him to prefer that which led through the great
Desert, but Lander having already had many dealings with the Arabs,
preferred the track through the negro countries.

On arriving at Kano, on his return route, Lander formed a spirited
and highly laudable design, which proved him to be possessed of a
mind much superior to his station, and this was nothing less than an
attempt to resolve the great question, respecting the termination of
the Niger, which he hoped to effect by proceeding to Funda, and
thence to Benin by water. Striking off to the eastward of the route,
on which, in company with his late master, he had reached Kano, he
passed several walled towns, all inhabited by natives of Houssa,
tributary to the Fellatas, and early on the third day from Bebajie,
(as he spells it,) arrived at the foot of a high craggy mountain,
called Almena, from a ruined town said to have been built by a queen
of the Fantee nation, some five hundred years ago. Mahomet, Lander's
servant, who had travelled far and near, and knew all the traditions
of the country, gave the following story:--About five hundred years
ago, a queen of the Fantee nation having quarrelled with her husband
about a golden stool, in other words, we presume about the throne,
probably after her husband's death, fled from her dominions with a
great number of her subjects, and built a large town at the foot of
this mountain, which she called Almena, from which it took its name.
The town, according Lander, was surrounded with a stone wall, as the
ruins plainly attest. The M. S. account of Tukroor evidently alludes
to the same personage. The first who ruled over them, that is the
seven provinces of Houssa, was, as it is stated, Amenah, daughter of
the prince of Zag Zag, (Zeg Zeg?) She conquered them by the force of
her sword, and subjected them, including Kashna and Kano, to be her
tributaries. She fought and took possession of the country of
Bowsher, till she reached the coast of the ocean on the right hand,
and west side. She died at Atagara.

The gigantic blocks of granite forming the mountain Almena, fearfully
piled on each other, and seeming ready to fall, are described as
resembling the rocks near the Logan stone in Cornwall, but on a scale
infinitely larger. To the eastward, a range of high hills was seen
stretching from north to south, as far as the eye could reach, and
Lander was informed that they extended to the salt water. They were
said to be inhabited by a savage race of people called Yamyams, that
is cannibals, who had formerly carried on an extensive traffic with
the Houssa men, bringing elephants' teeth, and taking in exchange red
cloth, beads, &c., but five years before, they had murdered a whole
kafila of merchants, and afterwards eaten them, since which time, the
Houssa people had been reasonably shy of dealing with them.

Sultan Bello informed Lander that he had ocular proof of the fact,
that these same people are in the practice of eating human flesh. The
sultan said, that on the governor of Jacoba telling him of these
people, he could scarcely believe it, but on a Tuarick being hanged
for theft, he saw five of these people eat a part, with which he was
so disgusted, that he sent them back to Jacoba soon after. He said,
that whenever a person complained of sickness amongst these men, even
though only a slight headache, he is killed instantly, for fear he
should be lost by death, as they will not eat a person that has died
by sickness; that the person falling sick is requested by some other
family, and repaid when they had a sick relation; that universally,
when they went to war, the dead and wounded were always eaten; that
the hearts were claimed by the head men, and that on asking them, why
they ate human flesh, they said, it was better than any other, that
they had no want or food, and that excepting this bad custom, they
were very cleanly, and otherwise not bad people, except that they
were kaffirs.

As far as the route of Lander had hitherto extended, all the streams
that were crossed had a north-westerly course, and on the fifth day,
he reached a large river running in the same direction called Accra.
On the following day proceeding S. W., he arrived at Nammalack, built
immediately under a mountain, which, rising almost perpendicularly,
forms a natural wall on the north-eastern side. It is thickly wooded
and abounds with thousands of hyenas, tiger cats, jackals, and
monkeys, who monopolize all the animal food in the neighbourhood, the
poor inhabitants not being able to keep a single bullock, sheep, or
goat.

For four hours beyond this town, Lander's route continued along the
foot of this range of mountains, in a continued direction of S. W.,
it then turned eastward through an opening in the range, and after
crossing one large and three small rivers, led to Fillindushie, the
frontier town of Catica. Lander speaks of the Catica or Bowchee
people as the same. This district must, therefore, belong to the
Bowchee country, which forms part of Zeg Zeg, according to the M. S.
account of Tackroor, apparently on the Boushy, that is infidel or
kirdy country, bordering on Yacoba.

The inhabitants of Catica are described as a fine handsome people,
with features not at all resembling those of the negro race, and very
similar to the European, but below the negroes in civilization,
without any clothing, filthy in person, disgusting in manners, and
destitute of natural affection; the parent selling his child with no
more remorse or repugnance than he would his chicken, yet at the same
time, by way of contrast, artless and good humoured. Their appearance
is extremely barbarous and repulsive. They rub red clay softened with
oil over their heads and bodies, and invariably wear a large
semicircular piece of blue glass in the upper and lower lip, with
ear-pendants of red wood. They make fetishes like the natives of
Yariba.

Turning again to the S. W., the route now led over a fine and rich
country, to a large river rolling to the N. W., called Coodoma
(Kadoma,) which  empties  itself into  the Quorra, near Funda. Lander
reached the north-eastern bank on the tenth day, and on the morrow
after three hours travelling reached Cuttup. Having heard on his
route many different reports of the wealth, population and celebrated
market of this place, he was surprised to find it to consist of
nearly five hundred villages, almost joining each other, occupying a
vast and beautiful plain, adorned with the finest trees. Amongst
these, the plantain, the palm, and the cocoa-nut tree, were seen
flourishing in great abundance, and the aspect of the country
strikingly resembled some parts of Yariba. A considerable traffic is
carried on here in slaves and bullocks, which are alike exposed in
the daily market. The bullocks are bred by the Fellatas, who reside
there for no other purpose.

The sultan of Cuttup being a very great man, that is, in his own
estimation, Lander made him a suitable present of four yards of blue
damask, the same quantity of scarlet, a print of George IV., one of
the late duke of York, which, we have reason to suppose, was held in
higher estimation than his whole-length colossal figure on the top of
the pedestal in this country, which has the superlative honour of
calling him one of the most meritorious, most puissant, and most
honourable of the royal blood. Lander also made the sultan a present
of _other trifling articles,_ in return for which he received a
sheep, the humps, or we should call it the rumps, of two bullocks,
and stewed rice sufficient for fifty men, not being able at the time
to form an accurate opinion of the extent of Lander's gourmandizing
appetite, or most probably, as is generally the case in countries
situated farther to the northward, judging of the appetite of others
by his own. During the four days that Lander remained in these
hospitable quarters, he was never in want of provisions, nor do we
see how it was possible that he should be, when he had two rumps of
beef, from which he could at any time cut a steak, which the most
finished epicurean of Dolly's would not turn up his nose at, and
stewed rice, as an entremet, sufficient for the gastronomic powers of
fifty men. When it is also considered, that the sultan invariably
receives as a tax the hump of every bullock that is slaughtered,
weighing from twelve to fifteen pounds, and the choicest part of the
animal, it is somewhat surprising that the country does not abound
with _hump_-backed tyrants, similar to the notorious Richard of
England; at all events, Lander had to congratulate himself that the
humps, or rumps, were sent to him daily by the king's wives, we will
suppose, out of the pure spirit of charity and benevolence, on the
same principle, perhaps, that the widow Zuma invited Lander to take
up his abode in her house.

It was very proper that Lander should make a return to the sultan's
wives for their rumps of beef, and, therefore, he presented them with
one or two gilt buttons from his jacket, and they, imagining them to
be pure gold, fastened them to their ears. Little, however, did the
Birmingham manufacturer suppose, when he issued these buttons from
his warehouse, that they were destined one day to glitter as pendants
in the ears of the wives of the sultan of Cuttup, in the heart of
Africa; truly may it be said with Shakespeare,

"To what vile uses may we come at last!"

It is very possible, from some cause not worthy here of
investigation, that one of the wives of the sultan had contrived to
obtain a higher place in the estimation of Lander, than any of her
other compeers; but, as a proof that great events from trivial causes
flow, it happened that Lander set the whole court of Cuttup in a
hubbub and confusion by a very simple act, to which no premeditated
sin could be attached, and this act was no other, than presenting one
of the wives of the sultan secretly, clandestinely, and covertly,
with a most valuable article, in the shape of a large darning needle,
which he carried about with him, for the purpose of repairing any
sudden detriment, that might happen to any part of his habiliments. A
female, whether European or African, generally takes a pride in
displaying the presents that have been made her; and the favoured
wife of the sultan no sooner displayed the present which she had
received, than the spirit of jealousy and envy burst forth in the
breast of all the remaining wives. It was a fire not easily to be
quenched; it pervaded every part of the residence of the sultan; it
penetrated into every hut, where one of the wives resided; discord,
quarrels, and battles became the order of the day, and Lander was
obliged to make a precipitate retreat from a place, where he had
incautiously and innocently raised such a rebellion. On relating this
anecdote to us, Lander declared, that, with a good supply of needles
in his possession, he would not despair of obtaining every necessary
article and accommodation throughout the whole of central Africa.

On leaving Cuttup, Lander proceeded south-south-west, over a hilly
country, and on the following day, crossed the Rary, a large river
flowing to the south-east. The next day, part of the route lay over
steep and craggy precipices, some of them of the most awful height.
From the summit of this pass, he obtained a very beautiful and
extensive prospect, which would indicate the elevation to be indeed
very considerable. Eight days' journey might plainly be seen before
him. About half a day's journey to the east, stood a lofty hill, at
the foot of which lay the large city of Jacoba. In the evening, he
reached Dunrora, a town containing about four thousand inhabitants.

Lander had now reached the latitude of Funda, which, according to his
information, lies about twelve days due west of Dunrora, and after
seventeen perilous days' travelling from Kano, he seemed to be on the
point of solving the great geographical problem respecting the
termination of the supposed Niger, when, just as he was leaving
Dunrora, four armed messengers from the sultan of Zeg Zeg rode up to
him, bearing orders for his immediate return to the capital.
Remonstrance was in vain; and, with a bad grace and a heavy heart,
poor Lander complied with the mandate. He was led back to Cuttup by
the same route that he had taken, and here, much against the
inclination of his guards, he remained four days, suffering under an
attack of dysentery. On his arrival at Zaria, he was introduced to
the king; and having delivered his presents, that prince boasted of
having conferred on him the greatest possible favour, since the
people of Funda, being now at war with sultan Bello, would certainly
have murdered any one, who had visited and carried gifts to that
monarch. From this reasoning, sound or otherwise, Lander had no
appeal, and was obliged to make his way back by his former path.

The subsequent part of his route was, however, rather more to the
westward of his former track. The Koodoonia, where he crossed it, was
much deeper, as well as broader, and much more rapid. On Lander
refusing to cross the river till it had become more shallow, his
guards left him in great wrath, threatening to report his conduct to
their master, and they did not return for a fortnight, during which
time, Lander remained at a Bowchee village, an hour distant, very
ill, having nothing to eat but boiled corn, not much relishing
_roasted dog._ The inhabitants, who came by hundreds every day to
visit him, were destitute of any clothing, but behaved in a modest
and becoming manner. The men did not appear to have any occupation or
employment whatever. The women were generally engaged, the greater
part of the day, in manufacturing oil from a black seed and the
Guinea nut.

Not deeming it safe, according to the advice of the sultan of Zeg
Zeg, to pursue his homeward way by the route of Funda, he chose the
Youriba road; and, after serious delays, he reached Badagry on the
21st November 1827; but here he was nearly losing his life, owing to
the vindictive jealousy of the Portuguese slave-merchants, who
denounced him to the king as a spy sent by the English government.
The consequence was, that it was resolved by the chief men to subject
him to the ordeal of drinking a fetish. "If you come to do bad," they
said, "it will kill you; but if not, it cannot hurt you." There was
no alternative or escape. Poor Lander swallowed the contents of the
bowl, and then walked hastily out of the hut through the armed men
who surrounded it, to his own lodgings, where he lost no time in
getting rid of the fetish drink by a powerful emetic. He afterwards
learned, that it almost always proved fatal. When the king and his
chiefs found, after five days, that Lander survived, they changed
their minds, and became extremely kind, concluding that he was under
the special protection of God. The Portuguese, however, he had reason
to believe, would have taken the first opportunity to assassinate
him. His life at this place was in continual danger, until,
fortunately, Captain Laing, of the brig Maria of London, of which
Fullerton was the chief mate, and afterwards commander, hearing that
there was a white man about sixty miles up the country, who was in a
most deplorable condition, and suspecting that he might be one of the
travellers sent out on the expedition to explore the interior of
Africa, despatched a messenger with instructions to bring him away.
The parties who held him were, however, not disposed to part with him
without a ransom, the amount of which was fixed at nearly £70, which
was paid by Captain Laing in broadcloths, gunpowder, and other
articles, and which was subsequently refunded by the African Society.
Lander arrived in England on the 30th April 1828, on which occasion
we were introduced to him by the late Captain Fullerton, from whose
papers the following history of Lander's second journey is compiled.



CHAPTER XXIX.

The journeys of Denham and Clapperton made a great accession to our
knowledge of interior Africa, they having completed a diagonal
section from Tripoli to the gulf of Benin; they explored numerous
kingdoms, either altogether unknown, or indicated only by the most
imperfect rumour. New mountains, lakes, and rivers had been
discovered and delineated, yet the course of the Niger remained wrapt
in mystery nearly as deep as ever. Its stream had been traced very
little lower than Boussa, which Park had reached, and where his
career was brought to so fatal a termination. The unhappy issue of
Clapperton's last attempt chilled for a time the zeal for African
discovery; but that high spirit of adventure which animates Britons
was soon found acting powerfully in a quarter, where there was least
reason to expect it. Partaking of the character which animated his
master, Lander endeavoured, on his return towards the coast, to
follow a direction, which, but for unforeseen circumstances, would
have led to the solution of the great problem. After reaching
England, he still cherished the same spirit; in our frequent
conversations with him, he expressed it to be his decided opinion,
that the termination of the Niger would be found between the fifth
and tenth degree of north latitude, and his subsequent discoveries
proved his opinion to be correct. Undeterred by the recollection of
so much peril and hardship, he tendered his services to the
government to make one effort more, in order to reach the mouth of
this mysterious river; his offer was accepted, but on terms which
make it abundantly evident that the enterprise was not undertaken
from any mercenary impulse. The manner in which he had acquitted
himself of his trust, amidst the difficulties with which he had to
contend after the death of Clapperton, bespoke him as being worthy to
be sent out on such a mission, when scientific observations were not
expected, and the result has proved the justness of the opinion, that
was entertained of him. Descended from Cornish parents, having been
born at Truro, and not gifted with any extraordinary talent, it was
not his fortune to boast either the honour of high birth, or even to
possess the advantages of a common-place education. His leading
quality was a determined spirit of perseverance, which no obstacles
could intimidate or subdue. In society, particularly in the company
of those distinguished for their talents or literary attainments, his
reserve and bashfulness were insuperable, and it was not until a
degree of intimacy was established by frequent association, that he
could be brought to communicate the sentiments of his mind, or to
impress a belief upon the company, that he was possessed of any
superior qualifications.

His younger brother, John Lander, who, influenced by a laudable
desire to assist in the solution of the geographical problem, was of
a very different turn of mind. He was brought up to the profession of
a printer, and, as a compositor, had frequent opportunities of
enriching his mind with various branches of knowledge, and in time
became himself the author of several essays in prose and verse, by no
means discreditable to his talents. Being naturally gifted with an
exuberant imagination, his descriptions partake of the inflated and
bombastic; but we have reason to know, that the information which he
gives is deduced from authentic sources, without the usual
exaggeration proverbially belonging to travellers.

The following were the instructions given by government to Richard
Lander:--


"Downing-street, 31st December 1829.

"Sir,

"I am directed by secretary Sir George Murray to acquaint you, that
he has deemed it expedient to accept the offer, which you have made,
to proceed to Africa, accompanied by your brother, for the purpose of
ascertaining the course of the great river, which was crossed by the
late Captain Clapperton on his journey to Sockatoo; and a passage
having been accordingly engaged for you and your brother, on board of
the Alert, merchant vessel, which is proceeding to Cape Coast Castle,
on the western coast of Africa, I am to desire that you will embark
immediately on board that vessel.

"In the event of your falling in with any of his Majesty's ships of
war on the coast of Africa, previously to your arrival at Cape Coast
Castle, you will prevail on the master to use every endeavour to
speak with such ship of war, and to deliver to the officer commanding
her, the letter of which you are the bearer, and which is to require
him to convey yourself and your brother to Badagry, to present you to
the king, and to give you such assistance as may be required to
enable you to set out on your journey.

"You should incur as little delay as possible at Badagry, in order
that, by reaching the hilly country, you may be more secure from
those fevers, which are known to be prevalent on the low lands of the
sea-coast. You are to proceed by the same road as on a previous
occasion, as far as Katunga, unless you shall be able to find, on the
northern side of the mountains, a road which will lead to Funda, on
the Quorra or Niger; in which case, you are to proceed direct to
Funda. If, however, it should be necessary to go as far as Katunga,
you are to use your endeavours to prevail on the chief of that
country to assist you on your way to the Quorra, and with the means
of tracing down, either by land or water, the course of that river as
far as Funda.

"On your arrival at this place, you are to be very particular in your
observations, so as to enable you to give a correct statement.

"1st, Whether any, and what rivers fall into the Quorra at or near
that place; or whether the whole or any part of the Quorra turns to
the eastward.

"2nd, Whether there is at Funda, or in the neighbourhood, any lake or
collection of waters or large swamps; in which case, you are to go
round such lake or swamp, and be very particular in examining whether
any river flows _into_ or _out_ of it, and in what direction it takes
its course.

"3rd, If you should find that at Funda, the Quorra continues to flow
to the southward, you are to follow it to the sea, where, in this
case, it may be presumed to empty its waters; but if it should be
found to turn off to the eastward, in which case it will most
probably fall into the lake Tchad, you are to follow its course in
that direction, as far as you conceive you can venture to do, with
due regard to your personal safety, to Bornou; in which case it will
be for you to determine, whether it may not be advisable to return
home by the way of Fezzan and Tripoli: if, however, after proceeding
in an easterly course for some distance, the river should be found to
turn off towards the south, you are to follow it, as before, down to
the sea. In short, after having once gained the banks of the Quorra,
either from Katunga or lower down, you are to follow its course, if
possible, to its termination, wherever that may be.

"Should you be of opinion that the sultan of Youri can safely be
communicated with, you are at liberty to send your brother with a
present to that chief, to ask, in the king's name, for certain books
or papers, which he is supposed to have, that belonged to the late
Mr. Park; but you are not necessarily yourself to wait for your
brother's return, but to proceed in the execution of the main object
of your mission, to ascertain the course and termination of the
Niger.

"You are to take every opportunity of sending down to the coast a
brief extract of your proceedings and observations, furnishing the
bearer with a note, setting forth the reward he is to have for his
trouble, and requesting any English person to whom it is presented to
pay that reward, on the faith that it will be repaid him by the
British government.

"For the performance of this service, you are furnished with all the
articles which you have required for your personal convenience during
your journey, together with a sum of two hundred dollars in coin; and
in case, upon your arrival at Badagry, you should find it absolutely
necessary to provide yourself with a further supply of dollars, you
will be at liberty to draw upon this department for any sum not
exceeding three hundred dollars.

"During the ensuing year, the sum of one hundred pounds will be paid
to your wife in quarterly payments; and upon your return, a gratuity
of one hundred pounds will be paid to yourself.

"All the papers and observations, which you shall bring back with
you, are to be delivered by you at this office; and you will be
entitled to receive any pecuniary consideration which may be obtained
from the publication of the account of your journey. "I am, Sir, &c.
&c.

(Signed) "R. W. HAY."

"To Mr. Richard Lander."


In pursuance of these instructions, Richard Lander and his brother
embarked at Portsmouth, on the 9th January 1830, in the brig Alert,
for Cape Coast Castle, where they arrived on the 22nd of the
following month, after a boisterous and unpleasant passage. Here they
were fortunate enough to engage old Pascoe and his wife, with Jowdie,
who had been employed on the last expedition, with Ibrahim and Mina,
two Bornou men, who were well acquainted with English manners, and
could converse in the Houssa language. These individuals promised to
be very useful on the expedition, more especially old Pascoe, whose
merits as an interpreter were unquestionable.

After remaining at Cape Coast Castle eight days, they accompanied Mr.
M'Lean, the president of the council at that place, on a visit to Mr.
Hutchinson, commandant at Anamaboo, about nine miles distant from
Cape Coast. Mr. Hutchinson lived in his castle, like an English baron
in the feudal times, untinctured, however, by barbarism or ignorance;
for the polished, refinements of life have insinuated themselves into
his dwelling, though it is entirely surrounded by savages, and though
the charming sound of a lady's voice is seldom or never heard in his
lonely hall. His silken banner, his turreted castle, his devoted
vassals, his hospitality, and even his very solitariness, all
conspired to recall to the mind the manners and way of life of an old
English baron, in one of the most interesting periods of our history,
whilst the highly chivalrous and romantic spirit of the gentleman
alluded to, was strictly in unison with the impression. Mr.
Hutchinson had resided a number of years on the coast, and was one of
the few individuals, who had visited the capital of Ashantee, in
which he resided eight months, and obtained a better acquaintance
with the manners, customs, and pursuits of that warlike,
enterprising, and original nation, than any other European whatever.
In the Ashantee war he took a very active part, and rendered
important and valuable services to the cause he so warmly espoused.

They resided at the fort till the 4th March, and then sailed in the
Alert for Accra, where they expected to find a vessel to take them to
Badagry, in the Bight of Benin, agreeably to their instructions.

In two days they arrived opposite the British fort at Accra, and,
after staying there a week, they embarked on board the Clinker,
Lieutenant Matson, commander; and having sailed direct for Badagry,
they dropped anchor in the roadstead in the front of that town on the
19th. From the commander of the Clinker they received a young man of
colour, named Antonio, son to the chief of Bonny, who eagerly
embraced the opportunity of proceeding with them into the interior,
being impressed with the notion that he should be enabled to reach
his home and country by means of the Great River, or Niger.

In the earlier part of the afternoon of the 22nd March, they sailed
towards the beach in one of the brig's boats, and having been taken
into a canoe that was waiting at the edge of the breakers to receive
them, they were plied over a tremendous surf, and flung with violence
on the burning sands.

Wet and uncomfortable as this accident had rendered them, having no
change of linen at hand, they walked to a small creek about the
distance of a quarter of a mile from the sea shore, where they were
taken into a native canoe, and conveyed safely through an extremely
narrow channel, overhung with luxuriant vegetation, into the Badagry
river, which is a branch of the Lagos. It is a beautiful body of
water, resembling a lake in miniature; its surface is smooth and
transparent as glass, and its picturesque banks are shaded by trees
of a lively verdure. They were soon landed on the opposite side, when
their road lay over a magnificent plain, on which deer, antelopes,
and buffaloes were often observed to feed. Numbers of men, women, and
children followed them to the town of Badagry, making the most
terrific noises at their heels, but whether these were symptoms of
satisfaction or displeasure, admiration or ridicule, they could not
at first understand. They were soon, however, satisfied that the
latter feeling was predominant, and indeed their clothing was
sufficient to excite the laughter of any people, for it certainly was
not African, nor had it any pretensions to be characterized as
European. In the first place, the covering of the head consisted of a
straw hat, larger than an umbrella, a scarlet mahommedan tobe or
tunic and belt, with boots, and full Turkish trousers. So unusual a
dress might well cause the people to laugh heartily; they were all
evidently highly amused, but the more modest of the females,
unwilling to give them any uneasiness, turned aside to conceal the
titter, from which they were utterly unable to refrain.

On their way they observed various groups of people seated under the
spreading branches of superb trees, vending provisions and country
cloth, and on their approach, many of them arose and bowed, whilst
others fell on their knees before them in token of respect. They
reached the dwelling, which had been prepared for them about three
o'clock in the afternoon, but as the day was too far advanced to
visit the chief or king, they sent a messenger to inform him of their
intention of paying him their respects on the following morning.

Towards evening, Richard Lander his brother being too fatigued to
accompany him, took a saunter in the immediate vicinity of his
residence, when he found, that in one respect, the streets of
Badagry, if they might be so called, and the streets of London, bore
a very great resemblance. It might be the mere effect of female
curiosity, to ascertain what kind of a man's visage could possibly be
concealed under such a preposterous hat, or it might be for any other
purpose, which his penetration could not discover, but certain it
was, that ever and anon a black visage, with white and pearly teeth,
and an expressive grin of the countenance, somewhat similar to that
of the monkey in a state of excited pleasure, protruded itself under
the canopy of straw, which protected his head, but he, who had
withstood the amorous advances of the widow Zuma, or of the fat and
deaf widow Laddie, could not be supposed to yield to the fascinations
and allurements of a Badagry houri. Richard therefore returned to his
dwelling, fully satisfied with himself, but by no means having
satisfied the ladies of Badagry, that an European was a man of love
or gallantry.

At nine o'clock on the morning of the 23rd March, agreeably to the
promise which they had made on the preceding day, they visited the
chief at his residence, which was somewhat more than half a mile from
their own. On their entrance, the potent chief of Badagry was sitting
on a couple of boxes, which, for aught Lander knew, might at one time
have belonged to a Hong merchant at Canton; the boxes were placed in
a small bamboo apartment, on the sides of which were suspended a
great number of muskets and swords, with a few paltry umbrellas, and
a couple of horses' tails, which are used for the purpose of brushing
away flies and other insects.

King Adooley looked up in the faces of his visitors without making
any observation, it perhaps not being the etiquette of kings in that
part of the world, to make any observation at all on subjects before
them, nor did he even condescend to rise from his seat to
congratulate them on their arrival. He appeared in deep reflection,
and thoughtfully rested his elbow on an old wooden table, pillowing
his head on his hand. One of the most venerable and ancient of his
subjects was squatted at the feet of his master, smoking from a pipe
of extraordinary length; whilst Lantern, his eldest son and heir
apparent, was kneeling at his side, the Badagry etiquette not
allowing the youth to sit in the presence of his father. Everything
bore an air of gloom and sadness, totally different from what they
had been led to expect. They shook hands, but the royal pressure was
so very faint, that it was scarcely perceptible, yet, notwithstanding
this apparent coldness, they seated themselves one on each side,
without ceremony or embarrassment. It was evident that neither Lander
nor his brother knew how to deport themselves in the presence of a
king, a thing which the former had never seen in his life but at the
courts of Africa, and they, God knows, were not calculated to give
him an exalted idea of royalty; but when it had been ascertained,
that it was contrary to etiquette at the court of Badagry, for even
the heir apparent to assume any other attitude in the royal presence
than that of kneeling, it might have occurred to the European
travellers, that seating themselves without permission, in the
presence of so august a personage as the king of Badagry, might be
the forerunner of their heads being severed from their body, which,
as it has been detailed in a preceding part of this work, is in that
part of the country, a ceremony very easily and speedily despatched.
It was, however, necessary that some conversation should take place
between the king and his visitors, and therefore the latter began in
the true old English fashion, to inquire about the state of his
health, not forgetting to inform him at the same time, that they
found the weather uncommonly hot, which could not well have been
otherwise, considering that they were at that moment not much more
than 5° to the northward of the equator. In regard to the state of
his health, he answered them only with a languid smile, and relapsed
into his former thoughtlessness. Not being able to break in upon the
taciturnity of the monarch, they had recourse to a method which
seldom fails of "unknitting the brow of care," and that was by a
display to the best advantage, of the presents, which they had
brought for him from England. Badagry is not the only kingdom in
which, if a present be made to the king, the sole return that is
received for it, is the honour of having been allowed to offer it,
and this experience was acquired by our travellers, for the king
certainly accepted the presents, but without the slightest
demonstration of pleasure or satisfaction; the king scarcely deigned
to look at the presents, and they were carried away by the
attendants, with real or seeming indifference. To be permitted to
kiss the hand of the sable monarch could not rationally be expected,
as an honour conferred upon them for the presents, which they had
delivered, but it was mortifying to them not to receive a word of
acknowledgement, not even the tithe of a gracious smile; they
accordingly said not a word, but they had seen enough to convince
them that all was not right. A reserve, the cause whereof they could
not define, and a coldness towards them, for which they could in no
wise account, marked the conduct of the once spirited and
good-natured chief of Badagry, and prepared them to anticipate
various difficulties in the prosecution of their plans, which they
were persuaded would require much art and influence to surmount. The
brow of the monarch relaxed for a moment, and an attempt was made on
the part of Richard Lander to enter into conversation with him, but
on a sudden the king rose from his boxes, and left them to converse
with themselves.

After waiting a considerable time, and the king not returning, a
messenger was despatched to acquaint him, that the patience of his
visitors was nearly exhausted, and they would feel obliged by his
immediate return, in order to put an end to their conference or
palaver, as it is emphatically styled, as speedily as possible. On
the receipt of this message, the king hastened back, and entered the
apartment with a melancholy countenance, which was partially
concealed behind large volumes of smoke, from a tobacco pipe, which
he was using. He seated himself between them as before, and gave them
to understand in a very low tone of voice, that he was but just
recovering from a severe illness, and from the effect of a series of
misfortunes, which had rendered him almost brokenhearted. His
celebrated generals Bombanee and Poser, and all his most able
warriors had either been slain in battle, or fallen by other violent
means. The former in particular, whose loss he more especially
lamented, had been captured by the Lagos people, who were his most
inveterate enemies. When this unfortunate man was taken prisoner, his
right hand was immediately nailed to his head, and the other lopped
off like a twig. In this manner he was paraded through the town, and
exposed to the view of the people, whose curiosity being satiated,
Bombanee's head was at length severed from his shoulders, and being
dried in the sun and beaten to dust, was sent in triumph to the chief
of Badagry. To add to his calamities, Adooley's house, which
contained an immense quantity of gunpowder, had been blown up by
accident, and destroyed all his property, consisting of a variety of
presents, most of them very valuable, that had been made him by
Captain Clapperton, by European merchants, and traders in slaves. The
chief and his women escaped with difficulty from the conflagration;
but as it was the custom to keep the muskets and other firearms
constantly loaded, their contents were discharged into the bodies and
legs of those individuals, who had flocked to the spot on the first
alarm. The flames spread with astonishing rapidity, notwithstanding
every exertion, and ended in the destruction of a great part of the
town. This accounted in some measure for the sad and grievous
expression so strongly depicted on the chiefs countenance; but still
another and more powerful reason had doubtless influenced him on this
occasion.

On returning to their residence, a number of principal men, as they
style themselves, were introduced to compliment them on coming to
their country, although their true and only motive for visiting their
quarters was the expectation of obtaining rum, which is the great
object of attraction to all of them. They had been annoyed during the
greater part of this day by a tribe of ragged beggars, whose
importunity was really disgusting. The men were in general old,
flat-headed, and pot-bellied. The women skinny and flap-eared. To
these garrulous ladies and gentlemen they were obliged to talk and
laugh, shake hands, crack fingers, bend their bodies, bow their
heads, and place their hands with great solemnity on their heads and
breasts. They had not indeed a moment's relaxation from this
excessive fatigue, and had Job, amongst his other trials, been
exposed to the horrors of an interminable African palaver, his
patience would most certainly have forsaken him. Lander was of
opinion that he never would be a general favourite with this
ever-grinning and loquacious people. If he laughed, and he was
obliged to laugh, it was done against his inclination, and
consequently with a very bad grace. At this time, Lander, speaking of
himself, says, "for the first five years of my life, I have been
told, that I was never even seen to smile, and since that period,
Heaven knows my merriment has been confined to particular and
extraordinary occasions only. How then is it possible, that I can be
grinning and playing the fool from morning to night, positively
without any just incentive to do so, and sweltering at the same time
under a sun that causes my body to burn with intense heat, giving it
the appearance of shrivelled parchment. Fortunately these
savages--for savages they most certainly are in the fullest extent of
the word--cannot distinguish between real and fictitious joy; and
although I was vexed at heart, and wished them, all at the bottom of
the Red Sea, or somewhere else, I have every reason to believe that
my forced attempts to please the natives have so far been successful,
and that I have obtained the reputation, which I certainly do not
deserve, of being one of the pleasantest and best-tempered persons in
the world."

This candid exposition, which Lander gives of his own character is
fully borne out by our own personal observation. On no occasion do we
remember that we ever saw a smile sit upon his countenance, and as to
a laugh, it appeared to be an act which he dreaded to commit. He
seemed always to be brooding over some great and commanding idea,
which absorbed the whole of his mind, and which he felt a
consciousness within him, that he had not the ability to carry into
execution, at the same time that he feared to let a word escape him,
which could give a clue to the subject, which was then working within
him. In this respect, he was not well fitted for a traveller in a
country where, if his nature would not allow him, it became a matter
of policy, if not of necessity, to appear high-hearted and gay, and
frequently to join in the amusements of the people amongst whom he
might be residing. Lander himself was not ignorant of the Arab adage,
"Beware of the man who never laughs;" and, therefore, as he was
likely to be thrown amongst those very people, he ought to have
practised himself in the art of laughing, so as not to rouse their
suspicions, which, it is well known, if once roused, are not again
easily allayed.

To return to the narrative, one of the fetishmen sent them a present
of a duck, almost as large as an English goose; but as the fellow
expected ten times its value in return, it was no great proof of the
benevolence of his disposition. They were now obliged to station
armed men around their house, for the purpose of protecting their
goods from the rapacity of a multitude of thieves that infested this
place, and who displayed the greatest cunning imaginable to
ingratiate themselves with the travellers. On the following morning,
they awoke unrefreshed at daybreak; the noise of children crying, the
firing of guns, and the discordant sound of drums and horns,
preventing them from enjoying the sweetness of repose, so infinitely
desirable, after a long day spent in a routine or tiresome ceremony
and etiquette.

On the 24th March, one of the chief messengers, who was a Houssa
mallam, or priest, presented himself at the door of their house,
followed by a large and handsome spotted sheep from his native
country, whose neck was adorned with little bells, which made a
pretty jingling noise. They were much prepossessed in this man's
favour by the calmness and serenity of his countenance, and the
modesty, or rather timidity of his manners. He was dressed in the
Houssa costume, cap, tobe, trousers, and sandals. He wore four large
silver rings on his thumb, and his left wrist was ornamented with a
solid silver bracelet: this was the only individual, who had as yet
visited them purely from disinterested motives, as all the others
made a practice to beg whenever they favoured them with their
company.

The chief's eldest son was with them during the greater part of this
day. The manners of this young man were reserved, but respectful.
He was a great admirer of the English, and had obtained a smattering
of their language. Although his appearance was extremely boyish, he
had already three wives, and was the father of two children. His
front teeth were filed to a point, after the manner of the Logos
people; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, his features bore
less marks of ferocity than they had observed in the countenance of
any one of his countrymen, while his general deportment was
infinitely more pleasing and humble than theirs. When asked whether,
if it were in his power to do so, he would injure the travellers, or
any European, who might hereafter visit Badagry, he made no reply,
but silently approached their seat, and falling on his knees at their
feet, he pressed Richard Lander with eagerness to his soft naked
bosom, and affectionately kissed his hand. No language or expression
could have been half so eloquent.

They were now preparing to proceed on their journey, when they
learned with surprise and sorrow, that a part of the populace had
expressed themselves decidedly hostile to their projects, and that
the leaders were continually with Adooley, using all their influence,
and exercising all their cunning, in order to awaken his slumbering
jealousy. They endeavoured to persuade him to demand, before he
granted them leave to pass through his country, a sum of money,
which, they were aware, was not in the power of the travellers to
pay; and therefore it was imagined they would be compelled to abandon
the undertaking. The first intimation they received of the effect of
these insinuations on the mind of the chief, was brought to them by a
person, who pronounced himself to be "on their side." This man
assured them, with an ominous visage, that Adooley had declared, in
the hearing of all the people, that the coat which Richard Lander had
given him was intended for a boy, and not a man; it was therefore
unworthy his acceptance as a king, and he considered that by the
gift, they meant to insult him. The coat alluded to by Adooley was
certainly extremely old-fashioned, and belonged to a surgeon in the
navy about twenty years ago, notwithstanding which, it was almost as
good as new, and was made showy by the addition of a pair of
tarnished gold epaulets. It was, however, clear to Lander, that as
this very same coat had been, only two days before, received with
great satisfaction, that some enemy of theirs had been striving to
render the chief discontented and mistrustful. To counteract the
efforts of the malicious, they judged it prudent to sound the
dispositions of those, who they were inclined to believe, from the
fondness which they evinced for their rum, that they were favourable
to their intentions and devoted to their interests.

At this time, there were two mulattoes residing in the town, one of
whom, by name Hooper, acted as interpreter to Adooley, and shared a
good deal of his confidence. He was born at Cape Coast Castle, in
1780, and was for many years a soldier in the African corps. His
father was an Englishman, and he boasted of being a British subject.
He was excessively vain of his origin, yet he was the most confirmed
drunkard alive, always getting intoxicated before breakfast, and
remaining in a soaking state all day long. This did not, however,
make him regardless of his own interest, to which, on the contrary,
he was ever alive, and indeed sacrificed every other feeling. The
other mulatto could read and write English tolerably well, having
received his education at Sierra Leone; he was a slave to Adooley,
and was almost as great a drunkard as Hooper. These drunken political
advisers of the chief they had little difficulty in bribing over to
their interests; they had likewise been tampering with several native
chiefs, apparently with equal success. Unfortunately every one here
styled himself a great and powerful man, and Hooper himself calls a
host of ragged scoundrels "noblemen and gentlemen," each of whom he
advised Lander to conciliate with presents, and especially spirituous
liquors, in order to do away any evil impression they might secretly
have received, and obtain their suffrages, though it should be at the
expense of half the goods in their possession. There is hardly any
knowing who is monarch here, or even what form of government
prevails; independently of the king of kings himself, the redoubtable
Adooley, four fellows assume the title of royalty, namely, the kings
of Spanish-town, of Portuguese-town, of English-town, and of
French-town, Badagry being divided into four districts, bearing the
names of the European nations just mentioned.

Toward the evening, they received an invitation from the former of
these chieftains, who by all accounts was originally the sole
governor of the country, until his authority was wrested from him by
a more powerful hand. He was then living in retirement, and subsisted
by purchasing slaves, and selling them to Portuguese and Spanish
traders. They found in him a meek and venerable old man, of
respectable appearance. He was surrounded by a number of men and
boys, his household slaves, who were all armed with pistols, daggers,
muskets, cutlasses, swords, &c., the manufacture of various European
countries. In the first place, he assured them, that nothing could
give him more pleasure than to welcome them to Badagry, and he very
much wondered that they had not visited him before. If they had a
present to give him, he said, he would thank them; but if they had
not, still he would thank them. A table was then brought out into the
court before the house, on which decanters and glasses, with a
burning liquor obtained from the Portuguese, were placed. In one
corner of the yard was a little hut, not more than two feet in
height, wherein had been placed a fetish figure, to preserve the
chief from any danger or mischief, which their presence might
otherwise have entailed upon him. A portion of the spirit was poured
into one of the glasses, and from it emptied into each of the others,
and then drunk by the attendant that had fetched it from the house.
This is an old custom, introduced no doubt to prevent masters from
being poisoned by the treachery of their slaves. As soon as the
decanters had been emptied of their contents, other ardent spirits
were introduced, but as Richard Lander imagined that fetish water had
been mingled with it, they simply took a tea-spoonful into their
mouths, and privately ejected it on the ground. The old chief
promised to return their visit on the morrow, and lifting up his
hands and eyes to heaven, like a child in the attitude of prayer, he
invoked the Almighty to preserve and bless them; they then saluted
him in the usual manner, and returned well pleased to their own
habitation.



CHAPTER XXX.

They were now most anxious to proceed on their journey, out the
chief, Adooley, evaded their solicitations to depart, under the most
frivolous and absurd pretences. He asserted that his principal reason
for detaining them against their inclinations, was the apprehension
he entertained for their safety, the road not being considered in a
good state. Under this impression, he despatched a messenger to
Jenna, to ascertain if the affairs of that country warranted him
sending them thither. The old king of Jenna, who, it will be
recollected, behaved so kindly to Captain Clapperton, was dead; his
successor had been appointed, but he had not at that time arrived
from Katunga. That being the case, there would not be any one at
Jenna to receive them. Meantime, the rainy season was fast
approaching, as was sufficiently announced by repeated showers and
occasional tornadoes. They were also the more anxious to leave this
abominable place, as they were informed that a sacrifice of no less
than three hundred human beings, of both sexes and all ages, was
shortly to take place, such as has been described in the second
journey of Clapperton. They often heard the cries of many of these
poor wretches, and the heart sickened with horror at the bare
contemplation of such a scene as awaited them, should they remain
much longer at Badagry.

Early on the morning of the 25th March, the house of the travellers
was filled with visitors, and from that time to the evening they
resigned themselves to a species of punishment, which cannot be
characterized by any other terms than an earthly purgatory. After
cracking fingers a hundred times, and grinning as often, they were
informed, that the chief's messenger had returned from Jenna, but for
some reason, which Lander could not define, the man was almost
immediately sent back again, and they were told that they could not
quit Badagry until he again made his appearance. It is the custom in
this place, that when a man cannot pay his respects in person to
another, he sends a servant with a sword or cane, in the same manner
as a gentleman delivers his card in England. They this day received a
number of compliments in this fashion, and it is almost superfluous
to say that a cane or a sword was at all times a more welcome and
agreeable visitor than its owner would have been.

They had scarcely finished their morning repast, when Hooper
introduced himself for his accustomed glass of spirits, to prevent
him, according to his own account, from getting sick. He took the
opportunity of informing them, that it would be absolutely necessary
to visit the _noblemen_, who had declared themselves _on their side_.
As they strove to court popularity and conciliate the vagabonds by
every means in their power, they approved of Hooper's counsel, and
went in the first place, to the house of the late _General_ Poser,
which was at that time under the superintendence of his head man. Him
they found squatting indolently on a mat, and several old people were
holding a conversation with him. As the death of Poser was not
generally known to the people, it being concealed from them, for fear
of exciting a commotion in the town, he having been universally loved
and respected they were not permitted even to mention his name, and
the steward set them the example, by prudently confining his
conversation to the necessity of making him a present proportionate
to his expectations, and the dignity of his situation. Muskets and
other warlike instruments were suspended from the sides of the
apartment, and its ceiling was decorated with fetishes and Arab texts
in profusion. Gin and water were produced, and partaken of with
avidity by all present, more especially by the two mulattoes that had
attended them, which being done, the head man wished the great spirit
to prosper them in all their undertakings, and told them not to
forget his present by any means. They shortly afterwards took their
leave, and quitted the apartment with feelings of considerable
satisfaction, for its confined air was so impure, that a longer stay,
to say the least of it, would have been highly unpleasant. As it was,
they had consumed so much time in Poser's house, that they found it
necessary to alter their intention of visiting the other chiefs, and
therefore resolved to pay their respects to Adooley, whom they had
not seen for two days. Accordingly, they repaired immediately to his
residence, and were welcomed to it with a much better grace, than on
any previous occasion.

The chief was eating an undrest onion, and seated on an old table,
dangling his legs underneath, with a vacant thoughtlessness of
manner, which their abrupt intrusion somewhat dissipated. He informed
them of his intention to send them on their journey on the day after
to-morrow, when he expected that the people of Jenna would be in a
suitable condition to receive them. He was full of good nature, and
promised to make Richard Lander a present of a horse, which he had
brought with him from Sockatoo on the former expedition, adding, that
he would sell another to John Lander. So far, their visit was
attended with satisfaction, but it was rather destroyed by Adooley
informing them that it was his particular wish to examine the goods,
which they intended to take with them into _the bush,_ as the
enclosed country is called, in order that he might satisfy himself
that there were no objectionable articles amongst them. Having
expressed their thanks to Adooley for his well-timed present, and
agreed to the examination of their baggage, they all partook of a
little spirit and water, which soon made them the best friends in the
universe. During this palaver, the chief's sister and two of his
wives were ogling at the travellers, and giggling with all the
playfulness of the most finished coquette, until the approach of the
chief of the English-town and the remainder of the travellers' party
put a sudden stop to their entertainment, on which they presently
left the apartment. These men came to settle a domestic quarrel,
which was  soon decided by the  chief, who, after receiving the usual
salutation of dropping on the knees with the face to the earth,
chatted and laughed immoderately; this was considered by the
travellers as a happy omen. In that country, very little ceremony is
observed by the meanest of the people towards their sovereign, they
converse with him with as little reserve, as if he were no better
than themselves, while he pays as much attention to their complaints,
as to those of the principal people of the country. An African king
is therefore of some use, but there are kings in other parts of the
world, of whose use it would be a very difficult matter to find any
traces, and who know as much of the complaints or grievances of their
subjects, as of the nucleus of the earth. Nor was king Adooley
supposed to be entirely destitute of the virtues of hospitality, for
it was observed that the remainder of his onion was divided equally
amongst the chiefs, who had come to visit him, and was received by
them with marks of the highest satisfaction.

In the afternoon, a herald proclaimed the approach to the habitation
of the venerable chief of Spanish-town, with a long suite of thirty
followers. The old man's dress was very simple, consisting only of a
cap and turban, with a large piece of Manchester cotton flung over
his right shoulder, and held under his left arm. This is infinitely
more graceful and becoming in the natives, than the most showy
European apparel, in any variety of which, indeed, they generally
look highly ridiculous. After they had made the chief and all his
attendants nearly tipsy, the former began to be very talkative and
amusing, continuing to chat without interruption for a considerable
time, not omitting to whisper occasionally to the interpreter, by no
means to forget, after his departure, to remind the travellers of the
present they had promised him, it being considered the height of
rudeness to mention any thing of the kind aloud in his presence. The
rum had operated so cheerily upon his followers in the yard, that fat
and lean, old and young, all commenced dancing, and continued
performing the most laughable antics, till they were no longer able
to stand. It amused the travellers infinitely to observe these
creatures, with their old solemn placid-looking chief at their head,
staggering out at the door way; they were in truth, but too happy to
get rid of them at so cheap a rate. Hooper shortly afterwards came
with a petition from twelve _gentlemen_ of English-town, for the sum
of a hundred and twenty dollars to be divided amongst them, and
having no resource, they were compelled to submit to the demand of
these rapacious scoundrels.

Late in the evening, they received the threatened visit from Adooley,
who came to examine the contents of the boxes. He was borne in a
hammock by two men, and was dressed in an English linen shirt, a
Spanish cloak or mantle, with a cap, turban  and sandals; his
attendants were three half-dressed little boys, who, one by one,
placed themselves at their master's feet, as they were in the regular
habit of doing; one of them carried a long sword, another a pistol,
and a third a kind of knapsack, filled with tobacco. The chief was
presented with brandy, equal in strength to spirits of wine, and he
swallowed a large quantity of it with exquisite pleasure. The boys
were permitted to drink a portion of the liquor every time that it
was poured into a glass for Adooley, but, though it was so very
strong, it produced no grimace, nor the slightest distortion of
countenance in these little fellows. The fondness of the natives, or
rather their passion for spirituous liquors is astonishing, and they
are valued entirely in proportion to the intoxicating effects they
occasion. Adooley smoked nearly all the while he remained in Lander's
house. As each box was opened, however, he would take the pipe slowly
from his mouth, as if perfectly heedless of what was going forward,
and from the couch on which he was reclining, he regarded with
intense curiosity each article, as it was held out to his
observation. Every thing that in his opinion demanded a closer
examination, or more properly speaking, every thing he took a fancy
to, was put into his hands at his own request, but as it would be
grossly impolite to return it after it had been soiled by his
fingers, with the utmost _nonchalance,_ the chief delivered it over
to the care of his recumbent pages, who carefully secured it between
their legs. Adooley's good taste could not of course be questioned,
and it did not much surprise, though it grieved the Landers, to
observe a large portion of almost every article in the boxes speedily
passing through his hands into those of his juvenile minions. Nothing
seemed unworthy of his acceptance, from a piece of fine scarlet cloth
to a child's farthing whistle; indeed he appeared to be particularly
pleased with the latter article, for he no sooner made it sound, than
he put on a horrible grin of delight, and requested a couple of the
instruments, that he might amuse himself with them in his leisure
moments. Although he had received guns, ammunition, and a variety of
goods, to the amount of nearly three hundred ounces of gold,
reckoning each ounce to be worth two pounds sterling, yet he was so
far from being satisfied, that he was continually grumbling forth his
discontent. Gratitude, however, was unknown to him, as well as to his
subjects. The more that was given them, the more pressing were their
importunities for other favours; the very food that he ate, and the
clothes that he wore, were begged in so fawning a tone and manner, as
to create disgust and contempt at the first interview.

It was nearly midnight, before Adooley rose from his seat to depart,
when he very ceremoniously took his leave, with broad cloth and
cottons, pipes, snuff-boxes, and knives, paper, ink, whistles, &c.,
and even some of the books of the travellers, not a line of which he
could comprehend; so avaricious was this king of Badagry.

They rose early on the morning of the 26th, for the purpose of
arranging some trifling matters and taking their breakfast in
quietness and comfort; but they had scarcely sitten down, when their
half-naked grinning acquaintance entered to pay them the compliments
of the day. Notwithstanding their chagrin, so ludicrous were the
perpetual bowing and scraping of these their friends, in imitation of
Europeans, that they could not forbear laughing in good earnest.
Their rum, which had been kindly supplied them by Lieutenant Matson,
they were happy to find was nearly all consumed, and the number of
their general visitors had diminished in exact proportion to the
decrease of the spirit, so that they were now beginning to feel the
enjoyment of an hour or two's quiet in the course of the day, which
was a luxury they could hardly have anticipated. The chief sent his
son to them, requesting a few needles and some small shot; they could
ill spare the latter, but it would have been impolitic to have
refused his urgent solicitations, whatever might have been their
tendency.

The horses promised by Adooley were now sent for them to examine.
They appeared strong and in good condition, and if they played them
no wicked pranks in "the bush," no doubt they would be found
eminently serviceable.

In the evening, Poser's headman, who, it was understood, was one of
the chiefs first captains, returned their visit of the preceding day,
followed by a multitude of friends and retainers. He had been
determined, it was believed, before he left home, to be in an ill
humour with the travellers, and perhaps he had treated himself with
an extra dram upon the occasion. This great bully introduced himself
into their dwelling; his huge round face, inflamed with scorn, anger,
and "potations deep." He drank with more avidity than his countrymen,
but the liquor produced no good impression upon him, serving rather
to increase his dissatisfaction and choler. He asked for every thing
which he saw, and when they had gratified him to the best of their
power, he began to be very abusive and noisy. He said he was
convinced that they had come into the country with no good
intentions, and accused them of deceit and insincerity in their
professions, or, in plainer terms, that they had been guilty of a
direct falsehood, in stating that they had no other motive for
undertaking the journey than to recover the papers of Mr. Park at
Youri. He was assured that they were afraid to tell the true reasons
for leaving their own country. They withstood his invectives with
tolerable composure, and the disgraceful old fellow left them in a
pet, about half an hour after his arrival.

John Lander, we find, on referring to this part of their journey
says, "It is really a discouraging reflection, that, notwithstanding
the sacrifices we have made of all private feeling and personal
comfort, for the purpose of conciliating the good opinion of the
people here; the constant fatigue and inconvenience to which we have
been subjected; the little arts we have practised; the forced
laughter; the unnatural grin: the never-ending shaking of hands, &c.
&c., besides the dismal noises and unsavoury smells to which our
organs have been exposed, still, after all, some scoundrels are to be
found hardened against us by hatred and prejudice, and so ungrateful
for all our gifts and attentions, as to take a delight in poisoning
the minds of the people against us, by publicly asserting that we are
English spies, and make use of other inventions equally false and
malicious. Pitiable, indeed, must be the lot of that man, who is
obliged to drag on a year of existence in so miserable a place as
this. Nevertheless we are in health and spirits, and perhaps feel a
secret pride in being able to subdue our rising dissatisfaction, and
in overcoming difficulties, which at a first glance seemed to be
insurmountable. By the blessing of Heaven, we shall proceed
prosperously in our undertaking; for in the divine goodness do we
alone repose all our confidence and hopes of success. We may say that
pleasure and enjoyment have accompanied us hither. The clearness of
the sky is pleasant, and its brilliancy, the softness of the moon,
the twinkling brightness of the stars, and the silence of night, the
warbling and the flight of birds, the hum of insects, and the varied
and luxuriant aspect of beautiful nature, are all charming to us; and
what on earth can be more soothing and delightful than the thoughts
of home and kindred, and anticipations of a holier and more glorious
existence; these are true pleasures, of which the barbarians cannot
deprive us."

So writes John Lander, in the enthusiasm of his imagination; but
unfortunately the reality did not come up to the picture which his
fancy had drawn; for although the softness of the moon, and the
silence of night, and the brightness of the stars, might be all very
pleasant objects, even under an equatorial sun, yet the following
account of some of the disagreeables, when taken in contrast, rather
tends to overbalance the sum of the agreeables. Thus we find, that on
the day subsequent to that on which John Lander had written his
rhapsody on the agreeables of Badagry, the noise and jargon of their
guests pursued them even in their sleep, and their dreams were
disturbed by fancied palavers, which were more unpleasant and
vexatious, if possible, in their effects than real ones. Early on the
morning of the 25th, they were roused from one of these painful
slumbers to listen to the dismal yell of the hyenas, the shrill
crowing of cocks, the hum of night flies and mosquitoes, and the
hoarse croaking of frogs, together with the chirping of myriads of
crickets and other insects, which resounded through the air, as
though it had been pierced with a thousand whistles. The _silence_ of
night, under these circumstances, could not have been very pleasant
to them, and it scarcely amounts to a question, whether the warbling
of the birds could afford any great delight, if the hyenas and the
mosquitoes, and the frogs and the crickets considered themselves
privileged to make up the chorus.

The sun had scarcely risen, when two Mahommedans arrived at their
house, with an invitation for them to accompany them to the spot
selected for the performance of their religious rites and
observances. This being a novelty, they embraced the proposal with
pleasure, and followed the men to the distance of about a mile from
their house. Here they observed a number of Mahommedans sitting in
detached groups, actively employed in the duties of lustration and
ablution. It was a bare space of ground, edged with trees, and
covered with sand. The Mussulmans were obliged to bring water with
them in calabashes. Seated in a convenient situation, under the
spreading branches of a myrtle tree, the two travellers could
observe, without being seen, all the actions of the Mussulmans. A
number of boys, however, soon intruded themselves upon their privacy;
and, in truth, they were more amused by the artlessness and
playfulness of their manners, than with all the grave and stupid
mummery of the Mahommedan worshippers. Groups of people were
continually arriving at the spot, and these were welcomed by an
occasional flourish of music from a native clarionet, &c. They were
clad in all their finery, their apparel being as gaudy as it was
various. The coup d'oeil presented by no means an uninteresting
spectacle. Loose tobes, with caps and turbans striped and plain, red,
blue, and black, were not unpleasantly contrasted with the original
native costume of figured cotton, thrown loosely over the shoulders,
and immense rush hats. Manchester cottons, of the most glaring
patterns, were conspicuous amongst the crowd; but these were cast in
the shade by scarfs of green silk, ornamented with leaves and flowers
of gold, and aprons covered with silver spangles. Very young children
appeared bending under the weight of clothes and ornaments, whilst
boys of maturer years carried a variety of offensive weapons. The
Turkish scimitar, the French sabre, the Portuguese dagger confined in
a silver case, all gleamed brightly, and heavy cutlasses, with rude
native knives, were likewise exhibited, half-devoured by cankering
rust. Clumsy muskets and fowling-pieces, as well as Arab pistole,
were also handled with delight by the joyful Mussulmans. In number
the religionists were about a hundred and fifty. Not long after the
arrival of the two brothers, they formed themselves into six lines,
and having laid aside many of their superfluous ornaments, and a
portion of their clothing, they put on the most sedate countenance,
and commenced their devotional exercises in a spirit of seriousness
and apparent fervour, worthy of a better place and a more amiable
creed. In the exterior forms of their religion, at least, the
Mussulmans are here complete adepts, as this spectacle was well
calculated to convince the  two Europeans, and the little which they
had hitherto seen of them, led them to form a very favourable opinion
of their general temperance and sobriety. The ceremony was no sooner
concluded, than muskets, carbines, and pistols were discharged on all
sides. The clarionet again struck up a note of joy, and was supported
by long Arab drums, strings of bells, and a solitary kettle-drum. The
musicians, like the ancient minstrels of Europe, were encouraged by
trifling presents from the more charitable of the multitude. All
seemed cheerful and happy, and, on leaving the Landers, several out
of compliment, it was supposed, discharged their pieces at their
heels, and were evidently delighted with themselves, with the two
English, and the whole world.

In the path, the Landers met a fellow approaching the scene of
innocent dissipation, clothed most fantastically in a flannel dress
and riding on the back, on what they were informed was a wooden
horse. He was surrounded by natives of all ages, who were laughing
most extravagantly at the unnatural capering of the thing, and
admiring the ingenuity of the contrivance. The figure itself was
entirely concealed with cloths, which rendered it impossible to
discover by what agency it was moved. Its head was covered with red
cloth, and a pair of sheep's ears answered the purpose for which they
were intended tolerably well. Yet, on the whole, though it was easy
to perceive that a horse was intended to be represented by it, the
figure was executed clumsily enough. As soon as this party had joined
the individuals assembled near the place of worship, a startling
shriek of laughter testified the tumultuous joy of the wondering
multitude. The sun shone out resplendently on the happy groups of
fancifully dressed persons, whose showy, various-coloured garments,
and sooty skin, contrasted with the picturesque and lovely appearance
of the scenery, produced an unspeakably charming effect. The foliage
exhibited every variety and tint of green, from the sombre shade of
the melancholy yew, to the lively verdure of the poplar and young
oak. "For myself," says John Lander, "I was delighted with the
agreeable ramble, and imagined that I could distinguish from the
notes of the songsters of the grove, the swelling strains of the
English skylark and thrush, with the more gentle warbling of the
finch and linnet. It was indeed a brilliant morning, teeming with
life and beauty, and recalled to my memory a thousand affecting
associations of sanguine boyhood, when I was thoughtless and happy.
The barbarians around me were all cheerful and full of joy. I have
heard that like sorrow, joy is contagious, and I believe that it is,
for it inspired me with a similar gentle feeling."

"The 27th March in this place, is what May-day is in many country
places in England, and it strongly reminded us of it. But here
unfortunately there are no white faces to enliven us, and a want of
the lovely complexion of our beautiful countrywomen, tinged with 'its
celestial red,' is severely felt; and so is the total absence here of
that golden chain of kindness, which links them to the ruder
associates of their festive enjoyments. By and by, doubtless,
familiarity with black faces will reconcile me to them, but at
present I am compelled to own, that I cannot help feeling a
considerable share of aversion towards their jetty complexions, in
common I believe with most strangers that visit this place."

Owing to the holiday, which is equally prized and enjoyed by
Mahommedan and pagan, their visitors on this day have been almost
exclusively confined to a party of Houssa mallams, who entered their
dwelling in the forenoon, perfumed all over with musk, more for the
purpose of gratifying their vanity by displaying their finery before
them, than of paying the travellers the compliment of the day, which
was avowedly the sole object of their intrusion. One or two of them
were masticating the goora nut, and others had their lips, teeth, and
finger nails stained red. Each of the mallams was attended by a
well-dressed little boy of agreeable countenance, who acted as page
to his master, and was his _protegé_. Neither of the men would eat or
drink with those who they came to visit, yet whilst they were in
their company, they seemed cheerful and good humoured, and were
communicative and highly intelligent. In answer to the questions put
to them, they; were informed that two rivers enter the Quorra, or
great river of Funda, one of which is called the _Coodonie,_ and the
other the _Tshadda,_ (from the lake Tshad); that a schooner might
sail from Bornou to Fundah, on the latter river, without difficulty;
that Funda is only twenty-four hours pull from Benin, and twenty-nine
days' journey from Bornou. At the close of a long and to the
travellers rather an interesting conversation, their visitors
expressed themselves highly gratified with their reception, and left
the hut to repair to their own habitations.

These men, though slaves to Adooley, are very respectable, and are
never called upon by their master, except when required to go to war,
supporting themselves by trading for slaves, which they sell to
Europeans. They wore decent _nouffie_ tobes, (_qu Nyffee,_) Arab red
caps, and Houssa sandals. The mallams, both in their manners and
conversation, are infinitely superior to the ungentle, and malignant
natives of Badagry.

March 28th fell on a Sunday, and luckily for the travellers, the
inhabitants of the place considered it as a holiday, and their
singing, dancing, and savage jollity possessed greater charms for
them than an empty rum cask, though backed by two white faces. With a
trifling exception or so, they were in consequence unmolested by
their visitors of the everlasting grin and unwearied tongue during
the day. This happy circumstance afforded them an opportunity, and
ample leisure for spending the Sabbath in a manner most agreeable to
their feelings; by devoting the greater part of it to the impressive
duties of their divine religion, in humbling themselves before the
mercy seat of the great Author of their being, and imploring him to
be their refuge and guardian, to shield them from every danger, and
to render their undertakings hopeful and prosperous.

As yet no crime of any peculiar atrocity had been committed, to
impress the travellers with an unfavourable opinion of the moral
character of the people amongst whom they were then residing, but on
this evening of the Sabbath, a Fantee was robbed of his effects, and
stabbed by an assassin below the ribs, so that his life was despaired
of. The most unlucky part, however, of this tragical affair to
Richard Lander, was, that the natives, from some cause, which he
could not divine, had imbibed the conceit that he was skilled in
surgery. In vain, he protested that he knew nothing of the anatomy of
the human frame--there were many present, who knew far better than he
did himself, and therefore, _nolens volens,_ he was obliged to visit
the patient. It was certainly the first time that Richard Lander had
been called in to exercise his surgical skill, and it must be
admitted that in one sense, he was well adapted for the character of
a bone-setter, or other offices for which the gentlemen of the lancet
are notorious. This trait in his character consisted in a gravity of
countenance well befitting the individual, who presents himself to
his anxious patient, to pronounce the great question of life and
death, and the greater the ignorance of the individual, the deeper
and more solemn is the countenance, which he assumes. If Richard
Lander had been in the least inclined to a risible disposition,
perhaps no occasion was more likely to call it into action, than when
he saw himself followed by two or three hundred savages, under an
imputation of possessing the power of curing an individual, who had
been stabbed nearly to the heart, when at the same time, he knew as
much of the art of stopping an haemorrhage, as he did of the art of
delivering one of the queens of Badagry of an heir to "the golden
stool." Fortunately, however, for the new debutant in the medical
profession, the victim of the assassin had died a few minutes before
the English doctor arrived, and right glad he was, for had he found
his patient alive, and he had afterwards died, no doubt whatever
rested on his mind, that his death would be attributed to the want of
skill on the part of his medical attendant, who, by way of reward for
his interference, would have run no small risk of being buried in the
same grave as the individual, whose life he had sacrificed to his
ignorance and want of skill. From this dilemma he was fortunately
relieved, but he had scarcely returned to his habitation, than he was
called upon to attend a fetish, or a religious rite, that was to be
performed over the remains of a native, who had been found dead, but
who was in perfect health a few hours before. This kind of coroner's
inquest appeared most strange to the travellers, when it was well
known to them that the king of Badagry, so far from following the
example of other kings, who are so extremely anxious about the life
of their subjects, often amuses himself with chopping off two or
three hundred heads of his subjects, in order that the path to his
apartments may be paved with their skulls; and should there not be
quite a sufficient number to complete the job, the deficiency is made
up with the same indifference, as a schoolboy strikes off the heads
of the poppies in the corn fields. The ceremony observed at this
fetish, had a great resemblance to an Irish wake; and could the
mourners have been able to obtain the requisite supply of spirits,
there is very little doubt that there would not have been a mourner
present, who would not have exhibited himself in the state of the
most beastly intoxication. The lament of the relatives of the
deceased was doleful in the highest degree, and no sounds could be
more dismally mournful than those shrieked forth by them on this
occasion.

The Sabbath was nearly over, when a summons was received from
Adooley, to repair to his residence, in order finally to settle the
business relative to their journey into the interior, but they
refused to have any disputes with him on the Sabbath, and therefore
promised to wait on him the following morning. Accordingly after
breakfast, they redeemed their pledge, by paying him the promised
visit. Adooley received them with his accustomed politeness and
gracious smile. He prefaced his wish by saying, that he wished to
inform them of his intention, to detain them at Badagry a day or two
longer, the "path" not being considered in a fit state for;
travelling, rather than his reputation should suffer by leading them
into danger, which would undoubtedly be the case, if he had not
adopted his present resolution. Yet, he continued, they might depend
upon his word as a king, that they should be at liberty to depart on
the following Thursday at the latest. Now the Landers well knew that
the country was never in a more peaceable or quiet state than at the
moment he was speaking, and they were consequently mortified beyond
measure, at the perpetual evasions and contradictions of this chief.
They also regretted that the dry season was drawing fast to a close,
and that then they would be obliged to travel in the rainy months.

Having made this declaration, Adooley requested them to write on
paper in his presence, for a few things, which he wished to procure
from Cape Coast Castle, or from England, as a return for the
protection he had promised them. Amongst other articles enumerated
were _four_ regimental coats, such as are worn by the king of
England, being for his own immediate wear, and forty less splendid
than the king of England's, for his captains; two long brass guns, to
run on swivels; _fifty_ muskets; _twenty_ barrels of gunpowder; four
handsome swords, and forty cutlasses; to which were added, two
puncheons of rum; a carpenter's chest of tools, with oils, paint and
brushes; the king himself boasting that he was a blacksmith,
carpenter, painter, and indeed every trade but a tailor.
Independently of these trifles, as he termed them, he wished to
Obtain half a dozen rockets, and a rocket gun, with a soldier from
Cape Coast capable of undertaking the management of it; and lastly,
he modestly ordered two puncheons of kowries to be sent him, for the
purpose of defraying in part the expences, he had incurred in
repelling the attacks of the men of Porto Novo, Atta, Juncullee; the
tribes inhabiting those places having made war upon him, for allowing
Captain Clapperton's last mission to proceed into the interior
without their consent. They now asked jocosely, whether Adooley would
be satisfied with these various articles, when, having considered for
a few moments, and conversed aloud to a few of his chiefs, who were
in the apartment at the time, he replied that he had forgotten to
mention his want of a large umbrella, _four_ casks of grape shot, and
a barrel of flints, which having also inserted in the list, the
letter was finally folded and sealed. It was then delivered into the
hands of Adooley, who said that he should send it by Accra, one of
his head men, to Cape Coast Castle, and that the man would wait there
till all the articles should be procured for him. If that be the
case, the Landers imagined that Accra would have a very long time to
wait.

The interpreter of the Landers, old Hooper, having been suspected by
the chief to be in their interest, a young man, named Tookwee, who
understood a little English, was sent for, and commanded to remain
during the whole conference, in order to detect any error that Hooper
might make, and to see that every thing enumerated by the chief,
should be written in the list of articles.

During this long and serious conversation, the Landers were highly
amused with a singular kind of concert, which was formed by three
little bells, which were fastened to the tails of the same number of
cats by a long string, and made a jingling noise, whenever the
animals thought proper to play off any of their antics. As an
accompaniment to this singular kind of music, they were favoured with
the strains of an organ, which instrument was turned by a little boy,
placed purposely in a corner of the apartment.

In the afternoon, a young Jenna woman came to visit them, accompanied
by a female friend from Houssa. Her hair was traced with such
extraordinary neatness, that John Lander expressed a wish to examine
it more minutely. The girl had never beheld such a thing as a white
man before, and permission was granted with a great deal of coyness,
mixed up perhaps with a small portion of fear, which was apparent as
she was slowly untying her turban. No sooner, however, was the
curiosity of the travellers gratified, than a demand of two hundred
kowries was insisted on by her companion, that, it was alleged, being
the price paid in the interior by the male sex to scrutinize a lady's
hair. They were obliged to conform to the usual custom, at which the
women expressed themselves highly delighted. The hair, which had
excited the admiration of the travellers, was made up in the shape of
a hussar's helmet, and very ingeniously traced on the top. Irregular
figures were likewise braided on each side of the head, and a band of
worked thread, dyed in indigo, encircled it below the natural hair,
which seemed, by its tightness and closeness, to have been glued fast
to the skin. This young Jenna woman was by far the most interesting,
both in face and form, of any they had seen since their landing; and
her prettiness was rendered more engaging by her retiring modesty and
perfect artlessness of manner, which, whether observed in black or
white, are sure to command the esteem and reverence of the other sex.
Her eyelids were stained with a bluish-black powder, which is the
same kind of substance, it is supposed, as that described in a note
in Mr. Beckford's Vatheck. Her person was excessively clean, and her
apparel flowing, neat, and graceful. Before taking leave, the girl's
unworthy companion informed John Lander, that her _protegée_ was
married, but that as her husband was left behind at Jenna, she would
prevail on her to visit the travellers in the evening after sunset.
Of course they expressed their abhorrence of the proposal, and were
really grieved to reflect, that, with so much meekness, innocence,
modesty, and beauty, their timid friend should be exposed to the
wiles of a crafty and wicked woman. On this occasion, John Lander
says, "We have longed to discover a solitary virtue lingering amongst
the natives of this place, but as yet our search has been
ineffectual."

As a contrast to the youthful individual just described, an old
withered woman entered their residence in the evening, and began
professing the most unbounded affection for both the travellers. She
had drank so much rum that she could scarcely stand. She first began
to pay her attentions to John Lander, who, being the more sprightly
of the two, she thought was the most likely to accede to her wishes;
she happened, however, to be the owner of a most forbidding
countenance, and four of her front teeth had disappeared from her
upper jaw, which caused a singular and disagreeable indention of the
upper lip. The travellers were disgusted with the appearance and
hateful familiarity of this ancient hag, who had thus paid so ill a
compliment to their vanity, and subsequently they forced her out of
the yard without any ceremony.

The travellers now ascertained that the king would not allow them to
go to Jenna by the nearest beaten path, on the plea, that, as sacred
fetish land would lie in their way, they would die the moment in
which they trod upon it.

The pleasant news was now received, that the king of Jenna had
arrived at that town from Katunga. His messenger reached Badagry on
the 30th March, and immediately paid a visit to the Landers,
accompanied by a friend. They regaled him with a glass of rum,
according to their general custom, the first mouthful of which he
squirted from his own into the mouth of his associate, and _vice
versa._ This was the first time they had witnessed this dirty and
disgusting practice.

Adooley again sent for the travellers, he having recollected some
articles, which were necessary to complete the cargo, which the king
of England was to send him. To their great surprise, however, the
first article that he demanded was nothing less than a gun-boat, with
a hundred men from England, as a kind of body-guard; for his own
private and immediate use, however, he demanded a few common
tobacco-pipes. It was a very easy matter to give a bill for the
gun-boat and the hundred men, neither of which, they well knew, would
be duly honoured; for, before they could come back protested to king
Adooley, the drawers of it knew they would be far beyond his power;
and they had received such specimens of the extreme nobleness and
generosity of his character, that they determined never to throw
themselves in his power again. In regard, however, to the
tobacco-pipes, they dared not part with them on any account, because,
considering the long journey, they had before them, they were
convinced they had nothing to spare; indeed it was their opinion,
that the presents would be all exhausted long before the journey was
completed, and this was in a great measure to be imputed to the
rapacity of Adooley, when he examined their boxes. With the same
facility that they could have written the order for the gun-boat and
the hundred men, they now wrote a paper for forty ounces of gold,
worth there about two pounds an ounce, to be distributed amongst the
chief of the English-town and the rest of their partisans. Adooley
had now summed up the measure of his demands; the travellers were
most agreeably surprised by an assurance from him, that they should
quit Badagry on the morrow, with the newly-arrived Jenna messenger.
They accordingly adjusted all their little matters to the apparent
satisfaction of all parties, nor could they help wishing, for the
sake of their credit, that they might never meet such needy and
importunate friends as pestered them during their residence at
Badagry.

In regard to king Adooley, we have been furnished with some most
interesting particulars respecting him, and some of his actions
certainly exhibit a nobleness of character seldom to be found in
the savage. His conduct towards the Landers was distinguished by the
greatest rapacity and duplicity, whilst in his intercourse with his
own immediate connexions, his actions cannot be surpassed by any of
the great heroes of antiquity. He evinced in early youth an active
and ingenious disposition, and an extraordinary fondness for
mechanical employments and pursuits. This bias of Adooley soon
attracted the attention and notice of his father, and this revered
parent did all that his slender means afforded of cherishing it, and of
encouraging him to persevere in his industrious habits. Whilst yet
a boy, Adooley was a tolerable carpenter, smith, painter, and gunner.
He soon won the admiration of his father, who displayed greater
partiality and affection for him, than for either of his other
children, and on his death nominated this favorite son his successor,
to the exclusion of his first-born, which is against the laws of the
country, the eldest son being invariably understood as the legitimate
heir. For some time, however, after his decease, no notice was taken
of the dying request of the Lagos chieftain; his eldest son ruled in
his stead, notwithstanding his last injunction, and Adooley for a few
years wisely submitted to his brother without murmuring or complaint.
The young men at length quarrelled, and Adooley calling to
remembrance the words and wishes of his father, rose up against the
chief, whom he denounced an usurper, and vehemently called upon his
friends to join him in disputing his authority, and endeavour to
divest him of his power and consequence. All the slaves of his
deceased parent, amongst whom were a great number of Houssa mallams;
all who bore any personal dislike to the ruling chief, or were
discontented with his form of government; those who preferred
Adooley, and the discontented of all ranks, formed themselves into a
strong body, and resolved to support the pretensions of their
favourite. The brothers agreed to decide the quarrel by the sword,
and having come to a general engagement, the partizans of the younger
were completely routed, and fled with their leader before the
victorious arms of the opposing party.

Fearing the result of this contest, Adooley, with a spirit of filial
piety, which is not rare amongst savages, and is truly noble, dug out
of the earth, wherein it had been deposited, the skull of his father,
and took it along with him in his flight, in order that it might not
be dishonoured in his absence, for he loved his father with
extraordinary tenderness, and cherished his memory as dearly as his
own life. The headless body of the venerable chief, like those of his
ancestors, had been sent to Benin, in order that its bones might
adorn the sacred temple at that place, agreeably to an ancient and
respected custom, which has ever been religiously conformed to, and
tenaciously held by the Lagos people. But Adooley displayed at the
same time another beautiful trait of piety and filial tenderness. At
the period of his defeat, he had an aged and infirm mother living,
and her he determined to take with him, let the consequences be what
they might. With his accustomed foresight, he had previously made a
kind of cage or box, in case there should be a necessity for removing
her. His father's skull having been disinterred and secured, he
implored his mother to take immediate advantage of this cage, as the
only means of escaping with life. She willingly acceded to her son's
request, and was borne off on the shoulders of four slaves, to a
village not far distant from Lagos, accompanied by Adooley and his
fugitive train, where they imagined themselves secure from further
molestation. In this opinion, however, they were deceived, for the
more fortunate chief, suspicious of his brother's intentions, and
dreading his influence, would not suffer him to remain long in peace,
but drove him out soon after, and hunted him from place to place like
a wild beast. In this manner, retreating from his brother, he at last
reached the flourishing town of Badagry, and being quite wearied with
his exertions and fatigues, and disheartened by his misfortunes, he
set down his beloved mother on the grass, and began to weep by her
side. The principal people of the town were well acquainted with his
circumstances, and admiring the nobleness of his sentiments, they not
only pitied him, but resolved to protect and befriend him to the
last.

For this purpose they presently invited him to attend a council,
which they had hastily formed. When in the midst of them, perceiving
tears falling fast down his cheeks, they asked him why he wept so?
"Foolish boy," said they, "wipe away those tears, for they are
unworthy of you, and show yourself a man and a prince. From this
moment we adopt you our chief, you shall lead us on to war, and we
will fight against your brother, and either prevail over him or
perish. Here your mother may dwell in safety, and here shall your
father's skull be reverenced as it ought to be. Come then, lay aside
your fears, and lead us on against your enemies."

These enemies were in the bush, and hovering near Badagry, when
Adooley and his generous friends sallied out against them. The
fighting or rather skirmishing lasted many days, and many people, it
is said, were slain on both sides. But the advantage was decidedly in
favour of the Badagrians, whose superior knowledge of the district
and secret paths of the wood, was of considerable service to them,
enabling them to lie in ambush, and attack their enemies by surprise.
The Lagos people at length gave up the unequal contest in despair,
and returned to their own country. Adooley was thus left in quiet
possession of an important and influential town, which declared
itself independent of Lagos for ever. Since then various unsuccessful
attempts have been made to compel the Badagrians to return to their
allegiance. The latter, however, have bravely defended their rights,
and in consequence their independency has been acknowledged by the
neighbouring tribes.

In the year 1829, the warlike chief of Lagos died, and Adooley
considering it to be a favourable opportunity for his re-assertion of
his claims to the vacant "stool," as it is called, determined to do
so, and assembled his faithful Badagrians for the purpose of making
an attack on his native town. He imagined that as his brother was
dead, he should experience little opposition from his countrymen; but
he soon discovered that he had formed an erroneous opinion, for
almost at his very outset, he met with a stout resistance. His
brother had left an infant son, and him the people declared to be his
legitimate heir, and unanimously resolved to support him.

The sanguine invaders were repulsed, and entirely defeated,
notwithstanding their tried bravery and utter contempt of danger; and
were forced to return home in confusion without having accomplished
any thing. In this unfortunate expedition Bombanee and all the
principal warriors were slain. A similar attempt has been made on
Lagos more than once, and with a similar result. On the arrival of
the Landers at Badagry, Adooley was but just recovering from the
effects of these various mortifications and other disasters; and
singular enough, he had the artfulness, as has been previously
noticed, of laying the whole blame of them to his having permitted
the last African mission to pass through his territories, contrary to
the wishes of his neighbours, and those, who were interested in the
matter.

Justice is not unfrequently administered at Badagry by means of a
large wooden cap, having three corners, which is placed on the head
of the culprit at the period of his examination. This fantastic piece
of mechanism, no doubt by the structure of internal springs, may be
made to move and shake without any visible agent, on the same
principle as the enchanted Turk, or any other figure in our puppet
shows. It is believed that the native priests are alone in the
secret. When the cap is observed to shake whilst on the head of a
suspected person, he is condemned without any further evidence being
required; but should it remain without any perceptible motion, his
innocence is apparent and he is forthwith acquitted. The frame of
this wonderful cap makes a great fuss in the town, and as many
wonderful stories are told of it here, as were related in England, a
century or two ago, of the famous brazen head of Roger Bacon.

A respectable man, the chief of French-town, was tried by the ordeal
of the cap a short time since, for having, it was alleged, accepted a
bribe of the Lagos chieftain to destroy Adooley by poison. The fatal
cap was no sooner put upon his head than it was observed to move
slightly and then to become more violently agitated. The criminal
felt its motion, and was terrified to such a degree that he fell down
in a swoon. On awakening, he confessed his guilt, and implored
forgiveness, which was granted him by Adooley, because, it was said,
of his sorrow and contrition, but really, no doubt, of his birth and
connexions.

During the stay of the Landers at Badagry, the thermometer of
Fahrenheit ranged between 86° and 94° in their hut, but being oftener
stationary nearer the latter, than the former.



CHAPTER XXXI.

It was on Tuesday, the 31st March, that the Landers bade adieu to the
chief of Badagry, and during the whole of that day they were employed
packing up their things preparatory to their departure. They repaired
to the banks of the river at sunset, expecting to find a canoe, which
Adooley had promised should be sent there for their use; but having
waited above two hours, and finding it had not arrived, they placed
their goods in two smaller canoes, which were lying on the beach.
These soon proved to be leaky, and as no other resource was at hand,
they were fain to wait as patiently as they could for the canoe
promised them. Every thing betrayed the lukewarmness and indifference
of the chief, who had received so much from them, and who expected so
much more, but they had answered his purpose, and therefore he took
no further notice of them. In two more hours, Hooper made his
appearance in Adooley's war canoe, which he had prevailed on him to
lend them. This was placed directly between the two others, and
their contents speedily transferred into it. It was between ten and
eleven o'clock at night that they were fairly launched out into the
body of the river. The canoe was above forty feet in length; it was
propelled through the water by poles instead of paddles, and moved
slowly and silently along. It was a clear and lovely night; the moon
shone gloriously as a silver shield, and reflecting the starry
firmament on the unruffled surface of the water, the real concave of
heaven with its reflection seemed to form a perfect world. The
scenery on the borders of the river appeared wild and striking,
though not magnificent. In the delicious moonshine it was far from
uninteresting: the banks were low and partially covered with stunted
trees, but a slave factory and, a fetish hut were the only buildings
which were observed on them. They could not help admiring at some
distance ahead of their canoe, when the windings of the river would
permit, a noble and solitary palm tree with its lofty branches
bending over the water's edge; to them it was not unlike a majestical
plume of feathers nodding over the head of a beautiful lady.

Proceeding about ten miles in a westerly direction, they suddenly
turned up a branch joining the river from the northward, passing on
the left the village of Bawie, at which Captain Clapperton landed.
They saw several small islands covered with rank grass, interspersed
in different parts of the river. They were inhabited by myriads of
frogs, whose noise was more hoarse and stunning than ever proceeded
from any rookery in Christendom. As they went up the river the canoe
men spoke to their priests, who were invisible to them, in a most
sepulchral tone of voice, and were answered in the same unearthly and
doleful manner. These sounds formed their nocturnal serenade.
Notwithstanding the novelty of their situation and the interest they
took in the objects, which surrounded them, they were so overcome
with fatigue, that they wrapped a flannel around them, and fell fast
asleep.

The hard and uncomfortable couch, on which they had reposed the
preceding night, made their bodies quite sore, and occasioned them to
awake at a very early hour in the morning. At six o'clock A.M. they
found themselves still upon the river, and their canoe gliding
imperceptibly along. From half a mile in width, and in many places
much more, the river had narrowed to about twenty paces; marine
plants nearly covered its surface, and marsh miasmata, loaded with
other vapours of the most noxious quality, ascended from its borders
like a thick cloud. Its smell was peculiarly offensive. In about an
hour afterwards, they arrived at the extremity of the river, into
which flowed a stream of clear water. Here the canoe was dragged over
a morass into a deep but narrow rivulet, so narrow indeed that it was
barely possible for the canoe to float, without being entangled in
the branches of a number of trees, which were shooting up out of the
water. Shortly after, they found it to widen a little; the marine
plants and shrubs disappeared altogether, and the boughs of beautiful
trees, which hung over the banks, overshadowed them in their stead,
forming an arch-like canopy, impervious to the rays of the sun. The
river and the lesser stream abound with alligators and hippopotami,
the wild ducks and a variety of other aquatic birds resorting to them
in considerable numbers. In regard to the alligator, a singular fraud
is committed by the natives of the coast, who collect the alligators'
eggs in great numbers, and being in their size and make exactly
resembling the eggs of the domestic fowl, they intermix them, and
sell them at the markets as the genuine eggs of the fowls; thus many
an epicure in that part of the world, who luxuriates over his egg at
breakfast, fancying that it has been laid by some good wholesome hen,
finds, to his mortification, that he has been masticating the egg of
so obnoxious an animal as the alligator.

The trees and branches of the shrubs were inhabited by a colony of
monkeys and parrots, making the most abominable chattering and noise,
especially the former, who seemed to consider the travellers as
direct intruders upon their legitimate domain, and who were to be
deterred from any further progress by their menaces and hostile
deportment. After passing rather an unpleasant, and in many instances
an insalubrious night, the travellers landed, about half-past eight
in the morning, in the sight of a great multitude, that had assembled
to gaze at them.

Passing through a place, where a large fair or market is held, and
where many thousands of people had congregated for the purpose of
trade, they entered an extensive and romantic town, called Wow, which
is situated in a valley. The majority of the inhabitants had never
before had an opportunity of seeing white men, so that their
curiosity, as may be supposed, was excessive. Two of the principal
persons came out to meet them, preceded by men bearing large silk
umbrellas, and another playing a horn, which produced such terrible
sounds, that they were glad to take refuge, as soon as they could, in
the chief's house. The apartment, into which they were introduced was
furnished with a roof precisely like that of a common English barn
inverted. In the middle of it, which reached to within a few inches
of the floor, a large square hole had been made to admit air and
water to a shrub that was growing directly under it. The most
remarkable, if not the only ornament in the room, were a number of
human jaw bones, hung upon the side of the wall, like a string of
onions. After a form and ceremonious introduction, they were
liberally regaled with water from a calabash, which is a compliment
the natives pay all strangers, and then they were shown into a very
small apartment. Here Richard Lander endeavoured to procure a little
sleep having remained awake during the whole of the preceding night;
but they were so annoyed by perpetual interruptions and intrusions,
the firing of muskets, the garrulity of women, the unceasing squall
of children, the drunken petition of men and boys, and a laugh,
impossible to describe, but approximating more to the nature of a
horse-laugh than any other, that it was found impossible to sleep for
ten minutes together.

The market of this place is supplied abundantly with Indian corn,
palm oil, &c., together with _trona,_ and other articles brought
hither from the borders of the Great Desert, through the medium of
the wandering Arabs. According to the regulations of the fetish,
neither a white man nor a horse is permitted to sleep at Wow during
the night season: as to the regulations respecting the horses, they
knew not what had become of them; they were, according to the orders
of Adooley, to have preceded them to this place, but they had not
then arrived. With respect to themselves, they found it necessary, in
conformity to the orders of the fetish, to walk to a neighbouring
village, and there to spend the night. Their course to Wow, through
this creek, was north-by-east; and Badagry, by the route they came,
was about thirty miles distant.

A violent thunder-storm, which on the coast is called a tornado,
visited them this afternoon, and confined them to the "worst hut's
worse room" till it had subsided, and the weather become finer. At
three p.m. they sallied forth, and were presently saluted by
hootings, groanings, and hallooings from a multitude of people of all
ages, from a child to its grandmother, and they followed closely at
their heels, as they went along, filling the air with their laughter
and raillery. A merry-andrew at a country town in England, during the
Whitsuntide holidays, never excited so great a stir as did the
departure of the travellers from the town of Wow. But it is "a fool's
day," and, no doubt, some allowance ought to be made for that.
They had not proceeded more than a dozen paces from the outskirts of
the town, when they were visited by a pelting shower, which wetted
them to the skin in a moment. A gutter or hollow, misnamed a pathway,
was soon overflowed, and they had to wade in it up to their knees in
water, and through a most melancholy-looking forest, before they
entered a village. It was called _Sagba,_ and was about eight miles
from Wow. They were dripping wet on their arrival, and the weather
still continuing unpleasant, it was some time before any one made his
appearance to invite them into a hut. At length the chief came out to
welcome them to his village, and immediately introduced them into a
long, narrow apartment, wherein they were to take up their quarters
for the night. It was built of clay, and furnished with two
apertures, to admit light and air into the room. One end was occupied
by a number of noisy goats, whilst the travellers took possession of
the other. Pascoe and his wife lay on mats at their feet, and a
native Toby Philpot, with his ruddy cheek and jug of ale, belonging
to the chief, separated them from the goats. The remainder of the
suite of the travellers had nowhere whatever to sleep. The walls of
their apartment were ornamented with strings of dry, rattling, human
bones, written charms, or fetishes, sheep skins, and bows and arrows.
They did not repose nearly so comfortably as could have been desired,
owing to the swarms of mosquitoes and black ants, which treated them
very despitefully till the morning.

Between six and seven on the morning of the 2nd April, they continued
their route through woods and large open patches of ground, and at
about eleven in the forenoon, they arrived at the borders of a deep
glen, more wild, romantic, and picturesque than can be conceived. It
was enclosed and overhung on all sides by trees of amazing height and
dimensions, which hid it in deep shadow. Fancy might picture a spot
so silent and solemn as this, as the abode of genii and fairies,
every thing conducing to render it grand, melancholy, and venerable,
and the glen wanted only a dilapidated castle, a rock with a cave in
it, or something of the kind, to render it the most interesting place
in the universe. There was, however, one sight more beautiful than
all the rest, and that was the incredible number of butterflies
fluttering about like a swarm of bees, and they had no doubt chosen
this glen as a place of refuge against the fury of the elements.
They were variegated by the most brilliant tints and colourings
imaginable: the wings of some of them were of a shining green, edged
and sprinkled with gold; others were of a sky-blue and silver, others
of purple and gold a lightfully blending into each other, and the
wings of some were like dark silk velvet, trimmed and braided with
lace.

The appearance of the travelling party was romantic in the extreme,
as they winded down the paths of the glen; with their grotesque
clothing and arms, bundles, and fierce black countenances, they might
have been mistaken for a strange band of ruffians of the most fearful
character. Besides their own immediate party, they had hired twenty
men of Adooley, to carry the luggage, as there are not any beasts of
burthen in the country, the natives carrying all their burthens upon
their heads, and some of them of greater weight than are seen carried
by the Irishwomen from the London markets. Being all assembled at the
bottom of the glen, they found that a long and dangerous bog or swamp
filled with putrid water, and the decayed remains of vegetable
substances intersected their path, and must necessarily be crossed.
Boughs of trees had been thrown into the swamp by some good-natured
people to assist travellers in the attempt, so that their men,
furnishing themselves with long poles which they used as walking
sticks, with much difficulty and exertion, succeeded in getting over,
and fewer accidents occurred to them, than could have been supposed
possible, from the nature of the swamp. John  Lander was taken on the
back of a large and powerful man of amazing strength. His brawny
shoulders supported him, without any apparent fatigue on his part,
and he carried him through bog and water, and even branches of tress,
no bigger than a man's leg, rendered slippery with mud, in safety to
the opposite side. Although he walked as fast and with as much ease
as his companions, he did not set him down for twenty minutes; the
swamp being, as nearly as they could guess, a full quarter of a mile
in length. They then walked to a small village called Basha, whence,
without stopping, they continued their journey, and about four in the
afternoon, passed through another village somewhat larger than the
former, which is called Soato. Here they found themselves so much
exhausted with over fatigue and want of food, that they were
compelled to sit down and rest awhile. The people, however, were a
very uncourteous and clownish race, and teazed them so much with
their rudeness and begging propensities, that they were glad to
prosecute their journey to save themselves from any further
importunities.

Having passed two other swamps, in the same manner as they had done
before, they were completely tired, and could go no further, for they
had been walking during the whole of the day in an intricate
miserable path, sometimes exposed to the sun, and sometimes threading
their way through a tangled wood. Some of the people were sent to the
next town, to fetch the horses promised by Adooley, during the
absence of whom, the two Landers reposed themselves under a grove of
trees, which was in the neighbourhood of a body of stagnant water, in
which women were bathing, who cast long side glances at the two white
men, who were observing all their motions. It was a low, marshy, and
unwholesome spot; and although a village was not many miles ahead,
yet they were unable to walk to it. Under these circumstances, they
had no other alternative than to rest there for the night, and they
had made fires of dried wood and fallen leaves, and had prepared to
repose for the night under a canopy of trees, and were in fact
actually stretched at full length on the turf for that purpose, when
they were agreeably surprised by the arrival of four of their men
from the village with hammocks, for although sleeping in the open
air, with Heaven for their canopy, in a dark wood, may be all very
romantic and pretty in description, yet in reality nothing could be
more disagreeable, for the crawling of ants, black worms, &c., over
their faces was sufficient to dispel every delightful fancy, which
might have been engendered in the brain. These hammocks were highly
acceptable, and they were lifted  into them  with  very grateful
feelings. It was also  exceedingly pleasant, after a long day's
journey on foot, to be carried along so easily, and to see the
parrots and other birds, with a number of grinning, chattering
monkeys, capering from the lofty branches of the trees, and making
the woods resound with their hideous screams.

After a charming journey of eight or ten miles, they entered the
large and populous town of Bidjie, where the Landers first crossed
Clapperton's route, and where Captain Pearse and Dr. Morrison fell
sick on the last expedition. About a quarter of a mile from the town
they were met by a fellow with a cow's horn, who, chiming in with a
trumpeter, who had accompanied them from Wow, produced a harmony
surpassing all that they had as yet heard. Two men followed the
Bidjie musician with umbrellas of variegated silk, and, thus honoured
and escorted, they were set down, amidst a crowd of people, in the
centre of the town. As usual, the natives testified the wild delight
they felt at the visit of the white men, by clapping of hands and
loud shouts of laughter. In a short time, the noise of three or four
drums was heard, which was an announcement that the chief was
prepared to receive them, on which the multitude quitted them
simultaneously, and  rushed to the spot where he was sitting, and to
which, they were also desired to proceed. The chief shook hands with
them in great good humour; and they remarked with pleasure, or they
fancied they did, that not only his laugh, but that of the people,
was a more social and civilized kind of sound, than what of late they
had been accustomed to hear. Nevertheless, when John Lander shook
hands with the chief's son, which act was not very diverting in
itself, the bystanders set up so general a roar of laughter, that the
town rang with the noise; and when Lander ventured further to place
his hand on his head, they were yet more amazingly pleased, and
actually "shrieked like mandrakes torn out of the earth."

As soon as the ceremony of introduction was over, and the admiration
of the people was confined within rational bounds, they wished the
chief a pleasant night's rest, and were conducted into a comfortable
airy hut, which had a verandah in front. The chief shortly afterwards
sent them a goat for supper.

They were now in momentary expectation of hearing some account of
their horses from Badagry, and indeed they waited the whole of the
day at Bidjie for that purpose, and in order that the men with the
luggage might have time to overtake them, for they had been hindered
by the swamps and quagmires, which they themselves found so much
difficulty in crossing. Just about sun-set, however, two fellows
arrived from Badagry with the mortifying intelligence, that their
horses would not remain on the water in canoes, but having upset one
of them, and kicked out the bottom of another, had swam ashore and
been led back to Badagry. They were fully convinced that this story
was made up for the occasion, and thus by the bad faith of Adooley
they were deprived of their horses. They had put themselves in a
fever by walking a journey of two days in one, and were likely to
walk the remainder of the way to Jenna in the glare and heat of the
sun, for they had no umbrellas to screen themselves from his rays.
Richard Lander paid eighty dollars for one of the horses, but
Adooley forgot to return the coin, and likewise kept for his own use
a couple of saddles which were purchased at Accra. Late in the
evening the expected carriers arrived with the luggage, some of which
had been wetted and damaged in the marshes. They were now informed
that horses would be sent them on the following day from Jenna.
During the greater part of the afternoon, Richard Lander amused
himself in teaching the simple hearted chief to play on a child's
penny Jews-harp, many of which they had brought with them as
presents; but his proficiency, owing to a wonderfully capacious
mouth, and teeth of extraordinary size, was not near so flattering as
could have been wished. His people, however, who had assembled in
extraordinary numbers, were of a different opinion, and when they
heard their chief draw the first sound from the little instrument,
"shouts of applause ran rattling to the skies."

A traveller in England, who enjoys the goodness of the roads, does
not often murmur at the demands which are made upon his purse by the
turnpike-keepers, but in Africa the frequency of the turnpikes on the
road from Badagry to Bidjie, was a matter of some surprise to the
Landers. Human beings carrying burthens are the only persons who pay
the turnpikes, for as to a horse or a carriage passing through them,
it would be a scene of the greatest wonder. The Landers, however,
enjoyed the same privilege as the royal family of England, for being
under the protection of the government, they as well as all their
suite and baggage passed toll free.

On Sunday, April 4th, they arose at sunrise to make the necessary
arrangements for leaving Bidjie, which was no easy task, and shortly
after they sent to signify their intention to the chief. He expressed
a desire to see them as soon as they could conveniently come,
accordingly after breakfast, they repaired to his habitation, which
was contiguous to their own. After being conducted through a number
of yards and huts, inhabited only by goats and sheep, which were
tethered to posts, and a number of tame pigeons, they perceived the
object of their visit squatting on a leopard's skin, under a decent
looking verandah. He was surrounded by his drummers, and other
distinguished persons, who made room for the travellers as they drew
near. But the chief arose as soon as he saw them, and beckoning them
to follow him, they were ushered through a labyrinth of low huts, and
still lower doors, till at last they entered the innermost apartment
of the whole suite, and here they were requested to sit down and
drink rum. The doors they had seen were covered with figures of men,
which exactly resembled certain rude attempts at portraying the human
body, which may still be observed in several old chapels and churches
in the west of England. The chief informed them that they were at
liberty to quit Bidjie, as soon as the heat of the sun should have
somewhat abated, but previously to their departure he promised to
return their visit. On leaving the place he followed them, though
without their knowledge; but finding that they walked faster than he
did, and that he could not keep pace with them, being a very bulky
man, he hastily despatched a messenger to inform them that kings in
Africa, whatever they may do elsewhere, always walk with a slow and
measured step, and that the strides of the travellers being long and
vulgar, he would thank them to lessen their speed, and stop awhile to
enable him to come up with them, which was of course agreed to by the
travellers with great good will. A few minutes afterwards he reached
their house, dressed in a tobe of green silk damask, very rich and
showy, and a skull cap made of purple and crimson velvet. With the
exception of strings of white beads, which encircled his arms, he
used no personal ornaments. He remained chattering with them for a
long time.

Many of the women of Bidjie have the flesh on their foreheads risen
in the shape of marbles, and their cheeks are similarly cut up
deformed. The lobes of their ears are likewise pierced, and the holes
made surprisingly large, for the insertion of pieces of and ivory
into them, which is a prevailing fashion with all ranks.

The church service was read this morning agreeably to their general
custom. The natives, of whose society they were never able to rid
themselves, seemed to attach great awe and reverence to their form of
worship, for they had made them understand what if they were going
about, which induced them to pay a high degree of silent attention to
the ceremony, and set at rest for the time, that peculiar continuous
laugh by which they are  distinguished from their neighbours. In the
afternoon, or as the natives express it, when the sun had lost its
strength, they departed from the town of Bidjie, accompanied by its
good natured, happy governor, and in a very few minutes afterwards
reached the banks of a rivulet called Yow. Butterflies were here more
numerous than could be imagined, millions of them fluttered around
them, and literally hid from their sight every thing but their own
variegated and beautiful wings.

Here on the banks of the Yow they took a last farewell of the
affectionate old chief, who implored the "Great God," to bless them,
and as the canoes in which they had embarked moved from the spot, a
loud long laugh, with clapping of hands from the lower classes,
evinced the satisfaction they felt at having seen the white men, and
their hearty wishes for their welfare.

The Yow is an extremely narrow rivulet, not more than a few feet in
breadth, and flows in a serpentine direction through a flat country,
covered with rushes, and tall, rank grass. Crocodiles are said to
resort here in great numbers, indeed the low bark or growl of these
rapacious animals was heard distinctly, and in some instances quite
close to them; after they had been pushed along against the stream by
poles for five or six miles, between four and five o'clock in the
afternoon they landed at a narrow creek, which ran a little way into
a thick and gloomy forest. They had not proceeded more than two
hundred yards on the pathway, when they were met by a messenger from
Jenna, who informed them that the owners of all the horses in the
town, had ridden out to welcome their chief, and escort him to his
residence, so that they should be obliged to walk the remainder of
the way. A few minutes, however, only had elapsed before they
descried a horse approaching them in the path, this was a goodly
sight to them, who were already becoming wearied and sore with the
exertions they had made during the day, for they did not reflect a
moment that the animal might not after all be for their use.
However, they soon met, and the rider immediately declared that he
had left Jenna purposely on their account. The head of the horse was
loaded with charms and fetishes, enveloped in pieces of red and blue
cloth. His saddle was of Houssa manufacture, and uncommonly neat; in
the interior such an article is only used by the principal people,
and his bridle also was of curious workmanship. The horseman had an
extravagant idea of his own consequence, and seemed to be a
prodigious boaster. He wore abundance of clothing, most of which was
superfluous, but it made him excessively vain. He informed the
travellers that he had been despatched by the king of Jenna, to meet
them in the path, and to escort them to the capital; but
understanding that Adooley had supplied them with horses, he did not
conceive it necessary to send others. The messenger, however,
dismounted and offered them his horse, and the Landers agreed that
they should ride him in turns. They therefore immediately proceeded,
and traversed a rich and various country, abounding plentifully with
wood and water. A fine red sand covered the pathway, which they
found to be in much better condition than any they had before seen.
Sometimes it winded through an open, level tract of fine grazing
land, and then it again diverged through forests so thick and deep,
that the light of the moon was unable to penetrate the gloom, and
they were frequently left in comparatively midnight darkness. It is
scarcely possible to give an adequate description of the
magnificence, solemnity, and desolate repose of the awful solitudes
through which they passed on this evening. They were, however, at
times enlightened by the appearance of glow worms, which were so
luminous that  they could almost see to read by their golden
splendour, and sometimes by the moonbeams, which trembled upon the
leaves and branches of the trees. A fragrance also was exhaled from
the forest, more odiferous than the perfume of violets or primroses,
and they might almost fancy, when threading their way through
scenery, which cannot be surpassed for beauty in any part of the
world, that they were approaching those eternal shades, where, in
ancient time, the souls of good men were supposed to wander. The
woods rang with the song of the nightbirds, and the hum of the
insects, which continued to salute them with little intermission
till about ten o'clock at night, when they entered Laatoo, a large
and pleasant town. Here they were informed that no house would be
offered them, the fetish priest having declared that the moment a
white man should enter the dwellings of the inhabitants, they would
be seized by their enemies and enslaved. They arrived thirsty and
exhausted, but for a long time could not procure even a drop of
water. Their tent had been left on the road for want of carriers,
and they had made up their minds to rest under a tree, when about
two hours afterwards it was fortunately brought into the town.
They fixed it immediately, and having succeeded in procuring
some wood from the inhospitable inhabitants, they kindled a fire
in front of it, and whilst their attendants laid themselves in groups
outside, the Landers attempted to sleep within their tent, but it
was in vain, so tormented were they with the mosquitoes and the
ants.

Before sunrise, on the morning of the 5th of April, they were all on
the alert, and struck their tent at a very early hour, they then sent
the carriers onwards with the luggage and hastily left the town,
without bidding adieu either to the chief or any of his people, on
account of their inhospitality, and in an hour's time reached the
extensive and important town of Larro. On dismounting, they were
first led to a large cleanly swept square, wherein was preserved the
fetish of the place, which is the model of a canoe, having three
wooden figures with paddles in it. After waiting in the shade for an
hour, surrounded by an immense multitude of people of all ages, the
chief's approach was announced by a general rush from their quarters,
to the other end of the square, where he was walking. They went
towards him in order to pay him the accustomed salutation of shaking
hands, &c., but one of his followers fancying that John Lander kept
his master's hand clasped in his, longer than the occasion warranted,
looked fiercely in his face, and snatched away his hand eagerly and
roughly, without, however, uttering a word. "I could have pulled the
fellow's ears with the greatest goodwill, in the world," says John
Lander, "had not the fear of secret revenge deterred me. As it was, I
smothered my rising choler, and with my brother quietly followed the
chief, to his principal hut, under whose verandah we were served with
goora nuts in a huge pewter platter."

Presently the chief squatted himself down on a handsome rush mat, of
native manufacture, and they were desired to sit by him, on an
elegant Turkey carpet, which had been laid there for the purpose. He
was rather fancifully dressed; and wore two tobes, the one nearest
the skin being of black silk velvet, and the other of crimson velvet,
lined with sarsenet; his boots were of yellow leather, neatly worked,
and his wrists were loaded with bracelets of silver and copper. The
countenance of the chief betrayed much seriousness and solidity, and
the diverting laugh of his countrymen was suspended by a sober
cheerfulness. Many of his wives sat behind him in rows, some of whom
were of a bright copper colour, indeed a great number of the
inhabitants of Larro have fairer complexions than mulattoes. The yard
of the hut was crammed full of curious and inquisitive people, who
stood with open mouths during the audience. The chief wished to
imprint strongly on their minds his own dignity and power; he said he
was greater than the governor of Jenna, inasmuch as the latter was a
slave to the king of Katunga, but himself was a free man. He would
give them permission to depart to-morrow, he continued, and in the
mean time would supply them with provisions. The chief was as good as
his word, for shortly after they had quitted the hut they received a
goat and some game, and he returned their visit in the cool of the
evening. It appeared that it was not his general practice to drink
spirituous liquors in presence of his people, as it may be against
the law to do so, for having carefully excluded all prying eyes from
their dwelling, and ordered a mat to be hung over the door-way, he
even then turned his face to the wall, whenever he attempted to
swallow the brandy that was offered to him. He remained with them
rather better than an hour. On the presentation of the chief to them,
a religious ceremony was performed, which was not observed in any
other part of the country. A chapter from the Koran was repeated to
him by a mahommedan priest, to which both he and his people seemed to
pay great attention.

Public schools are established in the town of Larro, for the avowed
purpose of teaching the rising generation the rudiments of the
mahommedan religion.

A singular custom prevails in the town, of compelling children at the
breast to swallow a quantity of cold water from a calabash. An infant
was nearly choked on this morning by the injection of more than a
pint of water down its throat. Whether the mothers follow this custom
for the purpose of curing the children of any imaginary complaints,
or, as is more probable, in the hope of rendering them less eager for
their natural food, was not exactly to be ascertained.

The inhabitants possess horses, asses, and mules, though not in any
considerable numbers, they have, however, great abundance of sheep
and goats, which are bred in the town; and their yards and huts are
the common place of resort for those animals, indeed they may be said
to grow up and live with the children of their owners. The Landers
amused themselves during the greater part of the day, in looking at
the gambols of some very handsome goats, which had strayed into their
abode, but the sheep were not near so tame or frolicsome, repelling
all the advances towards a more familiar acquaintance, by timidity
and ill nature. Shrimps and fish, which are caught in the streams in
the vicinity of the town, are daily exposed for sale, and the
inhabitants appear to be in possession of a greater share of the
necessaries and comforts of life, than their neighbours of the sea
coast.

They this day observed the country to be sensibly rising, and
agriculture appeared to be conducted on a regular system, which was
an evident proof of the active and industrious habits of the people.

The gloomy fastnesses and wildnesses of nature, such as they passed
on the first day or two of their journey from Badagry, were less
common as they advanced, and open glades with plantations of bananas,
fields of yams and Indian corn, all neatly fenced, met their view
from the path of yesterday as well as on the present day. The
inhabitants of Larro also exhibit greater cleanliness of person and
tidiness of apparel than the tribes nearer the sea-shore. Those pests
also, the unfortunate beggars, entirely disappeared, for the
inhabitants of Larro appeared to possess too much pride to beg.

It was at Larro that the two brothers began to feel the relaxing
influence of the climate, but still their hearts were good, and they
hoped, by the blessing of Heaven, that their progress through the
country might not be impeded by sickness.

On Tuesday, April 6th, the sun had scarcely risen above the horizon,
and the mists of the morning yet hung upon the hills, than they
quitted the town of Larro, and pursued their journey on horseback.
Three horsemen from Jenna followed them on the path, and they were
enlivened by the wild jingling of their animals' bells, till they got
within a mile of that town, where they alighted at a kind of
turnpike, and fired a salute of two muskets. Here they were met by a
number of fellows with horns, who blew on them with the accustomed
energy of the natives; these men preceded them over a bridge, which
was thrown across a moat that surrounds Jenna into the centre of the
town, where they again alighted, and waited the chief's pleasure in
an open shed. They had not been seated many seconds before an immense
crowd of people pressed in upon them on every side, subjecting them
to the accustomed inconvenience of want of air, strong unwholesome
smells, and a confused hubbub, that defies description. Never were
the people more eager to behold a white man; the little ones formed
themselves into a ring close to the shed, then followed those of
maturer age, after them came a still older class, and the last circle
consisted of people as tall as steeples; most of whom held infants in
their arms. Altogether a large amphitheatre was formed of black
woolly heads, and white teeth set in jetty faces, and although the
Landers felt rather amazed at their innocent curiosity, and were
obliged to wait a considerable time for the new chief, they could
not help being highly diverted with the spectacle around them; at
length, to their great relief and joy, intelligence was brought that
the chief was ready to receive them. It appears that the principles
of etiquette at the royal courts, whether of Europe or of Africa, are
not definitively settled, for that which at the court of a William
the fourth, would be considered as the extreme of rudeness and
disrespect, is at the African courts construed into the most decisive
testimony of good breeding and politeness. It may be difficult to
determine to which the preference ought to be given, but as etiquette
is an essential in all courts, no matter how far it departs from
common sense and reason, we do not see why, as amongst the many
fooleries which are enacted at courts, the African system should not
be introduced. It happens, however, that the etiquette of the
European and African are decidedly dissimilar: to make an individual
wait is certainly considered in the former, as a breach of good
manners, whereas in the latter, the longer a person is made to wait
before the introduction takes place, the greater is the honour done
him, and the higher is the rank of that person supposed to be, who
exacts that ungracious duty. They discovered the chief, or rather
governor, sitting on a piece of leather, under a large verandah at
one end of a commodious square yard. He was clad in the prevailing
finery of crimson velvet tobe and cap, both edged with gold lace. At
his right hand sat his wives and women, and the brothers were desired
to place themselves on his loft. The women sang the praises of their
master in a loud unpleasant voice, in which they were assisted by the
music, equally inharmonious, of drums, fifes, clarionets, and horns.
On their wishing the chief all the happiness in the world, all the
people who had flocked into the yard after them, and every one near
the chief, prostrated themselves on the ground, and clapped their
hands. Goora nuts were now presented to them in water, and a
profusion of compliments passed on both sides; but the dignity of the
newly-made governor seemed to sit rather awkwardly upon him for he
was as shy and bashful as a maiden, and really appeared agitated, and
afraid of his white-faced visitants. Strange as it may appear, the
patience of the most patient people in the world was completely
exhausted, as might be seen by the desertion of the premises before
the travellers quitted them, notwithstanding the few words that had
passed between them and the chief. The ceremony being over, they bade
adieu to the chief, and having visited the grave of Dr. Morrison on
their way, they repaired to a hut which had been got ready for their
reception.

The former governor of Jenna, who it will be recollected treated the
gentlemen composing the last mission so handsomely, died about
fifteen months before the arrival of the Landers, and the king of
Youriba chose one of the meanest of his slaves as his successor. This
appears, however, to be an invariable rule with the sovereigns of
that country, of which Jenna is a province; for they fear as its
distance from the capital is very great, that a person of higher
rank, if possessed of talents and spirit, could easily influence the
natives to throw off the yoke, and declare themselves independent of
Youriba. The then governor was a Houssa man, and was raised to the
dignity he then held, in all probability, on account of his childish
simplicity, and artlessness, for a person with a countenance more
indicative of innocence, and perhaps stupidity also, they never
recollected to have seen. The qualities of his heart were, however,
said to be excellent, and his manners were mild and amiable. He had
been twelve months in coming from Katunga to Jenna; being under the
necessity of stopping at every town between that place and the
capital, to receive the applause and congratulations of the
inhabitants, and to join in their festivities and amusements.

The showers were now becoming heavier, and fell more frequently than
heretofore, indeed the rainy season may be said fairly to have
commenced, the thermometer, on the 6th of April, fell suddenly from
94° to 78", and remained stationary there for the whole of the day.

On the 7th April they carried a present to the governor, which he
received with every mark of satisfaction and gratitude; but he
declared with sorrow that he should be obliged to send some of it to
the king of Katunga, who would not allow him to wear red cloth, till
he had been a longer time established in his new situation.

It is related in Captain Clapperton's journal, that one of old
Pascoe's wives eloped from him in Katunga, whilst he was asleep,
taking with her the trinkets Mr. Belzoni had given him, and said that
she was never afterwards heard of. This woman had the effrontery to
introduce herself into the house of the Landers with an infant,
whereof she asserted with warmth that Pascoe was the father, and that
she was determined to leave it upon his hands. She had prevailed upon
a number of Houssa women to accompany her, that they might endeavour
to induce her quondam husband, who was a countryman of theirs, to
receive the child, and make up the breach between them; but the
infant not being more than nine or at most twelve months old, and
three or four years having elapsed since the elopement took place,
they were convinced that, independently of the age and infirmities of
Pascoe, it could not by any rule or law be his. Accordingly,
notwithstanding the uproar occasioned by the women's tongues, which,
whether in Africa or elsewhere, is a very serious matter, the mother
with her spurious offspring, and the ladies who came to aid and abet
her imposition, were turned out of the yard without any ceremony, to
the great relief of Pascoe, and his present wife, who felt rather
uncomfortable, whilst the palaver was carrying on.

The fetish priest of the town came dancing into the hut, shortly
after the ladies had retired, looking exceedingly wild, and roaring
as if possessed by an evil spirit. They paid little attention to the
fellow's fooleries, who, not liking his reception, left the hut,
after he had received the accustomed fee of a few kowries. The person
and dress of the man, together with his whimsical ornaments, were
admirably adapted to impose on the credulity and superstition of the
inhabitants; although many people of the town, influenced perhaps by
the  spreading doctrines of Mahomet, spoke their minds pretty freely,
calling him a scoundrel and a devil. There was something peculiar in
this priest's countenance, which could not be defined. On his
shoulders he bore a large club, carved at one end with the figure of
a man's head. A vast number of strings of kowries were suspended on
this weapon, which were intermixed with shells, broken combs, small
pieces of wood with rude imitations of men's faces cut on them, large
sea-shells, bits of iron and brass, nut shells, &c. &c. Perhaps, the
number of kosries on his person did not fall far short of twenty
thousand, and the weight of his various ornaments almost pressed him
to the ground. After this fellow had left their apartment, three or
four others came to torment them with drums, whistles, and horns, and
began and ended the evening's serenade to their own infinite delight
and satisfaction. The native drum answers the purpose of a
tambourine, and bagpipe as well, and is of peculiar formation. Its
top is encircled with little brass bells, and is played upon with one
hand, whilst the fingers of the other were employed at the same time
in tapping on its surface. The instrument itself was held under the
left arm, but instead of an outer wooden case, strings alone were
used from end to end, which being pressed against the musician's
side, sounds somewhat similar to those of a Scotch bagpipe, but very
inferior, are produced. The drummers, with their companions of the
horns and whistles, subsist entirely on the charity of the public,
who require their services on all occasions of general merriment and
jollity.

On the morning of the 8th of April, the two messengers who arrived at
Badagry whilst the Landers were there, and stated that they had been
employed for the purpose by the governor of Jenna, were discovered to
be impostors, and put in irons accordingly. But as the poor fellows
had really been of essential service to them, inasmuch as by their
representations, they had prevailed upon Adooley to give them leave
to proceed on their journey much sooner than they themselves could
have done; they thought proper to intercede, in their behalf, and
although they were to have been sold for their deception, they were
set at liberty. The person also who had met them with a horse after
crossing the river Yow near Bidjie, proceeded thither on his own
account, without the knowledge or consent of the governor, but as he
was a Fellata and a respectable man, little was said or done about
that matter. The only motive, which could have influenced these three
men in their projects of assisting the travellers, had been without
doubt in the expectation of receiving a trifling remuneration, and of
this, notwithstanding an injunction to the contrary from the
governor, they did not disappoint them, their services were well
timed and very acceptable, and amply deserved the reward of a few
needles and scissors.

The travellers were this morning witnesses to a specimen of native
tumbling and dancing, with the usual accompaniments of vocal and
instrumental music; by far the most diverting part of the
entertainment was the dancing, but even this did not at all answer
the expectations they had formed of it. The dancers were liberally
supplied with country beer, and like most amusements of the kind,
this one ended in wrangling and intoxication.

The fellows who accompanied them as guides from Badagry, and who, in
their native place would sell their birthright for a glass of rum,
had now washed themselves, and thrown aside their rags, appearing in
all public places in borrowed finery. They now never left their
habitations without Adooley's sword, which they had with them, and a
host of followers. On this morning, they attended the celebration of
the games in showy apparel, with silk umbrellas held over their
heads; and amongst other articles of dress, the principal of them
wore an immense drab-coloured quaker's hat of the coarsest quality.
So great were their ostentation and pride, that they would scarcely
deign to speak to a poor man.

It was now they learned with great regret, that all the horses of the
late governor of Jenna, had been interred according to custom with
the corpse of their master, and they consequently began to be
apprehensive that they should be obliged to walk the whole of the way
to Katunga, as the present ruler was not the owner of a single beast
of burthen. This piece of ill news was carefully withheld from the
travellers, until the presents had been all duly delivered to the
governor and his head men; but in this instance, the latter alone
were to blame. Matters being thus unpleasantly situated, they sent a
messenger to the chief of Larro, informing him of the circumstance,
and entreating him to redeem his promise of lending them a horse and
mule; and another messenger was sent to Adooley, requesting him to
despatch immediately, at least one of their horses from Badagry, for
they had found it impossible to proceed without them. It was not
supposed that he would pay any attention to the request; and yet on
the other hand, it was scarcely to be imagined that he would carry
his chicanery so far, because he must fear that the variety of orders
they had given him, to receive valuable presents from England, would
never be honoured by their countrymen, if he refused to fulfil his
engagements with them.

Since the demise of the late governor, it was calculated that Jenna
had lost more than five hundred of its population, chiefly by wars,
intestine broils, &c. and all for want of a ruler. It must not,
however, be imagined, that because the people of this country are
almost perpetually engaged in conflicts with their neighbours, the
slaughter of human beings is therefore very great. They pursue war,
as it is called, partly as an amusement, or "to keep their hands in
it," and partly to benefit themselves by the capture of slaves. As
they were sailing down the coast, they were informed that the natives
of La Hoo, and Jack-a-jack, had been warring for three years
previously, and were still at variance, but during that long period
only one single decrepit old woman, who found it no easy matter to
run as fast as her countrymen, was left behind, and became the
solitary victim of a hundred engagements. Much after the same fashion
are the bloodless wars of Jenna. Success depends much more on the
cunning and address of the parties, than on any extraordinary display
of intrepidity, and living not dead subjects are sought after, so
that it is their interest to avoid hard blows, and enrich themselves
by the sale of their prisoners. Perhaps the extraordinary decrease in
the population of Jenna, has arisen principally from the desertion of
slaves, who embrace the opportunity, whilst their masters are from
home, engaged in predatory excursions, of running away; and thus the
latter often become losers instead of gainers by their unnatural
passion for stealing their fellow creatures. The individuals captured
are sent to the coast, and the chiefs of those unsettled and
barbarous tribes that inhabit it, are appointed agents to regulate
the sale of them, for which they receive half the profits.

Late in the evening, the young Fellata already mentioned, paid them a
visit, and offered his horse for sale. He was a mahommedan priest,
and was accompanied by a countryman of the same persuasion, but
neither of the holy men appeared in their dealing to understand the
meaning of truth or justice. An agreement was made and thirty dollars
paid. The merchant implored them not to tell his father, who was the
real owner of the horse, that he had sold him for less money than he
had received, and in this request, he was seconded by his more
venerable friend, because he said he wanted a small sum for his
private use, which he knew his parent would refuse him. The words
were hardly out of their mouths, before the two Mussulmans publicly
went through their ablutions in front of the house, where, turning
their faces to the east, they seemed to pray very devoutly to the
founder of their faith. When this was concluded, they sang an Arabic
hymn with great solemnity, and the whole had a wonderful and
immediate effect on the feelings of many of their followers in the
yard, who, mistaking loudness of voice for fervour, and hypocritical
seriousness for piety, made the two worshippers a present of money.
The Fellatas are generally supposed to be spies from Soccatoo, but
although this is a very prevalent opinion, no measures whatever have
yet been taken either to watch their motions, or question them as to
their intentions.

The women of Jenna employ themselves generally either in spinning
cotton, or preparing Indian corn for food. Much of the former
material grows in the vicinity of the town, but the cultivation of
the plant is not carried on with that spirit which it deserves. Silk,
which is brought over land from Tripoli, the inhabitants sometimes
interweave in their cotton garments, but such being very expensive,
are only worn by the higher class of people. They have abundance of
sheep, bullocks, pigs, goats, and poultry, but they prefer vegetable
food to animal; their diet, indeed, is what we should term poor and
watery, consisting chiefly of preparations of the yam and Indian
corn, notwithstanding which a stronger or more athletic race of
people is nowhere to be met with. Burdens with them, as with the
natives of many parts of the continent, are invariably carried on the
head, which, it is more than likely, occasions that dignified
uprightness of form, and stateliness of walk, so often spoken of by
those acquainted with the pleasing peculiarities, of the African
female. The weight of a feather is borne on the head in preference to
its being carried in the hand; and it not infrequently requires the
united strength of three men to lift a calabash of goods from the
ground to the shoulder of one, and then, and not till then, does the
amazing strength of the African appear. The greater part of the
inhabitants of Jenna have the hair of their head and their eyebrows
shaven. But the governor's ministers and servants wear their hair in
the shape of a horse shoe as a mark of distinction. It is confined to
the crown of the head by large daubs of indigo, and none of the
people presuming to imitate it, it answers the purpose of a livery.

The early part of the morning of April 10th, was obscured by a mist
or haze, which was as thick, and at least as unwholesome, as a London
fog in November, but between nine and ten o'clock it dispersed; and
the sun shone out with uncommon lustre. The hut which they occupied
was in a large square yard, and was the property of the late
governor's wife, whose story is rather romantic. Each of its sides
was formed by huts, which had all at one time been inhabited, but a
fire having broken out in one of them by some accident, the greater
part perished. A few huts were only then standing, together with
black, naked walls, and stakes, which supported the verandahs, the
latter reduced to charcoal. The tenantable buildings were inhabited
by the female slaves of the owner of the square, and the travellers
and their suite.

It is the custom in this place, when a governor dies, for two of his
favourite wives to quit the world on the same day, in order that he
may have a little, pleasant, social company in a future state; but
the late governor's devoted wives had neither ambition nor
inclination to follow their venerable husband to the grave, not
having had or got, according to their opinion, enough of the good
things of this world; they therefore went, and hid themselves before
the funeral ceremonies were performed, and had remained concealed
ever since with the remainder of their women. On this, day, however,
one of these unfortunates, the individual to whom the house belonged,
which the travellers resided, was discovered in her hiding place at
the present governor's, and the alternative of a poisoned chalice, or
to have her head broken by the club of a fetish priest, was offered
her. She chose the former mode of dying, as being the less terrible
of the two; and she, on this morning, came to their yard, to spend
her last hours in the society of her faithful slaves, by whom she was
addressed by the endearing name of mother. Poor creatures! as soon as
they learnt her misfortune, they dropped their spinning; the grinding
of corn was also relinquished; their sheep, goats, and poultry were
suffered to roam at large without restraint, and they abandoned
themselves to the most excessive and poignant grief; but now, on the
arrival of their mistress, their affliction seemed to know no bounds.
There is not to be found in the world perhaps, an object more truly
sorrowful, than a lonely defenceless woman in tears; and on such an
occasion as this, it may very easily be conceived that the distress
was more peculiarly cutting. A heart that could not be touched at a
scene of this nature, must be unfeeling indeed. Females were arriving
the whole day, to condole with the old lady, and to weep with her, so
that the travellers neither heard nor saw any thing but sobbing and
crying from morning to the setting of the sun. The principal males in
the town likewise came to pay their last respects to their mistress,
as well as her grave-digger, who prostrated himself on the ground
before her. Notwithstanding the representations and remonstrances of
the priest, and the prayers of the venerable victim to her gods, for
fortitude to undergo the dreadful ordeal, her resolution forsook her
more than once. She entered the yard twice to expire in the arms of
her women, and twice did she lay aside the fatal draught, in order to
take another walk, and gaze once more on the splendour of the sun and
the glory of the heavens, for she could not bear the idea of losing
sight of them forever. She was for some time restless and uneasy, and
would gladly have run away from death, if she durst; for that
imaginary being appeared to her in a more terrible light, than our
pictures represent him with his shadowy form and fatal dart. Die she
must, and she knew it; nevertheless she tenaciously clung to life
till the very last moment. In the mean time her grave was preparing,
and preparations were making for a wake at her funeral. She was to be
buried in one of her own huts, the moment after the spirit had
quitted the body, which was to be ascertained by striking the ground
near which it might be lying at the time, when, if no motion or
struggle ensued, the old woman was to be considered as dead. The
poison used by the natives on these occasions, destroys life, it is
reported, in fifteen minutes.

The reason of the travellers not meeting with a better reception when
they slept at Laatoo, was the want of a chief to that town, the last
having followed the old governor of Jenna, to the eternal shades, for
he was his slave. Widows are burnt in India, just as they are
poisoned or _clubbed_ at Jenna, but in the former country no male
victims are destroyed on such occasions. The original of the
abominable custom at Jenna, of immolating the favourite wives, is
understood to have arisen from the dread on the part of the chiefs of
the country in olden times, that their principal wives, who alone
were in possession of their confidence, and knew where their money
was concealed, might secretly attempt their life, in order at once to
establish their own freedom, and become possessed of the property;
that, so far from entertaining any motive to destroy her husband, a
woman might on the contrary have a strong inducement to cherish him
as long as possible, the existence of the wife was made to depend
entirely on that of her lord, and this custom has been handed down
from father to son even to the present time. But why men also, who
can have no interest to gain on the death of their prince, should be
obliged to conform to the same rite, is not to be so easily accounted
for. The individual, who was governor of Jenna at the time of the
visit of the Landers, must of necessity go down to the grave on the
first intelligence of the demise of the king of Youriba, and as that
monarch was a very aged man, the situation of the former was not the
most enviable in the world.

Previously to her swallowing the poison, the favourite wife of a
deceased chief or ruler destroys privately all the wealth, or rather
money of her former partner, in order that it may not fall into the
hands of her successor. The same custom is observed at Badagry also,
and although the king's son may be of age at the period of his
father's death, he inherits his authority and influence only. He is
left to his own sagacity and exertions to procure wealth, which can
seldom be obtained without rapine, enslavement, and bloodshed.

Whenever a town is deprived of its chief, the inhabitants acknowledge
no law; anarchy, troubles, and confusion immediately prevail, and
until a successor is appointed, all labour is at an end. The stronger
oppress the weak, and perpetrate every species of crime, without
being amenable to any tribunal for their actions. Private property is
no longer respected, and thus, before a person arrives to curb its
licentiousness, a town is not unfrequently reduced from a flourishing
state of prosperity and of happiness to all the horrors of
desolation.

Considerable surprise was now excited at the delay of the messenger,
who was sent to Badagry for the horses, on which they placed so much
value, for he had not yet returned, although he promised to be back
in four days from the time of his departure. As he had exceeded the
time by a whole day, and being a native of Badagry, the travellers
had given up all hopes of again seeing either him or the horse, or
even the message sword they had lent him as a token that he had been
sent by them. Positive assurances were given them that leave would be
granted to depart from Jenna on the following week, but as they had
only one horse, they would be obliged to take it in turns to ride, or
procure a hammock, which it would be a difficult thing to get, and
attended with considerable expense.

In the mean time, the devoted old queen dowager engrossed the chief
part of their attention, although her doom was inevitably fixed, yet
her cheerfulness appeared rather to increase, and she seemed
determined to spin out her thread of life to its utmost limit; spies
were now set over her, and she was not permitted to go out of
the yard.

On Monday the 12th of April, the travellers had the customary visit
to their yard of a long line of women, who came every morning with
rueful countenances and streaming eyes to lament the approaching
death of the old widow. They wept, they beat their breast and tore
their hair; they moaned, and exhibited all manner of violent
affliction at the expected deprivation. Perhaps their sorrow was
sincere, perhaps it was feigned; at all events their lamentations
were ungovernable and outrageous; the first woman in the line begins
the cry, and is instantly followed by the other voices; the opening
notes of the lamentation were rather low and mournful, the last wild
and piercing.

The principal people of the place finding the old lady still
obstinately bent on deferring her exit, sent a messenger to her
native village, to make known to her relatives, that should she make
her escape, they would take all of them into slavery, and burn their
town to ashes, in conformity to an established and very ancient law.
They therefore strongly advised the relatives of the old woman for
their own sakes, and for the sake of the public, to use all their
endeavours to prevail upon her to meet her fate honourably and with
fortitude. A deputation was expected from the village on the morrow,
when no doubt, after a good deal of crying and condoling, and talking
and persuading, the matter will eventually be decided against the old
lady. It was well understood that she had bribed a few of the most
opulent and influential inhabitants of Jenna with large sums of
money, to induce them to overlook her dereliction from the path of
duty, and by their representations that she had obtained the tacit
consent of the king of Katunga to live out the full term of her
natural life. But the people for many miles round, horror-struck at
such impiety and contempt for ancient customs, rose to enforce the
laws of her country against her.

On Tuesday April 13th, the town of Jenna was visited by one of those
terrific thunder storms, which are so prevalent in those latitudes.
The thatched hut in which the Landers resided, afforded but an
insecure and uncertain asylum against its fury. Part of the roof was
swept away, and the rain admitted freely upon their beds, whence the
most awful lightning flashes could be seen, making "darkness
visible." It appeared as if the genius of the storm were driving
through the murky clouds in his chariot of fire to awaken the
slumbering creation, and make them feel and acknowledge his power. It
was, indeed, a grand lesson to human pride, to contemplate the
terrors of a tornado through the trembling walls and roof of a gloomy
dilapidated hut in the interior of Africa. It is scenes like these,
which make the traveller think of his home, his friends, and his
fireside enjoyments, and by comparison, estimate the blessings which
are his portion in his native land. In civilized countries, when men
are visited by an awful calamity of this kind, the distinctions of
rank are levelled, and numbers flock together, for the purpose of
keeping each other in countenance, and strengthening each other's
nerves; but here all was naked, gloomy, desolate.

They passed the night, as may be supposed, in a very uncomfortable
state. The roof of their dwelling had long been infested with a
multitude of rats and mice; and these vermin being dislodged from
their haunts, by the violence of the wind and rain, sought immediate
shelter between their bed-clothes; and to this very serious
inconvenience was added another still greater, viz. the company of
lizards, ants, mosquitoes, besides worms and centipedes, and other
crawling, creeping, and noxious things, which the tempest seemed to
renovate with life and motion. After a long, long night, the morning
at length appeared, and the terrors of the storm were forgotten.

Not long after sunrise, two fresh legions of women entered their
yard, to mourn with their old mistress, and the shrieks and
lamentations of these visitors, were more violent than any of their
predecessors. It made them shudder to hear their cries. The piercing
cries, that assailed the  ears of Telemachus, at his entrance into
the infernal regions, were not more dolorous or fearful. Their eyes
were red with weeping; their hands were clasped on the crown of the
head; their hair was in frightful disorder, and two channels of tears
were plainly seen flowing down over the naked bosom of each of the
women. In this manner they passed before the threshold of the hut in
two close lines, and were observed to bend the knee to the venerable
matron, without uttering a word. They then rose and departed, and
their cries could be heard long after they were out of sight.

Matters were now arranged for their departure, and after breakfast
they went to pay their last respects to the governor. Of course they
were obliged to wait a tiresome length of time outside his residence,
before admittance was obtained; but when the doors were opened, the
band that were in attendance inside, played a native tune as a token
of welcome. A greater number of drummers were observed than on any
former occasion. Some of their instruments were something in the
shape of a cone, and profusely ornamented with plates and figures of
brass. On one of these was represented the busts of two men, with a
tortoise in the act of eating out of the mouth of one of them. The
tortoise had a cock by its side, and two dogs standing as guardians
of the whole. These figures were ail ingeniously carved in solid
brass. Both ends of the larger drums were played on with the palms of
the hand; hundreds of little brass bells were suspended round the
edges for ornament rather than use; for being without clappers, they
could not produce any sound. The common native drum is beaten on one
of its ends only, and with a stick shaped like a bow.

After a little conversation, the chief and his principal people shook
the Landers affectionately by the hand, and wished them every
blessing; and as soon as they got outside the yard, they mounted
their horses and rode out of the town. The chief of Larro had broken
his promise, but they were fortunate enough to meet with and purchase
another horse that morning, so that they cared little about it. Their
pathway led through a champaign country, partially wooded; and after
a pleasant ride of three quarters of an hour, they entered the small
village of Bidjie. Here their carriers dropped their loads, nor could
they be induced to resume them by the most pressing solicitations.
Nor would the villagers, as their duty required, take them up; but
when they were begged to do so, they laughed at them, so that they
were compelled to remain at Bidjie until the following day. This was
very provoking, but such was the tiresome mode of travelling through
this country. No consideration can induce the natives to shake off
their habitual indolence, not if a voice from heaven were to be
heard, would they do it. Pleasure and sloth are with them synonymous
terms, and they are scarcely alive to any other gratification. In the
mean time, the chief, who appeared to be a very good sort of man,
although he had little authority over his people, sent them a fatted
goat; and being in good health, and having very encouraging prospects
held out to them as to their future progress, they were determined to
forget their little troubles and vexations, and spend the evening as
cheerfully as they could.

Hawks and vultures are exceedingly numerous both at Jenna and this
place, the former are bold and disgusting birds, but the latter are
so hungry and rapacious that they pounce fearlessly in the midst of
the natives when at their meals. Whilst the Landers were at supper,
one of them darted at a piece of meat, which one of their men held
between his fingers, and snatched it from him whilst he was conveying
it to his mouth.

At an early hour of Wednesday the 14th April, to the infinite
surprise and pleasure of the Landers, the man from Badagry made his
appearance with one of their horses and an English saddle. The latter
was as acceptable to them as the horse, for on the preceding day, for
want of a saddle, they were obliged to substitute a piece of cloth,
and the back of the animal being as sharp as a knife, it was no very
pleasant thing to ride him; walking would have been the far less
irksome exercise of the two. Pascoe, whose sagacity and experience
proved of infinite service to them, was lamed in his endeavours to
walk as fast as the rest of the party, and as he had the misfortune
of having one leg shorter than the other he became the general butt
and laughing stock of his more robust companions. This day, however,
they mounted him on the extra horse, on the back of which he retorted
their revilings, and the whole of them became as envious of his
dignity, as they  were before facetious at his expense.

They took their departure from Bidjie while the morning was yet cool
and pleasant, and arrived at Chow before eleven o'clock in the
forenoon. The natives have an unaccountable fancy that white men are
fond of poultry to an excess, insomuch that whenever they entered a
town or village, all the fowls were immediately seized and confined
in a place of security until their departure.

Several strangers accompanied them from town to town, for the purpose
of evading the duty which is exacted at the turnpike gates, by
stating themselves to be of the number of their attendants. Women
also placed themselves under the protection of their men from Cape
Coast Castle, in order that they might enjoy a similar advantage; in
return for this favour, they showed a great willingness to do for
them many little kind offices, and they were found particularly
useful in making fires, preparing food, &c. for the whole of the
party.

Their journey throughout the whole of this day was extremely
pleasant. At one time the path ran in a serpentine direction through
plains covered with green turf, at another it led them amidst large
groves of stately trees, from whose branches a variety of playful
chattering monkeys diverted them by their mischievous tricks, and the
grey parrot, with its discordant, shrill scream, and other beautiful
birds, "warbled their native wood notes wild."

The chief of Chow, who received and entertained Captain Clapperton,
had been dead some time, and was succeeded by a humble, good natured,
and active individual, who treated the white men more like demi-gods
than human beings. At the time of their arrival, he was engaged in
superintending the slaves at his corn and yam plantations, but he
hastened to them the moment he was informed of the circumstance. He
possessed a number of horses, one of which was the smallest and most
beautiful animal they ever beheld.

In the evening, the chief visited them again with a present of
provisions, and a few goora nuts. Richard Lander took the opportunity
of playing on a bugle horn in his presence, by which he was violently
agitated, under the supposition that the instrument was nothing less
than a snake.

For the first time since their landing they observed the loom in
active operation; the manufacture of cotton cloth is, however,
carried on exclusively by women, the men appearing too slothful and
indolent to undertake any labour, which might subject them to
fatigue.

On the following day the path wound through a country charmingly
diversified by hill and dale, woods and open glades, and watered by
streams flowing over beds of fine white sand. A horseman from Katunga
met them about ten o'clock in the morning, whose dress and
accoutrements were highly grotesque. He neither stopped nor spoke,
but couched his lance as he gallopped past them. It was supposed that
he was the bearer of a message to the chief of Jenna, from the king
of Katunga, and that it had some reference to themselves, but whether
it was an act of caution or of compliment could not be ascertained.

They met a number of people of both sexes in the path, who were
returning from Egga to Chow, and several naked boys on their way to
the coast, under the care of guardians. These were slaves, and would
be most likely sold at Badagry. Some of the woman bore burdens on
their heads, that would have tired a mule and broken the neck of a
Covent Garden Irish woman, and children not more than five or six
years old trudged after them with loads that would have given a full
grown person in Europe the brain fever.

They departed from Chow before sunrise; a surprising dew had fallen
during the night and distilled from the leaves and branches in large
drops. They passed during the forenoon, over three or four swampy
places, covered with reeds, rushes, and rank grass, which were
inhabited by myriads of frogs of prodigious size. On crossing the
streams, they were invariably saluted by a loud and unaccountable
hissing, as if from a multitude of serpents. They could not account
for this extraordinary noise in any other way, than by supposing it
to have proceeded from some species of insects, whose retreats they
had invaded.

With very trifling manual labour, the path, which was little better
than a mere gutter formed by repeated rains, might be converted into
a good and commodious road; and were a tree simply thrown over them,
the streams and morasses might be crossed with ease and safely. But
the natives appeared to have no idea whatever of such improvements,
and would rather be entangled in thick underwood, and wade through
pools of mud and water, than give themselves any trouble about
repairing the road. But the native, however, says to himself, and not
unjustly, _cui bono?_  neither in England or in Africa are
individuals to be found, who will undertake a work of difficulty and
fatigue gratuitously, merely for the benefit and accommodation of
others; characters of that description are very rarely to be found,
and perhaps the interior of Africa is the last place in the world
where we should look for them. An Englishman might find it to be his
interest to repair the roads on which he is frequently obliged to
travel; but what benefit can accrue to the uncivilized African, and
particularly the slave, who has not a blade of grass under the canopy
of Heaven, which he can call his own, to trouble himself about the
repair of a road, on which he might never have occasion to travel,
and which, with the great uncertainty which is always hanging over
his future condition in life, he may never fee again. Trees not
unfrequently fall across the pathway, but instead of removing them,
the people form a large circuit round them, even a small ant hill is
an object too mighty to be meddled with, and it is left in the centre
of the narrow road, to be jumped over, or to be travelled round,
according to the option of the traveller.

Several women, with little wooden figures of children on their heads,
passed them in the course of the morning; they were mothers, who,
having lost a child, carry these rude imitations of them about their
persons for an indefinite time, as a symbol of mourning. Not one of
them could be induced to part with one of these little affectionate
memorials.

They entered Egga, which is a very large town, in the early part of
the afternoon. On their arrival, they were introduced into the house
occupied by Captain Clapperton on his last journey, in the yard of
which, repose the remains of an Englishman, named Dawson, who died
here of a fever when that officer passed through the country. Both
the hut and yard were soon tilled with people, and were in a state of
filth, which baffles all description. They could not by any means rid
themselves of sheep, goats, and fowls, with their train; in spite of
all their attempts to remove them, they were determined to be their
companions, and this grievance, added to the tongues of a hundred
visitors, made their situation all but intolerable.

Egga is the principal market town in this part of Africa, and is
attended by buyers and sellers for many miles round. Women here are
the chief, if not the only traders, most of them are of graceful and
prepossessing exterior, and they all practise those petty tricks and
artifices in their dealings, with which the market women of more
civilized countries are not unacquainted.

This day, April 16th, was one of the hottest they ever remember to
have felt. They found the path in much better condition, than that on
which they had previously travelled, and it lay almost entirely
through plantations of yams, calavances and pumpkins, and three or
four different varieties of corn, which a number of labourers were
employed in weeding, &c. The hoe is the only implement of husbandry
in use, and indeed they can well dispense with every other, because
the soil, during the rainy months, is so soft and light, that but
very little manual exertion in working it is required. Population is
abundant, labourers may be hired to any number; and it may be
affirmed that he introduction of the plough would scarcely be a
blessing, but on the contrary, it would furnish fresh encouragement
to the general sin of indolence.

Having crossed at noon a small but agreeable river flowing from east
to west, in which several females were bathing and washing clothes,
they shortly afterwards entered the capacious and populous town of
Jedoo. Here they were informed that the chief had been in the grave
more than a twelvemonth; and that no one having yet been nominated to
succeed him, every thing continued in a state of confusion and
misrule. They were conducted, after having waited a little, into a
large yard belonging to the late governor, and in a short time
received a visit from his brother, in company with all the elders of
the place; their conversation was, however, very unpleasant, and
their whole behaviour much cooler than was agreeable, the more so as
such a reception had been entirely unexpected.

The yard in which they resided, was perfectly circular, and walled
with huts, all tenanted by the late chiefs widows, who employ their
time and earn their livelihood by spinning and weaving. Not less than
a hundred of the king of Katunga's ladies were lodging in the yard
with them. They had all passed the bloom of life, and had lately
arrived with loads of trona and country cloth, which they barter for
salt, and various articles of European manufacture, particularly
beads; with these they return home, and expose them for sale in the
market, and afterwards the profits are taken to their husbands. These
royal ladies are distinguished from their countrywomen only by a
peculiar species of cloth, which is wrapped round their goods, and
which no one dared to imitate on pain of perpetual slavery. This
severe punishment is often inflicted, for, as the king's wives pay no
tribute or turnpike dues whatever, and must besides be entertained by
the chiefs of every town through which they pass, strong inducements
are offered for others to attempt to deceive, by using the forbidden
cloth, and hence examples are necessary. As a contrast to the
afflicted females of Jenna, the wives of the king of Katunga all fell
to crying for joy this evening, on recognizing a few old acquaintance
in the yard, who soon joined them in the melancholy music. It was
highly ridiculous to see them, for after the first burst had
subsided, they began to chat with a garrulity far beyond that of the
most talkative of their European sisters. The conversation lasted
more than an hour, till at last it resolved itself into a violent
quarrel, which lasted during the remainder of the day.

It was now ten o'clock, and the women were still sitting in groups
round the several wood fires. The travellers themselves only occupied
a small verandah, which was simply the projection of the roof of a
thatched hut. Their horses were fastened to wooden stakes in the
centre of the yard; their men were lying round them, warming
themselves at their own fires. Sheep, beautiful sheep with tinkling
bells hung round their necks, were chewing the cud in peace and
happiness. But notwithstanding it was the hour of repose, the tongues
of the female travellers were making a clatter which all the women of
Billingsgate could not rival, and together with the squalling of
brats innumerable, completely spoiled the emotions, which the wild
and pleasing scene around them would otherwise have awakened in their
breasts. The sheep here are regarded with as much partiality, and
treated much in the same manner as ladies lap dogs are in England.
Great care is taken to keep them clean and in good condition; they
are washed every morning in soap and water; and so greatly are they
attached to their masters or mistresses, that they are constantly at
their meals, following them in doors and out, from town to town, and
in all their peregrinations. Goats, sheep, swine and poultry are in
great plenty here, and in the possession of every one,
notwithstanding which they are always excessively dear, because the
people take a pride in displaying the number and quality of their
domesticated animals.

The inhabitants of Jeado are in general very decently dressed in
cotton dresses of their own manufacture. In their persons, they are
much more agreeable, than those who reside near the sea. European
goods are brought hither from Dahomey and Badagry, but more
especially from Lagos, and are daily exposed for sale in the markets
of Jadoo and Egga. Several chiefs on the road, questioned the
travellers to account to them for the Portuguese not purchasing so
many slaves as formerly, and they made very sad complaints of the
stagnation of that branch of traffic. It would perhaps have been as
much as their heads were worth, to have told them the true reason.

Hippopotami abound in the rivers in the vicinity of the town, when
young, the flesh and skin of these animals are sold as food, and
whips and other articles are made of the skins of the old ones. At
the usual hour of the following day, April 17th, they quitted Jadoo,
and in the middle of the day arrived at a clean, pretty little
village, called Pooya. The appearance of the country between these
places is extremely fine, resembling a magnificent orchard. On their
way they met several hundreds of people of both sexes and all ages,
with a great number of bullocks, sheep, and goats, together with
fowls and pigeons, which were carried on the head in neat wicker
baskets. Several of the travellers were loaded with country cloth,
and indigo in large round balls. They were all slaves, and were
proceeding to the coast from the interior, to sell the goods and
animals under their charge. One old woman had the misfortune to let a
large calabash of palm oil fall from her head: on arriving at the
spot, they found a party of females, her companions in slavery,
wringing their hands and crying. The affliction of the old woman was
bitter indeed, as she dreaded the punishment which awaited her on her
return to the house of her master. John Lander compassionated her
distress, and gave her a large clasp knife, which would more than
recompense her for the loss of the oil, on which the women wiped away
their tears, and fell down on the dust before them, exhibiting
countenances more gladsome and animated than could be conceived.

The mortality of children must be immense indeed here, for almost
every woman they met with on the road, had one or more of those
little wooden images, already mentioned. Wherever the mothers stopped
to take refreshment, a small part of their food was invariably
presented to the lips of these inanimate memorials. The daughters of
civilization may boast of the refinement of their feelings, but under
what circumstances did they ever exhibit a stronger instance of
maternal affection than these rude, untutored mothers of interior
Africa evinced to our travellers. The English mother will frequently
deposit her child in the grave, and a few days afterwards will be
seen joining in all the pleasures and vanities of the world. Whirled
about in a vortex of dissipation, the mother of civilization bears no
memorial about her of the infant that is in its grave; but the
uncivilized African carries about with her the image of her child,
and, in the full force of her maternal affection, feeds not herself
until in her imagination she has fed the being who once was dear to
her. There was something beautifully affectionate in the mother
offering the food to the images of her children, and had a whole
volume been written in display of the African female character, a
more forcible illustration could not have been given of it.

Although Pooya is considered by the natives to be a day's journey
from Jadoo, they only halted to pay their respects to the chief, and
then continued their journey over gentle hills, and through valleys
watered by streams and rivulets, so as to reach Engua in the
afternoon. The soil between the two towns is mostly dry and sterile,
and large masses of ironstone, which looked as if they had undergone
the action of fire, presented themselves almost at every step. The
day was oppressively hot, and as they had been exposed to the sun for
a great number of hours, when they reached Engua, their skin was
scorched and highly inflamed, which proved very painful to them.
Richard Lander was comparatively inured to the climate, but his
brother now begun to feel it severely, he was sore, tired, and
feverish, and longed to be down in a hut, but they were obliged to
remain under a tree for three hours, before they could be favoured
with that opportunity, because the chief of that town was engaged in
making a fetish, for the purpose of counteracting any evil intentions
that the white men might entertain towards him. All their people were
fatigued and exhausted on the road, complaining much of the heat, and
one of them was brought to them in the evening in a high fever. Engua
is the town where the lamented Captain Pearce breathed his last, and
here also Captain Clapperton felt quite disheartened, and almost
despaired of penetrating further into the interior of the country.
The chief sent them only a little Indian corn and water, and
obstinately refused to sell them either a goat, sheep, or any other
animal, although there were many thousands in the town.

Their reception at Engua was so truly inhospitable, that they arose
at a much earlier hour than they generally did, and proceeded on
their way by starlight. In place of the ironstone which they had
observed on the preceding day, the country was now partially covered
with large and unshapely masses of granite. Mountains and elevated
hills were observed to the right of them, the sides of which were
thickly wooded, and their summits reaching above the clouds. At nine
o'clock, they passed through a neat and cleanly village named Chakka,
which had lately lost its chief, and an hour afterwards crossed a
small river called Akeeney, which was full of sharp and rugged rocks,
and is reported to fall into the Lagos. They were carried over on
men's shoulders without much difficulty, but the horses were a long
time in getting across. Hence the path winded up a high and steep
hill, which they ascended, and entered the town of Afoora about
mid-day. The governor gave them a hearty welcome, and said it made
him so extremely happy to see them, which was also expressed by the
joy and animation of his countenance. The best hut in the town, which
was the most airy and commodious of any they had seen, was presently
got ready for them, and shortly after they had taken possession of
it, they received a quantity of excellent provisions from the chief.

This was the first day of his government; his father, the late chief,
had been dead some time, but from motives of delicacy he refused to
take upon himself his authority until this morning. In honour of the
event, a large company of women were dancing, rejoicing, and making
merry all the evening, outside their hut. It appeared as rather a
strange circumstance to Richard Lander, that the chief or governor of
almost every town through which they had passed since leaving
Badagry, who was alive and well on his return to the coast three
years ago, had been either slain in war or had died from natural
causes. Scarcely one of them was alive on his present expedition.

On April 19th, an easy pleasant ride of three hours brought them to
the first walled town they had seen, which was called Assinara. The
wall was of clay and so diminutive, that a person might easily jump
over it; a dry ditch about eighteen inches deep, and three or four
feet in width also surrounds the town. Over this a single plank is
thrown, which answers the purpose of a draw-bridge, and is the only
means the inhabitants have of getting in and out of the place.
Assinara had also lately lost its chief in some battle, and all
business was transacted by a benevolent elderly man, who volunteered
his services till a successor should be appointed. From him the
Landers received the warmest reception, and the most hospitable
treatment.

The climate now began to have a most debilitating effect upon John
Lander, and from a state of robust health and vigour, he was now
reduced to so great a degree of lassitude and weakness, that he could
scarcely stand a minute at a time. Every former pleasure seemed to
have lost its charm with him. He was on this day attacked with fever,
and his condition would have been hopeless indeed, had his brother
not been near to relieve him. He complained of excessive thirst. Ten
grains of calomel were administered to him, and afterwards a strong
dose of salts. On the following day, April 20th, he was much better
and free from fever, but too weak to travel, their stay, therefore,
at Assinara was unavoidably protracted.

The acting governor visited them with a very long face, and entreated
the Landers to discover a certain wizard, whom he imagined to be
concealed somewhere in the town. By the influence of this sorcerer, a
number of people, it was said, pined away and died, and women with
child were more especially the object of his malevolence. These
victims dropped down suddenly, without the slightest warning, and the
deaths had lately been so numerous, that the old man himself was
grievously alarmed, and begged a charm to preserve him and his
family.

On the 23rd, John Lander finding himself considerably invigorated and
refreshed by a day's rest at Assinara, and sufficiently recovered to
pursue their journey, all hands were in readiness to start at an
early hour. The morning was cool and pleasant, and they travelled
onwards in excellent spirits. Without meeting any thing particular in
the path, or perceiving any object sufficiently interesting or novel
to demand attention, they entered the town of Accadoo in the
forenoon, having had an agreeable ride of a few hours duration only.

At this time John Lander seemed to be free from any kind of complaint
whatever, and enjoyed an unusual cheerfulness and buoyancy of
spirits, which led his brother to form the most flattering
anticipations. In the course of a few minutes, however, his body was
overspread with a burning heat, and he suffered under another attack
of fever, more violent than any of the former. He resorted to the
most powerful remedies, he could think of at the time. His brother
bled him, and applied a strong blister to the region of the stomach,
where the disorder seemed to be seated. It was swollen and oppressed
with pain, and he felt as if some huge substance lay upon his chest.
His mouth being dry and clogged, and his thirst burning and
unquenchable, he drank so much water that his body was greatly
swollen. Towards evening, his ideas became confused and he grew
delirious. He afterwards described to his brother the horrible
phantoms that disturbed him whilst in this state, and the delicious
emotion that ran through his whole frame, when the dreadful vision
had passed away. Tears gushed from his eyes, a profuse perspiration,
which had been so long checked, gave him immediate relief, and from
that moment his health began to improve.

During this illness of John Lander, the natives made a most hideous
noise by singing and drumming on the celebration of their fetish.
Richard went out with the hope of inducing them to be quiet, but they
only laughed at him, and annoyed them the more; having no compassion
whatever for the sufferings of a white man, and if they can mortify
him by any means, they consider it a praiseworthy deed. This day at
noon, the sun stood at 99 degrees of Fahrenheit.

Early on Saturday the 24th, a hammock was prepared for John Lander,
he being too weak to ride on horseback; and shortly wards they
quitted the town of Accadoo, in much better spirits, than
circumstances had led them to expect. The hammock-men found their
burden rather troublesome, nevertheless they travelled at a pretty
quick pace, and between eight and nine o'clock, halted at a pleasant
and comfortable village called Etudy. The chief sent them a fowl and
four hundred kowries; but they stopped only to take a slight
refreshment, and to pay their respects. They then proceeded through
large plantations of cotton, indigo, Indian corn, and yams, and over
stony fields, till between ten and eleven, when they entered the town
of Chouchou. They were almost immediately introduced to the chief,
and from him into a ruinous hut, in a more filthy state than can be
imagined. No pigstye was ever half so bad. Its late occupier had
incurred the displeasure and hatred of the chief, because he happened
to be very rich, and rather than pay a heavy fine, he ran away and
joined his former enemies, and this partly accounted for the
destitution and wretchedness around them.

Since leaving Jenna they met an incredible number of persons visited
with the loss of one eye. They assigned no other reason for their
misfortune, than the heat and glare of the rays of the sun.

During the whole of this night it rained most heavily; but their hut,
although of the very worst description, had a pretty good thatched
roof, and sheltered them better than they could have expected. There
are seasons and periods in our life-time, in which we feel a happy
complacency of temper and an inward satisfaction, cheerfulness, and
joy, for which we cannot very well account, but which constrain us to
be at peace with ourselves and our neighbours, and in love with all
the works of God. In this truly enviable frame of mind, Richard
Lander says he awoke on this morning, to proceed onwards on
horseback. It was a morning, which was fairly entitled to the epithet
of incense breathing; for the variety of sweet-smelling perfumes,
which exhaled after the rain, from forest flowers and flowering
shrubs, was delicious and almost overpowering. The scenery which
gratified their eyes on this day, was more interesting and lovely,
than any they had heretofore beheld. The path circled round a
magnificent, cultivated valley, hemmed in on almost every side with
mountains of granite of the most grotesque and irregular shapes, the
summits of which were covered with stunted trees, and the hollows in
their slopes occupied by clusters of huts, whose inmates had fled
thither as a place of security against the ravages of the _warmen_
who infest the plains. A number of strange birds resorted to this
valley, many of whose notes were rich, full, and melodious, while
others were harsh and disagreeable, but, generally speaking, the
plumage was  various, splendid, and beautiful. The modest partridge
appeared in company with the magnificent balearic crane, with his
regal crest, and delicate humming birds hopped from twig to twig,
with others of an unknown species; some of them were of a dark,
shining green; some had red silky wings and purple bodies; some were
variegated with stripes of crimson and gold, and these chirped and
warbled from among the thick foliage of the trees. In the
contemplation of such beautiful objects as these, all so playful and
so happy, or the more sublime ones of dark waving forests, plains of
vast extent, or stupendous mountains, that gave the mind the most
sensible emotions of delight and grandeur, leading it insensibly

"To look from nature up to nature's God."

Speaking on these subjects, Lander very feelingly expresses himself,
"For myself," he says, "I am passionately fond of them, and have
regretted a thousand times, that my ignorance incapacitated me from
giving a proper representation of them, or describing the simplest
flower that adorns the plains, or the smallest insect that sparkles
in the air. This consideration gives me at times many unhappy
reflections, although my defective education arose from circumstances
over which my boyhood had no control."

Having passed through the immense valley already mentioned, they had
not travelled far before they arrived and halted at a large village
called Tudibu; here they rested a while, and then continuing their
journey for two hours over even ground between high hills, they rode
into the town of Gwen-dekki, in which they purposed passing the
night. The chief was either very poor or very ill natured, for the
only thing he sent them was a little boiled yam, with a mess of
unpalatable gravy, which he would not have given, if he had not
expected ten times its value in return. Divine service, it being
Sunday, was performed in the course of the day, and this was a duty,
which to persons in their situation, was found inconceivably
pleasant. It rendered them happy and resigned in the midst or their
afflictions and privations; reposing their confidence in the
all-protecting arm of that beneficent Being, who is the author and
disposer of their destinies, and in whom alone, thus widely separated
as they were from home, and kindred and civilization, the solitary
wanderer can place his trust.

On the morning of Monday the 26th April, a thick mist obscured the
horizon, and hid in deep shade the mountains and the hills; every
object indeed was invisible, with the exception of the pathway and
the trees growing on each side, which they could hardly distinguish
as they passed along. It continued hazy for two hours after leaving
Gwen-dekki, when the mist dispersed and the atmosphere became clear.
Preparatory to ascending a steep granite hill, they halted to refresh
their horses under the branches of a high spreading tree, near a town
called Eco. Here they were visited by several of the inhabitants,
who, as soon as they were informed of their arrival, came flocking to
the spot. They formed themselves into a line to pay their respects,
and entreated them to wait a little for the arrival of their chief,
who was momentarily expected. But after staying as long as they
conveniently could, and no chief appearing, they mounted their beasts
and began the toilsome ascent. On attaining the summit of the hill,
the _coup d'oeil_ was magnificent indeed, and the fog having been
dispersed by the sun, the eye was enabled to range over an extensive
horizon, bounded by hills and mountains of wonderful shapes. Some of
them bore a very striking resemblance to the Table mountain at the
Cape of Good Hope, and another was not unlike the Lion's Head and
Rump of the  same  place. Their course was north-east, and those two
mountains bore due west from them. There was no continued range of
hills, but numbers of single unconnected ones, with extensive valleys
between them. In some places, several were piled behind each, and
those most distant from them appeared like dark indistinct clouds.
Nothing could surpass the singularity, and it may be added the
sublimity of the whole view from the top of the granite hill which
they had ascended, and they contemplated it silence for a few
seconds, with emotions of astonishment and rapture.

Descending the hill, they continued their journey over a noble plain,
watered with springs and rivulets, and in the afternoon entered Dufo,
a most extensive and populous town. The inhabitants appeared to be
industrious and very opulent, as far as regarded the number and
variety of their domestic animals, having abundance of sheep, goats,
swine, pigeons, and poultry, amongst the latter of which were
observed for the first time, turkeys and guinea-fowl. They had
likewise horses and bullocks. The chief did not make his appearance
for a long time, but as soon as he had introduced himself, he desired
them to follow him into a cleanly swept square, where was the house
which he intended them to occupy. Presently after his departure, he
sent them a quantity of yams, a basket of ripe bananas, and a
calabash of eggs, which they soon discovered to be good for nothing,
although sand had been mixed with them, that they might feel heavier
than they really were.

They were on this evening visited by four Burgoo traders, who
informed them that they had crossed the Niger at Inguazhilligie, not
more than fourteen days ago, and that although the rains had
commenced, the river had as yet received no great addition to its
waters.

The travellers were early on horseback, on the morning of the
27th, and preceded by the carriers of their luggage, they rode out
of the town of Dufo. The country, indeed, appeared inferior, as
to the boldness and beauty of its scenery, to that which they had
traversed on the preceding day but still it possessed features of no
common interest.    Another table mountain was observed to the
left of their path in the course of the morning, as well as another
lion's head and rump. Ponderous masses of granite rock overhung
the road way; they were almost black, and seemed to have been
washed by the rains of a thousand years; in many of them were
deep and gloomy caverns, which, were they in Cornwall instead
of in central Africa, they would be selected by some novel-monger,
as the scene of some dark and mysterious murder, or as the
habitation of a gang of banditti, or perhaps of the ghost of some
damsel, who might have deliberately knocked her brains out against
some rocky protuberance, on account of a faithless lover. They were
followed a long while by hundreds of the natives, and who annoyed
them so much by their noises and curiosity, that they were compelled
to resort to violent measures to drive them away; but this was a line
of conduct rarely adopted towards them, and never without extreme
reluctance. They were at length frightened away, and they saw them no
more. About eight miles from Dufo, they arrived at a large straggling
village, called Elokba, where they halted a little, as the path had
been so stony, rugged, and irregular, that a few minutes rest was
absolutely necessary to recruit themselves. From this place the road
became excellent, not at all inferior to a drive round a nobleman's
park in England, and continued to be good till they came in sight of
a capacious walled town, called Chaadoo, which they entered about
mid-day. Outside the walls is a small Fellata village, the huts of
which are constructed in the circular or _coozie_ form. Its
inhabitants employ themselves solely in the breeding of cattle, an
occupation to which they are passionately addicted. They are simple
in their manners, and extremely neat in their dress and appearance.

Not long after their arrival, three or four young Fellata
shepherdesses from the village came to pay their respects to the
travellers, who felt much pleased with their society, for they were
extremely well-behaved and intelligent; they remained, however, a
very short time, their customary avocation not permitting a longer
stay. The hair of these females was braided in a style peculiarly
tasteful and becoming, and the contour of their oval faces was far
from disagreeable. Their manners also were innocent and playful; the
imaginary shepherdesses of our pastorals were not more modest,
artless, and engaging in description, than these were in reality;
they left behind them an impression very favourable, both as regards
their morals, _naiveté_, and rustic simplicity.

On the road from Dufo, Richard Lander unthinkingly shot a crane,
which fell in an adjoining field. The report of his gun brought out a
number of natives from "the bush," who being in continual dread of an
attack from "the war men of the path," imagined it to be a signal of
one of these marauders. They were all armed like their countrymen
with bows and arrows, and with a threatening aspect would have lodged
a few shafts in the person of Richard Lander, had it not been for the
timely interference of one of their Jenna messengers, who fortunately
happened to be with him at the time, and who gave an immediate and
satisfactory explanation. The head of the party then sought for and
picked up the bird, but Richard took it from him, after he had
rewarded him liberally for his trouble. The man, however, was neither
satisfied nor pleased, but roughly demanded the bird as his own,
because it had fallen on his land. As there were no game laws here,
Richard Lander would not admit his claim, and was retiring, when the
fellow begged with much importunity that the head and legs of the
animal, at least, might be given him to make a fetish of. This was
likewise objected to, at which the man was out of all patience, and
went off foaming with passion. In the evening, the crane was dressed
for supper, and a similar request was made by a eunuch from Katunga,
who being a good-natured fellow, his wish was readily complied with.
The chief of Chaadoo, however, presently sent a messenger to request
the said precious head and legs, and to him they were finally
committed by the disappointed eunuch, who could hardly forbear
weeping on the occasion; these relics are considered extremely
valuable as a charm.

The chief sent them a goat, a quantity of bananas, a dish of pounded
or rather mashed yam with gravy, and a large basket of _caffas_.
These are a kind of pudding, made into little round balls from
bruised Indian corn, which is first boiled to the consistence of
thick paste. From being made entirely of coarse flour and water, they
have an insipid taste when new, but when kept for a day or two, they
become sour, and in this state are eaten by the natives. There are
several deep wells in the town, but most of them are dried up, so
that water is exceedingly scarce, and it is sold in the market-place
to the inhabitants. They were daily accosted on the road with such
salutations as these, "I hope you go on well on the path," "success
to the king's work," "God bless you white men," "a blessing on your
return, &c."

They remained the whole of the 28th at Chaadoo, in order to give the
carriers with the luggage, time to come up with them, having been
unavoidably detained by the roughness and unevenness of the road from
Dufo to Elokba. The Katunga eunuch already mentioned, was sent by the
king of that place to receive the customary tribute of the governors
of various towns on the road between Katunga and Jenna. This man was
treated with much respect both by the governor of Chaadoo and his
people, who prostrated themselves to the eunuch, before addressing
him.

Being in want of money, they sent some needles this morning to the
market to sell. It is a custom in Youriba, that after a buyer has
agreed to pay a certain sum for an article, he retracts his
expression, and affirms that he only promised to give about half the
sum demanded. This occasioned violent altercations between the
Landers' people and the natives, but it is an established custom,
from which there is no appeal.

The mother of the governor was buried this afternoon, at a
neighbouring village, and the funeral was attended by all his wives
or women as mourners. They were dressed in their holiday attire and
looked tolerably smart. The mourners exhibited no signs of grief
whatever, on the contrary, they were as lively as a wedding party;
attended by a drummer, they passed through their yard on their return
to the governor's house, which was only a few steps distant, and they
kept up singing and dancing during the whole of the day, to the noise
of the drum.

The inhabitants of the town have immense numbers of sheep, goats,
pigs, and poultry, but bullocks are in the possession of Fellatas
alone. It was believed, that the natives have not a single animal of
that description. Like many other places, the market was not held
here till the heat and toil of the day are over, and buyers seldom
resort to it, till eight o'clock in the evening.

On the morning of the 29th April, it commencing raining at a very
early hour, and continued with uncommon violence, till between ten
and eleven o'clock, when it suddenly ceased, and they quitted
Chaadoo. Before their departure, however, the credulous governor, who
in common with his people, imagine that white men possess an
influence over the elements, paid them a visit with a calabash of
honey as a present, to thank them he said, for the rain that had
fallen, of which the country was greatly in want, and invoked
blessings on them. The kindness of this good old man was remarkable;
he never seemed weary of obliging them, regretted his inability to do
more, and solicited them very pressingly to remain with him another
day.

They traversed a mountainous country intersected with streams of
excellent water, and at noon entered a small, but pleasant
picturesque village, which was ornamented with noble and shady trees.
Here they waited a very short time, and continuing their route,
arrived towards evening at a capacious walled town, called _Row_,
wherein they passed the night. In many places, the wall, if it be
deserving the name, was no more than twelve or fourteen inches from
the ground, and the moat was of similar dimensions. The yard to which
they were conducted, shortly after their arrival, was within three or
four others, and so intricate were the passages leading to it, that
after a stranger gets in, he would be sadly puzzled to find his way
out again without a guide. Nevertheless, this was no security against
interruption, for the yard was speedily invaded by five or six
hundred individuals, who had been induced to visit them from
curiosity. As usual, they annoyed the travellers for a long time to
the best of their ability, till they completely wearied them out by
their importunity and forwardness. They then hung sheets round the
door-way of their dwelling, and laid down on their mats; and then
only, the natives began to disperse, and left them at their ease.

The governor of the town was a morose, surly, and ill-natured man.
He sent them only a few bananas, and a calabash of eggs, which were
all stale and unfit to be eaten, so that some of their people were
obliged to go supperless to bed. The governor ascribed the badness of
his fare to extreme poverty, yet his vanity exacted from their Jenna
messengers the most abject method of salutation, with which they were
acquainted. These men walked backwards from him several yards, to
throw dirt on their heads, and with the dust and filth still clinging
to their hair, they were compelled to address the chief with their
faces to the ground. The apartment of the travellers unfortunately
communicated with his, and the restless tongues of his numerous wives
prevented either of the Landers from dosing their eyes long after
sunset. In the centre of their yard grew a tree, round which several
stakes were driven into the ground. This tree was a fetish tree, and
the stakes also fetish, and therefore a strong injunction was issued
not to tie the horses to either of them. Calabashes, common articles
of earthenware, and even feathers, egg-shells, and the bones of
animals; indeed any kind of inanimate substance is made fetish by the
credulous, stupid natives, and like the horse-shoe, which is still
nailed to the door of the more superstitious of English peasantry,
these fetishes are supposed to preserve them from ghosts and evil
spirits. It is sacrilege to touch them, and to ridicule them, would
be dangerous.

It was between seven and eight o'clock of the 30th April, before
carriers could be procured, and every thing got in readiness for
their departure. The sun was excessively hot, and the sky brilliantly
clear. They crossed two or three rivulets of cool delicious water, as
they had done on the preceding day, and then passed through an
insignificant village, whose chief sent them a calabash of bruised
corn, mixed with water, to drink. At noon, they arrived at the foot
of a very elevated hill, and perceived a town perched on its summit,
and knew it to be the same to which they had been directed. They
dismounted, and after a laborious ascent, which occupied them three
quarters of an hour, at length reached the top. Stones and blocks of
granite interrupted their path, so that it became a very difficult
matter to force the horses along before them; they fell repeatedly,
but without materially injuring themselves.

The name of the town was Chekki; their arrival was rather unexpected,
and therefore the governor was not prepared to receive them, and they
sat down under a tree, until they were tired of waiting. At length, a
man came to conduct them to his residence, which was but a little way
from the tree, under which they were reposing, when a tumultuous rush
was made by the inhabitants to precede them into the yard, and
notwithstanding the presence of their chief, they so surrounded the
travelling party as to prevent a particle of fresh air from reaching
them. The governor received them with bluntness, but not unkindly,
though without much demonstration of good-will. While in his yard, he
regaled them with water, and afterwards sent them a large calabash of
_foorah_ sweetened with honey to their lodgings, which did not taste
unlike thick gruel or _burgoo_, as it is termed in Scotland. It is
made of a corn called goorah, is very palatable, and is in general
use with the natives of these parts. A quantity of bananas from the
chief soon followed the foorah, and something more substantial than
either, was promised them.

It was observed to be a general practice here, as well as in every
other town through which the Landers passed, for children until the
age of seven years to go naked, with perhaps a string of kowries tied
round the loins, and clumsy bracelets, either of brass or tin
enclosing the wrist. Grown-up people, however, dress somewhat neatly,
if not gracefully; the men wear a cap, tobe and trousers, mostly
blue, and the women wear a large loose cotton cloth, which is thrown
over the left shoulder, and comes down mantling below the knee. The
right arm and feet alone are bare. People of both sexes are
infinitely more grave and serious in their manners, than those nearer
the coast, nor was the loud vacant laugh so prevalent, as at the
commencement of their journey.

They quitted Chekki on the 1st of May, and rode on pleasantly until,
at the expiration of four hours, they arrived at Coosoo, a large and
important town. A Fellata hamlet stands near it, the inhabitants of
which, subsist by following pastoral occupations alone. They are much
esteemed by the Youribans, who behave to them without suspicion or
reserve.

Shortly after their arrival, a man stole a sword from one of the
attendants on the travellers; he was pursued to the chief, and
asserted that he had found it; as he laid the weapon at his feet. The
sword was restored to them by the governor, but without the slightest
allusion being made to the means by which he obtained it. A company
or _goffle_ of merchants from Hano, were at this time in the town,
who had travelled thus far on their way to Gonga, which is the Selga
of Cape Coast Castle and Accra. Their merchandise consists chiefly of
elephants' teeth, trona, rock salt, and country cloths. This, the
Landers were told, is a new route, the road formerly taken being
considered unsafe, on account of private broils and disturbances
amongst the natives. The goffle consisted of more than four hundred
men; but a company of merchants that passed through the town ten days
previously, amounted to twice that number. Other merchants were also
in the town, and were to leave on the morrow on their way to Yaoorie,
to which place they were destined.

The palm tree became scarce as they advanced into the country, and,
consequently, the oil obtained hereabouts, is only in very small
quantities. But nature, ever bountiful, supplies its place with the
mi-cadania or butter tree, which yields abundance of a kind of
vegetable marrow, pleasant to the taste, and highly esteemed by the
natives. It is used for lights and other domestic purposes. The tree
from which it is obtained, is not much unlike our oak in appearance,
and the nut it produces is enveloped in an agreeable pulpy substance.
The kernel of this nut is about the size of our chestnut. It is
exposed in the sun to dry, after which it is pounded very fine and
boiled in water. The oily particles which it contains, soon float on
the surface; when cool, they are skimmed off, and then made into
little cakes for use, without any further preparation. Two
individuals appeared before the chief this day, in consequence of an
accusation of theft that had been made against them. The method
adopted of proving the guilt or innocence of the parties, was, by
compelling them to swallow the fetish water.

In the evening, the travellers received a fat goat, a basket of
caffas, a calabash of bananas, a vast quantity of yams, and a bowl of
milk from the governor. He appeared to be a sober, kind, and
benevolent old man, and generally beloved by his people. To the
Landers, he was particularly attentive and obliging. He informed
them, that the common path to Katunga was unsafe, in consequence of a
serious quarrel between the inhabitants of Coosoo, and those of a
neighbouring town. "Therefore," said he, "I entreat you to remain
here until to-morrow, in order that I may make arrangements to send
you by a different road." This intelligence was not very agreeable to
the Landers, but they were convinced of its importance, and therefore
thankfully accepted the chiefs offer.

The market which was held this evening in the town, had a most
imposing and brilliant appearance, from the immense of lamps used by
the trades-people.

Their visitors, who continued with them until late in the evening,
were innumerable, and the noise of the women's tongues was as loud
and disagreeable as ever. For some time nothing could quiet them:
threats and entreaties were disregarded or laughed at, till at last,
they were compelled to resort to the childish expedient of spurting
water in their faces from a large syringe. On seeing and feeling the
effects of this fearful instrument, they became alarmed and ran away.

On the following day, May 2nd, a fetish priest came to see them, and
was about to treat them with the usual harangue of his profession,
but they contrived to put a stop to it, by bribing him with a few
needles. Nothing particular was observed in this fellow's ornaments
or dress, but his person presented a strange and singular appearance.
The colour of his skin was like that of whitish brown paper; his
eyebrows and eyelashes were of a silvery whiteness, and his eyes of a
bright blue, notwithstanding which, the negro features were strongly
and distinctly marked on his countenance. The man's parents were both
natives, and quite black, and it was found impossible to ascertain
the reason of this extraordinary deviation from the common laws of
nature.

They received an abundance of kindness from the good old chief of
this place, and his endeavours to make them comfortable were imitated
by many of the more respectable inhabitants.

The path recommended by the friendly chief of Coosoo, lay due east
from the town, and they pursued their journey on it, on the morning
of the 3rd of May. Robbers were stated to be lurking about, and
therefore they conceived it prudent, if not absolutely necessary, to
take every precaution for the safety of the mission, they, therefore,
loaded their own guns and pistols, and armed all their men with
swords and muskets. Their Jenna messengers being unacquainted with
the new route, the governor of Coosoo had furnished them with two
armed foot guides, whose weapons were bows and arrows, besides a
horseman, armed at all points, to bring up the rear of the party.
With all these warlike preparations and equipments, a few harmless
women, who were terrified at the appearance of the travellers, were
the only individuals whom they met with on the path during a ride of
two hours, which brought them to a town called Acboro. The town
itself was very small, but its dilapidated walls, which enclose an
immense extent of ground, would lead the observer to suppose, that it
was formerly of much greater magnitude. Within the walls, were three
granite hills, two on one side, and the other on the opposite side of
the town. All their bases were of solid stone, but their summits
consisted of loose blocks, from the interstices of which, trees and
stunted vegetation shot forth. Besides these hills, immense masses of
granite rock were seen piled upon each other in different parts. On
the whole, Acboro was one of the wildest and most venerable looking
places that the human mind could conceive; the habitations of the
people alone, lessening that romantic and pleasing effect, which a
first sight of it produces.

Shortly after their arrival, the governor sent them a sucking pig and
some other presents, and seemed highly pleased that circumstances had
thrown them in his way. "White men do nothing but good," said he,
"and I will pray that God may bless you, and send more of your
countrymen to Youriba."

Instead of the people running and scrambling to see them, the
good-natured  ruler of this place excluded the mass of them from
visiting their yard, and came very civilly to ask their permission
for a few of his friends to look at them. John Lander was too weak
and indisposed to gratify their curiosity by rising from his couch,
so his brother went out to exhibit his person, and suffered himself
to be examined rather minutely, which must have had a very ludicrous
effect, to see the European undergoing an examination by a posse of
black inquisitors, just as if he had been a horse or a bullock at
Smithfield. They, however, separated tolerably well pleased with each
other.

On May the 4th, three men, inhabitants of Acboro, were captured by a
gang of restless, marauding scoundrels, who are denominated here, as
elsewhere, "War-men of the path," but who are, in reality, nothing
more nor less, than highway robbers. They subsist solely by pillage
and rapine, and waylaying their countrymen. The late governor of
Acboro was deposed and driven from the town by his own people, for
his indifference to their interest, and the wanton cruelty, with
which he treated them and their children. At different times he
seized several individuals of both sexes, and sold them as slaves,
without assigning any cause for the act. This drew on him the
vengeance of the friends and relatives of the sufferers, who
prevailed on the town's people to arise with them and punish the
aggressor. The latter soon found that his party were too weak to
withstand the attacks of the exasperated populace, and he fled to a
remote village, where he was residing at the time of the arrival of
the Landers. The inhabitants of Acboro immediately elected a more
humane and benevolent governor in his stead.

They rose this morning at an early hour, and John Lander finding
himself sufficiently recovered to ride on horseback, they bade
farewell to the governor of Acboro, and quitted the town by sunrise,
taking care to use the same precaution against robbers as on the
preceding day. In an hour and three quarters, they entered an open
and delightful village called Lazipa. An assemblage of Fellata huts
stood near it, by which their beautiful cattle were grazing. Many of
the bullocks were as white as snow, others were spotted like a
leopard's skin, and others again were dotted with red and black on a
white ground. A Fellata girl presented them with a bowl of new milk,
which was very agreeable and refreshing, and after drinking it, they
bade adieu to the Fellatas and their cattle for ever.

They had not travelled a great way from Lazipa, before they had to
cross a large morass, on the borders of which a very large and
handsome species of water-lily flourished in great perfection. They
crossed this morass without difficulty or trouble, and with the same
facility also two small streams, which intersected the road. At nine
A.M., they arrived at Cootoo, which like Lazipa is an open village,
but the former is by far the most extensive of the two. A person, who
may have travelled from Penzance in Cornwall to the Land's End, and
observed the nature of the soil, and the blocks of granite which are
scattered over its surface, will have a very good idea of the country
between Acboro and Cootoo, only that in the latter, it is much more
woody.

After leaving Cootoo, however, the aspect of the surrounding scenery
speedily changed, and became infinitely more pleasing. The soil was
more rich and deeper; patches of verdure and cultivated land were
more frequent, the latter being neatly fenced; fine handsome trees,
with their spreading branches and thick foliage, embellished the
country in every direction, and extended to the eastern horizon. It
might have been supposed that these trees had been carefully planted
by the hand of man, for they grew at equal distances from each other,
and none seemed to interfere with the order, beauty, and regularity
of its neighbour. The soil between them was covered with a soft green
turf, which rendered the whole view remarkably pleasant. It was over
this delightful landscape that they travelled; the morning was cooled
by a refreshing south-east wind, and the travellers, which is not
often the case, were both on good terms with themselves, and
gratified by everything around them. At length, they came in sight of
numerous herds of fine cattle, attended by little boys, and shortly
afterwards, they arrived at a clean and neat Fellata village, the
inhabitants of which were employed in feeding calves, and other
occupations connected with  an African  farm. They then crossed a
small stream, and entered a town of prodigious extent, called Bòhoo,
which was fortified with a triple wall and moats. Without being
exposed to the customary tiresome formalities, they were immediately
conducted to the residence of the governor. The usual conversation
passed between them, and after they had returned to their hut, a
bullock was sent them, with yams, bananas, and a huge calabash of new
milk, which did not contain less than six gallons, and the travellers
sat down to enjoy themselves in perfect good humour.

In the afternoon, a message was delivered to them, signifying that
the governor's head minister would be very glad to see them, and
would thank them to visit him in the course of the day. John Lander,
however, having experienced a relapse, his sufferings were such as to
prevent him leaving the hut, and his brother was, therefore, obliged
to go alone. After a pleasant walk of about two miles, he arrived at
the habitation of the minister, by whom he was very kindly received.
The compliments of the day only were exchanged between them, and the
numerous wives, and large family of the master of the house, who are
on these occasions generally exhibited to a stranger, having amply
gratified their curiosity by an examination of his person, the
interview terminated and he presently returned to his abode, after
promising to visit the minister again on the following day.

Bòhoo lies north-east of Acboro, and is built on the slope of a very
gentle and fertile hill, at whose base flows a stream of milk-white
water, and behind which is the Fellata hamlet already mentioned. Its
immense triple wall is little short of twenty miles in circuit; but
besides huts and gardens, it encloses a vast number of acres of
excellent meadow land, in which bullocks, sheep, and goats feed
indiscriminately. By the hasty view obtained of it, the town in some
degree resembled Kano, but there is no large swamp like that which
intersects the latter city. Bòhoo was formerly the metropolis of
Youriba, but about half a century ago, the reigning prince preferring
the plain at Katunga, the seat of government was transferred there,
since which Bòhoo has materially declined in wealth, population, and
consequence, although it is still considered a place of great
importance, and the second town in the kingdom. It is bounded on all
sides by hills of gradual ascent, which are prettily wooded, and
commands an extensive horizon. The land in the vicinity of the town
presents a most inviting appearance, by no means inferior to any part
of England in the most favourable season of the year. It appears to
be duly appreciated by the Fellatas, so great a number of whom reside
with their flocks in different parts, that the minister candidly
declared he could not give any information of their amount. These
foreigners sell their milk, butter, and cheese in the market at a
reasonable rate. The latter is made into little cakes about an inch
square, and when fried in butter is very palatable. It is of the
consistence and appearance of the white of an egg, boiled hard.

Agreeably to the promise which Richard Lander made to the chief, he
left his brother to the care of old Pascoe and his wife, and hastened
to pay his respects to the chief's head man or minister. It appears
that this man was placed in his present situation by the king of
Katunga, as a kind of spy on the actions of the governor, who can do
nothing of a public nature, without in the first place consulting
him, and obtaining his consent to the measure. Yet he conducted
himself so well in his disagreeable office, that he won the good
will, not only of the governor of the town, but also its inhabitants.
A kind of rivalry existed between the minister and his master, but
then it was a rivalry in good and not in bad actions. Hearing that
the governor had sent the travellers a bullock, and something
besides, he presented Richard Lander with a similar one, and a large
calabash of _Pitto_ (country beer,) which Lander distributed amongst
those who had accompanied him. A bottle of honey completed the list
of presents, and they were forthwith forwarded to their habitation,
but Richard Lander remained a considerable time afterwards with the
chief. He was filled with amazement at the formation and ticking of
Lander's watch, which he gazed on and listened to with transport. The
spurs which he wore, also excited his eager curiosity, and he
examined them with the greatest attention. He hoped, he said, that
God would bless them both, and that they had his best wishes for
their safety. He remarked further, that white men worshipped the
great God alone, and so did black men also, and that every blessing
of life was derived from that source.

On the return of Richard, he found his brother extremely ill, he had
been so faint and sick during his absence, that his recovery seemed
doubtful, but in a few hours afterwards he became better. In the
afternoon they sent to the governor and the minister, who had behaved
so handsomely to them, three yards of fine red cloth, a common
looking-glass, tobacco pipe, a pair of scissors, snuffbox, and a
large clasp knife. The tobacco pipe was much admired, but the red
cloth was the most valued; with the whole, however, they were both
perfectly well pleased, and were extravagant in their expressions of
gratitude.

One of the bullocks was slaughtered this morning, and about two
thirds of it distributed by the governor and his chief man to the
poor in the town; the remainder of the carcass was divided equally
amongst the attendants of the travellers, who appeared by no means
anxious to leave the place, while their present, unusually good fare,
was to be had.

John Lander was now so far recovered as to excite a hope that they
might be able to proceed on their journey, on the following day. His
recovery was, however, considerably retarded by the continual noises
to which he was subject. Perhaps, of all evils that can afflict a
sick person, noises of any kind are the greatest. In Africa, whether
a person be ill or well, it is exactly the same, nothing like peace
or quiet is any where to be found; independently of the continual
fluttering of pigeons, which roosted close to their ears, the
bleating of sheep and goats, and the barking of numerous half-starved
dogs, they were still more seriously annoyed by the incessant clatter
of women's tongues, which pursued them every where, and which it was
believed nothing less than sickness or death on their part could
eventually silence. The shrillness of their voices drowns the
bleating of the sheep, and the yellings of the canine race; and
notwithstanding all the exertions of Richard Lander, seconded by
those of their attendants, their noise in this town considerably
retarded the recovery of his brother. A person in England might be
inclined to think lightly of this matter, but it is indeed a
grievance, which can ill be borne by an invalid languishing under a
wasting disease, and who has equally as much need of rest and silence
as of medicine. Besides those grievances, the shouts of the people
outside the yard, and the perpetual squalling of children within it,
the buzzing of beetles and drones, the continual attacks of
mosquitoes and innumerable flies, form a host of irritating evils, to
which a sick person is exposed, and to which he is obliged patiently
to submit, until by a relief from his disorder, he is obliged to
stand upon his legs, and once more take his own part. But even then
noises assail his ear, and he does not enjoy the happiness of perfect
silence unless he enters a grove or forest.

They were this morning, visited by a party of Fellatas of both sexes.
They differed but little either in colour or feature from the
original natives of the soil. In dress and ornaments, however, there
was a slight distinction between them. They displayed more taste in
their apparel, and wore a greater number of ornaments round the neck
and wrists; they paid also great attention to their hair, which the
women plait with astonishing ingenuity. Like that of the young woman,
whom they met at Jenna, their heads exactly resembled a dragoon's
helmet. Their hair was much longer of course than that of the negro,
which enables the Fallatas to weave it on both sides of the head
into a kind of _queue_, which passing over each cheek is tied under
the chin.

Another company of Fellatas came to them in the evening, for they had
never beheld a white man, and curiosity had led them to their
habitation. They brought with them a present of a little thick milk,
of which they begged the travellers' acceptance, and then went away
highly gratified with the interview. The behaviour of the whole of
them was extremely reserved and respectful; nothing in the persons of
the travellers excited their merriment, on the contrary, they seemed
silently to admire their dress and complexion, and having examined
them well at a distance, seemed grateful for the treat.

In the mean time, the kindness and generosity of the governor of
Bòhoo continued unabated; instead of diminishing, it seemed to
strengthen; he literally inundated them with milk, and he was equally
lavish with other things. It gave them unmixed pleasure to meet with
so much native politeness and attention from a quarter, where they
the least expected it, and at a time also, when it was the most
required.

After they had retired to rest, a Fellata woman came to their
dwelling, bringing with her a number of eggs of the guinea-hen, and a
large bowl of milk fresh from the cow, as a return for a few needles
they had given her in the afternoon. This circumstance is mentioned
merely to show the difference between the Fellatas and the
Youribeans, in point of gratitude for favours which they may have
received. The latter are very seldom grateful, and never acknowledge
gratitude as a virtue. The indifference, unconcern, and even
contempt, which they often evinced on receiving the presents which
the Landers made them, was a proof of this, and with a very few
exceptions, they never observed a Youribean to be sincerely thankful
for any thing.

On the following morning, John Lander was able to sit on horseback,
and as they were on the point of taking their departure, the governor
came out to bid them farewell, and presented them with two thousand
kowries to assist them on their journey.

Two hours after leaving Bòhoo, they passed through an agreeable,
thinly inhabited village called Mallo, and in somewhat less than an
hour after, arrived at Jaguta, a large and compact town, fortified by
a neater and more substantially built wall than any they had yet
seen.

Jaguta lies E. S. E. of Bòhoo, from which it is distant, as nearly as
the Landers could guess, from twelve to thirteen miles. In the course
of the journey, they met a party of Nouffie traders from Coulfo, with
asses carrying trona for the Gonja market. Among them, were two
women, very neatly clad in their native costume, with clean white
tobes outside their other apparel, resembling as nearly as possible
the _chemise_ of European ladies. These asses were the first beasts
they had observed employed in carrying burdens, for hitherto, people
of both sexes and of all ages, especially women and female children,
had performed those laborious duties.

The governor of Jaguta came to apologize in the evening, for not
having attended them the greater part of the day, on the plea that he
had been engaged in the country with his people, in making a fetish
for the prosperity of the king of Katunga. The return of the governor
and his procession to the town, was announced by a flourish of drums,
fifes, &c., with the usual accompaniments of singing and dancing. The
musicians performed before him, for some time, in a yard contiguous
to that where the Landers resided, and their ears were stunned for
the remainder of the night, by a combination of the most barbarous
sounds in the world.

They were here daily assured that the path was rendered exceedingly
dangerous by banditti, and the governor of Jaguta endeavoured with a
good deal of earnestness, to persuade them that their goods would not
be respected by them. It will, however, scarcely be believed, that
this universal dread originates from a few Borgoo desperadoes, who,
although only armed with powder and a few broken muskets, can put a
whole legion of the timid natives to flight. The inhabitants of the
town kept firing the whole of the evening, to deter their formidable
foe from scaling the wall and taking possession of their town.

On the night of Saturday May 8th, they were visited by thunder
storms, from which, however, they did not receive any great
annoyance. The natives as usual imputed the seasonable weather to
their agency alone, and in consequence, their arrival at many places
was hailed with transport, as the most fortunate thing that could
have happened.

Extraordinary preparations were made by the governor of Jaguta, to
ensure the safety of the travellers on the dreaded pathway; and a
horseman armed with sword and spear, in company with four foot
soldiers, who were equipped with bows, and several huge quivers full
of arrows, were in readiness to offer them their protection. The
horseman preceded the party, and played off a variety of antics to
the great amusement of the Landers. He seemed not a little satisfied
with himself; he flourished his naked sword over his head; brandished
his spear; made his horse curvet and bound, and gallop alternately;
and his dress being extremely grotesque, besides being old and torn,
gave him an appearance not unlike that of a bundle of rags flying
through the air. But with all this display of heroism and activity,
the man would have fled with terror from his own shadow by moonlight,
and it was really regretted by the travellers, that a few defenceless
women were the only individuals that crossed their path to put his
courage to the test, the formidable "war men" not being at that time
in that part of the country.

Their journey this day was vexatiously short, not having exceeded
four miles, for it was utterly beyond the power of either of the
Landers to persuade the superstitious natives, who conform only to
their fetish in these matters, that the robbers would be afraid even
to think of attacking white men. They halted at a small town called
Shea, which was defended by a wall. It appeared to possess a numerous
population, if any opinion could be formed from  the vast number of
individuals  that gathered round them, immediately on their entrance
through the gateway. A stranger, however, cannot give anything like a
correct estimate of the population of any inhabited place, in this
part of Africa, for as he can only judge of it by the number of
court-yards a town or village may contain; and as the one court yard
there may be residing at least a hundred people, and in the one
adjacent to it, perhaps not more than six or seven, the difficulty
will be immediately perceived. Generally speaking, the description of
one town in Youriba, would answer for the whole. Cleanliness and
order and establish the superiority of one place over another, which
may likewise have the advantages of a rich soil, a neighbourhood, and
be ornamented with fine spreading and shady trees; but the form of
the houses and squares is every-where the same; irregular and badly
built clay walls, ragged looking thatched roofs, and floors of mud
polished with cow-dung, form the habitations of the chief part of the
natives of Youriba, compared topmost of which, a common English barn
is a palace. The only difference between the residence of a chief and
those of his subjects, lies in the number and not in the superiority
of his court yards, and these are for the most part tenanted by women
and slaves, together with flocks of sheep and goats, and abundance of
pigs and poultry, mixed together indiscriminately.

Shea lies four miles E. by S. of Jaguta. The governor of the town
presented them with a pig, and a quantity of country beer, and they
also received little presents of provisions from a few of the people.

May the 9th was on a Sunday, and they were invited to witness an
exhibition of tumbling; it was with great reluctance that the
invitation was accepted, not only on account of the sanctity of the
day, but for the delay which it would occasion them. They, however,
considered it politic to lay aside their religious scruples, and they
attended the exhibition mounted on their horses. As soon as it was
over, they were escorted out of the town by beat of drum, preceded by
an armed horseman, and an unarmed drummer, and continued their
journey, followed by a multitude of the inhabitants.

They passed through a very large walled town called Esalay, about six
miles from Shea, but its wall was dilapidated, and the habitations of
the people in ruins, and almost all deserted. This town, which was
not long since well inhabited, has been reduced to its present
desolate and miserable state, by the protection which its ruler
granted to an infamous robber, whose continued assaults on
defenceless travellers, and his cruelty to them, at length attracted
the notice of the king of Katunga. But previously to this, the
inhabitants of another town not far off, many of whom had at
different times suffered from his bold attacks, called in a number of
Borgoo men, who bore no better reputation for honesty than the robber
himself, and resolved to attempt the capture of the ruffian in his
strong hold, without any other assistance. Their efforts, however,
were unavailing; the governor, entrenched in his walled town, and
supported by his people, sheltered the miscreant and compelled his
enemies to raise the siege. About this time a messenger arrived at
Esalay from the king of Katunga, with commands for the governor to
deliver up the robber to punishment, but instead of obeying them, he
privately warned the man of his danger, who took immediate advantage
of it, and made his escape to Nouffie. The governor was suspected of
aiding the escape of the robber, and a second messenger soon after
arrived from Katunga, with orders for the guilty chief either to pay
a fine to the king, of 120,000 kowries, or put a period to his
existence by taking poison. Neither of these commands suiting the
inclination of the governor of Esalay, he appointed a deputy, and
privately fled to the neighbouring town of Shea, there to await the
final determination of his enraged sovereign. The Landers saw this
man at Shea, dressed in a fancifully made tobe, on which a great
number of Arab characters were stitched. He walked about at perfect
liberty, and did not seem to take his condition much to heart. The
inhabitants of Esalay, however, finding that their ruler had deserted
them, that they were threatened by the king of Katunga, and that the
Borgoo men emboldened by the encouragement they received from that
monarch, were also lurking about the neighbourhood, and ready to do
them any mischief, took the alarm, and imitating the example of their
chief, most of them deserted their huts, and scattered themselves
amongst the different towns and villages in the neighbourhood. Very
few people now resided at Esalay; and this town, lately so populous
and flourishing, was on the visit of the Landers little better than a
heap of ruins.

After passing through Esalay, they crossed a large morass and three
rivers, which intersected the roadway. The croaking from a multitude
of frogs which they contained, in addition to the noise of their
drum, produced so animating an effect on their carriers, that they
ran along with their burdens doubly as quick as they did before. They
then arrived at an open village called Okissaba, where they halted
for two hours under the shadow of a large tree, to allow some of
their men who had been loitering behind to rejoin them, after which
the whole party again set forward, and did not stop until they
arrived at the large and handsome walled town. Atoopa, through which
Captain Clapperton passed in the last expedition. During their ride,
they observed a range of wooded hills, running from N.N.E. to S.S.W.,
and passed through a wilderness of stunted trees, which was relieved
at intervals by patches of cultivated land, but there was not so much
cultivation as might be expected to be found near the capital of
Youriba.

The armed guides were no longer considered necessary, and, therefore,
on the 10th May, they set out only with their Badagry and Jenna
messengers and interpreters. On leaving Atoopa, they, crossed a
river, which flowed by the foot of that town, where their travellers
overtook them, and they travelled on together. The country through
which the path lay, was uncommonly fine; it was partially cultivated,
abounding in wood and water, and appeared by the number of villages
which are scattered over its surface, to be very populous. As they
rode along, a place was pointed out to them, where a murder had been
committed about seven years ago, upon the person of a young man. He
fell a victim to a party of Borgoo scoundrels, for refusing to give
up his companion to them, a young girl, to whom he was shortly to be
married. They, at first endeavoured to obtain her from him by fair
means, but he obstinately refused to accede to their request, and
contrived to keep the marauders at bay, till the young woman had made
her escape, when he also ran for his life. He was closely pursued by
them, and pierced by the number of arrows which they shot at him; he
at length fell down and died in the path, after having ran more than
a mile from the place where the first arrow had struck him. By the
care with which this story is treasured up in their memory, and the
earnestness and horror with which it is related, the Landers were
inclined to believe, that although there is so great a fuss about the
Borgoo robbers, and so manifest a dread of them, that a minder on the
high-way is of very rare occurrence. When this crime was perpetrated,
the whole nation seemed to be terror-struck, and the people rose up
in arms, as if a public enemy were devastating their country, and
slaughtering its inhabitants without mercy. This is the only instance
they ever heard of a young man entertaining a strong attachment for a
female. Marriage is celebrated by the natives as unconcernedly as
possible. A man thinks as little of taking a wife as of cutting an
ear of corn; affection is altogether out of the question.

A village in ruins, and a small town called Nama, where they halted
for a short time, were the only inhabited places they passed through
during the day, till their entrance into the town of Leoguadda, which
was surrounded by a double wall, and in which they passed the night.
The governor happened to be in his garden on their arrival, so that
they were completely wearied with waiting for him, but as he did not
make his appearance, they themselves found a convenient and
comfortable hut; and though they were assailed by a volley of abuse
from the mouths of half a dozen women, they succeeded in sending them
away, and they remained in tranquil possession of their quarters. In
the centre of their yard was a circular enclosure without a roof,
within which was an alligator that had been confined there for seven
years. This voracious animal was fed with rats only, of which he
generally devoured five a day. One of the inhabitants perceiving that
John Lander was rather inquisitive, volunteered to go to a river in
the vicinity of the town, and to return in a few minutes with as many
young crocodiles as he might wish for; but as he had no opportunity
of conveying animals of that description through the country, he
declined the man's offer. The inhabitants of Leoguadda, having
probably no vegetable poison, make use of the venom of snakes on the
tips of their arrows. The heads of those serpents, from which they
extract this deadly substance, are exposed on the sticks, which are
thrust into the inside of the thatch of their dwellings as a kind of
trophy.

Leoguadda is almost surrounded by rugged hills, formed by loose
blocks of granite; these added to a number of tall trees, always
green and growing within the walls, render the town inconceivably
pleasant and romantic. Immense tracts of land are cultivated in the
vicinity of the town with corn, yams, &c., and abundance of swine,
poultry, goats, and sheep are bred by its inhabitants. Formerly, also
herds of cattle were to be seen in the meadows, but they belonged to
Fellatas, who, they were told, fled from Leoguadda some time since,
to join their countrymen at Alorie.

They left Leoguadda early in the morning of 11th May, and about the
middle of the forenoon reached a walled town of some extent called
Eetcho. This place is of importance on account of a large weekly
market which is held in it. Eetcho had recently been more than half
consumed by fire, and would not, it was supposed, regain its former
condition for some time. Like most large trading-towns, it is in as
unsettled and filthy a state as can be conceived. This day's journey
was highly agreeable, the path lay through a beautiful country,
varied in many places by hills of coarse granite, which were formed
by blocks heaped on each other. Trees and shrubs of a beautiful green
grew from their interstices, and almost hid the masses of stone from
the view.

The governor of Eetcho welcomed them to his town very civilly; yet
his kindness was not of any great extent, and although in all
probability, he was as opulent as most chiefs on the road, yet he did
not follow their example in giving them provisions, but left them to
procure what they wanted for themselves, in the best manner they were
able. It is the general custom here, when any stranger of consequence
approaches Katunga, to send a messenger before him, for the purpose
of informing the king of the circumstances; and as they were
considered to be personages of consequence, one of their Jenna guides
was deputed to set out on the morrow, and in the mean time they were
to remain at Eetcho until a guard of soldiers should be sent to
escort them to Katunga. They, however, having no inclination for the
honour, as it would expose them to a thousand little inconveniences,
determined to avoid them all by leaving the place by moonlight.

An extraordinary instance of mortality is here mentioned by Richard
Lander, who says, "that not less than one hundred and sixty governors
of towns and villages, between this place and the seacoast, all
belonging to Youriba, have died from natural causes, or have been
slain in war, since I was last here, and that of the inhabited places
through which we have passed, not more than half a dozen chiefs are
alive at this moment, who received and entertained me on my return to
Badagry three years ago."

On the night of the 12th, they were visited by a tornado, and in the
morning it rained so heavily, that even if they had not been obliged
to remain in Eetcho that day, it would have been next impossible to
have pursued their journey. The celebrated market of this place may
be said to commence about mid-day, at which time, thousands of buyers
and sellers were assembled in a large open space in the heart of the
town, presenting the most busy, bustling scene imaginable. To say
nothing of the hum and clatter of such a multitude of barbarians, the
incessant exertions of a horrid band of native musicians rendered
their own voices inaudible. People from Katunga and other towns of
less importance, flocked into Eetcho to attend the market held on
this day, which they were informed was not so well attended as on
former occasions; the rain that had fallen, and the alleged danger
which besets the path, having prevented many thousands from leaving
their own abodes. Country cloth, indigo, provision, &c., were offered
for sale, but they observed nothing in the market worthy of notice.
Orders were given by the governor that the town should be well
guarded during the night, for fear of its being attacked whilst the
travellers were in it, and it was given out that any one found
loitering outside the walls after sunset, would be seized without
ceremony, and his effects taken from him.

A very ungallant custom prevails at Eetcho, which is, that every
woman, who attends the market for the purpose of selling any article,
is obliged to pay a tax of ten kowries to the governor, whilst any
individual of the other sex is allowed to enter the town, and vend
commodities publicly without paying any duty whatever.

On Thursday May 13th, they arose at a very early hour to undertake
the journey to Katunga, which was rather long, and they hoped not
only to reach that city before the heat became oppressive, but also
to avoid, if possible the escort, which they had every reason to
suppose the king would send out to meet them. Notwithstanding,
however, their most strenuous exertions, it was six o'clock before
they were all ready to depart. The air was cooler than they had felt
it since landing from the Clinker, the thermometer being as low as
71° in the shade. The natives appeared to feel this _severity_ of the
weather most keenly, for although they huddled themselves up in their
warmest cotton dresses, they were yet shivering with cold. Hundreds
of people, and it would perhaps not be overrating the number to say
thousands, preceded and followed them on the pathway; and as they
winded through thick forests, along narrow roads, their blue and
white clothing contrasted with the deep green of the ancient trees,
produced an eminently pleasing effect. After a hasty ride of two
hours, they came in sight of the town of Eetcholee, outside of which
were numerous trees, and underneath their widely spreading branches,
were observed various groups of people seated on the turf taking
refreshment. They joined the happy party, partook of a little corn
and water, which was their usual travelling fare, and then renewed
their journey in good spirits. They had not, however, proceeded a
great way, when the escort, about which they had been so uneasy, was
descried at a distance, and as they approached at a rapid pace, they
joined the party in a very few minutes.   There was no great reason
after all, for their modesty to be offended either at the splendour
or numbers of their retinue, for happily it consisted only of a few
ragged individuals on foot, and eight on horseback; with the latter
was a single drummer, but the former could boast of having in their
train, men with whistles, drums and trumpets.

Richard Lander sounded his bugle, at which the natives were
astonished and pleased; but a black trumpeter jealous of the
performance, challenged a contest for the superiority of the
respective instruments, which terminated in an entire defeat of the
African, who was hooted and laughed at by his companions for his
presumption, and gave up the trial in despair. Amongst the
instruments used on this occasion, was a piece of iron, in shape
exactly resembling the bottom of a parlour fire shovel. It was played
on by a thick piece of wood and produced sounds infinitely less
harmonious than "marrow-bones and cleavers."

The leader of the escort was a strange looking, powerful fellow, and
might very well serve the writer of a romance as the hero of his
tale, in the character of keeper of an enchanted castle, when fierce,
scowling looks, terrific frowns, and a peculiarly wild expression of
countenance are intended to be _naturally_ described, for the man's
stature was gigantic; his eyes large, keen, piercing, and ever in
motion, his broad nose squatted over both cheeks; his lips immensely
large, exposing a fine set of teeth; the beard was thick, black and
gristly, and covering all the lower part of his face, reached to his
bosom; the famous Blue Beard was nothing to him; and in gazing on his
features, the observer might almost be inclined to believe, that all
the most iniquitous and depraved passions of human nature were
centered in his heart. Yet, with so unlovely and forbidding an
appearance, this man was in reality as innocent and docile as a lamb.
He wore on his head a small rush hat, in shape like a common
earthenware pan inverted, or like the hats, which are worn by the
lower class of the Chinese. His breast was enveloped in a coarse
piece of blue cloth; from his left shoulder hung a large quiver of
arrows, and in his right hand he held a bow, which he brandished like
a lance; a short pair of trousers covered his thighs, and leathern
boots, fantastically made, incased his feet and legs. His skin was of
jetty blackness, his forehead high, but his tremendous beard, which
was slightly tinged with grey, contributed, perhaps, more than any
thing else, to impart that wildness and fierceness to his looks,
which at first inspired the travellers with a kind of dread of their
leader.

Thus escorted they travelled onwards, and after a hasty ride of six
hours from Eetcho, they beheld from a little eminence, those black
naked hills of granite, at whose base lay the metropolis of Youriba.
About an hour afterwards, they entered the gates of that extensive
city. As being consistent with etiquette, they halted under a tree
just inside the walls, till the king and the eunuchs were informed of
their arrival, which having been done after a wearisome delay, they
rode to the residence of the chief eunuch Ebo, who, next to the king,
was the most influential man in the place. They found this personage
a great fat, round, oily man, airing himself under the verandah of
his dwelling. Other eunuchs of similar appearance were sitting on the
ground with him, and joining him in welcoming both of the travellers,
but particularly Richard, to Katunga, with every appearance of
sincerity, heartiness, and good-will. An uninteresting conversation
now took place, which lasted for some time, after which, they walked
altogether to the king's house, which was at the distance of half a
mile from that place.



CHAPTER  XXXII.

Information of the approach of the travellers had been previously
sent to the monarch, but they were obliged to wait with much patience
for a considerable period, until he had put on his robes of state. In
the mean time to amuse his august visitors, the head drummer and his
assistants, with the most benevolent intention, commenced a concert
of the most bewitching melody; and long drums, kettle drums, and
horns were played with little intermission, till Mansolah, the king,
made his appearance, and the travellers were desired to draw nearer
to pay their respects to his majesty. They performed this ceremony
after the English manner, much to the entertainment and diversion of
the king, who endeavoured to imitate them, but it was easy to see
that he was but a novice in the European mode of salutation--bowing
and shaking hands; nor did he, like some other monarchs, stretch
forth his hand to be kissed, which, to a man possessing a particle of
spirit, must be degrading and  humiliating. There is no doubt that it
was owing to the rusticity and awkwardness of their address, not
having been brought up amongst the fooleries and absurdities of a
court, that Mansolah's risible faculties were so strongly excited,
but he laughed so long and heartily, and his wives, and eunuchs, and
subjects of all sorts joined with him with such good will, and such
power of lungs, that at length the travellers were obliged to laugh
too, and were constrained to unite their voices to the general burst
of kindly feeling, although, if they had been asked the cause of such
jollity and obstreperous mirth, they would have been at a loss for an
answer.

Mansolah's headpiece was something like a bishop's mitre, profusely
ornamented with strings of coral, one of which answered the purpose
of a ribbon, for it was tied under the chin, to prevent the cap from
being blown off. His tobe was of green silk, crimson silk damask, and
green silk velvet, which were all sewn together, like pieces of
patchwork. He wore English cotton stockings, and neat leathern
sandals of native workmanship. A large piece of superfine light blue
cloth, given the chief by Captain Clapperton, was used as a carpet.
The eunuchs, and other individuals who were present at the interview,
prostrated themselves before their prince, agreeably to the custom of
the country, and rubbed their heads with earth two separate times,
retreating at some distance to perform this humiliating and degrading
ceremony, and then drawing near the royal person, to lie again with
their faces in the dust. They also saluted the ground near which he
was sitting, by kissing it fervently and repeatedly, and by placing
each cheek upon it. Then, and not till then, with their heads, and
faces, and lips, and breasts, stained with the red damp soil, which
still clung to them, they were allowed to seat themselves near their
monarch, and to join in the conversation. Two or three of the
inferior eunuchs, not satisfied with this servile prostration, began
to sport and roll themselves on the ground, but this could not be
effected without immense labour, and difficulty, and panting, and
puffing, and straining; for like that paragon of knighthood Sir John
Falstaff, they could not be compared to any thing so appropriately as
huge hummocks of flesh. There they lay wallowing in the mire, like
immense turtles floundering in the sea, till Ebo desired them to
rise. A very considerable number of bald-headed old men were observed
among the individuals present, their hair or rather wool, having been
most likely rubbed off by repeated applications of earth, sand,
gravel, filth, or whatever else might be at hand, when the prince
happened to make his appearance.

The conference being brought to a close, a kid, a calabash of caffas,
and two thousand kowries were presented to the Landers, and cheered
by a flourish of music, they laughed in concert as a mark of
politeness, and shook hands with the king, and walked away to their
own dwelling, which had been repaired, and thoroughly cleansed for
their use. The latter operation was particularly necessary, as
previously to their inhabiting it, it had been occupied by a
multitude of domestic animals, sheep, pigs, goats, fowls, guinea
fowls, bullocks, in fine, it had been a kind of stable, where Ebo,
the principal eunuch, kept his stock of animals. Here, however, they
were glad to lie down to repose their aching limbs, although the
stench arising from some parts of the hut was almost insupportable.
In the evening, the king returned their visit, and immediately took a
fancy to John Lander's bugle horn, which was very readily given him.
He appeared to be greatly pleased with the present, turning about and
inspecting every part of it, with the greatest curiosity. It appeared
to him, however, to be immaterial as to which end the mouth was to be
applied, for he put the lower part of the instrument to his mouth,
and drawing up his breath to its full extent, sent such a puff of
wind into it, as would have been sufficient for a diapason pipe of an
organ; not hearing, however, the accustomed sound, he delivered the
instrument to John Lander, who brought out of it the shrillest note
which he could, which set the king and his eunuchs into a violent
laugh, and he expressed his delight to the donors of so valuable a
present, assuring them that it made his heart glad to see them, and
hoped that they would make themselves quite comfortable whilst they
remained at Katunga. They now shook hands, made a bow, not one that
would have been deemed a very elegant one amongst the courtiers of
St. James', and the sovereign departed, followed by a suite of wives,
eunuchs, and other attendants. Ebo inquired if there were any thing
further that they wished to be done to their residence, to render
their stay as agreeable as possible. Their yard adjoined that of Ebo,
with which it communicated by a door way, without a door, so that it
enabled the travellers to have frequent opportunities of seeing his
numerous _unhappy wives_, and a number of little boys and girls, who
were his personal attendants. The circumstance of a eunuch keeping a
whole retinue of wives, appeared to the Landers rather an
extraordinary one, for he appeared to treat them with all the
jealousy of a Turkish pacha towards his mistresses in his seraglio.
Of their fidelity or continency, however, could be said, whenever an
opportunity presented itself; but do not require to travel as far as
Africa for the experience, when an opportunity of that kind is
wanted, it is not long before it is obtained. The eunuch sent them a
very fat sheep, as a further token of his good will. On Friday May
14th, Richard Lander accompanied by Ebo, and the other unwieldy
eunuchs, took a present to the king, which was pretty well received;
Mansolah, it was supposed out of compliment, remarked that if they
had not brought with them the value of a single kowrie, they should
have been favourably received at Katunga, and well entertained at his
own expense. They had, previously to presenting themselves before the
king, consulted their friend Ebo, on the subject of their journey to
the Niger, and he strongly advised them by no means even to hint at
such an intention to the king, whose suspicions, he assured them,
would immediately take the alarm, so that instead of being forwarded
on their way thither, they would either be detained in the town for
an indefinite time, or sent back again to the coast. They therefore
conceived it prudent to give him the following statement only:--"That
the king of England, anxious to procure the restoration of certain
papers which belonged to a countryman of theirs, who perished at
Boosa about twenty years ago, which papers were supposed to be in the
possession of the sultan of Yaoorie, they had been despatched hither
by their sovereign, in the hope that the king of Katunga would
forward them to the latter state, for the purpose of obtaining them
from the sultan of Yaoorie, and taking them back with them to
England."

Mansolah, with the natural indifference of the uncultivated mind,
displayed neither eager curiosity as to their object in coming to his
country, nor surprise when they had informed him of it, but very
promptly observed, that in two days time, he would send a messenger
to Kiama, Wouwou, Boossa, and Yaoorie, for the purpose of acquainting
the rulers of those provinces of their intention to pay them a visit,
and that on the return of the messenger, they should have his
permission to depart. This was promised after Richard Lander's
repeated solicitations and importunities, that they should not be
detained here longer than necessary, as in a very short time, the
violent rains would render the roads to those countries impassable,
and, in consequence, they would not be able to travel till the return
of the dry season. Their speedy departure was also a matter of
importance to them on account of their health, which they found to be
far better when they were travelling, than when cooped up in a close
unwholesome hut, where ventilation appeared to be the object the
least attended to, or considered of no importance at all.

They were expressly and repeatedly informed that the monarch of this
empire was brother to the king of Benin; but notwithstanding this
near relationship of the two sovereigns, not the slightest
intercourse or communication is maintained between Yarriba and that
power, and the reason ascribed for it is, that the distance between
the two countries is too great. It must, however, be remarked, that
friends and acquaintance are often called brothers in Yarriba; and to
make a distinction in the above instance, they assert that Mansolah
and the king of Benin were of one father and one mother. They made
some inquiries of Ebo on this subject, but he soon silenced their
remarks by observing, that they were too inquisitive, or to use his
own words, "that they talked too much." It was the intention of the
Landers, after leaving Yaoorie to proceed direct to Guarie, the
prince of which country would no doubt send them to Funda, whence it
would be their endeavour to discover the termination of the Niger,
agreeably to their written instructions.

Instead of the jarring noise of women's tongues, which had hitherto
annoyed and followed them at every stage of their journey from
Badagry, they at length enjoyed as much of composure and
tranquillity, as they could well desire; for the wives of Ebo
residing at some distance from the part of the yard which they
occupied, the shrill sound of their voices was pleasant, contrasted
with the former loud, discordant, and perpetual din which rang in
their ears from morning to night. Their male visitors were, likewise,
few and select, and did not remain with them any very considerable
time together. An order was issued by the king, that if any
impertinent individual troubled them at any time with his company,
when it was not desired, Ebo was at liberty to behead him, and no one
according to the strict injunction of Mattsolah, should tax the
eunuch with injustice or cruelty in the performance of his duties.
This royal proclamation as it may be termed, had the desired effect,
for it was regarded with greater exactness and punctuality than some
royal proclamations are in Europe, the people having a great dread of
Ebo, who, independently of the high office which he held of chief
eunuch, somewhat similar to the office of Lord Chamberlain at the
court of St. James', was also the occupant of the delightful office
of public executioner, an occupation which, in that despotic country,
was frequently called into practice.

The king of Katunga, like other kings, has also his master of the
horse, who at the time of Lander's visit was an elderly person,
possessing no small degree of influence  over his royal master. The
European and the African master of the horse, however, in some
respects bore a great similarity to each other, although contrary to
the opinion of the metaphysicians, the same cause produced a
different effect. The European master of the horse has a great number
of useless horses under his nominal care, and yet has nothing to do;
the African master of the horse has also nothing to do, for the very
best of all reasons, that he has no horses to take care of, the whole
African stud consisting of one or two half-starved, ragged ponies,
which would disgrace a costermonger's cart in the streets of London.
Katunga, however, is not the only place in which the sun shines,
where the office is made for the man, and not the man for the office;
but as they have no pension list in Katunga, nor any retired
allowances, nor any Chiltern Hundreds, to enable them to vacate their
offices, they are immediately sent about their business when age,
sickness, or other infirmity disables them from performing the duties
of their office. The age of the master of the horse of the king of
Katunga was about seventy, but he contrived, similar to the plan
adopted in some other countries, of keeping to himself all the
emoluments of his office, and getting a deputy to perform the labour;
thus for a mess of Indian corn, the stud of the king of Katunga could
be very ably looked after by some half-starved native, whilst the
holder of the office was comfortably reposing himself amongst his
twenty or thirty wives.

This important personage had been hitherto overlooked by the Landers,
that is, they had not as yet made him any present; in order, however,
to let them know that there was such a being in existence, he sent
them a sheep as a present, on the principle of the English adage, of
throwing a sprat to catch a mackerel. A present from an African
master of the horse is not a disinterested gift; he had seen the
presents delivered to the king, and he ardently longed for a slip of
the red cloth wherewith to decorate his person, and set off the jetty
blackness of his skin.

The pride of an African dignitary will not allow him to beg, and
therefore he conjectured that on the receipt of his present of the
sheep, common courtesy would instruct the Landers to return the
compliment, by a present of some European article of corresponding
value. Nor was the master of the horse wrong in his conjectures, for
a present was sent him, and to his great delight a strip of red cloth
was included in it. The unfortunate master of the horse, however,
discovered, that although he filled the high office of master of the
horse, he was not master of himself, nor was he master of that, which
he believed did in reality belong to him, for his master and king no
sooner heard that he had received a present of a piece of red cloth,
than his majesty discovered that it was a colour, which royalty alone
was entitled to wear. The master of the horse had scarcely exhibited
his valuable present to his admiring wives, all of whom begged for a
bit wherewith to enhance the charms of their unwieldy persons, than a
messenger from the king arrived, bearing the afflicting intelligence
to the master of the horse, to deliver up for the use of his majesty,
a certain piece of red cloth presented to him by the Europeans then
in the town, or submit to have his head cut off by the dexterity of
his chief eunuch. The master of the horse judged it better to lose
the cloth than his head, and with a very ill grace, and muttering
some expressions partaking strongly of the enormous crime of high
treason, the cloth was delivered up, and the master of the horse
returned to his wives to condole with them on the heavy loss which
they had sustained.

Speaking of the town of Katunga, Lander says, "All seems quiet and
peaceable in this large dull city, and one cannot help feeling rather
melancholy, in wandering through streets almost deserted, and over a
vast extent of fertile land, on which there is no human habitation,
and scarcely a living thing to animate or cheer the prevailing
solemnity." The walls of the town have been suffered to fall into
decay, and are now no better than a heap of dust and ruins, and such
unconcern and apathy pervade the minds of the monarch and his
ministry, that the wandering and ambitious Fellata has penetrated
into the very heart of the country, made himself master of two of its
most important and flourishing towns, with little, if any opposition,
and is gradually, but very perceptibly gaining on the lukewarm
natives of the soil, and sapping the foundations of the throne of
Yarriba. The people, surely, cannot be aware of their own danger, or
they never would be unconcerned spectators of the events, which are
rapidly tending to root out their religion, customs, and
institutions, and totally annihilate them as a nation. But since they
have neither foresight, nor wisdom, nor resolution to put themselves
in a posture of defence, and make at least a show of resistance, when
danger real or imaginary menaces them; since neither the love of
country, which stimulates all nations to heroic achievements in
defence of their just and natural rights, and all that is truly dear
to them in the world; and since neither affection for their
defenceless wives and unprotected offspring, nor love of self can
awaken a single spark of courage or patriotism in their bosoms, can
scare away that demon sloth from among them, or induce them to make a
solitary exertion to save themselves and posterity from a foreign
yoke; why then, they are surely unworthy to be called a people; they
deserve to be deprived of their effects, children, and personal
liberty, to have their habitual sloth and listlessness converted into
labour and usefulness, in tilling, improving, and beautifying for
strangers, that soil, which they have neither spirit nor inclination
to cultivate for themselves.

A market is held daily in different parts of Katunga, but there are
two days in the week, in which it is much larger and more numerously
attended than on any of the other days. One is styled the queen's
market, but in the evening, when it is held in another place, it is
called the king's market. To make a market profitable, the sellers
and buyers should be equal, for where either predominate, the
advantage cannot be mutual; if the buyers exceed the sellers, the
articles sold will rise in price, and on the other hand, if the
sellers exceed the buyers, a depreciation in the price will take
place. The latter case was observed to prevail in the markets of
Katunga, and which was in a degree a direct proof that the supply
surpassed the population. The articles chiefly exposed for sale were,
several different kinds of corn, beans, peas, and vegetables, in
great abundance and variety; the butter extracted from the mi-cadama
tree, country cotton cloths, red clay, ground or guinea nuts, salt,
indigo, and different kinds of pepper; snuff and tobacco, trona,
knives, barbs, hooks, and needles, the latter of the rudest native
manufacture. There were also finger rings of tin and lead, and iron
bracelets and armlets, old shells, old bones, and other venerable
things, which the members of the society of antiquaries would
estimate as articles of real _vertu_; a great variety of beads both
of native and European manufacture, among the former of which was
recognised the famous Agra bead, which at Cape Coast Castle, Accra,
and other places, is sold for its weight in  gold, and which has been
in vain attempted to be imitated by the Italians and our own
countrymen. One most remarkable thing was offered for sale, and that
was a common blue English plate, the price of which was, however, too
high for the individuals who frequented the market, although many
there were, who cast a longing eye on so valuable a piece of
property. Some of the people were disposed to look upon it as a
fetish, and the seller was by no means disinclined to invest it with
that character, as he then knew, he could demand for it whatever
price he pleased. The owner of it, however, from the exorbitant price
which he put upon the piece of English crockery, carried it home with
him, and dearly did he repent that he did not accept of the highest
offer that was made him, for on its reaching the ears of his majesty,
the king considered that he had as good a right to the English plate,
especially as it was a fetish, as he had to the scarlet cloth of his
master of the horse, and therefore the owner of it had his option, to
deliver it up for the use of royalty, as an appendage to the crown of
Katunga, or to lose his own appendage of a head under the sword of
that skilful anatomist, Ebo. The owner of the plate adopted the same
line of policy as the master of the horse, and the English plate
became a part of the hereditary property of the kings of Katunga.

Some of the articles in the market were not of the most tempting
nature, at least to a European appetite; for instead of the dainties
of an English market, consisting of hares, rabbits, fowls, &c., the
natives of Katunga feasted their looks upon an immense number of
rats, mice, and lizards, some ready dressed for the immediate
satisfaction of the appetite, with the skins on, and some undressed
to be taken home, for the Glasses and the Kitcheners of Katunga to
try their culinary skill upon. Little balls of beef and mutton were
also to be had, weighing about two ounces, but the stomach must not
have been of the squeamish kind, which could relish them.

On the return of the Landers from the market, where they were more
gazed upon than any of the articles submitted for sale, they received
a visit from their friend Ebo, who was the bearer of the unwelcome
intelligence, that a body of Fellatas from Soccatoo had arrived at
the Moussa, a river which divides Yarriba from Borgoo, and that they
had attacked a town on its borders, through which their route would
lie. Therefore, continued Ebo, the Yaoorie messenger will of
necessity be compelled to wait here till authentic intelligence be
received of the truth or falsehood of the rumour, before he sets out
on his mission to Kiama. There was little doubt, Ebo said, but the
truth or falsity of the statement would be ascertained in about three
days, and the messenger then would be immediately despatched on his
errand.

This intelligence bore in the eyes of the Landers the character of a
complete fiction, but for what purpose it was so got up, they could
not divine. The king could gain little or nothing by their protracted
stay in his capital; he had received his presents, and therefore it
was conjectured, that it might be the etiquette of the court of
Katunga, not only for the king to receive some presents from
strangers on their arrival, and especially from travellers of the
character and importance which the Landers gave themselves out to be,
as the accredited ambassadors of the king of England, but also that
the departure was to be preceded by certain presents, as a kind of
passport or purchase of his leave to travel through his dominions.
It appeared also most strange to the Landers, that the very day after
their arrival, the Fellatas should so opportunely seize upon a town,
through which they were to pass, and that the information of the
inroad of so dreaded an enemy should not have reached Katunga at an
earlier period, when intelligence of no moment whatever flies through
the country with the swiftness of an arrow from the bow. There was
also another strong inducement, which operated upon the mind of the
Landers, to expedite their departure, and that was, that from some
circumstances which had occurred, it was not beyond the range of
probability, that the head of John Lander, if not of his brother
also, might be severed by the skill of Ebo, the executioner. Love is
certainly a most wondrous power, whether it shows itself in the bosom
of the fair English girl, or in that of the sooty African; nor is it
confined to times and places, to condition or to climate; for it
grows and flourishes in the wigwam of the American, the coozie of the
African, and the proud edifices of the Europeans. It, however,
sometimes happens, that although one party may be in love, the other
is as frigid, as if he were part and parcel of an iceberg, and so was
it situated with John Lander. It has been already stated, that the
communication between the yard which the Landers occupied, and that
which was tenanted by the wives of Ebo, was uninterrupted, and of
course in the absence of their husband, there was no impediment to
any of them whispering their tale of love into the ears of the
juvenile travellers, whenever they thought they were in a disposition
to hear it. Some of the wives indeed, instead of being the nourishers
and fosterers of love, were the veriest antidotes to it, that perhaps
human nature could produce; on the other hand, there were some in the
fullness and freshness of youth, who had just been selected or rather
purchased by Ebo, as very proper persons to soothe and comfort him in
his declining years. One of them in particular, had, by certain signs
and gestures, given John Lander to understand, that although they
might vary very much in colour, yet that a kind of sympathy might
exist between their hearts, which would lead to a mutual
communication of happiness, so much desired at so great a distance
from his native land. John, however, either did not or would not
understand the language, which the sable beauty spoke; still her
conduct was not unnoticed by several other ladies of the seraglio,
and particularly by the shrivelled and the wizened, who hesitated not
to convey the intelligence to Ebo, who immediately paid a visit to
the travellers, out of pure compliment and good-will, as he said, at
the same time expressing his fears that the curiosity of his women
might be troublesome to them, and as it was by no means his wish, nor
that of his lord and sovereign, the king, that they should be
subjected to any species of annoyance, he had given directions for
the door-way to be instantly blocked up with mortar, which would
effectually prevent any further unpleasant intrusion on the part of
the women.

The Landers could evidently see the lurking motive for this extreme
attention of Ebo, to promote their comfort, nor were they in reality
displeased at it, for the society of the women was certainly at times
very unpleasant and irksome, and as some of them evinced a strong
disposition for intriguing, it was considered fortunate that the
communication was closed, as the friendship and good-will of Ebo were
particularly necessary to them, not only to secure their good
treatment during their stay at Katunga, but also to expedite their
departure from it.

Ebo had scarcely taken his departure, and they were rejoicing at the
probability of not being again intruded upon, particularly as it was
the Sabbath day, when, to their great annoyance, they were favoured
with the company of several Houssa mallams, who, notwithstanding the
irksome restraint to which they are subjected by the jealousy of the
king and his people, are content to remain so far from their native
country, and reside amongst strangers and pagans as long as they
live. Whether the priests have taken this step purely from religious
motives, or, which is the more likely reason of the two, that they
have exiled themselves from their home and families for the mere
purpose of being enriched at the expense of the credulity and
ignorance of the inhabitants, were questions, which could not at the
time be solved. At all events, the institutions of these missionaries
are effectually concealed under a cloak of piety and devotion; and
thus they are tolerated by the common consent of the monarch and his
subjects.

The practice of making presents is, in general, in the African
cities, not confined to the sovereign and his immediate ministers,
but it extends to every grade, in the least degree connected with the
court. Thus the Landers supposed that when they had made their
presents to the king and his chief eunuchs, no further demand would
be made upon them in the way of presents; in this, however, they
found themselves mistaken, for they now discovered that there were
certain gentlemen, styled head men, who are the confidential advisers
of the king, and lead his armies to battle. It was, however,
necessary previously to sending the presents to the head men, to
submit them to the inspection of the king, in order that nothing
might be given them, which had not his approbation and consent. This
was accordingly done, and the donors took particular care not to
include any red cloth amongst their presents. It was rather laughable
to see the presents undergoing the examination of Mansolah. Amongst
them were three large clasp knives, one for each of the head men,
but his majesty very unceremoniously delivered one of them, without
speaking a word, into the hands of Ebo, who as unceremoniously put it
into his belt, to be hereafter deposited amongst other valuables
belonging to the sovereignty. This occasioned Richard Lander to
return to his hut for another knife, for he easily foresaw that were
he to make any distinction in the value or the number of the articles
to the head men, it might be the cause of exciting jealousy and ill
blood, and be greatly detrimental to his own interests, for as they
were the advisers of the king, they were sure to make that one their
enemy, who might look upon his present as less valuable, than those
presented to their companions.

Towards evening, Richard Lander rode to the residence of the head
men, by each of whom he was received in the most friendly manner. The
presents were laid before them, and accepted with a profusion of
thanks. One of them attempted to make a speech, but if he acquitted
himself no better when giving his advice to his sovereign, than he
did in the expression of his thanks, he could not be said to be a
great acquisition to the councils of his king. The huts of the head
men were larger and more carefully built, and their yards more
commodious than even those of the king; all were kept in excellent
order, clean and neat. These ministers of the crown, like the
ministers of other countries, had contrived to appropriate to
themselves the good things of the country, for they were in far more
affluent circumstances than any of their neighbours; they had a wife
for almost every week in the year, and large flocks of sheep and
goats, in which the wealth of the natives principally consists. A
goat, and two large pots of country beer, were laid at the feet of
Richard Lander, and after expressing his acknowledgements, he
returned home.

The Landers were of opinion, that it would require a long residence
in this country, and a perfect acquaintance with its language to
enable a foreigner to form a correct judgment of its laws, manners,
customs, and institutions, as well as its religion and form of
government. So innumerable are the mistakes, which the smattering of
ignorant native interpreters never fails to occasion, that they
despaired of obtaining any accurate information on any of those
heads. Perhaps few despots sully their dignity, by condescending to
consult the inclination of their subjects, in personally
communicating to them their most private as well as public concerns.
Yet the sovereign of Youriba appeared to be so obliging, as to make
this a common practice. In return, however, the people are expected
and compelled to satisfy the curiosity of their prince, by adopting a
similar line of conduct towards him; and all the presents which they
receive from strangers, however trifling they may be, are in every
instance taken to his residence for inspection. Every thing, indeed,
which relates to their personal interests, and all their domestic
concerns, he listens to with the most patriarchal gravity. Thus, the
presents of the Landers to the king, were exhibited two or three
times. The presents to Ebo, and also to the head men, were also shown
to the people, having been first submitted to the inspection of the
king. The common people were all anxious to know, whether, amongst
the other things they had received, any coral had been given to the
king or his ministers; and their curiosity was immediately gratified
without hesitation or remark. If a stranger from a remote part of the
empire, wishes to visit Katunga, in order to pay his respects to the
sovereign, the chief or governor of every town through which he may
happen to pass, is obliged to furnish him with any number of carriers
he may require; and in this manner his goods are conveyed from
village to village, until he arrives at the capital. A similar
indulgence is likewise extended to any governor who may have the like
object in view.

The most laughable mistakes were frequently made here, by one of the
Badagrian messengers, who acted also as an interpreter, as regards
the gender and relationship of individuals, such as father for
mother, son for daughter, boy for girl, and _vice versa_. He informed
Richard Lander that a _brother_ of his, who was the friend of Ebo,
and resided with him, begged his permission to come and see them; of
course they expected to see a gentleman of some consequence enter
their yard, but to their surprise, the brother proved to be an old
shrivelled woman, neither more nor less than one of the eunuch's
wives.

Katunga by no means answered the expectations which the Landers had
been led to form of it, either as regards its prosperity, or the
number of its inhabitants. The vast plain also on which it stands,
although exceedingly fine, yields in verdure and fertility, and
simple beauty of appearance to the delightful country surrounding the
less celebrated city of Bohoo. Its market is tolerably well supplied
with provisions, which are, however, exceedingly dear, in so much so
that with the exception of disgusting insects, reptiles, and vermin,
the lower classes of people are almost unacquainted with the taste of
animal food.

Owing to the short time that the Landers had been in the country,
which had been chiefly employed in travelling from town to town, the
manners of the people had not sufficiently unfolded themelves their
observation, so that they were unable to speak Of them with
confidence, yet the few opportunities, which they had of studying
their characters and disposition, induced them to believe, that they
were a simple, honest, inoffensive, but a weak, timid, and cowardly
race. They seemed to have no social tenderness, very few of those
amiable private virtues, which could win their affection, and none of
those public qualities that claim respect or command admiration. The
love of country is not strong enough in their bosoms to invite them
to defend it against the irregular incursions of a despicable foe;
and of the active energy, noble sentiments, and contempt of danger,
which distinguish the North American tribes, and other savages, no
traces are to be found amongst this slothful people; regardless of
the past, as reckless of the future, the present alone influences
their actions. In this respect they approached nearer to the nature
of the brute creation, than perhaps any other people on the face of
the globe. Though the bare mention of an enemy makes the
pusillanimous Mansolah, and his unwarlike subjects tremble in every
limb, they take no measures to prevent whole bands of strangers from
locating in the finest provinces of the empire, much less do they
think of expelling them after they have made those provinces their
own. To this unpardonable indifference to the public interest, and
neglect of all the rules of prudence and common sense, is owing the
progress, which the Fellatas made in gaining over to themselves a
powerful party, consisting of individuals from various nations in the
interior, who had emigrated to this country, and the great and
uniform success which has attended all their ambitious projects. At
the time of the visit of the Landers, they were effectually in the
heart of the kingdom, they had entrenched themselves in strong walled
towns, and had recently forced from Mansolah a declaration of their
independence, whilst this negligent and imbecile monarch beheld them
gnawing away the very sinews of his strength, without making the
slightest exertion to apply a remedy for the evil, or prevent their
future aggrandizement. Independently of Raka, which is peopled wholly
by Fellatas, who have strengthened it amazingly, and rendered it
exceedingly populous, another town of prodigious size, had lately
sprung into being, which already surpassed Katunga in wealth,
population, and extent. It was at first resorted to by a party of
Fellatas, who named it Alorie, and encouraged all the slaves in the
country to fly from the oppression of their masters, and join their
standard. They reminded the slaves of the constraint tinder which
they laboured; and tempted them by an offer of freedom and
protection, and other promises of the most extravagant nature, to
declare themselves independent of Yarriba. Accordingly, the
discontented; many miles round, eagerly flocked to Alorie in
considerable numbers, where they were well received. This occurrence
took place about forty years ago, since which, other Fellatas have
joined their countrymen from Sockatoo and Rabba; and notwithstanding
the wars, if mutual kidnapping deserves the name, in which they have
been engaged, in the support and maintenance of their cause, Alorie
is become by far the largest and most flourishing city in Yarriba,
not even excepting the capital itself. It was said to be two days
journey, that is, forty or fifty miles in circumference, and to be
fortified by a strong clay wall, with moats. The inhabitants had vast
herds and flocks, and upwards of three thousand horses, which last
will appear a very considerable number, when it is considered that
Katunga does not contain more than as many hundreds. The population
of Alorie has never been estimated, but it must be immense. It has
lately been declared independent of Yarriba, and its inhabitants are
permitted to trade with the natives of the country, on condition that
no more Fellatas be suffered to enter its walls. It is governed by
twelve rulers, each of a different nation, and all of equal power;
the Fellata chief not having more influence or greater sway than the
other. Raka is but one day's journey north-east of Katunga, and
Alorie three days journey to the south-west. The party of Fellatas,
which were reported to have taken possession of a Yarriba town, on
the banks of the Moussa, were said to have abandoned it, and to have
joined their countrymen at Raka. This intelligence was brought to
Katunga by market people, no one having been sent by the king to
ascertain the number of the adventurers, or the object of their
visit.

The king of Katunga, since the arrival of the travellers in his
capital, had been very niggardly in his presents, as coming from a
monarch of a large and mighty kingdom. Nor in other respects was the
conduct of Mansolah, such as to impart to them much pleasure, nor
could they in any wise account for it, than by supposing that their
own present had fallen short of his expectations, and thereby failed
to awaken those good-natured qualities, which were displayed at sight
of the infinitely more valuable, as well as showy one of Captain
Clapperton. But whatever might have been the reason, certain it is
that Mansolah and his subjects had seen quite enough of white men,
and that the rapturous exultation which glowed in the cheeks of the
first European that visited this country, on being gazed at, admired,
caressed, and almost worshipped as a god; joined to the delightful
consciousness of his own immeasurable superiority, will in the
present, at least, never be experienced by any other. "Alas!" says
Richard Lander, "what a misfortune; the eager curiosity of the
natives has been glutted by satiety, a European is shamefully
considered no more than a man, and hereafter, he will no doubt be
treated entirely as such; so that on coming to this city, he must
make up his mind to sigh a bitter farewell to goats' flesh and
mutton, and familiarize his palate to greater delicacies, such a
lizards, rats, and locusts, caterpillars, and other dainties, which
the natives roast, grill, bake, and boil, and which he may wash down,
if he pleases, with draughts of milk white water, the only beverage
it will be in his power to obtain." On the morning of Wednesday the
19th of May, Richard Lander was desired by a messenger to visit the
king at his residence, and on his arrival there, he found a great
number of people assembled. The object of this summons was explained
by Ebo, who said that Lander had been sent for, that the present
which he, the eunuch had received, should be shown to the people
without any reservation whatever. It was accordingly spread out on
the floor, together with the presents made to the king. Even a bit of
English brown soap, which had been given to Ebo a short time before,
was exhibited along with the other things; for so great a degree of
jealousy exists among the eunuchs and others, arising from the
apprehension that one might have received more than another; that Ebo
himself, powerful as he is, would dread the effects of it on his own
person, should he have been found to have concealed a single thing.
They all in fact endeavour to disarm censure by an appearance of
openness and sincerity.

On the night of Thursday the 20th, to their infinite surprise and
pleasure, Ebo entered their yard in a great hurry, with the pleasant
information, that the king, as nothing more was to be got from them,
had consented to their departure on the following morning; and that
it was his wish they would get their things in readiness by that
time. So confident were they that they would be unable to start from
Katunga, for a month to come at the earliest, that they had not only
sowed cress and onion seed the day after their arrival, which were
already springing up, but they had actually made up their minds to
abide there during the continuance of the rains. But now they were in
hope of reaching Yaoorie in twelve or fourteen days, in which city
they intended to remain for a short time, before proceeding further
into the interior. The only drawback to their pleasure, was the
misfortune of having all their horses sick, which might seriously
inconvenience them in their progress. The old route to Kiama was
considered so dangerous, that it was understood they were to be sent
back to Atoopa, which was two long days' journey from Katunga, and
they were to proceed in a safer path. Although they now required but
five men besides their own to carry the luggage, the king scrupled
and hesitated to supply them with them, and the youngest of their
Jenna messengers was nominated to fill the place of one of them. They
were told that it was on account of the vast number of people that
have emigrated from Katunga to Raka and Alorie, that a sufficient
number of carriers could not be procured for them; but in so large a
place as Katunga, where two thirds of the population are slaves,
their reason seemed quite ridiculous, and they suspected the real one
to be the same original sin, viz. the humble character of their
present. The king, however, promised to take his farewell of them on
the following morning, and they being in good health, they hoped soon
to accomplish the object of their undertaking, and return in safety
to Old England.

On the following day, instead of the visit from the king, which they
were told on the preceding day he was to honor them with, they were
requested to repair to his residence. Accordingly, having first
saddled their horses, and packed up their luggage between six and
seven o'clock a.m., the two brothers walked to the royal residence.
On their arrival they were introduced without any ceremony into a
private yard, wherein the king had been patiently waiting their
coming for some time previously. He was rather plainly dressed in the
costume of the country, namely a tobe, trousers, and sandals, with a
cap very much resembling in shape those, which were worn by elderly
ladies in the time of queen Elizabeth, and which are still retained
by some in the more remote parts of England. On his right the eunuchs
were reposing their huge limbs on the ground, with several of the
elders of the people, and his left was graced by a circle of his
young wives, behind whom sat the widows of more than one of his
predecessors, many of whom appeared aged. A performer on the whistle
was the only musician present. So that during a very long interview,
a little whistling now and then was the only amusement which the
prince could afford them. A good deal of discussion ensued, and much
serious whispering between the monarch and his wives, in the course
of which both parties quitted the yard two or three times to hold a
secret conference; followed by the eunuchs with their hands clasped
on their breast. Mansolah at length scraped together two thousand
kowries, about three shillings and sixpence sterling, which he
presented to the four men that had accompanied the travellers from
Badagry and Jenna as guides, messengers, &c., to enable them to
purchase provisions on their journey homeward. This sum had been
collected from amongst the king's wives, each having contributed a
portion, because their lord and master did not happen to be in a
liberal mood. Poor souls! they possess scarcely the shadow of
royalty, much less the substance; the exterior forms of respect which
they receive from the male portion of the people alone distinguishing
them from their less illustrious countrywomen. They are compelled to
work in order to provide themselves with food and clothing, and
besides which, part of the earnings is applied to the king's use. To
effect these objects, they are necessitated to make long and painful
journeys to distant parts of the empire, for the purpose of trading.
They have, however, the privilege of travelling from town to town,
without being subjected to the usual duty, and can command the use of
the governor's house wherever they go. The boasted industry of
ancient queens and princesses in more classic regions, sinks into
nothing when compared to the laborious life, which is led by the
female branch of the royal family at Yarriba.

Mansolah, after some time beckoned to them to draw near him, for they
were sitting at some distance on a bundle of sticks, and with a
benevolent smile playing upon his wrinkled features, he slowly and
with great solemnity placed a goora nut in the right hand of each of
them, and then asked their names. Richard and John, they replied,
"Richard-_ee_ and John-_ee_," said the king, for he was unable to
pronounce their Christian names without affixing a vowel to the end
of them, "you may now sit down again." They did so, and remained in
that posture until they were both completely wearied, when they
desired Ebo to ask the king's permission for them to go home to
breakfast, which was granted without reluctance. Then, having shaken
hands with the good old man, and wishing a long and happy reign, they
bade him farewell for the last time, bowed to the ladies, and
returned with all haste to their hut.



CHAPTER XXXIII.

Every thing was now ready for their departure from Katunga, but some
considerable time elapsed before the carriers were ready to take up
their loads, and much murmuring was occasioned by their size and
weight. They then left the city, and returned to Eetcho by the way
they had come. One of their horses became so weak on the road, that
he was unable to carry his rider, old Pascoe, so that they were
obliged to drive him along before them, which was a tiresome and
unpleasant occupation. The journey from Katunga was long, and owing
to the ruggedness of the path, was very fatiguing, and as they were
much in advance of the remainder of the party, they halted at
Eetcholee, until they joined them. Here they let their horses graze,
partook of some beer and other refreshment, and sat down on the turf
to enjoy themselves, for the day had been sultry, and the heat
oppressive, and their whole party were nearly  exhausted.

On Saturday May 22nd, an unexpected obstacle presented itself to the
prosecution of their journey, as the Katunga carriers all complained
of pains in their limbs, and on reaching Leoguadda, which lies midway
between Eetcho and Atoopa, they placed their burdens on the ground,
and to a man, stoutly refused to take them any further until the
following day. Their own men also, who were still more heavily laden
than the Katunga men, had suffered so much from the long and irksome
journey of yesterday, particularly Jowdie, who was the strongest and
most athletic of them all, that they greatly feared that all of them
would have been taken seriously ill on the road. They, therefore,
lightened their burdens, and distributed a portion of what they had
taken out of them into the boxes, &c., of their already overladen
Katunga associates, without, however, permitting the latter to know
any thing of the circumstance. Among the carriers was a very little
man, called Gazherie, (small man,) on account of his diminutive
stature; he was notwithstanding very muscular, and possessed uncommon
strength, activity, and vigour of body, and bore a package containing
their tent, &c., which though very heavy, was yet by far the lightest
load of the whole. Conceiving that corporeal strength, rather than
bulk or height, should in this case be taken into the account, a bag
of shot weighing 28lbs, was extracted from Jowdie's burden, and
clandestinely added to his. The little man trudged along merrily,
without dreaming of the fraud that had been practised on him, till
they arrived within a short distance of Leoguadda, when imagining
that one end of the tent felt much heavier than the other, he was
induced to take it from his head, and presently discovered  the
cheat, for the bag having been thrust simply inside the covering, it
could be seen without unlacing the package. He was much enraged at
being thus deceived, and called his companions around him to witness
the fact, and said he was resolved to proceed no further than
Leoguadda. He then succeeded in persuading them to follow his
example, and thus a kind of combination was instantly formed against
the travellers. As was usual with them on entering a village, they
rested a little while under a shady tree in Leoguadda, and here they
were presently surrounded by the murmuring carriers, with the little
man at their head. They were furious at first, and gave them to
understand that they would go no further, and were determined, let
the consequence be what it might, to remain in the town all night.
Leoguadda contained no  accommodations whatever for them, and a storm
seemed now to be gathering over their heads. Atoopa was the town in
which the king of Katunga had advised them to spend the night; they
therefore resolved to go on to that town, and strenuously endeavoured
by gentle means to bring over the carriers to their views, but, these
failing, they resorted to their own mode of argument, namely, fierce
looks, violent action, vociferous bawling, and expressive gesture,
which intimidated so much, that they snatched up their burdens,
without saying a word, and ran away with alacrity and good humour.
These carriers Were to accompany them as far as the frontier town of
the kingdom.

It was market day at Atoopa, and at a distance of some miles from the
town, the hum of human voices could be distinctly heard. Just after
their arrival, a man of note, who was a public singer and dancer,
stood before the door of their hut to entertain them with a specimen
of his abilities, and he entered with so much warmth and agility into
the spirit of his profession, that his whimsical performance really
afforded them much diversion. The musician had two assistant drummers
in his train, whose instruments were far from being unmusical, and
likewise several other men, whose part was to keep time by clapping
with their hands. The dancing was excellent of its kind, and
resembled more the European style, than any they had before seen in
the country. The singing was equally good, the voices of the men
being clear and agreeable; they sang the responses, and likewise
accompanied the chanting of their master with their voices; in fact,
they performed their part of the entertainment to admiration. A
_Fatakie_, a smaller number than a coffle of merchants, left Atoopa
on the preceding day for Kiama, and it was most likely that they
would overtake them at the next town.

On Sunday morning, though their horses were in a very weak condition,
and all looked extremely sorrowful, yet they quitted Atoopa at an
early hour and in good spirits, and journeying in a westerly
direction, in two hours time they entered a lively little walled
town, called Rumbum. Here they dismounted, and took a slight
refreshment of parched corn and water, on the trunk of a fallen tree.
Rumbum is a great thoroughfare for fatakies of merchants, trading
from Houssa, Borgoo, and other countries to Gonga; and consequently a
vast quantity of land is cultivated in its vicinity with corn and
yams, to supply them with provisions.

On quitting this town, their course altered to N.W., and continued so
till their arrival at the large and important town of Keeshee, which
is on the frontier of the kingdom, and distant from Atoopa only about
twelve miles. It is surrounded by a double strong clay wall, and is
an excellent situation as a place of security from the attacks of the
enemy. Before entering this place, and at the distance of a mile from
it, they passed through a clean, extensive, and highly-flourishing
Fellata village, called Acba, which, like most other places in
Yarriba inhabited by Fellatas, was well stocked with sheep and
cattle.

The governor of Keeshee having died only ten days previously to their
arrival, they were well received by his successor, who was an elderly
and respectable-looking man. Shortly after their arrival, he sent
them a present of a fine young bullock, a quantity of yams, and more
than a gallon of excellent strong beer. In the centre of the town is
a high stony hill, almost covered with trees of stinted growth, to
which, in case of an invasion by the enemy, the inhabitants fly for
refuge. As soon as they have reached its summit, it is borne, they
say, by a supernatural power above the clouds, where it remains till
the danger is over. Some years have elapsed since this miracle last
took place, yet the story is told with a serious belief of its truth,
and with the most amusing gravity. About a quarter of a mile to the
north-east of this marvellous hill, rises another, which very much
resembles it in shape and appearance, but the latter is rather larger
and higher, and overlooks the country for many miles round.

A number of emigrants from different countries reside in this place;
there are not a few from Borgoo, Nouffie, Houssa and Bornoo, and two
or three Tuaricks from the borders of the Great Desert. To the west
of the town is a picturesque hill of a gentle ascent, on which are
several small hamlets; these hamlets have a rural and eminently
beautiful appearance. In no town through which they had hitherto
travelled, had they seen so many fine tall men, and good-looking
women, as at this place; yet several individuals of both sexes were
to be met with, who had lost the sight of one eye, and others who had
unseemly wens on their throats, as large as cocoa nuts. They saw a
cripple to-day for the first time, and a female dwarf, whose height
scarcely exceeded thirty inches, and whose appearance bespoke her to
be between thirty and forty years of age. Her head was
disproportionately large to the size of her body; her features, like
her voice, were harsh, masculine, and unpleasant in the extreme. It
would have been ridiculous to be afraid of such a diminutive thing,
but there was an expression in her countenance so peculiarly
repulsive, unwomanly, and hideous, that on approaching their hut,
they felt a very unusual and disagreeable sensation steal over them.
The descriptions of an elf or a black dwarf in the Arabian Nights
Entertainments, or modern romances, would serve well to portray the
form and lineaments of this singular little being.

It was market day, and Richard Lander took a walk in the evening to
the place where the market was held, but the crowd that gathered
round him was so great, as to compel him to return home much sooner,
than he had intended. If he happened to stand still even for a
moment, the people pressed by thousands to get close to him, and if
he attempted to go on, they tumbled over one another to get out of
his way, overturning standings and calabashes, throwing down their
owners, and scattering their property about in all directions. The
blacksmiths in particular, welcomed him by clashing their iron tools
against each other, and the drummers rejoiced by thumping violently
upon one end of their instruments. A few women and children ran from
him in a fright, but the majority less timid, approached as near as
they could, to catch a glimpse of the first white man they had ever
seen. His appearance seemed to interest them amazingly, for they
tittered and wished him well, and turned about to titter again. On
returning, the crowd became more dense than ever, and drove all
before them like a torrent, dogs, goats, sheep, and poultry were
borne along against their will, which terrified them so much, that
nothing could be heard but noises of the most lamentable description;
children screamed, dogs yelled, sheep and goats bleated most
piteously, and fowls cackled, and fluttered from among the crowd.
Never was such a hubbub made before in the interior of Africa, by the
appearance of a white man, and happy indeed was that white man to
shelter himself from all this uproar in his own yard, whither the
multitude dared not follow him.

The widows of the deceased chief of Keeshee, daily set apart a
portion of the twenty-four hours to cry for their bereavement, and
pray to their gods. On this evening, they began in the same sad,
mournful tone, which is commonly heard on similar occasions all over
the country. Richard Lander asked their interpreter, why the women
grieved so bitterly, he answered quickly, "What matter! they laugh
directly." So it was supposed, that they cried from habit, rather
than from feeling, and that they can shed tears and be merry in the
same breath, whenever they please. About seven o'clock this evening,
they heard a public crier, proclaiming with a loud voice, that should
any one be discovered straggling about the streets after that hour,
he would be seized and put to death. Many houses in the town had
lately been set on fire by incendiaries, and this most likely gave
rise to the above precautionary measure.

They were compelled to remain the whole of the following day, on
account of the inability of the governor to procure them carriers for
their luggage, The number of people who visited them to-day was so
great, and their company so irksome, that they were perplexed for
some time how to get rid of them without offence. One party in
particular was so unpleasant, and they so seriously incommoded them,
that they had recourse to the unusual expedient of smoking them off,
by kindling a fire at the door of their hut, before which they were
sitting. It succeeded agreeably to their wishes.

A company of women and girls from the Fellata village of Acba,
impelled by a curiosity so natural to their sex, came likewise to see
them in the afternoon, but their society, instead of being
disagreeable, as the company of all their other visitors proved to
be, was hailed by them with pleasure. For these females were so
modest and so retiring, and evinced so much native delicacy in their
whole behaviour, that they excited in the breast of the travellers
the highest respect: their personal attractions were no less winning;
they had fine sparkling jetty eyes, with eyelashes as dark and glossy
as the ravens' plume; their features were agreeable, although their
complexions were tawny; their general form was elegant; their hands
small and delicate, and the peculiar cleanliness of their persons,
and neatness of dress added to these, rendered their society
altogether as desirable as that of their neighbours was disagreeable.

The Fellatas inhabiting Acba were all born and bred in that town,
their ancestors settled in the country at so remote a period, that
although some inquiries were made respecting it, all their questions
were unavailing, and in fact, not even a tradition has been preserved
on the subject. These "children of the soil," lead a harmless,
tranquil, and sober life, which they never suffer passing events to
disturb; they have no ambition to join their more restless and
enterprising countrymen, who have made themselves masters of Alorie
and Raka, nor even to meddle in the private or public concerns of
their near neighbours of Keeshee. Indeed, they have kept themselves
apart and distinct from all; they have retained the language of their
fathers, and the simplicity of their manners, and their existence
glides serenely and happily away, in the enjoyment of domestic
pleasures and social tenderness, which are not always found in
civilized society, and which are unknown among their roving
countrymen. They are on the best possible terms with their neighbours
like the Fellatas at Bohoo and by them are held in great respect.

The governor of Keeshee was a Borgoo man, and boasted of being the
friend of Yarro, chief of Kiama, but as the old man told them many
wonderful stories of the number of towns under his sway, his amazing
great influence, and the entire subjection in which his own people
were kept by his own good government, all of which was listened to
with patience; they were inclined to believe that the pretensions of
the governor were as hollow as they were improbable. As to his
government, he gave them a specimen of it, by bawling to a group of
children that had followed their steps into the yard, ordering them
to go about their business. But every one in this country displayed
the same kind of ridiculous vanity, and in the majority of towns
which they visited, it was the first great care of their chiefs, to
impress on their minds an idea of their vast importance, which in
many instances was contradicted by their ragged tobes and squalid
appearance. Yet, if their own accounts were to be credited, their
affluence and power were unbounded. All truth is sacrificed to this
feeling of vanity and vain glory; and considering that in most cases
they hold truth in great reverence, they render themselves truly
ridiculous by their absurd practice of boasting; every circumstance
around them tending to contradict it. In the case of the Landers,
however, these toasters had to deal with strangers, and with white
men, and perhaps it may be considered as natural, amongst simple
barbarians, to court admiration and applause, even if no other means
were employed than falsehood and exaggeration. After a deal of
talking, tending to no particular subject, from which any useful
information could be obtained, the governor of Keeshee begged the
favour of a little rum and medicine to heal his foot, which was
inclined to swell and give him pain; and another request which he
made was, that they would repair a gun, which had been deprived of
its stock by fire. He then sung them a doleful ditty, not in praise
of female beauty, as is the practice with the songsters of England,
but it was in praise of elephants and their teeth, in which he was
assisted by his cane bearer, and afterwards took his leave. They
received little presents of goora nuts, salt, honey, mi-cadamia,
butter, &c., from several inhabitants of the place.

Some mallams and others, who wished to accompany the Landers to
Kiama, whither they were going for the purposes of trade, persuaded
the easy-minded governor on the preceding night, to defer getting
their carriers until the following day, because, forsooth, they were
not themselves wholly prepared to travel on that day. They were,
therefore, obliged to wait the further pleasure of these influential
merchants. Thus balked in their expectations, after their luggage had
all been packed up for starting, Richard Lander attempted to amuse
himself early in the morning, by scrambling to the top of the high
and steep hill, which stood in the middle of the town. In his
progress, he disturbed a tiger-cat from his retreat amongst the
rocks, but he was rewarded for his labour by an extensive and
agreeable prospect from the summit of the mountain, which he found to
consist of large blocks of white marble. The town with its double
wall, perforated with holes for the bowmen to shoot through, lay at
his feet, and several little rural villages studded the country on
every side. The governor of Keshee was so old and infirm, that it was
evident he had not many years to live. A lotion was given him for his
swollen foot, which greatly elated a few of his attendants, and their
animated looks and gestures bespoke hearts overflowing with
gratitude, so much so indeed, that it was remarked as a circumstance
of very rare occurrence. The cause of these grateful feelings was,
however, soon explained to them, for early in the morning, they were
visited by a young man, who had particularly distinguished himself in
his expressions of gratitude, but who now put on such a rueful
countenance, and spoke in a tone so low and melancholy, that his
whole appearance was completely altered, insomuch that it was
supposed some great calamity had befallen him. The cause of it was
soon explained, by his informing them that he would be doomed to die,
with two companions, as soon as their governor's dissolution should
take place; and as the old man had already one foot in the grave, the
sadness of the poor fellow was not to be wondered at. When this same
individual and his associates observed Richard Lander giving the
lotion to their master on the preceding day, they imagined it would
prolong his existence, and consequently lengthen their own, and hence
arose that burst of feeling which had attracted their attention. The
people here imagined that the Landers could do anything, but more
especially that they were acquainted with, and could cure all the
complaints and disorders to which man is liable.

During the day, the governor solicited from Richard Lander a charm to
protect his house from fire, and to enable him to amass riches, while
one of his elderly wives made a doleful complaint of having been
likely to become a mother for the last thirty years, and begged
piteously for medicine to promote and assist her accouchement. It was
easy enough to satisfy the old man; but it was conceived that the
hypochondriacal complaint of his wife, was too dangerous to be
meddled with by unprofessional hands. Poor woman! she was much to be
pitied, for the odd delusion under which she had been labouring for
some time, had given her considerable uneasiness, so that life itself
became a burden to her. All that Richard Lander, her medical adviser,
could do for her, was to soothe her mind, by telling her that her
distemper was very common, and not at all dangerous; and he promised
her that on their return to Keeshee, should nothing transpire in her
favour in the mean time, he would endeavour to remove the cause of
her complaint. This comforted the aged matron exceedingly, and in the
fulness of her heart, she burst into tears of joy, dropped on her
knees to express her acknowledgments, and pressed them to accept a
couple of goora nuts.

Their engaging female friends, the Fellatas, paid them a second visit
this morning, with bowls of milk and foorah; and in the evening, a
few of their male companions also came, and remained with them a
considerable time. Both sexes displayed the same timid reserve in
their presence, and deported themselves in the same respectful manner
as they did on the preceding day. It appeared that the Fellatas
inhabiting Acba, though very numerous, are but one family, for the
Landers  were informed, that their ancestor separated himself from
his friends, relatives, and acquaintances, and exiling himself for
ever from his native country, he travelled hither with  his wives and
children, his flocks and herds. The sons and daughters of his
descendants intermarry only among their own kindred, and they are
betrothed to each other in infancy and childhood. The little that
they saw of the Fellatas in Yarriba, soon convinced them that in all
things they were much, very much superior to the loveless and
unsocial proprietors of the soil. Their countenances bespoke more
intelligence, and their manners displayed less roughness and
barbarism. The domestic virtues of the Fellatas are also more
affectionate and endearing, and their family regulations more chaste
and binding.

On Wednesday the 26th May, they rose before sunset, and having little
to do in the way of preparation for setting out, they took a hasty
breakfast, and afterwards went to pay their respects to the governor,
and thank him for his hospitality and kindness to them. The parting
with the interesting female natives, shall be related in Lander's own
words. "On returning to our lodgings, we had the pleasure of
receiving the morning salutation of our fair friends, the Fellatas,
on bended knee. Resolved to have another and a last chat with the
white strangers, these females had come for the purpose of offering
us two calabashes of new milk. This, and former little acts of
kindness, which we have received from these dark-eyed maidens, have
effectually won our regard,  because we know they were
disinterestedly given, and the few minutes which we have had the
happiness of spending in their company, and that of their countrymen,
have redeemed many hours of listlessness and melancholy, which
absence from our native country, and thoughts of home and friends but
too often excite in our breasts. It was not, therefore, without a
feeling of sorrow that we bade them adieu. For my own part, when they
blessed me in the name of Allah and their prophet, and implored
blessings on my head, and when I gazed upon the faces of the
simple-hearted and innocent females, who had so piously and fervently
invoked the benediction, with the consciousness of beholding them no
more in this life, my heart was touched with sorrow, for of all
reflections, this is certainly the most melancholy and dispiriting."

"Ye, who have known what 'tis to dote upon
A few dear objects, will in sadness feel
Such partings break the heart they fondly hoped to heal."

There was far less feeling and tenderness, though more words and much
greater noise in taking their farewell of the two old messengers that
had accompanied them from Badagry, and who, with their Jenna guides,
were to return home on the following day. They had behaved throughout
the whole of the journey to the entire satisfaction of the Landers,
and because they had been their companions on a long and painful
journey, and because their faces had become familiarized to them,
that they left them behind with sincere regret.

Although they left Keeshee between six and seven in the morning, they
were obliged to seat themselves on a green turf in the outskirts of
the town, and wait there till a quarter after nine before the
carriers with the luggage made their appearance. Here they were
joined by a Borgoo fatakie, and their ears were saluted with the
hoarse, dull sounds of their drum, which was played by a ragged young
Yarribean, long after they were on their journey. A company of
merchants travelling through the country has always a drummer in
their pay, who walks at the head of the party, and performs on his
instrument continually, be the journey ever so long, for the purpose
of animating the slaves to quicken their steps.

Their route lay through a vast and lonely forest, infested by a band
of robbers and in which there is not a single human habitation. John
Lander went unarmed before the fatakie, and travelled alone, whilst
Richard remained behind to defend the carriers, in case of necessity.
He had already ridden some distance in advance of them, when about
twenty very suspicious-looking fellows, armed with lances, bows, and
arrows, suddenly made their appearance from behind the trees, where
they had concealed themselves, and stood in the middle of the path,
before the men with the luggage, who were so terrified that they were
prepared to drop their burdens and run away. His gun being loaded,
Richard Lander levelled it at them, and had nearly discharged it at
their leader, which intimidated them all so much, that they retreated
again into the heart of the forest. When the people of Yarriba
observe any one approaching them on the road, whose appearance
inspires them with apprehension as to the honesty of their
intentions, they fling off their loads without waiting the result of
the meeting, and take to their heels without venturing to look behind
them. The robbers, therefore, when they saw the fatakie, no doubt
expected to obtain an easy booty, not anticipating to find a white
man amongst them, nor thinking that their carriers would have made
a stand.

They journeyed fifteen miles through this dreaded forest, which
occupied them five hours and three quarters, owing to the weakness of
their horses, and want of water, but above all to the oppressive heat
of the weather, from which they all suffered more or less. They then
arrived at the Moussa, which is a rivulet, separating the kingdom of
Yarriba from Borgoo. Having satisfied their thirst and bathed, they
crossed the stream, and entered a little village on the northern
bank, where they halted for the day.

When travelling in the bush, several men in the train of a fatakie
wear a large iron ring on the thumb and middle finger; to the latter
a piece of plate iron is attached, with which they make signals to
each other, and the fatakie, when apart, by clinking the rings. This
method of communication is very significant, and it is understood as
well, and is as promptly answered or obeyed, as the boatswain's
whistle on board a ship. The collision of the rings produces a harsh,
grating noise, loud enough to be heard at a considerable distance.

The mere crossing of a little stream, which a person might almost
have jumped over, introduced them into a country very different from
Yarriba, which was inhabited by a different people, speaking a
different language, professing a different religion, and whose
manners, customs, amusements, and pursuits were altogether different.

The village in which they halted was called Moussa, after the river,
and is distant from Keeshee, in a northerly direction, as nearly as
they could guess, about sixteen miles. The Landers occupied a large
round hut, called by the natives of that country _catamba_, in the
Houssa language _sowley_, and in the Bornou _coozie_. In the centre
of it is the trunk of a large tree, which supports the roof; it has
two apertures for doors, which are opposite each other, and directly
over them, suspended from the wall, are a couple of charms, written
in the Arabic character on bits of paper, which are to preserve the
premises from being destroyed by fire.

It was now eleven o'clock at night; their attendants were reposing on
mats and skins in various parts of the hut. Bows and arrows and
quivers ornamented with cows' tails, together with muskets, pistols,
swords, lances, and other weapons, were either hanging on the wall or
resting against it. The scene was wild and singular, and quite
bordering on, if not really romantic. Outside the hut it was still
more striking: there, though it rained and thundered, the remainder
of the fatakie, consisting of men, women, and children, were sitting
on the ground in groups, or sleeping near several large fires, which
were burning almost close to the hut, whilst others were lying under
the shelter of large spreading trees in its immediate vicinity. The
only apparel which they wear, was drawn over their half-naked
persons, their weapons were at their sides, and their horses were
grazing near them. Most of the people retired to rest without food,
yet they slept soundly, and appeared quite happy and comfortable
after their day's exertion and fatigue. One of the men fainted on the
road from exhaustion, and remained very feverish and unwell.

At day break on the following day, the travellers pursued their
course, and as Lander expresses himself, there wore a sweetness in
the mountain air, and a freshness in the morning, which they
experienced with considerable pleasure, on ascending the hills, which
bordered the northern side of the pretty little Moussa. When wild
beasts tired with their nightly prowling, seek retirement and repose
in the lonely depths of these primeval forests, and when birds
perched in the branches of the trees over their heads, warbled forth
their morning song, it is the time, that makes up for the languid,
wearisome hours in the heat of the day, when nothing could amuse or
interest them. It is in the earlier part of the morning too, or in
the cool of the evening, that nature can be leisurely contemplated
and admired in the simple loveliness of a verdant plain, a
sequestered grotto, or a rippling brook, or in the wilder and more
mysterious features of her beauty in the height of a craggy
precipice, the silence and gloom of vast shady woods, or when those
woods are gracefully bending to the passing gale.

An hour's ride brought them near to the site of a town, which was
formerly peopled only by robbers. It was, however destroyed some
years ago, and its inhabitants either slain or dispersed, by order of
the spirited ruler of Kiama, since which time the road has been less
dreaded by travellers. Their path lay through a rich country covered
with luxuriant grasses and fine trees, but very little underwood
could be seen. It abounded with deer and antelopes, and other wild
animals of a more ferocious nature; such as the lion, the leopard,
the elephant, the wild ass, &c., but the solitary lowing of the
buffalo was the only sound that was distinguished in the forest,
although they had not the pleasure of meeting even with that animal.

At eleven o'clock, they entered a very small, cleanly-looking
village, where they halted for the day. Unfortunately the governor
with most of his people were at work in the fields at some distance,
so that they could not get any thing to eat till rather late in the
evening. It appeared that these poor villagers were forced to supply
the soldiers of their sovereign with provisions, gratis, whenever
business led them so far that way from the capital; and that in order
to avoid the rapacity of these men, they built for themselves another
hamlet in the woods, far out of the way of the path, whither they
carry their goats, &c. and the corn of which they may not be in
immediate want.

On their arrival they were introduced into a small grass hut, which
the smoke had changed into the most glossy black, which could
possibly be seen; the interior of the roof was also ingeniously
decorated with large festoons of cobwebs and dust, which must have
been allowed to accumulate for a number of years. Its fetish was a
dried grasshopper, which was preserved in a little calabash, but upon
the supposition that this was insufficient to protect it from all the
danger to which huts in that country are constantly exposed,
auxiliary charms of blood and feathers are likewise stuck inside of
the wall. At sun-set, not having any thing to eat, Richard Lander
went out with his gun into the woods, and was fortunate enough to
shoot a few doves, and Pascoe, who went in a different direction,
shot a guinea hen, which made them an excellent supper. Hunger had
driven back their Keeshee carriers, who were to have accompanied them
to Kiama, and therefore they were obliged to send a messenger to
Yarro for men to supply their place. Late in the evening, the
governor of the village returned from his labour in the fields, and
presented them with corn and honey.

On the forenoon of Friday the 28th, the musical jingling of little
bells announced the approach of a body of horsemen, who in less than
a minute galloped up to their hut, and saluted them one after another
with a martial air, by brandishing their spears, to their great
discomfiture, within a few feet of their faces. To display their
horsemanship more effectually, they caused their spirited steeds to
prance and rear in their presence, and when they imagined they were
convinced of their abilities, they dismounted to prostrate themselves
before them, and acquainted them of the welfare of their prince. The
carriers who had arrived from Kiama, had preceded them on the road,
and the whole of the men then sat down to partake of a little
refreshment. It was twelve o'clock exactly when they set out on their
journey, and the day being so far advanced, they wished to make all
the haste possible, but the weather was extremely warm, and their
horses were hardly strong enough to carry their riders, so that they
were obliged after all to travel very slowly. At five o'clock in the
afternoon, they reached the ruins of a small town. The path was
through the same forest as they had travelled through on the
preceding day, but this part of it was less thickly wooded. At one
place they remarked two immensely large trees, springing up almost
close together, their mighty trunks and branches were twisted, and
firmly clasped round each other, like giants in the act of embracing,
and presented an appearance highly novel and singular. Ant hills were
numerous on the road; and a few paces from it, they observed, as they
rode along, little cone-shaped mud buildings, erected by the natives
for the purpose of smelting iron ore, which is found in abundance in
different parts of the country.

At sunset they  arrived at a village called Benikenny, which means in
the language of the people, (a cunning man;) and they found there
three women waiting their arrival, with corn and milk from the king
of Kiama: this was very acceptable, for they had been without food
for thirteen hours. They rested at Benikenny a little while, and
fully expected to have slept there, for the afternoon had been
excessively warm, and they were all much fatigued. It appears,
however, that their armed escort were not in the same way of thinking
as themselves, and they encouraged them to proceed to another
village, which they said was at no great distance. They, therefore,
quitted Benikenny, yet no village could be seen, and then the escort
confessed that they had deceived them, in order that they might
arrive at Kiama before night. The sun had gone down on their quitting
the halting place, but the moon and stars supplied them with a cooler
and more agreeable light, and they journeyed on through the forest
more slowly than before. In spite of their fatigue, they could not
help admiring the serenity and beauty of the evening, nor be
insensible to the delicious fragrance shed around from trees and
shrubs. The appearance of their warlike and romantic escort, was also
highly amusing. They were clad in the fashion of the east, and sought
their way between the trees on their right and left; but sometimes
they fell in their rear, and then again dashed suddenly by them with
astonishing swiftness, looking as wild as the scenery through which
their chargers bounded. The effect was rendered more imposing by the
reflection of the moon-beams from their polished spears, and the
pieces of silver which were affixed to their caps; while the luminous
firefly appeared in the air like rising and falling particles of
flame.

John Lander's horse was unable from weakness and exhaustion to carry
him further than Benikenny, so that he was obliged to walk the
remainder of the journey to Kiama, which was full six miles. About
eight o'clock, Kiama appeared before them, and in a few minutes they
entered the city, and rode directly to the king's house. He came out
to receive them, after having waited outside a very short time, and
welcomed them with much satisfaction and good will. He was an elderly
man, almost toothless, and had a beard as white as wool. Nothing
remarkable was observed in his dress or appearance. His first
question was respecting the health of their sovereign, and his second
and last respecting their own welfare. He seemed to be exceedingly
well pleased at seeing Richard Lander again. They then took their
leave, and were conducted by one of his slaves to a hut, or rather an
assemblage of huts, adjoining his own residence. The huts, however,
were not entirely to their satisfaction, for many of them had only
one aperture in each, which was scarcely three feet square, so that
they could not get into them excepting on their hands and knees. They
were, besides, so very warm and close, that they found great
difficulty in breathing, and in consequence they preferred a hut
which was cooler and better ventilated, though it had the
inconvenience of a thoroughfare. No sooner were they securely housed,
than half a dozen of the king's wives introduced themselves with huge
calabashes of sour milk, fried pancakes, and beef stewed in rice, the
first they had yet seen. Variously coloured mats, of excellent
workmanship, were afterwards brought for their use, and with thankful
hearts and comfortable feelings, they laid themselves down to rest.



CHAPTER XXXIV.

Fatigued with the journey of the preceding day, the travellers lay on
their mats rather later than usual, and before they had risen, the
king's messengers and others entered their hut to give them the
salutations of the morning. Richard Lander returned Yarro's
compliment, by calling to see him at his own house, while his brother
remained at home to take care of the goods. The natives of the
country having a very indifferent reputation for honesty, compelled
them to keep a watchful eye over all their actions. A number of
mallams from Houssa paid them a visit about the middle of the day,
but a body of more ignorant Mahommedans, it was supposed, could no
where be found, for not one of them, even to their chief, who had a
youthful appearance, understood a word of Arabic.

Just before sunset, John Lander selected a present, consisting of the
following articles for the king: viz. six yards of red cloth, a
quantity of printed cottons, a pair of silver bracelets, a
looking-glass, two pair of scissors, a knife, two combs, and a
tobacco pipe. The goods having been properly secured, they repaired
with this present to the king, who received it with much apparent
satisfaction.

Yarro professed the mahommedan faith, yet it was easy to perceive the
very slender acquaintance he had obtained of the precepts of the
Koran, by the confidence which he placed in the religion of his
fathers, in placing fetishes to guard the entrance of his houses, and
adorn their half-naked walls. In one of these huts, they observed a
stool of very curious workmanship. The form of it was nearly square;
the two principal figures were each supported by four little wooden
figures of men, and another of large dimensions, seated on a clumsy
representation of a hippopotamus, was placed between them. These
images were subsequently presented to the Landers by Yarro; and they
learnt that the natives, before undertaking any water excursion,
applied for protection to the hippopotami, and other dangerous
objects of the river, to the principal figure, which was mounted on
one of those creatures. This important personage was attended by his
musicians, and guarded by soldiers, some armed with muskets, and
others with bows and arrows, who formed the legs of the stool.

In the inner apartment they discovered Yarro sitting alone, on
buffalo hides, and they were desired to place themselves near him.
The walls of this apartment were adorned with very good prints of
George IV., the Duke of York, Lord Nelson, the Duke of Wellington on
horseback, together with an officer of the light dragoons, in company
with a smartly dressed and happy looking English lady. Opposite to
them were hung horse accoutrements, and on each side were dirty
scraps of paper, containing select sentences from the Koran. On the
floor lay muskets, several handsomely ornamented lances, and other
weapons, all confusedly heaped together, by the side of a large
granite stone used for pounding pepper. These were the most striking
objects they observed in the king's hut, adjoining which were others,
through whose diminutive doors, the wives of Yarro were straining
their eyes to catch a glimpse of the white men.

When Lander spoke of proceeding to Yaoorie by way of Wowow and
Boussa, the king objected to their visiting, the former state, under
any condition whatever; alleging that three of the slaves who carried
the goods for Captain Clapperton, had never returned to him again,
but had remained at Wowow, where they were protected by the governor
Mahommed, and that if he should send others with them to that place,
they might do the same thing. He, therefore, promised to send them to
Boosa in four days by another road. Independently of the above
considerations, the king was highly incensed against the ruler of
Wowow for his harsh treatment of the widow Zuma, who was his friend
and relative, and who had lately fled to Boosa for the purpose of
claiming the protection of the king of that country.

It was reported that Yarro's father, the late king of Kiama, during
his life time had enjoyed the friendship of an Arab from the desert,
which was returned with equal warmth and sincerity. A similarity of
dispositions and pursuits produced a mutual interchange of kind
actions; their friendship became so great that the king was never
happy except when in the Arab's company, and as a proof of his esteem
and confidence, he gave him his favourite daughter in marriage. The
fruit of this alliance was the restless widow Zuma, and hence her
relationship to the then reigning monarch of Kiama. The friendship of
his father and the Arab lasted until the death of the latter. The
king, however, was inconsolable for his loss, and looked round him in
vain for some one to supply the place of his friend, but the ardour
of his affection was too strong, and held by the hope of following
his friend to another world, he committed suicide. This was the most
affecting instance of genuine friendship, and indeed the only one,
that came to the hearing of the travellers since they had been in the
country. Yarro was much attached to the widow Zuma, and she would
have fled to Kiama, instead of going to Boosa, if her intentions had
not been suspected, and her actions narrowly watched by the ruler of
Wowow.

Unwilling as the Landers always were to infringe upon the observance
of the Sabbath, they were nevertheless compelled on Sunday, May 30th,
to submit to the mortification of cleaning and polishing a sword and
pistol, which were sent them for that purpose by the king, against
the approaching mahommedan festival. Yarro shortly afterwards sent
them a turkey, and one of his women presented them with a roasted
badger, a quantity of yams, &c. for the use of one of their people.
On this evening, the wives of the king unanimously bestowed a severe
reprimand on their royal husband for neglecting to offer them a
portion of a bottle of rum, which was given to him on the preceding
day. The ladies scolded so lustily, that the noise was heard outside
the wall surrounding their huts, which led them to make the
discovery. To appease the indignation of the irascible ladies, and to
reconcile them to the loss of so great a dainty as a glass of rum,
they were presented with a few beads, and some other trifles, but
still it was evident that these fancy articles bore no comparison in
the eyes of the ladies with the exquisite relish of the spirituous
liquid.

It was generally supposed that the ruler of Wowow would make war on
this state, as soon as he should be made acquainted with the fact of
the Landers being at Borgoo, without having paid him a visit.
Although it was within the dominions of the king of Boossa, who was
acknowledged to be the greatest of the sovereigns of Borgoo, Wowow
was reported to have lately received a body of Nouffie horse
soldiers, consisting of eight hundred men, which rendered its chief
more powerful than either of his neighbours. These soldiers were the
remnant of the army of Ederisa, (the Edrisi of Clapperton) who was
the rightful heir to the throne of Nouffie; they deserted him in his
misfortunes, and sought a refuge in Wowow from the fury of their
successful countrymen, leaving their leader to his fate. Shortly
after the return of Richard Lander to England from his expedition
with Captain Clapperton, it was reported that Magia, who was a
younger son of the late king of Nouffie, was reinforced by the
soldiers from Soccatoo; that he took immediate advantage of the panic
into which this intelligence had thrown his brother, by attacking and
routing his army, and expelling both him, and them from their native
country. Ederisa was for some time after a wanderer, but at length he
was said to have found an asylum with one of the chiefs of a state
near the kingdom of Benin where he continued to reside in
tranquillity and retirement.

They received visits almost every hour of the day from a number of
mahommedan mallams residing at Kiama, as well as from those
merchants, who formed part of the fatakie that accompanied them
through the forest from Keeshee. The former sent two boys to pray for
them, in the expectation, it was supposed, of obtaining something
more substantial than thanks, for the good that might result to them
from their charitable remembrance of the frailty of their nature. The
boys dropped on their knees, and recited the lesson that they had
been taught, without committing a single blunder. A few needles were,
however, the only recompense it was thought proper to make them, so
that it was not likely their masters would desire any more prayers to
be offered up at the shrine of their prophet, for Christians so
illiberal and irreligious. Of all the vices of which these mahommedan
priests were guilty, and by all accounts they were not a few, slander
and defamation appeared to be by far the most general. Never did they
hear a mallam speak of his neighbours in terms of common respect.
According to his account they were all the vilest creatures under the
sun, not one escaping the lash of his censure. "Avoid that man," said
a complaisant and comfortable looking  old Mahommedan, pointing to
one of his companions, as he quitted the hut, after having just
blessed him in the name of Allah, "for believe me, he will take every
opportunity of deceiving you, and if you go so far as to trust him
with any of your property, he will cheat you of every kowrie."

The venerable speaker had a number of gilt buttons, nearly new, in
his possession, which they had given him to sell, for they were
frequently obliged to make such shifts for a meal, and when his
invective was finished, he arose to take his leave, but the
self-righteous priest had neglected, in the hurry of discourse, to
secure a few buttons which he had purloined, for as he stood up they
dropped from the folds of his garment on the floor. The man's
confusion was immediately apparent, but they did not wish to punish
him further by increasing his shame, and they suffered him to go
about his business, in the belief that the circumstance had wholly
escaped their observation. Gilt buttons fetch a high price at Kiama,
from two to three hundred kowries each, and as they had a great
number of them, it was likely that from henceforth they would be of
infinite service to them. Women use buttons to ornament their
fingers, necks, and wrists, and they imagine that the brightest of
them are made of gold.

A messenger arrived this day at the king's house with the
information, that Doncasson, the ex-king of Houssa, had recently
taken no less than twelve towns in that empire from the Fellatas, in
which he had been greatly assisted by the sheik of Bornou. The
Fellatas have a tradition, that when Danfodio, Bello's father, and
the first king of Soccatoo, was a simple shepherd, he made a vow to
the great author of evil, that if he would assist him in the
subjugating the kingdom of Houssa, he would be his slave for ever
after. The request of Danfodio, it is reported, was complied with on
his own conditions, but for no longer than thirty years, after which
the aborigines of the country were to regain their liberty, and
re-establish their ancient laws and institutions. The term was now
nearly expired, and the Fellatas began already, said the Houssa men,
to tremble with apprehensions at the prospect of this tradition being
realized.

June 1st, was the eve of the Bebun Sàlah, or great prayer day, and
which is generally employed by the Mussulmans in Kiama, in making
preparations for a festival which was to commence on the following
day, and to be continued till the evening of the ensuing day. Every
one in the town, who is in possession of the means, is obliged to
slaughter either a bullock or a sheep on the anniversary of this day,
and those who are not in possession of money sufficient to procure a
whole bullock or sheep, are compelled to purchase a portion of the
latter, at least, for the purpose of showing respect and reverence
for the "Bebun Sàlah." The Mahommedans make a practice on this
occasion of slaughtering the sheep, which may have been their
companion in their peregrinations during the past year, and as soon
as the holidays are over, they procure another to supply its place,
and at the return of the festival, to undergo a similar fate. The
company of one of these animals is preferred by the natives to that
of a dog.

On the following morning a company of eight or ten drummers awoke
them by the dismal noise of their drums, and by the exclamation of
"_turawa au, azhie_," signifying, "white men, we wish you fortune,"
which was repeated in a high shrill tone every minute.

During the night, Kiama was visited by a thunder storm, which
continued with dreadful violence for many hours, and the torrents of
rain which fell, threatened to overwhelm them in their huts. Before
they were aware of it, the water had rushed in at the door, and had
completely soaked their mats and bedclothes, setting every light
article in the room afloat. After much trouble they succeeded in
draining it off, and prevented its further ingress, when they lit a
large fire in the centre of the hut, and laid themselves down by the
side of it to sleep. Towards morning it also rained heavily again,
and to all appearances the wet season had at length fairly set in.
Under those circumstances, it would be found almost next to
impossible to travel much further, and if they were fortunate to
reach Yaoorie, they would be obliged to remain there some time, till
the roads should have become sufficiently hard and dry for their
future progress. Their chief hope was, that the rains might not be so
incessant at their commencement, so as to render the path to Yaoorie
impassable.

On Wednesday June 2nd, the threatening appearance of the weather
prevented the Mahommedans from repairing to the spot, which they had
selected for the purposes of devotion, so early in the morning as
they, could have wished, but the clouds having dispersed, they had
all assembled there between the hours of nine and ten.

The worshippers arranged themselves in six lines or rows, the women
forming the last, and sat down on as many ridges of earth, which had
apparently been thrown up for the purpose. The chief mallam no sooner
began a prayer, than the talking and noise of the multitude ceased,
and the deepest attention seemed to be paid by every one, though the
substance of what he said could only be guessed at, because it was in
Arabic, which none of them understood a word of. The ceremony much
resembled that which was performed at Badagry; and the forms, which
are generally practised, it is supposed, on all public religious
meetings in mahommedan countries, such as ablution, prostration, &c.,
were observed on this occasion. The king, however, did not rise, as
he should have done, when the worshippers stood up, but satisfied
himself with uttering the name of Allah, and by simple prostration
only. When the usual form of prayer had been gone through, the chief
mallam placed himself on a hillock, and for about five minutes read
to the people a few loose pages of the Koran, which he held in his
hand. While thus engaged, two priests of inferior order knelt beside
him to hold the hem of his tobe, and a third, in the same position,
held the skirts from behind. After he had finished reading, the
priest descended from the hillock, and with the help of his
assistants, slaughtered a sheep which had been bound and brought to
him for sacrifice. The blood of the animal was caught in a calabash,
and the king and the more devoted of his subjects washed their hands
in it, and sprinkled some of it on the ground. The conclusion of the
ceremony was announced by the discharge of a few old muskets, and
with drums beating and fifes playing, the people returned to their
respective homes. The majority of them were smartly dressed in all
the finery they could procure. About a hundred of the men rode on
horseback, with lances and other weapons in their hands, which, with
the gay trappings of the horses, gave them a respectable appearance.

In the afternoon, all the inhabitants of the town, and many from the
little villages in the neighbourhood, assembled to witness the horse
racing, which always takes place on the anniversary of the Belun
Sàlah, and to which every one had been looking forward with the
greatest impatience. Previously to its commencement, the king with
his principal attendants rode slowly on round the town, more for the
purpose of receiving the admiration and plaudits of his people, than
to observe where distress more particularly prevailed, which was his
avowed intention. In this respect we do not see that the African
kings are a jot worse than the Europeans; it is true, indeed, that
the African monarch has in some measure the advantage over the
European, for we have never heard that any European king,
particularly an English one, ever even conceived the idea of parading
the town in which he might reside, for the purpose of finding and
relieving the distressed, but when he does condescend to show himself
amongst the people, to whom he is indebted for the victuals which he
eats, it is for the purpose of attending some state mummery, or
seeing a number of human beings standing in a row, with the weapons
of murder in their hands, but which, when called into action to
gratify the senseless ambition of the said king, is called privileged
homicide. An inspection of these human machines is called a review;
were some kings to institute a review of their own actions, it would
be better for themselves, and better for the people, to whom a blind
and stupid fortune has given him as their log.

The kings of Africa, like other kings, attach a great importance to a
great noise, called a salute, and, therefore, a hint was given to the
Landers to bring their pistols with them to the race course, that
they might salute the king as he rode by them; a salute is the same
thing, whether it be from a pop-gun or a two and thirty pounder, for
all salutes generally end in smoke, which shows their folly and
insignificance. The Landers felt a strong inclination to witness the
amusements of the day, and they arrived at the course rather sooner
than was necessary, which, however, afforded them a fairer
opportunity of observing the various groups of people, which were
flocking to the scene of amusement.

The race course was bounded on the north by low granite hills, on the
south by a forest, and on the east and west by tall shady trees;
amongst which, were habitations of the people. Under the shadow of
these magnificent trees, the spectators were assembled, and testified
their happiness by their noisy mirth and animated gestures. When the
Landers arrived, the king had not yet made his appearance on the
course, but his absence was fully compensated by the pleasure they
derived from watching the anxious and animated countenances of the
multitude, and in passing their opinions on the taste of the women in
the choice and adjustment of their  fanciful and many coloured
dresses. The wives and younger children of the chief, sat near them
in a group by themselves, and were distinguished from their
companions by their superior dress. Manchester cloths of an inferior
quality, but of the most showy patterns, and dresses made of common
English bed-furniture, were fastened round the waist of several sooty
maidens, who, for the sake of fluttering a short hour in the gaze of
their countrymen, had sacrificed in clothes the earnings of a twelve
months labour. All the women had ornamented their necks with strings
of beads, and their wrists with bracelets of various patterns, some
made of glass beads, some of brass, and others of copper, and some
again of a mixture of both metals; their ankles were also adorned
with different sorts of rings, of neat workmanship.

The distant sound of drums gave notice of the king's approach, and
every eye was immediately directed to the quarter whence he was
expected. The cavalcade shortly appeared, and four horsemen first
drew up in front of the chiefs house, which was near the centre of
the course, and close to the spot where his wives and children, and
themselves were sitting. Several men bearing on their heads an
immense number of arrows in large quivers of leopard's skin, came
next, followed by two persons, who, by their extraordinary antics and
gestures, were concluded to be buffoons. These two last were employed
in throwing sticks into the air as they went on, and adroitly
catching them in falling, besides performing many whimsical and
ridiculous feats. Behind them, and immediately preceding the king, a
group of little boys nearly naked, came dancing merrily along,
flourishing cows' tails over their heads in all directions.

The king rode onwards, followed by a number of fine-looking men, on
handsome steeds, and the motley cavalcade all drew up in front of his
house, where they awaited his further orders without dismounting.
This the Landers thought was the proper time to give the first
salute, so they accordingly fired three rounds, and their example was
immediately followed by two soldiers with muskets, which were made at
least a century and a half ago, nevertheless, they yielded fire,
smoke, noise, and a stink, which are in general the component parts
of all royal salutes.

Preparations in the mean time had been going on for the race, and the
horses with their riders made their appearance. The men were dressed
in caps, and loose tobes and trousers of every colour; boots of red
morocco leather, and turbans of white and blue cotton. Their horses
were gaily caparisoned; strings of little brass bells covered their
heads; their breasts were ornamented with bright red cloth and
tassels of silk and cotton, a large guilted pad of neatly embroidered
patchwork was placed under the saddle of each; and little charms,
inclosed in red and yellow cloth were attached to the bridle with
bits of tinsel. The Arab saddle and stirrup were in common use, and
the whole group presented an imposing appearance.

The signal for starting was made, and the impatient animals sprung
forward, and set off at a full gallop. The riders brandished their
spears, the little boys flourished their cow's tail; the buffoons
performed their antics, muskets were discharged, and the chief
himself, mounted on the finest horse on the ground, watched the
progress of the race, while tears of delight were starting from his
eyes. The sun shone gloriously on the tobes of green, white, yellow,
blue, and crimson, as they fluttered in the breeze; and with the
fanciful caps, the glittering spears, the jingling of the horses'
bells, the animated looks and warlike bearing of their riders,
presented one of the most extraordinary and pleasing sights that they
had ever witnessed. The race was well contested, and terminated only
by the horses being fatigued and out of breath; but though every one
was emulous to outstrip his companion, honour and fame were the only
reward of the competitors.

The king maintained his seat on horseback during these amusements,
without even once dismounting to converse with his wives and
children, who were sitting on the ground on each side of him. His
dress was showy rather than rich, consisting of a red cap, enveloped
in the large folds of a white muslin turban; two under tobes of blue
and scarlet cloth, and an outer one of white muslin; red trousers,
and boots of scarlet and yellow leather. His horse seemed distressed
by the weight of his rider, and the various ornaments and trappings
with which his head, breast, and body were bedecked. The chief's
eldest and youngest sons were near his women and other children,
mounted on two noble-looking horses. The eldest of these youths was
about eleven years of age. The youngest being not more than three,
was held on the back of his animal by a male attendant, as he was
unable to sit upright on the saddle without this assistance. The
child's dress was ill suited to his age. He wore on his head a light
cap of Manchester cotton, but it overhung the upper part of his face,
and together with its ends, which flapped over each cheek, hid nearly
the whole of his countenance from view; his tobe and trousers were
made exactly in the same fashion as those of a man, and two large
belts of blue cotton, which crossed each other, confined the tobe to
his body. The little legs of the child were swallowed up in clumsy
yellow boots, big enough for his father, and though he was rather
pretty, his whimsical dress gave him altogether so odd an appearance,
that he might have been taken for any thing but what he really was.

A few of the women on the ground by the side of the king wore large
white dresses, which covered their persons like a winding sheet.
Young virgins, according to custom, appeared in a state of nudity;
many of them had wild flowers stuck behind their ears, and strings of
beads, &c., round their loins; but want of clothing did not seem to
damp their pleasure in the entertainment, for they entered with as
much zest as any of their companions. Of the different coloured tobes
worn by the men, none looked so well as those of a deep crimson
colour on some of the horsemen; but the clear white tobes of the
mahommedan priests, of whom not less than a hundred were present on
the occasion, were extremely neat and becoming. The sport terminated
without the slightest accident, and the king dismounting was a signal
for the people to disperse.



CHAPTER XXXV.

The travellers left Kiama on Saturday June 5th, and arrived at
Kakafungi, the halting place, shortly after ten o'clock in the
morning. The distance from Kiama was about ten miles. It was a
straggling, but extensive and populous town, and was delightfully
situated on an even piece of ground. The inhabitants were so clean
and well behaved, and their dwellings so neat and comfortable, that
before the Landers had spoken many words to one of them, they were
prepossessed in their favour. Nor was this opinion in any degree
lessened, when after they had been introduced into a commodious and
excellent hut, they received the congratulations of the principal
people. They came to them in a body, followed by boys and girls
carrying a present of two kids, with milk and an abundance of pounded
corn, and remained with them the greater part of the day.

John Lander was here taken seriously ill, and his fever was so severe
that he was obliged to lie on his mat till the carriers were ready to
depart, which took place at two p.m., their path lying through a
perfect wilderness, and presenting a greater degree of barrenness,
than any thing which they had hitherto met with. The length of the
journey, the insufferable heat of the sun, combined with the speed
with which they were obliged to travel, greatly increased the malady
of John Lander. He was occasionally obliged to dismount, and lie on
the ground for relief, being lifted off and replaced on his horse by
their attendants. The two Landers were far behind the rest of the
party, on account of the inability of John Lander to keep pace, and
they discharged a pistol every now and then as a signal to the
carriers of their approach. As each report echoed through the forest,
it was answered by the increased howlings of wild animals, till at
length, they gladly saw the gleam of a large fire, and arrived at the
encampment, which had been prepared for them. Here they took
possession for the night, of a few deserted huts, which were falling
to decay.

The rest which John Lander had obtained during the night, appeared to
have revived him, and he seemed in better spirits, with an abatement
of his fever. They accordingly proceeded on their journey, and after
bathing, crossed the Oly in a canoe, which they found tied to a tree.
During the whole of the day, they travelled under a burning sun, and
in the evening pitched their tent near a small stream. John Lander
was very ill, his fever having returned with increased violence. A
storm gathered over their heads a few minutes after the tent had been
fixed, and presently burst with increased violence. While it lasted,
they were occupied with the thoughts of their forlorn condition. The
deafening noise of the thunder, as it echoed among the hills, the
overpowering glare of the lightning, the torrents of rain, and the
violence of the wind were truly awful. The whole of their party were
collected in the tent for shelter from the storm, and in spite of the
water which ran through it, contrived to sleep till morning.

They were obliged to lie the whole of the night in their wet clothes,
the effects of which were visible in John Lander in the morning. His
brother endeavoured, in vain, to rally him, but he was scarcely able
to stand. The tent was packed up in its wet state, and the carriers
hastened onwards as fast as they could, for the provisions were
consumed, and they were anxious to get to their journey's end without
delay. As they advanced, John Lander became worse, till at length, he
was completely overcome, and to prevent falling off his horse, he
dismounted and was laid down. There was not a tree near them, which
could shelter them from the sun, so with the assistance of his
people, Richard obtained a few branches, and formed a sort of bower,
their horses' pads answering the purpose of a bed. During the
remainder of the day, John became worse, and the medicine chest had
been sent with the other things. In this dilemma, with no food at
hand, the condition of the travellers was most deplorable. Richard
with the view of obtaining some refreshment for his brother, went
into the wood and shot the only bird he saw, which was not much
bigger than the sparrow. With this, he returned, made a fire, and
prepared a little soup in a half-pint cup, which for want of salt,
was rather unsavoury, nevertheless it was of service to his brother;
the flesh of the bird, Richard divided between himself and his man,
both of them being weak for want of food. They now contrived to make
a more substantial habitation for the invalid, of some stout branches
of trees, and thatched it with long grass; they also lighted large
fires round it to keep off the wild beasts, but sleep was out of the
question, for they were attacked by myriads of mosquitoes, and
buzzing flies, attracted by the  glare of the fires. A prowling tiger
was the only savage animal that approached near enough to be seen
during the night.

On the following morning, a considerable improvement having taken
place in John Lander's health, they set forward in good spirits, and
shortly after sunset arrived in the vicinity of Coobly, without
experiencing so much fatigue as had been anticipated. Having waited
on the governor, as a matter of courtesy, they were detained but a
few moments, and then repaired to the hut assigned to them, where
John was soon after seized with the return of the fever, more severe
than the former. The governor sent them a bowl of rice, one of milk,
two calabashes of butter, and a fine fat bullock.

The situation of Richard Lander was now distressing in the extreme,
his brother became hourly worse, and every moment was expected to be
his last. During the few intervals he had from delirium, he seemed to
be aware of his danger, and entered into arrangements respecting his
family concerns. At this moment Richard's feelings were of too
painful a nature to be described. The unhappy fate of his late
master, Clapperton, came forcibly to his mind. He had followed him
into the country, where he perished; he had attended him in his
parting moments; he had performed for him the last mournful office
which our nature requires, and the thought that he should have to go
through the same sad ceremony for his brother, overwhelmed him with
grief.

Two messengers now arrived from Boossa with a quantity of onions as a
present from the queen. They were commanded by the king to await
their departure from Coobly, and escort them to the city of Boossa,
which was said to be about two days journey from Coobly.

The illness of John Lander, to the great joy of his brother, now took
a favourable turn, and he became more tranquil and freer from pain,
and preparations were now made for their departure from Coobly. For
some hours before their departure, Richard was greatly annoyed by an
old woman, who applied to him for medicine that would produce her an
entire new set of teeth, or, she, "if I can only be supplied with two
large and strong ones, I shall be satisfied with them." The woman at
last became rather impertinent, when Richard recommended her two iron
ones from the blacksmith, which so much displeased her, that she went
away in a pet. The governor supplied them every day with abundance of
rice and milk, in fact, nothing could surpass his benevolence and
general good humour.

They quitted Coobly on the 15th June, and on the following morning
entered a snug pretty little town called Zalee, lying in a rich and
romantic valley, formed by a gap in a triple range of elevated hills,
which ran from east to west. The governor sent them a goat, a fowl, a
calabash of rice, and a quantity of corn for the horses. Zalee
contained about a thousand inhabitants.

Their course from Zalee was in a south-easterly direction, and
shortly after leaving the town, they came to a fine extensive plain,
on which stood a few venerable and magnificent trees. Numerous herds
of antelopes were feeding, which on hearing the report of their guns,
bounded over the plain in all directions. From this place they beheld
the city of Boossa, which lay directly before them at the distance of
two or three miles, and appeared to be formed of straggling clusters
of huts. To their great astonishment, however, on a nearer approach,
Boossa was found to be standing on the _main land_, and not on an
island in the Niger, as described by Captain Clapperton. Nothing
could be discovered, which could warrant the assertion as laid down
by that traveller. At ten o'clock they entered the city by the
western gateway, and discharged their pieces as the signal of their
arrival.

After waiting a few minutes, they were introduced to the king, whom
they found in an interior apartment of his residence, in company with
the _Midilie_, the title bestowed on his principal wife or queen.
They welcomed the travellers to Boossa, with every appearance of
cordiality. They told them very gravely, and with rueful
countenances, that they had both been weeping in the morning for the
death of Captain Clapperton, whose untimely end they would never
cease to lament. It is true, they might have been so engaged, but as
on their entrance, no outward signs of tears appeared, they rather
mistrusted the information which had been imparted to them.

On the day subsequently to their arrival, they were visited by the
noted widow Zuma, who presented herself to them without the slightest
pretensions to finery of any kind, either in her dress or ornaments,
for she was clad in very humble apparel of country cloth. She related
to them with great good humour, her quarrels with her prince, the
ruler of Wowow, and her consequent flight from that city to escape
his resentment. It appeared that in order to effect this, she was
actually obliged to climb over the city wall in the night, and travel
on foot to Boossa, which was a very long journey, and to a woman of
her size, must have been an arduous task. She alleged that she had
done nothing whatever to merit the displeasure of the Wowow chief,
notwithstanding which, he had robbed her of all her household
furniture and a number of her slaves. But from another quarter, they
learnt that one of her sons had committed a theft in the city, for
which he would have suffered death, if he had not made his escape
with his mother, who, it was said, had instigated him to the deed.
The widow complained sadly of poverty and the hardness of the times;
she had fought with the Youribeans against Alorie, but instead of
receiving a recompense for her bravery; she had lost half of her
slaves in an engagement, which so disgusted her with the military
profession, that she immediately abandoned it and returned home. Yet
in spite of all her losses and misfortunes, she had gained so much in
corpulency, that it was with the utmost difficulty she could squeeze
herself into the doorway of their hut, although it was by no means
small. The widow Zuma was a very good-looking person of matronly
appearance, and her skin of a light copper colour.

After the widow had left them, Richard carried the presents which had
been selected for the king and queen. Each appeared delighted with
them, and the former more especially was extravagant in his
expressions of admiration and thankfulness. A pair of silver
bracelets, a tobacco pipe, and a looking-glass, seemed to rivet the
attention of the king, who could not take his eyes off them for a
full half hour, so much was he pleased with them.

The Landers now visited the far famed Niger or Quorra, which flowed
by the city about a mile from their residence, and were greatly
disappointed at the appearance of this celebrated river. In its
widest part it was not more than a stone's throw across. The rock on
which Richard Lander sat, overlooked the spot where Mr. Park and his
associates met their untimely fate; he could not help meditating on
that circumstance, and on the number of valuable lives that had been
sacrificed in attempting to explore that river, and he secretly
implored the Almighty, that he might be the humble means of setting
at rest for ever the great question of its source and termination.

The queen of a country is generally the standard of fashion, and
therefore some idea may be formed of the fashions of Boossa, by the
following description of the dress in which the Midikie or queen of
Boossa paid a visit to the Landers. Her majesty was clad in a common
check shirt of Nooffie manufacture, a plain piece of blue cotton was
fastened round her head, wholly concealing the hair, a larger piece
of the same kind was thrown over her left shoulder, and a third tied
round her waist, reached so far as the middle of the leg. Her feet
were bare, as were likewise her arms up to the elbow; a brass ring
ornamented each great toe, and eight silver bracelets each wrist, the
least of them weighing little less than a quarter of a pound. Besides
these ornaments, the queen wore a necklace of coral and bits of gold,
and small pieces of pipe coral were stuck in the lobe of each ear.

It was the opinion of Lander that it would have been bad policy on
his part, to have stated the true reason of his visiting this
country, knowing the jealousy of most of the people with regard to
the Niger; and, therefore, in answer to the king's inquiries, he was
obliged to deceive him with the assertion, that his object was to go
to Bornou, by way of Yaoorie, requesting at the same time, a safe
conveyance through his territories. This answer satisfied the king,
and he promised them every assistance in his power. In the course of
conversation the king observed that he had in his possession a tobe,
which belonged to a white man, who came from the north many years
ago, and from whom it had been purchased by the king's father. The
Landers expressed a great curiosity to see this tobe, and in a very
short time after the departure of the king, it was sent to them as a
present. Contrary to their expectations, they found it to be made of
rich crimson damask, and very heavy from the immense quantity of gold
embroidery with which it was covered. As the time, when the late king
is said to have purchased this tobe, corresponds very nearly to the
supposed period of Mr. Park's death, and as they never heard of any
other white man having come from the north so far south as Boossa,
they were inclined to believe it part of the spoil obtained from the
canoe of that ill-fated traveller. Whether Mr. Park wore the tobe
himself, which was scarcely possible on account of its weight, or
whether he intended it as a present to a native chief, they were at a
loss to determine. The king himself had never worn the tobe, nor did
his predecessor, from a superstitious feeling; besides, observed the
king, "it might excite the cupidity of the neighbouring powers."

King George the Third of England was a button-maker, and therefore no
wonder need be excited at the information which was sent to the
Landers from the king of Boossa, announcing to them that his majesty
was a tailor, and that he would thank them much for some thread and a
few needles for his own private use; the king also took it into his
head that as he was a tailor, the Landers must be gunsmiths, and
therefore he sent them his muskets to repair, but it being Sunday
when the guns were sent, they declined the job until the following
day.

Eager as they were to obtain even the slightest information relative
to the unhappy fate of Mr. Park and his companions, as well as to
ascertain if any of their books or papers were then in existence at
that place, still they had almost made up their minds to refrain from
asking him any questions on the subject, because they were
apprehensive that it might be displeasing to the king, and involve
them in many perplexities. Finding the king, however, to be an
affable, obliging, and good-natured personage, they were emboldened
to send Pascoe to him with a message expressive of the interest they
felt on the subject, in common with all their countrymen, and saying,
that if any books or papers which belonged to Mr. Park were yet in
his possession, he would do them a great service by delivering them
into their hands, or at least granting them permission to see them.
To this, the king returned for answer, that when Mr. Park was lost on
the Niger, he, the king, was a very little boy, and that he knew not
what had become of his effects; that the deplorable event had
occurred in the reign of the late king's predecessor, who died
shortly after, and that all traces of the white men had been lost
with him.

This answer disappointed the hopes of the Landers, for to them it
appeared final and decisive. But in the evening their hopes were
again excited by a hint from their host, who was the king's drummer,
and one of the principal men in the country; he assured them, that
there was at least one book saved from Mr. Park's canoe, which was
then in the possession of a very poor man in the service of his
master, to whom it had been entrusted by the late king during his
last illness. He said moreover, that if but _one_ application were
made to the king on any subject whatever, very little was thought of
it, but if a second were made, the matter would be considered of
sufficient importance to demand his whole attention; such being the
custom of the country. The drummer therefore recommended them to
persevere in their inquiries, for he had no doubt that something to
their satisfaction would be elicited. At his own request, they sent
him to the king immediately, desiring him to repeat their former
statement, and to assure the king, that should he be successful in
recovering the book they wanted, their monarch would reward him
handsomely. The king desired the drummer to inform them, that he
would use every exertion, and examine the man, who was reported to
have the white man's book in his possession.

On the following day, the king came to see them, followed by a man
with a book under his arm, which was said to have been picked up in
the Niger after the loss of their countrymen. It was enveloped in a
large cotton cloth, and their hearts beat high with expectation, as
the man was slowly unfolding it, for by its size they guessed it to
be Mr. Park's journal, but their disappointment and chagrin were
great, when on opening the book, they discovered it to be an old
nautical publication of the last century. The title page was missing,
but its contents were chiefly tables of logarithms. It was a thick
royal quarto, which led them to conjecture that it was a journal.
Between the leaves they found a few loose papers of very little
consequence indeed; one of them contained two or three observations
on the height of the water in the Gambia; one was a tailor's bill on
a Mr. Anderson, and another was addressed to Mr. Mungo Park, and
contained an invitation to dine. The following is a copy of it:

"Mr. and Mrs. Watson would be happy to have the pleasure of Mr.
Park's company at dinner on Tuesday next, at half past five o'clock.

An answer is requested.

Strand, 9th Nov. 1804."

The king, as well as the owner of the book, looked as greatly
mortified as they themselves did, when they were told that the one
produced, was not that of which they were in quest, because the
reward promised would not of course be obtained. As soon as their
curiosity had been fully satisfied, the papers were carefully
collected and placed again between the leaves, and the book as
carefully folded in its envelope as before, and taken away by its
owner, who valued it as much as a household god. Thus all their hopes
of obtaining Mr. Park's journal or papers in the city of Boossa were
entirely defeated.

At an early hour of Wednesday June 23rd, the king and queen paid the
travellers a farewell visit, when the former particularly cautioned
them against poison. They then expressed their acknowledgements to
both the royal personages for all their favours and an hour or two
after they had taken their departure, the Landers rode out of the
city, accompanied by two horsemen as an escort, and a foot messenger
to the sultan of Yaoorie. They journied along the banks of the Niger
at an easy pace, and two hours afterwards entered a pleasant little
walled town called where they were desired to halt until the
following day the governor of Kagogie had been made acquainted with
their intention, no less than three days before their arrival, yet no
canoe had been got ready for their use, and when they expected to
embark, "the king of the canoe," as the person who has the care of
it, is ridiculously styled, informed them with the utmost unconcern,
that it was out of repair, and that it would not be fit for their
reception for some hours at least. In the course of the afternoon
they repaired to the side of the river, for the purpose of
endeavouring to encourage and hurry the workmen in their labour about
the canoe. Promises and threats were employed to effect this object,
but the men would neither be coaxed nor intimidated--they would not
overwork themselves, they said, for all the riches in their
possession, so that they were obliged to leave them and exercise
their patience. The branch of the Niger which flows by Kagogie, is
about a mile in width, but it is rendered so shallow by large sand
banks, that except in one very narrow place, a child might wade
across it without difficulty.

About mid-day the workmen having finished the canoe, the luggage was
presently put into it, and between twelve and one they embarked with
their people, and were launched out into the river. The direction of
this branch was nearly east and west, and they proceeded some
distance down the stream for the purpose of getting into the main
branch of the Niger, where there was deeper water.

Having encountered a dreadful storm, which threatened to swamp the
canoe, and which obliged them ultimately to take refuge on land, for
the purpose of sheltering themselves from the violence of the
tornado, they came to a place, where, a short distance from the
water's edge, the country was thickly studded with clusters of huts,
which altogether are called the village of Sooloo. They took up their
quarters in a large hut, which was nearest the landing place. They
were treated with much hospitality by the natives, who did all in
their power to render their short stay as agreeable as possible. The
old chief of the village accompanied them to the water's edge, when
they quitted their hut for the purpose of embarking, and enjoined
"the king of the canoe," to be particularly careful of his charge.
"Careful," answered the man, "to be sure I will, do I not know that
white men are more precious than a boat load of eggs, and require as
much care to be taken of them." The Landers entreated the same man a
short time afterwards, to be more active and diligent in the
management of his canoe, for he was rather inclined to be lazy, and
suffered every canoe to go before their own, but he replied gravely,
"Kings do not travel so fast as common men, I must convey you along as
slowly as possible."

About eleven a.m. on the following day, they landed at the foot of a
small village, on the east bank of the river, where the horses and
men had arrived before them. They rested under a large tree an hour
or two, awaiting the arrival of the carriers from the city of
Yaoorie, who had been sent for on the preceding day, by one of the
Boossa messengers that had charge of their horses. These men arrived
at the village, between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, and
they immediately mounted and rode onwards. On attaining the summit of
a steep hill, they rode over a very narrow pathway so much overhung
by an impenetrable thorny shrub, that there was no room for more than
one man to walk. This led them to the wall of Yaoorie, and they
entered the city through an amazingly strong passage, in which was an
immense iron door, covered with plates of iron, rudely fastened to
the woodwork. They were almost exhausted with fatigue on their
arrival, insomuch that they excused themselves from visiting and
paying their respects to the sultan, and they were conducted to a
convenient habitation, which had been prepared for them. They soon
obtained an introduction to the prince, whom they had been so
desirous to visit. After passing through a low dark avenue, and being
kept long standing in a yard, they were conducted into another area,
resembling that of a farm establishment. Here they discovered the
sultan sitting alone in the centre of the square, on a plain piece of
carpeting, with a pillow on each side of him, and a neat brass pan in
front. His appearance was not only mean, but absolutely squalid and
dirty. He was a big-headed, corpulent, jolly-looking man, well
stricken in years, and though there was something harsh and
forbidding in his countenance, yet he was generally smiling during
the conference. He showed considerable dissatisfaction, because
neither Clapperton nor Lander had paid their court to him on their
previous journey, and still more on being informed that their means
of making a present had been reduced very low by the rapacity of the
chiefs already visited. In regard to Park's papers, he merely
replied, with an affected laugh, "How do you think that I could have
the books of a person that was lost at Boossa?" Afterwards being
pressed upon the subject, he despatched an Arab to inform them, that
he declared to God in the most solemn manner, that he had never had
in his possession, nor seen any books or papers of the white
travellers that perished at Boossa. Thus it appeared, that his
overture upon that subject to Clapperton, by which the Landers had
been so unguardedly lured, was a mere pretext to induce them to visit
him, and bestow a portion of the valuable articles with which they
were understood to be provided. His whole conduct was in perfect
unison with this first specimen of it. He did not, indeed, absolutely
rob them, but there was no artifice so petty that he did not employ
it, in order to obtain the few commodities which still remained in
their possession. Wishing to purchase some things, he induced the
Landers to send them, desiring that they should affix their own
price; he then said they asked too much, on which pretext he delayed,
and in a great measure evaded paying for them at all. The travellers,
in their ill-judged confidence in his friendship, requested him to
furnish a boat, in which they might descend the Niger. He replied,
they might have one for a hundred dollars, but being unable to
command that sum they were finally obliged to apply to their friend,
the king of Boossa, whom they had so unreasonably distrusted, and who
cheerfully undertook to supply their wants.

The city of Yaoorie is of prodigious extent, and is supposed to be as
populous as any other in the whole continent, or at least that part
of it which is visited by the trading Arabs. Its wall is high and
very excellent, though made of clay alone, and may be between twenty
and thirty miles in circuit, and it has eight vast entrance gates or
doors, which were well fortified after the manner of the country. The
residence of the sultan, as well as the houses of many of the
principal inhabitants of the city, are two stories in height, having
thick and clumsy stairs of clay, leading to the upper apartments,
which are rather lofty, and, together with rooms on the ground floor,
have door-ways sufficiently large to enable a person to enter without
putting himself to the inconvenience of stooping. The principal part
of the houses is built in the circular or coozie fashion, but the
inhabitants have a few square ones, and the sultan's are of no
regular form whatever. It may be considered somewhat singular, that
the majority of the natives of western and central, and it may be
said, also of northern Africa, moisten the floors of their huts, and
the inside of their walls with a solution of cow dung and water, two
or three times a day, or as often as they can find the materials.
Though disagreeable to the smell of an European, this keeps the
interior of a dwelling as cool as it is dark.

The Landers were anxious to expedite their departure, but the sultan
sent word to inform them that he would be occupied _three days_ in
writing to the king of England, and he would, therefore, thank them
to remain in Yaoorie till the expiration of that period. On the
following day, however, the sultan told them in plain and decisive
terms, that he could not send them either by way of Koolfu or Guarie,
because the Fellatas were in both of those places, and their fate
then would soon be decided. He wished, however, to be expressly
understood, that it was from no disinclination on his part to send
them to either of those places, but that his great regard for them
would not permit him to lead them into danger. Now the Landers knew
very well that the Fellatas had not the superiority either in Koolfu
or Guarie; the natives of the latter place, in particular, having
long since cut off the heads of all the Fellatas that could be found
in their country, and from that time they had enjoyed the most
perfect independence. The sultan of Yaoorie further said, that the
best thing he could do, was to send them back again to Boossa, and
from thence he was certain they might have liberty to go anywhere.
The moment they found this to be his intention, they returned to
their house, and having formed their resolution, they instantly
despatched one of their men with a message to the king of Boossa, to
the following effect:

"That finding their presents insufficient to defray their expenses on
the road to Guarie and Bornou, they were under the necessity of
returning to the salt water to obtain more. That the chief of
Badagry, who is governor of that part of the coast, at which they had
landed, had treated them so very ill, while they were with him, that
he would detain them in his town for the remainder of their lives, if
they were to return by the way they had come, and by so doing, that
they should be unable to avoid falling into his power. Besides which,
the journey thither was so long that they should experience the same,
or even greater inconvenience than if they were to proceed to Bornou
through Catsheenah. Under these circumstances, they were extremely
desirous of travelling to the salt water by a shorter and safer
route, and would therefore prefer going by Fundah, as the easiest and
likeliest means of accomplishing that end. But as they had heard that
the road to that kingdom by land was infested with Fellatas, who live
by plunder and violence, they should feel infinitely obliged to him
(the king of Boossa,) if he could either sell or lend them a canoe to
proceed thither by water, and if so, that they would remunerate him
to the utmost of their ability."

They awaited the return of their messenger With considerable anxiety,
and if an unfavourable answer were returned, they were resolved,
instead of proceeding to Boossa, to push on to Guarie, and thence to
Funda, as they originally intended, whatever might be the
consequence.

After the usual lapse of time, the Boossa messenger returned, and to
their unspeakable joy, informed them that the king had consented to
procure for them a canoe, to proceed to Funda, provided the road by
land could not be depended on. He, however, candidly stated his
inability to protect their persons from insult and danger beyond his
own territories, and that they must solicit the good will of the
prince of Wowow, and the other rulers on the banks of the Niger, and
further, that their own men alone must manage the canoe, because no
one at Boossa would be willing, for various reasons, to accompany
them on the journey. They were, therefore, in a fair way of
accomplishing the object of the expedition. The sultan of Yaoorie,
however, put off their departure from day to day, and from week to
week, under a variety of nonsensical excuses, and they were persuaded
that it was his intention to detain them, until he had drained them
of every thing that was valuable. On Monday the 26th of July,
however, to  their surprise and pleasure, a messenger from the king
of Boossa arrived, to ascertain the reason of such unwarrantable
conduct on the part of the sultan, and to request their immediate
release. One of the inducements urged by this monarch for their
longer stay with him, was rather whimsical. He had made them a
present of a quantity of worthless feathers, which he had caused to
be plucked from the body of a live ostrich, and because he
entertained an opinion that if others were added to them, they would
altogether form a very acceptable present to the king of England, he
informed them that it would be necessary they should wait till such
time as the ostrich should regain its plumage, in order for that part
of its body, which had not been previously plucked, to undergo a
similar operation, for the weather, he asserted, was much too cold
for the bird to lose all its feathers at one and the same time, and
further to encourage their growth, he would order that two thousand
kowries worth of butter, (about twelve pounds weight,) should be
diligently rubbed into the skin of the animal. This was, however, an
arch trick on the part of the sultan, for he was indebted to the
Landers in a considerable sum for some buttons, which he had
purchased of them, and this butter affair was intended as a kind of
set-off, as the sultan said he did not approve of paying for the
butter out of his own pocket. On the 1st August, the sultan sent a
messenger to inform them that they were at liberty to pay their
respects, and take their farewell of him previously to their
departure from the city, which they were assured should take place on
the following day, without any further procrastination or delay. They
were glad to obey the summons, for such they considered it, and on
their arrival at his residence, they were introduced into a large,
gloomy, uncomfortable apartment; a number of swallows' nests were
attached to the ceiling of the room, and their twittering owners,
which were flying about in all directions, fed their young without
interruption, and added not a little to the filthiness of the unswept
and unclean apartment. The conversation during the interview was as
uninteresting and spiritless, as their conversations with other
native rulers had always been. The sultan, however, could not pay his
debt, but by way of another set-off he offered them a female slave,
which was just as much use to them as the ostrich feathers, however,
the sultan was resolved to pay them in that species of coin, and
therefore they took the lady, and old Pascoe immediately adopted her
as his wife.

On Monday the 2nd, all was hurry, bustle, and confusion, in getting
their things ready for their departure, and after the beasts had been
laden, and the people had their burdens on their head, they had to
wait for the sultan's long expected letter to the king of England. A
mallam was at length perceived hurrying towards them with it, and
after him came the venerable Arab chief, to honour them with his
company a little way on their journey. This crafty old man was not
their friend, for he had used them deceitfully, and misrepresented
them and their goods to his master, and they enjoyed an innocent kind
of revenge, in administering to him, after repeated applications, a
powerful dose of medicine, which though harmless in its effects, had
yet been very troublesome to him. Indeed it was not till they had
"jalaped" the sultan, his sister, and all the royal family, that they
were permitted to take their farewell of Yaoorie.

The following is the letter of the sultan of Yaoorie, as it was
translated into English by A. O. Salame:

"Praise be to God, and blessings and salutations be unto that
(prophet), since whom there has been no other prophet.

"To our friend in God, and his apostle (Mahommed), the prince of the
English Christians; salutation and mercy, and blessings of God, be
unto you, from your friend, the sultan of Yaouri, whose name is
Mahommed Ebsheer. Perfect salutation be unto you, (and) may God cause
your mornings and evenings to be most happy, with multiplied
salutations (from us).

"After our salutation unto you (some) ostrich feathers will reach
you, (as a present,) from the bounty and blessings of God (we have in
our country), and we, together with you, thank God (for what he has
bestowed). And salutation be unto your hired people, (your suite) and
peace be unto our people, who praise God.

(Signed,) From the
PRINCE OF YAOURI."

Of this letter, Mr. Salame says, that it is the worst of the African
papers which he had seen, both as to its ungrammatical and
unintelligible character. Indeed, his Yaourick majesty seemed to be
sadly in need of words to make himself intelligible. It must be
remarked, that the words between parentheses are not in the original,
but supplied by the translator for the purpose of reducing the letter
to some kind of meaning.



CHAPTER XXXVI.

Owing to the reputed badness of the path, that by which the Landers
had entered Yaoorie, was rejected for a more northerly one, leading
in almost a direct line to the river Cubbie. About mid-day they
arrived at the walls of a pretty considerable town, called Guàda, and
halted near a small creek of a river flowing from Cubbie, and
entering the Niger a little lower down. Here, as soon as they had
taken a slight refreshment, they sent their beasts across the Niger
to proceed by land to Boossa, and embarked in two canoes, which were
each paddled by four men. On entering the Niger, they found it
running from two to three miles an hour, and they proceeded down the
river till the sun had set; and the moon was shining beautifully on
the water, as they drew near to a small Cumbrie village on the
borders of the river, where they landed and pitched their tent. The
inhabitants of many of the numerous walled towns and open villages on
the banks of the Niger, and also of the islands, were found to be for
the most part Cumbrie people, a poor, despised, and abused, but
industrious and hard-working race. Inheriting from their ancestors a
peaceful, timid, passionless, incurious disposition, they fall an
easy prey to all who choose to molest them; they bow their necks to
the yoke of slavery without a murmur, and think it a matter of
course; and perhaps no people in the world are to be found who are
less susceptible of intense feeling, and the finer emotions of the
human mind, on being stolen away from their favourite amusements and
pursuits, and from the bosom of their wives and families, than these
Cumbrie people, who are held in general disesteem. Thousands of them
reside in the kingdom of Yaoorie, and its province of Engarski, and
most of the slaves in the capital have been taken from them.

As they proceeded down the Niger by a different channel from that by
which they had ascended it to Yaoorie, they had fresh opportunities
of remarking the more striking features on its banks. The river, as
might naturally be expected, was much swollen, and its current more
impetuous, than when they passed upon their voyage to Yaoorie. In the
earlier part of the evening they landed at a small Cumbrie village,
and their canoes were pulled upon a sandy beach for the night in
security.

At seven o'clock on the following morning, they were once more upon
the Niger, and about noon they observed a herd of Fellata cows
grazing on the banks of the river, and a very short distance from
them, they saw an immense crocodile floating on the surface like a
long canoe, for which it was at first mistaken, and watching an
opportunity to seize one of the cows, and destroy it by dragging it
into the river. As soon as the terrific reptile was perceived by the
canoemen, they paddled as softly as possible towards him, intending
to wait at a short distance till the crocodile should have
accomplished his object, when they agreed to pull rapidly towards the
shore, and reap the fruit of the reptile's amazing strength, by
scaring him off from his prey, or destroying him with harpoons, for
the skin of the crocodile is not in this country considered
impenetrable. Their intentions were, however, frustrated by the
sudden disappearance of the crocodile, which dived the moment he
perceived the canoe so near him, making a loud plashing noise, and
agitating the water in a remarkable manner in his descent. They
waited some time, in hopes he would rise again, but they were not
again gratified with the sight of the monster.

A short time afterwards, they landed at Warree, which is the most
celebrated market town in the dependency of Engarski, and consists,
of several clusters of huts, encircled by a dwarf clay wall. The
market was attended by many thousands of people from different parts
of the country. Vast numbers of canoes, filled with people and goods,
were passing from one side of the Niger to the other, and the
countenances of both buyers and sellers betrayed a very anxious and
business-like expression. As soon as the curiosity of the Landers was
fully satisfied, they crossed over to the Boossa side of the river,
and landed at a small walled town called Garnicassa, which was
inhabited by the Cumbrie people, and situated about five miles north
of Boossa. At no great distance from this place, and within sight of
it, all the branches of the Niger meet, and form a beautiful and
magnificent sheet of water, at least seven or eight miles in breadth,
and it excited the surprise of the Landers, to know what became of so
extraordinary a body of water, for at Boossa, the river is no more
than a stone's throw across, and its depth is in proportion to its
narrowness, but about an hour's walk from thence, it again becomes a
noble river, and maintains its width, it was reported, even to Funda.
This singular fact favours the opinion, that a large portion of the
waters of the Niger is conveyed by subterraneous passages from the
town of Garnicassa to a few miles below Boossa.

The travellers pursued their journey along the banks of the Niger,
although the path was filled with water, and broken up by the force
of the rains. After an hour's ride they drew near to the walls of
Boossa, and soon arrived at the drummer's house, which had been their
former residence. Here they found the midiki on her knees to receive
and welcome them back again to Boossa in the name of the king, but
they were not permitted to enter and take possession of their old
apartments, for the queen conducted them to other huts, which formed
part of the cluster inhabited by the Fellatas. In the evening they
were visited by the king, who said, he had been apprehensive that
they required a little repose and quietness after their journey, and
therefore he did not like to intrude on them before. They were not
long domiciliated in their new dwelling, before they were informed
that the drummer's wife had excited the envy of the queen, by wearing
round her neck a smart gilt button, which had been given to her, and
that was the only reason why they were not allowed to occupy their
former lodgings in her house. Yet to be even with her _fair_ rival,
the queen had extracted from her little sheep-skin box, wherein they
had been confined for a quarter of a century, a small number of round
and flat golden ornaments, with which she adorned her sable bosom,
and thereby totally eclipsed the transitory splendour of the button
belonging to the drummer's wife.

In a conversation with the king, he intimated to them that it would
be necessary for them to visit Wowow, previously to their going to
Funda, because the prince of that state had already made war on Kiama
on their account, and captured a few of the people. The king,
himself, repeated  to them the promise which he had made to their
messenger, that he would furnish them with a canoe sufficiently large
to contain the whole of their people and themselves; but still some
doubts arose in their minds, and should a canoe be denied them, after
all that the monarch had said, it was their determination to take a
canoe of their own accord, and steal away from Boossa by night. The
king expressed his fears that the personal safety of the travellers
would be endangered by the Fellatas, who resided on each side of the
river; but Pascoe answered his majesty by  telling him, that the
English were the  gods of the waters, and no evil could befal them in
boats, even though all Africa, or the whole world should fight
against them. "I will, however," said the king, in reply, "go down
and ask the _Becken ronah_ (dark or black water, which the Niger is
every where emphatically styled) whether it will be prudent and safe
for the white men to embark on it or not, and I will be sure to
acquaint you and them of my success, be it good or bad."

The following day the king intended to question the Niger, and the
great hope of the Landers was, that the river would return a
favourable answer.

The Landers were not ignorant that a present to an African king will
generally effect wonders, it will even make the Niger return a
favourable answer to an inquiry which, but for the present, would
have been adverse. They therefore acted politically, and sent the
king as a present, one of those beautiful silver medals which were
cast during the American war, to which, was attached a large and
valuable chain of the same metal; assuring the sable king at the same
time, that he might now consider himself as the king of England's
most particular friend, and that he could not make a more suitable
return, than by assisting them them in their plan of journeying to
the salt water by way of the Niger.

The present had the desired effect, for on the following day the king
came to them with great joy, and informed them that he had been down
to the Niger with his mallam, and that the result of his visit was
highly favourable to their wishes as well as to his own, the river
having promised to conduct them in safety its termination.

The Landers during their stay at Boossa, had to depend in great
measure upon their own resources for their maintenance, their chief
food consisting of guinea fowls and partridges, for their stock of
articles, wherewith they could barter for provisions, was nearly
exhausted. The market was already overstocked with buttons, needles
were unsaleable; all their bits of coloured cloth were disposed of,
and indeed almost every thing that _would_ sell, reserving to
themselves a few articles of some value as presents to the different
chiefs along the banks of the Niger. Amongst other trifles disposed
of, were several tin cases, which contained worthless and unpalatable
portable soups, &c. These were labelled with slips of tin, which
though rather dull and dirty, nevertheless attracted the admiration
of many, and they were highly diverted to see one man in particular
walking at large, and strutting about with "concentrated gravy,"
stuck on his head in no less than four places. He appeared quite
proud of these ornaments, and was simpering with pleasure wherever he
went.

The travellers left Boossa on the 11th August, and directed their
course for Wowow, and having travelled a few miles, they crossed in a
canoe a branch of the Niger, forming a pretty little river, and
running nearly west, and is said to encompass the whole of Wowow.
After a journey of about twelve miles, they entered the city of Wowow
through the western entrance, and by desire, they galloped swiftly
towards the king's residence, and fired off a couple of pistols as a
signal of their arrival. The customs of this monarch were the most
singular that had been yet observed in Africa. He came out to welcome
the travellers, but it was contrary to etiquette for him to speak, or
to enter into any kind of conversation, nor is any foreigner
permitted to speak, whatever might be his rank, unless in presence of
the representative of the chief from whom he last came. In the wall
on each side of the entrance of the town was a large niche, in one of
which the king stood fixed and motionless, with his hands clasped
under his tobe, and supported on his bosom; and round a pole, which
had been placed erect in the other niche, a naked youth had entwined
his legs, remaining in breathless anxiety to be a spectator of the
approaching interview.

While the king remained in the above position, without moving a
single muscle, and which lasted till the Boossa messenger made his
appearance, a singing woman drew near the person of her sovereign,
and began to exercise her vocation in a tone of voice that displayed
any thing but sweetness or melody, and so loud and shrill as to
frighten away the birds from the trees near the spot.

The Boossa messenger, who had been so anxiously expected, at length
arrived, and the spell, which had bound every one to the spot was
dissolved in a moment; they were then conducted to the king, and
formally introduced to him, but the grave eccentric old man shook
hands with them, without taking them from the tobe in which they had
been enveloped, or even condescending to look in their faces, for he
never made it a practice to raise his head above a certain height,
fearing that he should discover the person to whom he might be
conversing gazing full in his countenance, to which he had a very
strange, but unconquerable antipathy; the interview lasted but a
moment, and they were hastily conducted to the house which was
occupied by the late Captain Clapperton.

On the following  morning, Richard Lander carried the presents to the
king. The monarch appeared well pleased and cheerful, and expressed
himself perfectly satisfied, though in a few minutes afterwards he
despatched a messenger to inquire if they had not brought any coral
beads with them from England. In compliance with the request which
Richard Lander made to him, the king informed him, that he would sell
them a canoe with the greatest pleasure. He was convinced, he said,
that they would return in safety to their country by way of the
Niger, which did not contain a single rock from Inguazhilligee to
Funda.

It was the earnest, and oft repeated desire of the chief of Wowow,
while they resided in the town, that they should return from Boossa,
and spend the approaching holidays with him, to which they thought
proper to accede, indeed the old man had behaved so well to them,
that they did not like to make an ungrateful return. But his sister,
the midiki, was jealous of her brother, because they had given him so
good a character, and she said, she was apprehensive he might obtain
from them more than she was willing he should have, and, therefore,
she not only set her husband's mind against the measure, but she
slandered and defamed his character most shamefully. This despicable
vice of slander is universal in Africa, the people all speak ill of
each other, from the monarch to the slave. They now found that they
should be compelled to remain in Boossa, till the period arrived for
their final departure from the country.

The expected messenger arrived from Wowow, with full power to treat
with the midiki for the purchase of the canoe, and although the
Landers were the parties most concerned in the business, they were
not allowed to say anything about it. The bargain was, however, soon
concluded; they were to give both their horses for the canoe, and if
the king of Wowow should fancy the animals to be more than equivalent
to the value of the boat, he promised to send them the balance in
money (kowries). This was infinitely better than they could have
managed the business themselves, indeed they could not have contrived
matters half so well, for they had previously made a present of the
youngest of the horses to the king of Boossa, but most likely, owing
to Pascoe's misrepresentation, or rather his misinterpretation, the
monarch was not made sensible of the circumstance. The canoe was to
be sent to them in a day or two, when they determined to prepare her
for the water without delay.

On Wednesday, August 25th, they despatched one of their men, named
Ibrahim, to Coulfo, with their ass and a number of needles to sell.
The king also sent a messenger with him, who was commissioned to
visit all the towns and villages on the Nouffie side of the river, as
far as the Fellata town of Rabba, and to request their chiefs and
governors, in the name of the king of Boossa, to suffer them to pass
down the river without injury or molestation.

The following is a singular trait in the African character. Not
having any good salt, they sent Pascoe's wife to the king to request
the favour of a little unadulterated salt, because there were such a
great quantity of ashes, and other spurious ingredients, mixed up
with that which is publicly sold in the markets, that they never
could eat it with pleasure. Both the king and queen embraced the
opportunity of admiring the shape and beauty of the salt box, and
spoke in rapturous terms of the lustre of its appearance, and the
ingenuity of its contrivance. "Allah! how wonderful," said they,
"even the most trifling articles belonging to the white men, are fit
for the use of the mightiest kings. Alas! Allah has given them all
the glory and riches of the world, and its knowledge, and left none
whatever for black men."

The king was affected! He thrust the vessel into the pocket of his
tobe, smoothed it down with his hand, looked melancholy, and said,
"How nicely it fits! what a beautiful thing! how convenient it would
be in travelling." He then took it out again, turned it round and
round, opened and shut it repeatedly, and then bestowing on it a last
commendation, as outrageously as any of the former, it was returned
filled with genuine salt. Who could not understand the meaning of all
this? Now this handsome salt cellar was of latten, and was formerly a
common round tinder box, and because they had nothing better for the
purpose, they deprived it of the candlestick on its cover a short
time before, and converted it to its present use. The tin, moreover,
had been burnt off from many parts of it, and Pascoe's wife not being
an admirer of cleanliness, it had lost much of its original
brightness. The king's encomiums were nothing more than an indirect
and ingenious solicitation of the article for his own use; which was
further apparent by desiring the woman to relate to the Landers, no
part of the conversation that had passed between them: or in other
words, that she should tell them every syllable. They could not help
admiring the delicacy of the king, and sent back the tinder box to
him immediately. The bearer was rewarded handsomely for his trouble,
and they received as many thanks, as when he accepted the silver
medal and chain which they had presented to him.

It is by such means as this, that the chiefs and rulers of this
country, ashamed of making a direct application for any thing in the
possession of the travellers, to which they may have taken a fancy,
endeavour to obtain it. If, however, the hint does not succeed in
making a visible impression, less delicate measures are presently
resorted to, and when every other expedient fails, they cast aside
the reserve and bashfulness which had influenced them at first, and
express their meaning in language which cannot be misunderstood. In
this respect, the chiefs and governors are all alike, from Badagry to
the metropolis of Yaoorie.

On the 31st, a messenger with a canoe arrived from the king of Wowow,
but it was so very small, that it was wholly inadequate for their
purpose. This was a most provoking circumstance, because a larger
canoe was to be procured, which could not be done without a
considerable loss of time. In fact, between the chief of Wowow and
his sister, the midiki, the travellers were completely taken in. The
horses given in exchange to the prince of Wowow for this sorry canoe,
were large, handsome, and superior animals, worth in England at least
sixty pounds, and the article they got in exchange for them was not
worth so many pence. They heard that boats of a considerable size
were kept at a small town on the banks of the Niger called Lever, and
thither they resolved to proceed as soon as the Boossa messenger
should have returned from Rabba, and get a canoe prepared with as
much expedition as possible.

The Landers were now weary of their protracted stay at Boossa, and
urged the king to hasten their departure, and after many scruples and
much hesitation, he at length appointed the second day of the moon,
that being, according to his opinion, the happiest and luckiest of
all days. He could not, however, forbear expressing his deep regret
at their determination to leave Boossa before the return of his
messenger from Nouffie, as it might be detrimental to their own
personal interests, and his own reputation also might suffer, if any
thing should befal them on the river, but he had already given his
word for their departure, and from that promise he would not swerve.
On the same afternoon they wished to pay their respects to the king,
previously to their departure, which they understood was to take
place on the following morning; but to their surprise, he asserted
that the moon would not be discernible that evening, and, therefore,
that the following Monday would be the day of their departure. The
moon, however, _did_ shine fairly in sight of all the people;
nevertheless, they made no further remark to the prince on the
subject, thinking it might confuse and irritate him.

Every thing was now got ready for starting. As it was not their
intention to call at many inhabited places on the banks of the Niger,
they provided themselves with a great quantity of provisions, which
consisted chiefly of three large bags of corn, and one of beans.
They had likewise a couple of fowls and two sheep, so that they were
of opinion, they should have food enough for all hands for three
weeks or a month at least. To add to their stock, the king and
midiki between them, gave them a considerable quantity of rice,
honey, corn, and onions, and two large pots of vegetable butter,
weighing not less than a hundred pounds.

To their now unspeakable joy, the long expected and wished for
messenger arrived from Rabba, accompanied by two messengers from the
king of Nouffie, who were to be their guides as far as Rabba, after
passing which city, all the Nouffie territory to the southward, was
under the government of Ederesa and his partisans. "The magia," said
the Boossa ambassador, "was delighted with the intelligence, that
white men were to honour his dominions with their presence, and as a
proof of his friendly disposition towards you, and his interest in
your welfare, he has not only sent his son as your companion and
guide, but he has likewise despatched a messenger to every town on
the banks of the Niger, either considerable or unimportant, even as
far as Funda, which is beyond the limits of the empire, and he is
commissioned to acquaint their inhabitants of the fact of your
intention of proceeding down the river, and to desire them to assist
you with their encouragement and support, as far as it lies in their
power to do."

After some little consideration, the Landers knew not whether they
ought to feel pleasure or regret, thankfulness or indifference, at
the arrival of these men, and the occasion which brought them
thither; at the time, they could only foresee that they would be a
heavy burden on their funds, and as it happened, that they had the
utmost difficulty in the world to support themselves, it would cause
them additional trouble, expense, and uneasiness, to provide them
with the bare necessaries of life. The king, however, had but one
feeling on the subject, and that was unbounded delight; he capered
round his hut with transport, when he saw their guides, and heard
the message which they had to deliver, and after a burst of joy, he
began to cry like a child, his heart was so full. "Now," said he,
when he had become more composed, "whatever may happen to the white
men, my neighbours cannot but acknowledge that I have taken every
care of them, treated them as became a king, and done my best to
promote their happiness and interests. They will not be able,"
continued the monarch with exultation, "they dare not have the
effrontery to cast at me a reproach, like that which they bestowed on
my ancestor; I can now safely entrust the white men to the care,
protection, and hospitality of a neighbouring monarch, who, I am
convinced, if not for my sake, at least for his own, will receive and
entertain them with every mark of distinction and kindness, and feel
that towards them I have done my duty, and let my neighbours see to
it, that they do theirs."

On Monday, the 20th September, all were on the _qui vine_ at a very
early hour, ransacking their lumber, packing it up, and turning it
out into the yard, whence it was conveyed to the water side. About
breakfast time, the king and queen arrived at their hut, to pay them
a farewell visit, and bestow upon them their last blessing. They
brought with them two pots of honey, and a large quantity of goora
nuts, strongly recommending them to present the latter to the Rabba
chieftain, for that nothing which they might have in their
possession, could so effectually conciliate his favour, procure them
his friendship, and command his confidence.

It was nine o'clock in the morning when they arrived at the river
side, where they found two canoes lying to receive their goods, which
were quickly loaded. They had, however, been but a short time on the
water, when they discovered that the smaller canoe, in which were six
individuals and a number of sheep belonging to the Nouffie
messengers, was over-laden, and in danger of sinking, and that both
were very leaky, insomuch that it required three men to be constantly
employed in baling out the water to keep them afloat. To lighten the
smaller canoe, they took a man from her into their own, and
afterwards they proceeded more safely, and with less apprehension,
yet they were obliged to put into a small island, called Malalie, to
get it repaired, for they were afraid to proceed any further with the
small canoe, on account of the rocks, and the velocity of the
current.

According to their estimation, the current was here running at the
rate of five or six miles in an hour, and the bed of the river was
full of rocks, some of which were only a few inches below the surface
of the water, which occasioned it to make a loud rushing noise, and
forewarn the canoe man of his danger. They now passed the boundaries
of Boossa, on the eastern side of the river, and entered the
dominions of the king of Nouffie. Towards evening they came to
Inguazhilligee, having passed just before, a very large and pleasant,
but straggling town, called Congie. Inguazhilligee is the first town
on the Wowow ground, all above, on the western bank of the Niger,
belonging to Boossa. Journeying along for a quarter of an hour
without stopping at any place, they put into a market town, on a
large and beautiful island, called Patashie, just in time to save
themselves from a heavy shower. Here they were obliged to remain
until the return of the messenger, whom they landed in the middle of
the day, and sent to Wowow, for the purpose of informing the king of
their departure from Boossa, and their intention to reside at
Patashie till it might please him to send the large canoe, which they
had purchased of him. They were now out of the protection of the
friendly monarch of Boossa, who would have nothing further to do with
them.

Patashie is a large, rich island, unspeakably beautiful, and is
embellished with various groves of palm and other noble trees. It is
tributary to Wowow, though it is inhabited solely by Nouffie people,
who are considered honest, active, laborious, and wealthy. The hut in
which they resided, exhibited a scene of revelry and mirth more
becoming a native inn than a private dwelling.

The chief of the island, accompanied by the four messengers from
Boossa and Nouffie, and several of his own people, all dressed "in
their holiday best," paid them a visit in the earlier part of the
morning, and out of compliment, it was supposed, remained with them
till the evening, with the exception of a short absence in the middle
of the day, during all which time they were employed in swallowing
palm wine, which is procured in the island in great plenty, and in
telling nonsensical stories. The Landers were heartily glad when they
said it was time to depart, and having shaken hands with the ardour
of drunkards, they took their leave, staggered out of the hut, and
all went laughing away.

They were about to close their hut for the night, when a messenger
arrived from the king of Wowow, with news not at all to their liking.
He informed them that they were anxiously expected in that city from
Boossa at the time of the holidays, and because they did not come
agreeably to their promise, the prince could not conceal his chagrin,
and was exceedingly angry, not only with the king of Boossa, who was
the cause of their absence, but also with themselves. The messenger
informed them that his sovereign had most certainly procured for them
a canoe, which was laid up at Lever, but that if they wished, or
rather if they were determined to have their horses back again, the
king would send them in compliance to their wishes, "for who," said
he, with much emphasis, "would presume to assert that the monarch of
Wowow would keep the property of others? It would not be paying him
that respect," he continued, which his rank and situation demanded,
were the white men to leave his dominions and the country altogether,
without first coming to pay him their respects, and he would
therefore entreat them to pay a visit to Wowow for that purpose, or
if both of them could not leave Patashie, he requested that Richard
Lander would come and bid him adieu, because he had not done so when
his illness compelled him to leave his city.

The monarchs of Boossa and Wowow seemed to entertain very different
opinions regarding the journey of the Landers. The former insisting
on the necessity of their proceeding down the Niger on the eastern or
Nouffie side, and the latter making use of strong language to
persuade them that the Yarriba side of the river would be the most
convenient, the most agreeable, and the safest; and if they would
make up their minds not to attend to the king of Boossa's advice, he
would send a messenger with them, who should protect them even to the
sea. This difference of opinion, they were apprehensive would involve
them in a thousand perplexities, yet they could only be guided by
circumstances.

At Boossa, they experienced the greatest difficulty and trouble in
procuring the bare necessaries of life, but in the flourishing
Patashie, provisions  were sent to them from the chiefs of the two
islands in such abundance, that half of them were thrown to the dogs.
The natives of all ages displayed the greatest anxiety to see the
white men, and large crowds assembled every day, and waited from
morning to night patiently till they had gained the object of their
visit. However, they were all as timid as hares, and if the Landers
happened to look fixedly in their faces for a moment, most of them,
more especially the females and the junior classes of both sexes,
started back with terror, as if they had seen a serpent in the grass;
and when the Landers attempted to walk near any of them, they ran
screaming away, as though they had been pursued by a lion, or were in
danger of falling into the jaws of a crocodile, so horrified were
these poor people at the bare sight of a white man, and so frightful
did their imaginations picture him to be.

On Friday, September 24th, Richard Lander landed for the purpose of
proceeding to Wowow, and took possession of a house on the banks of
the river, which had been prepared for him. The king of Wowow's
messenger accompanied him, and having got everything ready as soon as
he could, he commenced his journey to the city.

On his arrival at Wowow, he was too much fatigued to pay his respects
to the sovereign, but on the following day, he had prepared himself
for the visit to the king's house, but to his great surprise the
eccentric old man excused himself from being seen on that day, on the
plea that he had taken a ride in the morning to see his gardens, and
the exercise had so much tired him, that he felt no inclination
whatever to receive his visitors till the following day. It was,
therefore, not until the 26th, that he granted Lander an audience,
and he then said with the greatest indifference, "I have not yet been
able to procure you the canoe which I promised to get, but I have no
doubt that the ruler of Patashie will have it in his power to supply
you with one to your satisfaction, for which purpose I will send an
express to that island without delay, whom I will furnish with the
necessary instructions to effect an immediate purchase."

Finding that nothing definitive could be arranged relative to the
canoe, Lander prepared to take his departure, but previously to his
setting out, he requested the monarch to show him his collection of
charms, which were written on sheets of paper, glued or pasted
together. Amongst them he discovered a small edition of Watts' Hymns
on one of the blank leaves of which was written, _Alexander Anderson,
Royal Military Hospital, Gosport_, 1804. From the Wowow chieftain, as
well as from his good old brother, and their quondam Abba, Richard
and his attendants received the most liberal hospitality, and on his
taking his leave of them, they wished him farewell in the most
cordial and affectionate manner.

On the return of Richard Lander to Patashie, preparations were
instantly made for their departure, but after all their luggage had
been packed up in readiness, information was brought them from the
chief, that they could not start until to-morrow, because the Niger
would receive a great influx of water during the night, which would
be considerably in their favour. To raise any objection to this
arrangement was considered as wholly useless, and therefore they
quietly awaited the coming of the following day.

Between eight and nine in the morning, horses were brought from the
chief and his nephew to take the Landers to the water side, where
their luggage had been previously conveyed. Here they had to wait a
considerable time till the canoes were brought from another part of
the island, there being but one got ready at the time of their
arrival. On the arrival of the canoes, and all their things had been
removed into them from the beach, they were desired to ride to a
landing place further down the island, because of the rocks, which
were reported to intercept the stream at a little distance from the
place whereon they stood, and to be very dangerous for canoes that
were heavily laden. The venerable governor of Patashie, to whom they
were under so many obligations, preceded them on the footpath,
walking with a staff, and they reached the appointed place of
embarkation exactly at the same moment as the canoes. After thanking
all the friends that had accompanied them, they jumped on board, and
pushed off from the shore, cheered by the natives that were present.

The current bore them rapidly along, and having passed down in front
of one or two towns on the banks of the river, they came in sight of
Lever, which was the place of their destination, it being about
twenty miles from Patashie.

Their surprise was, however, great indeed, when instead of the proper
person whom they expected would have received them, they were
welcomed on shore by a man called Ducoo, who represented himself as
the agent and confidential friend of the prince of Rabba, but their
surprise was not a little increased on learning that a party of forty
or fifty armed Fellata soldiers were also in the town. Ducoo treated
them with the courtly politeness of a Frenchman, and was equally
lavish in his compliments and offers of service; he walked with them
to the chief of the town, to whom he took the liberty of introducing
them, almost before he knew himself who or what they were; went
himself and procured excellent lodgings for them, returned and sat
down in their company to tell them some droll stories, and impart to
them in confidence some very disagreeable news; then hastily arose,
went out, and came back again with a sheep and other provisions,
which he had obtained by compulsion from the chief, and finally
remained with them till long after the moon had risen, when he left
them to their repose.

The Landers now began to discover that they had been egregiously
imposed upon, for in the first place they found, after all, that
Lever did not belong to the king of Wowow, though it stands on his
dominions, nor had that monarch a single subject here, or a single
canoe, so that they were as far as ever they were from getting one,
and with the loss of their horses to boot. They now found to their
cost that they had been cajoled and out-manoeuvred by those fellows
of Boossa and its adjoining state, whom they falsely conceived to be
their dearest and best black friends. They had played with them as if
they were great dolls; they had been driven about like shuttlecocks;
they had been to them first a gazing stock, and afterwards were their
laughing stock, and, perhaps, not unlikely their mockery; they had
been their admiration, their buffoons, their wonder and their scorn,
a by-word and a jest. Else why this double dealing, this deceit,
this chicanery, these hollow professions? "Why," as Richard Lander
says, "did they entrap us in this manner? Why have they led us about
as though we had been blind, only to place us in the very lap of what
they imagine to be danger? For can it be possible that the monarchs
of Wowow and Boossa were ignorant of the state of things here, which
is in their own immediate neighbourhood, and which have continued the
same essentially for these three years? Surely," concludes Lander,
"they have knowingly deceived us."

The Landers were now placed in a most unpleasant predicament; they
could not possibly obtain a canoe according to the promise of the
king of Wowow, and to take those which had been lent them by the
chief of Patashie, appeared such a breach of confidence, that they
could not prevail upon themselves to commit it, but the necessity of
the case pleaded strongly in their favour. They had not the means of
purchasing the canoes of the chief of Patashie, as the king of Wowow
had adroitly managed to exhaust them of nearly all their resources;
but when they began to talk of prosecuting their journey in the
canoes belonging to the chief of Patashie, the canoe men stoutly
resisted their right: fortunately, however, for them, their busy,
restless friend Ducoo interfered on their behalf, and soon silenced
their remarks, by threatening to cut off the head of him who should
presume from that time to set foot in either of the canoes; and in
order to give his menace the greater weight, he stationed two of his
men to guard the forbidden boats till the sun went down, with drawn
swords, and during the greater part of the night, another of his men
paraded up and down the banks of the river near the spot as a watch,
and this man kept up a noise by continually playing on a drum.

The four messengers, who had accompanied them from Wowow and Boossa,
had hitherto been a great encumbrance upon the Landers, as their
maintenance was by no means inconsiderable, at the same time, they
were themselves in some measure dependent upon the native chiefs for
their support. They were, therefore, heartily rejoiced to get rid of
them, and having been paid their stipulated wages, they left the town
in company to proceed to Wowow.

The question of the canoes was, however, by no means settled, for the
Landers were on a sudden surprised by the arrival of a small party of
men, who arrived in a canoe, from the chief of the island of Teàh,
with a message to them, purporting that the canoes which they had, to
the infinite surprise of the chief, detained at Lever, did not belong
as was supposed, to his friend, the chief of Patashie, but were his
own property, and as he did not acknowledge the authority of Wowow,
but had ever been subject to the king of Nouffie, he considered that
they could have no right whatever to the canoes in question, and,
therefore, he entreated them to return the canoes by the hands of his
messengers. The chief of Teàh asserted, that he had lent them,
because he was willing to oblige the white men and his own neighbour,
but he did not conceive it possible that they could make so
ungrateful and unkind a return for his hospitality, and the respect
and attention which it had been his pride and pleasure to show them.
For their own parts, they could not forbear acknowledging the truth
and justice of the observations of the Teàh chieftain, and blaming
themselves for the step they had taken. They said further, that
whatever might be the consequence, they had not the slightest
objection to restore the canoes to their rightful owner; and provided
the men from Teàh could obtain the consent of Ducoo, the priest, to
take them away, they were at liberty to do so whenever they might
think proper. But this, they were by no means disposed to do, for
they both feared and hated Ducoo, and, therefore, they bribed the
Nouffie messenger with a large sum of money to assist them in their
project, and purposed taking away both canoes in the night time by
stealth. These intentions were, however, frustrated by the watchful
vigilence of Ducoo, who had mistrusted them long before they were
made known to the Landers, and when he had actually detected their
plans, he ordered the canoes to be pulled up on shore, two hundred
yards at least from the water's edge, and observed with vehemence,
"That after what he had done, should they again be launched into the
water and taken away, he would instantly tie a rope round the necks
of the chief of the town, and the Nouffie messenger that had accepted
the bribe, and in that humiliating state, they should be driven like
beasts to their sovereign, the magia."

On Friday the 3rd October, they were desired to get their things
packed up, for that they would be allowed to proceed on their journey
on the following morning. In pursuance of that arrangement, they had
got all their luggage in readiness, and only waited the coming of the
chief to take their departure, when to their great regret, one of his
messengers entered their hut to apprise them, that they would be
unable to depart until to-morrow, his master having been dissuaded
from his original purpose by the officious, bustling priest, their
friend and enemy. They submitted to their disappointment as patiently
and silently as they could, and in the evening they obtained a solemn
promise, that whatever might be the consequence, no one should divert
him from the resolution he had formed of detaining them longer than
that day, and that early on the following morning they should
certainly depart.

Their surprise and displeasure may, however, be guessed, when after
their goods had been removed from the hut into the yard, they were
informed, that they would be compelled to remain in the town yet
another day, notwithstanding all that the chief had told them on the
day preceding. Their patience was now completely exhausted, and they
were in great anger, for it was disheartening to be always deceived
and trifled with by such scoundrels. Repairing, therefore, to a hut,
in which they knew the chief passed the greater part of his time,
they discovered him sitting on the ground in company with the artful
Ducoo and the Nouffie messenger, and engaged in a very high dispute
with both of them. Their unexpected and abrupt intrusion, in a moment
cut short their wrangling, and they spoke with much emphasis of the
shameful manner in which they had been treated, and expressed their
determination of leaving Lever in a few hours, in defiance of them
and all their power. With the most insolent effrontery in the world,
Ducoo smiled at them, and replied, that they were entirely in his
power--that they should do as _he_ liked, and quit the town whenever
he thought proper.

Such language as this they thought rather too bold, and they
pretended to be in a violent passion, and quickly undeceived him on
that point, threatening that if either he or any of his men, should
presume to interfere with them in their intention; or proceedings
or attempt to hinder them from getting away from the town, they would
feel no more hesitation nor reluctance in shooting him, than if he
had been a partridge or a guinea hen. The priest, who had never
before seen any thing in them but mildness, was intimidated at the
determined and resolute behaviour they had found it necessary to
adopt; in a moment he was crest-fallen, and from being one of the
most boisterous and consequential fellows in the world, became quite
passive: yet his presence of mind did not forsake him, he stammered
out a kind  of apology, attempted to soothe them by soft language and
submission, in which he found little difficulty, and did all in his
power to effect a reconciliation. Having settled this business, the
Landers went out, and assembling their men, attempted to draw their
canoe to the river side, but the ground was even, and the boat so
long and heavy, that notwithstanding all their exertions, they could
move her only a few inches towards the river. The people were ashamed
of themselves to see them labouring so hard, and to so little
purpose, and Ducoo likewise, observing them, was convinced that they
were in earnest, therefore, whispering a few words in the ear of the
chief, they both came down to the spot, where they were toiling at
the canoe, followed by a number of men; these, with the priest at
their head, took the work out of their hands, and in less than two
minutes the boat was floating on the water. Their luggage was then
conveyed into the two canoes, and shortly afterwards they were
supplied with three men to paddle them, with the assistance of their
own. Here they took their farewell of the chief and the priest, the
latter begging them very anxiously to speak well of him to his
sovereign at Rabba.

It was not till after they were all in the canoes, and ready to push
off, that those on shore discovered them to be overladen, and
recommended them to hire one of immense size, which was lying
alongside. Without stopping to make them any reply, or listen to any
further nonsense, they desired their own men to push the boats out
into the middle of the current, which was done very promptly, and the
town of Lever, with its chief and inhabitants, was speedily out of
sight and soon forgotten.

About one o'clock they landed at a considerable large and spacious
town, called Bajiebo, inhabited by Nouffie people, although, it is
situated on the Yarriba, or western side of the river. For dirt,
bustle, and nastiness of all kinds, this place exceeded anything they
had ever seen before. For two hours after their arrival they were
obliged to wait in a close diminutive hut, till a more convenient and
becoming habitation could be procured for their reception, and the
pleasure of the chief with regard to them should be known. They were
much incommoded by visitors, who scarcely allowed them to move or
breathe, which, joined to the heat of the weather and the
insufferable stench, rendered their situation truly comfortless and
distressing.

They were at length removed from this horrible hole, and conducted to
a hut in the heart of the town, in which wood fires had been burning
the whole of the day, so that the wall was almost as warm as the
sides of a heated oven, insomuch that it could scarcely be endured.
Yet, to render it more unpleasant still, a large closely woven mat
was placed before the door way, in order to prevent a thousand eyes
from staring in upon them, and which excluded every breath of air.
Their feelings during the whole of the night, were more distressing
than could be conceived; they were almost suffocated with the
closeness and intense heat of the room, and dreamt that they were
being baked alive in an oven.

Bajiebo is a flourishing and important trading town, although not
walled, and one of the largest and most populous that they had yet
seen. The huts are erected so close to each other, and with so little
regard to comfort, and a free circulation of air, that there is
scarcely a foot path in the town wide enough for more than one man to
walk on at a time, and not having the advantage of shady trees, the
heat of the town was excessive and distressing.

The power of the Fellatas was here evidently very great. One of their
number was styled chief, and had more authority and influence than
the native ruler. They were obliged to make a present to each of
these individuals, and other high and mighty personages were likewise
desirous of obtaining a similar favour at their hands, but they made
light of their conversation, and would not understand their enigmas.
Before sunrise on the 5th October, their luggage was removed
to the beach, and between six and seven o'clock they were once more
upon the water. In the course of an hour after leaving Bajiebo, they
passed by two towns of considerable extent, and in about an hour
afterwards they arrived at an extensive town called Lechee, inhabited
by Noufanchie, and said to be a place of considerable rank and
consequence. Here they landed by express desire, and finding an empty
grass hut near the spot, they entered and took possession of it, till
such time as the chief should be made acquainted with their arrival.
Here also their canoe men left them and returned to Bajiebo, where
they had hired them.

They were not suffered to wait long, but in a few minutes received an
invitation from the chief to come and see him; and having walked
through a good part of the town, they at length approached his
residence, and were introduced without ceremony or hindrance, into a
large and lofty hut, where they discovered the chief sitting on a
platform of mud, in great state, with about forty natives and
Fellatas in earnest conversation on each side of him. He received
them with great civility, and many demonstrations of gladness, and
desired them to draw near his person, that he might have a better
opportunity of looking at and talking to them. He appeared, however,
unwilling for them to quit Lechee till the following day, and pressed
them strongly to remain with him for the day, which, however, not all
his solicitations nor importunities could induce them to accede to.
After some trifling conversation, and a long and pithy harangue from
a Fellata, they took their leave of him and his people, and instantly
made their way back to the water side, where they waited in the grass
hut for the appearance of the canoe men, with whom the chief had
promised to supply them. After a considerable delay, a man for each
canoe could only be procured, so that two of their own people were
obliged to supply the place of others, as well as they could. Having
got into their canoes, they pushed off from the shore, and proceeded
at a good rate down the stream, along the side of a considerable
island, which was within gunshot of the town, and after passing a
large open village of respectable appearance, which was on the
western bank, they put in at a small town, a few miles below, also on
the Yarriba side of the river, where they were constrained to go in
quest of other canoe men, because those from Lechee, though they had
been with them only forty minutes, and had certainly not laboured
very hard, had refused to proceed with them any further, nor could
all their enticements induce them to forego the resolution which they
had taken. The Landers were detained in their canoes for an hour and
a half, exposed to a scorching sun, in order to obtain fresh canoe
men. They at last proceeded on their journey, and in the evening
arrived at a fishing town on a small island, which was called Madjie,
and belonged to the Noufanchie. Here they were received with
cheerfulness by the chief, who accommodated them with a roomy hut,
sent them a quantity of dressed provisions, and otherwise treated
them in the most hospitable manner.

At nine in the following morning, they landed near a small town to
procure a fresh supply of canoe men, and having obtained them, they
journeyed along the eastern side of the river, and in a few hours
afterwards, they perceived the smoke of the far-famed Rabba ascending
many miles before them. They stopped for a short time at a low, flat,
swampy island called Belee, and visited a mean, dirty-looking town,
where they were in a short time introduced to the chief, who,
according to the report of their messenger, was a great, rich, and
important personage. He informed them, that Mohammed, the magia's
son, who had left them at Patashie, had returned from his father, in
pursuance of his agreement, but instead of remaining at Rabba, as
they had expected, he had come over to Belee, and had been waiting
three days on the island in expectation of their arrival. The
governor further informed them, that they would be obliged to remain
at Belee, till the return of Mohammed to the island, for he had news
of importance to communicate to them. "To-morrow," he said, "you will
leave hence, and proceed to another island, which is further down the
river, wherein it is arranged that you shall abide till your affairs
be finally adjusted." There was some mystery about this information,
which was unexpected by the Landers, and not very gratifying to them.

It was the evening before Mohammed returned to Belee, and he
presented himself before them in a dripping state, with an excuse,
that he had been upset in a canoe two or three times. After the first
salutation was over, he informed them of his visit to his father, and
its result. The magia had desired him to assure them of his best
wishes in their welfare, and his determination to protect, support,
and encourage them, as far as he was able. Mohammed then drew their
attention to a young man, who had entered the hut with him, but whom
they had not before observed, and introduced him as a messenger sent
to them by the Fellata prince of Rabba. This man said, that his
master, named Mallam Dendo, had commissioned him to acquaint them,
that he heartily concurred with the king of Nouffie in the favourable
opinions  and  sentiments which the latter entertained for them. With
respect to their visiting Rabba, which he understood they were very
much disinclined to do, he should not urge them, and rather imagined
that they would be more comfortable and enjoy greater tranquillity,
on an inland on the opposite side of the river, where he would
recommend them to stop. The Fellata messenger concluded by observing,
that they would be visited on the morrow by _the king of the dark
water_, who would escort them to the island in question, of which he
was the governor.

As early as five o'clock on the following morning, their canoes were
loaded, and having breakfasted on a slice of yam, they were fully
prepared to quit the island. But as it was not deemed either politic
or proper to go away till the arrival of the great _king of the dark
water_, who was hourly expected, and who might be inclined to
construe their departure into contempt, they consented to await his
coming. Rather, however, than remain in a close black hut, full of
men, whose garments were generally covered with vermin, and rarely if
ever cleaned, and who made it a common practice to sit on the mat
where the two Landers slept, rather than undergo such a nuisance,
they stepped into their canoes, and having pushed off from the land,
they waited the arrival of the king of the dark water under the
branches of a large tree, at a little distance from the town.

Between nine and ten, they heard a number of men singing, and keeping
time to the motion of many paddles, and in a very few minutes, a
canoe, which was paddled by a few men only, came in sight, and they
knew by this that the water king was approaching. It was instantly
followed by another, and much larger one, propelled by above twenty
very fine young men, whose voices they had been listening to just
before, and who were still continuing their song. The king of the
dark water was with them. As the canoe drew nearer, they were not
only surprised at its extraordinary length and uncommon neatness, but
likewise at the unusual display of pomp and show which were
observable in her. In the centre a mat awning was erected, which was
variously decorated, and on the front of it hung a large piece of
scarlet cloth, ornamented with bits of gold lace stitched on
different parts of it. In the bow of the canoe were three or four
little boys of equal size, who were clad with neatness and propriety;
and in the stern sat a number of comely looking musicians, consisting
of several drummers and a trumpeter, whilst the young men, who had
the management of the boat, were not inferior to their companions
either in decency of apparel or respectability of appearance.

As soon as their canoe arrived at the landing place, the water king
came out from beneath the awning, and followed by the musicians and a
suite of attendants, walked to the hut, in which all public matters
were transacted, and whither in a few minutes the Landers were
desired to repair. The chief of the island, with his elders and the
more respectable of the people were seated, on their entrance, on
each side of their important visitor, and the two Landers, as a mark
of distinction, were invited to place themselves in front of him.
When the usual compliments had passed on both sides, he informed
them, with much solemnity, of his rank and title, he then alluded to
the cause of his coming, which he said, was to do them honour, and
repeated what had been previously told them by the king's son. This
being done, he presented them with a pot of excellent honey, and two
thousand cowries in money, with a large quantity of goora nuts, and
which are held in such high esteem that the opulent and powerful
alone have the means of procuring them. Having nothing further to say
or do, they shook hands with his sable majesty, whose name was
Suliken Rouah, expressed their acknowledgement for his handsome
present, and returned to their boats.

It was exactly mid-day when Suliken Rouah re-embarked in his princely
canoe, and quitted the island of Belee. Determined for once to make
an attempt at a more respectable appearance, for heretofore it had
been extremely mean and homely, they hastily constructed an awning of
their sheets. It was the first time they had made use of such a
thing, though they were without umbrellas, and till then had nothing
but slight straw hats to protect their heads from the sun. Above the
awning, they elevated a slender staff, on the top of which they
fastened the national colours, the union flag, which was kindly given
them by a gentleman on the coast, who was commandant of Anamaboo.
When unfurled and waving in the wind, it looked extremely pretty, and
it made their hearts glow with pride and enthusiasm as they looked on
this solitary little banner. They thought it would also be of service
to them, if they made as gay an appearance as the king and his
followers, and accordingly Richard Lander put on an old naval uniform
coat, which he had with him for state occasions, and John Lander
dressed himself in as grotesque and gaudy a manner as their resources
would afford. Their eight attendants also put on new white mahommedan
tobes, so that their canoe, with its white awning, surmounted by the
union flag, their canoe men in new dresses, and themselves appearing
as officers, contributed not a little to the effect of the whole
scene. The august king of the dark water, with his retinue in twenty
canoes, condescendingly gave them the precedence, and theirs was the
first that moved off from land, and led the way down the river
towards Rabba.

For a little while, they continued to take the lead, but the chief
soon went before them for two reasons, first, that he might have an
opportunity of looking at them, and secondly, that they might have a
fairer chance of seeing him in all his state, for which purpose, he
had placed himself outside his awning, on an elevated and conspicuous
seat. However, he only wished to get a few yards before them, for his
canoe men soon lifted their paddles out of the water, and the boat
fell back to its former situation. The musicians in the large canoe
performed merrily on their instruments, and about twenty persons now
sung at intervals in recitative, keeping excellent time with their
paddles.

A brisk wind sprung up the river full in their faces, relieving them
from the extreme heat of the weather, which was remarkably fine; the
scene before them was very animating, and the whole of them were in
high glee and spirits. Other canoes joined them, and never did the
British flag lead so extraordinary a squadron. The king of the dark
water might have been mistaken for a river god, and his wives, now
and then showing their pretty black faces from under the awning, cast
many an arch look at them with their sparkling, jetty eyes.

It was not long before their reverie was interrupted by a great noise
from the adjacent land, and on turning, they perceived the banks of
an island, called Zagozhi, which was lined with numbers of people,
admiring their flag, and watching them very earnestly, by which they
guessed that this was the place of their destination. The island was
so uncommonly low that the houses and trees appeared as if they were
standing in the water, as indeed many of them actually were. Theirs
being the first canoe, before they landed on the island, they waited
for the king to precede them, and the moment he set his foot on
shore, they fired a salute of four muskets and three pistols. The
king of the dark water was rather alarmed at this, and demanded
whether they were going to make war on him, but he was soon relieved
from his fear, by being told that it was an honour that they had been
in the habit of paying to all the princes, whom they had met in their
travels; which he no sooner understood, than he expressed himself
much gratified by their attention.

The king himself went in quest of a dwelling house, and conducted
them to one of the best which the island afforded; it was, however,
miserably bad, for as the town was built on a marsh, every hut in it
had the disadvantage, during the whole of the rainy season, of soft
damp floors, and uncomfortable roofs. Their own hut had positively
pools of water springing up out of the ground. The walls of the hut
were built of mud from the river, strengthened and supported by
wooden pillars, and ribs of the same materials; however, these do not
prevent them from cracking in a hundred different places, and large
chinks, admitting wind and rain, may be observed in the walls of
every hut. They have all a very dirty and wretched appearance,
although their inmates, generally speaking, were understood to be
clean, opulent, and respectable. Having conducted them to the hut,
the chief of the island shook hands with them very heartily, and
assured them they should want for nothing. He soon provided them with
doors of bamboo for their hut, and a number of mats to spread on the
floor, which made it tolerably comfortable. In the evening, four
large calabashes of stewed rice with fowls, and no less than ten
gallons of _petto_ or country beer were sent them.

About seven in the evening, messengers arrived from Rabba, to inform
them that they should come early in the morning for the presents
intended for their chief. They said that the king would not put them
to the trouble of going to see him, as the town was full of Arabs,
whose begging propensities would be very inconvenient to them. The
Landers were much pleased with this intelligence, knowing very well
the character of the Arabs, and they sent back word, that they would
be still more obliged to him, if he would dispense with their going
to the sansan, or camp, at a short distance from the town, to visit
the king of Nouffie.

Rabba stands in an opposite direction to Zagozhi, and appears at the
distance of about two miles, to be an immensely large, populous, and
flourishing town. It is built on the slope of a gentle hill, and on a
spot almost entirely bare of trees; the Niger here flowed in a
direction to the south of east.



CHAPTER XXXVII.

According to their announcement on the preceding day, the messengers
from the chiefs arrived, bringing with them two fine sheep and a
great quantity of rice, and it appeared that they would be required
to give presents to nine people, before they should be able to get
away from the place.

Having prepared the presents, the messengers were collected, and
Richard Lander laid before each of them those that were intended for
their masters, and in order to make them some reward, and secure
their good will, he gave something to each of them, and dismissed
them.

On the following morning they were visited by two young men, Arabs,
from Rabba, one of whom was very eager to claim acquaintance with
Richard Lander, and to bring to his memory certain scenes which had
taken place on his former journey to Houssa. Having in some degree
recovered from his surprise at his salutation, on looking at him more
attentively, he recognized in him the very same individual, that had
been employed by Captain Clapperton, whom he had abused and cheated,
and who was subsequently engaged by Lander himself as a guide from
Kano. He was the same person also, who decamped with Captain Pearce's
sword, and a large sum of money in kowries. The fellow, however, on
being taxed with his dishonesty, made very light of his offence, and
with the utmost effrontery begged every thing that he saw, so that
the Landers lost their temper with the scoundrel, and turned him out
of the hut in disgust. He, however, could not believe that they were
in earnest with him, "Oh, it must be all sport," said he, but at last
they threatened to shoot him, if ho did not go about his business,
and being apprehensive that they would put their threats into
execution, he ran off as fast as he could.

The market at Rabba is very celebrated, and considered by traders as
one of the largest and best in the whole country, of which it may be
styled the emporium. On one market day, between one and two hundred
men, women, and children were exposed for sale in ranks and lines,
like the oxen at Smithfield. These poor creatures had for the most
part been captured in war. The price of a strong healthy lad was
about forty thousand kowries, (£8 sterling,) a girl fetches about
fifty thousand, and perhaps more, if she be at all interesting. The
value of men and women varies according to their age, and abilities.

The situation of the travellers now assumed a critical aspect, for
early one morning, Mallam Dendo, the old king of Rabba sent for
Pascoe in a great hurry, with a message that he was waiting
impatiently his arrival at Rabba, having something of the utmost
consequence to communicate. As may be easily conjectured, the Landers
were rather surprised at this unexpected summons, and waited Pascoe's
return with much anxiety, for they had no doubt whatever, that
themselves were principally concerned in it. When, however, he _did_
come back, and entered the hut, he looked very wistfully, and
informed them with considerable agitation both of voice and manner,
that Mallam Dendo had expressed to him the greatest dissatisfaction
at the things which he had received from them as presents, declaring
them to be perfectly worthless, and with the exception of the
looking-glass, "fit only for a child," that he well knew they could
have sent him something more useful and of greater value, if they had
thought proper; but that if they persisted in their refusal to do so,
he should demand of them their guns, pistols, and powder, before he
would consent or permit them to leave Zagozhi.

This news made them very uneasy and unhappy, and they sat down in
gloom and thoughtfulness without uttering a word, for they believed
this to be a death-blow to all their hones. To part with the only
defensive weapons in their possession, they felt determined not to
do, for they knew if they were to be deprived of them, they should be
entirely in the power of a set of fellows remarkable neither for
generosity nor nobleness of principle, without the means of helping
themselves, and they resolved never to part with their guns, unless
compelled to do so by the most urgent necessity. Having reflected
deliberately on their situation, they felt convinced that something
on their part must be done by way of conciliation, if they had any
intention of quitting the country, and of prosecuting their
enterprise. On a sudden, they thought of Mr. Park's tobe, which was
given to them by the king of Boossa, and they hoped that in
consequence of the splendour of its appearance, and its intrinsic
value, it might prove an acceptable present to the covetous prince,
and be the means of effecting a perfect reconciliation between them.
They therefore immediately despatched Ibrahim with it to Rabba,
although their hearts misgave them at the time, that it would, after
all, be thought lightly of, as an excuse for further extortions.

In this, however, they were agreeably disappointed, for in less than
two hours after his departure, Ibrahim returned from his errand with
a quick step and cheerful looks, and informed them that the tobe was
accepted by the prince with rapturous admiration. By this present
they had made him their friend for ever. "Ask the white men," said
he, "what they would desire, and if Rabba can supply them with it,
tell them they shall always have it. Well," he continued, "I must
purchase this tobe, I will not accept it as a gift; that would be
against my principles, and besides, it would be wrong for me to be
guilty of such injustice. Now I shall be something like a king," he
added, turning the tobe inside and out; "let no man know of it, my
neighbours will behold me with envy, and as for my own people, I will
surprise them some morning by putting it on when they are going to
war: it will dazzle their eyes. How great will be their
astonishment?" In this manner the king of the Fellatas talked to
Ibrahim.

On the following day, Pascoe was sent to Rabba, well tutored by his
masters, and in consequence of the offer made by the king to make
them any compensation for the handsome tobe, Pascoe informed him,
that the first wish of the white men was to obtain a large canoe, and
to pursue their journey on the Niger as fast as possible. He promised
to settle the business of the canoe, and sent some presents to the
Landers, which at the time were very acceptable.

They had, however, scarcely got over the dilemma with the king of
Rabba, than a messenger arrived to that monarch from the king of
Nouffie, who had despatched him privately to Mallam Dendo, with an
intimation to him, that if it met with his approbation, he (the
magia) would order the white men to be detained at Zagozhi, until
they would consent to make him a present of a certain number of
dollars, or something equivalent to them in value; that he
disbelieved the story of their poverty altogether, and would
therefore search their luggage, in order to discover whether their
assertion were true or false, that they had no greater presents to
make.

So much dissimulation, meanness, and rapacity, which this trait in
his character exhibited, they had little reason to expect from the
king of Nouffie, after expressing for them so warmly and repeatedly
as he had done, protestations of the most cordial, candid, and
lasting friendship. They could not forbear feeling very indignant at
this foul breach of the laws of hospitality and good faith, which
previously to this act, they had experienced in every part of the
country. Perhaps it was well that they had presented the prince of
Rabba with Mr. Park's tobe, for he treated the message and its bearer
with contempt, and answered energetically, "Tell the magia, your
sovereign, that I would rebuke him for this expression of his
sentiments, and that I detest his base insinuations; that I will
never consent to his wishes, and that I reject his proposal with
disdain. What! shall the white men, who have come from such distant
lands to visit our country, who have spent their substance amongst
us, and made us presents before we had leisure to do any good for
them, shall they be treated so inhumanly? never! They have worn their
shoes from their feet, and their clothes from their persons, by the
length and tediousness of their journeys; they have thrown themselves
into our hands, to claim our protection and partake of our
hospitality; shall we treat them as robbers, and cast them from us
like dogs? Surely not. What would our neighbours, what would our
friends--our foes say to this? What could be a greater reproach than
the infamy, which would attach itself to our characters, and to our
name, should we treat these poor, unprotected, wandering strangers,
and white men too, in the manner your monarch, the king of Nouffie
proposes? After they have been received and entertained with so much
hospitality and honour in Yarriba, at Wowow, and at Boossa, shall it
be said that Rabba treated them badly? that she shut her doors upon
them and plundered them? No, never! I have already given my word to
protect them, and I will not forfeit that sacred pledge for all the
guns and swords in the world." Such was the answer of a man whom we
call a savage--it was worthy of a prince and a Christian.

It was now high time that their journey should be completed, for
their goods were very nearly exhausted, and so far from being in a
condition to make further presents, their means were scarcely
adequate to procure the bare necessaries of life. Their stock of
cloth, looking-glasses, snuff-boxes, knives, scissors, razors, and
tobacco pipes, had been already given away, and they had only needles
and a few silver bracelets left, to present to the chiefs whom they
might reasonably expect to fall in with on their voyage down the
Niger.

The population of Zagozhi cannot well be estimated on account of its
lowness, and the prevailing flatness of the country round, on which
neither a hillock nor eminence of any kind can be discerned. However,
it must be immense, and the Landers considered it to be one of the
most extensive and thickly inhabited towns, as well as one of the
most important trading places in the whole kingdom of Nouffie, not
excepting even Coulfoo.

Having at length received permission to quit Zagozhi on the following
day, to pursue their journey down the Niger, they made the necessary
preparations for their departure. They were in hope of obtaining a
canoe capable of holding the whole of their party, as it would be a
much more satisfactory arrangement for them, and more convenient than
two small ones. The chief of the island promised to send a messenger
with them as far as Egga, which was the last town down the river
belonging to the Nouffie territory. The chief was, however, unwilling
to part with a canoe under any consideration, yet as a token of his
friendship and regard, he offered to spare them one for twenty
thousand kowries, in addition to their own canoe, which they had
brought from Patashie. A messenger from the prince of Rabba arrived
just after this proposal had been made to them, with full powers to
treat with the "King of the dark water" for the canoe. In a short
time, he returned from his errand, with the pleasing intelligence of
his having succeeded in obtaining the long-talked-of canoe, and which
was to be in readiness to receive them on board at an early hour on
the following morning.

On Friday, October 16th, they rose at an early hour, to pack up their
clothes, and to get their luggage ready for embarkation. But when
this was all done, they met with a sudden and unforeseen
embarrassment, for the sable king of the dark water laughed at the
idea of giving them a canoe on the faith of receiving payment from
the prince of the Fellatas, and at first, he even refused to deliver
up their own canoe, which they had brought from Patashie, and which
they had kept with so much anxiety and trouble. At length, however,
he consented to restore to them all their property, and the whole of
the articles were accordingly moved into the canoes.

When all this was done, and they were quite ready to start, the old
chief came down to the water side to bid them farewell, according to
his avowed purpose, but in reality to offer them a commodious canoe
in exchange for their own, if they would consent to give him ten
thousand kowries in addition to them. They had fortunately realized a
sufficient number of kowries from the sale of needles at Rabba, and
while Richard Lander was shifting the things from their own canoe
into another, John Lander walked back with the old chief to his
residence, where he found all the people of the house gathered round
the trunk of a large tree, which was burning in the hut. Here he paid
the chief ten thousand kowries for the canoe, which having done, he
rejoined his brother at the water side.

The canoes made here are of a particular description, very much
resembling what are called punts in England, but are perfectly
straight and flat bottomed. They are generally formed out of one log
of wood, and are of an immense size; that which the Landers
purchased, was about fifteen feet in length and four in breadth, but
they are sometimes made nearly as large again. To this offer the
Landers most willingly acceded, and as soon as all the goods were
transferred into the purchased canoe, they found, after all, that it
was not nearly large enough for their purpose, independently of its
being extremely leaky, and patched up in a thousand places; they had
been prevented from perceiving the canoe's defect before, by the
excitement of preparation, and the hurry of departure. They now saw
that they had been cheated by the artful king of the dark water, but
rather than enter into an interminable dispute on the subject, which
might involve them in further difficulties, they held their peace and
put up with the imposition without a murmur; after, getting all their
luggage into her, they waited for the arrival of a messenger, who was
to have accompanied them a little way on their journey, but as he did
not come, they resolved to depart without him, so bidding farewell to
the king of the dark water, and hundreds of spectators who were
gazing at them, they fired two muskets, and launching out into the
river, they were soon out of sight of Zagozhi.



CHAPTER XXXVIII.

They paddled along the banks at a distance of not less than thirty
miles, every inch of which they had attentively examined, but not a
bit of dry land could anywhere be discovered, which was firm enough
to bear their weight. Therefore, they resigned themselves to
circumstances, and all of them having been refreshed with a little
cold rice and honey, and water from the stream, they permitted the
canoe to drive down with the current, for their men were too much
fatigued with the labours of the day to work any longer. But here a
fresh evil arose, which they were unprepared to meet. An incredible
number of hippopotami arose very near them, and came plashing and
snorting and plunging all round the canoe, and placed them in
imminent danger. Thinking to frighten them off, they fired a shot or
two at them, but the noise only called up from the water, and out of
the fens, about as many more of their unwieldy companions, and they
were more closely beset than before. Their people, who had never in
all their lives been exposed in a canoe to such huge and formidable
beasts, trembled with fear and apprehension, and absolutely wept
aloud; their terror was not a little increased by the dreadful peals
of thunder, which rattled over their heads, and by the awful darkness
which prevailed, broken at intervals by flashes of lightning, whose
powerful glare was truly awful.

However, the hippopotami did them no kind of mischief whatever; no
doubt at first when they interrupted them, they were only sporting
and wallowing in the river for their own amusement, but had they
upset the canoe, the travellers would have paid dearly for it.

Having travelled, according to their own computation, a distance
little short of a hundred miles, they stopped at a small
insignificant fishing village called _Dacannie_, where they were very
glad to land. The Niger here presented a very magnificent appearance;
and was reckoned to be nearly eight miles in breadth.

Whilst they were at breakfast, under the shelter of a tree, the
promised messenger from Zagozhi arrived, and introduced himself to
them. He said that he had followed their track during the night, and
had heard the report of their guns, but though he strove to come up
with them, yet he had not been able.

It was between nine and ten in the morning, that the guide desired
them to proceed onwards, promising to follow them in a few minutes.
With this arrangement they cheerfully complied, and instantly pushed
off the shore, for of all persons, a messenger is the most unpleasant
companion; he is fond of procrastination, sullen when rebuked, and
stops at every paltry village wherein he fancies that he can levy his
contributions without the fear of interruption.

The messenger, whom they had left at Dacannie, soon overtook them,
and kept company with them till they drew near to two cities of
prodigious extent, one on each side of the river, and directly
opposite each other. To that lying on the right, the guide expressed
his intention of going, and endeavoured to entice the Landers with
many promises to accompany him there, but they refused, for they had
formed a resolution to husband their resources to the utmost of their
ability, and consequently to land at little hamlets only, where they
might do just as they pleased, without being amenable for their
actions to those powerful beings, who are styled "the mighty" of the
earth.

They now took leave of the Zagozhi messenger, who promised to follow
them as before, and in an hour afterwards they put into a small
village, situated on an island called Gungo, the natives of which
appeared to be a mild, inoffensive, quiet, and good-natured people.
About sunset, the inhabitants of the whole island, amounting to about
a hundred men, women, and children, dressed in very decent apparel,
and headed by their chief, a venerable old man, paid them a visit.
The chief was dressed in the mahommedan costume, and he arranged his
people, and made them sit down round the hut which the Landers
occupied, in the most orderly manner. The men evinced no alarm, but
the women and pretty little plump-faced children were much frightened
at their white faces, and seemed not a little glad to get away.
Before they retired, they distributed about two hundred needles among
them, and they went away highly pleased with their present.

At Zagozhi, they had been strongly recommended to put into a large
and important trading town called _Egga_, which was reported to be
three days journey down the river from thence, and they had been
promised a guide or messenger to accompany them thither, but they had
neither heard nor seen any thing of him since the preceding day. From
motives of prudence, however, they thought proper to make inquiries
concerning the Egga, of which they had been told, lest by any means,
they should pass it without seeing it.

About mid-day they touched at a large village to inquire whereabouts
Egga lay, and they were informed that they had not a long way to go.
They journeyed onwards for about an hour, when they perceived a
large, handsome town, behind a deep morass. It was the
long-sought-for Egga, and they instantly proceeded up a creek to the
landing place. The town was upwards of two miles in length, they
halted a few minutes before landing, no one having conveyed
intelligence of their arrival to the chief. A young Fellata was the
first who invited them on shore, and they despatched Pascoe to the
chief to tell him who they were, and what they wanted. He quickly
returned, saying that the old chief was ready to receive them, and
they immediately proceeded to his residence.

In a few minutes, they arrived at the Zollahe or entrance hut, in
which they found the old man ready to receive them. They discovered
him squatting on a cow's hide, spread on the ground, smoking from a
pipe of about three yards long, and surrounded by a number of
Fellatas, and several old mallams. They were welcomed in the most
friendly and cordial manner, and as a mark of peculiar distinction,
they were invited to seat themselves near the person of the chief. He
looked at them with surprise from head to foot, and told them that
they were strange-looking people, and well worth seeing. Having
satisfied his curiosity, he sent for all his old wives, that they
might do the same; but as they did not altogether relish so much
quizzing, they requested to be shown to a hut. A house, "fit for a
king," to use his own expression, was speedily got ready for their
reception, and as soon as he had learnt with surprise, that they
subsisted on the same kind of food as himself, they were led to their
dwelling, and before evening received a bowl of tuah and gravy from
his wives. They were soon pestered with the visits of the mallams and
the chief's wives, the latter of whom brought them presents of goora
nuts as a sort of introduction to see them. As soon as the news of
their arrival spread through the town, the people flocked by hundreds
to their hut, for the purpose of satisfying their curiosity with a
sight of the white people. The mallams and the king's wives had given
them trouble enough, but the whole population of Egga was too much
for them, so that they were literally obliged to blockade the
doorways, and station three of their people at each to keep them
away.

The Landers were extremely anxious to expedite their departure from
Egga, for although the old chief was extremely kind and hospitable,
yet the annoyance from the natives was more than could be borne; for
they never could have a moment of rest, their windows and doorways
being blocked up by visitors, so that they were literally prevented
from inhaling the fresh air, but were like prisoners in a cage to be
examined and quizzed by every one, who thought they could pass their
jokes with impunity.

Having expressed their intention of continuing their journey, the
elders of the town remonstrated with them, that it would be highly
dangerous to go by themselves, and endeavoured to persuade them to
alter the arrangement for their own sakes. They promised to procure
them a convoy of traders, if they would consent to wait three days
longer, which was to leave Egga at the end of that time to attend a
famous market called Bocqua. When they sent word to the chief that
they intended departing on the following day, he begged of them to
remain a few days longer, declaring the banks of the river to be
inhabited by people, who were little better than savages, and
plundered every one that came near them. He was then asked, if he
would send a messenger with them, but he refused, saying, that the
Fellata power and his own extended no further down the river; that
Egga was the last town of Nouffie, and that none of his people traded
below it. "If that be the case," said Richard Lander, "it will be as
safe for us to go to-morrow as any other day," and with this
determination he left him.

He then proceeded to give directions for his people to prepare
themselves for starting, when to the great astonishment of himself
and his brother, Pascoe and the mulatto Ibrahim were the only two who
agreed to go, the rest of them refusing to a man. Richard said all he
could to them to change their determination; he talked to them half
an hour, telling them they were cowards, and that his life and that
of his brother were as good as theirs, but he could not make the
slightest impression upon them, and therefore told them to go out of
his sight, and that they would do without them. Partly, however, by
threats, and partly by bribes, the men agreed to accompany them,
although the impression could not be effaced from their minds, that
they were  going where they should be murdered, or at least sold as
slaves.

At length every thing being in readiness, they bade farewell to the
old chief, and several of the principal inhabitants came hurrying
down to the waterside to take their leave, to give them their
blessing, and to wish them a successful voyage. The men at first
paddled sluggishly, and the canoe went slowly through the water, for
which reason they were two hours before they reached the middle of
the river. A few miles from the town, they saw with emotions of
pleasure a seagull, which flew over their heads, which to them was a
most gratifying sight, for it reminded them forcibly of the object
which they had in view, and they fondly allowed it to confirm their
hopes, that they were drawing very near their journey's end.

For many miles they could see nothing but large, open, well-built
villages on both banks of the river, but more especially on the
eastern, yet they touched at none of these goodly places, but
continued their journey till the sun began to decline, when they
stopped at a small hamlet on an island, with the intention of
sleeping there, cut the inhabitants mistrusted their intentions, and
were alarmed at their appearance; they would not even grant them an
accommodation for the night, although they assured them, that the
most homely, the most shattered hut would answer their purpose;
fearing, however, that they might enforce their request, they did all
they could to induce them to proceed onwards a little further, when
they would arrive at a city of considerable importance called
Kacunda, where plenty of provisions could be obtained, and where the
inhabitants would pay the greatest attention to them.

Kacunda is situated on the western bank of the river, and at a little
distance, it has an advantageous and uncommonly fine appearance. The
only access to the town was by winding channels, that interspersed an
unwholesome swamp, nearly two miles in breadth. It was evening when
they arrived there, and the people at first were alarmed at their
appearance, but they were soon welcomed on shore by an old mahommedan
priest, who speedily introduced them into an excellent and commodious
hut, once the residence of a prince, but then the domicile of a
schoolmaster.

Kacunda, properly speaking, consists of three or four villages, all
of them considerably large, but unconnected, though situated within a
very short distance of each other. It is the capital of a state or
kingdom of the same name, which is quite independent of Nouffie, or
any other foreign power. The only dress that the natives wear, is a
piece of cotton cloth round the loins. The women wear small ear-rings
of silver, but use no paint, nor do they bedaub their persons with
any sort of pigment.

On the morning subsequently to their arrival, a large double bank
canoe arrived at Kacunda, and they shortly found that the king's
brother had come in her to pay them a visit. He was saluted on
landing with a discharge from five old rusty muskets. A messenger was
immediately despatched to the Landers, announcing that he was ready
to see them. Their meeting was very cordial, and they shook hands
heartily with him, and explained to him their business. He brought a
goat as a present, and in return Richard Lander presented him with a
pair of silver bracelets, but he did not appear to be much interested
about them, or indeed to care at all for them, but looking round
their room, he perceived several little things to which he took a
fancy, and which being of no value whatever to them, were readily
presented to him.

They had now become great friends, and he commenced giving them a
dreadful account of the natives down the river, and advised them by
no means to go amongst them, but return by the way they had come. He
said to them with much emphasis, "If you go down the river, you will
surely fall into their hands and be murdered." "Go we must," said
Richard Lander, "if we live or die by it, and that also on the
morrow." He was then asked if he would send a messenger with them,
for that he might ensure their safety, coming from so powerful a
person as the chief of Kacunda. But he replied directly, "No, if I
were to do such a thing, the people at the next town would assuredly
cut off his head;" but, he added, "if you will not be persuaded by me
to turn back, and save your lives, at least you must not leave this
by day light, but stop until the sun goes down, and then you may go
on your journey, you will then pass the most dangerous town in the
middle of the night, and perhaps save yourselves." He was asked, if
the people of whom he spoke had muskets, or large canoes. To which he
replied, "Yes, in great numbers, they are very large and powerful,
and no canoe can pass down the river in the day time, without being
taken by them and plundered; and even at night, the canoes from here
are obliged to go in large numbers, and keep close company with each
other to make a formidable appearance in case of their being seen by
them."

The Landers had no reason whatever to doubt this information, and
being aware how little they could do, if they should be attacked by
these formidable fellows, they determined on going at night,
according to the custom of the natives, and proposed starting at four
o'clock on the evening of the morrow. The chief's brother was
apprised of their intentions, at which he seemed quite astonished,
and they doubted not that this determined conduct, which they had
every where shown, and apparent defiance of all danger, in making
light of the dreadful stories, which were related to them, had great
influence on the minds of the people, and no doubt inspired them with
a belief that they were supernatural beings, gifted with more than
ordinary qualifications. Having communicated their intentions to
their friend, and given him all the little trifling things he wished
for, he departed with the present for his brother the chief.

On the following day, he again paid them a visit, urging them by
every argument which he could think of, to defer their departure for
their own sakes for two or three days, in order that canoes might be
got ready to accompany them on their voyage, and he endeavoured again
to impress upon their minds the danger, which they should inevitably
incur, if they were determined to go alone. They, however, paid
little attention to his remarks, further than that they consented to
wait till the afternoon, for a man to accompany them in the capacity
of messenger, to the so much talked of Bocqua market, where, it was
asserted, they should be perfectly safe, and beyond which place the
people were represented as being less rapacious, so that little fear
was to be entertained from them. As  the afternoon approached, they
inquired in vain for the promised guide, and when they found that the
chief, or rather his brother, felt no disposition whatever to redeem
his pledge, they made immediate preparations to leave the town, to
the manifest disappointment of the latter, who made a very dolorous
lament, and did all in his power, except employing actual force, to
induce them to change their resolution.

They now ordered Pascoe and their people to commence loading the
canoe, but the poor fellows were all in tears and trembled with fear;
one of them in particular, a native of Bonny, said, that he did not
care for himself, as his own life was of little consequence, all he
feared was, that his masters would be murdered, and as he had been
with them ever since they had left the sea, it would be as bad as
dying himself, to see them killed.

In pursuance of their plans, on the same afternoon, they bade adieu
to the inhabitants of Kacunda, and every thing having been conveyed
to the canoe, they embarked and pushed off the shore, in the sight of
a multitude of people. They worked their way with incredible
difficulty through the morass, before they were able to get into the
body of the stream, and being now fairly off they prepared themselves
for the worst. "Now," said Richard Lander, "my boys," as their canoe
glided down with the stream, "let us all stick together; I hope that
we have none amongst us, who will flinch, come what may."

They had proceeded some distance down the river, when seeing a
convenient place for landing, the men being languid and weary with
hunger and exhaustion, they halted on the right bank of the river,
which they imagined was most suitable for their purpose. The angry
and scowling appearance of the firmament forewarned them of a shower,
or something worse, which induced them hastily to erect an awning of
mats under a palm tree's shade. The spot for a hundred yards was
cleared of grass, underwood, and vegetation of all kinds: and very
shortly afterwards, as three of their men were straggling about in
the bush, searching for firewood, a village suddenly opened before
them; this did not excite their astonishment, and they entered one of
the huts which was nearest them, to procure a little fire. However,
it happened only to contain women, but these were terrified beyond
measure at the sudden and abrupt entrance of strange-looking men,
whose language they did not know, and whose business they could not
understand, and they all ran out in a fright into the woods, to warn
their male relatives of them, who were labouring at their usual
occupations of husbandry. Mean time, their men had very composedly
taken some burning embers from the fire, and returned to their
masters, with the brief allusion to the circumstance of having
discovered a village. This at the time was thought lightly of, but
they rejoiced that they had seen the village, and immediately sent
Pascoe, Ibrahim and Jowdie, in company to obtain some fire, and to
purchase some yams. In about ten minutes after, they returned in
haste, telling them that they had been to the village, and asked for
some fire, but that the people did not understand them, and instead
of attending to their wishes, they looked terrified, and had suddenly
disappeared. In consequence of their threatening attitudes, Pascoe
and his party had left the village, and hastened back to their
masters.

Totally unconscious of danger, the Landers were reclining on their
mats, for they too, like their people, were wearied with toil, and
overcome with drowsiness, when in about twenty minutes after their
men had returned, one of them shouted with a loud voice, "War is
coming, O war is coming!" and ran towards them with a scream of
terror, telling them, that the natives were hastening to attack them.
They started up at this unusual exclamation, and looking about them,
they beheld a large party of men, almost naked, running in a very
irregular manner, and with uncouth gestures, towards their little
encampment. They were all variously armed with muskets, bows and
arrows, knives, cutlasses, barbs, long spears, and other instruments
of destruction; and as they gazed upon this band of wild men, with
their ferocious looks and hostile appearance, which was not a little
heightened on observing the weapons in their hands, they felt a very
uneasy kind of sensation, and wished themselves safe out of their
hands.

Their party was at this time much scattered, but fortunately they
could see them coming to them at some distance, and they had time to
collect their men. They resolved, however, to prevent bloodshed, if
possible; their numbers were too few to leave them a chance of
escaping by any other way. The natives were approaching fast, and had
nearly arrived close to the palm tree. Not a moment was to be lost.
They desired Pascoe and all their men to follow behind them at a
short distance, with the loaded muskets and pistols; and they
enjoined them strictly not to fire, unless they were first fired at.
One of the natives, who proved to be the chief, was perceived to be a
little in advance of his companions, and throwing down their pistols,
which they had snatched up in the first moment of surprise, the two
Landers walked very composedly and unarmed towards him. As they
approached him, they made all the signs and motions they could with
their arms, to deter him and his people from firing on them. His
quiver was dangling at his side, his bow was bent, and an arrow,
which was pointed at their breasts, already trembled on the string,
when they were within a few yards of his person. This was a highly
critical moment--the next might be their last. But the hand of
Providence averted the blow, for just as the chief was about to pull
the fatal cord, a man that was nearest him rushed forward and stayed
his arm. At that instant the Landers stood before him, and
immediately held forth their hands; all of them trembling like aspen
leaves; the chief looked up full in their faces, kneeling on the
ground; light seemed to flash from his dark rolling eyes; his body
was convulsed all over, as though he was enduring the utmost torture,
and with a timorous, yet indefinable expression of countenance, in
which all the passions of human nature were strangely blended, he
drooped his head, eagerly grasped their proffered hands, and burst
into tears. This was a sign of friendship, harmony followed, and war
and bloodshed were thought of no more. Peace and friendship now
reigned amongst them, and the first thing that they did was, to lift
the old chief from the ground, and convey him to their encampment.

The behaviour of their men afforded them no little amusement, now
that the danger was past. Pascoe was firm to his post, and stood
still with his musket pointed at the chief's breast during the whole
of the time. He was a brave fellow, and he said to his masters, as
they passed him to their encampment with the old man, "If the _black_
rascals had fired at either of you, I would have brought the old
chief down like a guinea fowl." As for their two _brave_ fellows,
Sam and Antonio, they took to their heels, and scampered off as fast
as they could, directly they saw the natives approaching them over
the long grass, nor did they make their appearance again, until the
chief and all his people were sitting round them.

All the armed villagers had now gathered round their leader, and
anxiously watched his looks and gestures. The result of the meeting
delighted them, every eye sparkled with pleasure; they uttered a
shout of joy; they thrust their bloodless arrows into their quivers;
they ran about as though they were possessed of evil spirits; they
twanged their bowstrings, fired off their muskets; shook their
spears; clattered their quivers; danced, put their bodies into all
manner of ridiculous positions; laughed, cried, and sung in rapid
succession; they were like a troop of maniacs. Never was a spectacle
more wild and terrific. When this sally of passion to which they had
worked themselves, had subsided into calmer and more reasonable
behaviour, the Landers presented each of the war-men with a number of
needles, as a farther token of their friendly intentions. The chief
sat himself down on the turf, with one of the Landers on each side of
him, while the men were leaning on their weapons on his right and
left. At first, no one could understand what the Landers said, but
shortly after an old man made his appearance, who understood the
Houssa language. Him the chief employed as an interpreter, and every
one listened with anxiety to the following explanation given by the
chief.

"A few minutes after you first landed, one of my people came to me,
and said that a number of strange people had arrived at the market
place. I sent him back again to get as near to you as he could, to
hear what you intended doing. He soon after returned to me, and said
that you spoke in a language which he could not understand. Not
doubting that it was your intention to attack my village at night,
and carry off my people, I desired them to get ready to fight. We
were all prepared and eager to kill you, and came down breathing
vengeance and slaughter, supposing that you were my enemies, and had
landed from the opposite side of the river. But when you came to meet
us unarmed, and we saw your white faces, we were all so frightened
that we could not pull our bows, nor move hand or foot; and when you
drew near me, and extended your hands towards me, I felt my heart
faint within me, and believed that you were _Children of Heaven_, and
had dropped from the skies." Such was the effect that the Landers had
produced on him, and under this impression, he knew not what he did.
"And now," said he, "white men, all I want is your forgiveness."
"That you shall have most heartily," said the Landers, as they shook
hands with the old chief; and having taken care to assure him that
they had not come from so good a place as he had imagined, they
congratulated themselves, as well as him, that this affair had ended
so happily. For their own parts, they had reason to feel the most
unspeakable pleasure at its favourable termination, and they offered
up internally to their merciful Creator, a prayer of thanksgiving and
praise for his providential interference in their behalf. It was
indeed a narrow escape, and it was happy for them that their white
faces and calm behaviour produced the effect it did on these people;
in another minute their bodies would have been as full of arrows as a
porcupine's is full of quills.

They now ascertained that the place where they now were, was the
famous Bocqua market place, of which they had heard so much talk, and
that the opposite bank of the river belonged to the Funda country.
Their interpreter was an old Funda mallam, who understood the Houssa
language perfectly, and was come to Bocqua to attend the market,
which was held every nine days. The old mallam was asked the distance
from Bocqua to the sea, and he told them about ten days journey. The
Landers then pointed out the hills on the opposite side of the river,
and asked him, where they led to. "The sea," was his answer. "And
where do they lead to?" they inquired, pointing to those on the same
bank of the river as themselves. He answered, "They run along way in
the country we do not know." Their next concern was about the safety
of the river navigation, and they anxiously inquired his opinion of
it lower down, and whether there were any rocks or dangerous places.
As to the river navigation, he satisfied them by saying, that he knew
of no dangers, nor had he ever heard of any, but the people on the
banks, he said, were very bad. They asked him, if he thought the
chief would send a messenger with them, if they were to request him,
even one day's journey from this place. Without the least hesitation,
he answered: "No; the people of this country can go no further down
the river; if they do, and are caught, they will lose their heads."
Every town that he knew of on the banks of the river, was at war with
its neighbour, and all the rest likewise. They then asked him how far
Bornou was from Funda. To which, he replied, "Fifteen days journey."
Here their conversation was interrupted by the old chief, who wished
to return to the village, and the mallam was obliged to accompany
him. They likewise learnt from other persons, that directly opposite,
on the eastern bank, was the common path to the city of Funda, which,
as they had been told at Fof, was situated three days journey up the
Tshadda from the Niger; that the large river which they had observed
on their course, was the celebrated Shar, Shary, or Sharry of
travellers, or which is more proper than either, the Tshadda, as it
is universally called throughout the country. They were also informed
that the smaller stream which they passed on the 19th, flowing from
the same direction, was the _Coodania_.

On Wednesday the 27th October, they made preparations for starting,
and after experiencing rather hostile treatment from the natives,
they arrived at a village called Abbazacca, where they saw an English
iron bar, and feasted their eyes on the graceful cocoa-nut tree,
which they had not seen so long.

It was the intention of the chief of Abbazacca to send a man with
them as messenger, to a large town, of which he said that his brother
was governor, but on maturer reflection, he determined to accompany
them himself, expecting to obtain an adequate reward. In consequence
of the lightness of his canoe, and its superiority to the old one,
which they had got at Zagozhi, the chief passed them with the utmost
facility, and touched at various towns and villages, to inform their
inhabitants of the fact of the Christians journeying down the river,
and that they had come from a country he had never heard of.

In the course of the day they came abreast of a village of pretty
considerable extent, intending to pass it by on the other side; they
had, however, no sooner made their appearance, than they were lustily
hailed by a little squinting fellow, who kept crying out as loud as
is lungs would permit him: "Holloa! you Englishmen, you come here!"
They felt no inclination to obey the summons, being rather anxious to
get to the town mentioned to them by the chief of Abbazacca; and as
the current swept them along past the village, they took no notice of
the little man, and they had already sailed beyond the landing place,
when they were overtaken by about a dozen canoes, and the people in
them desiring them to turn back, for that they had forgotten to pay
their respects to the king. The name of the village was Damaggoo.
Being in no condition to force themselves from the men, who had
interrupted them with so little ceremony, they pulled with all their
strength against the current, and after an hour's exertion landed
amidst the cheers and huzzas of a multitude of people. The first
person they observed at the landing place, was their little friend in
the red jacket, whom they found out afterwards was a messenger from
the chief of Bonny.

Whilst a hut was preparing for them, they were conducted over a bog
to a large fetish tree, at the root of which they were made to sit
down, till the arrival of the chief, who made his appearance in a few
minutes, bringing with him a goat and other provisions as a present.
He put a great many questions respecting themselves and their
country, the places they had come from, their distance up the river,
and also concerning the river itself, and was astonished at their
answers.

They were now conducted through filthy streets of mud to a very
diminutive hut, which they found excessively warm, owing to the small
quantity of light and air, which were admitted into it only through a
narrow aperture, opening into a gloomy and dismal passage. The
appearance of the inside was better than that of the outside, being
rudely plastered with clay, and surrounded with indifferently carved
fetish figures, either painted or chalked a red colour.

As signs of European intercourse, with which the Landers, as it might
be reasonably supposed, were highly delighted, they received from the
chief as a present some fofo, a quantity of stewed goat, sufficient
for thirty persons, and _a small case bottle of rum_, a luxury which
they had not enjoyed since they left Kiama; the latter was a treat
that they did not expect, although it was of the most inferior kind.

Early on the morning of the 28th, the chief paid them a visit,
accompanied by a Nouffie mallam; he gave them a pressing invitation
to come and see him, which was  readily accepted, and on proceeding
to the residence, they passed through a variety of low huts, which
led to the one in which he was sitting. He accosted them with
cheerfulness, and placed mats for them to sit upon, and rum was
produced to make them comfortable withal. He wished to know in what
way they had got through the country, for he had learnt that they had
come a long journey; and after having related to them some of their
adventures, he appeared quite astonished, and promised as far as he
was able to imitate those good men in the treatment of his guests.
When  Antonio, their interpreter, explained to them that they were
ambassadors from the great king of white men, he seemed highly
delighted, and said, "Something must be done for you to-morrow;" and
left them to conjecture for a short time what that something would
be, but they soon learnt that he intended to make rejoicings with all
his people, that they would fire off their muskets, and pass a night
in dancing and revelry. He requested them to wait eight days longer,
when he expected his people back from the Bocqua market. "I think,"
he added, "that the chief of Bocqua's messenger and our people will
be a sufficient protection." The Landers readily assented to his
proposal, and told him that as all their presents were expended, they
would send him some from the sea coast, if he would allow a person to
accompany them thither, on whom he could depend to bring them back to
him. He expressed himself much gratified with this offer, and said
that his own son should accompany them, and that although his people
had never been lower down the river than to a place called Kirree,
about a day's journey from hence, he had no doubt that they should
reach the sea in safety. He then promised with solemnity, that he
would consent to their departure in the time that he had specified,
and having shaken hands, they parted.

The Landers, however, found that the old chief was not so punctual to
his word as they had a right to expect, for he was every day
consulting his fetish and his mallams, and they were all unanimous in
their opinion, that the departure of the white men should be delayed
for a short time. This to them was a most vexatious proceeding. Their
determination of departing was not, however, to be shaken, although
the entrails of some fowls which the chief consulted, declared that
the time of their departure was very inauspicious. According to the
chief's own arrangement, the people of the Landers were to embark in
the leaky canoe, with the heaviest of the luggage, and themselves
were to travel in one of the chief's canoes, and to take along with
them whatever was of most consequence. To this regulation they could
not raise any plausible objection, because their old canoe had been
partially repaired.

A little after four in the afternoon of the 4th November, their
luggage was conveyed to the river side, and they proceeded to load
the canoes. Long before five, every thing on their parts had been got
in readiness for quitting the town, and they sat in the canoe till
after sunset, waiting the arrival of the boatmen, who did not seem at
all disposed to hurry themselves in making their appearance. They
began at length to be wearied with anxiety, and impatient to be
stirring. Hundreds of people had been gazing on them for a long
while, many of whom had taken the pains to come, from different parts
of the town in boats for that purpose and the curiosity of all having
been amply indulged, they were moving off in all directions, so that
the Landers were almost deserted.

At length when their uneasiness was at its height, they saw the chief
advancing towards them with a train of followers. The mallam and all
his principal people were with him, bringing numerous jars of palm
wine. A mat was spread near the water-side, whereon the chief sat
himself, and the Landers were instantly desired to place themselves
one on each side of his person. The palm wine, and some rum were then
produced, and as they were about to take a long farewell of their
hospitable host, they drank of his offering, rather than give offence
by a refusal. They drank and chatted away until half-past six in the
evening, when they sent Pascoe on before them in their own old canoe,
telling him that they should overtake him. It was, however, nearly
dark before they were allowed to depart, and as they lay at a short
distance from the bank, all the fetish people walked knee deep into
the river, and muttered a long prayer, after which they splashed the
water towards their canoe with each foot, and then they proceeded
on their voyage.

On the following day, they observed a large market close to the banks
of the river, which they were informed was Kirree. A great number of
canoes were lying near the bank, and in a short time afterwards, they
saw about fifty canoes before them coming up the river. As they
approached each other, the Landers observed the British union flag in
several, while others, which were white, had figures on them of a
man's leg, chain, tables, and all kinds of such devices. The people
in them, who were very numerous, were dressed in European clothing,
with the exception of trousers.

The Landers felt quite overjoyed by the sight of these people, more
particularly when they saw the English flag and European apparel
amongst them, and they congratulated themselves that they were from
the sea coast. But all their fond anticipations vanished in a moment
as the first canoe met them. A great stout fellow, of a most
forbidding countenance beckoned Richard Lander to come to him, but
seeing him and all his people so well armed, Lander was not much
inclined to trust himself amongst them, and therefore paid no
attention to the call. The next moment, he heard the sound of a drum,
and in an instant several of the men mounted a platform and levelled
their muskets at them. There was nothing to be done now but to obey;
as for running away it was out of the question, their square loaded
canoe was incapable of it, and to fight with fifty war canoes, for
such they really were, containing each above forty people, most of
whom were as well armed as themselves, would have been throwing away
their own and their canoe men's lives very foolishly.

By this time the canoes were side by side, and with astonishing
rapidity the luggage of the Landers found its way into those of their
opponents. This mode of proceeding was not relished by them at all,
and Richard Lander's gun being loaded with two balls and four slugs,
he took deliberate aim at the leader, and he would have paid for his
temerity with his life in one moment more, had not three of his
people sprung on Lander, and forced the gun from his hands. His
jacket and shoes were now plundered from him, and observing some
other fellows at the same time taking away Pascoe's wife, Lander lost
all command over himself, and was determined to sell his life as
dearly as he could. He encouraged his men to arm themselves with
their paddles, and defend themselves to the last. He instantly seized
hold of Pascoe's wife, and with the assistance of another of his men
dragged her from the fellow's grasp. Pascoe at the same time levelled
a blow at his head with one of their iron-wood paddles, that sent him
reeling backwards, and they saw him no more.

Their canoe having been so completely relieved of their cargo, which
had consisted only of their luggage, they had plenty of room on her
for battle, and being each of them provided with a paddle, they
determined, as they had got clear of their adversary, to cut down the
first fellow who should dare to board them. This, however, was not
attempted, and as none of the other canoes had attempted to
interfere, Lander was in hopes of finding some friends amongst them,
but at all events, he was determined to follow the people who had
plundered them, to the market, whither they seemed to be going. They
accordingly pulled after them as fast as they could, and they were
following the canoe that had attacked them, with the utmost
expedition, when they were hailed by some people from a large canoe,
which was afterwards found to belong to the New Calabar River. One of
the people, who was apparently a person of consequence, called out
lustily, "Holloa, white men, you French, you English?" "Yes,
English," Lander answered immediately. "Come here in my canoe," he
said, and their two canoes approached each other rapidly. Lander got
into the canoe, and put three of his men into his own, to assist in
pulling her to the market. The people of the canoe treated him with
much kindness, and the chief gave him a glass of rum.

On looking round him, Lander now observed his brother coming towards
him, in the Damaggoo canoe, and the same villain, who had plundered
his canoe was also the first to pursue that of his brother. The canoe
in which Richard was, as well as the war canoes, hastened to a small
sand island in the river, at a short distance from the market, and
John Lander arrived soon afterwards. In a short time the Damaggoo
people made their appearance, and also the chief of Bonny's
messenger, having, like themselves, lost every thing they had of
their own property, as well as of their masters.

The canoes belonging to the Landers had been lying at the island, but
now the canoes were all formed into a line and paddled into the
market-place before alluded to, called Kirree, and here they were
informed that a palaver would be held to take the whole affair into
consideration; and accordingly, a multitude of men landed from the
canoes, to hold, as it may be termed, a council of war. The Landers
were not suffered to go on shore, but constrained to remain in the
canoes, without a covering for the head, and exposed to the heat of a
burning sun. A person in a muhommedan dress, who they learnt
afterwards was a native of a place near Funda, came to them and
endeavoured to cheer them, by saying that their hearts must not be
sore, that at the palaver which would be held, they had plenty of
friends to speak for them. In the mean time about twenty canoes full
of Damaggoo people had arrived from the various towns near that
place. These persons having heard how the Landers had been treated,
also became their friends, so that they now began to think there was
a chance of their escaping, and this intelligence put them into
better spirits.

A stir was now made in the market, and a search commenced through all
the canoes for their goods, some of which were found, although the
greater part of them were at the bottom of the river. Those were
landed and placed in the middle of the market-place. The Landers were
now invited by the mallams to land, and told to look at their goods,
and see if they were all there. To the great satisfaction of Richard
Lander, he immediately recognized the box containing their books, and
one of his brother's journals. The medicine chest was by its side,
but both were filled with water. A large carpet bag containing all
their wearing apparel was lying cut open, and deprived of its
contents, with the exception of a shirt, a pair of trousers, and a
waistcoat. Many valuable articles which it contained were gone. The
whole of Richard Lander's journal, with the exception of a note book,
with remarks from Rabba to Kirree, was lost. Four guns, one of which
had been the property of the late Mr. Park, four cutlasses, and two
pistols were gone. All their buttons, kowries, and needles, which
were necessary for them to purchase provisions with, all were
missing, and said to have been sunk in the river.

They were now desired to seat themselves, which as soon as they had
done, a circle gathered round them and began questioning them, but at
that moment the sound of screams and the clashing of arms reached the
spot, and the multitude catching fire at the noise, drew their
swords, and leaving the Landers to themselves, they ran away to the
place whence it proceeded. The origin of all this, was a desire for
more plunder on the part of the Eboe people. Seeing the few things of
the white men in the marketplace, they made a rush to the place to
recover them. The natives, who were Kirree people, stood ready for
them, armed with swords, daggers, and guns; and the savage Eboes
finding themselves foiled in the attempt, retreated to their canoes,
without risking an attack, although the Landers fully expected to
have been spectators of a furious and bloody battle.

This after all, was a fortunate circumstance, inasmuch as the two
brothers, having unconsciously jumped into the same canoe found
themselves in each other's company, and were thus afforded, for a
short time at least, the pleasure of conversing without interruption.

The palaver not having yet concluded, they had full leisure to
contemplate the scene around them. They had moored a little way from
the banks of the river; in front of them was the marketplace, which
was crammed with market people, from all parts of the neighbouring
country of different tribes: a great multitude of wild men, of
ferocious aspect and savage uncouth manners. To these belonged the
choice either of giving them life and liberty, or dooming them to
slavery or death. In the latter determination, their minds might be
swayed by suspicion or caprice, or influenced by hatred. In the
former, they might be guided by the hopes of gain, or biassed by the
fear of punishment; for many of them had come from the sea-coast; and
such an adventure as theirs could not long remain concealed from the
knowledge of their countrymen. There happened to be amongst the
savages, a few well-dressed mahommedan priests, who had come late to
the market from the northward. These were decidedly the friends of
the Landers. Many times they blessed them with uplifted hands and
compassionate countenances, exclaiming, "Allah sullikee," _God is
king_. Nor did they confine themselves to simple expressions of pity
or concern; but as they subsequently learnt, they joined the assembly
and spoke in their favour with warmth and energy, taxing those who
had assaulted them, with cowardice, cruelty, and wrong: and proposing
to have them beheaded on the spot, as a just punishment for their
crime. This was bold language, but it produced a salutary effect on
the minds of the hearers.

In the afternoon, the Landers were ordered to return to the small
island whence they had come, and the setting of the sun being the
signal for the council to dissolve, they were again sent for to the
market. The people had been engaged in deliberation and discussion
during the whole of the day; and with throbbing hearts they received
their resolution, in nearly the following words:--

"That the king of the country being absent, they had taken upon
themselves to consider the occurrence, which had taken place in the
morning, and to give judgment accordingly. Those of their things
which had been saved from the water, should be restored to them; and
the person, who first commenced the attack on the white men, should
lose his head, as a just retribution for his offence, having acted
without the chief's permission: that with regard to themselves, they
must be considered as prisoners, and consent to be conducted on the
following morning to Obie, king of the Eboe country, before whom they
were to undergo an examination, and whose will and pleasure
concerning their persons would then be explained."

They received this intelligence with feelings of rapture, and with
bursting hearts they offered up thanks to their divine Creator, for
his signal preservation of them throughout this disastrous day.

The Kirree people are a savage-looking race; they are amazingly
strong and athletic, and are also well proportioned. Their only
clothing is the skin either of a leopard or tiger fastened round
their waist. Their hair is plaited, and plastered with red clay in
abundance; and their face is full of incisions in every part of it;
these are cut into the flesh, so as to produce deep furrows, each
incision being about a quarter of an inch long and dyed with indigo.
It was scarcely possible to make out a feature of their face, and
never were individuals more disfigured. The Eboe women have handsome
features; and the Landers could not help thinking it a pity, that
such savage-looking fellows as the men should be blessed with so
handsome a race of females.



CHAPTER XXXIX.

At sunrise on the 6th November, their canoe was taken from before
Kirree market-place, to the little sand bank or island in the middle
of the river, where they waited till nine o'clock for the coming of
two war canoes, which it was resolved should convoy them to the Eboe
country, which they understood was situated three days journey down
the Niger. At seven in the morning they bade adieu to Kirree, the
scene of all their sorrows, accompanied by six large war canoes, and
again took their station with the Damaggoo people. Independently of
their convoy, they had a sumpter canoe in company, belonging to the
Eboe people, from which the others were supplied with dressed
provisions. For their part, they had neither money nor needles, nor
indeed any thing to purchase a meal; and knowing this to be the case,
their sable guardians neglected to take into consideration the state
of their stomachs. However, they felt no very strong inclination to
join them in their repast, though on one occasion they were invited
to do so; for they felt an invincible disgust to it, from the filthy
manner in which it had been prepared. Yams were first boiled, and
then skinned, and mashed into a paste, with the addition of a little
water, by hands that were far from being clean. As this part of the
business requires great personal exertion, the man on whom it
devolved perspired very copiously, and the consequences may easily be
guessed at. In eating they use their fingers only, and every one dips
his hand into the same dish.

It was ten at night, when they came abreast of a small town, where
they stopped. It was long since they had tasted food, and they had
suffered from hunger the whole day, without being able to obtain any
thing. Soon after they had stopped for the night, their guards gave
each of them a piece of roasted yam, and their poor famished people
had also the good fortune to get some too, being the first they had
had since leaving Damaggoo. The roasted yam, washed down with a
little water, was to them as joyful a meal, as if they had been
treated with the most sumptuous fare, and they laid themselves down
in the canoe to sleep in content.

Long before sunrise on the 8th November, though it was excessively
dark, the canoes were put in motion; for as the Eboe country was said
to be at no great distance, the Eboe people who were with them, were
desirous of arriving there as early in the day as possible. It proved
to be a dull hazy morning, but at 7 o'clock the fog had become so
dense, that no object, however large, could be distinguished at a
greater distance than a few yards. This created considerable
confusion, and the men fearing, as they expressed it, to lose
themselves, tied one canoe to another, thus forming double canoes,
and all proceeded together in close company. The Landers wished to be
more particular in their observations of this interesting part of
their journey, but were constrained to forego that gratification, on
account of the superstitious prejudices of the natives, who were so
infatuated as to imagine, that the Landers had not only occasioned
the fog, but that if they did not sit or lie down in the canoe, for
they had been standing, it would inevitably cause the destruction of
the whole party, and the reason they assigned, was, that the river
had never beheld a white man before; and, therefore, they dreaded the
consequences of their rashness and presumption in regarding its
waters so attentively. This and similar nonsense was delivered with
such determination and earnestness, that they reluctantly laid down,
and allowed themselves to be covered with mats, in order to quiet
their apprehensions; for they did not forget that they were
prisoners, and that a perseverance in standing up, would have exposed
them to the mortification of being put down by force.

On the dispersion of the fog, the Landers were again permitted
to look at the river, and shortly afterwards one of the Eboe men in
their canoe, exclaimed, "There is my country;" pointing to a clump of
very high trees, which was yet at some distance before them, and
after passing a low fertile island, they quickly came to it. Here
they observed a few fishing canoes, but their owners appeared
suspicious and fearful, and would not come near them, though their
national flag, which was a British union, sewed on a large piece of
plain white cotton, with scollops of blue, was streaming from a long
staff on the bow. The town, they were told, was yet a good way down
the river. In a short time, however, they came to an extensive
morass, intersected by little channels in every direction, and by one
of these, they got into clear water, and in front of the Eboe town.
Here they found hundreds of canoes, some of them even larger than any
they had previously met with. When they had come alongside the
canoes, two or three huge brawny fellows, in broken English, asked
how they did, in a tone which Stentor might have envied; and the
shaking of hands with their powerful friends was really a punishment,
on account of the violent squeezes which they were compelled to
suffer. The chief of these men called himself _Gun_, though
_blunderbuss_ or _thunder_ would have been as appropriate a name; and
without solicitation, he informed them, that though he was not a
great man, yet he was a little military king; that his brother's name
was King _Boy_, and his father's King _Forday_, who, with King
_Jacket_, governed all the Brass country. But what was infinitely
more interesting to them, than this ridiculous list of kings, was the
information he gave them, that besides a Spanish schooner, an English
vessel, called the Thomas of Liverpool, was also lying in the first
Brass river, which _Mr. Gun_ said was frequented by Liverpool traders
for palm oil. Full of joy at this intelligence, they passed on to a
little artificial creek, where they were desired to wait till the
king's pleasure respecting them should be known. They were afterwards
drawn in a canoe over ooze and mud to a house, where, if the
countenance of their host had been at all in unison with the
agreeableness of his dwelling, they imagined that they could live at
ease in it, for a few days at least. The harshness, however, of this
man's manners, corresponded with his sulky, ill-natured face, and
deprived them of a good deal of pleasure, which they would have
enjoyed, in reposing at full length on dry, soft mats, after having
been cramped up for three days in a small canoe, with slaves and
goats, and exposed to the dews by night and the sun by day.

An hour or two of rest invigorated and refreshed them extremely, and
they then received a message from the king, that he was waiting to
see and converse with them. Having little to adjust in regard to
their dress, they rose up, and followed the messenger. Passing near
the outskirts of the town, the messenger conducted them, by paths
little frequented, to the outward yard of the palace, before the door
of which was placed the statue of a woman in a sitting posture, and
made of clay, of course, very rude and very ugly. Having crossed the
yard, in which they saw nothing remarkable, they entered by a wooden
door into another, which was far superior. From this enclosure they
were led into a third, which, like the former, had its porticoes.
Opposite the entrance was a low clay platform, about three feet from
the ground, which was overlaid with mats of various colours, a large
piece of coarse red cloth covering the whole, and at each of its
corners they observed a little squat figure, also of clay, but
whether they were intended to be males or females, it was impossible
to conjecture. Here they were desired to place themselves among a
crowd of half-dressed, armed men, who were huddled together on the
left of the platform, some sitting, and others standing, and awaiting
the coming of the prince. Their friend, Gun, was with them, and he
immediately claimed priority of acquaintance with them. He chatted
with amazing volubility, and in less than two minutes, he was on the
most familiar footing, slapping them with no small force just above
the knee, to give weight to his observations, and to rivet their
attentions to his remarks. Then, while they spoke, he would rest his
heavy arms on their shoulders, and laugh aloud at every word they
said, look very knowingly, and occasionally apply the palm of his
hand to their backs with the most _feeling_ energy, as a token of
encouragement and approbation. They wished him to answer questions
which concerned them nearly, but the only satisfaction they received,
was contained in the expression "O yes, to  be sure," and this was
repeated so often, with an emphasis so peculiar, and with a grin so
irresistibly ludicrous, that in spite of their disappointment, they
were vastly entertained with him.

In this manner was the time beguiled, till they heard a door suddenly
opened on their right, and the dreaded Obie, king of the Eboe
country, stood before them. There was, however, nothing dreadful in
his appearance, for he was a sprightly young man, with a mild open
countenance, and an eye which indicated quickness, intelligence, and
good nature, rather than the ferocity which they were told he
possessed in an eminent degree. He received them with a smile of
welcome, and shook hands with infinite cordiality, often
complimenting them with the word, "Yes," to which his knowledge of
the English was confined, and which no doubt he had been tutored to
pronounce for the occasion.

Their story was related to the king in full by the Bonny messenger,
who had accompanied them from Damaggoo, whose speech, which nearly as
they could guess lasted two whole hours, was delivered in an
admirable manner, and produced a visible effect on all present. As
soon as it was over, they were invited by Obie to take some
refreshment; being in truth extremely hungry at the time, they
thankfully accepted the offer, and fish and yams, swimming in oil,
were forthwith brought them on English plates, the king retiring in
the meanwhile from motives of delicacy. When Obie returned, a general
conversation ensued, and he was engaged in talking promiscuously to
those around him till evening, when the "great palaver," as it was
called, was formally prorogued until the morrow, and presently after
the chief bade them good night, and retired.

On the following morning, they were visited by a number of the
inhabitants, who broke through every restraint to gratify their
desire of seeing them. This was what they naturally expected, yet
after all, they were much better behaved and less impatient, than
they had any reason to apprehend, and they departed with little
importunity, considering that they had not been in the habit of
bending to the will of prisoners and slaves, for such were the
Landers in reality.

About noon they were informed that their attendance was required at
the king's house, Obie being fully prepared, it was said, to resume
the hearing of their case, and examine the deposition of the Bonny
messenger and the Damaggoo people. On entering the principal yard or
court, in which they were introduced to the king on the preceding
day, a common English chair, covered with inferior red cloth, was
placed for the use of the king. He soon afterwards entered, his fat,
round cheeks were swelling with good humour, real or assumed, as he
shook hands with a sprightly air, when he instantly seated himself to
receive the prostrations and addresses of his subjects and others.

The business of the day was entered into with spirit, and a violent
altercation arose between the Brass and Bonny people, and although
not much was communicated to the Landers, of the conversation that
passed between them, yet a sufficiency was imparted to them to let
them know, that they would never leave the country without a high
ransom.

Bonny was the real place of their destination, and they had with them
a messenger from the present and a son to the late ruler of that
state, (King Pepper,) whilst on the other hand, they knew nothing of
Brass, never having heard the name of such a river in their lives
before. The Brass people affirm that the Bonny Creek, which is a
small branch of the Niger, was dried up, and that the main river,
which runs to Brass, belongs to King Jacket, who permitted no
foreigners whatever to pass up and down the Niger, without exacting
the accustomed fees or duties. The Brass people, therefore, would
have a very plausible reason for taking them entirely out of the
hands of Obie and the Damaggoo people.

In the evening, Antonio and five other Bonny people came to their hut
with tears in their eyes. On asking them, what was the matter, "The
chief," they said, "is determined to sell you to the Brass people,
but we will fight for you, and die rather than see you sold." "How
many of you Bonny people are there?" Richard Lander asked. "Only
six," was the reply. "And can you fight with two hundred Brass
people?" Lander asked. "We can kill some of them," they answered,
"and your people can assist." Lander then asked Antonio the reason
why he did not interpret what was going forward to-day at the king's
house. He said, that he was afraid it would have made their hearts
sore--that it was "a bad palaver." "We have all been to the chief,"
he added, "crying to him, and telling him that black man cannot sell
white man, but he will not listen to us, he said, he would sell you
to the Brass people."

The Landers felt much hurt at their situation, for they did not
expect that it would be so bad as it turned out to be, but they made
up their minds to prepare themselves for the worst, for it was
impossible to foresee the lengths to which the savages would go. On
the following day, Richard Lander was taken very ill with the fever,
and was consequently unable to attend the summons to the king's
house, he therefore sent his brother in his stead, who gave the
following account:--

"On my arriving there this morning, to my infinite surprise I found
King Boy (Gun's eldest brother,) with a number of his attendants
already assembled. He was dressed in a style far superior to any of
his countrymen, and wore a jacket and waistcoat over a neat shirt of
striped cotton, to which was annexed a silk pocket handkerchief,
which extended below the knees. Trousers are not permitted to be
worn, either by natives or strangers, of the same hue as themselves,
the kings alone being an exception to the rule. Strings of coral and
other beads encircled his neck, and a pretty little crucifix of seed
beads hung on his bosom. This latter ornament, which has probably
been given him by a slave captain, had by no means an unbecoming
appearance. King Boy introduced himself to me with the air of a
person who bestows a favour, rather than soliciting acquaintance, and
indeed his vanity in other respects was highly amusing. He would not
suffer any one to sit between him and the platform, but squatted
himself down nearest the king's seat, which, as a mark of honour, had
been previously assigned to us; and with a volubility scarcely
imaginable, he commenced a long narrative of his greatness, power,
and dignity, in which he excelled all his neighbours, and to this I
was constrained to listen with assumed composure and attention for a
considerable time. To convince me of his veracity, he produced a
pocket book, containing a great number of recommendatory notes, or
'characters,' as a domestic would call them, written in the English,
French, Spanish, and Portuguese languages, and which had been given
him by the various European traders, who had visited the Brass River.
This practice of giving written characters, which has for some time
been adopted by Europeans, is both praiseworthy and useful, and it
has become almost universal on the western coast; because it is not
to be supposed that the natives themselves can understand these
documents, and strangers are made acquainted with their good or bad
qualities by them, and taught to discriminate the honest from the
unfaithful and malicious. Boy's letters mentioned certain dealings,
which their authors had had with him, and they likewise bore
testimony to his own character, and the manners of his countrymen.
Amongst others is one from a 'James Dow, master of the brig Susan,
from Liverpool,' and dated: '_Brass First River_, Sept. 1830,' which
runs as follows: "Captain Dow states, that he never met with a set of
greater scoundrels than the natives in general, and the pilots in
particular." These he anathematised as d----d rascals, who had
endeavoured to steer his vessel among the breakers at the mouth of
the river, that they might share the plunder of its wreck. King
Jacket, who claims the sovereignty of the river, is declared to be a
more confirmed knave, if possible, than they, and to have cheated him
of a good deal of property. The writer describes King Forday as a man
rather advanced in years, less fraudulent but more dilatory. King
Boy, his son, alone deserved his confidence, for he had not abused
it, and possessed more honour and integrity than either of his
countrymen.

"These are the rulers of the Brass River, and pretty fellows they
are, truly. Mr. Dow further observes, that the river is extremely
unhealthy, and that his first and second mates, three coopers, and
five seamen, had already died of fever, and that he himself had had
several narrow escapes from the same disorder. He concludes, by
cautioning traders against the treachery of the natives generally,
and gives them certain directions concerning 'the dreadful bar,' at
the mouth of the river, on which he had nearly perished.

"This business had been no sooner settled, than Obie entered the
yard, attended as usual, but clad indifferently in loose silks. After
the customary salutations, Boy directed the monarch to appeal to me,
that he might be satisfied in what estimation he was held by white
men. Of course I said a variety of fine things in his favour, which
were received with a very good grace indeed; but that a piece of
paper simply, which could neither speak, hear, nor understand, should
impart such information, was a source of astonishment and wonder to
Obie and his train, who testified their emotion in no other manner
than by looks of silly amazement, and repeated bursts of laughter.

"The king then said with a serious countenance, that there was no
necessity for further discussion respecting the white men, his mind
was already made up on the subject, and for the first time, he
briefly explained himself to this effect: That circumstances having
thrown us in the way of his subjects, by the laws and usages of the
country, he was not only entitled to our own persons, but had an
equal right to those of our attendants; that he should take no
further advantage of his good fortune, than by exchanging us for as
much English goods as would amount in value to twenty slaves. In
order to have this matter fairly arranged and settled, he should, of
his own accord, prevent our leaving the town, till such time as our
countrymen at Bonny or Brass should pay for our ransom, having
understood from ourselves that the English at either of those rivers,
would afford us whatever assistance we might require, with
cheerfulness and alacrity. Concerning the goods of which we had been
robbed at Kirree, he assured us he would use his utmost exertions to
get them restored. He lamented that circumstance more than any one,
but he denied that a single subject of his had any thing to do with
it, and attributed the whole of that unfortunate affair, to the
rashness and brutality of a certain people, that inhabited a country
nearly opposite to his own, whose monarch was his particular friend,
therefore, he apprehended little difficulty in seeing justice done
us; 'but then,' said  he, 'it is necessary that you should wait here
for an indefinite time, till a council of that nation be held, when
the plunderers will be examined, and your claims established. The
Damaggoo people, that have come with you, have like yourselves
suffered much loss; for my own part, I shall make them a present of a
slave or two as a compensation, and they have my permission to go
along with you for the present, which I understand you have promised
their monarch, but you must not expect them to be your guides to the
sea, for their responsibility ends here.'

"When all this was interpreted to me by Antonio, I was thunderstruck.
It was in vain that I assured Obie that there was not the slightest
necessity for our detention in the town; that our countrymen would
redeem us the moment they should see us, but not before; and equally
unavailing were my solicitations for him to alter this arrangement
and suffer us to depart; but the tears of his subjects, and the
representations of the men at Brass, had made too deep an impression
upon his mind to be so easily eradicated. We found it too late either
to implore or remonstrate.

"This final decision of the king is a bitter stroke to us, for we
fondly indulged the hope of a more favourable issue, from the
deliberations of the savage council, at whose dissolution we expected
to be sent to the sea coast, without being perplexed with further
embarrassments. We have now to wait the return of a messenger from
thence, who has not yet been sent on his errand, and he is to bring
back with him the value of twenty slaves, ere we obtain our freedom.
Heaven only knows whether the masters of English vessels at Bonny or
Brass, have the ability or feel the disposition to ransom us. We only
know that if disposed of at all, we shall be sold for infinitely more
than we are worth.

"As may naturally be supposed, I returned home much depressed and
afflicted, to inform my brother of the result of the palaver, and he
was as greatly surprised and afflicted as myself at the intelligence.
But though we are full of trouble and uneasiness at our gloomy
situation, yet we do not repine at the divine dispensations of that
Almighty providence, which has comforted us in the hours of
adversity, and relieved us in times of pain and danger, and snatched
us from the jaws of death."

On the following morning, Richard Lander was rather convalescent, and
in truth they both wondered much that their health, generally
speaking, had been so good, when they reflected for a moment on the
hardships and privations, which they had lately undergone, the
perplexities in which they had been entangled, and the difficulties
with which they had had to contend.

During the few days that they had spent in this place, they had been
sadly in want of provisions, and their people, who for the first day
bore their privation in silence, have since then been loud in their
complaints. The constant fear which they entertained of being taken
away and sold, now, however, changed that lively feeling of
discontent into sullen-ness and despondency. What made the matter
still worse was the fact, that having lost their needles and kowries
at Kirree, they had not the means of purchasing any thing, although
the kowrie shell was not current where they then were. Obie was in
the habit of sending them a fowl, or a yam or two every morning, but
as they were ten in number, it made but a slender meal, and it was
barely sufficient to keep them from actual starvation. To stop, if
possible, the sullen murmurings of their people, they were now
reduced to the painful  necessity of begging, but they might as well
have addressed their petitions to the stones and trees, and thereby
have spared themselves the mortification of a refusal. They never
experienced a more stinging sense of their own humbleness and
imbecility than on  such occasions, and never had they greater need
of patience and lowliness of spirit. In most African towns and
villages, they had been regarded as demi-gods, and treated in
consequence with universal kindness, civility, and veneration; but
here, alas! what a contrast, they were classed with the most degraded
and despicable of mankind, and were become slaves in a land of
ignorance and barbarism, whose savage natives treated them with
brutality and contempt. It would be hard to guess whence these
unkindly feelings originated, but they felt that they had not
deserved them, yet the consciousness of their own insignificance
sadly militated against every idea of self-love or self-importance,
and taught them a plain and useful moral lesson. Although they made
the most charitable allowances for the Eboe people, they were,
notwithstanding, obliged to consider them the most inhospitable
tribe, as well as the most covetous and uncivil, that they were
acquainted with. Their monarch, and a respectable married female, who
had passed the meridian of her days, were the only individuals,
amongst several thousands, that showed them anything like civility or
kindness, and the latter alone acted, as they were convinced, solely
from disinterested motives.

All ranks of people here are passionately fond of palm wine, and
drank of it to excess, whenever they had an opportunity, which often
occurred, as great quantities of it are produced in the town and its
neighbourhood. It was a very general and favourite custom with them,
as soon as the sun had set, to hold large meetings and form parties
in the open air, or under the branches of trees, to talk over the
events of the day, and make merry with this exciting beverage. These
assemblies are kept up until after midnight, and as the revellers
generally contrive to get inebriated very soon after they sit down to
drink, the greater part of the evening is devoted to wrangling and
fighting, instead of convivial intercourse, and occasionally the most
fearful noises that it is possible for the mind to conceive.
Bloodshed, and even murder, it is said, not unfrequently terminate
these boisterous and savage entertainments. A meeting of this
description was held outside the yard of their residence every
evening, and the noise which they made was really terrifying, more
especially when the women and young people joined in the affray, for
a quarrel of some sort was sure to ensue. Their cries, groans, and
shrieks of agony were dreadful, and would lead a stranger to suppose,
that these dismal and piercing sounds proceeded from individuals
about to be butchered, or that they were extorted by the last pangs
of anguish and suffering. The Landers trembled with alarm for the
first night or two, imagining from these loud and doleful cries, that
a work of bloodshed and slaughter was in progress. They found it
useless to endeavour to sleep till the impression of the first wild
cry that was uttered, and the last faint scream had worn away. But by
degrees they became in some measure more reconciled to them, from the
frequency of their occurrence, or rather they felt less apprehension
than formerly, as to their origin; understanding with surprise that
they were only the effects of a simple quarrel, and excite from the
inhabitants no more than a casual remark, although it is said that in
fits of ungovernable passion, the most heinous crimes are consummated
in these frantic revels.

Their matronly female acquaintance, though excessively fat, was of
diminutive stature, and by her cheerful pleasantry she beguiled in
some degree the wearisomeness of the long evening hours, and banished
that _ennui_, which the disagreeableness of their situation had
partially induced, simply by her endeavours to do so. For not content
with paying them formal visits in the day time, she came into their
yard every night, instead of joining the orgies of her acquaintance,
accompanied by two or three friends of congenial natures, with the
very benevolent intention of pitying their misfortunes, and
dissipating their melancholy. Two or three slaves followed their
mistress into the yard, carrying a few bottles of their favourite
palm wine, and perhaps with a plate of bananas also, that the evening
might be passed more agreeably.

Their sleeping quarters were in a recess, which was elevated three or
four feet from the ground, and supported by wooden columns. It was
without a door, or indeed anything answering the same purpose, so
that they enjoyed the refreshing coolness of the evening air, with
the disadvantage of being gazed at by whoever had the curiosity to
enter their premises. They generally laid down shortly after sunset,
and presently their fat, jolly little friend, duck-like, comes
waddling into their yard, with her companions and slaves, to offer
them the evening salutations, and enter into the usual familiar
discourse. This was commonly preceded by a large potation of palm
wine, which was always relished with a loud and peculiar smack,
expressive of the pleasure and satisfaction afforded by so copious a
draught, and betokening also much internal warmth and comfort. The
officious slaves having spread mats for the purpose, directly in
front of their recess, their lady visitor and her associates,
together with their ill-natured host, who had by this time joined the
party, squatted themselves down in a circle, and under the
inspiration of the fermented juice, maintained a pretty animated
conversation, till the wine was all expended and sleep weighed their
eyelids down. For themselves they had little of any thing to say,
because the Landers were pretty nearly as ignorant of their language,
as they were of theirs, and interpretation is unfavourable to the
contagion of social felicity. Nevertheless, it was highly diverting
to watch the influence of the palm wine on their looks, language, and
ideas. The flushed countenance is invisible in a black lady, but then
she has the liquid and unsettled eye, the proneness to talk with
irresistible garrulity, the gentle simper, or the bursting laugh at
any trifle, or at nothing at all; and to wind up the list of
symptoms, she has that complaisant idea of her own good points, and
superior qualifications, which elicit her own approbation, without
exciting the applauses of her associates, and which distinguishes the
inexperienced male reveller in every part of the globe. All these
were observable in their talkative little friend, as well as in her
companions. It was also a relief to contemplate from their resting
place, the peace and harmony of the little party before them, so
entirely different from the boisterous one without; because it gave
them a comfortable sense of their own security, which they should not
certainly have entertained, had they been left to their own
reflections, and when, after a good deal of turning and restlessness
they at length fell into a disagreeable and unrefreshing dose, and
were attacked by that hideous phantom, nightmare, which was often the
case; starting up in fright from the assassin's knife, which they
could scarcely persuade themselves to be unreal; it was pleasant to
fix their eyes upon their comical little visitor, with her round
shining face, and her jolly companions; all apprehension of mischief
immediately vanished, and a truly pleasing effect was produced upon
their minds and spirits. The breaking up of the party on the outside,
was a signal for their friends also to depart. When rising from her
mat, the mistress, after shaking hands, wished them good night in a
thick tremulous tone, and waddled out of their yard in a direction,
which Hogarth denominates the line of beauty, she returned home to
her husband, who was a valetudinarian. Thus passed their evenings,
and thus much of their solitary Eboe friend.



CHAPTER XL.

In addition to the value of twenty slaves, which the king of Eboe
demanded from them, they now heard that King Boy required the value
of fifteen casks of palm oil, which is equal to fifteen slaves, for
himself, and as payment for the trouble he and his people will have
in conducting them to the English vessel. He said, that he must take
three canoes and one hundred and fifty people, and, therefore, it was
impossible that he could do with less. The chief then said, that if
they did not consent to give King Boy a _book_ for all this money, he
should send them into the interior of the country to be sold, and
that they never should see the sea again. It was now seen that they
had no alternative, and they considered it most prudent to give him
the bill, not intending, however, on their arrival at the sea, to
give him more than twenty common trade guns, to pay this chief and
all other expenses. King Boy was to give Obie five pieces of cloth
and one gun as part payment; the remainder was to be paid on his
return, after having delivered them up to the brig. The Landers and
all their people were now in high spirits, at the prospect of leaving
this place and obtaining their freedom, for they had so much faith in
the character of the English, that they entertained not the slightest
doubt that the captain of the brig would most willingly pay the
ransom money.

Towards evening, Obie in his showy coral dress came barefooted to
their hut, for the purpose of inspecting their books and examining
the contents of their medicine chest. His approach was announced to
them by the jingling of the little bells which his feet. He appeared
greatly pleased with every thing they said, and looked aghast when
informed of the powerful properties of some of the medicines, which
ended in a fit of laughter. He expressed a strong desire to have a
little, especially of the purgatives, and there being no objection on
the part of the Landers, they supplied him with a good strong dose of
jalap, which had the same affect as it had had upon the sultan of
Yaoorie and family. Obie was evidently fearful of their books, having
been informed that could "tell all things," and appeared to shrink
with horror at which was offered him, shaking his head, saying, that
he must not accept it, for that it was good only for white men,
"Whose God was not his God." The visit was of very short duration,

On the following day, they found King Boy in the inner yard of the
king's house, and from his significant physiognomy, they conjectured
that he had something of consequence to communicate. Obie received
them with his accustomed politeness and jocularity, but instantly
directed his attention and discourse to King Boy, who maintained an
earnest and pretty animated conversation with him for some time. The
Bonny people were in attendance and weeping. As the Landers were
frequently pointed out and named, they had no doubt whatever that it
was chiefly concerning themselves, which opinion was soon after
confirmed. As if the parties had some secret to discuss, which they
did not wish either their attendants or those of the Landers to
overhear, they retired to the middle court, where having conversed
for a time by themselves, they returned with anxious looks to resume
their conversation. This was repeated twice, after which, as it was
subsequently understood, Obie briefly related in a loud voice the
result of this extraordinary conference, and all present, except the
men of Bonny, shouted simultaneously the monosyllable "Yah," as a
token of their approbation.

In the mean time, from anxiety to be made acquainted with what had
transpired respecting themselves, they felt rather impatient and
uneasy, the answer of King Boy to their repeated interrogations
having been only "Plenty of bars," the meaning whereof they were
grievously puzzled to define. But shortly after the termination of
the palaver, how transported were they to hear the last mentioned
individual explain himself in broken English to this effect: "In the
conversation, which I have just had with Obie, I have been induced to
offer him the goods, which he demands for your ransom, on the faith
that they be hereafter repaid me by the master of the brig Thomas,
which is now lying in the first Brass, River, and that the value of
fifteen bars or slaves be added thereto in European goods, and
likewise a cask of rum, as a remuneration for the hazard and trouble
which I shall inevitably incur in transporting you to Brass. If you
consent to these resolutions, and on these only will I consent to
redeem you, you will forthwith give me a bill on Captain Lake, for
the receipt of articles to the value of thirty-five bars, after which
you will be at liberty to leave this place, and to go along with me,
whenever you may think proper, agreeably to the understanding at
present existing between Obie and myself."

This was delightful news indeed, and they thanked King Boy over and
over again for his generosity and nobleness, for they were too much
elated at the time to reflect on the exorbitant demands which had
been imposed upon them. Without hesitation they gave him a bill on
Mr. Lake; indeed there was not anything which they would not have
done, rather than lose the opportunity of getting down to the sea,
which seemed so providentially held out to them.

Obie perceived by the great and sudden change in their countenances,
the joy which filled their breasts, and having asked them whether
they were not pleased with his arrangements, in the fullness of their
hearts, he exacted from them a promise, that on returning to England,
they would inform their countrymen that he was a good man, and that
they would pay him a visit whenever they should come again into the
country.

When King Boy came for his _book_, it was given to him, and he wished
to send it down to the brig, to know if it was good. This was no more
than what was to be expected, so he was informed, the book would be
of no use, unless they were sent along with it, and that the captain
would not pay it, before he had taken them on board, on which he put
the bill into his pocket-book. They then bade him farewell, and he
took leave of them in a kind and cordial manner.

Fearing that something might yet occur to detain them, and ultimately
to change the king's resolution altogether, they were most eager to
get out of the reach of him and his people as quickly as possible.
Therefore they lost not a moment in hastening to their lodgings, and
having sent their people on board Boy's canoe, they hurried after
them immediately, and embarked at three in the afternoon, and thus
terminated four of the most wretched days of their existence. They
were unable to take along with them their own old leaky and shattered
canoe, as it would detain them very much, from being so heavy to move
along. The Damaggoo people accompanied them in their own canoe, and
every thing was arranged for their departure at an early hour on the
following day. The Brass canoe, which was now become their dwelling,
was extremely large, and heavily laden. It was paddled by forty men
and boys, in addition to whom there might be about twenty
individuals, or more, including a few slaves and themselves, so that
the number of human beings amounted altogether to sixty.

Like Obie's war canoes, it was furnished with a cannon, which was
lashed to the bow, a vast number of cutlasses, and a quantity of
grape and other shot, besides powder, flints, &c. It contained a
number of large boxes or chests, which were filled with spirituous
liquors, cotton, silk goods, earthenware, and other articles of
European and other foreign manufactures; besides abundance of
provisions for present consumption, and two thousand yams for the
master of a Spanish slaver, which was then lying in Brass River. In
this canoe three men might sit abreast of each other, and from the
number of people which it contained, and the immense quantity of
articles of various descriptions, some idea of its size may be
formed. It was cut out of a solid trunk of a tree, and drew four feet
and a half of water, being more than fifty feet in length. It was,
however, so deeply laden, that not above two inches of the canoe were
to be seen above the water's edge. With its present burden, it would
have been impossible for her to sail on any river less smooth than
the Niger, and even as it is, when it comes to be paddled, some
danger exists of its being swamped. It was really laughable to
reflect that the canoe was supplied with two speaking trumpets,
which, considering the stentorian lungs of the men of Brass, were
entirely superfluous, and that she was commanded by regularly
appointed officers, with sounding titles, in imitation of European
vessels, such as captain, mate, boatswain, coxswain, &c. besides a
cook and his minions. These distinctions are encouraged by King Boy,
whose vanity and consequence even in the most trifling concerns, were
irresistibly diverting. The Landers determined to sleep in the canoe
that night, notwithstanding the want of room would render it an
intolerable grievance. Previously to embarking, they had taken a
little boiled yam with palm oil at Obie's house, and they remained
two hours lying on the bank. At seven in the evening they settled
themselves for the night, but found that they were exceedingly
cramped up for want of room, occasioned by the yams being stowed
badly.

During the night a great tumult arose between the natives and the men
of Brass, which might have had a serious and fatal termination, if
the latter had not taken timely precaution to convey their canoe from
the beach into the middle of the stream, whither the natives could
not follow them. The former had flocked down to the water's edge in
considerable numbers, armed with muskets, spears, and other offensive
weapons, and kept up a dreadful noise, like the howling of wolves,
till long after midnight; when the uproar died away King Boy slept on
shore with his wife Adizzetta, who was Obie's favourite daughter, and
on her account they waited till between seven and eight o'clock in
the morning, when she made her appearance with her husband, who, they
understood, had embraced the present opportunity of making an
excursion with her to his native country, to vary her life a little
by a change of air and scene, and to introduce her to his other wives
and relatives residing at Brass. She had besides expressed a desire
to see white men's ships, and it was partly to gratify her curiosity
in this particular that she was going with them. On stepping into the
canoe, with a spirit of gallantry, Boy handed her to the best seat,
which was a box, close to which he himself sat, and which the
Landers, from motives of delicacy, had relinquished in her favour.
Her face was towards the bow, whilst the two Landers sat directly
_vis-a-vis_ on a heap of yams, but they were So close to the opposite
party that their legs came in continual contact, which threatened to
produce much inconvenience and confusion. They were still further
detained by removing various heavy articles into another canoe, which
was lying alongside, because the canoe in which they were was
pronounced too deeply laden to be safe, but after all she did not
appear to be lightened very considerably. This being all
accomplished, at half-past seven they pushed off the Eboe shore, and
for a little while, with forty paddles dashing up the silvery foam at
the same moment, they glided through the water with the speed of a
dolphin. To the Landers it was altogether a scene of considerable
gratification.

"The eyes of man," says Richard Lander, "are so placed in his head,
that it has been frequently observed, whether sitting or standing, he
can behold earth and sky at the same moment without inconvenience,
which is an advantage, I believe, that no other animal possesses in
an equal degree, if it does at all. As I was reflecting on this
circumstance I happened to cast my eyes towards the horizon, to
convince myself of its reality, when I found the tall, masculine
figure of Obie's favourite daughter intercepted it entirely from my
view. Being thus balked for a moment in my intentions, I was
instantly diverted from them, and I deemed the opportunity favourable
for studying the physiognomy and person of King Boy's 'ladye love.'
Adizzetta may be between twenty and thirty years of age,[Footnote:
There is a discrepancy in the account given by Lander respecting Obie
and Adizzetta, which we cannot reconcile. Obie is represented to be a
sprightly _young_ man, and yet his favourite daughter Adizzetta is
married, and between 20 and 30 year of age. Obie then could not be a
_young_ man.] or perhaps younger, for she takes snuff, and females
arrive at womanhood in warm countries much sooner than in cold ones.
Her person is tall, stout, and well proportioned, though it has not
dignity sufficient to be commanding; her countenance is round and
open, but dull and almost inexpressive; mildness of manners, evenness
of temper, and inactivity of body also, might notwithstanding, I
think be clearly defined in it; on the whole she has a perfect
virginity of face, which betrays not the smallest symptoms of
feeling. Her forehead is smooth and shining as polished ebony, but it
is rather too low to be noble; her eyes full, large, and beautiful,
though languid; her cheeks of a dutch-like breadth and fullness; her
nose finely compressed, but not quite so distinguished a feature as
the negro nose in general; there is a degree of prettiness about her
mouth, the lips not being disagreeably large, which is further
embellished by a set of elegant teeth, perfectly even and regular,
and white as the teeth of a greyhound; her chin--but I am unable to
describe a chin; I only know that it agrees well with the other
features of her face.

"Adizzetta seldom laughs, but smiles and simpers most engagingly,
whenever she is more than ordinarily pleased, and she seems not to be
unconscious of the powerful influence which these smiles have over
the mind of her husband. Her dress and personal charms may be
described in a few words; the former consisting simply of a piece of
figured silk, encircling the waist, and extending as far as the
knees; her woolly hair, which is tastefully braided, is enclosed in a
net, and ends in a peak at the top; the net is adorned, but not
profusely, with coral beads, strings of which hang from the crown to
the forehead. She wears necklaces of the same costly bead; copper
rings encircle her fingers and great toes; bracelets of ivory her
wrists, and enormous rings, also, of the elephant's tusks decorate
her legs, near the ankle, by which she is almost disabled from
walking, on account of their ponderous weight and immense size. I had
almost finished the scrutiny of her person, when Adizzetta, observing
me regarding her with more than common attention, at length caught my
eye, and turned away her head, with a triumphant kind of smile, as
much as to say, Aye, white man, you may well admire and adore my
person; I perceive you are struck with my beauty, and no wonder
neither: yet I immediately checked the ill-natured construction,
which I had put on her looks, and accused myself of injustice. For
though, said I to myself, Adizzetta, poor simple savage, may be as
fond of admiration as her white sisters in more civilized lands, yet
her thoughts, for aught I know, might have been very remote from
vanity or self-love. However, that she smiled I am quite certain, and
very prettily too, for I saw a circling dimple, radiating upon her
full, round cheek, which terminated in a momentary gleam of
animation, and illuminate her dark languishing eye, like a flash of
light; and what could all this mean I had forgotten to say that the
person of Obie's daughter is tattooed in various parts, but the
incisions or rather lacerations are irregular and unseemly. Her bosom
in particular bears evident marks of the cutting and gashing, which
it had received when Adizzetta was a child, for the wounds having
badly healed, the skin over them is risen a full half inch above the
natural surface. By the side of each eye, near the temple vein, a
representation of the point of an arrow is alone formed with
tolerable accuracy. They look a though indigo had been inserted into
the flesh with a needle, and by this peculiarity, with which every
female face is impressed, the Eboe women are distinguished from their
neighbours and surrounding tribes.

"Before breakfast, Adizzetta was employed above an hour in cleaning
and polishing her teeth, by rubbing them with the fibrous roots of a
certain shrub or tree, which are much esteemed, and generally used
for the purpose in her own country, as well as in the more interior
parts. A great part of the day is consumed by many thousands of
individuals in this amusing occupation, and to this cause, the
brilliant whiteness of their teeth, for which Africans, generally
speaking, are remarkable, may be attributed." Such is Lander's
description of an African beauty, and that beauty a queen.

About ten in the morning, a mess of fish, boiled with yams and
plantains, was produced for breakfast. As King Boy was fearful that
the presence of the Landers might incommode the lady, they were
desired to move farther back, that she might eat with additional
confidence and comfort, for alas! they were not placed on an equality
with Adizzetta and her kingly spouse. When they had breakfasted and
swallowed a calabash of water from the stream, the Landers were
served with a plateful, and afterwards the boat's crew and the slaves
were likewise regaled with yams and wafer. In the evening, another
refreshment, similar to this, was served round to all, and these are
the only meals which the men of Brass have during the twenty-four
hours. Before eating, Boy himself made it a practice of offering a
small portion of his food to the spirits of the river, that his
voyage might be rendered propitious by conciliating their good will.
Previously also to his drinking a glass of rum or spirits, he poured
a few drops of it into the water, invoking the protection of these
fanciful beings, by muttering several expressions between his teeth,
the tenor of which, of course, they did not understand. This
religious observance, they were told, was invariably performed,
whenever the Brass people have occasion to leave their country by
water, or return to it by the same means; it is called a meat and
drink offering, and is celebrated at every meal. A custom very
similar to this prevails at Yarriba, at Badagry, Cape Coast Castle,
and along the western coast generally; the natives of those places
never take a glass of spirits without spilling a quantity of it on
the ground as "a fetish." In the morning, they observed a branch of
the river running off in a westerly direction, the course of the main
body being southwest.

They stopped awhile at various little villages during the day, to
purchase yams, bananas, and cocoa-nuts, and the curiosity of their
poor inhabitants at their appearance was intense. They were chiefly
fishermen or husbandmen, and notwithstanding the uncouth and
remarkable dress of the Landers, they behaved to them without
rudeness and even with civility, so that their inquisitiveness was
not disagreeable. Speaking trumpets, it was imagined, were quite a
novelty with the men at Brass, by the extraordinary rapture which
they displayed for their music, which certainly was anything but
melodious. It has been already stated that two of these instruments
were in the canoe, for the convenience of issuing orders, and during
the whole of the day, they were not ten minutes together from the
mouths of the officers, so great was the desire of all of them to
breathe through them, and which adds considerably to the deafening
noises made by their constant quarrelling with each other. This was a
great annoyance to the Landers, but they were constrained to submit
to it in silence; besides, it was entirely superfluous, for the
voices of the people were of themselves loud and powerful enough for
all the common purposes of life; and when they have a mind to strain
their brazen lungs, no speaking trumpet that has ever been made, be
it ever so large, could match the quantity of horrid sound which they
made; it would, in fact, drown the roaring of the sea.

In addition to the officers and attendants in the canoe formerly
mentioned, they had one drummer, the king's steward, and his lady's
maid, and two persons to bale out water, besides three captains, to
give the necessary directions for the safety of the canoe. The noise
made by these people on their starting, in bawling to their fetish
through the trumpets, was beyond all description. Their object was to
secure them a safe journey, and most certainly, if noise could do so,
they were pretty certain of it.

The villages that they passed in the course of the day, were very
numerous, and not distant more than two or three miles from each
other, on the banks of the river. They were surrounded by more
cultivated land than they had seen for the previous fortnight; the
crops consisting of yams, bananas, plantains, indian corn, &c. &c.,
not having seen so much since they left Kacunda. The villages had a
pleasing appearance from the river. The houses seemed to be built of
a light-coloured clay, and being thatched with palm branches, they
very much resembled our own cottages. They were of a square form,
with two windows on each side of the door, but have no upper rooms.

In many places they observed that the river had overflowed its banks,
and was running between the trees and thick underwood. In the widest
part, it did not seem more than a mile and a half across, in fact,
its width, contrary to the usual course of rivers, when approaching
the sea, was sensibly diminishing, and was dwindling away into an
ordinary stream.

"Perhaps," says Richard Lander, "there cannot be a greater comfort
under the sun, than sound and invigorating sleep to the weary, nor in
our opinion, a greater grievance than the loss of it; because
wakefulness at those hours, which nature has destined for repose, is,
in nine cases out of ten, sure to be the harbinger of peevishness,
discontent, and ill humour, and not unfrequently induces languor,
lassitude, and disease. No two individuals in the world have greater
reason to complain of disturbed slumbers or nightly watching, than
ourselves. Heretofore, this has been occasioned chiefly by exposure
to damps, rains, and dews, mosquito attacks, frightful and piercing
noises, and over-fatigue, or apprehension or anxiety of mind. But
now, in  the absence of most of these causes, we are cramped,
painfully cramped for want of room, insomuch, that when we feel
drowsy, we find it impossible to place ourselves in a recumbent
posture, without having the heavy legs of Mr. and Mrs. Boy, with
their prodigious ornaments of ivory, placed either on our faces or on
our breasts. From such a situation it requires almost the strength of
a rhinoceros to be freed; it is most excessively teasing. Last night
we were particularly unfortunate in this respect, and a second attack
of fever, which came on me in the evening, rendered my condition
lamentable indeed, and truly piteous. It would be ridiculous to
suppose, that one can enjoy the refreshment of sleep, how much soever
it my be required, when two or more uncovered legs and feet, huge,
black, and rough, are traversing one's face and body, stopping up the
passages of respiration, and pressing so heavily upon them at times,
as to threaten suffocation. I could not long endure so serious an
inconvenience, but preferred last night sitting up in the canoe. My
brother was indisposed, and in fact unable to follow my example, and
therefores I endeavoured, if possible, to render his situation more
tolerable. With this object in view, I pinched the feet of our
snoring companions, Mr. and Mrs. Boy, repeatedly, till the pain
caused them to awake, and remove their brawny feet from his face, and
this enabled him to draw backwards a few inches, and place his head
into a narrow recess, which is formed by two boxes. However, this did
not allow him liberty to turn it either way, and thus jammed, with no
command whatever over his suffering limbs, he passed the hours
without sleep, and arose this morning with bruised bones and sore
limbs, complaining bitterly of the wretched moments, which the legs
of Mr. and Mrs. Boy had caused him, with their ivory rings and heaps
of yams."

They now arrived at a convenient place for stopping awhile, to give
their canoe men rest from their labour, and at day break they
launched out again into the river, and paddled down the stream. At
seven in the morning, Boy and his wife having landed to trade, the
Landers took advantage of their absence and slept soundly for two
hours, without the risk of being disturbed by the brawny legs of
either the gentleman or lady.

They continued their course down the river until two hours after
midnight, when they stopped near a small village on the east side of
the river. They made fast to the shore, and the people settled
themselves in the canoe to sleep. Having sat up the whole of the
previous night, for the best of all reasons, because they could find
no room to lie down, in consequence of the crowded state of the
canoe, and feeling themselves quite unequal to do the same, the
Landers took their mats and went on shore, determined if possible, to
sleep on the ground. Overcome by fatigue, the fear of being attacked
by alligators, or any thing else, they selected a dry place and laid
themselves down on their mats. They had nearly dropped asleep, when
they were roused by several severe stings, and found themselves
covered with black ants. They had got up their trousers, and were
tormenting them dreadfully. At first they knew not which way to get
rid of them. Their men, Pascoe, Sam, and Jowdie, seeing the condition
they were in, landed from the canoe, and made large fires in the form
of a ring, and they laid down in the midst of them and slept till
daylight. The sting of a black ant is quite as painful as that of a
wasp.

Towards the evening of the following day, they departed from the main
river, and took their course up a small branch towards Brass Town,
running in a direction about southeast from that which they had just
left. They had not proceeded far on this course, when to their great
satisfaction, they found themselves influenced by the tide. They had
previously observed an appearance of foam on the water, which might
have been carried up by the flood tide from the mouth of the river,
but they now felt certain of being within its influence. They were
constantly annoyed by the canoe running aground on a bank, or
sticking fast in the underwood, which delayed their progress
considerably, and the men were obliged to get out to lighten and lift
the canoe off them. Their tract was through a narrow creek, arched
over by mangroves, so as to form a complete avenue, which in many
places was so thick as to be totally impenetrable by the light above.
A heavy shower of rain came on and wetted them thoroughly, and after
this was over, the dripping from the trees, which overhung the canoe,
kept them in constant rain nearly the whole of the night. The smell
from decayed vegetable substances was sickly and exceedingly
disagreeable.

Through these dismal and gloomy passages, they travelled during the
whole of the night of the 15th November without stopping, unless for
a few minutes at a time, to disengage themselves from the pendant
shoots of the mangrove and spreading brambles, in which they
occasionally became entangled. These luxuriant natives of the soil
are so intricately woven, that it would be next to impossible to
eradicate them. Their roots and branches are the receptacles of ooze,
mud, and filth of all kinds, exhaling a peculiar offensive odour,
which no doubt possesses highly deleterious qualities.

The reason adduced for not resting during the night, was the
apprehension entertained by King Boy, of being unable to overtake his
father and brothers, they having left the Eboe country the day before
them. A certain spot had been previously fixed upon by the parties
for the meeting, and they arrived there about nine o'clock a.m., and
found those individuals in three large canoes, with their attendants,
waiting their arrival. Here they stopped, and made their canoes fast
to the trees, to take refreshment, such as it was, and half an hour's
rest; and here they were introduced to the renowned King Forday, who
according to his own account is monarch of the whole country. In one
of the canoes sat old King Forday, in company with several fetish
priests; the second canoe belonged to King Boy, and the third was Mr.
Gun's. These canoes had come thus far for the purpose of escorting
them into their country.

King Forday was a complaisant venerable-looking old man, but was
rather shabbily dressed, partly in the European and partly in the
native style. Like most savages, his fondness for spirituous liquors
was extreme, and he took large potations of rum in their presence,
though it produced no visible effect upon his manner or conversation.
In the jollity of the moment, he attempted to sing, but his weak
piping voice did not seem to second his inclination, and the sound
died away from very feebleness. His subjects, however, amounting to
nearly two hundred individuals, testified their approbation of the
effort by a tremendous "Yah!" shouted simultaneously by every voice,
which sounded like the roar of a lion.

During the time that they had been at breakfast, the tide ebbed, and
left their canoes lying on the mud. Breakfast being over, the fetish
priests commenced their avocations, by marking the person of King Boy
from head to foot with chalk, in lines, circles, and a variety of
fantastic figures, which so completely metamorphosed him, as to
render his identity rather questionable, at the distance of only a
few yards. His usual dress had been thrown aside, and he was allowed
to wear nothing but a narrow silk handkerchief tied round his waist;
on his head a little close cap was placed, made of grass, and
ornamented with large feathers. These they found to be the wing
feathers of a black and white buzzard, which is the fetish bird of
Brass Town. Two huge spears were also chalked and put into his hands,
and thus equipped his appearance was wild and grotesque in the
extreme. The same operation was performed on the rest of the party,
and the fetish priests were chalked in the same manner. The people
belonging to the Landers were merely marked on the forehead, and the
Landers themselves, perhaps from being already white, although their
faces were not a little tanned, were exempted from the ceremony.

They were now ordered into King Forday's canoe, to sit down with him.
The old man asked them immediately in tolerably good English, to take
a glass of rum with him; and having observed them wondering at the
strange appearance of King Boy, and the rest of the party, gave them
to understand that in consequence of no man having come down the
river as they had done, the fetish ceremony was performed to prevent
any thing happening to them. They also understood from him, that a
certain rite would be performed to _Dju-dju_, the fetish or domestic
god of Brass Town, in honour of their coming.

The tide was now fast returning, and preparations were made for
proceeding to Brass Town. For this purpose the canoes were all
arranged in a line, that of King Boy taking the lead; the Landers and
King Forday in the next, followed by King Boy's brother; Mr. Gun and
the Damaggoo people in others, and in this order they proceeded up
the river. Gun was styled the _little military king_ of Brass Town,
from being entrusted with the care of all the arms and ammunition,
and on this occasion, he gave them frequent opportunities of
witnessing his importance and activity, by suddenly passing a short
distance from the rest of the canoes, and firing off the cannon in
the bow of his own, and then dropping behind again.

The whole procession formed one of the most extraordinary sights that
can be imagined. The canoes were following each other up the river in
tolerable order, each of them displaying three flags. In the first
was King Boy, standing erect and conspicuous, his head dress of
feathers waving with the movements of his body, which had been
chalked in various fantastic figures, rendered more distinct by its
natural colour. His hands were resting on the barbs of two immense
spears, which at intervals he darted violently into the bottom of his
canoe, as if he were in the act of killing some formidable wild
animal under his feet. In the bows of all the other canoes, fetish
priests were dancing, and performing various extraordinary antics,
their persons as well as those of the people in them, being chalked
over in the same manner as that of King Boy; and to crown the whole,
Mr. Gun, the little military gentleman, was most actively employed,
his canoe, now darting before, and now dropping behind the rest,
adding not a little to the imposing effect of the whole scene, by the
repeated discharges of his cannon.

In this manner they continued on till about noon, when they entered a
little bay, and saw before them on the south side of it, two distinct
groups of buildings, one of which was King Forday's own, and the
other King Jacket's town. The cannons in all the canoes were now
fired off, and the whole of the people were quickly on the look-out,
to witness their approach. The firing having ceased, the greatest
stillness prevailed, and the canoes moved forward very slowly between
the two towns to a small island, a little to the east of Jacket's
town. This island is the abode of _Dju-dju_, or grand fetish priest,
and his wives, no one else being permitted to reside there. As they
passed Forday's town, a salute of seven guns was fired off at a
small battery near the water. The canoes stopped near the fetish hut
on the island, which was a low insignificant building of clay. The
priest, who was chalked over nearly in the same manner as Boy, drew
near to the water's edge, and with a peculiar air asked some
questions, which appeared to be answered to his satisfaction. Boy
then landed, and preceded by the tall figure of the priest, entered
the religious hut. Soon after this, the priest came to the
water-side, and looking at the Landers with much earnestness, broke
an egg, and poured some liquid into the water, after which he
returned again to the hut. The Brass men then rushed on a sudden into
the water, and returned in the same hasty manner, which to the
Landers appeared equally as mysterious as the rest of the ceremony.

After remaining at the island about an hour, during which time Boy
was in the hut with the priest, he rejoined them, and they proceeded
to Forday's town, and took up their residence at Boy's house. In the
extraordinary ceremony which they had just witnessed, it was evident
that they were the persons principally concerned, but whether it
terminated in their favour or against them; whether the answers of
the _Dju-dju_ were propitious or otherwise, they were only able to
ascertain by the behaviour of the Brass people towards them.

It was with the strongest emotions of joy that they saw a white man
on shore, whilst they were in the canoe, waiting the conclusion of
the ceremony. It was a cheering and goodly sight to recognize the
features of an European, in the midst of a crowd of savages. This
individual paid them a visit in the evening; his behaviour was
perfectly affable, courteous, and obliging, and in the course of a
conversation which they had with him, he informed them that he was
the master of the Spanish schooner, which was then lying in the Brass
River for slaves. Six of her crew, who were ill of the fever, and who
were still indisposed, likewise resided in the town.

Of all the wretched, filthy, and contemptible places in this world of
ours, none can present to the eye of a stranger so miserable an
appearance, or can offer such disgusting and loathsome sights as this
abominable Brass Town. Dogs, goats, and other animals were running
about the dirty streets half starved, whose hungry looks could only
be exceeded by the famishing appearance of the men, women, and
children, which bespoke the penury and wretchedness to which they
were reduced, while the sons of many of them were covered with odious
boils, and their huts were falling to the ground from neglect and
decay.

Brass, properly speaking, consists of two towns of nearly equal size,
containing about a thousand inhabitants each, and built on the
borders of a kind of basin, which is formed by a number of rivulets,
entering it from the Niger through forests of mangrove bushes. One of
them was under the domination of a noted scoundrel, called King
Jacket, to whom a former allusion has been made, and the other was
governed by a rival chief, named King Forday. These towns are
situated directly opposite each other, and within the distance of
eighty yards, and are built on a marshy ground, which occasions the
huts to be always wet. Another place, called Pilot's Town by
Europeans, from the number of pilots that reside in it, is situated
nearly at the mouth of the first Brass River, which the Landers
understood to be the "_Nun_" River of the Europeans, and at the
distance of sixty or seventy miles from hence. This town acknowledges
the authority of both kings, having been originally peopled by
settlers from each of their towns. At the ebb of the tide, the basin
is left perfectly dry, with the exception of small gutters, and
presents a smooth and almost unvaried surface of black mud, which
emits an intolerable odour, owing to the decomposition of vegetable
substances, and the quantity of filth and nastiness which is thrown
into the basin by the inhabitants of both towns. Notwithstanding this
nuisance, both children and grown-up persons may be seen sporting in
the mud, whenever the tide goes out, all naked, and amusing
themselves in the same manner, as if they were on shore.

The Brass people grow neither yams, nor bananas, nor grain of any
kind, cultivating only the plantain as an article of food, which,
with the addition of a little fish, forms their principal diet. Yams,
however, are frequently imported from Eboe, and other countries by
the chief people, who resell great quantities of them to the shipping
that may happen to be in the river. They are enabled to do this by
the very considerable profits which accrue to them from their trading
transactions with people residing further inland, and from the palm
oil which they themselves manufacture, and which they dispose of to
the Liverpool traders. The soil in the vicinity of Brass is, for the
most part, poor and marshy, though it is covered with a rank,
luxuriant and impenetrable vegetation. Even in the hands of an
active, industrious race, it would offer almost insuperable obstacles
to general cultivation; but, with its present possessory, the
mangrove itself can never be extirpated, and the country will, it is
likely enough, maintain its present appearance till the end of time.

The dwelling in which the Landers resided, belonged to King Boy, and
stood on the extreme edge of the basin, and was constructed not long
since, by a carpenter, who came up the river for the purpose from
Calabar, of which place he was a native: he received seven slaves for
his labour. This man must evidently have seen European dwellings, as
there was decidedly an attempt to imitate them. It was of an oblong
form, containing four apartments, which were all on the ground-floor,
lined with wood, and furnished with tolerably-made doors and
cupboards. This wood bore decided marks of its having once formed
part of a vessel, and was most likely the remains of one which,
according to report, was wrecked not long ago on the bar of the
river. The house had recently been converted into a kind of seraglio
by King Boy, because ho had, to use his own expression, "plenty of
wives," who required looking after. It also answered the purpose of a
store-house for European goods, tobacco, and spirituous liquors. Its
rafters  were  of bamboo, and its thatch of palm leaves. The
apartment which the Landers occupied, had a window overlooking the
basin, outside of which was a veranda, occupied at the time by Pascoe
and his wives. The whole of its furniture consisted of an old oaken
table, but it was supplied with seats, made of clay, which were
raised about three feet from the ground. These, together with the
floor, which was of mud, were so soft and wet as to enable a person
to thrust his hand into any part of them without any difficulty
whatever. In one corner, communicating with the other apartments, was
a door destitute of a lock, and kept always ajar, except at night,
when it was closed. One of the sides of the room was decorated with
an old  French print, representing the Virgin Mary, with a great
number of chubby-faced angels ministering to her, at whose feet was a
prayer on "Our Lady's good deliverance." The whole group was designed
and executed badly.

When the tide is at its height, the water flows up to the doors and
windows of the house, which may perhaps account for its dampness; it
is, however, held in very high estimation by its owner, and was
called an English house. In general the houses are built of a kind of
yellow clay, and the windows are all furnished with shutters.

There were several huts opposite the town, where the people make
salt, after the rains are over; the water at present was brackish
from the effect of the rains, but according to the information given
by Boy, in the course of two months it will be quite salt, when they
will again commence making it. It is an article of trade, and appears
to be taken in large quantities to the Eboe market, where it is
exchanged for yams, the kowrie shell not being circulated lower down
the river than Bocqua. The principal employment of the people
consists in making salt, fishing, boiling oil, and trading to the
Eboe country, for not a particle of cultivated land was to be seen.
The people live exclusively on yams and palm oil, with sometimes a
small quantity of fish. They bring poultry from the Eboe country, but
rear very little themselves, and what they do rear is very carefully
preserved, and sold to the ships that frequent the river.

A little palm oil would have been a great luxury to the Landers, but
King Boy would not give them any. Their allowance consisted of half a
small yam each day, but on the evening after their arrival, his
majesty being out of the way, two of his wives brought them half a
glass of rum each, and four yams; this was a great treat to them, but
a considerable risk to the ladies, for had Boy discovered the theft,
it is more than likely that he would have had them flogged and sold.

Wet and uncomfortable as was their dwelling, yet it was infinitely
more desirable and convenient than their confined quarters in the
canoe, for here they had the pleasure of reposing at full length,
which was a luxury they could not have purchased on the water at any
price.

The Spanish captain paid them another visit, and left the town in the
afternoon, on his return to his vessel. He informed them that slaves
were very scarce, and obtained with difficulty and expense.

Richard Lander was now invited to visit King Forday, and he
accordingly complied with the summons. His house was situated about a
hundred yards distant from that of King Boy, and on entering it, he
found him sitting, half drunk, with about a dozen of his wives, and a
number of dogs in a small filthy room. Lander was desired to sit down
by his side, and to drink a glass of rum. He was then given to
understand, as well as his majesty was able, that it was customary
for every white man who came down the river to pay him four bars.
Lander expressed his ignorance and surprise at this demand, but was
soon silenced by his saying, "That is my demand, and I shall not
allow you to leave this town until you give me a _book_ for that
amount." Seeing that he had nothing to do but to comply with his
demand, Lander gave him a bill on Lake the commander of the English
vessel, after which he said, "To-morrow you may go to the brig; take
one servant with yon, but your mate, (meaning his brother,) must
remain here with your seven people, until my son, King Boy, shall
bring the goods for himself and me, after this they shall be sent on
board without delay."

In order that he might make a decent appearance before his countrymen
on the following day, Richard Lander was obliged to sit the whole of
the afternoon with an old cloth wrapped round him, until his clothes
were washed and dried. This was the most miserable and starving place
which they had yet visited: since their arrival, Mr. Gun had sent
them two meals, consisting of a little pounded yam, and fish stewed
in palm oil, and for this he had the impudence to demand two muskets
in payment. These fellows, like the rest on the coast, were a set of
imposing rascals, little better than downright savages; Lander was
informed that they had absolutely starved three white men, shortly
before his arrival, who had been wrecked in a slaving vessel, when
crossing the bar.



CHAPTER XLI.

Richard Lander had determined that one of his men should accompany
him down the river, and at ten o'clock, having taken leave of his
brother and the rest of the party, they embarked in King Boy's canoe,
with a light heart and an anxious mind: although distant about sixty
miles from the mouth of the river, his journey appeared to him
already completed, and all his troubles and difficulties, he
considered at an end. Already, in fond anticipation, he was on board
the brig, and had found a welcome reception from her commander had
related to him all the hardships and dangers they had undergone, and
had been listened to with commiseration; already had he assured
himself of his doing all he could to enable him to fulfil his
engagements with these people, and thought themselves happy in
finding a vessel belonging to their own country in the river at the
time of their arrival. These meditations and a train of others about
home and friends, to which they naturally led, occupied his mind as
the canoe passed through the narrow creeks, sometimes winding under
avenues of mangrove trees, and at others expanding into small lakes
occasioned by the overflowing of the river. The captain of the canoe,
a tall sturdy fellow, was standing up, directing its course,
occasionally hallooing as they came to a turn in the creek, to the
fetish, and where an echo was returned half a glass of rum and a
piece of yam and fish were thrown into the water. Lander had seen
this done before, and on asking Boy the reason why he was throwing
away the provisions thus, he asked, "Did you not hear the fetish?"
The captain of the canoe replied, "Yes." "That is for the fetish,"
said Boy, "if we do not feed him, and do good for him, he will kill
us, or make us poor and sick." Lander could not help smiling at the
ignorance of the poor creatures, but such is their firm belief.

They had pursued their course in this manner, which had been
principally to the west, till about three in the afternoon, when they
came to a branch of the river about two hundred yards wide, and
seeing a small village at a short distance before them, they stopped
there for the purpose of obtaining some dried fish. Having supplied
their wants and proceeded on, about an hour afterwards they again
stopped, that their people might take some refreshment. Boy very
kindly presented Lander with a large piece of yam, reserving to
himself all the fish they had got at the village, and after making a
hearty meal off them, he fell asleep. While he was snoring by
Lander's side, the remainder of the fish attracted his notice, and
not feeling half satisfied with the yam which had been given him, he
felt an irresistible inclination to taste them. Conscience acquitted
him on the score of hunger, and hinted that such an opportunity
should not be lost, and accordingly, he very quickly demolished two
small ones. Although entirely raw, they were delicious, and he never
remembered having enjoyed anything with a better relish in all his
life.

There was scarcely a spot of dry land to be seen anywhere, all was
covered with water and mangrove trees. After remaining about half an
hour, they again proceeded, and at seven in the evening arrived in
the second Brass River, which was a large branch of the Quorra. They
kept their course down it about due south, and half an hour
afterwards, Lander heard the welcome sound of the surf on the beach.
They still continued onwards, and at a quarter before eight in the
evening, they made their canoe fast to a tree for the night, on the
west bank of the river.

On the following morning, Lander found his clothes as thoroughly wet
from the effects of the dew, as if he had been lying in the river all
night instead of the canoe. At five in the morning, they let go the
rope from the tree, and took their course in a westerly direction up
a creek. At seven they arrived in the main branch of the Quorra,
which is called the River Nun, or the First Brass River, having
entered it opposite to a large branch, which, from the information
given by King Boy, ran to Benin. The direction of the River Nun was
here nearly north and south, and they kept on their course down the
stream.

About a quarter an hour after they had entered the river Nun, they
discerned at a distance from them, two vessels lying at anchor. The
emotions of delight which the sight of them occasioned were beyond
the power of Lander to describe. The nearest was a schooner, a
Spanish slave vessel, whose captain they had seen at Brass Town.
Their canoe was quickly by her side, and Lander went on board. The
captain received him very kindly, and invited him to take some
spirits and water with him. He complained sadly of the sickly state
of the crew, asserting that the river was extremely unhealthy, and
that he had only been in it six weeks, in which time he had lost as
many men. The remainder of his crew, consisting of thirty persons,
were in such a reduced state, that they were scarcely able to move,
and were lying about his decks, more resembling skeletons man living
persons. Lander could do no good with the Spaniard, so he took his
leave of him, and returned into the canoe.

They now directed their course to the English brig, which was lying
about three hundred yards lower down the river. Having reached her,
with feelings of delight, mingled with doubt, Lander went on board.
Here he found every thing in as sad a condition, as he had in the
schooner, four of the crew had just died of fever, four more which
completed the whole, were lying sick in their hammocks, and the
captain himself appeared to be in the very last stage of illness. He
had recovered from a severe attack of fever, and having suffered a
relapse in consequence of having exposed himself too soon, which had
been nearly fatal to him, Lander now stated to him who he was,
explained his situation to him as fully as he could, and had his
instructions read to him by one of his own people, that he might see
there was no intention to impose upon him. Lander then requested that
he would redeem them by paying what had been demanded by King Boy,
and assured him, that whatever he might give to him on their account
would certainly be repaid him by the British government. To the utter
surprise, however, of Lander, he flatly refused to give a single
thing, ill and weak as he was, made use of the most offensive and the
most shameful oaths, which he ever heard. Petrified amazement, and
horror-struck at such conduct, Lander shrunk from him with terror. He
could scarcely believe what he had heard, till his ears were assailed
by a repetition of the same oaths. Disappointed beyond measure, by
such brutal conduct from one of his own countrymen, he could not have
believed it possible, his feelings completely overpowered him, and he
was ready to sink with grief and shame. He was now undetermined how
to act, or what course to pursue. Never in his life did he feel such
humiliation as at this moment. In his way through the country he had
been treated well; he had been in the habit of making such presents
as had been expected from them, and above all, they had maintained
their character amongst the natives, by keeping their promises. This
was now no longer in his power, as his means were all expended, and
when as a last, and as he had imagined, a certain resource, he had
promised the price of his ransom should be paid by the first of his
countrymen that he might meet with, on the best of all securities, to
be thus refused and dishonoured by him, would, he knew, degrade them
sadly in the opinion of the natives, if it did not lessen them in
their own.

As there were no hopes that the captain of this vessel would pay any
thing for them, he went on board the canoe again, and told King Boy,
that he must take him to Bonny, as a number of English ships were
there. "No, no," said he, "dis captain no pay, Bonny captain no pay.
I won't take you any further." As this would not do, Lander again had
recourse to the captain, and implored him to do something for him,
telling him that if he would only let him have ten muskets, Boy might
be content with them, when he found that he could get nothing else.
The only reply Lander received was; "I have told you already I will
not let you have even a flint, so bother me no more." "But I have a
brother and eight people at Brass Town," said Lander to him, "and if
you do not intend to pay King Boy, at least persuade him to bring
them here, or else he will poison or starve my brother, before I can
get any assistance from a man of war, and sell all my people." The
only answer given was; "If you can get them on board, I will take
them away, but as I have told you before, you do not get a flint from
me." Lander then endeavoured to persuade Boy to go back for his
people, and that he should be paid some time or other. "Yes," said
the captain, "make haste and bring them." Boy very naturally required
some of his goods before he went, and it was with no small
difficulty, that Lander prevailed on him afterwards to go without
them.

The captain of the brig now inquired what men Lander had, and on his
telling him he had two seamen, and three others, who might be useful
to him in working his vessel, his tone and manner began to soften. He
fully agreed with Lander, that they might be useful in getting the
brig out of the river, as half of his crew were dead, and the other
half sick, so Lander took courage and asked him for a piece of beef
to send to his brother, and a small quantity of rum, which he readily
gave. Lander knew that his brother as well as himself, much needed a
change of linen, but he could not venture to ask such a thing from
the captain with much hopes of success, so the cook of the brig,
appearing to be a respectable sort of a man, an application was made
to him, and he produced instantly three white shirts. King Boy was
now ready to depart, not a little discontented, and Lander sent his
own man in the canoe, with the few things which he had been able to
obtain, and a note for his brother. The latter was desired to give
Antonio an order on any English captain that he might find at Bonny,
for his wages, and also one for the Damaggoo people, that they might
receive the small present he had promised to their good old chief,
who had treated them so well. At two in the afternoon, King Boy took
his departure, promising to return with John Lander and his people in
three days, but grumbling much at not having been paid his goods.

Lander endeavoured to make himself as comfortable as he could in the
vessel, and thinking that the captain might change his behaviour
towards him, when he got better, he determined to have as little to
say to him till then as possible. On the following day, Captain Lake
appeared to be much better, and Lander ventured to ask him for a
change of linen, of which he was in great want. This request was
immediately complied with, and he enjoyed a luxury which he had not
experienced a long time. In the course of the morning, Lander
conversed with him about his travels in the country, and related the
whole of the particulars of the manner in which they had been
attacked and plundered at Kirree. He then explained to him how King
Boy had saved them from slavery in the Eboe country, and how much
they felt indebted to him for it. He endeavoured particularly to
impress this on his mind, as he still hoped to bring him round to pay
what he had promised. Having laid all before him as fully as he was
able, and pointed out to him the bad opinion which Boy would have of
them, and the injurious tendency towards Englishmen in general, that
would result from not keeping their word with him, which it was in
his power to enable them to do, he ventured to ask him to give him
ten muskets for his bill on government. He listened apparently with
great attention to his story, but Lander no sooner advanced his
wants, than with a furious oath, he repeated his refusal, and finding
him as determined as ever he had been, he mentioned it no more. He
moreover told him in the most unkind and petulant manner, "If your
brother and people are not here in three days, I go without them."
This, it was believed, he would not do, as the men would be of
service to him, but Boy had given his promise, that they should be at
the vessel in that time.

In the middle of the day, the pilot who had brought the vessel into
the river, came on board and demanded payment for it, which gave
Lander an opportunity of seeing more of the disposition of Mr. Lake.
The pilot had no sooner made his business known, than Lake flew into
a violent passion, cursing and abusing him in the most disgusting
language he could use; he refused to pay him any thing whatever, and
ordered him to go out of the ship immediately. Whether Lake was right
or wrong in this, Lander knew not, but he was shocked at his
expressions, and the pilot reluctantly went away, threatening that he
would sink his vessel, if he offered to leave the river without
paying him his due. He was rather surprised to hear such language
from the pilot, and doubted his meaning, until he found that he had a
battery of seven brass guns at the town on the eastern side of the
river, near its entrance, which, if well managed, might soon produce
that effect. This town, as before observed, is named Pilot's Town,
being the established residence of those who conduct vessels over the
bar.

On the following day, Lander inquired of Capt. Lake, whether, when
they left the river, he would take them to Fernando Po. This,
however, he again refused, saying that the island had been given up;
that there was not a single white man on it, and that no assistance
could be got there, but that if all the people should arrive by the
morning of the 23rd, he would land them at Bimbia, a small island in
the river Cameroons, whither he was going to complete his cargo, and
at this island he said that Lander would find a white man, who kept a
store for Captain Smith. Lander was quite satisfied with this
arrangement, feeling assured that he should get every thing he might
want from him.

Lander's chief concern was now about his brother, and he much feared
that the vessel would sail without him, for there was no dependence
on the captain, so little did he care for them, or the object for
which they had visited the country. Lander took an opportunity of
begging him, in the event of his brother and the men not arriving by
the 23rd, to wait a little longer for them, asserting at the same
time, that if he went away without them, they would be assuredly
starved or sold as slaves, before he could return to them with
assistance. He might just as well have addressed himself to the
wind--"I can't help it, I shall wait no longer," was the only reply
he made, in a surly, hasty tone, which was a convincing proof that
all attempts to reason with him would be fruitless.

In the afternoon, the chief mate and three Kroomen were sent away by
his direction to sound the bar of the river, to know whether there
was sufficient depth of water for the vessel to pass over it. The
pilot, who had been dismissed so peremptorily on the preceding day,
was determined to have his revenge, and being naturally on the look
out, had observed the movements of the boat; so favourable an
opportunity was not to be lost, and accordingly watching her, he
despatched an armed canoe, and intercepted her return at the mouth of
the river. The mate of the brig and one of the Kroomen were quickly
made prisoners and conveyed to Pilot's Town, and the boat with the
remainder sent back with a message to the captain, that they would
not be given up until the pilotage should be paid. Lake must have
felt somewhat annoyed at this, but whether he did or not, he treated
it with the greatest indifference, saying that he did not care, he
would go to sea without his mate or the Kroomen either, and that he
was determined not to pay the pilotage.

On the 22nd of December, the anxiety of Lander for his brother's
safety made him extremely unhappy, and during the whole of the day he
was on the look out for him; Lake, observing the distress he was in,
told him not to trouble himself any more about him, adding, that he
was sure he was dead, and that he need not expect to see him again.
"If he had been alive," said Lake, "he would have been here by this
time, to-morrow morning I shall leave the river." Such inhuman and
unfeeling conduct from this man only tended to increase Lander's
dislike for him, and without paying him any attention, he kept
looking out for his party. So great was his anxiety that he was on
the look out long after dusk, nor could he sleep during the whole of
the night.

The 23rd arrived, the day fixed for the departure, but to the great
joy of Lander, and the mortification of Lake, the sea breeze was so
strong that it raised a considerable surf on the bar, and prevented
them from getting out. This was a most anxious time for Lander, and
the whole of the day his eyes were riveted to the part of the river
where he knew his brother must come. The whole day passed in tedious
watching, and the night was far spent without any tidings of him.
About midnight he saw several large canoes making their way over to
the west bank of the river, in one of which he imagined that he could
distinguish his brother. He observed them soon after landing, and saw
by the fires which they made, that they had encamped under some
mangrove trees. All his fears and apprehensions vanished in an
instant, and he was overjoyed with the thoughts of meeting his
brother in the morning.

The captain of the brig having observed them, suddenly exclaimed,
"Now we shall have a little fighting to-morrow, go you and load
seventeen muskets, and put five buck shot into each. I will take care
that the cannon shall be loaded to the muzzle with balls and flints,
and if there is any row, I will give them such a scouring as they
never had." He then directed Lander to place the muskets and
cutlasses out of sight, near the stern of the vessel, and said to
him, "The instant that your people come on board, call them aft, and
let them stand by the arms. Tell them, if there is any row to arm
themselves directly, and drive all the Brass people overboard." This
was summary work with a vengeance, and every thing betokened that
Lake was in earnest. Lander saw clearly that he was resolved on
adopting severe measures, and he appeared to possess all the
determination necessary to carry them through.

Lander could  not help feeling otherwise  than distressed  and
ashamed of leaving the Brass people in this manner, but he had no
alternative, there was no one to whom he could apply for assistance
in his present situation, except the captain of the vessel, and to
him he had applied in vain. His entreaties were thrown away on him,
and even the certainty of an ample recompense by the British
government, which had been held out to him, had been treated with
contempt. He, therefore, had no hopes from that quarter. Boy had
refused to take them to Bonny, asserting that if he could not be paid
here, he should not be paid there, and to go back to Brass Town would
be deliberately returning to starvation. His last resource,
therefore, was to put the best face on the business which he could,
and as no other plan was left him, to get away by fair means or foul,
and let the blame fall where it was incurred.

Early on the following morning, Lander was on the look out for his
brother, and soon observed him and the people get into the canoe.
They were no sooner embarked than they all landed again, which could
be accounted for in no other way, than by supposing that it was the
intention of Boy to keep them on shore, until he had received the
goods. He was, however, not long in this state of anxiety, for about
seven o'clock, they embarked and were brought on board.

The following is the account which John Lander gave, of the events
which fell under his notice at Brass Town, and his proceedings during
the time that he was separated from his brother.

Wednesday, November 17th. "This morning, my brother, attended by one
of our men, quitted this town with King Boy and suite, leaving the
remainder of the party and myself behind, as hostages for the
fulfilment of the conditions, which we entered into with him in the
Eboe country. For myself, though greatly chagrined at this unforeseen
arrangement, I could not from my heart, altogether condemn the framer
of it; for it is quite natural to suppose that a savage should
distrust the promises of Europeans, when he himself is at all times
guilty of breach of faith and trust, not only in his trading
transactions with foreigners, but likewise in familiar intercourse
with his own people. Forday is the cause of it, and he displays all
the artifice, chicanery, and low cunning of a crafty and corrupt
mind. Therefore, after a moment's reflection, I was not much
surprised at the step which King Boy has taken, nor can I be very
angry with him, and I am resolved to await with composure his return,
and consequently my release from this miserable place, though I have
begun to consider with seriousness, what will become of us, in the
event of Lake's refusal to honour the bill which we have sent him.
Besides, I am rather uneasy on our people's account, for during these
two or three days past, they have had scarcely any thing to eat, and
we are now left entirely destitute, nor do I know where to obtain
relief. The Damaggoo people are with us likewise, and they are
interested in my brother's return, equally as much as myself. Instead
of being our guides and protectors, these poor creatures have shared
in our calamity; their little all has either been lost or stolen, or
else expended in provisions, and like us, they are reduced to great
distress and wretchedness. They will remain here, in order to receive
the few things which we have promised them and their chief, but
should Lake object to part with his goods, we shall give them a note
to the master of any English vessel at Bonny, whither they are
destined to go, requesting him to pay the poor strangers their
demands.

"After a good deal of solicitation and importunity, we received this
morning four small yams from the wives of King Boy, who informed us
that the same number of yams will be given us daily. Our people
having nothing else to eat, made a kind of broth with this vegetable;
at first it was, of course, a most insipid mess, but with the
addition of a little salt, it is rendered more palatable. We sent to
King Forday in the afternoon, for a few plantains, or any thing that
could be eaten, but the gloomy old savage shook his head, folded his
arms, and refused.

"Nothing could exceed my regret and consternation on the perusal of
the letter which I received from my brother, and somehow, I almost
dreaded to meet with King Boy. Well knowing how much it would
influence his behaviour towards us, we had been careful to represent
to that individual, the thanks and cheering which he would receive
from our countrymen, the moment he should take us on board the
English brig, that he would be favoured and caressed beyond measure,
and receive plenty of beef, bread, and rum. His face used to shine
with delight on anticipating so luxurious a treat, and he had
uniformly been in a better humour, after listening to these promises
of ours, than any thing else could have made him. The contrast
between his actual reception on board Lake's ship, to that which his
own fancy and our repeated assurances had taught him to expect, was
too dreadful to think on even for a moment, and for this reason, as
much as any other, I looked forward with something of apprehension
and anxiety to an interview with this savage, because I knew, that
after the cutting disappointment which he had experienced, he would
be under the influence of strongly excited feelings, and stormy
passions, over which he exercises no control. I was convinced too,
that the whole weight of his resentment, and the fury of his rage,
would fall upon me, for I am completely in his power.

"The interesting moment at length arrived. We heard King Boy
quarrelling with his women, and afterwards walking through their
apartments towards ours, muttering as he went along. He entered it,
and stood still; I was reposing, as I usually do for the greater part
of the day, upon a mat which is placed on the seat of wet clay, but
on perceiving him, I lifted my head without arising, and reclined it
on my hand. He looked fixedly upon me, and I returned his glance with
the same unshrinking steadfastness. But his dark eye was flashing
with anger, whilst his upturned lip, which exposed his white teeth,
quivered with passion. No face in the world could convey more
forcibly to the mind the feeling of contempt and bitter scorn, than
the distorted one before me. It was dreadfully expressive, drawing up
the left angle of his mouth in a parallel with his eyes, he broke
silence, with a sneering, long-drawn 'Eh!' and almost choked with
rage, he cursed me; and in a tone and manner, which it is infinitely
out of my power to describe, he spoke to the following effect: 'You
are thief, man; English captain, no will! You assured me, when I took
you from the Eboe country, that he would be overjoyed to see me, and
give me plenty of beef and rum; I received from him neither the one
nor the other. Eh! English captain, no will! I gave a quantity of
goods to free you from the slavery of Obie; I took you into my own
canoe; you were hungry, and I gave you yam and fish; you were almost
naked, I was sorry to see you so, because you were white men and
strangers, and I gave each of you a red cap and a silk handkerchief;
but you are no good, you are thief, man. Eh! English captain, no
will; he no will. You also told me your countrymen would do this
(taking off his cap, and flourishing it in circles over his head,)
and cry hurra! hurra! on receiving me on board their vessel; you
promised my wife a necklace, and my father, four bars. But eh!
English captain, no will! he tell me he no will: yes, I will satisfy
your hunger with plenty more of my fish and yams, and your thirst I
will quench with rum and palm wine. Eh! you thief man, you are no
good, English captain, no will!' He then stamped on the ground, and
gnashing at me with his teeth like a dog, he cursed me again and
again.

"It is true I did not feel perfectly easy at this severe rebuke, and
under such taunting reproaches; but I refrained from giving utterance
to a single thought till after he had concluded his abuse and
anathematizing. Had a spirited person been in my situation, he might
have knocked him down, and might have had his head taken off for his
pains, but as for me, all such kind of spirit is gone out of me
entirely. Besides we had, though unintentionally, deceived King Boy,
and I also bore in mind the kindness which he had done us, in
ransoming us from a state of slavery. Most of what he had asserted
was most unquestionably true, and in some measure, I was deserving
his  severest reprehension and displeasure.

"The fury of Boy having been somewhat appeased by my silence and
submission, as well as by his own extraordinary and violent
agitation, I ventured mildly to assure him, on the strength of my
brother's letter, that his suspicions were entirely groundless, that
Mr. Lake had certainly a _will_ or inclination to enter into
arrangements with him for the payment of his just demands, and that
when he should convey our people and myself to the Thomas, every
thing would be settled to his complete satisfaction. He half
believed, half mistrusted my words, and shortly afterwards quitted
the apartment, threatening, however, that we should not leave Brass
till it suited his own pleasure and convenience.

"It is really a most humiliating reflection, that we are reduced to
the most contemptible subterfuges of deceit and falsehood, in order
to carry a point which might have been easily gained by
straightforward integrity. But the conduct of Lake has left us no
alternative, and whatever my opinion of that individual may be, he
surely must be destitute of all those manly characteristics of a
British seaman, as well as of the more generous feelings of our
common nature, to be guilty, on a sick bed, of an action which might,
for aught he knew or cared, produce the most serious consequences to
his unfortunate countrymen in a savage land, by exposing them to the
wretchedness of want, and the miseries of slavery, to mockery,
ill-usage, contempt, and scorn, and even to death itself.

"November 20th. King Boy has not visited us to-day, though we have
received the customary allowance of four yams from his women. In
addition to which, Adizzetta made us a present of half a dozen this
morning, as an acknowledgment for the benefit she had derived from a
dose of laudanum, which I gave her last night, for the purpose of
removing pain from the lower regions of the stomach, a complaint by
which she says she is occasionally visited.

"This morning, November 21st, I dismissed the poor Damaggoo people,
with a note to either of the English vessels lying in the Bonny
river, requesting him to give the bearer three barrels of gunpowder,
and a few muskets, On the faith of being paid for the same by the
British government. They left Brass in their own canoe, quite
dejected and out of heart, and Antonio, the young man who volunteered
to accompany us from his majesty's brig, Clinker, at Badagry, went
along with them, on his return to his country, from which he has been
absent two or three years.

"The following day, one or two crafty little urchins, who are slaves
to King Boy, brought us a few plantains as a gift. They had been
engaged in pilfering tobacco leaves from an adjoining apartment, to
which our people were witnesses, and the juvenile depredators,
fearing the consequences of a disclosure, bribed them to secrecy in
the manner already mentioned. Boy's women have also been guilty,
during the temporary absence of their lord and master, of stealing a
quantity of rum from the store room, and distributing it amongst
their friends and acquaintance, and they have resorted to the same
plan as the boys, to prevent the exposure, which they dreaded. One of
them, who acts as a duenna, is the favourite and confidante of Boy,
and she wears a bunch of keys round her neck in token of her
authority. She has likewise the care of all her master's effects, and
as a further mark of distinction, she is allowed the privilege of
using a walking-stick with a knob at the end, which is her constant
companion. This woman is exceedingly good-natured, and indulges our
men with a glass or two of rum every day.

"Last evening, King Boy stripped to the skin, and having his body
most hideously marked, ran about the town like a maniac with a spear
in his hand, calling loudly on _Dju dju_, and uttering a wild,
frantic cry at every corner. It appears that one of his father's
wives had been strongly suspected of adulterous intercourse with a
free man residing in the town, and that this strange means was
adopted, in pursuance of an ancient custom, to apprize the
inhabitants publicly of the circumstance, and implore the counsel and
assistance of the god at the examination of the parties. This morning
the male aggressor was found dead, having swallowed poison, it is
believed, to avoid a worse kind of death, and the priest declaring
his opinion of the guilt of the surviving party, she was immediately
sentenced to be drowned. This afternoon, the ill-fated woman was tied
hand and foot, and conveyed in a canoe to the main body of the river,
into which she was thrown without hesitation, a weight of some kind
having been fastened to her feet for the purpose of sinking her. She
met her death with incredible firmness and resolution. The
superstitious people believe, that had the deceased been innocent of
the crime laid to her charge, their god would have saved her life,
even after she had been flung into the river; but because she had
perished, her guilt was unquestionably attested. The mother of the
deceased is not allowed to display any signs of sorrow or sadness at
the untimely death of her daughter, for were she to do so, the same
dreadful punishment would be inflicted upon her, 'For,' say the Brass
people, 'if the parent should mourn or weep over the fate of a child
guilty of so heinous a crime, we should pronounce her instantly to be
as criminal as her daughter, and to have tolerated her offence. But
if, on the contrary, she betrays no maternal tenderness, nor bewail
her bereavement in tears and groans, we should then conclude her to
be entirely ignorant of the whole transaction; she would then give a
tacit acknowledgment to the justice of the sentence, and rejoice to
be rid of an object that would only entail disgrace on her as long as
she lived.

"Our people are become heartily tired of their situation, and
impatient to be gone; they were regaled with an extra quantity of rum
last evening, by their female friend, the duenna; when their
grievances appearing to them in a more grievous light than ever, they
had the courage to go in a body to King Boy, to demand an explanation
of his intentions towards them. They told him, indignantly, either to
convey them to the English brig, or sell them for slaves to the
Spaniards, 'For,' say they, 'we would rather lose our liberty, than
be kept here to die of hunger.' Boy returned them an equivocating
answer, but treated them much less roughly than I had reason to
anticipate. Afterwards, I went myself to the same individual, and
with a similar motive, but for some time I had no opportunity of
conversing with him. It is a kind of holiday here, and most of the
Brass people, with their chiefs, are merry with intoxication. As well
as I can understand, during the earlier part of the day they were
engaged in a solemn, religious observance, and since then King Forday
has publicly abdicated in favour of Boy, who is his eldest son. I
discovered those individuals in a court annexed to the habitation of
the former, surrounded by a great number of individuals with bottles,
glasses, and decanters at their feet; they were all in a state of
drunkenness, more or less; and all had their faces and bodies chalked
over in rude and various characters. Forday, alone, sat in a chair,
Boy was at his side, and the others, amongst whom was our friend Gun
and a drummer, were sitting around on blocks of wood, and on the
trunk of a fallen tree. The chairman delivered a long oration, but he
was too tipsy, and perhaps too full of days to speak with grace,
animation, or power; therefore his eloquence was not very persuasive,
and his nodding hearers, overcome with drowsiness, listened to him
with scarcely any attention. They smiled, however, and laughed
occasionally, but I could not find why they did so; I don't think
they themselves could tell. The old chief wore an English superfine
beaver hat, and an old jacket, that once belonged to a private
soldier, but the latter was so small that he was able only to thrust
an arm into one of the sleeves, the other part of the jacket being
thrown upon his left shoulder. These, with the addition of a cotton
handkerchief, which was tied round his waist, were his only apparel.
By far the most showy and conspicuous object in the yard, was an
immense umbrella, made of figured cotton of different patterns, with
a deep fringe of coloured worsted, which was stuck into the ground.
But even this was tattered and torn, and dirty withal, having been in
Forday's possession for many years, and it is only used on public and
sacred occasions. I had been sitting amongst the revellers till the
speaker had finished his harangue, when I embraced the opportunity,
as they were about to separate, of entreating King Boy to hasten our
departure for the vessel. He was highly excited and elated with
liquor, and being in excellent temper, he promised to take us
to-morrow.

"It required little time on the following day, to take leave of a few
friends we have at Brass, and we quitted the town not only without
regret, but with emotions of peculiar pleasure. King Boy, with three
of his women, and his suite in a large canoe, and our people and
myself in a smaller one. Adizzetta would gladly have accompanied her
husband to the English vessel, for her desire to see it was naturally
excessive; but she was forbidden by old Forday, who expressed some
squeamishness about the matter, or rather he was jealous that on her
return to her father's house in the Eboe country, she would give too
high and favourable an opinion of it to her friends, which might in
the end produce consequences highly prejudicial to his interests.

"We stopped awhile at a little fishing village, at no great distance
from Brass, where we procured a few fish, and abundance of young
cocoa nuts, the milk of which was sweet and refreshing. Continuing
our journey on streams and rivulets intricately winding through
mangroves and brambles, we entered the main body of the river in time
to see the sun setting behind a glorious sky, directly before us. We
were evidently near the sea, because the water was perfectly salt,
and we scented also the cool and bracing sea breeze, with feelings of
satisfaction and rapture. However, the wind became too stormy for our
fragile canoe; the waves leaped into it over the bow, and several
times we were in danger of being swamped. Our companion was far
before us, and out of sight, so that, for the moment, there was no
probability of receiving assistance, or of lightening the canoe, but,
happily, in a little while we did not require it, for the violence of
the wind abating with the disappearance of the sun, we were enabled
to continue on our way without apprehension. About nine o'clock in
the evening, we overtook the large canoe and the crews, both having
partaken of a slight refreshment of fish and plantain together, we
passed the _Second Brass River_, which was to the left of us, in
company. Here it might have been somewhat more than half a mile in
breadth, and though it was dangerously rough for a canoe, with great
precaution we reached the opposite side in safety. From thence, we
could perceive in the distance, the long wished for Atlantic, with
the moonbeams reposing in peaceful beauty on its surface, and could
also hear the sea breaking, and roaring over the sandy bar, which
stretches across the mouth of the river. The solemn voice of Ocean
never sounded more melodiously in my ear, than it did at this moment.
O it was enchanting as the harp of David! Passing along by the left
bank, we presently entered the First Brass River, which is the _Nun_
of Europeans, where at midnight we could faintly distinguish the
masts and rigging of the English brig in the dusky light, which
appeared like a dark and fagged cloud above the horizon. To me,
however, no sight could be more charming. It was beautiful as the
gates of Paradise, and my heart fluttered with unspeakable delight,
as we landed in silence on the beach opposite the brig, near a few
straggling huts, to wait impatiently the dawn of to-morrow.

"The morning of the 24th was a happy one, for it restored me to the
society of my brother, and of my countrymen. The baneful effects of
the climate are strongly impressed upon the countenances of the
latter, who, instead of their natural healthy hue, have a pale,
dejected, and sickly appearance, which is quite distressing to
witness. However, the crew of the Spanish schooner look infinitely
more wretched; they have little else but their original forms
remaining; they crawl about like beings under a curse they are mere
shadows or phantoms of men, looking round for their burying place. No
spectacle can be more humiliating to man's pride than this; nothing
can give him a more degrading sense of his own nothingness. It is
very much to be wondered at why Europeans, and Englishmen in
particular, persevere in sending their fellow creatures to this
Aceldama, or Golgotha, as the African coast is sometimes not
inappropriately called; they might as well bury them at once at home,
and it is pleasanter far to die there; but interest, and the lust of
gain, like Aaron's rod, seem to swallow up every other consideration."



CHAPTER XLII

During the time that the canoe was coming from the shore to the
vessel, Richard Lander had stationed himself by the cannon; it was
the only one on board, but it had been loaded as Lake had directed,
and pointed to the gangway of the brig, where the Brass people were
obliged to come. The muskets were all ready, lying concealed, where
Lake had directed them to be placed, and he repeated the same orders
that he had given on the preceding day, respecting the part that the
Landers' people were to take in the business.

Lake received John Lander very civilly, but immediately expressed his
determination to dismiss Boy without giving him a single article, and
to make the best of his way out of the river. A short time after the
arrival of John Lander, a canoe arrived at the beach, with Mr.
Spittle, the mate of the brig, as prisoner, who, immediately sent a
note off to the captain, informing him that the price of his
liberation was the sum demanded for the pilotage of the vessel over
the bar of the river. He said further, that he was strictly guarded,
but that, notwithstanding this, he did not despair of making his
escape, if Lake could wait a little for him. The vessel had been
brought into the river about three months before, but Lake would
never pay the pilotage, and all he did was to send Mr. Spittle a
little bread and beef. The amount demanded was about fifty pounds
worth of goods, which it was quite out of the question that Lake
would ever pay.

Meanwhile King Boy, full of gloomy forebodings, had been lingering
about the deck. He had evidently foresight enough to suspect what was
to take place, and he appeared troubled and uneasy, and bewildered in
thought. The poor fellow was quite an altered person; his habitual
haughtiness had entirely forsaken him, and given place to a cringing
and humble demeanor. A plate of meat was presented to him, of which
he ate sparingly, and showed clearly that he was thinking more of his
promised goods, than his appetite, and a quantity of rum that was
given to him was drunk carelessly, and without affording any apparent
satisfaction.

Knowing how things were likely to terminate, the Landers endeavoured
to get Boy into a good humour, by telling him that he should
certainly have his goods some time or other; but it was all to no
purpose; the attempt was a complete failure; the present was the only
time in his mind. The Landers really pitied him, and were grieved to
think that their promises could not be fulfilled. How gladly would
they have made any personal sacrifice, rather than thus break their
word; for although they had been half starved in his hands, yet they
felt themselves indebted to him for having taken them from the Eboe
people, and bringing them to the vessel. Richard Lander rummaged over
the few things which had been left them from their disaster at
Kirree, and found to his surprise, five silver bracelets wrapped up
in a piece of flannel. He was not aware of having these things, but
he immediately offered them to him, along with a native sword, which
being a very great curiosity, they had brought with them from
Yarriba, with the intention of taking it to England. Boy accepted of
them, and John Lander then offered him his watch, for which he had a
great regard, as it was the gift of one of his earliest and best
friends. This was refused with disdain, for Boy knew not its value,
and calling one of his men to look at what, he said, the Landers
wished to impose on him in lieu of his bars, both of them, with a
significant groan, turned away from the Landers with scorn and
indignation, nor would they speak to them or even look at them again.
The mortification of the Landers was nearly now complete, but they
were helpless, and the fault was not with them.

Boy now ventured to approach Captain Lake, on the quarter deck, and
with an anxious petitioning countenance, asked for the goods, which
had been promised him. Prepared for the desperate game he was about
to play, it was the object of Lake to gain as much time as possible,
that he might get his vessel under way, before he came to an open
rupture. Therefore, he pretended to be busy in writing, and desired
Boy to wait a moment. Becoming impatient with delay, Boy repeated his
demand a second and a third time: "Give me my bars." "I NO WILL,"
said Lake, in a voice of thunder, which could hardly have been
expected from a frame so emaciated as his. "I no will, I tell you; I
won't give you a--flint. Give me my mate, you black rascal, or I will
bring a thousand men of war here in a day or two; they shall come and
burn down your towns, and kill every one of you; bring me my mate."
Terrified by the demeanor of Lake, and the threats and oaths he made
use of, poor King Boy suddenly retreated, and seeing men going aloft
to loosen the sails, apprehensive of being carried off to sea, he
quickly disappeared from the deck of the brig, and was soon observed
making his way on shore in his canoe, with the rest of his people;
this was the last they saw of him. In a few minutes from the time Boy
had left the vessel, the mate, Mr. Spittle, was sent off in a canoe,
so terrified were the Brass people that a man of war would come, and
put Lake's threats into execution.

At ten in the morning the vessel was got under way, and they dropped
down the river. At noon the breeze died away, and they were obliged
to let go an anchor to prevent their drifting on the western
breakers, at the mouth of the river. A few minutes more would have
been fatal to them, and the vessel was fortunately stopped, although
the depth of water where she lay, was only five fathoms. The rollers,
as the large high waves are called, which come into the river over
the bar, were so high, that they sometimes passed nearly over the bow
of the vessel, and caused her to ride very uneasily by her anchor.
They had been obliged to anchor immediately abreast of the Pilot's
town, and expected every moment that they should be fired at from the
battery. Time was of the greatest importance to them; they had made
Boy their enemy, and expected before they could get out of the river,
he would summon his people and make an attack upon them, whilst their
whole party amounted only to twenty men, two thirds of whom were
Africans. The pilot also, whom Lake had offended so much, was known
to be a bold and treacherous ruffian. He was the same person, who
steered the brig Susan among the breakers, by which that vessel
narrowly escaped destruction, with the loss of her windlass, and an
anchor and cable. The fellow had done this, merely with the hope of
obtaining a part of the wreck, as it drifted on shore. Another
vessel, a Liverpool oil trader, was actually lost on the bar, by the
treachery of the same individual, who having effected his purpose, by
placing her in a situation, from which she could not escape, jumped
overboard and swam to the canoe, which was at a short distance. The
treatment of the survivors of this wreck is shocking to relate; they
were actually stripped of their clothes, and allowed to die of
hunger. It would be an endless task to enumerate all the misdeeds,
that are laid to this fellow's charge, which have no doubt lost
nothing by report, but after making all reasonable allowances for
exaggeration, his character appears in a most revolting light, and
the fact of his running these vessels on the bar, proves him to be a
desperate and consummate villain. This same fellow is infinitely more
artful and intelligent than any of his countrymen, and is one of the
handsomest black men that the Landers had seen.

Not long after they had dropped the anchor, they observed the pilot,
with the help of the glass, walking on the beach, and watching them
occasionally. A multitude of half-naked, suspicious-looking fellows,
were likewise straggling along the shore, while others were seen
emerging from a grove of cocoa trees, and the thick bushes near it.
These men were all armed, chiefly with muskets, and they subsequently
assembled in detached groups to the number of several hundreds, and
appeared to be consulting about attacking the vessel. Nothing less
than this, and to be fired at from the battery, was now expected by
them, and there was no doubt that the strength and loftiness of the
brig only deterred them from so doing. The same people were hovering
on the beach till very late in the evening, when they dispersed; many
of them could be seen even at midnight, so that they were obliged to
keep a good look-out till the morning.

During the night, the vessel rode very uneasily, in consequence of
the long heavy waves which set in from the bar; these are technically
called by sailors _ground swell_, being different from the waves
which are raised while the wind blows; the latter generally break at
the top, while the former are quite smooth, and roll with great
impetuosity in constant succession, forming a deep furrow between
them, which, with the force of the wave, is very dangerous to vessels
at anchor.

Their motions were still closely watched by the natives. About eleven
they got under way, but were obliged to anchor again in the
afternoon, as the water was not deep enough for the vessel to pass
over the bar. The mate sounded the bar again, and placed a buoy as a
mark for the vessel to pass over in the deepest water.

On the following morning, the wind favouring them, they made another
attempt at getting out of the river. They had already made some
progress, when the wind again died away, and the current setting them
rapidly over to the eastern breakers, they were obliged to let go an
anchor to save them from destruction. They could see nothing of the
buoy, and no doubt was entertained that it was washed away by the
current. Their anchorage was in three and a half fathom water, and
the ground swell, which then set in, heaved the vessel up and down in
such a frightful manner, that they expected every moment to see the
chain cable break. As soon as they dropped their anchor, the tide
rushed past the vessel at the rate of eight miles an hour. After the
ebb tide had ceased running, the swell gradually subsided, and the
vessel rode easily.

The mate was again sent to sound the bar, and in about three hours
afterwards, returned with the information that two fathoms and three
quarters was the deepest water he could find. The bar extended across
the mouth of the river in the form of a crescent, leaving a very
narrow and shallow entrance for vessels in the middle, which was
generally concealed by the surf and foam of the adjacent breakers.
When the wind is light and the tide high, and the surface of the
water smooth, excepting in a few places, the bar is then most
dangerous. They observed several fires made by the natives on the
beach, which were supposed to be signals for them to return.

They passed a restless and most unpleasant night. The captain and the
people were much alarmed for the safety of the brig. The heavy ground
swell, which set in, increased by the strength of the tide, caused
her to pitch and labour so hard, that a man was placed to watch the
cable, and give notice the moment it _complained_, a technical
expression, which meant, the moment it gave signs of breaking.
Daylight had scarcely dawned, when the pall of the windlass broke.
The purpose of this was to prevent the windlass from turning round on
its axis against any strain to which it might be subjected, and
consequently it was no sooner broken, than the windlass flew round
with incredible velocity, having nothing to resist the strain of the
cable, which was passed round it. The chain cable ran out so swiftly,
that in half a minute the windlass was broken to atoms. The two
Landers with their people rendered all the assistance in their power
to prevent the ship from drifting. They succeeded in fastening the
cable to ring bolts in the deck, until they got sufficient of it
clear to go round the capstan, which they had no sooner effected,
than the ring bolts were fairly drawn out of the deck by the strain
on the cable.

About eight in the evening, a terrific wave, called by sailors a
_sea_, struck the vessel with tremendous force, and broke the chain
cable. "The cable is gone," shouted a voice, and the next instant the
captain cried out in a firm, collected tone, "Cut away the kedge,"
which was promptly obeyed, and the vessel was again stopped from
drifting among the breakers. The man who had been stationed to look
out on the cable, came running aft on deck, as soon as he had given
notice of the danger, calling out that all was over. "Good God!" was
the passionate exclamation of every one, and a slight confusion
ensued. But the captain was prepared for the worst, he gave his
orders with firmness, and behaved with promptness and intrepidity.

"We were riding by the kedge, a small anchor, which, however, was the
only one left us, and on which the safety of the brig now depended.
The breakers were close under our stern, and this was not expected to
hold ten minutes; it was a forlorn hope, every eye was fixed on the
raging surf, and our hearts thrilled with agitation, expecting every
moment that the vessel would be dashed in pieces. A few long and
awful minutes were passed in this state, which left an indelible
impression on our minds. Never," continues Richard Lander, "shall I
forget the chief mate saying to me, 'Now, sir, every one for himself,
a few minutes will be the last with us.' The tumultuous sea was
raging in mountainous waves close by us, their foam dashing against
the sides of the brig, which was only prevented from being carried
among them by a weak anchor and cable. The natives, from whom they
could expect no favour, were busy on shore making large fires, and
other signals, for us to desert the brig and land at certain places,
expecting, no doubt, every moment to see her a prey to the waves, and
those who escaped their fury, to fall into their hands. Wretched
resource! the sea would have been far more merciful than they."

Such was their perilous situation, when a fine sea breeze set in,
which  literally saved them from destruction. The sails were loosened
to relieve the anchor from the strain of the vessel, and she rode out
the ebb tide without drifting. At ten a.m. the tide had nearly ceased
running out, and the fury of the sea rather abated, but it was quite
impossible that the brig could ride out another ebb tide where she
lay, with the kedge anchor alone to hold her; the only chance left
them, therefore, was to get to sea, and the captain determined on
crossing the bar, although there appeared to be little chance of
success. At half-past ten a.m. he manned the boat with two of
Lander's men, and two Kroomen belonging to the brig, and sent them to
tow while the anchor was got on board. This had no sooner been done
than the wind fell light, and instead of drifting over to the western
breakers as on the two preceding days, the brig was now set towards
those on the eastern side, and again they had a narrow escape. With
the assistance of the boat and good management, they at length passed
clear over the bar on the edge of the breakers, in a depth of quarter
less three fathoms, and made sail to the eastward. Their troubles
were now at an end; by the protection of a merciful Providence, they
had escaped dangers, the very thoughts of which had filled them with
horror, and with a grateful heart and tears of joy for all his
mercies, they offered up a silent prayer of thanks for their
deliverance.

The bar extends about four or five miles from the mouth of the river,
in a southerly direction, but is by no means known. This river is by
far the best place on the whole coast, at which small vessels may
procure oil, as it is the shortest distance from the Eboe country,
where the best palm oil is to be had in any quantity. The Eboe oil is
pronounced to be superior to that of any other part of the country,
which is brought to the coast. The river is not much frequented,
owing probably to its being unknown, and the difficulty of crossing
the bar; for not more than five English vessels have been known to
come to it, two of which are stated to have been lost, and a third to
have struck on the bar, but being a new strong vessel, she beat over
into deep water. The Landers recommend any master going to the river
for palm oil, to provide himself with two good strong six-oared boats
for towing, and a double complement of Kroomen. The expense of ten or
twelve Kroomen would be trifling, as they only require a few yams and
a little palm oil to eat, and they are always ready to perform any
laborious work which may be required of them. If masters of vessels
coming to the river would send a boat before to sound, and have two
good six-oared boats towing, it is supposed there would be no danger
of any being lost, as has been the case with some, from being weakly
manned. Vessels are got under way with a fine breeze, and when they
arrive in the most dangerous part, it dies away, and if there be no
boats ready for towing, nothing can save them from destruction.

Vessels going out of the river are usually recommended to keep as
near as possible to the western breakers, but this plan is supposed
to be very dangerous, unless there be sufficient wind to keep command
of them. When a vessel leaves her anchorage in the river, she will be
set by the current over to the western breakers, and when half way to
the bar, will be set over to the eastern, as the Landers were. The
river would be the safest in the month of December or January, as the
rains in the interior would then be over, and all the extra water
will have been discharged, which it has received in the extent of
country through which it has run. When no English vessels are in the
river, the people of Bonny come and purchase the palm oil from the
Brass people, probably for the purpose of supplying the ships in
their river, as well as for their own uses.

On the morning of November 28th, they discovered a strange vessel on
their starboard beam, which directly made sail in chase of them.
After firing a gun to make them stop, or to bring them to, as the
sailors expressed themselves, she sent a boat on board of the brig,
and we found her to be the Black Joke, tender to the British
commodore's ship. The Landers reported themselves to the lieutenant
commanding her, under the hope of her taking them on board of his
vessel and landing them at Accra, from whence they thought it would
be easy to find their way by one of his majesty's ships to Ascension
or St. Helena, from either of which places an opportunity would offer
for them to get home without delay. The orders, however, of the
lieutenant were to run down the coast as far as the Congo, and he
recommended them to go to Fernando Po, where they would find every
assistance, and a vessel about to sail soon for England. Having
obtained from them the intelligence that the Spanish slaver was lying
in the Nun River ready to sail, he immediately altered his course for
that river, for the purpose of capturing her. Captain Lake agreed to
land them in his boat at Fernando Po, as he passed the island on his
way to the River Camaroons, and they again made sail to the westward.

They were two days in making their passage to Fernando Po, and on the
morning of December 1st, to their great satisfaction, they discovered
the island. They were glad to get out of the Thomas, for the
unfeeling commander, notwithstanding that Lander's men had rendered
him every service in getting his brig out of the river, and had done
every thing required of them, afterwards employed every means he
could think of to annoy them, and to make them uncomfortable, while
they were with him. At night, while the people were sleeping, he
would make his men draw water, and throw it over them, for mere
amusement. There are many commanders as bad as he is on the coast,
who seem to vie with each other in acts of cruelty and oppression.
The captain of the palm oil brig Elizabeth, now in the Calebar River,
actually whitewashed his crew from head to foot, while they were sick
with fever, and unable to protect themselves; his cook suffered so
much in the operation, that the lime totally deprived him of the
sight of one of his eyes, and rendered the other of little service to
him.

In the afternoon they were happily landed at Clarence Cove, in the
island of Fernando Po, where they were most kindly received by Mr.
Becroft, the acting superintendent. This worthy gentleman readily
supplied them with changes of linen, and every thing they stood in
need of, besides doing all he could to make them comfortable. The
kindness and hospitality they received from him and Dr. Crichton in
particular, made a grateful impression on the hearts of the Landers.

Accustomed as they had been during the  last month, to the monotonous
sameness of a low flat country, the banks of the river covered with
mangroves overhanging the water, and in many parts, in consequence of
its extraordinary height, apparently growing out of it; the lofty
summit of Fernando Po, and the still loftier mountains of the
Camaroons, on the distant mainland, presented a sublime and
magnificent appearance. The highest mountain of the Camaroons, is a
striking feature on this part of the coast, being more than thirteen
thousand feet high. The land in its vicinity is low and flat, which
renders the appearance of this mountain still more imposing, as it
towers majestically over the surrounding country in solitary
grandeur. It divides the embouchures of the spacious rivers Old
Calebar and Del Rey on the west, from the equally important one of
the Cameroons on the east. The island of Fernando is detached about
twenty miles from the coast, and appeared to them, when they first
saw it, in two lofty peaks connected by a high ridge of land. The
northern peak is higher than the other, which is situated in the
southern part of the island, and rises gradually from the sea to the
height of ten thousand seven hundred feet. In clear weather the
island can be seen at the distance of more than a hundred miles; but
this is not always the case, as the summit is most frequently
concealed by clouds and fogs, which are common at certain seasons of
the year.

As they approached the island in fine weather, and with a moderate
wind, they had ample time to observe it. The shore is formed mostly
of a dark coloured rock, and covered with trees which reach down to
the water's edge. The whole of the lower part of the island is
covered with fine forest trees of various descriptions, extending
about three fourths up the sides of the mountain, where they became
thinly scattered, stinted in their growth, and interspersed with low
bushes and a brown dry grass. In various parts, patches of cultivated
ground may be seen along with the huts of the natives, presenting,
with the luxuriant foliage of the trees, a mass of verdure in the
most flourishing condition. Nature has here done her utmost; the
whole appearance of the island is of the most beautiful description,
and fully justifies its title to the name of _Ilha Formosa_,
signifying, "beautiful island," which it first received. As they
approached it still nearer, the stupendous precipices, and wide
fissures near the summit of the principal mountain, became more
distinct, by the contrast between their dark recesses and the lights
on the projecting rocks, until by the proximity of the observers to
the shore, the whole became concealed behind the lesser height next
to the sea.

Until the year 1827, the island lay forsaken and neglected in its
primitive condition, neither the Portuguese nor Spaniards having
thought it worth their consideration. At length, the attention of the
British government was directed to it, in consequence of its
favourable position for putting a stop to the slave trade in that
quarter of Africa. Situated within a few hours sail of the coast, in
the immediate vicinity of those rivers, commencing with the Camaroons
on the east, and extending along the whole of the Gold Coast, where
the principal outlets of this unlawful traffic are found, Fernando Po
presented advantages, which were sufficient to authorize a settlement
being formed on it, and Captain W. Owen sailed from England for that
purpose, in his majesty's ship Eden, with the appointment of
governor, and with Commander Harrison under his orders. Captain Owen
had been previously employed on an extensive and difficult survey of
the coasts of Africa, both in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, in
which the shores of this island were included, and therefore, having
visited it before, he was no stranger either to its nature and
resources, or to the climate in which it is situated. Previously to
the arrival of Captain Owen, the island had been occasionally visited
by some of the ships on the African station, for the purpose of
obtaining supplies of vegetables and water, and perhaps now and then
a Liverpool trader would be seen there waiting for palm oil, or
recovering the health of her crew from fevers obtained in the rivers
on the coast. As the natives reside some distance in the interior,
the arrival of a ship of war at the island, was announced to them by
the discharge of a cannon on board, which was sufficient to bring
them to the sea side, with whatever vegetables, poultry, and other
articles they might wish to sell. The articles mostly demanded by
them in return, were pieces of iron-hoop, knives, and nails. At
first, a piece of iron-hoop about six inches long, would purchase a
pair of fowls or four yams, so great was the value which the natives
attached to iron.

The business of forming a new settlement, is a species of service
that requires the exercise of certain qualities of the mind, which it
is not the good fortune of every one to possess. In addition to the
pernicious effects of the climate on European constitutions, there
were people on the island, who, although they might be unable to
offer any serious impediment to the progress of the settlement, it
was necessary to conciliate than treat them with hostility, and for
this, no one could have been better calculated than Captain Owen.
Whatever may have induced him to relinquish the appointment of
governor, no measures for gaining the friendship of the natives, and
thereby securing their good will towards the colony, could have been
better than those which he adopted, and the chiefs even now
frequently mention his name.

The part selected as the site of the proposed settlement, was on the
northern side of the island on the borders of a small cove, formed by
a narrow neck of land projecting out from the shore on the eastern
side of it. This was named "Point William," and the cove, together
with the whole establishment was called "Clarence," after his most
gracious majesty, who was then lord high admiral of Great Britain.
Point Adelaide with two small islets off it, connected by a sand
bank, forms the western boundary of the cove, and is distant about
half a mile from Point William. Goderich Bay lies to the east, and
Cockburn Cove to the west of Clarence Cove. Under the able direction
of Captain Owen, the various buildings were planned, while the
operation of clearing the ground was going forward. A flag staff,
which formerly stood on the extremity of Point William, was removed
to the governor's house; and a large commodious building, with a few
solitary palm trees near it, is the first object which attracts
attention. This building was assigned as the  hospital, and was
judiciously situated here, as it was the most exposed to the sea
breeze, and stood completely isolated from the rest of the
settlement, both which precautions were of no small importance in the
climate of Fernando Po. A small, round-topped building at a short
distance from the hospital, with a few huts near it, and surrounded
by stakes, was formerly the magazine, and near it was another large
building, used as the marine barracks. The officers' quarters, and
those of the African corps, were next in succession, and announced
their military character by a piece of artillery mounted close to
them, and pointed towards the cove. The governor's house, a large,
spacious building, stands eminently conspicuous, on the precipice of
the shore beneath, which is the landing place. From hence, a
fatiguing walk leads immediately to it, up an ascent of about one
hundred feet. A battery of seven guns were landed for this purpose
from his majesty's ship, Esk, which were placed in a very commanding
situation in front of the governor's house. The house of the mixed
commission for the adjudication of captured slave vessels, stands in
an unfinished state, at a short distance from the governor's.
Various other buildings occupy Point William, which are diversified
by a few trees, that give it a pleasing and picturesque appearance
from the sea. This remark is generally made by those who first visit
Clarence Cove, and all are pleased on first seeing it. In addition to
the buildings just enumerated, Mr. Lloyd has a tolerably good house,
and the surgeon of the colony, who is a naval officer, has also one
assigned for his residence. The Kroomen and free negroes, who amount
to about two thousand in number, have a collection of small, neat
huts, at a short distance from government house, which are
constructed of wood, and thatched with palm leaves. They are very
careful of them, and have a small garden in the front as well as
behind, in which they cultivate Indian corn, bananas, peppers, &c.
These huts form two small streets, but they are daily receiving
additions from new comers.

The work of clearing the ground is constantly going forward and is
performed by the free negroes, the African troops, and the Kroomen.
The principal disease amongst these people, which arises from
accidents in cutting down the trees, is ulcerated legs, and sixteen
of them were in the hospital from this cause alone. The Kroomen are a
particular race of people, differing entirely from the other African
tribes. They inhabit a country called Sotta Krou, on the coast near
Cape Palmas; their principal employment being of a maritime nature.
Their language, as well as their general character, is also different
from that of their neighbours. A certain number of these men are
always employed on board of the ships of war on the African coast,
for the purpose of performing those duties where considerable fatigue
and exposure to the sun are experienced. In consequence of their
roving employment, they are to be found on all parts of the coast,
and are sufficiently acquainted with it to serve as pilots. It is
customary with them to establish themselves on various parts of the
coast for this purpose, and to leave the elders of their tribes in
their own country, unless their presence should be required by any
war that might take place. They are said to return to their country
after an absence of several years, when they have amassed by their
industry, sufficient to maintain themselves, and some among them are
intelligent and active, but they are not always to be trusted,
although they are a very superior class of people, in comparison with
other African tribes.

Besides a watering place at a short distance to the right of the
governor's house, two small streams, Hay brook and Horton brook, run
into Goderich Bay, affording plenty of excellent water, and capable
of admitting boats. The watering place, above-mentioned, is generally
frequented, from the convenience with which the water is obtained,
being connected to the sea side by a wooden aqueduct, under which
boats may lie and fill their casks very easily without removing them.

When the Landers arrived, Clarence establishment consisted of the
superintendent, or acting governor, Mr. Becroft, who was generally
known by the title of captain; Captain Beattie, the commander of the
Portia, colonial schooner; Mr. Crichton, a naval surgeon; Lieutenant
Stockwell, with a party of five or six marines; a mulatto ensign of
the royal African corps, with two black companions from Sierra Leone,
and some carpenters and sail-makers, besides a mulatto, who filled
the office of clerk or secretary to Mr. Becroft; an English merchant
of the name of Lloyd, in the employment of Mr. Smith, whose residence
has been already mentioned.

No place, in point of convenience, could have been better selected
for a settlement, than that on which Clarence is situated. The bay
affords safe anchorage for shipping, from the furious tornadoes,
which are common in this part of the world, and is sufficiently
capacious to shelter as many vessels as are likely to visit the
island; it abounds with fish, and is free from sunken rocks, and the
shore is steep and easy of access to boats. There is another bay,
called George's Bay, on the western side of the island, but it has
the disadvantage of being open to that quarter, and consequently
affords no safety to shipping. The proximity of Clarence Cove to the
coast of Africa, is also another important point in favour of the
object for which the establishment was formed.

The natives of Fernando Po are the filthiest race of people in the
whole world. They are different in their manners and appearance from
their neighbours on the coast, to whom the Landers had of late been
so much accustomed, and possess no single trait of character similar
to them, except that of pilfering. In point of civilization, to which
the natives of Brass Town have not the most distant pretensions,
these people have even still less; their language is totally
different, and they have no resemblance whatever to them. This in
itself affords a tolerable proof of the little intercourse they have
had with the world, for while the other islands of the gulf are
plentifully stocked with the same race of people as those of the
coast, Fernando Po which is so much nearer to it, is inhabited by a
totally different class. They are, generally speaking, a stout,
athletic, and well-made race of people, and peculiarly harmless and
peaceably inclined in their dispositions, although each individual is
generally armed with a spear about eight feet in length, made of a
hard wood, and barbed at one end. They appeared also to be a healthy
race of people, for although here and there one or two might be less
favoured by nature in their persons, no signs of the diseases so
common among the natives of Africa were to be seen amongst them.

They have already been described as a filthy race, but no words can
convey an idea of their disgusting nature. They have long hair, which
it is difficult to distinguish, from being matted together with red
clay and palm oil. The clay and oil are so profusely laid on; that it
forms an impenetrable shield for the head, and the long tresses,
which descend to their shoulders, are generally in a moist condition.
Although this covering is a complete safeguard to all inconvenience
from without, they still further adorn their heads with a kind of
cap, made of dry grass, ornamented round the border with the feathers
of fowls, or any other bird, carefully stuck into it apart from each
other. Some are so vain as to affix the horns of a ram in front of
this cap, which gives them a most strange and ludicrous appearance.
Finally, the cap with all its ornaments of feathers, horns, shells,
&c. is secured in its place with a piece of stick, which answers the
purpose by being forced through it on one side and out on the
opposite, after passing underneath the hair. Sometimes this elegant
pin, as it may be called, is formed of the leg bone of some small
animal, and is pointed at one end for the purpose of penetrating more
easily. The expression of their countenance, scared and marked as it
is, and surmounted by the cap already described, is wild and
barbarous. They smear their faces entirely over with red clay, mixed
with palm oil, sometimes a kind of grey dust is used instead of the
clay, and this preparation being equally distributed over their whole
persons, renders their presence scarcely tolerable. It is difficult
to find out the colour of their skin under the filthy covering of oil
and clay by which it is concealed, but it is believed not to be so
dark as the African negro, and more resembling a copper colour.

The natives make use of no other dress than the cap, which they wear
on their heads, but a few leaves, or a bunch of dried grass, are
usually secured round the middle by the people of both sexes, while
the younger, naturally unconscious of indecency, go entirely naked.
The vertebrae of snakes, the bones of fowls and birds, as well as
sheep, broken shells, small beads, and pieces of cocoa nut shell are
put in requisition by the natives, for the ornament of their persons.
A profusion of these strung together hang round the waist, which it
seems to be the principal care to decorate in this manner, while
their necks are scarcely less favoured with a proportion of these
articles. Strings of them are also fastened round the arms and legs,
but not in such quantities as round the waist. The pieces of hoop
they have obtained from the ships which have visited the island, are
formed into rude knives, or polished, and worn on the arm, in a kind
of band made of straw, and are much valued. In their first
intercourse with Europeans, the natives were very shy, and displayed
much fear, but this gradually wore off, and they now venture boldly
on board for the purpose of obtaining knives, hatchets, or any thing
they can get. They have a few canoes of small dimensions, capable of
containing ten or twelve people, but are not very expert in the
management of them, although they are so far advanced as to make use
of a mast and sail, which latter is constructed of a sort of mat.
They seem to be little addicted to the water, and none were seen
amongst them; who could swim. In their fishing excursions, the
natives are generally very successful, and those who pursue this mode
of obtaining their livelihood, are compelled to adhere to it, and
allowed to have nothing to do with cultivating the land. They
exchange their fish for yams, and thus the wants of the fishermen and
the cultivators are both supplied.

On the first visit of ships to this island, very considerable
aversion was shown by the natives to any of their people attempting
to go to their huts, or even to their endeavouring to penetrate into
the woods, although only a short distance from the shore, from a fear
perhaps of their plantations being plundered. Their huts, which are
of the rudest construction imaginable, may be distinctly seen amongst
the trees in small groups, surrounding a clear space of ground, in
which they cultivate the yam, and are formed of a few stakes driven
firmly into the ground, thatched over with the palm leaf, the sides
being completed with a sort of wicker work. They are about ten or
twelve feet long, and half that in breadth, and not more than four or
five feet in height. Their only furniture consists of some long flat
pieces of wood, raised a few inches from the ground, and slightly
hollowed out, to answer the purpose of sleeping in.

Numerous instances have occurred, of the thieving propensities of the
natives, and it required, at first, a considerable degree of
vigilance to prevent them from being successful, but it is due to the
chiefs to say, that since the establishment of Clarence, they have
invariably taken an active part in putting a stop to it. Whatever may
have been their habits previously to the formation of the settlement,
they seem to be little improved by their intercourse with the
settlers. Their principal chief has received the formidable
appellation of cut-throat from Captain Owen, a name, by which he will
be known as long as he lives. This fellow is a most determined
savage, and seems to have lost none of his natural propensities by
communicating with the settlers. He has received innumerable presents
from the English, of clothes, and a variety of things, which are all
thrown away upon him, and he goes about as usual, wearing his little
hat, with feathers stuck in it, and the long grass about his waist,
disdaining such useless coverings as he imagines them. This is not to
be wondered at, for accustomed as he has been all his life time, to
the unrestrained freedom of his whole person, it would be rather a
matter of surprise to see him make use of them, particularly in the
climate of Fernando Po, where one almost wishes to follow the example
of the natives, excepting in the use of their clay and palm oil. No
doubt Cut-throat thinks this quite a sufficient covering.

The natives pay frequent visits to the colony, and, however they may
deal out justice amongst themselves, are by no means backward in
seeing it administered among the free negroes and Kroomen of
Clarence. It frequently happens, that in the scarcity of live stock,
some of the former, unable to restrain their desire for more
substantial food, and tired of their Indian corn, venture to help
themselves to what the natives will not bring them; parties of these
people are accordingly formed, who find their way to the huts of the
natives in the interior, and steal their yams, goats, and sheep, or
whatever they meet with. These depredations are sure to bring the
unfortunate owners to the colony with complaints of their losses,
which are laid before the governor. The negroes are then mustered
before them, and the native who has been plundered, is allowed, if he
can do so, to point out the thief. If he should be successful, which
is frequently the case, he is allowed to witness the punishment,
which the offender is sentenced to receive, and generally gets some
recompense for his loss. On the Sunday after the arrival of the
Landers at Clarence, a party of four Kroomen set off into the
interior, with the full determination of plunder, let the
consequences be what it might. They had not gone far before they met
with a goat belonging to a native, which they immediately shot, and
returned with it carefully concealed, that they might not be
discovered. Their precautions, however, were of little avail, for the
owner of the animal accompanied by a party of his friends, made his
appearance at Clarence the next morning, and preferred his complaint
in strong terms against the luckless Kroomen, whom, it appeared, he
knew perfectly well. The Kroomen were accordingly mustered, and the
very four, who had gone on this unfortunate expedition, were pointed
out with exultation by the natives. The law took its course, the
Kroomen each received one hundred and fifty lashes from the African
drummer, usually employed on these occasions, while the natives stood
by, to see that the punishment was duly performed. This they did to
admiration, by counting the number of lashes each received; and
having witnessed the last punished, with eyes sparkling with brutal
satisfaction at the tortures of the unfortunate sufferers, they went
away quite satisfied. The place where this disagreeable operation is
performed, is in the barrack yard, on Point William, between the
officers' house and the hospital. The culprit is tied up to a kind of
strong gallows, erected for the purpose. Two stout pieces of timber,
about seven or eight feet high, are driven perpendicularly into the
ground, about four feet apart from each other, a piece is secured
firmly across them at the top, and another at a short distance from
the ground. The hands of the man who is to be punished, are tied at
each end of the upright pieces, and his legs are secured to the same
on each side below, in which position he is exposed to the merciless
scourge of the drummer, which is a common cat-o-nine-tails. It is
painful even to think of such scenes as these, and when they take
place at the mere whim and caprice of the hardened slave merchant,
such a picture is revolting in the extreme. Here, however, severe as
it may appear, it must be looked upon in a different point of view.
The punishment is great, but with the certainty of receiving it, if
discovered, the negro will run the risk of incurring it, by what may
be termed the breach of the first law of civilized society. In
addition to the tendency it has to keep the free blacks in control,
such a proceeding convinces the natives of the island, that their
depredations are not sanctioned by the colony. Were some punishment
not instituted to curb the restless, pilfering propensities of these
people, no order could be maintained; they would return to a worse
condition, than that which they were in at first, and the colony
would no longer be secure; for the natives of the island, finding
their homes invaded, and their property carried off, unable to obtain
redress, would soon take the law into their own hands, and would
either murder the colonists, or drive them from the island.
Therefore, although a severe one, it is a salutary measure, and it
has no doubt done much towards keeping the natives themselves honest.
What punishment is adopted by the natives, the Landers were not able
to ascertain. The chiefs appear to possess considerable authority
over them, and it is not improbable that the custom of the settlement
is imitated in some shape or other.

The only weapon used by the natives, excepting the knife before
mentioned, is a spear, of about eight feet in length, made of iron
wood, and barbed at one end. The nature of the wood is so hard, as
not to require the protection of iron at the end, and they did not
see any pointed with it. They are very plentiful amongst the natives,
who do not appear to attach any particular value to them. The Landers
during their stay had no opportunity of witnessing their expertness
with them, but they are said to use them for killing monkeys and
other animals.

The resources of the island, in point of provisions are exhausted, or
the natives are determined to reserve what are left for their own
purposes. On the first formation of the establishment, they gladly
brought to market all they had to dispose of, in the same manner as
they had done to any vessel that chanced to visit the island. These
consisted of a few goats, sheep, and fowls, of a very poor quality,
and plenty of yams, which were all readily exchanged for pieces of
iron hoop, of about six inches long. A piece of hoop of this length
would purchase a goat, three or four fowls, or a large bundle of
yams, weighing about twenty pounds. As their stock became exhausted,
so the iron hoops became less valuable; more were demanded, until the
natives could no longer supply the settlement, and had enough to do
to provide for themselves, when they discontinued their supplies, and
the settlement, not yet able to provide for itself, is dependent on
supplies from the Calebar, and other rivers near it. Bullocks are
stated by the natives, to be plentiful on the hills in the interior,
but the Landers did not hear of any having been seen by the people of
Clarence, and they are generally obtained from the Calebar River.
Deer are also said to be on the island, abundance of wild fowl, and a
great number of monkeys, some black and others of a brown colour.
Parrots are also innumerable, and the natives are particularly
partial to them and monkeys for food. Turtle have been caught in the
bay, as well as fish, but these supplies are uncertain, and,
therefore, not to be depended upon. The island is entirely
mountainous, and contains a fine rich soil, capable of producing any
thing required of it. Several small mountain streams fall into the
sea, the largest of which are the two, named Hay and Horton Brooks,
before mentioned. The principal vegetable cultivated by the natives
is the yam, with which they are particularly successful. The best
yams of the island are said to be those of George's Bay, which are
very large, and of an uncommonly fine flavour. The supply of these at
Clarence is now very limited, and not to be depended on always, which
may be probably to a difference in the season for growing them. This
deficiency has been in some measure remedied by the construction of a
government garden, from which some men of war have received supplies,
but these are not sufficient to supply the wants of the colony, and
recourse is had for them to the Calebar River.

Palm wine at the colony, as well as on the coast, is the common and
favourite drink of the natives. It is easily procured in any
quantity, and is used in either an unfermented state, when just fresh
from the tree, or after it has been kept some days. It seems
peculiarly intended by a bountiful providence for the untutored and
destitute Indian, who is unable to supply himself with those
beverages which are the result of art. The palm tree affords him a
pleasant drink, a valuable oil, a fruit from the nut, and besides
food, it furnishes him with a material to construct his hut, and is
always ready for any immediate purpose. The juice, which is called
"wine," is obtained by making a hole in the trunk of the tree, and
inserting a piece of the leaf into it, so as to form a spout; the
liquid flows through this, and is received in a calabash placed
beneath it, which probably holds two or three gallons, and will be
thus filled in the course of a day. It shortly assumes a milky
appearance, and is either used in this state, or preserved till it
acquires rather a bitter flavour. The produce of the palm tree, fish,
and yams, form the principal food of the natives; they devour monkeys
when they can get them.

This method of obtaining the juice of the palm tree is exactly
similar to that which is adopted by the Indians of North America,
with respect to the maple tree. A hole is made in the same manner in
the trunk of the tree, and a piece of birch bark inserted into it as
a spout, which, from its peculiar nature, answers the purpose
remarkably well. The juice of the maple instead of being preserved is
converted into sugar by evaporation. There are various sorts of
timber at Fernando Po, amongst which the African oak is very
plentiful, and particularly so in George's Bay, where it grows close
to the sea side; satin wood, ebony, lignum vitæ, yellow cam wood, and
several sorts of mahogany, besides other wood of a very hard nature,
grow in profusion all over the island, and may probably hereafter
become valuable.

The Landers had the good fortune to arrive at the island during the
season of fine weather, but they had not enjoyed much of the sea
breeze, which about noon, sometimes set in from the north west
quarter, The harmattan is said to be experienced here, although it
extends not to the other islands of the gulf. This wind, which passes
over the sands of Africa, would be almost insupportable, were it not
for the sea breezes. While the harmattan lasts, the dryness in the
atmosphere produces an unpleasant feeling, although it is said not to
be injurious to health. The atmosphere is filled with a fine light
sand, which prevents objects from being distinctly seen; the sun
loses its brilliancy, and everything appears parched and suffering
from a want of moisture. The effect of the harmattan after the rainy
season is said to be most beneficial in drying up the vapours with
which the atmosphere is loaded, and it has been observed, that on the
return of this wind at the end of the rainy season, the recovery of
invalids commences. The harmattan has also the effect of drying up
the skin of the natives in a very extraordinary manner. After an
exposure to it, the skin peals off in white scales from their whole
body, which assumes an appearance as if it were covered over with
white dust.

The islands in the gulf of Guinea, with the exception of Fernando Po,
have each a capital town of some consequence, and although they
produce sufficient supplies for ships that visit them, and carry on a
small trade, it is much to be doubted, whether they are not more
indebted for their importance to the slave trade than any other
source. With respect to Prince's Island and St. Thomas, they are
known to be the receptacles for slaves from the coast, from whence
they are re-embarked and conveyed away as opportunities offer; and
the natives of the small island of Anna Bon, appear to be living in
constant fear of the same, from the effects of their former treatment
by the Spaniards.

The natives of Anna Bon, have a tradition that they once belonged to
the Portuguese, and exhibit proofs of their having been formerly
initiated in the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion. They are
said to be particularly careful, when any stranger visits their
settlement, to let them see their church, which is appropriately
situated for this purpose immediately opposite the landing place. At
present, by all accounts, they are living in a state of natural
simplicity and ignorance of the world. Some idea may be formed of the
condition of their minds, by a story that is currently related of
them, in which the effects of their former tuition are apparent. The
king once gravely told a visitor, with an idea of impressing him with
his importance, that a short time previously to his arrival, he had
held a conference with the supreme being, from whom he had learnt the
cause of a recent sickness which had visited them, and also that he
had approved of his being the king of the island. Other stories,
equally nonsensical, are told of them, such as might be expected from
people in this half-informed condition. But the old king's word was
sufficient for his subjects, and this assurance was quite enough to
satisfy the harmless, inoffensive creatures, that he was their
legitimate king. Although Anna Bon is a healthy island in comparison
with any other in the Gulf of Guinea; it is too far removed from the
coast to be of use in putting down the slave trade, unless it were
made a rendezvous for half a dozen steam vessels, which would do more
than any other class of vessels towards effecting this object.

Favourable as the situation of Clarence is for the purpose for which
it is intended, it is much to be regretted that it is so unhealthy
for Europeans. During the stay of the Landers on the island, four
deaths occurred; these persons were the sail maker, one of the
carpenters of the colony, a seaman of the Portia, a colonial
schooner, and one of the crew of the Susan, an English brig that they
found there, on their arrival. The Susan was in the Calebar, waiting
for a cargo, when her crew were attacked with fever, which quickly
carried off her captain, mates, and left only one person alive. The
vessel thus reduced, was without her crew to bring her out of the
river, much less to complete her cargo, and she might have remained
there till the last had died, but for the watchful attention of Mr.
Becroft, who brought her to Clarence with a party of men, and after
putting a new mast into her, and doing all in his power to set the
vessel in order, supplied her with provisions and fresh people, and
sent her to sea. The Landers were offered a passage in her to
England, but declined accepting it in consequence of the condition in
which she had been. She was afterwards obliged to stop at Cape Coast,
in consequence of the fever having broken out afresh on board of her.
The most melancholy account of the effects of the climate here, which
came within the knowledge of the Landers, was in the family of
Lieutenant Stockwell, the officer commanding the party of marines,
whose name has been already mentioned. This gentleman had brought his
wife and a large family with him from the island of Ascension, who
were residing with his brother officer in a building called the
Waterfall House, which had been erected by Captain Owen. Mr.
Stockwell successively lost five of his children, and five servants,
the latter of whom successively died, as they came into his service.
His brother officer also died, making eleven in number, and Mr.
Stockwell and his wife narrowly escaped with their lives. The house
was in consequence deserted by them, and since been occupied by the
black people. The fever, which attacks Europeans at this island, is
said to be similar to the yellow fever in the West Indies. The
symptoms are the same, from the commencement to the end of the
disease, and it is equally as summary in its effects. George's Bay,
is said to be far healthier than Clarence, and being on the western
side of the island, receives the full benefit of the sea breeze,
while at Clarence, the wind is later, and is interrupted by land to
the westward of it. In addition to this, the sea breeze passes over a
long and disagreeable swamp in its progress to Clarence, which no
doubt charges it with all kinds of noxious vapours. George's Bay,
besides having the benefit of a pure sea breeze, has a good deal of
clear land about it, and equally as good a soil as Clarence.

It is more than probable, as the Landers had now ascertained, that a
water communication may be carried on with so extensive a part of the
interior of Africa, that a considerable trade will be opened with the
country through which they had passed. The natives only require to
know what is wanted from them, and to be shown what they will have in
return, and much produce that is now lost from neglect, will be
turned to a considerable account.  The countries situated on the
banks of the Niger, will become frequented from all the adjacent
parts, and this magnificent stream will assume an appearance, it has
never yet displayed. The first effects of a trade being opened, will
be to do away with the monopoly near the mouth of the river, which
has hitherto been held by the chiefs of the lower countries. Steam
boats will penetrate up the river even as far as Lever, at the time
of year in which the Landers came down, and will defy the efforts of
these monopolists to arrest their progress. The steam engine, the
greatest invention of the human mind, will be a fit means of
conveying civilization amongst the uninformed Africans, who,
incapable of comprehending such a thing, will view its arrival
amongst them with astonishment and terror, and will gradually learn
to appreciate the benefits they will derive, and to hail its arrival
with joy. In this case, Fernando Po will become of still greater
consequence, and will no doubt be a depot of considerable importance.
It was, however, the opinion of Richard Lander, that much expense
would be saved, and above all, many valuable lives, if it were
possible to adopt George's Bay, as the place for the principal
establishment. Of the different parts of the coast, Accra is the most
healthy, and were it nearer, Lander would recommend it for such a
purpose, the soil being good and clear of underwood for many miles
round. But the distance at which it lies from the mouth of the river
is too great for such a purpose.

On the 23rd December, Mr. Becroft, the superintendent, invited
Richard Lander to accompany him in the Portia, to the Calebar River,
whither he was going to procure stock for the use of the colony. The
place from which this is obtained, is called Ephraim Town, where it
appears to be very plentiful. Being tired of Fernando Po, Lander
accepted his invitation, in order to pass away the time that they
would still have to wait before they could get away, notwithstanding
all their anxiety to reach home with the news of their discovery.
John Lander, being very ill, was unable to accompany them. Richard,
therefore, left him at Clarence, and embarked with Mr. Becroft in the
evening. They departed from Clarence with a fine breeze, but found it
necessary in going out, to be particularly careful of being drifted
by the tide, either on Point William, or on the Adelaide islets at
each extremity of the cove, as the tide always sets either towards
the one or the other. In leaving the cove, it is best to keep, as
near as possible, midway between the two extremes, and not to
approach either the one or the other, nearer than can be possibly
avoided. The currents in the Gulf of Guinea are stated to be very
variable, although they are most generally from the westward, obeying
the direction of the sea breeze. The harmattan generally produces a
very strong westerly current in direct opposition to this, and the
want of knowing it, has frequently proved fatal to vessels; the
masters of which, imagining that they were under the influence of an
easterly current, have been actually drifted many miles to the
westward in the course of a single night, and have found themselves
on shore the next morning; the violence of the current from the
westward when the sea breezes are strong, is so great, that it is
scarcely possible to believe, that a day or two of the harmattan
would overcome it, but the effect of this is so powerful, that it is
well known, to those, who have frequented the gulf, that the current
produced by the harmattan, will even continue against the westerly
winds, after they may have again set in. A remarkable instance is
related of the velocity of the currents in the gulf, to the southward
of Fernando Po. In the month of June, a vessel performed the passage
between Prince's Island and St. Thomas in twenty hours, which
generally occupies from eight to ten days. The distance is about
ninety three miles, and the vessel must have averaged from four to
six miles per hour. The harmattan is said not to extend to the
southward of Fernando Po, but this has not yet been fully
ascertained.

The passage through the gulf from Fernando Po to Sierra Leone, is
generally extremely long and tedious, owing to the prevalence of
calms and the different currents. It is usually made either by
running to the southward and getting into the southeast trade, or by
keeping in shore, as far as Cape Palmas, so as to benefit by the
landwinds. The former method is generally recommended by the
merchantmen as being safer and quicker, for a vessel adopting the
latter, is more under the dangerous influence of the currents,
besides being obliged to keep close to the shore; it is also adopted
by the merchantmen in their homeward voyage.  Sometimes vessels by
taking a mean between these two methods, get between two different
winds, by which means they lose the benefit of both, and are delayed
by calms and rains. This part, according to accurate information, is
at the distance of sixty miles from the land, so that vessels should
pass either far without or else within that distance on leaving
Fernando Po.

In this part of the Gulf of Guinea, between Fernando Po and the
Calebar River, the rainy season is stated to commence in the month of
July, and to be at the worst in August and September, accompanied by
tornadoes of the most terrific description. The rains continue during
November, and cease in the month of December, but the coast is said
to be seldom many days together without a tornado. During the other
months of the year, dry, hot weather is experienced, excepting about
May, when slight rains take place. These rains are looked upon as the
winter of the natives, and are considered by them equally as cold in
their effects, as our winters in England are by ourselves. They are
equally alive to the change of the seasons as in northern countries,
and prepare themselves against the cold weather during the rains,
comparatively with as much care, as we do against our winter's frost.

The chief peculiarity of this climate, which distinguishes it from
all others within the tropics, consists in the furious storms of wind
and rain, accompanied by the most terrific thunder and lightning it
is possible to imagine. These storms are known by the name of
tornadoes, and one would be almost inclined to think that the
ancient's belief of the torrid zone being of a fiery nature, and too
hot for mankind to live in, originated in the exaggerated reports of
them, which might have gradually found their way into the part of the
world then known, and from which they were not very far distant. The
Landers witnessed three of these tornadoes, but they were trifling in
their effects, compared with those which take place in the rainy
season. They are described as being most violent, but happily of
short duration; nothing can withstand the fury of the wind while they
last, but they give sufficient indications of their approach, to
enable the experienced mariner, who is ever on the watch for the
changes in the weather, to reduce his sail on the ship, and put her
head in that position, in which she is best able to withstand its
effects, by running before the wind. This awful period lasts
generally about a quarter of an hour, when the wind subsides rather
suddenly, while the rain falls incessantly; shortly afterwards, the
wind shifts round by the south to its old quarter, the west, until
another tornado comes to disturb it. There are several peculiarities
attending the tornadoes, which are rather remarkable. It has been
remarked by experienced navigators, that they are much influenced by
the different phases of the moon, that they generally commence with
the full or new moon, at which time they are the most violent, and
that they even come on at the time that the moon sets. The influence
of the moon on the weather In other countries is doubted, but this is
an extraordinary fact, relating to the tornadoes, which has been
proved by experience.

On Saturday December 25th, after a pleasing passage, Richard Lander,
in company with Mr. Becroft, anchored off Ephraim Town, in the
Calebar River. The distance from Fernando Po to the north of the
Calebar River, is about sixty miles, and Ephraim Town is distant
about fifty miles, on the eastern bank. On their way up the river,
the attention of Richard Lander was attracted by something of a very
extraordinary appearance, hanging over the water from the branch of a
tree. His curiosity was excited by it, and he was at a loss to
conjecture what it was. He did not remain long in suspense, for they
soon passed sufficiently near it to enable him to discover, that it
was the body of one of the natives suspended by the middle, with the
feet and hands just touching the water. So barbarous a sight quickly
reminded him, that he was again amongst the poor deluded wretches on
the coast, although he had not seen any thing so bad on his way down
to the Brig Thomas, in the River Nun. The natives of this place are
Pagans, in the most depraved condition, and know nothing of
Mahommedanism, nor any other creed. They believe in a good spirit,
who they imagine dwells in the water, and sacrifices of human beings,
such as that which has just been mentioned, are frequently made to
him, with the idea of gaining his favour and protection. The object
selected for this purpose is generally some unfortunate old slave,
who may be worn out and incapable of further service, or unfit for
the market, and he is there left to suffer death, either from the
effects of the sun, or from the fangs of some hungry alligator or
shark, which may chance to find the body. The circumstance of the
hands and feet being just allowed to be immersed in the water, is
considered by these deluded people as necessary, and they are thereby
rendered an easier prey.

It is usual with ships on their first arrival in the river, to be
visited by Duke Ephraim, the chief of the town; a personage who is
well known to the numerous Liverpool traders, that frequent the
river. The reason of this visit is, that the duke may receive his
present, which consists generally of cloth, muskets, rum, or any
articles of that description, and he always goes on board in great
state, in his canoe, for this purpose, previously to which, no one is
allowed to leave the ship. This regulation, which is a method of
securing the port dues, affects those only, who come to the river for
the purpose of trade, and as the Portia was a government vessel,
they were not included in the number of those, who had the port dues
to pay. As soon as they had anchored, Richard Lander accompanied Mr.
Becroft on shore, and proceeded with him to the duke's residence, for
the purpose of paying their respects to him. A walk of about ten
minutes brought them to his house, and they found him in the palaver
square which belongs to it, busily engaged in writing, and surrounded
by a great number of his principal people. It was something unusual
to find a native chief thus employed, but the large dealings which
Duke Ephraim appears to have with the Liverpool merchants, accounts
in some measure for this accomplishment, and the smattering of
English which he has obtained. His only pretensions to dress,
consisted in a smart, gold laced hat, which he wore, and a handsome
piece of silk tied round his loins. His chief officers, who were next
to him, also wore gold laced hats, while those next in rank wore
silver lace, and the lower class contented themselves without either.
They arrived at council time, but Mr. Becroft being immediately
recognized by the duke, he received them very cordially, and made
them sit down. Duke Ephraim bears the character of being always very
civil and attentive to the English, and of making himself very active
in supplying their wants of live stock. He has formed a favourable
opinion of them, from the fine things they bring him, but his
discernment goes beyond these; for the circumstance of slave vessels
having being captured and taken out of the river, by the boats of the
English ships of war on the station, has impressed him with
admiration of their boldness and courage, and given him a very
exalted opinion of their power. Vessels of war formerly came up the
river in search of slaves, and he has always received their
commanders with much kindness, and assisted them all in his power; a
trait in his character, which is rather extraordinary, when their
object is considered, as he is the principal agent by whom supplies
of slaves are furnished from the interior. None, however, are
allowed to come up now, in consequence of the deaths that have
occurred.

After a short time, they were desired to go up stairs into his best
room, and they accordingly ascended about thirty or forty wooden
steps, and entered a spacious apartment, when the sight that
presented itself was of the most extraordinary description. The room,
which was about thirty feet in length, by about twenty in breadth,
was literally crammed full of all kinds of European furniture,
covered with cobwebs and dust about half an inch thick. Elegant
tables and chairs, sofas of a magnificent description, splendid
looking-glasses, and prints of the principal public characters of
England, as well as views of sea and land engagements, set in
handsome gilt frames, beautifully cut glass decanters, and glasses,
glass chandeliers, and a number of other things, too numerous to
mention, were all mixed together in the utmost confusion. A handsome
organ attracted the notice of Lander, and a large, solid brass
arm-chair, which from an inscription upon it, appeared to be the
present of Sir John Tobin of Liverpool. The inscription, or rather
raised characters upon it were, "Presented by Sir John Tobin of
Liverpool, to his friend Duke Ephraim," and vain enough is the chief
of his present. He exhibits this chair with the rest of his presents
to the people, or any stranger who may happen to visit him, and
allows them to feast their eyes, as he imagines, on the goodly sight,
but such are his care and pride of them, that he will not allow them
to be touched by any one, and his attendants are not permitted to
approach them, even for the purpose of cleaning off the dust which
has accumulated since their first arrival. The whole of this
miscellaneous assemblage of goods, are presents which have been made
to the duke by merchants of Liverpool, as well as French, Spanish,
and Portuguese traders, and are the accumulation of a considerable
length of time.

Duke Town, or Ephraim Town, as it is known by both of these
appellations, is situated on rather elevated ground, On the left or
east bank of the river, and is of considerable size, extending
principally along it. From the appearance of it, it may be concluded
that its inhabitants amount to at least six thousand people. The
houses are generally built of clay, like those of the Eboe people.
The breadth of the river opposite to it, is not quite so wide as the
Thames at Waterloo Bridge, and the opposite bank is not so high as
that on which the town stands. The houses are built in an irregular
manner, leaving very little room for the road between them, which at
that time was exceedingly wet and dirty. The duke's house is situate
in the middle of the town, and like the rest is built of clay. It
consists of several squares, round each of which is a verandah,
similar to the houses in Yarriba. The centre square is occupied by
the duke and his wives, the others being the abode of his servants
and attendants, which altogether amount to a considerable number.
Immediately opposite to the first square, which forms the entrance to
his residence, stands a small tree, profusely decorated with human
skulls and bones. This tree is considered by the people as fetish or
sacred, and is supposed to possess the virtue of preventing the evil
spirit from entering the duke's residence. Near the tree stands the
house, which is inhabited by their priests, a class of beings,
certainly in the most savage condition of nature that it is possible
to imagine. The fetish priests of Brass Town, chalked themselves from
head to foot, besides dressing after a fashion of their own, but
these fellows outdo them far, and make themselves the most hideous
and disgusting objects possible.

Whether it may be with the idea of personifying the evil spirit of
whom they are so afraid, Lander could not learn, but they go about
the town with a human skull fastened over their face, so that they
can see through the eye-holes; this is surmounted by a pair of
bullock's horns; their body is covered with net, made of stained
grass, and to complete the whole, and give them an appearance as
ridiculous behind as they are hideous before, a bullock's tail
protrudes through the dress, and hangs down to the ground, rendering
them altogether the most uncouth looking beings imaginable. Sometimes
a cocked hat is substituted for the horns, and the skull of a dog or
monkey used, which renders their appearance, if possible, still more
grotesque. Thus equipped, they are ready to perform the mysteries of
their profession, which Lander had not sufficient opportunity to
inquire into, but which are quite enough to enslave the minds of the
people. They seem to believe in a good and evil spirit; that the good
spirit dwells in the river, which accounts for their sacrifices being
made on it, and that the evil spirit dwells in a tree, which being
full of human skulls, keeps him away from them.

On the morning of the 26th, the duke's principal man came on board
the Portia to receive payment for some bullocks, which Mr. Becroft
had purchased. There was something in his appearance which attracted
the attention of Lander, and he fancied that he seemed to be much
dirtier than any that had been seen on the preceding day. On a nearer
inspection, his head, and the whole of his body were found to be
covered with ashes, and a very dirty piece of sackcloth fastened
round his loins; besides this he appeared to be suffering great
distress of mind, and presented a most wretched and woeful
appearance. Lander asked him the cause of his grief, and why he had
covered himself with ashes in such a manner, when he gave the
following relation of the cause of all his distress. It appeared that
he had possessed six wives, one of whom was gifted with a larger
share of personal charms than the rest, the consequence of which was,
that she received more attention from him and was loved more than any
of the others. This partiality naturally excited the jealousy of the
other ladies, and mortified by his neglect of them, they were
determined on revenge, and was resolved to get rid of their favoured
rival by mixing poison with her food. They had just succeeded in
effecting their purpose, which had caused the poor fellow much
distress, and he had not recovered the effects of his loss on the
morning on which he came onboard the Portia. His tale was simple and
unvarnished, and while he was relating it to Lander, the tears were
trickling down his face. Lander never before saw a black man feel so
much for the loss of a wife as he did. This remarkable custom of
mourning in sackcloth and ashes, appears to be peculiar to these
people, and it was ascertained that they do not cease to cover their
bodies with them as long as their sorrow lasts. They do the same on
the death of a relation, and it is the only instance of the kind that
Lander met with in the part of the country through which he had
travelled.

Great uproar and confusion  prevailed the whole of this day
throughout the town occasioned by an adventure of the doctor with the
duke's most favourite wife, which is likely to end tragically to the
parties concerned. This person, who is the doctor of the town, it
appears was the bosom friend of the duke, in whom the latter had the
greatest confidence, and allowed him to visit his wives
_professionally_ as often as he thought proper. The gentleman's visit
had lately become so frequent as to excite suspicion and a look out
was accordingly kept on all his movements. The poor doctor was soon
caught in the snare; the motive of his visit was found to be of an
illegal nature, and the enraged duke has ordered both to be bound
hand and foot and thrown into the river on the following day.

Lander found seven French vessels lying in the river, one Spanish,
and two English. One of the latter, named the Caledonia, a ship of
five hundred tons burden, was the property of Sir John Tobin, of
Liverpool, which, with the other, the brig Elizabeth were taking in a
cargo of palm oil.

The river Calebar is very serpentine, and there is scarcely any other
tree but the mangrove to be seen on its banks. The right bank is
intersected by numerous creeks, well known to the natives, who
frequent them in their canoes; they communicate with all the rivers
that fall into the Gulf of Guinea, between this river and that on
which Benin is situated. The natives go as far as Benin in their
canoes, but there is no communication by water with the Camaroons
river, which seems to be totally distinct from the Calebar. The
canoes of the natives are the same sort as those of the Eboe people.
The river is full of crocodiles which are generally about twelve or
fourteen feet long, and are very daring in their search of prey. A
short time previous to their arrival two deaths had been occasioned
by them. Sir John Tobin has a large store close to the river side, in
which palm oil is kept for shipment on board the Liverpool vessels,
and one evening an unfortunate native boy, tired with his day's work,
fell asleep on the shore. In the course of the night an alligator
attacked him, and was awakened by finding himself in the jaws of the
monster; his struggles and cries were all in vain; the powerful
creature lacerated him in a dreadful manner, and tore off one of his
legs, with which he retreated into the water, and the remains of the
unfortunate boy were found the next morning shockingly disfigured and
weltering in blood, the death of the other was occasioned by his
losing an arm in a similar manner.

Provisions are generally dear at Duke Town. Bullocks fetch twenty
dollars each, and those not of a very good quality. Goats and sheep
are valued at three dollars, ducks at half a dollar each, and fowls
at half a dollar a pair. Yams are cultivated by the natives very
successfully, and are considered the best flavoured and finest of the
country. There are no cleared portions of ground on the banks of the
river, and their cultivation of the yam and other vegetables is at a
distance in the woods.

Since Lander's first return to Fernando Po from the Calebar river, he
accompanied Mr. Becroft twice to Duke Town in the Portia. In this
interval the Carnarvon, an English vessel had arrived with government
stores from England for the establishment, and as she was going to
Rio Janeiro for a cargo to take back, and there seemed to be no
prospect at present of their getting away from Fernando Po by any
other means, the Landers requested Mr. Becroft to conclude an
agreement for their passage to that place, from whence they hoped to
be more successful in finding their way to England. About a week
previously, the brig Thomas, in which they came from the river Nun,
touched at the island on her way home from the Camaroons, her
commander, Lake, supposing that they would take a passage with him.
They had now been upon the island seven weeks, and they would have
preferred staying seven more, rather than put themselves into his
power again. They had experienced quite enough of his care and
kindness, and therefore declined his offer of taking them. After
waiting three days at the island, he sailed about six o'clock in the
afternoon, and had not got more than a mile from the anchorage, when
a large vessel with long, raking masts, suddenly appeared from behind
a part of the island, and was seen in pursuit of him. They observed
the vessel to fire several guns at him, which at length made him take
in all sail and wait. No doubt was entertained that this vessel was a
pirate, and their suspicions were confirmed the next day by seeing
the two vessels lying becalmed close to each other. There were no
signs of them on the following day, and they saw nothing more of the
Thomas. Nor, indeed, was this vessel ever heard of again, in fact,
the Landers considered it a most providential escape, that they did
not take their passage in her. No doubt rested on the minds of the
people of the settlement that the stranger vessel was a pirate, and
that when his people had murdered the crew of the Thomas, with their
captain, or had compelled them to walk the plank, as they usually do,
that they sunk her after taking everything out of her which they
wanted. "Walking the plank," is literally walking into the sea. A
plank is placed across the side of the ship, so that one end projects
some distance over it while the other remains inside. The person
condemned by these ruffians to this mode of death, which is generally
chosen to avoid one of a more dreadful nature, is placed on the inner
end of the plank, and compelled to walk along it till he reaches the
outer end, which immediately yields to his weight, and he falls into
the sea, never to rise again. To make shorter work of it, he is
sometimes loaded with a large shot, which quickly carries him down.
These fellows have another method of disposing of any unfortunate
vessel that may fall into their hands; after having got rid of the
captain and crew as above, they fill her with slaves, and send her
across the Atlantic, should the vessel be met with by any ship of
war, she escapes examination, as her appearance when in the hands of
her own commander was known, and therefore no suspicion is excited.

Everything being prepared for their departure they embarked on board
the Carnarvon,--Garth, commander, for Rio Janeiro. The Landers speak
in terms of high commendation of the conduct observed towards them,
during their stay at Fernando, by Mr. Becroft, Mr. Crichton, and Mr.
Beatty. Everything was supplied them which the place could afford,
and it was always a source of gratification to them to reflect on the
time that they passed in their society.

Having taken leave of their friends, they embarked and bade adieu to
the island of Fernando Po. Mr. Stockwell, the officer of marines,
accompanied them on board, having taken his passage like themselves
to return to England. Their crew consisted of seven European seamen,
two free negroes and one Krooman, besides the commander of the vessel
and two mates. So great, however, was the mortality amongst them,
that before a week had elapsed, the two Landers with the three black
men were all that were left to work the vessel, and one of them only
knew how to steer. Richard Lander was obliged to take the helm until
twelve at night, and every morning after four, having only a few
minutes allowed him to take a hasty meal, and in addition to their
troubles, the vessel was so completely over-run with rats, that it
was quite impossible to stay below with any comfort, and as for
sleeping there, it was wholly out of the question.

On the evening of the 14th March, the Krooman fell into the sea. This
poor fellow, whose name was Yellow Will, called loudly to them for
help, and although the vessel was not sailing at a great rate, he
missed every thing that was thrown overboard to save him. To have
altered the ship's course would have endangered the masts and sails,
and their small boat was so leaky that it would not swim. They had
therefore no alternative, but were obliged to abandon him to his fate
with the most painful feelings, and they heard his cries nearly an
hour afterwards. [Footnote] There is nothing more distressing than an
accident of this nature. To see an unfortunate man grasping in vain
at any thing which is thrown to him, as the ship passes by him, to
see him struggling against his fate as he rises on the distant wave,
which frequently conceals him from view, and to be unable to render
him the least assistance, whilst his cries die away in the breeze,
raise sensations which it is impossible to describe. This man in the
condition in which they then were, particularly, was a great loss to
them, and was the best amongst the black people.

[Footnote: We have given this as it is stated in Lander's Narrative,
but there is something highly improbable in the circumstance of the
cries of a man, who could not swim, being heard for an hour after his
immersion in the sea, and yet that during that time no effectual
means could be devised for his deliverance.]

On the morning of the 15th, the weather was very hazy, which
prevented them seeing the land, although they knew it to be at no
great distance from them. They were becalmed during the whole of the
day, but found by the decrease of the depth, that they were drifting
close on towards the shore. At five in the afternoon, the ship was
about a quarter of a mile from the land, discovered by three large
hills of a sugar loaf appearance being close to them. Finding by
pieces of cork and other things that they threw into the water, that
they were drifting fast on the breakers, which they could distinctly
hear, they made an attempt to get the long boat out to save
themselves, as they expected the ship would be very soon wrecked, but
they found that they could not muster sufficient strength to lift her
over the side. At this critical moment, a breeze of wind from off the
land saved them from destruction, and enabled them to get the vessel
under command.

On the 16th March they arrived at Rio Janeiro, and on the following
day paid their respects to Admiral Baker, the commander in chief on
the South American station, and made known to him their situation and
anxiety to return to England. The admiral received them in that kind
and hospitable manner, which is the peculiar characteristic of a
British seaman. He invited them to his table with his officers, and
ordered them a passage in the William Harris, a government transport,
which was to sail for England in a day or two.

Accordingly on the 20th they sailed for England, and on the 9th June
arrived at Portsmouth, after a tedious voyage, and gladly landed with
hearts full of gratitude for all their deliverance.

One of the first steps which government adopted on the arrival of
Richard Lander, was to issue an order to the authorities at Cape
Coast Castle, to pay to King Boy the whole of his demand for the
ransom of the Landers, and thereby re-establishing that faith and
good opinion with the natives of the country, touching the honour and
integrity of the English character.

This journey by individuals who make no pretensions to science, has
not afforded materials for the illustration of any of its branches,
but previously to the loss of the instruments, the range of the
thermometer is recorded. At Badagry, on the coast, where the heat was
most oppressive, it was between 86° and 94°, oftener stationary near
the latter than the former point. At Jenna it fell suddenly one day
from 94° to 78°, and remained stationary for some hours. At Assinara
at noon, on the 23rd April it attained the height of 99°. Near
Katunga it fell upon one occasion to 71° in the shade, the air being
then cooler than they had felt it since landing. At Kiama the
extremes were 75° and 94°, the mean 84°. At Youri, the range was the
same. On their voyage from Youri to Boussa, on the 2nd August, it
varied from 75° to 92°. At Boussa it varied from 76° to 93°, but most
commonly between 80° and 90°. At Patashie,  generally between 74° and
89°, once 93°. Lever 77° to 93°. Bajiebo 70° to 95°. On the passage
down the river below that place, on the 5th October, 78° to 94°.
Belee 79° to 94°. Such has been the issue of this important voyage,
by which the grand problem that perplexed Europe during so many ages,
and on which, for a period of nearly forty years, so many efforts and
sacrifices had been expended in vain, was completely solved. British
enterprise completed, as it had begun this great discovery. Park in
his first journey reached the banks of the Niger, and saw it rolling
its waters towards the interior of the continent. In the second he
embarked at Bammakoo, and by sailing downwards to Boussa, proved its
continuous progress for upwards of a thousand miles. The present
voyage has exhibited it following a farther course, which with its
windings must amount to about eight hundred miles, and finally
emptying itself into the Atlantic. This celebrated stream is now
divested of that mysterious character, which surrounded it with a
species of supernatural interest. Rising in a chain of high
mountains, flowing through extensive plains, receiving large
tributaries, and terminating in the ocean, it exhibits exactly the
ordinary phenomena of a great river. But by this discovery we see
opened to our view a train of most important consequences. The Niger
affords a channel of communication with the most fertile, most
industrious, and most improved regions of interior Africa. Its
navigation is very easy and safe, unless at intervals between Boussa
and Youri, and between Patashie and Lever, and even there it becomes
practicable during the _malca_ or flood, produced by the periodical
rains. British vessels may, therefore, by this stream and its
tributaries ascend to Rabba, Boussa, Youri, Soccatoo, Timbuctoo,
Sego, and probably to other cities as great, but yet unknown. They
may navigate the yet unexplored Tchadda, a river, which at its
junction, is nearly as large as the Niger itself, and no doubt waters
extensive and fertile regions. It was even stated to the Landers by
different individuals, that by this medium, vessels might reach the
Lake Tchadda, and thereby communicate with the kingdom of Bornou. But
this statement appears erroneous, for though the Tchadda be evidently
the same with the Shary, which runs by Adomowa and Durrora, yet
flowing into the Niger, it must be a quite different stream from the
Shary, which flows _into_ the Tchad, and in a country so mountainous,
there is little likelihood of any connecting branches. The decided
superiority of the interior of Africa to the coast, renders this
event highly important. Steam, so peculiarly adapted to river
navigation, affords an instrument by which the various obstacles may
be overcome, and vessels may be enabled to penetrate into the very
heart of the African continent.

On the return of the Landers, the question was mooted by the
Geographical Society of London, whether the Quorra or _Niger_, as
discovered by Lander, was the same river as the _Kigir_ of the
ancients. Upon the whole subject it would have been sufficient to
refer to D'Anville and Rennell, who favour the affirmative of the
question, and on the opposite side to M. Wakkenaer, who of all later
writers has examined it with the greatest diligence, had not recent
discoveries furnished us with better grounds for forming a conclusive
opinion, than even the latest of these authors possessed.

Maritime surveys have now completed a correct outline of Northern
Africa. Major Laing, by ascertaining the source of the Quorra to be
not more than sixteen hundred feet above the sea, proved that it
could not flow to the Nile. Denham and Clapperton demonstrated that
it did not discharge itself into the Lake of Bornou, and at length
its real termination in a delta, at the head of the great gulf of the
western coast of Africa, has rewarded the enlightened perseverance of
the British government, and the courage and enterprise of its
servants. The value to science of this discovery, and the great merit
of those, whose successive exertions have prepared and completed it,
is the more striking, when we consider that the hydrography of an
unknown country is the most important step to a correct knowledge of
its geography, and that in barbarous Africa, nothing short of the
ocular inquiries of educated men, is sufficient to procure the
requisite facts, and yet it is not a little extraordinary, that the
termination of the Quorra or Niger has been discovered by two men,
who, in point of scientific knowledge, education, or literary
acquirements, stand the lowest in the scale of the African
travellers. It is, however, curious to observe how even the best
collectors of oral information in that country, have failed in
arriving at the truth, as to the origin, cause, and termination of
the rivers. Edrisi, Abulfida, Leo Africanus,[Footnote] Delile, and
Bruce, all come to the determination that the Quorra flowed from east
to west. Burckhardt, whose oral inquiries on Bornou, have proved
generally correct, concluded that the Shary flowed from N.E. to S.W.,
and Lyon, though particularly successful in his information on the
countries not visited by him, was induced to confound the Shary of
Bornou with the Tchadda or Yen, and like Sultan Bello, to carry the
Quorra, after passing Youri and Funda, into the Lake Tchadda, and
thence into Egypt. The most intelligent natives are confused, when
questioned on the subject of rivers, while the majority, unable to
understand the object or utility of such enquiries, can neither
inform the traveller whether two streams are different rivers or part
of the same; where any river rises, or whither it flows, and appear
often to believe that all the lakes and streams of Africa, are parts
of one and the same water. It is not surprising, therefore, that
ancients as well as moderns have obtained the knowledge of a large
river flowing to the east, should have supposed that it was a branch
of the Nile of Egypt, or that when the existence of a great lake, in
the direction of the known portion of its stream, became known, the
opinion should have followed, that the river terminated in that lake,
or that it was discharged through the lake into the Nile. Such,
consequently have been the prevalent notions in all ages, even
amongst the most intelligent foreigners, as well as the higher class
of natives, from Herodotus, Etearchus, and Juba, to Ibn, Batuta, and
Bello of Soccatoo.

[Footnote: It is supposed by W. Martin Leake, Esq. Vice President of
the Geographical Society, that Leo Africanus actually reached
Timbuctoo. The narrative of Adams places the matter at rest, that Leo
never did reach that famous city. Mr. Leake says, that Leo was very
young at the time, and, therefore that his memory probably failed
him, when he came to describe the city, which was many years after
his return.]

Considering these circumstances, it will hardly be contended that the
late discovery of the Landers, has made any alteration in the nature
of the question, as to the identity of the Quorra and Nigir; the
sudden bend of the river to the southward, through a country, which
has been equally unknown to the ancients and moderns, having always
left the best informed of them in ignorance of any part of the river,
except that of which the course was northerly or easterly. If then,
there be sufficient reason for the belief, that these latter portions
were known to the, ancients, we have only to suppose them to have had
some such imperfect knowledge of the interior of North Africa, as we
ourselves had attained previously to the expedition of Denham and
Clapperton, to justify the application of the name Nigir to the whole
course of the river. Although we find Ptolemy to be misinformed on
several points concerning central Africa, yet there still remains
enough in his Data, on Interior Libya and Northern Ethiopia, to show
a real geographical approximation, very distant indeed from the
accuracy at which science is always aiming, but quite sufficient to
resolve the question as to the identity of the Nigir, in which an
approximation is all that can be expected or required. Having been
totally ignorant of the countries through which that river flows in a
southerly direction, Ptolemy naturally mistook it for a river of the
interior; he knew the middle Ethiopia to be a country watered by
lakes, formed by streams rising in mountains to the southward; he was
superior to the vulgar error of supposing that all the waters to the
westward of the Nile flowed into that river, and he knew consequently
that the rivers and lakes in the middle region, had no communication
with the sea. It is but lately that we ourselves have arrived at a
certainty on this important fact. We now know enough of the level of
the Lake Tchad, to be assured that no water from that recipient can
possibly reach the Nile. This wonderful river, of which the lowest
branch is 1200 geographical miles from the Mediterranean, (measuring
the distance along its course, in broken lines of 100 G.M. direct,)
has no tributary from the westward below the Bahr Adda of Browne,
which is more than 1600 miles from the sea, similarly measured. It is
scarcely possible, therefore, that the latter point can be less,
taking the cataracts into consideration than 1500 feet above the sea,
whereas the following considerations lead to the belief that the
Tchadda is not more than 500 feet in height.

We learn from the information of Clapperton, confirmed and amplified
by that of Lander, that there exists a ridge, which about Kano and
Kashna, extends forth the Yeu to the Lake Tchadda on one side, and on
the other the river of Soccatoo, which joins the Quorra at a distance
from the sea of about 500 miles, measured in the manner above
mentioned. A similar process of measurement gives a length of 1700
miles to the whole course of the Quorra, the sources of which,
according to Major Laing, are about 1600 feet above the sea; the
stream, therefore, has an average fall of something less than a foot
in a mile in lines of 100 geographical miles. This would give to the
confluence of the river of Soccatoo with the Quorra, a height of less
than 500 feet above the sea, but as that confluence occurs above the
most rapid part of the main stream, 500 feet seem to be very nearly
the height.

As a knowledge of the origin and course of rivers, conducts in every
country to that of the relative altitude and directions of its
highlands, the late discoveries on the waters of Africa have thrown
great light on its orography. The sources of the largest, or rather
longest of its rivers, namely, the white or true Nile, now appears to
be in a point nearly equidistant from the Indian and Atlantic Oceans
in one direction, and from the Mediterranean and the Cape of Good
Hope on the other. These central summits, it is fair to suppose, are
at least as high as the snowy peak Samen, in Abyssinia, which is the
culminating point towards the sources of the minor branch or Blue
Nile, and that they are covered, therefore, with perpetual snow. From
hence flow the White Nile, the Djyr, the Bahr Culla, the Congo, and
several rivers of the coast of Zanguebar.

As a part of these great African Alps was described to Denham as
lying beyond the mountain of Mendefy, the latter would seem to be an
advanced northerly summit of them. The range is probably united to
the eastward with the mountains of Abyssinia, and to the westward,
terminates abruptly in some lofty peaks on the eastern side of the
delta of the Quorra, but not till after it has sent forth a lower
prolongation, which crosses the course of the Quorra nearly at right
angles, and terminates at the end of 1500 miles, at the sources of
the Quorra, Gambia, and Senegal. A minor counterfort advances from
the central range to the northwestward, commencing about the Peak of
Mendefy, and vanishing at the end of about 900 miles in the desert of
the Tuaricks. It gives rise to the two Sharys, which flow in opposite
directions to the Quorra and the Lake Tchadda, and further north to
the streams which flow to the same two recipients from about Kano and
Kashna.

Though the knowledge of interior Africa now possessed by the
civilized world, is the progressive acquisition of many enterprising
men, to all of whom we are profoundly indebted, it cannot be denied
that the last great discovery has done more than any other to place
the great outline of African geography on a basis of certainty. When
to this is added the consideration that it opens a maritime
communication into the centre of the continent, it may be described
as the greatest geographical discovery that has been made since that
of New Holland. Thrice during the last thirty years, it has been on
the eve of accomplishment; first when Horneman had arrived from
Fezzan and Nyfflé, secondly when Park had navigated the Quorra as far
as Boussa, and lastly when Tuckey, supplied with all possible means
For prosecuting researches by water, was unfortunately expedited to
The Congo, instead of being sent to explore the mouths of the Niger.



CHAPTER XLIII.

A maritime communication with the interior of Africa having been now
opened, by the discovery of the termination of the Niger in the Bight
of Benin, it was considered, that some great commercial advantages
might be derived by fitting out an expedition on a large scale, and
as Lander on his return home had reported, that the Niger was
navigable for vessels of a light burden for a considerable distance
into the country, it was resolved to fit out two steam vessels, well
armed and amply supplied with all stores both in a commercial point
of view, and for attack and defence when arriving amongst the natives
in the interior. It was an enterprise every way worthy of the British
character, and one likely to be productive of future consequences,
the importance of which it would be difficult to overrate either in a
commercial or in a moral and political point of view. Sir John Tobin
of Liverpool was one of its great promoters, and the immediate object
of the expedition was to ascend the Niger, to establish a trade with
the natives, and to enlarge our geographical knowledge of the
country. When we look at the dense population of Africa described in
the preceding parts of this work, it is obvious that in them might be
found an extensive market for the manufactured goods and wares of
England; for the cottons of Manchester, Glasgow, &c., and for many
other products of our skill and industry. In return for these, the
rich commodities of gold, ivory, hippopotami teeth, and the more
common articles of wood, peltry, gums, &c. &c. may be imported, and
if encouragement be given, indigo and other valuable things would be
largely cultivated to barter with Europe. And still nobler aims were
before us, the ending of the traffic in human beings, and the gradual
illumination and civilization of Africa.

Although in unison with the enlightened spirit of the times, this
expedition may be considered as simply a mercantile speculation, yet
at the same time it purposed to combine objects of greater and more
general interest. The sum of £300 was presented by Sir John Tobin,
and other individuals concerned in the expedition. Government had
nothing to do with the outfit of the expedition, but it was to be
accompanied by Lieutenant William Allen, of the royal navy, but
without rank or command, as a passenger, with instructions to make
surveys and observations, for which his scientific attainments well
qualified him.

Richard Lander was appointed to the command of the expedition,
leaving his brother John as his _locum tenens_ in the Customhouse of
Liverpool until his return.

The expedition, considering the object which it had in view was of a
formidable kind, two steam vessels were equipped for the purpose, the
larger was computed to be 145 tons burden, and propelled by a fifty
horse engine. Her sides were pierced and mounted with ten six
pounders. Forward, a very formidable display was made by a
twenty-four pound swivel gun, whilst a long swivel eighteen pound
carronade astern seemed to threaten destruction to every foe. In
addition to these precautions against the Spanish pirates who infest
the coast, and of which Lander was himself an eye witness in the
capture of the brig Thomas, and also against such of the native
tribes, who might prove hostile to the expedition, she was completely
surrounded by a _chevaux de frise_, and amply provided with small
arms and boarding pikes for forty persons, of which number the crew
were to consist. This steamer was named after the river she was
intended to ascend, namely the Quorra, which is the Arabic for
"shining river." Her draft of water was easy, and in her ascent would
not be more than two feet six inches, which was very small,
considering that no sacrifice had been made of those operations,
which constitute the _beau ideal_ of a steamer, which the Quorra
certainly was. The construction of the paddles was such, that should
favourable winds occur, they could be removed in such a manner, that
she could use sails instead of steam, and receive no impediment to
her progress by their immersion in the water. She was schooner rigged
and rather lofty. The Quorra was intended to ascend the principal
stream, and the lesser vessel, which was built entirely of wrought
iron, and of a draught of only 18 inches, was intended to explore all
the tributary streams, and to visit Timbuctoo, Warree, Soccatoo, &c.
&c. This latter vessel was only 55 tons burden, and called the
Alburkha, which is the Arabic for "blessing." The brig Columbine,
which was to accompany them as far as the river Nun, was principally
laden with fuel and other articles for the use of the two steamers.
She was not to ascend the river, but to anchor in a convenient place
as a kind of store-house for the steamers. It was expected that a
sufficiency of wood would be found on the banks of the river to
generate steam, when the supply of coal was exhausted, or not easily
to be procured. The whole squadron was under the command of Captain
Harris of the royal navy, whose experience on the coast during a
period of six years entitled him to the confidence of the promoters
of the expedition. Macgregor Laud, esquire, of Liverpool, as
supercargo, and Mr. Briggs, of Liverpool, surgeon, accompanied the
expedition. To the latter gentlemen was confided the botanical
department, and also that of natural history, being fully competent
to investigate the very important branches connected with those
sciences, either for philosophical or commercial results.

The Columbine brig was 170 tons, commanded by Captain Miller, being
laden with coals for the steamers, and a variety of articles for
presents, trade, or barter, and a few passengers. The Alburkha
steamer was commanded by Captain Hill, and was admitted to be a model
of a vessel, although with the exception of the decks, being entirely
built of iron. She had a crew of fourteen men.

Lander carried with him a number of copies of an address, prepared by
Mr. Salamé, and intended to explain the objects of their visit to the
native chiefs and kings. They were printed on all kinds of coloured
paper and being adorned with pictures of the two steam boats, were
likely enough to be regarded not merely as ambassadorial letters, but
as beautiful specimens of the fine arts by the sovereigns to whom
they were to be presented.

By the ample provision that was made, it would almost seem that every
difficulty was anticipated, and certainly no individual was better
fitted than Lander to direct the outfit of the expedition, he having
been twice in the country, and had acquired a perfect knowledge of
the articles most in request by the natives, and particularly those
kinds which would be the most acceptable to the native chiefs. Every
thing that could be procured for the success, safety, comfort, and
happiness of the adventurous travellers was supplied in the most
bountiful manner, nor should it be omitted to state that an abundance
of trinkets, &c. &c. was shipped for the purpose of conciliating the
good will of the natives. No correct estimate could be formed of the
length of the absence of the expedition, it might, however, be
naturally inferred that it would not be great, as the steamers would
present a facility hitherto unknown in exploring the African rivers,
and that the progress thus obtained would in no way be impeded by the
caprice of any of the African chiefs in obtaining leave to proceed,
or paying a compulsory tribute &c. for such a favour. A glance at the
Quorra would almost convince any one that her implements of
destruction were such as to defy the whole condensed bow and arrow
force of Africa, and it was generally hoped, as the expedition was of
a trading description, conducted at the entire expense of a body of
Liverpool merchants, that the speculations would be attended with
profitable results, and finally with great advantages to open a trade
between this country and the whole of Western Africa.

The expedition sailed from Liverpool in the month of July, 1822, and
put into Milford, there to wait for orders, and also for Richard
Lander who was expected to join them over land. They were also to
obtain at Milford clean bills of health. On Tuesday the 19th June the
Columbine brig and the Alburkha were towed out to sea by the Quorra,
which vessel returned to Milford to wait the arrival of Lander, and
then to sail immediately for Porto Praga on the African coast, the
place of rendezvous.

From the unfortunate issue of the expedition we are excluded from the
general information, which would otherwise have been obtained, had
Lander survived to communicate the result of his researches on his
return to England. We know that he was bound in honour not to send
public intelligence, except to the owners of the vessels employed,
and therefore all the information that can be gleaned, is from his
private letters to his friends and relatives, and that even would be
necessarily confined to the news of his personal situation. The
expedition was expected to enter the Niger in six or seven weeks, and
to return to England in about nine months.

On Sunday the 7th October, the expedition reached Cape Coast Castle
in seventy-two days after sailing from Milford Haven, after having
touched at the isle De Los, Sierra Leone and other points for a
supply of fuel for the two steamers. Some cases of fever had taken
place, but as yet no death had occurred. At Cape Coast, the governor
Maclean and the officers of the garrison treated their visitors with
the utmost kindness and hospitality. Here Lander fortunately secured
the services of his old tried servant Pascoe, as well as Jowdie, and
two natives of the Eboe country, who were likely to be of great
service to the expedition, one of them being the son of a chief, and
both intelligent, with a slight knowledge of the English language.
The Alburkha, of which vessel some fears were entertained, was found
to work admirably, exceeding the expectations of her commander and
the other officers attached to the expedition. They sailed from Cape
Coast Castle about the middle of October, for the river Nun, and
proceeded direct from that river to the river Niger.

At the meeting of the geographical society of London in the month of
June 1833, the following letter was read, addressed to R. W. Ray,
esquire, from Richard Lander, dated----

Niger Expedition, River Nun, October 26, 1832.

I have the honour to inform you that the expedition under my command
arrived here on the 20th instant, all well. I found on my arrival
here that the captain of the Liverpool brig Susan, had paid king Boy.
I hope you will be pleased to honour the bill. I have made king Boy a
handsome present from the ordnance stores you were good enough to
supply me with, and he accompanies me to the Eboe country to settle
the palaver with king Obie. King Boy and king Forday were very glad
to see me again, and say I am no man but a devil. I sail this evening
and, expect to reach the Eboe country in four days, and feel quite
confident of success. I find Mr. Alien sent out by the admiralty a
very agreeable companion.

(Signed,) Richard Lander.

From the account of the seaman who was the bearer of it from Richard
Lander to his brother in Liverpool, some further information was
obtained, that _all_ the vessels of the expedition had reached the
Eboe country previously to the sailors leaving the Nun river. The
seaman stated that the steamers stemmed the current bravely, and
ascended the Niger with apparent ease.

The following extract of a letter from Sierra Leone, dated May 23,
contains some interesting intelligence respecting the expedition:

The boats of his majesty's ship Curlew had boarded the Columbine
about the 20th April, the master of which vessel had died a few weeks
previously. The doctor on board the Columbine had received letters
from Mr. Lander dated from king Obie's palace at Eboe, about three
weeks after they had sailed from the entrance of the river Nun. King
Obie had treated them with much kindness, and had made Lander a
present of some canoes, with people to pilot them up the river. A few
days before their arrival at Eboe, the steamers sent their boats
ashore to cut wood. They were fired upon by the inhabitants of a
village, and obliged to return. The next morning a large number of
men were sent armed, these were immediately fired upon by the
natives. The Quorra then sent a signal rocket into the town, and
continued firing her long gun at intervals for an hour and a half.
The natives still continuing to fire, the crews of both the steamers
landed and drove them out of the town or village, and then burned it
to the ground. Three of the natives were found killed, and one was
dying, one or two of the English were slightly wounded. The news of
this engagement reached Eboe before the steamer, and Mr. Lander is of
opinion, it will have a salutary effect on the natives up the river,
and be the means of preventing any further resistance. Nine men are
said to have died before they left the Nun, and two or three
afterwards. There was also an American merchant brig, the Agenoria,
lying in the Nun. She had been fitted out by a company of merchants
of New Providence to explore the Niger. She had with her two small
schooners, which were to proceed up the river, while she remained at
the entrance. Nearly all the white men belonging to these vessels had
died, and the remainder appeared in the most wretched state, and they
had abandoned all intention of attempting to proceed up the river
with the schooners, it being considered impossible to do so with any
sailing vessel. The brig intended to procure a cargo of palm oil, and
proceed to the United States. The Agenoria was fitted out secretly by
the company, and had cleared out for a whaling voyage.

No doubt whatever exists, and the sequel fully confirms the opinion,
that the conduct observed by the crews of the steamers in attacking
and destroying the town of the natives was highly impolitic and
uncalled for. It is true the natives had commenced the attack, and we
have only to refer to the accounts transmitted to us, of various
travellers on penetrating into the country of a savage people, and
especially a people of the depraved nature of the Africans, with whom
Lander had to deal, that they are generally the first to resort to
force, not so much with the hope of victory, as with the desire of
plunder. In the generality of cases, however, it is to be found that
the hostility on the part of the natives was more easy to be quelled
by a show of forbearance and an inclination to enter into terms of
amity with them, than by an open desire to meet force by force.
Lander was by no means ignorant of the African character, he came not
amongst them as a perfect stranger, and in all his former
transactions with the natives, he had invariably found that he
ultimately obtained their good will by a show of forbearance and
lenity, more than by a determined spirit of resistance and reprisal.
In no instance was this principle more completely verified than in
the travels of Major Denham, in which in several instances, had he
not maintained a complete control over his temper, on the insults and
affronts offered to him by the natives, the consequences, would
doubtless have been fatal to him, and although the natives were, in
the case of Lander, undoubtedly the aggressors, yet had a temper of
conciliation been manifested towards them, that spirit of hatred and
of vengeance would not have been awakened in their breasts, which led
to a most fatal catastrophe, and to the death of one of the most
enterprising travellers, who ever attempted to explore the interior
of Africa.

For some reason not properly explained, Richard Lander, returned to
Fernando Po on the 1st May from the Quorra steam boat, which he had
left afloat in deep water, near the River Tchadda. From her he
descended the Niger in a native canoe, and arrived on board the brig
Columbine, which was lying in the Nun River, having been 13 days on
his passage. During this period he stopped to sleep every night at a
native village on the banks of the Niger.

At Fernando Po, Mr. Lander was evidently very ill, though he was
rapidly recovering from an attack of the dysentery, with which he had
been afflicted for some months. His object in returning alone to
Fernando Po, was to procure medicines, as well as tea and other
condiments, for the use of the invalids on board the steam boats. The
reports of the grievous mortality which had prevailed on board the
steamers were confirmed by the arrival of Lander; the number of
deaths on board the vessels had indeed been frightfully great; no
fewer than twenty-five had perished before Mr. Lander undertook his
journey to the coast, including most of the officers and engineers.

The following may be considered as the principal circumstances which
led to this lamentable result. The vessels were unfortunately
detained at a place called Attah, until Mr. Lander, accompanied by
one or two of his associates, went to see the king. They were very
hospitably received by his sable majesty, who was equipped in silk
velvet, and attended by about three hundred well-dressed youths, all
of them eunuchs, and forming a kind of body guard to their prince.

This delay was followed by another still more vexatious. The larger
steam boat, was forced by the strength of the current on a sand bank,
where she was fixed for several weeks; till lifted into deep water by
the swelling of the river. Here she was examined, and found to have
sustained no damage, but owing to this unseasonable accident, as well
as the detention at Attah, and above all, to the deplorable loss of
life, which had ensued on board the vessels, the party had not in
their power to cultivate their mercantile speculations either to the
extent or so successfully as they wished, or as their friends
anticipated.

Still, however, when Mr. Lander left the Quorra, they might be said
to have only begun to trade with the natives, and as there was
unquestionably an abundance of ivory in the country, there was reason
to hope that the adventure would be yet as prosperous in this point
of view as its spirited and enterprising proprietors could
reasonably desire.

The great mortality which took place amongst the crews of the
vessels, was mainly attributed to the injudicious conduct of Captain
Harris, who, instead of pushing on direct for the Niger, spent a
great deal of time, as he coasted along, in examining inlets, &c.,
which exposed the crew to the fatal fever, which committed such
ravages amongst them. Captain Harris himself fell a victim to his
want of judgement, and Lander, Laird, Lieutenant Alien, and the
captain of the Alburkha, were the only persons in office, who
survived, and but fourteen whites besides were left alive.

The provisions were found to be uncommonly cheap and plentiful. A
bullock weighing two cwt. cost eight shillings. Fowls one penny each,
and other things in proportion, so that the victualling of thirty men
was not more than eighteen pence a day, including yams and rice.

On the 18th May, Lander left Fernando Po in a native canoe as before,
in order to rejoin his companions, who were no doubt anxiously
awaiting his return. Richard Lander returned to Attah on the 21st
July, in high health and spirits, and immediately made preparations
for ascending the river in the Alburkha, accompanied by Lieutenant
Allen, and a medical man. His voyage from the coast in a canoe,
occupied him thirty-two days. From Attah, he wrote to his brother
John, of which the following is an interesting extract:

"You know, that when we were here together, Abucco, chief of
Damaggoo, had been at variance with his brother for several years. On
arriving at the former place from the coast, I was sorry to find the
brothers, with their respective subjects, still engaged in that
petty, but obstinate and ferocious warfare, which had distinguished
the quarrel at its commencement. Determined, if possible, to effect a
reconciliation between them, I prevailed on our old friend Abucco to
accompany me to Attah, promising to introduce him to his brother, and
pledging my life for his safety. The meeting took place on the 22nd
November, and a highly interesting one it was, I assure you. One
party, preceded by Jowdie, and a few drummers, were introduced into a
large square enclosure. The chief seated on a kind of throne, was
surrounded by all his mallams, and a multitude of attendants. His
wives were seated under a verandah, from which were suspended several
handsome Turkey carpets, which served them for a screen. Abucco
instantly drew back, as he approached the throne, but, taking him by
the hand, I led, or rather pulled him towards his brother. At this
moment, his confidence seemed to have forsaken him entirely; his head
hung down on his breast, and I could feel him tremble violently.
Whilst I was displaying my presents to the chief of Attah, I
perceived him several times bestow a hasty and displeased look on his
brother, who had disengaged himself from my hand, and was sitting on
the ground. Though seven years had elapsed since their last meeting,
neither of the rulers uttered a word. The curiosity of the chief of
Attah, having in some measure been gratified, I immediately
introduced his brother to his notice, by paying him a high
compliment, which Abucco had certainly deserved. I then expressed the
regret I felt in witnessing the bad effects of the misunderstanding,
which had existed amongst them for so many years; insisted on the
necessity of brothers living in harmony, and said I was determined
not to quit the spot, until I had established a perfect
reconciliation between them. The chief was extremely disconcerted,
but he made no reply, I then desired Abucco to rise, and leading him
to his brother, I took the right hand of each, and pressing both
hands together, made them shake hands heartily, observing; You are
now friends, and may God keep you so. The brothers were deeply
affected, and neither of them could utter a syllable, for several
seconds afterwards. Every countenance beamed with delight at the
happy termination of the interview, and the multitude gave vent to
their feelings, in a loud, long, and general shout. For my part, I
need not say, I cannot tell the heartfelt gratification, I felt at
that moment. But this is not the most important good, that I have
been the humble means of effecting at this place. From time
immemorable it has been a custom with the rulers of Attah, to
sacrifice human beings on rejoicing days, and on all public
occasions. At the interview, which I have just described to you, two
poor creatures were brought before us to be slain, in order that
their blood might be sprinkled about the yard. I shuddered at the
proposal, and begged with earnestness, that nothing of the kind might
be done, I assured the chief he would one day have to give an account
to God, of every life he might wantonly destroy; and also made him
sensible, that though after death, his body would moulder into dust,
his soul would live for ever, and that it would be happy or
miserable, in proportion to the good or bad actions he had performed,
or might yet perform in this world. The chief was evidently much
affected at my words, and desired his followers to unbind the
intended victims, and remove them from the yard. He then made a
solemn promise, to put an end to the custom of sacrificing human
beings. As soon as this declaration was made known to the mallams,
and the crowd of attendants in the yard, they all held up their hands
in token of approbation, and shouted for joy. It is now seven or
eight months since this promise was made, and I am happy to say, it
has been religiously kept."

As further lights continued to be thrown upon the course of the
Niger, that geographical problem of many years, and as its importance
in a commercial point of view, opening a way into the interior of
Africa, becomes more appreciable, our attention was naturally drawn
to every circumstance connected with its exploration. Thus the
expeditions of Mungo Park excited a strong sensation, and have left a
mournful recollection on the public mind, and thus the equally
adventurous, and noble, and more successful enterprises of the
brothers, Landers, and especially of Richard, whose narrative of his
third voyage we are now relating, have fixed the admiration of their
country. This feeling was probably greatly enhanced, as the prospect
of utility is certainly much enlarged by the remarkable coincidence
of these gallant efforts, with the application of the navigating
powers of steam. There might have been generations of Landers, with
lives devoted to the cause, the sole reward of which would have been
the discovery of a river's source and termination, but now there was
combined with that end, the cheering hope of extending civilization,
of strangling the hydra, slavery, in its cradle, and of diffusing
comfort and happiness over a wide quarter of the globe. Assuredly it
is a glorious thing to be signally and prosperously engaged in laying
the foundation for a consummation so devoutly to be wished.

Lander had not made great progress in the interior, before he found
that he was deficient in some particular kinds of goods, which were
required for the markets in the interior, and he, therefore,
descended the river in a canoe, and embarked on board the Curlew ship
of war, to convey him to Cape Coast Castle, where he expected to meet
with the articles which he required. Having succeeded in effecting
his purchases, he returned to the mouth of the Nun, thence to
_reascend the Niger for the third time_, and endeavour to penetrate
as far up the river as Boussa.

It is, however, highly interesting to know, that previously to his
last return to the Coast, Lander and Lieutenant Alien, had
fortunately reached Rabba, a large Fellata town, in the iron steam
boat, and for the period of thirteen or fourteen days had maintained
a friendly intercourse, and carried on an advantageous trade with its
inhabitants. The depth of the water at that place was between two and
three fathoms, and as far as could be seen beyond it, the Niger was
free from rocks and other obstructions, and assumed a majestic and
very encouraging appearance. For the reason already mentioned, Lander
was obliged to return to the coast, though it was supposed that he
hastily quitted Rabba on account of some unfavourable rumours which
had reached him, to the effect that the people wished to inveigle our
countrymen on shore, in order to seize their persons and destroy
their boat. This is, however, an improbable supposition, for as far
as could be ascertained, the general bearing of the inhabitants
towards the English was any thing but hostile. This important town
was inhabited by Fellatas and negroes, and fully realized the
expectations that had been formed of it, as regards its extent, its
wealth, and its population. A few Tuaricks from the borders of the
desert, and other Arabs were observed by our countrymen in the
streets of Rabba.

Another important feature of this expedition is, the circumstance
that the travellers ascended the river Tchadda, as high as one
hundred and fifty miles from its junction with the Niger. At that
point, and at some distance below and above it, the river was found
to be intersected with islands, and comparatively shallow,
alternately becoming broad and narrow in proportion as its channel
was free from, or obstructed by these islands. No traces of
inhabitants appeared on the banks of this very interesting river, and
Lander and his valuable coadjutor were compelled to return to the
Niger for want of provisions. All the natives in this part of the
country agreed in the assertion, that the Tchadda communicates with
Lake Tchad, the inland sea of Africa. They do not hazard this as a
mere conjecture, but state it with confidence, as a well-known and
undisputed fact. This being the case, though it be at variance with
the opinion entertained of it by many of our scientific countrymen,
the concurrent testimony of the natives, who, after all, are better
acquainted with the geography of their own country, is entitled to
respect. It should also be remembered, that the Tchadda has not
received its name, any more than its gigantic namesake, from
Europeans, but from the natives themselves, who have never bestowed
on it any other appellation. On a small island, near Attah, Lander
erected a kind of mud fort, which would answer the purpose of a depot
for British goods. This place has been named English island, and it
possesses peculiar facilities for trading purposes in that part of
the country. The king of Attah, who seemed to have formed an
attachment to Lander, presented him with four small but very
beautiful horses, which he succeeded in conveying to Fernando Po.
Poor old Pascoe the black, who buried Belzoni, and whose name occurs
so frequently in Clapperton's journal, and the narrative of the
Landers, as a faithful and brave servant, died at Attah.

For some time, no information which could be relied upon reached this
country, relative to the progress of the expedition, although some
sinister reports were afloat relative to the fatal termination of it.
At length, however, all suspense was extinguished by the arrival of
an individual belonging to the expedition, who gave the following
account of the melancholy manner in which Richard Lander met his
death, and which was subsequently corroborated by Mr. Moore, a
medical gentleman attached to the expedition, and who was himself an
eyewitness of the whole murderous scene. The particulars of the
mournful event of Lander's death are thus given:

"Richard Lander and his associates entered the Brass River, and began
ascending it in excellent spirits. With them were two or three negro
musicians, who, when the labours of the day were over, cheered their
countrymen with their instruments, at the sound of which they danced
and sang in company, while the few Englishmen be longing to the
party, amused themselves with angling on the banks of the stream, in
which, though not very expert, they were tolerably successful. In
this pleasing manner, stemming a strong current by day, and resting
from their toil at night, Richard Lander and his little band, totally
unapprehensive of danger, and unprepared to overcome or meet it,
proceeded slowly up the Niger. At some distance from its mouth, and
on his way thither, they met King Jacket, a relative of King Boy, and
one of the heartless and sullen chiefs, who rule over a large tract
of marshy country on the banks of the Brass River. This individual
was hailed by our travellers, and a present of tobacco and rum was
offered to him, he accepted it with a murmur of dissatisfaction, and
his eyes sparkled with malignity, as he said in his own language,
'White man will never reach Eboe this time.' This sentence was
immediately interpreted to Lander by a native of the country, a boy,
who afterwards bled to death from a wound in the knee, but Lander
made light of the matter, and attributed Jacket's prophecy, for so it
proved, to the petulance and malice of his disposition. Soon,
however, he discovered his error, but it was too late to correct it,
or evade the danger which threatened him. On ascending as far inland
as sixty or seventy miles, the English approached an island, and
their progress in the larger canoe was effectually obstructed by the
shallowness of the stream. Amongst the trees and underwood that grew
on this island, and on both banks of the river in its vicinity, large
ambuscades of the natives had previously been formed, and shortly
after the principal canoe had grounded, its unfortunate crew, busily
employed to heave it into deep water, were saluted with irregular but
heavy and continued discharges of musketry. So great was Lander's
confidence in the sincerity and good will of the natives, that he
could not at first believe that the destructive fire, by which he was
literally surrounded, was any thing more than a mode of salutation
they had adopted in honour of his arrival. But the Kroomen who had
leaped into the boat, and who fell wounded by his side, soon
convinced him of his mistake, and plainly discovered to him the
fearful nature of the peril into which he had fallen so unexpectedly,
and the difficulty he would experience in  extricating himself from
it. Encouraging his comrades with his voice and gestures, Lander
prepared to defend himself to the last, and a loud and simultaneous
shout from his little party assured him that they shared his
feelings, and would follow his example. Meanwhile, several of the
savages having come out of their concealment, were brought down by
the shots of the English, but Lander whilst stopping to pick up a
cartridge from the bottom of the canoe, was struck near the hip by a
musket ball. The shock made him stagger, but he did not fall, and he
continued cheering on his men. Soon finding, however, his ammunition
expended, himself seriously wounded, the courage of his Kroomen
beginning to droop, and the firing of his assailants, instead of
diminishing become more general than ever, he resolved to attempt
getting into the smaller canoe, afloat at a short distance, as the
only remaining chance of preserving a single life. For this purpose,
abandoning their property, the survivors threw themselves into the
stream, and with much difficulty, for the strength of the current was
incredibly strong, most of them succeeded in accomplishing their
object. No sooner was this observed by the men in ambush, than they
started up and rushed out with wild and hideous yells; canoes that
had been hidden behind the luxuriant foliage which overhung the
river, were in an instant pushed out into the middle of the stream,
and pursued the fugitives with surprising velocity; whilst numbers of
people, with savage antics and furious gesticulations, ran and danced
along the beach, uttering loud and startling cries. The Kroomen
maintained on this occasion, the good reputation which their
countrymen have deservedly acquired; their lives depended on their
energy and skill, and they impelled their slender bark through the
water with unrivalled swiftness. The pursuit was kept up for four
hours, and poor Lander, without ammunition or any defensive weapon
whatever, was exposed to the straggling fire, as well as the
insulting mockery of his pursuers. One incident, which occurred in
the flight, deserves to be recorded. A white man named T----,
completely overpowered by his fears, refused to fire on the savages,
who were within a paddle's length of him, but stood up in the canoe,
with a loaded musket in his hand, beseeching them by his gestures to
take him prisoner, rather than deprive him of his life. While in the
act of making this dastardly appeal, a musket ball from the enemy
entered his mouth, and killed him on the spot. The others behaved
with the greatest coolness and intrepidity. The fugitives gained on
their pursuers, and when they found the chase discontinued
altogether, Lander stood up for the last time in the canoe, and being
seconded by his remaining associates, he waved his hat, and gave a
last cheer in sight of his adversaries. He then became sick and faint
from loss of blood, and sank back exhausted in the arms of those who
were nearest to him. Rallying shortly afterwards, the nature of his
wound was communicated to him by Mr. Moore, a young surgeon from
England, who had accompanied him up the river, and whose conduct
throughout this disastrous affray was most admirable. The ball could
not be extracted, and Lander felt convinced his career would soon be
terminated. When the state of excitement to which his feelings had
been wrought, gave place to the languor which generally succeeds
powerful excitement of any kind, the invalid's wound pained him
exceedingly, and for several hours afterwards, he endured with
calmness the most intense suffering. From that time he could neither
sit up, nor turn on his couch, nor hold a pen, but while he was
proceeding down the river in a manner so melancholy, and so very
different from the mode in which he was ascending it only the day
before, he could not help indulging in various reflections, and he
talked much of his wife and children, his friends, his distant home,
and his blighted expectations. It was a period of darkness, and
distress, and sorrow to him, but his natural cheerfulness soon
regained its ascendancy over his mind, and freely forgiving all his
enemies, he resigned himself into the hands of his Maker, and derived
considerable benefit from the consolations of religion. He arrived
with his surviving companions at Fernando Po on the 25th January. It
was there found that the ball had entered his hip, and worked its way
down to the thick of the thigh. He died on the 2nd February. His
clothes and papers were all lost.

"Various conjectures have been urged as to the probable cause of this
cold-blooded and heartless attack on Lander and his party. Some
persons imagine that the natives had been stimulated to the
perpetration of this disgraceful deed by the Portuguese and South
American slave dealers, who have considerable influence in the
country, and whose interests would unquestionably decline by the
introduction into the interior of British subjects and British
manufactures. It is, however, generally supposed that the hostility
of the natives may be in some degree traced to the shameful and
scandalous conduct of some of the Liverpool merchants, who had used
their private influence to poison the minds of the natives by
attributing particular motives to the travellers, which were at
variance with the interests of the country, and subversive of the
authority of the chiefs. Nor is this scarcely a matter of doubt,
when we peruse the following extract from a letter addressed by John
Lander to the editor of the Literary Gazette.

"I cannot close this letter, without apprising you of a fact, which
will appear incredible to you. Can you believe me when I assert, on
the most unquestionable authority, that there are merchants here (the
letter was dated from Liverpool) so heartless and inhuman as to
instruct the masters of their vessels who trade to the African coast
_to refuse any assistance to the expedition of which it may stand in
need; to reject all letters that may be sent from the parties
connected with it, and, in fine, to hold no communication whatever
with the steamers or the brig_, does it not startle you, that
jealousy and selfishness can go so far? Believe me, I blush at the
reflection of a crime so hideous and un-English like as this?" In a
postscript, John Lander says, "The fact of the merchants'
instructions to the masters of their vessels may be safely depended
on. Nothing can be more true. They have gone even farther than I have
ventured to hint. _They have taken measures to prejudice the minds of
the natives against the expedition_."

Thus is human life, thus are the interests of science sacrificed on
the shrine of a sordid love of gain and pelf. It is true that the
merit of the fitting out of the expedition belongs to the
enterprising spirit and the liberality of a few Liverpool merchants,
but greatly indeed is that merit eclipsed, in a general point of
view, when it is considered, that in the same town could be found a
set of individuals, who, for the purpose of enabling them to carry on
an illegal and infamous traffic, could be the instruments of
circumventing the life of an individual, who was nobly employed in
the extension of geographical science, and who was perhaps actually
laying the foundation of the civilization of the countries through
which he might pass, and extending the commercial relations of his
country. An indelible stain will it be upon the merchants of
Liverpool, who could so far forget that they were Englishmen, as to
make a horde of barbarous savages their instruments for the
destruction of an expedition by which the general interests of the
human race might be promoted, our commercial relations extended, and
ultimately, the blessings of Christianity diffused over the dark and
unenlightened children of Africa.

As a palliative to the statement of John Lander, and as some relief
to the dark picture which we have just exhibited, it must be
confessed, that when the circumstances are taken into consideration,
which have already been detailed, when Lander first visited the Eboe
country, his conduct was not exactly regulated by prudence or policy,
in proceeding towards a country, not in the simple guise and
unostentatious manner of the solitary traveller, but attended by a
force sufficient to excite the fears and jealousy of the native
chiefs, and to instil into their suspicious minds the belief, that
the travellers, whom they had formerly seen in their country, had
returned, equipped with the means of subjugating the country, and
reducing the chiefs themselves, perhaps to a state of slavery. The
very vessels in which they presented themselves, were sufficient to
strike terror and alarm into the minds of the superstitious natives.
They knew not by what character to describe them; to their ignorant
and untutored understandings, they appeared to be impelled by some
power of witchcraft, for which they could not in the least account;
to behold a large vessel impelled even against the stream with no
inconsiderable velocity, and no power manifested by which that speed
could be obtained, set their minds a wondering, and obtained for
Lander the character of the devil. As the devil, therefore, had
arrived in their country, it became an act of the most imperious duty
to force him to abandon it, by any means which could suggest
themselves, and no one certainly could be more effectual than to put
themselves in ambuscade, and take the first opportunity of killing
him at once. It must also be taken into consideration, that the
report of the destruction of the town and the murder of some of the
natives by the crew of the Alburkha, had spread itself all along the
banks of the river, and had spread consternation and alarm amongst
the natives, who apprehended that the same fate might befal
themselves. Another opinion was entertained, that the Brass people,
perceiving that their lucrative carrying trade between the coast and
the inland countries would be annihilated, if they suffered the
English to trade with the natives of the interior in their own
vessels, formed a coalition with the people of Bonny, whose interests
would likewise be affected by the new order of things, and that these
men, aided by the savage inhabitants of the country residing in the
vicinity of the spot, where the ruthless and cowardly assault was
made, met together and resolved on the destruction of the unoffending
Englishmen.

From what cause soever it originated, this much is certain, that the
attack had been premeditated, that the arrangements of the assassins
had been made in a methodical and skilful manner, and that Brass and
Bonny canoes were engaged in the assault. Those who have had the best
means of knowing the character and disposition of the Brass people,
and their neighbours of Bonny, whose treacherous manoeuvering can
only be equalled by their insatiable rapacity, consider the last as
by far the most probable hypothesis, and believe that King Boy,
notwithstanding his affectation of sympathy for the sufferers, and
his apparent distress on beholding his friend and benefactor mortally
wounded, was nevertheless at the bottom of the plot, and had exerted
his influence to bring that plot to maturity, in conjunction with the
malignant wretch, who foretold the eventful catastrophe. Boy having
with alacrity joined the party on all former occasions, when they
ascended the river, and having obstinately refused to accompany them
on this, strengthens the supposition that he was well aware of the
formidable danger, which awaited them, but in which it is plain he
had no ambition to participate.

The fate of Lander, on whom the eyes of all England were directed as
the individual most likely to extend the benefits of civilization to
the benighted Africans, and to open fresh sources of wealth to his
enterprising countrymen, excited in all breasts the most unfeigned
regret; to the honour of the inhabitants of Truro, the native place
of the Landers, it must be recorded that the intelligence of the
premature death of Richard Lander, no sooner reached that town, than
a meeting of his fellow townsmen took place, which was held at the
council hall, at which Humphry Willyams, Esquire, presided. After
expressing their extreme regret, the assembly resolved:

"To express its sincere sympathy with the sorrowing family, and its
sense of the loss which science, commerce, and civilization had
sustained by the death of this enterprising traveller. Further that
the sum of £84 having been raised for the purpose of presenting
pieces of plate to Messrs. Richard and John Lander, and the altered
circumstances of the case having induced the survivor generously to
decline any participation in the fund so raised, and to request that
the same might be appropriated to some other memorial of the respect
and esteem of his native town, for his lamented brother; it was their
opinion that if an adequate amount be obtained, a column should be
erected in their native town, to commemorate the intrepidity of the
two brothers, and that an appeal be made to the county to co-operate
in their object."

About ten days after, a second meeting took place, when the following
address was printed, and unanimously adopted:

TO THE INHABITANTS OF CORNWALL.

"The lamentable fate of the African traveller, Richard Lander, calls
for some marked expression of public sympathy and respect, and more
especially does it behove Cornishmen to show their esteem and sorrow
for their adventurous countryman. Whether to testify this natural
sentiment, or to declare our admiration at the energy of mind, which
raised the departed and his enterprising brother from humble station
to such enviable pre-eminence, or to evince that deep interest, which
every philanthropist and Christian must feel, in all that concerns
the civilization of Africa, we are assured there can be but one
opinion as to the propriety of raising some lasting memorial of the
travellers. The effects likely to result from their discoveries,
followed up by such indomitable resolution as characterized Richard
Lander, may be inferred from the melancholy circumstance that this
courageous man has in all probability fallen a victim to the
suspicion of those concerned in the atrocious slave trade. But the
grand object has been accomplished, though great the cost: the path
now opened for mercantile enterprise, will make plain the way, for
civilization, freedom, and religion. PARK, DENHAM, RITCHIE,
CLAPPERTON and LANDER, have led the forlorn hope, against the
seemingly impregnable fastnesses of African barbarism, and though
each has perished, the cause of humanity has been advanced. At once,
therefore, to celebrate the progress of discovery, and to record
individual merit, it is proposed to erect a Column in some
conspicuous part of Truro, the birth place of the Landers, which,
while it commemorates the fate of one brother, will render a just
tribute to both, and to this end it is intended to apply the amount
already obtained for a testimonial of respect of another description,
which sum, however, being inadequate, the committee appeals to the
liberality of the county, confident that contributions will be
immediately forthcoming to render the memorial worthy of the
occasion."

Notwithstanding this forcible appeal to the compatriots of Landers it
was some time before a sufficiency could be collected for the
erection of the monument; success, however, at last attended the
exertions of the committee, and the monument was erected; and
although no blazoned escutcheon is engraved upon it, nor pompous
epitaph declares the virtues of the departed, yet to the ages yet
unborn it will rouse the spirit of compatriot pride, when the
traveller views the memorial, and with exultation he will exclaim,
Richard Lander was my countryman.

In investigating the advantages which may be supposed to flow to the
country by the discoveries of the Landers, we fear that they have
been much over-rated, for great and almost insuperable obstacles have
to be surmounted, before the savages of Africa can be brought to
relinquish their usual habits, or in any manner to forego those
advantages which the traffic in human flesh so bountifully presents
to them. The chiefs, who rule over the uncivilized hordes, who are
located on the banks of the Quorra, are all engaged in a kind of
commercial relation with the Europeans, by whom it is found necessary
to conciliate them, by sometimes, the most obsequious conduct,
degrading to a man of civilization, when shown towards an ignorant,
tyrannical, and despotic tyrant. Any attempt to force a channel of
commerce, beyond the territories of these savage chiefs, without
having first, either by presents or other means, obtained their
co-operation, is too visionary a scheme for even the most
enterprising adventurer to dare to undertake. King Jacket and King
Boy, with the king of Eboe, may be said to be in the command of the
estuary of the Niger, and, therefore, any attempt to establish a
channel of commerce without allowing them to participate in the
profits, or to be permitted to exact a duty on all goods passing by
water through their territory, must necessarily prove abortive. The
jealousy of their character would be aroused, they would see in the
traffic of the European a gradual decline of their own emoluments,
and by degrees a total exclusion from those branches of commerce,
from which they had hitherto derived the greatest profit. That the
commerce of the interior of Africa offers the most tempting
advantages to the enterprising British merchant cannot be doubted,
for the two articles alone of indigo and ivory would repay the
speculator with a profit of nearly 1000 per cent. This circumstance
was sufficient to arouse the commercial spirit of the merchants of
Glasgow, who, on the return of the Landers with the information of
the discovery of the termination of the Niger, proceeded immediately
to form a company, having a capital of £10,000, for establishing a
commercial intercourse with the chiefs of the interior of Africa,
forgetting at the time, that before they could reach the territories
of those chiefs, they had in the persons of King Boy, King Jacket,
and King Forday, and the king of the Eboe country, a gauntlet to run
through, and a kind of quadruple alliance to extinguish, without
which all their efforts would be in vain. The death of Lander put an
end to this speculation, as it was then clearly seen that unless the
actual constitution of the countries situate on the banks of the
Quorra, could be placed under a different authority, and the people
brought to a state of positive submission, it were futile to expect
any solid or permanent advantages from any commercial relations they
might form. The insalubrity of the climate, so very injurious to a
European constitution, was also a great drawback to the prosecution
of those commercial advantages, which the discovery of the
termination of the Niger offered to this country; it was literally
sending men to die a premature death to embark them on board of an
African trader, and we have the authority of the late Captain
Fullerton for stating, that he scarcely ever knew an individual who,
although he might escape the pestilential fevers of the country for
the second, and even the third or fourth time, that did not
eventually die. Notwithstanding, however, the latter serious drawback
to the prosecution of our geographical knowledge of the interior of
Africa, there are yet to be found amongst us some hardy, gallant
spirits, who, fearless of every danger, and willing to undergo every
privation which the human constitution can endure, are still anxious
to expose themselves to such appalling perils, for the promotion of
science and the general welfare of the human race. Amongst those
individuals, a young gentleman of the name of Coulthurst has rendered
himself conspicuous. He was the only surviving son of C. Coulthurst,
Esquire, of Sandirvay, near Norwich, and was thirty-five years of age
at the time of his death. He was educated at Eton, studied afterwards
at Brazen Nose College, Oxford, and then went to Barbadoes, but from
his  infancy his heart was set on African enterprise. His family are
still in possession of some of his Eton school books, in which maps
of Africa, with his supposed travels into the interior, are
delineated; and at Barbadoes he used to take long walks in the heat
of the day, in order to season himself for the further exposure,
which he never ceased to contemplate. His eager desires also took a
poetical form, and a soliloquy of Mungo Park, and other pieces of a
similar description, of considerable merit, were written by him at
different times. The stimulus that at length decided him, however,
was the success of the Landers. He feared that if he delayed longer,
another expedition would be fitted out on a grand scale, and leave
nothing which an individual could attempt.

It was in December 1831, that Messrs. Coulthurst and Tyrwhitt were
introduced  to the council of the Geographical Society, as being
about to proceed at their own expense to the mouth of the Quorra,
with the view of endeavouring to penetrate thence eastward to the
Bahr-Abiad; and although their preparations were not on such a scale
as to warrant any very sanguine hopes of success, yet it was felt to
be a duty on the part of the society to patronize so spirited an
undertaking. They were accordingly placed in communication with
Colonel Leake, and other members of the late African Association,
whose advice it was thought could not fail to be of service to them.
They were also introduced to Captain Owen and to Mr. Lander, the
value of whose experience in planning their operations was obvious.
And the  expedition  being brought under the notice of his majesty's
government, the loan of a chronometer was obtained for it, with
strong letters of introduction and recommendation to the officers
commanding the naval and military forces of the crown along the
African coast.

The party sailed from the Downs on the 1st January 1832, and arrived
at Bathurst St. Mary's on the Gambia on the 28th of the same month.
Both travellers were somewhat indisposed during the voyage, and the
sun after their arrival so seriously affected Mr. Tyrwhitt, that he
here yielded to the repeated representations of his companion and
others, and returned home. The following is an extract of a letter
received from Mr. Coulthurst, dated Bathurst, 1st February 1832, and
the style is clearly indicative of the superior qualifications of his
mind:

"After a conference and palaver with some of the native chiefs,
amongst whose grotesque forms and equipments you would have laughed
to have seen me perched this morning, sipping palm wine; I have made
up my mind to take the southern bank of this river, through Fooladoo
to Sego. A messenger from the Almana of Bondou, who has undertaken to
bring the gum trade here from the Senegal, is now at Bathurst, and
the merchants are willing to assist in making up a coffila, which
will enable us I trust to prosecute our journey in safety. Though I
shall not thus reach the main object of Funda so directly as if I had
had the good fortune to overtake the Pluto, it would be scarcely
possible for me to do this now before the rainy season; and though I
shall be a few weeks later in reaching my destination, I shall have
the satisfaction of tracing the _whole_ river, and giving the
position of all the remarkable places, which neither Caillie nor
Lander were able to do. There is now no earthly chance of the
observations made by Park seeing the light, for Mr. Ainslie showed me
yesterday his last letter from Sansanding, which I perused with much
interest. You are aware that nothing but the unfortunate occurrence
of the Fellatas' conquests with the period of his expedition, and his
being mistaken for one of their parties, occasioned its unhappy
result; and by striking across the mountains, which we shall do at
Baranco, about four hundred miles up, we shall have only twenty-four
days' land journey to the mighty Niger, where he has scarcely command
of water enough to float a canoe.

"The climate here is so very superior to that in the Bights of Benin
and Biafra, that after Barbadoes, where shade is unknown, it really
seems comparatively cold; I took a stroll of half a dozen miles
to-day before breakfast, which I could not have done, without feeling
languid afterwards, in the West Indies, but Tyrwhitt never could have
borne the breathing oven of the Gold Coast. Everything reminds me
here of the near neighbourhood of the desert; the toke and turban
very general, every man, not a Christian, a Musselman, and what seems
strange to European eyes, persons in the coarsest checks with gold
ornaments to the value of hundreds of dollars.

"The beautiful harnessed antelope, which it is really a sin to shoot,
is common in the bush, and milk, honey, and rice, are to be had in
most of the negro villages, this being quite the dairy country of
Africa. But then there are mosquitoes, that madden the best-tempered
folk, and holy men with their eyes on the Koran, ready to dirk you
for the slightest subject of difference, and it is curious to see the
strangest characters of this sort well received and admitted to a
familiarity at government house, because they have much interest in
the country, and it is politic just now to speak them fair."

Having concluded his arrangements for proceeding through the Enyong
and Eboe countries, he intended to proceed up the Calebar River, and
thence over land to Funda. He arrived without any particular accident
in the Eboe country, but the king of that people refused to let him
pass, and he was, therefore, obliged to return to Calebar, and thence
it was his intention to take a passage on board the Agnes for
Fernando Po. The refusal of the king of the Eboe country, did not
proceed from any distrust or jealousy on his part, but a most
sanguinary war was raging in the interior, and he, therefore,
considered the life of the traveller to be in danger. He had not been
exposed to any very severe fatigue, but his disappointment was great,
and he laboured under considerable debility and depression of
spirits. He died without much suffering on the second day after
embarking on board the Agnes.

Thus perished another victim in the cause of African discovery, but
still there are hearts to be found, who are willing in the cause of
science to brave every peril, for the purpose of enlarging our
knowledge of the interior of the African continent, and opening fresh
sources to the skill and industry of our merchants. The Rev. Mr. Wolf
is now on his journey to Timbuctoo, and Lieutenant Wilkinson is
following up the discoveries of Lander; of them we may say with the
poet:--

"Fortuna audaces juvat."

FINIS.