Produced by John Bickers





THE POLITY OF THE ATHENIANS AND THE LACEDAEMONIANS

By Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns





     Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a
     pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,
     and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land
     and property in Scillus, where he lived for many
     years before having to move once more, to settle
     in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.

     The Polity of the Lacedaemonians talks about the
     laws and institutions created by Lycurgus, which
     train and develop Spartan citizens from birth to
     old age.




  PREPARER'S NOTE

  This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a
  four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though
  there is doubt about some of these) is:

  Work                                   Number of books

  The Anabasis                                         7
  The Hellenica                                        7
  The Cyropaedia                                       8
  The Memorabilia                                      4
  The Symposium                                        1
  The Economist                                        1
  On Horsemanship                                      1
  The Sportsman                                        1
  The Cavalry General                                  1
  The Apology                                          1
  On Revenues                                          1
  The Hiero                                            1
  The Agesilaus                                        1
  The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians   2

  Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into
  English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The
  diacritical marks have been lost.



     The Polity of the Lacedaemonians talks about the
     laws and institutions created by Lycurgus, which
     train and develop Spartan citizens from birth to
     old age.




THE POLITY OF THE ATHENIANS



I

Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians, (1) and the type or
manner of constitution which they have chosen, (2) I praise it not,
in so far as the very choice involves the welfare of the baser folk as
opposed to that of the better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise so
far; but, given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I propose
to show that they set about its preservation in the right way; and that
those other transactions in connection with it, which are looked upon as
blunders by the rest of the Hellenic world, are the reverse.

 (1) See Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 47 foll.; Thuc. i. 76, 77; viii. 48;
    Boeckh, "P. E. A." passim; Hartman, "An. Xen. N." cap. viii.;
    Roquette, "Xen. Vit." S. 26; Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 538; and
    "Xenophontis qui fertur libellus de Republica Atheniensium," ed.
    A. Kirchhoff (MDCCCLXXIV), whose text I have chiefly followed.

 (2) Lit. "I do not praise their choice of the (particular) type, in so
    far as..."

In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the poorer classes
(3) and the People of Athens should be better off than the men of birth
and wealth, seeing that it is the people who man the fleet, (4) and put
round the city her girdle of power. The steersman, (5) the boatswain,
the lieutenant, (6) the look-out-man at the prow, the shipright--these
are the people who engird the city with power far rather than her heavy
infantry (7) and men of birth of quality. This being the case, it seems
only just that offices of state should be thrown open to every one both
in the ballot (8) and the show of hands, and that the right of speech
should belong to any one who likes, without restriction. For, observe,
(9) there are many of these offices which, according as they are in good
or in bad hands, are a source of safety or of danger to the People, and
in these the People prudently abstains from sharing; as, for instance,
it does not think it incumbent on itself to share in the functions of
the general or of the commander of cavalry. (10) The sovereign People
recognises the fact that in forgoing the personal exercise of these
offices, and leaving them to the control of the more powerful (11)
citizens, it secures the balance of advantage to itself. It is only
those departments of government which bring emolument (12) and assist
the private estate that the People cares to keep in its own hands.

 (3) Cf. "Mem." I. ii. 58 foll.

 (4) Lit. "ply the oar and propel the galleys."

 (5) See "Econ." viii. 14; Pollux, i. 96; Arist. "Knights," 543 foll.;
    Plat. "Laws," v. 707 A; Jowett, "Plat." v. 278 foll.; Boeckh, "P.
    E. A." bk. ii. ch. xxi.

 (6) Lit. "pentecontarch;" see Dem. "In Pol." 1212.

 (7) Aristot. "Pol." vi. 7; Jowett, "The Politics of Aristotle," vol.
    i. p. 109.

 (8) {klerotoi}, {airetoi}.

 (9) Reading with Kirchhoff, {epeo tou}, or if {epeita}, "in the next
    place."

 (10) Hipparch.

 (11) Cf. "Hipparch." i. 9; "Econ." ii. 8.

 (12) E.g. the {dikasteria}.

In the next place, in regard to what some people are puzzled to
explain--the fact that everywhere greater consideration is shown to
the base, to poor people and to common folk, than to persons of good
quality--so far from being a matter of surprise, this, as can be shown,
is the keystone of the preservation of the democracy. It is these
poor people, this common folk, this riff-raff, (13) whose prosperity,
combined with the growth of their numbers, enhances the democracy.
Whereas, a shifting of fortune to the advantage of the wealthy and the
better classes implies the establishment on the part of the commonalty
of a strong power in opposition to itself. In fact, all the world over,
the cream of society is in opposition to the democracy. Naturally, since
the smallest amount of intemperance and injustice, together with the
highest scrupulousness in the pursuit of excellence, is to be found in
the ranks of the better class, while within the ranks of the People
will be found the greatest amount of ignorance, disorderliness,
rascality--poverty acting as a stronger incentive to base conduct, not
to speak of lack of education and ignorance, traceable to the lack of
means which afflicts the average of mankind. (14)

 (13) Or, "these inferiors," "these good-for-nothings."

 (14) Or, "some of these folk." The passage is corrupt.

The objection may be raised that it was a mistake to allow the universal
right of speech (15) and a seat in council. These should have been
reserved for the cleverest, the flower of the community. But here,
again, it will be found that they are acting with wise deliberation in
granting to (16) even the baser sort the right of speech, for supposing
only the better people might speak, or sit in council, blessings would
fall to the lot of those like themselves, but to the commonalty the
reverse of blessings. Whereas now, any one who likes, any base fellow,
may get up and discover something to the advantage of himself and his
equals. It may be retorted: "And what sort of advantage either for
himself or for the People can such a fellow be expected to hit upon?"
The answer to which is, that in their judgment the ignorance and
baseness of this fellow, together with his goodwill, are worth a great
deal more to them than your superior person's virtue and wisdom, coupled
with animosity. What it comes to, therefore, is that a state founded
upon such institutions will not be the best state; (17) but, given a
democracy, these are the right means to procure its preservation. The
People, it must be borne in mind, does not demand that the city should
be well governed and itself a slave. It desires to be free and to be
master. (18) As to bad legislation it does not concern itself about
that. (19) In fact, what you believe to be bad legislation is the very
source of the People's strength and freedom. But if you seek for good
legislation, in the first place you will see the cleverest members of
the community laying down the laws for the rest. And in the next place,
the better class will curb and chastise the lower orders; the
better class will deliberate in behalf of the state, and not suffer
crack-brained fellows to sit in council, or to speak or vote in
Parliament. (20) No doubt; but under the weight of such blessings the
People will in a very short time be reduced to slavery.

 (15) Lit. "everybody to speak in turn."

 (16) Or, "it is a counsel of perfection on their part to grant to,"
    etc.

 (17) Or, "the ideal state."

 (18) Or, "and to govern and hold office."

 (19) Or, "it will take the risk of that."

 (20) See Grote, "H. G." v. p. 510 note.

Another point is the extraordinary amount of license (21) granted to
slaves and resident aliens at Athens, where a blow is illegal, and a
slave will not step aside to let you pass him in the street. I will
explain the reason of this peculiar custom. Supposing it were legal
for a slave to be beaten by a free citizen, or for a resident alien or
freedman to be beaten by a citizen, it would frequently happen that
an Athenian might be mistaken for a slave or an alien and receive a
beating; since the Athenian People is no better clothed than the slave
or alien, nor in personal appearance is there any superiority. Or if the
fact itself that slaves in Athens are allowed to indulge in luxury, and
indeed in some cases to live magnificently, be found astonishing, this
too, it can be shown, is done of set purpose. Where you have a naval
power (22) dependent upon wealth (23) we must perforce be slaves to our
slaves, in order that we may get in our slave-rents, (24) and let
the real slave go free. Where you have wealthy slaves it ceases to be
advantageous that my slave should stand in awe of you. In Lacedaemon my
slave stands in awe of you. (25) But if your slave is in awe of me there
will be a risk of his giving away his own moneys to avoid running a risk
in his own person. It is for this reason then that we have established
an equality between our slaves and free men; and again between our
resident aliens and full citizens, (26) because the city stands in need
of her resident aliens to meet the requirements of such a multiplicity
of arts and for the purposes of her navy. That is, I repeat, the
justification for the equality conferred upon our resident aliens.

 (21) See Aristot. "Pol." v. 11 and vi. 4; Jowett, op. cit. vol. i. pp.
    179, 196; Welldon, "The Politics of Aristotle," pp. 394 323; Dem.
    "Phil." III. iii. 10; Plaut. "Stich." III. i. 37.

 (22) See Diod. xi. 43.

 (23) Reading, {apo khrematon, anagke}, or (reading, {apo khrematon
    anagke}) "considerations of money force us to be slaves."

 (24) See Boeckh, "P. E. A." I. xiii. (Eng. trans. p. 72). "The rights
    of property with regard to slaves in no way differed from any
    other chattel; they could be given or taken as pledges. They
    laboured either on their master's account or their own, in
    consideration of a certain sum to be paid to the master, or they
    were let out on hire either for the mines or any other kind of
    labour, and even for other persons' workshops, or as hired
    servants for wages ({apophora}): a similar payment was also
    exacted by the masters for their slaves serving in the fleet." Ib.
    "Dissertation on the Silver Mines of Laurion," p. 659 (Eng.
    trans.)

 (25) See "Pol. Lac." vi. 3.

 (26) Or, "we have given to our slaves the right to talk like equals
    with free men, just as to resident aliens the right of so talking
    with citizens." See Jebb, "Theophr. Char." xiv. 4, note, p. 221.
    See Demosth. "against Midias," 529, where the law is cited. "If
    any one commit a personal outrage upon man, woman, or child,
    whether free-born or slave, or commit any illegal act against any
    such person, let any Athenian that chooses" (not being under
    disability) "indict him before the judges," etc; and the orator
    exclaims: "You know, O Athenians, the humanity of the law, which
    allows not even slaves to be insulted in their persons."--C. R.
    Kennedy.

Citizens devoting their time to gymnastics and to the cultivation of
music are not to be found in Athens; (27) the sovereign People has
disestablished them, (28) not from any disbelief in the beauty and
honour of such training, but recognising the fact that these are things
the cultivation of which is beyond its power. On the same principle, in
the case of the coregia, (29) the gymnasiarchy, and the trierarchy, the
fact is recognised that it is the rich man who trains the chorus, and
the People for whom the chorus is trained; it is the rich man who is
trierarch or gymnasiarch, and the People that profits by their labours.
(30) In fact, what the People looks upon as its right is to pocket
the money. (31) To sing and run and dance and man the vessels is well
enough, but only in order that the People may be the gainer, while the
rich are made poorer. And so in the courts of justice, (32) justice is
not more an object of concern to the jurymen than what touches personal
advantage.

 (27) For {mousike} and {gumnastike}, see Becker's "Charicles," Exc.
    "Education."

 (28) See "Revenues," iv. 52; Arist. "Frogs," 1069, {e xekenosen tas te
    palaistras}, "and the places of exercise vacant and bare."--Frere.

 (29) "The duties of the choregia consisted in finding maintenance and
    instruction for the chorus" (in tragedy, usually of fifteen
    persons) "as long as they were in training; and in providing the
    dresses and equipments for the performance."--Jebb, "Theophr.
    Char." xxv. 3. For those of the gymnasiarchy, see "Dict. of
    Antiq." "Gymnasium." For that of the trierarchy, see Jebb, op.
    cit. xxv. 9; xxix. 16; Boeckh, "P. E. A." IV. xi.

 (30) See "Econ." ii. 6; Thuc. vi. 31.

 (31) See Boeckh, "P. E. A." II. xvi. p. 241.

 (32) For the system of judicature, the {dikasteria}, and the boards of
    jurymen or judges, see Aristot. "Constitution of Athens," ch.
    lxiii.; "Dict. of Antiq." s.v.

To speak next of the allies, and in reference to the point that
emissaries (33) from Athens come out, and, according to common opinion,
calumniate and vent their hatred (34) upon the better sort of people,
this is done (35) on the principle that the ruler cannot help being
hated by those whom he rules; but that if wealth and respectability are
to wield power in the subject cities the empire of the Athenian People
has but a short lease of existence. This explains why the better people
are punished with infamy, (36) robbed of their money, driven from their
homes, and put to death, while the baser sort are promoted to honour. On
the other hand, the better Athenians throw their aegis over the better
class in the allied cities. (37) And why? Because they recognise that it
is to the interest of their own class at all times to protect the best
element in the cities. It may be urged (38) that if it comes to strength
and power the real strength of Athens lies in the capacity of her allies
to contribute their money quota. But to the democratic mind (39) it
appears a higher advantage still for the individual Athenian to get hold
of the wealth of the allies, leaving them only enough to live upon
and to cultivate their estates, but powerless to harbour treacherous
designs.

 (33) For {oi ekpleontes}, see Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 41.

 (34) Reading {misousi}; or, if with Kirchhoff, {meiousi}, "in every
    way humiliate."

 (35) Or, "(they do so) as recognising the fact."

 (36) {atimia} = the loss of civil rights, either total or partial. See
    C. R. Kennedy, "Select Speeches of Demosthenes," Note 13,
    Disenfranchisement.

 (37) See Thuc. viii. 48.

 (38) See Grote, "H. G." vi. 53.

 (39) Or, "to a thorough democrat."

Again, (40) it is looked upon as a mistaken policy on the part of the
Athenian democracy to compel her allies to voyage to Athens in order to
have their cases tried. (41) On the other hand, it is easy to reckon up
what a number of advantages the Athenian People derive from the practice
impugned. In the first place, there is the steady receipt of salaries
throughout the year (42) derived from the court fees. (43) Next, it
enables them to manage the affairs of the allied states while seated
at home without the expense of naval expeditions. Thirdly, they thus
preserve the partisans of the democracy, and ruin her opponents in the
law courts. Whereas, supposing the several allied states tried their
cases at home, being inspired by hostility to Athens, they would destroy
those of their own citizens whose friendship to the Athenian People was
most marked. But besides all this the democracy derives the following
advantages from hearing the cases of her allies in Athens. In the first
place, the one per cent (44) levied in Piraeus is increased to the
profit of the state; again, the owner of a lodging-house (45) does
better, and so, too, the owner of a pair of beasts, or of slaves to
be let out on hire; (46) again, heralds and criers (47) are a class of
people who fare better owing to the sojourn of foreigners at Athens.
Further still, supposing the allies had not to resort to Athens for the
hearing of cases, only the official representative of the imperial
state would be held in honour, such as the general, or trierarch, or
ambassador. Whereas now every single individual among the allies is
forced to pay flattery to the People of Athens because he knows that he
must betake himself to Athens and win or lose (48) his case at the bar,
not of any stray set of judges, but of the sovereign People itself,
such being the law and custom at Athens. He is compelled to behave as
a suppliant (49) in the courts of justice, and when some juryman comes
into court, to grasp his hand. For this reason, therefore, the allies
find themselves more and more in the position of slaves to the people of
Athens.

 (40) Grote, "H. G." vi. 61.

 (41) See Isocr. "Panath." 245 D.

 (42) See Arist. "Clouds," 1196; Demosth. "c. Timoc." 730.

 (43) For the "Prytaneia," see Aristot. "Pol." ii. 12, 4. "Ephialtes
    and Pericles curtailed the privileges of the Areopagus, Pericles
    converted the Courts of Law into salaried bodies, and so each
    succeeding demagogue outdid his predecessor in the privileges he
    conferred upon the commons, until the present democracy was the
    result" (Welldon). "The writer of this passage clearly intended to
    class Pericles among the demagogues. He judges him in the same
    deprecatory spirit as Plato in the 'Gorgias,' pp. 515, 516."--
    Jowett, "Pol. of Aristot." vol. ii. p. 101. But see Aristot.
    "Constitution of Athens," ch. xxv., a portion of the newly-
    discovered treatise, which throws light on an obscure period in
    the history of Athens; and Mr. Kenyon's note ad loc.; and Mr.
    Macan's criticism, "Journal of Hellenic Studies," vol. xii. No. 1.

 (44) For the {ekatoste}, see Thuc. vii. 28, in reference to the year
    B.C. 416; Arist. "Wasps," 658; "Frogs," 363.

 (45) See Boeckh, "P. E. A." I. xii. p. 65 (Eng. trans.); I. xxiv. p.
    141.

 (46) See "Revenues," iv. 20, p. 338; Jebb, "Theophr. Char." xxvi. 16.

 (47) For these functionaries, see Jebb, op. cit. xvi. 10.

 (48) Lit. "pay or get justice."

 (49) Se Arist. "Wasps," 548 foll.; Grote, "H. G." v. 520 note; Newman,
    op. cit. i. 383.

Furthermore, owing to the possession of property beyond the limits
of Attica, (50) and the exercise of magistracies which take them into
regions beyond the frontier, they and their attendants have insensibly
acquired the art of navigation. (51) A man who is perpetually voyaging
is forced to handle the oar, he and his domestics alike, and to learn
the terms familiar in seamanship. Hence a stock of skilful mariners is
produced, bred upon a wide experience of voyaging and practice. They
have learnt their business, some in piloting a small craft, others a
merchant vessel, whilst others have been drafted off from these for
service on a ship-of-war. So that the majority of them are able to row
the moment they set foot on board a vessel, having been in a state of
preliminary practice all their lives.

 (50) See "Mem." II. viii. 1.

 (51) See "Hell." VII. i. 4.



II

As to the heavy infantry, an arm the deficiency of which at Athens is
well recognised, this is how the matter stands. They recognise the fact
that, in reference to the hostile power, they are themselves inferior,
and must be, even if their heavy infantry were more numerous. (1) But
relatively to the allies, who bring in the tribute, their strength even
on land is enormous. And they are persuaded that their heavy infantry is
sufficient for all purposes, provided they retain this superiority.
(2) Apart from all else, to a certain extent fortune must be held
responsible for the actual condition. The subjects of a power which is
dominant by land have it open to them to form contingents from several
small states and to muster in force for battle. But with the subjects of
a naval power it is different. As far as they are groups of islanders it
is impossible for their states to meet together for united action, for
the sea lies between them, and the dominant power is master of the sea.
And even if it were possible for them to assemble in some single island
unobserved, they would only do so to perish by famine. And as to the
states subject to Athens which are not islanders, but situated on the
continent, the larger are held in check by need (3) and the small ones
absolutely by fear, since there is no state in existence which does not
depend upon imports and exports, and these she will forfeit if she does
not lend a willing ear to those who are masters by sea. In the next
place, a power dominant by sea can do certain things which a land power
is debarred from doing; as for instance, ravage the territory of a
superior, since it is always possible to coast along to some point,
where either there is no hostile force to deal with or merely a small
body; and in case of an advance in force on the part of the enemy they
can take to their ships and sail away. Such a performance is attended
with less difficulty than that experienced by the relieving force on
land. (4) Again, it is open to a power so dominating by sea to leave its
own territory and sail off on as long a voyage as you please. Whereas
the land power cannot place more than a few days' journey between itself
and its own territory, for marches are slow affairs; and it is not
possible for an army on the march to have food supplies to last for any
great length of time. Such an army must either march through friendly
territory or it must force a way by victory in battle. The voyager
meanwhile has it in his power to disembark at any point where he finds
himself in superior force, or, at the worst, to coast by until he
reaches either a friendly district or an enemy too weak to resist.
Again, those diseases to which the fruits of the earth are liable as
visitations from heaven fall severely on a land power, but are scarcely
felt by the navel power, for such sicknesses do not visit the whole
earth everywhere at once. So that the ruler of the sea can get in
supplies from a thriving district. And if one may descend to more
trifling particulars, it is to this same lordship of the sea that the
Athenians owe the discovery, in the first place, of many of the luxuries
of life through intercourse with other countries. So that the choice
things of Sicily and Italy, of Cyprus and Egypt and Lydia, of Pontus or
Peloponnese, or wheresoever else it be, are all swept, as it were,
into one centre, and all owing, as I say, to their maritime empire. And
again, in process of listening to every form of speech, (5) they have
selected this from one place and that from another--for themselves. So
much so that while the rest of the Hellenes employ (6) each pretty much
their own peculiar mode of speech, habit of life, and style of dress,
the Athenians have adopted a composite type, (7) to which all sections
of Hellas, and the foreigner alike, have contributed.

 (1) Reading after Kirchhoff, {ettous ge... kan ei meizon en, ton
    dia k.t.l.} See Thuc. i. 143; Isocr. "de Pace," 169 A; Plut.
    "Them." 4 (Clough, i. 235).

 (2) Lit. "they are superior to their allies."

 (3) Reading with Kirchhoff, {dia khreian... dia deos}.

 (4) Or, "the army marching along the seaboard to the rescue."

 (5) Or, "a variety of dialects."

 (6) Or, "maintain somewhat more."

 (7) Or, "have contracted a mixed style, bearing traces of Hellenic and
    foreign influence alike." See Mahaffy, "Hist. of Greek Lit." vol.
    ii. ch. x. p. 257 (1st ed.); cf. Walt Whitman, "Preface to"
    original edition of "Leaves of Grass," p. 29--"The English
    language befriends the grand American expression: it is brawny
    enough and limber and full enough, on the tough stock of a race,
    who through all change of circumstances was never without the idea
    of a political liberty, which is the animus of all liberty; it has
    attracted the terms of daintier and gayer and subtler and more
    elegant tongues."

As regards sacrifices and temples and festivals and sacred enclosures,
the People sees that it is not possible for every poor citizen to do
sacrifice and hold festival, or to set up (8) temples and to inhabit
a large and beautiful city. But it has hit upon a means of meeting the
difficulty. They sacrifice--that is, the whole state sacrifices--at the
public cost a large number of victims; but it is the People that keeps
holiday and distributes the victims by lot amongst its members. Rich men
have in some cases private gymnasia and baths with dressing-rooms, (9)
but the People takes care to have built at the public cost (10) a number
of palaestras, dressing-rooms, and bathing establishments for its own
special use, and the mob gets the benefit of the majority of these,
rather than the select few or the well-to-do.

 (8) Reading with Kirchhoff, {istasthai}.

 (9) See Jebb, "Theophr. Char." vii. 18, p. 202.

 (10) Reading with Kirchhoff, {demosia}.

As to wealth, the Athenians are exceptionally placed with regard to
Hellenic and foreign communities alike, (11) in their ability to
hold it. For, given that some state or other is rich in timber for
shipbuilding, where is it to find a market (12) for the product except
by persuading the ruler of the sea? Or, suppose the wealth of some state
or other to consist of iron, or may be of bronze, (13) or of linen yarn,
where will it find a market except by permission of the supreme maritime
power? Yet these are the very things, you see, which I need for my
ships. Timber I must have from one, and from another iron, from a third
bronze, from a fourth linen yarn, from a fifth wax, etc. Besides which
they will not suffer their antagonists in those parts (14) to carry
these products elsewhither, or they will cease to use the sea.
Accordingly I, without one stroke of labour, extract from the land and
possess all these good things, thanks to my supremacy on the sea; whilst
not a single other state possesses the two of them. Not timber, for
instance, and yarn together, the same city. But where yarn is abundant,
the soil will be light and devoid of timber. And in the same way bronze
and iron will not be products of the same city. And so for the rest,
never two, or at best three, in one state, but one thing here and
another thing there. Moreover, above and beyond what has been said, the
coast-line of every mainland presents, either some jutting promontory,
or adjacent island, or narrow strait of some sort, so that those who are
masters of the sea can come to moorings at one of these points and wreak
vengeance (15) on the inhabitants of the mainland.

 (11) Or, "they have a practical monopoly."

 (12) Or, "how is it to dispose of the product?"

 (13) Or, "coppert."

 (14) Reading {ekei}. For this corrupt passage see L. Dindorf, ad.
    loc.; also Boeckh, "P. E. A." I. ix. p. 55. Perhaps (as my friend
    Mr. J. R. Mozley suggests) the simplest supposition is to suppose
    that there is an ellipsis before {e ou khresontai te thalatte}:
    thus, "Besides which they will not suffer their antagonists to
    transport goods to countries outside Attica; they must yield, or
    they shall not have the use of the sea."

 (15) {lobasthai}. This "poetical" word comes to mean "harry,"
    "pillage," in the common dialect.

There is just one thing which the Athenians lack. Supposing that they
were the inhabitants of an island, (16) and were still, as now, rulers
of the sea, they would have had it in their power to work whatever
mischief they liked, and to suffer no evil in return (as long as they
kept command of the sea), neither the ravaging of their territory nor
the expectation of an enemy's approach. Whereas at present the farming
portion of the community and the wealthy landowners are ready (17) to
cringe before the enemy overmuch, whilst the People, knowing full well
that, come what may, not one stock or stone of their property will
suffer, nothing will be cut down, nothing burnt, lives in freedom from
alarm, without fawning at the enemy's approach. Besides this, there
is another fear from which they would have been exempt in an island
home--the apprehension of the city being at any time betrayed by their
oligarchs (18) and the gates thrown open, and an enemy bursting suddenly
in. How could incidents like these have taken place if an island had
been their home? Again, had they inhabited an island there would have
been no stirring of sedition against the people; whereas at present,
in the event of faction, those who set it in foot base their hopes of
success on the introduction of an enemy by land. But a people inhabiting
an island would be free from all anxiety on that score. Since, however,
they did not chance to inhabit an island from the first, what they now
do is this--they deposit their property in the islands, (19) trusting
to their command of the sea, and they suffer the soil of Aticca to be
ravaged without a sigh. To expend pity on that, they know, would be to
deprive themselves of other blessings still more precious. (20)

 (16) See Thuc. i. 143. Pericles says: "Reflect, if we were islanders,
    who would be more invulnerable? Let us imagine that we are."

 (17) Or, "are the more ready to cringe." See, for the word
    {uperkhontai}, "Pol. Lac." viii. 2; Plat. "Crit." 53 E;
    Rutherford, "New Phrynichus," p. 110.

 (18) Or, "by the minority"; or, "by a handful of people."

 (19) As they did during the Peloponnesian war; and earlier still,
    before the battle of Salamis, in the case of that one island.

 (20) Or, "but mean the forfeiture of others."

Further, states oligarchically governed are forced to ratify their
alliances and solemn oaths, and if they fail to abide by their
contracts, the offence, by whomsoever committed, (21) lies nominally at
the door of the oligarchs who entered upon the contract. But in the case
of engagements entered into by a democracy it is open to the People to
throw the blame on the single individual who spoke in favour of some
measure, or put it to the vote, and to maintain to the rest of the
world, "I was not present, nor do I approve of the terms of the
agreement." Inquiries are made in a full meeting of the People, and
should any of these things be disapproved of, it can at once discover
ten thousand excuses to avoid doing whatever they do not wish. And if
any mischief should spring out of any resolutions which the People has
passed in council, the People can readily shift the blame from its own
shoulders. "A handful of oligarchs (22) acting against the interests
of the People have ruined us." But if any good result ensue, they, the
People, at once take the credit of that to themselves.

 (21) Reading {uph otououn adikeitai onomati upo ton oligon}, which I
    suggest as a less violent emendation of this corrupt passage than
    any I have seen; or, reading with Sauppe, {uph otou adikei
    anomeitai apo ton oligon}, "the illegality lies at the door of."

 (22) Or, "a few insignificant fellows."

In the same spirit it is not allowed to caricature on the comic stage
(23) or otherwise libel the People, because (24) they do not care to
hear themselves ill spoken of. But if any one has a desire to satirise
his neighbour he has full leave to do so. And this because they are well
aware that, as a general rule, this person caricatured (25) does not
belong to the People, or the masses. He is more likely to be some
wealthy or well-born person, or man of means and influence. In fact,
but few poor people and of the popular stamp incur the comic lash, or if
they do they have brought it on themselves by excessive love of meddling
or some covetous self-seeking at the expense of the People, so that no
particular annoyance is felt at seeing such folk satirised.

 (23) See Grote, "H. G." viii. 446, especially p. 449, "growth and
    development of comedy at Athens"; Curtius, "H. G." iii. pp. 242,
    243; Thirlwall, "H. G." ch. xviii. vol. iii. p. 42.

 (24) Or, more lit. "it would not do for the People to hear," etc.

 (25) Or, "the butt of comedy."

What, then, I venture to assert is, that the People of Athens has no
difficulty in recognising which of its citizens are of the better
sort and which the opposite. (26) And so recognising those who are
serviceable and advantageous (27) to itself, even though they be base,
the People loves them; but the good folk they are disposed rather to
hate. This virtue of theirs, the People holds, is not engrained in their
nature for any good to itself, but rather for its injury. In direct
opposition to this, there are some persons who, being (28) born of the
People, are yet by natural instinct not commoners. For my part I pardon
the People its own democracy, as, indeed, it is pardonable in any one to
do good to himself. (29) But the man who, not being himself one of the
People, prefers to live in a state democratically governed rather than
in an oligarchical state may be said to smooth his own path towards
iniquity. He knows that a bad man has a better chance of slipping
through the fingers of justice in a democratic than in an oligarchical
state.

 (26) Or, "and which are good for nothing."

 (27) Or,"its own friends and supporters."

 (28) Reading {ontes} or (if {gnontes}), "who, recognising the nature
    of the People, have no popular leaning." Gutschmidt conj. {enioi
    egguoi ontes}, i.e. Pericles.

 (29) On the principle that "the knee is nearer than the shin-bone,"
    {gonu knemes}, or, as we say, "charity begins at home."



III

I repeat that my position concerning the polity of the Athenians is
this: the type (1) of polity is not to my taste, but given that a
democratic form of government has been agreed upon, they do seem to me
to go the right way to preserve the democracy by the adoption of the
particular type (2) which I have set forth.

 (1) Or, "manner."

 (2) Or, "manner."

But there are other objections brought, as I am aware, against the
Athenians, by certain people, and to this effect. It not seldom happens,
they tell us, that a man is unable to transact a piece of business with
the senate or the People, even if he sit waiting a whole year. Now this
does happen at Athens, and for no other reason save that, owing to the
immense mass of affairs they are unable to work off all the business on
hand, and dismiss the applicants. And how in the world should they be
able, considering in the first place, that they, the Athenians, have
more festivals (3) to celebrate than any other state throughout the
length and breadth of Hellas? (During these festivals, of course, the
transaction of any sort of affairs of state is still more out of the
question.) (4) In the next place, only consider the number of cases they
have to decide--what with private suits and public causes and scrutinies
of accounts, etc., more than the whole of the rest of mankind put
together; while the senate has multifarious points to advise upon
concerning peace and war, (5) concerning ways and means, concerning the
framing and passing of laws, (6) and concerning the thousand and one
matters affecting the state perpetually occurring, and endless
questions touching the allies; besides the receipt of the tribute, the
superintendence of dockyards and temples, etc. Can, I ask again, any one
find it at all surprising that, with all these affairs on their hands,
they are unequal to doing business with all the world?

 (3) See Arist. "Wasps," 661.

 (4) This sentence is perhaps a gloss.

 (5) Or, "about the war," {peri tou polemou}.

 (6) See Thirlwall, ch. xxxii. vol. iv. p. 221, note 3.

But some people tell us that if the applicant will only address himself
to the senate or the People with a fee in his hand he will do a good
stroke of business. And for my part I am free to confess to these
gainsayers that a good many things may be done at Athens by dint of
money; and I will add, that a good many more still might be done, if
the money flowed still more freely and from more pockets. One thing,
however, I know full well, that as to transacting with every one of
these applicants all he wants, the state could not do it, not even if
all the gold and silver in the world were the inducement offered.

Here are some of the cases which have to be decided on. Some one fails
to fit out a ship: judgement must be given. Another puts up a building
on a piece of public land: again judgement must be given. Or, to take
another class of cases: adjudication has to be made between the choragi
for the Dionysia, the Thargelia, the Panathenaea, year after year. ( (7)
And again in behalf of the gymnasiarchs a similar adjudication for the
Panathenaea, the Prometheia, and the Hephaestia, also year after year.)
Also as between the trierarchs, four hundred of whom are appointed each
year, of these, too, any who choose must have their cases adjudicated
on, year after year. But that is not all. There are various magistrates
to examine and approve (8) and decide between; there are orphans (9)
whose status must be examined; and guardians of prisoners to appoint.
These, be it borne in mind, are all matters of yearly occurrence; while
at intervals there are exemptions and abstentions from military service
(10) which call for adjudication, or in connection with some other
extraordinary misdemeanour, some case of outrage and violence of an
exceptional character, or some charge of impiety. A whole string of
others I simply omit; I am content to have named the most important part
with the exception of the assessments of tribute which occur, as a rule,
at intervals of five years. (11)

 (7) Adopting the emendation of Kirchhoff, who inserts the sentence in
    brackets. For the festivals in question, see "Dict. of Antiq."
    "Lampadephoria"; C. R. Kenney, "Demosth. against Leptines," etc.,
    App. vi.

 (8) For the institution called the {dokimasia}, see Aristot.
    "Constitution of Athens," ch. lv.

 (9) See Dem. "against Midias," 565, 17; "against Apholus" (1), 814,
    20.

 (10) See Lys. "Or." xiv. and xv.

 (11) See Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 48; Thuc. vii. 78; i. 96; Arist.
    "Wasps," 707; Aristot. "Pol." v. 8.

I put it to you, then: can any one suppose that all, or any, of these
may dispense with adjudication? (12) If so, will any one say which
ought, and which ought not, to be adjudicated on, there and then? If, on
the other hand, we are forced to admit that these are all fair cases for
adjudication, it follows of necessity that they should be decided during
the twelve-month; since even now the boards of judges sitting right
through the year are powerless to stay the tide of evildoing by reason
of the multitude of the people.

 (12) Reading with Kirchhoff. Cf. for {oiesthai khre}, "Hell." VI. iv.
    23; "Cyr." IV. ii. 28.

So far so good. (13) "But," some one will say, "try the cases you
certainly must, but lessen the number of the judges." But if so, it
follows of necessity that unless the number of courts themselves are
diminished in number there will only be a few judges sitting in each
court, (14) with the further consequence that in dealing with so small
a body of judges it will be easier for a litigant to present an
invulnerable front (15) to the court, and to bribe (16) the whole body,
to the great detriment of justice. (17)

 (13) See Grote, "H. G." v. 514, 520; Machiavelli, "Disc. s. Livio," i.
    7.

 (14) Reading with Sauppe, {anagke toinun, ean me}  (for the vulgate
    {ean men oliga k.t.l.}) {oliga poiontai dikasteria, oligoi en
    ekasto esontai to dikasterio}. Or, adopting Weiske's emendation,
    {ean men polla poiontai dikasteria k.t.l.} Translate, "Then, if by
    so doing they manage to multiply the law courts, there will be
    only a few judges sitting," etc.

 (15) Or, as Liddell and Scott, "to prepare all his tricks."

 (16) {sundekasoi}, "to bribe in the lump." This is Schneider's happy
    emendation of the MS. {sundikasai}; see Demosthenes, 1137, 1.

 (17) Reading {oste}, lit. "so as to get a far less just judgment."

But besides this we cannot escape the conclusion that the Athenians have
their festivals to keep, during which the courts cannot sit. (18) As
a matter of fact these festivals are twice as numerous as those of any
other people. But I will reckon them as merely equal to those of the
state which has the fewest.

 (18) Lit. "it is not possible to give judgment"; or, "for juries to
    sit."

This being so, I maintain that it is not possible for business affairs
at Athens to stand on any very different footing from the present,
except to some slight extent, by adding here and deducting there.
Any large modification is out of the question, short of damaging the
democracy itself. No doubt many expedients might be discovered for
improving the constitution, but if the problem be to discover some
adequate means of improving the constitution, while at the same time the
democracy is to remain intact, I say it is not easy to do this, except,
as I have just stated, to the extent of some trifling addition here or
deduction there.

There is another point in which it is sometimes felt that the Athenians
are ill advised, in their adoption, namely, of the less respectable
party, in a state divided by faction. But if so, they do it advisedly.
If they chose the more respectable, they would be adopting those whose
views and interests differ from their own, for there is no state in
which the best element is friendly to the people. It is the worst
element which in every state favours the democracy--on the principle
that like favours like. (19) It is simple enough then. The Athenians
choose what is most akin to themselves. Also on every occasion on which
they have attempted to side with the better classes, it has not fared
well with them, but within a short interval the democratic party has
been enslaved, as for instance in Boeotia; (20) or, as when they chose
the aristocrats of the Milesians, and within a short time these revolted
and cut the people to pieces; or, as when they chose the Lacedaemonians
as against the Messenians, and within a short time the Lacedaemonians
subjugated the Messenians and went to war against Athens.

 (19) I.e. "birds of a feather."

 (20) The references are perhaps (1) to the events of the year 447
    B.C., see Thuc. i. 113; cf. Aristot. "Pol." v. 3, 5; (2) to 440
    B.C., Thuc. i. 115; Diod. xii. 27, 28; Plut. "Pericl." c. 24; (3)
    to those of 464 B.C., followed by 457 B.C., Thuc. i. 102; Plut.
    "Cimon," c. 16; and Thuc. i. 108.

I seem to overhear a retort, "No one, of course, is deprived of his
civil rights at Athens unjustly." My answer is, that there are some
who are unjustly deprived of their civil rights, though the cases are
certainly rare. But it will take more than a few to attack the democracy
at Athens, since you may take it as an established fact, it is not the
man who has lost his civil rights justly that takes the matter to heart,
but the victims, if any, of injustice. But how in the world can any one
imagine that many are in a state of civil disability at Athens, where
the People and the holders of office are one and the same? It is from
iniquitous exercise of office, from iniquity exhibited either in speech
or action, and the like circumstances, that citizens are punished with
deprivation of civil rights in Athens. Due reflection on these matters
will serve to dispel the notion that there is any danger at Athens from
persons visited with disenfranchisement.





THE POLITY OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS



I

I recall the astonishment with which I (1) first noted the unique
position (2) of Sparta amongst the states of Hellas, the relatively
sparse population, (3) and at the same time the extraordinary power and
prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. It was
only when I came to consider the peculiar institutions of the Spartans
that my wonderment ceased. Or rather, it is transferred to the
legislator who gave them those laws, obedience to which has been the
secret of their prosperity. This legislator, Lycurgus, I must needs
admire, and hold him to have been one of the wisest of mankind.
Certainly he was no servile imitator of other states. It was by a
stroke of invention rather, and on a pattern much in opposition to the
commonly-accepted one, that he brought his fatherland to this pinnacle
of prosperity.

 (1) See the opening words of the "Cyrop." and of the "Symp."

 (2) Or, "the phenomenal character." See Grote, "H. G." ix. 320 foll.;
    Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 202.

 (3) See Herod. vii. 234; Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 14 foll.; Muller,
    "Dorians," iii. 10 (vol. i. p. 203, Eng. tr.)

Take for example--and it is well to begin at the beginning (4)--the
whole topic of the begetting and rearing of children. Throughout the
rest of the world the young girl, who will one day become a mother (and
I speak of those who may be held to be well brought up), is nurtured
on the plainest food attainable, with the scantiest addition of meat
or other condiments; whilst as to wine they train them either to total
abstinence or to take it highly diluted with water. And in imitation,
as it were, of the handicraft type, since the majority of artificers are
sedentary, (5) we, the rest of the Hellenes, are content that our girls
should sit quietly and work wools. That is all we demand of them. But
how are we to expect that women nurtured in this fashion should produce
a splendid offspring?

 (4) Cf. a fragment of Critias cited by Clement, "Stromata," vi. p.
    741, 6; Athen. x. 432, 433; see "A Fragment of Xenophon" (?), ap.
    Stob. "Flor." 88. 14, translated by J. Hookham Frere, "Theognis
    Restitutus," vol. i. 333; G. Sauppe, "Append. de Frag. Xen." p.
    293; probably by Antisthenes (Bergk. ii. 497).

 (5) Or, "such technical work is for the most part sedentary."

Lycurgus pursued a different path. Clothes were things, he held, the
furnishing of which might well enough be left to female slaves. And,
believing that the highest function of a free woman was the bearing of
children, in the first place he insisted on the training of the body
as incumbent no less on the female than the male; and in pursuit of the
same idea instituted rival contests in running and feats of strength
for women as for men. His belief was that where both parents were strong
their progeny would be found to be more vigorous.

And so again after marriage. In view of the fact that immoderate
intercourse is elsewhere permitted during the earlier period of
matrimony, he adopted a principle directly opposite. He laid it down
as an ordinance that a man should be ashamed to be seen visiting the
chamber of his wife, whether going in or coming out. When they did meet
under such restraint the mutual longing of these lovers could not but be
increased, and the fruit which might spring from such intercourse
would tend to be more robust than theirs whose affections are cloyed
by satiety. By a farther step in the same direction he refused to allow
marriages to be contracted (6) at any period of life according to the
fancy of the parties concerned. Marriage, as he ordained it, must only
take place in the prime of bodily vigour, (7) this too being, as he
believed, a condition conducive to the production of healthy offspring.
Or again, to meet the case which might occur of an old man (8) wedded to
a young wife. Considering the jealous watch which such husbands are apt
to keep over their wives, he introduced a directly opposite custom; that
is to say, he made it incumbent on the aged husband to introduce
some one whose qualities, physical and moral, he admired, to play the
husband's part and to beget him children. Or again, in the case of a
man who might not desire to live with a wife permanently, but yet
might still be anxious to have children of his own worthy the name, the
lawgiver laid down a law (9) in his behalf. Such a one might select
some woman, the wife of some man, well born herself and blest with fair
offspring, and, the sanction and consent of her husband first obtained,
raise up children for himself through her.

 (6) "The bride to be wooed and won." The phrase {agesthai} perhaps
    points to some primitive custom of capturing and carrying off the
    bride, but it had probably become conventional.

 (7) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg," 15 (Clough, i. 101). "In their marriages the
    husband carried off his bride by a sort of force; nor were their
    brides ever small and of tender years, but in their full bloom and
    ripeness."

 (8) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 15 (Clough, i. 103).

 (9) Or, "established a custom to suit the case."

These and many other adaptations of a like sort the lawgiver sanctioned.
As, for instance, at Sparta a wife will not object to bear the burden
of a double establishment, (10) or a husband to adopt sons as
foster-brothers of his own children, with a full share in his family and
position, but possessing no claim to his wealth and property.

 (10) Cf. Plut. "Comp. of Numa with Lycurgus," 4; "Cato mi." 25
    (Clough, i. 163; iv. 395).

So opposed to those of the rest of the world are the principles which
Lycurgus devised in reference to the production of children. Whether
they enabled him to provide Sparta with a race of men superior to all in
size and strength I leave to the judgment of whomsoever it may concern.



II

With this exposition of the customs in connection with the birth of
children, I wish now to explain the systems of education in fashion here
and elsewhere. Throughout the rest of Hellas the custom on the part of
those who claim to educate their sons in the best way is as follows. As
soon as the children are of an age to understand what is said to them
they are immediately placed under the charge of Paidagogoi (1) (or
tutors), who are also attendants, and sent off to the school of some
teacher to be taught "grammar," "music," and the concerns of the
palestra. (2) Besides this they are given shoes (3) to wear which tend
to make their feet tender, and their bodies are enervated by various
changes of clothing. And as for food, the only measure recognised is
that which is fixed by appetite.

 (1) = "boy-leaders." Cf. St. Paul, "Ep. Gal." iii. 24; The Law was our
    schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ.

 (2) Cf. Plato, "Alc. maj." 106 E; "Theages," 122 E; Aristot. "Pol."
    viii. 3.

 (3) Or, "sandals."

But when we turn to Lycurgus, instead of leaving it to each member of
the state privately to appoint a slave to be his son's tutor, he
set over the young Spartans a public guardian, the Paidonomos (4) or
"pastor," to give them his proper title, (5) with complete authority
over them. This guardian was selected from those who filled the highest
magistracies. He had authority to hold musters of the boys, (6) and as
their overseer, in case of any misbehaviour, to chastise severely. The
legislator further provided his pastor with a body of youths in the
prime of life, and bearing whips, (7) to inflict punishment when
necessary, with this happy result that in Sparta modesty and obedience
ever go hand in hand, nor is there lack of either.

 (4) = "boyherd."

 (5) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 107); Aristot. "Pol." iv. 15,
    13; vii. 17, 5.

 (6) Or, "assemble the boys in flocks."

 (7) {mastigophoroi} = "flagellants."

Instead of softening their feet with shoe or sandal, his rule was to
make them hardy through going barefoot. (8) This habit, if practised,
would, as he believed, enable them to scale heights more easily and
clamber down precipices with less danger. In fact, with his feet so
trained the young Spartan would leap and spring and run faster unshod
than another shod in the ordinary way.

 (8) Cf. Plut. "Lycurg." 16 (Clough, i. 106).

Instead of making them effeminate with a variety of clothes, his rule
was to habituate them to a single garment the whole year through,
thinking that so they would be better prepared to withstand the
variations of heat and cold.

Again, as regards food, according to his regulation the Eiren, (9) or
head of the flock, must see that his messmates gathered to the club
meal, (10) with such moderate food as to avoid that heaviness (11)
which is engendered by repletion, and yet not to remain altogether
unacquainted with the pains of penurious living. His belief was that by
such training in boyhood they would be better able when occasion demanded
to continue toiling on an empty stomach. They would be all the fitter,
if the word of command were given, to remain on the stretch for a long
time without extra dieting. The craving for luxuries (12) would be
less, the readiness to take any victual set before them greater, and,
in general, the regime would be found more healthy. (13) Under it he
thought the lads would increase in stature and shape into finer men,
since, as he maintained, a dietary which gave suppleness to the limbs
must be more conducive to both ends than one which added thickness to
the bodily parts by feeding. (14)

 (9) For the Eiren, see Plut. "Lycurg." (Clough, i. 107).

 (10) Reading {sumboleuein} (for the vulg. {sumbouleuein}). The
    emendation is now commonly adopted. For the word itself, see L.
    Dindorf, n. ad loc., and Schneider. {sumbolon} = {eranos} or club
    meal. Perhaps we ought to read {ekhontas} instead of {ekhonta}.

 (11) See Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 108).

 (12) Lit. "condiments," such as "meat," "fish," etc. See "Cyrop." I.
    ii. 8.

 (13) Or, "and in general they would live more healthily and increase
    in stature."

 (14) See L. Dindorf's emendation of this corrupt passage, n. ad loc.
    (based upon Plut. "Lycurg." 17 and Ps. Plut. "Moral." 237), {kai
    eis mekos d' an auxanesthai oeto kai eueidesterous} vel {kallious
    gignesthai, pros amphotera ton radina ta somata poiousan trophen
    mallon sullambanein egesamenos e ten diaplatunousan}. Otherwise I
    would suggest to read {kai eis mekos an auxanesthai ten  (gar)
    radina... egesato k.t.l.}, which is closer to the vulgate, and
    gives nearly the same sense.

On the other hand, in order to guard against a too great pinch of
starvation, though he did not actually allow the boys to help themselves
without further trouble to what they needed more, he did give them
permission to steal (15) this thing or that in the effort to alleviate
their hunger. It was not of course from any real difficulty how else to
supply them with nutriment that he left it to them to provide themselves
by this crafty method. Nor can I conceive that any one will so
misinterpret the custom. Clearly its explanation lies in the fact that
he who would live the life of a robber must forgo sleep by night, and in
the daytime he must employ shifts and lie in ambuscade; he must
prepare and make ready his scouts, and so forth, if he is to succeed in
capturing the quarry. (16)

 (15) See "Anab." IV. vi. 14.

 (16) For the institution named the {krupteia}, see Plut. "Lycurg." 28
    (Clough, i. 120); Plato, "Laws," i. 633 B; for the {klopeia}, ib.
    vii. 823 E; Isocr. "Panathen." 277 B.

It is obvious, I say, that the whole of this education tended, and was
intended, to make the boys craftier and more inventive in getting in
supplies, whilst at the same time it cultivated their warlike instincts.
An objector may retort: "But if he thought it so fine a feat to steal,
why did he inflict all those blows on the unfortunate who was caught?"
My answer is: for the self-same reason which induces people, in other
matters which are taught, to punish the mal-performance of a service.
So they, the Lacedaemonians, visit penalties on the boy who is detected
thieving as being but a sorry bungler in the art. So to steal as many
cheeses as possible (off the shrine of Orthia (17)) was a feat to be
encouraged; but, at the same moment, others were enjoined to scourge the
thief, which would point a moral not obscurely, that by pain endured for
a brief season a man may earn the joyous reward of lasting glory. (18)
Herein, too, it is plainly shown that where speed is requisite the
sluggard will win for himself much trouble and scant good.

 (17) I.e. "Artemis of the Steep"--a title connecting the goddess with
    Mount Orthion or Orthosion. See Pausan. VIII. xxiii. 1; and for
    the custom, see Themistius, "Or." 21, p. 250 A. The words have
    perhaps got out of their right place. See Schneider's Index, s.v.

 (18) See Plut. "Lycurg." 18; "Morals," 239 C; "Aristid." 17; Cic.
    "Tusc." ii. 14.

Furthermore, and in order that the boys should not want a ruler, even
in case the pastor (19) himself were absent, he gave to any citizen who
chanced to be present authority to lay upon them injunctions for their
good, and to chastise them for any trespass committed. By so doing he
created in the boys of Sparta a most rare modesty and reverence. And
indeed there is nothing which, whether as boys or men, they respect more
highly than the ruler. Lastly, and with the same intention, that the
boys must never be reft of a ruler, even if by chance there were no
grown man present, he laid down the rule that in such a case the most
active of the Leaders or Prefects (20) was to become ruler for the
nonce, each of his own division. The conclusion being that under no
circumstances whatever are the boys of Sparta destitute of one to rule
them.

 (19) Lit. "Paidonomos."

 (20) Lit. "Eirens."

I ought, as it seems to me, not to omit some remark on the subject of
boy attachments, (21) it being a topic in close connection with that of
boyhood and the training of boys.

 (21) See Plut. "Lycurg." 17 (Clough, i. 109).

We know that the rest of the Hellenes deal with this relationship in
different ways, either after the manner of the Boeotians, (22) where man
and boy are intimately united by a bond like that of wedlock, or after
the manner of the Eleians, where the fruition of beauty is an act of
grace; whilst there are others who would absolutely debar the lover from
all conversation (23) and discourse with the beloved.

 (22) See Xen. "Symp." viii. 34; Plato, "Symp." 182 B (Jowett, II. p.
    33).

 (23) {dialegesthai} came to mean philosophic discussion and debate. Is
    the author thinking of Socrates? See "Mem." I. ii. 35; IV. v. 12.

Lycurgus adopted a system opposed to all of these alike. Given that some
one, himself being all that a man ought to be, should in admiration of
a boy's soul (24) endeavour to discover in him a true friend without
reproach, and to consort with him--this was a relationship which
Lycurgus commended, and indeed regarded as the noblest type of bringing
up. But if, as was evident, it was not an attachment to the soul, but
a yearning merely towards the body, he stamped this thing as foul and
horrible; and with this result, to the credit of Lycurgus be it said,
that in Lacedaemon the relationship of lover and beloved is like that
of parent and child or brother and brother where carnal appetite is in
abeyance.

 (24) See Xen. "Symp." viii. 35; Plut. "Lycurg." 18.

That this, however, which is the fact, should be scarcely credited in
some quarters does not surprise me, seeing that in many states the laws
(25) do not oppose the desires in question.

 (25) I.e. "law and custom."

I have now described the two chief methods of education in vogue; that
is to say, the Lacedaemonian as contrasted with that of the rest of
Hellas, and I leave it to the judgment of him whom it may concern, which
of the two has produced the finer type of men. And by finer I mean the
better disciplined, the more modest and reverential, and, in matters
where self-restraint is a virtue, the more continent.



III

Coming to the critical period at which a boy ceases to be a boy and
becomes a youth, (1) we find that it is just then that the rest of the
world proceed to emancipate their children from the private tutor and
the schoolmaster, and, without substituting any further ruler, are
content to launch them into absolute independence.

 (1) {eis to meirakiousthai}, "with reference to hobbledehoy-hood."
    Cobet erases the phrase as post-Xenophontine.

Here, again, Lycurgus took an entirely opposite view of the matter.
This, if observation might be trusted, was the season when the tide
of animal spirits flows fast, and the froth of insolence rises to the
surface; when, too, the most violent appetites for divers pleasures, in
serried ranks, invade (2) the mind. This, then, was the right moment at
which to impose tenfold labours upon the growing youth, and to devise
for him a subtle system of absorbing occupation. And by a crowning
enactment, which said that "he who shrank from the duties imposed on
him would forfeit henceforth all claim to the glorious honours of the
state," he caused, not only the public authorities, but those personally
interested (3) in the several companies of youths to take serious
pains so that no single individual of them should by an act of craven
cowardice find himself utterly rejected and reprobate within the body
politic.

 (2) Lit. "range themselves." For the idea, see "Mem." I. ii. 23;
    Swinburne, "Songs before Sunrise": Prelude, "Past youth where
    shoreward shallows are."

 (3) Or, "the friends and connections."

Furthermore, in his desire to implant in their youthful souls a root of
modesty he imposed upon these bigger boys a special rule. In the very
streets they were to keep their two hands (4) within the folds of the
cloak; they were to walk in silence and without turning their heads to
gaze, now here, now there, but rather to keep their eyes fixed upon the
ground before them. And hereby it would seem to be proved conclusively
that, even in the matter of quiet bearing and sobriety, (5) the
masculine type may claim greater strength than that which we attribute
to the nature of women. At any rate, you might sooner expect a stone
image to find voice than one of those Spartan youths; to divert the eyes
of some bronze stature were less difficult. And as to quiet bearing, no
bride ever stepped in bridal bower (6) with more natural modesty. Note
them when they have reached the public table. (7) The plainest answer to
the question asked--that is all you need expect to hear from their lips.

 (4) See Cic. "pro Coelio," 5.

 (5) See Plat. "Charmid." 159 B; Jowett, "Plato," I. 15.

 (6) Longinus, {peri ups}, iv. 4, reading {ophthalmois} for
    {thalamois}, says: "Yet why speak of Timaeus, when even men like
    Xenophon and Plato, the very demigods of literature, though they
    had sat at the feet of Socrates, sometimes forget themselves in
    the pursuit of such pretty conceits? The former in his account of
    the Spartan Polity has these words: 'Their voice you would no more
    hear, than if they were of marble, their gaze is as immovable as
    if they were cast in bronze. You would deem them more modest than
    the very maidens in their eyes.' To speak of the pupils of the
    eyes as modest maidens was a piece of absurdity becoming
    Amphicrates rather than Xenophon; and then what a strange notion
    to suppose that modesty is always without exception, expressed in
    the eye!"--H. L. Howell, "Longinus," p. 8. See "Spectator," No.
    354.

 (7) See Paus. VII. i. 8, the {phidition} or {philition}; "Hell." V.
    iv. 28.



IV

But if he was thus careful in the education of the stripling, (1) the
Spartan lawgiver showed a still greater anxiety in dealing with those
who had reached the prime of opening manhood; considering their immense
importance to the city in the scale of good, if only they proved
themselves the men they should be. He had only to look around to see
what wherever the spirit of emulation (2) is most deeply seated, there,
too, their choruses and gymnastic contests will present alike a far
higher charm to eye and ear. And on the same principle he persuaded
himself that he needed only to confront (3) his youthful warriors in
the strife of valour, and with like result. They also, in their degree,
might be expected to attain to some unknown height of manly virtue.

 (1) See "Hell." V. iv. 32.

 (2) Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 22.

 (3) Or, "pit face to face."

What method he adopted to engage these combatants I will now explain. It
is on this wise. Their ephors select three men out of the whole body of
the citizens in the prime of life. These three are named Hippagretai,
or masters of the horse. Each of these selects one hundred others,
being bound to explain for what reason he prefers in honour these and
disapproves of those. The result is that those who fail to obtain the
distinction are now at open war, not only with those who rejected them,
but with those who were chosen in their stead; and they keep ever a
jealous eye on one another to detect some slip of conduct contrary to
the high code of honour there held customary. And so is set on foot that
strife, in truest sense acceptable to heaven, and for the purposes of
state most politic. It is a strife in which not only is the pattern of a
brave man's conduct fully set forth, but where, too, each against other
and in separate camps, the rival parties train for victory. One day the
superiority shall be theirs; or, in the day of need, one and all to
the last man, they will be ready to aid the fatherland with all their
strength.

Necessity, moreover, is laid upon them to study a good habit of the
body, coming as they do to blows with their fists for very strife's sake
whenever they meet. Albeit, any one present has a right to separate the
combatants, and, if obedience is not shown to the peacemaker, the Pastor
of youth (4) hales the delinquent before the ephors, and the ephors
inflict heavy damages, since they will have it plainly understood that
rage must never override obedience to law.

 (4) Lit. "the Paidonomos."

With regard to those who have already passed (5) the vigour of early
manhood, and on whom the highest magistracies henceforth devolve, there
is a like contrast. In Hellas generally we find that at this age the
need of further attention to physical strength is removed, although the
imposition of military service continues. But Lycurgus made it customary
for that section of his citizens to regard hunting as the highest honour
suited to their age; albeit, not to the exclusion of any public duty.
(6) And his aim was that they might be equally able to undergo the
fatigues of war with those in the prime of early manhood.

 (5) Probably the {agathoergoi}, technically so called. See Herod. i.
    67; Schneider, ap. Dindorf.

 (6) Lit. "save only if some public duty intervened." See "Cyrop." I.
    ii.



V

The above is a fairly exhaustive statement of the institutions traceable
to the legislation of Lycurgus in connection with the successive stages
(1) of a citizen's life. It remains that I should endeavour to
describe the style of living which he established for the whole body,
irrespective of age. It will be understood that, when Lycurgus first
came to deal with the question, the Spartans like the rest of the
Hellenes, used to mess privately at home. Tracing more than half the
current misdemeanours to this custom, (2) he was determined to drag
his people out of holes and corners into the broad daylight, and so
he invented the public mess-rooms. Whereby he expected at any rate to
minimise the transgression of orders.

 (1) Lit. "with each age."; see Plut. "Lycurg." 25; Hesychius, {s. u.
    irinies}; "Hell." VI. iv. 17; V. iv. 13.

 (2) Reading after Cobet, {en touto}.

As to food, (3) his ordinance allowed them so much as, while not
inducing repletion, should guard them from actual want. And, in fact,
there are many exceptional (4) dishes in the shape of game supplied
from the hunting field. Or, as a substitute for these, rich men will
occasionally garnish the feast with wheaten loaves. So that from
beginning to end, till the mess breaks up, the common board is never
stinted for viands, nor yet extravagantly furnished.

 (3) See Plut. "Lycurg." 12 (Clough, i. 97).

 (4) {paraloga}, i.e. unexpected dishes, technically named {epaikla}
    (hors d'oeuvres), as we learn from Athenaeus, iv. 140, 141.

So also in the matter of drink. Whilst putting a stop to all unnecessary
potations, detrimental alike to a firm brain and a steady gait, (5) he
left them free to quench thirst when nature dictated (6); a method which
would at once add to the pleasure whilst it diminished the danger of
drinking. And indeed one may fairly ask how, on such a system of common
meals, it would be possible for any one to ruin either himself or his
family either through gluttony or wine-bibbing.

 (5) Or, "apt to render brain and body alike unsteady."

 (6) See "Agesilaus"; also "Mem." and "Cyrop."

This too must be borne in mind, that in other states equals in age, (7)
for the most part, associate together, and such an atmosphere is little
conducive to modesty. (8) Whereas in Sparta Lycurgus was careful so
to blend the ages (9) that the younger men must benefit largely by the
experience of the elder--an education in itself, and the more so since
by custom of the country conversation at the common meal has reference
to the honourable acts which this man or that man may have performed in
relation to the state. The scene, in fact, but little lends itself to
the intrusion of violence or drunken riot; ugly speech and ugly deeds
alike are out of place. Amongst other good results obtained through this
out-door system of meals may be mentioned these: There is the necessity
of walking home when the meal is over, and a consequent anxiety not to
be caught tripping under the influence of wine, since they all know of
course that the supper-table must be presently abandoned, (10) and that
they must move as freely in the dark as in the day, even the help of a
torch (11) to guide the steps being forbidden to all on active service.

 (7) Cf. Plat. "Phaedr." 240 C; {elix eklika terpei}, "Equals delight
    in equals."

 (8) Or, "these gatherings for the most part consist of equals in age
    (young fellows), in whose society the virtue of modesty is least
    likely to display itself."

 (9) See Plut. "Lycurg." 12 (Clough, i. 98).

 (10) Or, "that they are not going to stay all night where they have
    supped."

 (11) See Plut. "Lycurg." 12 (Clough, i. 99).

In connection with this matter, Lycurgus had not failed to observe the
effect of equal amounts of food on different persons. The hardworking
man has a good complexion, his muscles are well fed, he is robust
and strong. The man who abstains from work, on the other hand, may be
detected by his miserable appearance; he is blotched and puffy, and
devoid of strength. This observation, I say, was not wasted on him. On
the contrary, turning it over in his mind that any one who chooses, as
a matter of private judgment, to devote himself to toil may hope to
present a very creditable appearance physically, he enjoined upon the
eldest for the time being in every gymnasium to see to it that the
labours of the class were proportional to the meats. (12) And to my mind
he was not out of his reckoning in this matter more than elsewhere. At
any rate, it would be hard to discover a healthier or more completely
developed human being, physically speaking, than the Spartan. Their
gymnastic training, in fact, makes demands alike on the legs and arms
and neck, (13) etc., simultaneously.

 (12) I.e. "not inferior in excellence to the diet which they enjoyed."
    The reading here adopted I owe to Dr. Arnold Hug, {os me ponous
    auton elattous ton sition gignesthai}.

 (13) See Plat. "Laws," vii. 796 A; Jowett, "Plato," v. p. 365; Xen.
    "Symp." ii. 7; Plut. "Lycurg." 19.



VI

There are other points in which this legislator's views run counter to
those commonly accepted. Thus: in other states the individual citizen
is master over his own children, domestics, (1) goods and chattels, and
belongings generally; but Lycurgus, whose aim was to secure to all the
citizens a considerable share in one another's goods without mutual
injury, enacted that each one should have an equal power of his
neighbour's children as over his own. (2) The principle is this. When a
man knows that this, that, and the other person are fathers of children
subject to his authority, he must perforce deal by them even as he
desires his own child to be dealt by. And, if a boy chance to have
received a whipping, not from his own father but some other, and goes
and complains to his own father, it would be thought wrong on the part
of that father if he did not inflict a second whipping on his son. A
striking proof, in its way, how completely they trust each other not to
impose dishonourable commands upon their children. (3)

 (1) Or rather, "members of his household."

 (2) See Plut. "Lycurg." 15 (Clough, i. 104).

 (3) See Plut. "Moral." 237 D.

In the same way he empowered them to use their neighbour's (4) domestics
in case of need. This communism he applied also to dogs used for the
chase; in so far that a party in need of dogs will invite the owner to
the chase, and if he is not at leisure to attend himself, at any rate he
is happy to let his dogs go. The same applies to the use of horses.
Some one has fallen sick perhaps, or is in want of a carriage, (5) or
is anxious to reach some point or other quickly--in any case he has a
right, if he sees a horse anywhere, to take and use it, and restores it
safe and sound when he has done with it.

 (4) See Aristot. "Pol." ii. 5 (Jowett, i. pp. xxxi. and 34; ii. p.
    53); Plat. "Laws," viii. 845 A; Newman, "Pol. Aristot." ii. 249
    foll.

 (5) "Has not a carriage of his own."

And here is another institution attributed to Lycurgus which scarcely
coincides with the customs elsewhere in vogue. A hunting party returns
from the chase, belated. They want provisions--they have nothing
prepared themselves. To meet this contingency he made it a rule that
owners (6) are to leave behind the food that has been dressed; and the
party in need will open the seals, take out what they want, seal up the
remainder, and leave it. Accordingly, by his system of give-and-take
even those with next to nothing (7) have a share in all that the country
can supply, if ever they stand in need of anything.

 (6) Reading {pepamenous}, or if {pepasmenous}, "who have already
    finished their repasts."

 (7) See Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9 (Jowett, i. pp. xlii. and 52); Muller,
    "Dorians," iii. 10, 1 (vol. ii. 197, Eng. tr.)



VII

There are yet other customs in Sparta which Lycurgus instituted in
opposition to those of the rest of Hellas, and the following among them.
We all know that in the generality of states every one devotes his full
energy to the business of making money: one man as a tiller of the soil,
another as a mariner, a third as a merchant, whilst others depend
on various arts to earn a living. But at Sparta Lycurgus forbade his
freeborn citizens to have anything whatsoever to do with the concerns
of money-making. As freemen, he enjoined upon them to regard as their
concern exclusively those activities upon which the foundations of civic
liberty are based.

And indeed, one may well ask, for what reason should wealth be regarded
as a matter for serious pursuit (1) in a community where, partly by a
system of equal contributions to the necessaries of life, and partly by
the maintenance of a common standard of living, the lawgiver placed so
effectual a check upon the desire of riches for the sake of luxury? What
inducement, for instance, would there be to make money, even for the
sake of wearing apparel, in a state where personal adornment is held to
lie not in the costliness of the clothes they wear, but in the healthy
condition of the body to be clothed? Nor again could there be much
inducement to amass wealth, in order to be able to expend it on the
members of a common mess, where the legislator had made it seem far more
glorious that a man should help his fellows by the labour of his body
than by costly outlay. The latter being, as he finely phrased it, the
function of wealth, the former an activity of the soul.

 (1) See Plut. "Lycurg." 10 (Clough, i. 96).

He went a step further, and set up a strong barrier (even in a society
such as I have described) against the pursuance of money-making by
wrongful means. (2) In the first place, he established a coinage (3) of
so extraordinary a sort, that even a single sum of ten minas (4) could
not come into a house without attracting the notice, either of the
master himself, or of some member of his household. In fact, it would
occupy a considerable space, and need a waggon to carry it. Gold and
silver themselves, moreover, are liable to search, (5) and in case of
detection, the possessor subjected to a penalty. In fact, to repeat
the question asked above, for what reason should money-making become an
earnest pursuit in a community where the possession of wealth entails
more pain than its employment brings satisfaction?

 (2) Or, "against illegitimate commerce."

 (3) See Plut. "Lycurg." 9 (Clough, i. 94).

 (4) = 40 pounds, circa.

 (5) See Grote, "H. G." ix. 320; Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 37.



VIII

But to proceed. We are all aware that there is no state (1) in the world
in which greater obedience is shown to magistrates, and to the laws
themselves, than Sparta. But, for my part, I am disposed to think that
Lycurgus could never have attempted to establish this healthy condition,
(2) until he had first secured the unanimity of the most powerful
members of the state. I infer this for the following reasons. (3) In
other states the leaders in rank and influence do not even desire to be
thought to fear the magistrates. Such a thing they would regard as in
itself a symbol of servility. In Sparta, on the contrary, the stronger
a man is the more readily does he bow before constituted authority.
And indeed, they magnify themselves on their humility, and on a prompt
obedience, running, or at any rate not crawling with laggard step,
at the word of command. Such an example of eager discipline, they are
persuaded, set by themselves, will not fail to be followed by the rest.
And this is precisely what has taken place. It (4) is reasonable to
suppose that it was these same noblest members of the state who combined
(5) to lay the foundation of the ephorate, after they had come to the
conclusion themselves, that of all the blessings which a state, or an
army, or a household, can enjoy, obedience is the greatest. Since, as
they could not but reason, the greater the power with which men fence
about authority, the greater the fascination it will exercise upon the
mind of the citizen, to the enforcement of obedience.

 (1) See Grote, "H. G." v. 516; "Mem." III. v. 18.

 (2) Or, reading after L. Dindorf, {eutaxian}, "this world-renowned
    orderliness."

 (3) Or, "from these facts."

 (4) Or, "It was only natural that these same..."

 (5) Or, "helped." See Aristot. "Pol." v. 11, 3; ii. 9, 1 (Jowett, ii.
    224); Plut. "Lycurg." 7, 29; Herod. i. 65; Muller, "Dorians," iii.
    7, 5 (vol. ii. p. 125, Eng. tr.)

Accordingly the ephors are competent to punish whomsoever they choose;
they have power to exact fines on the spur of the moment; they have
power to depose magistrates in mid career (6)--nay, actually to imprison
them and bring them to trial on the capital charge. Entrusted with
these vast powers, they do not, as do the rest of states, allow the
magistrates elected to exercise authority as they like, right through
the year of office; but, in the style rather of despotic monarchs, or
presidents of the games, at the first symptom of an offence against the
law they inflict chastisement without warning and without hesitation.

 (6) Or, "before the expiration of their term of office." See Plut.
    "Agis," 18 (Clough, iv. 464); Cic. "de Leg." iii. 7; "de Rep." ii.
    33.

But of all the many beautiful contrivances invented by Lycurgus to
kindle a willing obedience to the laws in the hearts of the citizens,
none, to my mind, was happier or more excellent than his unwillingness
to deliver his code to the people at large, until, attended by the most
powerful members of the state, he had betaken himself to Delphi, (7)
and there made inquiry of the god whether it were better for Sparta, and
conducive to her interests, to obey the laws which he had framed. And
not until the divine answer came: "Better will it be in every way,"
did he deliver them, laying it down as a last ordinance that to refuse
obedience to a code which had the sanction of the Pythian god himself
(8) was a thing not illegal only, but profane.

 (7) See Plut. "Lycurg." 5, 6, 29 (Clough, i. 89, 122); Polyb. x. 2, 9.

 (8) Or, "a code delivered in Pytho, spoken by the god himself."



IX

The following too may well excite our admiration for Lycurgus. I speak
of the consummate skill with which he induced the whole state of Sparta
to regard an honourable death as preferable to an ignoble life. And
indeed if any one will investigate the matter, he will find that by
comparison with those who make it a principle to retreat in face of
danger, actually fewer of these Spartans die in battle, since, to speak
truth, salvation, it would seem, attends on virtue far more frequently
than on cowardice--virtue, which is at once easier and sweeter, richer
in resource and stronger of arm, (1) than her opposite. And that virtue
has another familiar attendant--to wit, glory--needs no showing, since
the whole world would fain ally themselves after some sort in battle
with the good.

 (1) See Homer, "Il." v. 532; Tyrtaeus, 11, 14, {tressanton d' andron
    pas' apolol arete}.

Yet the actual means by which he gave currency to these principles is a
point which it were well not to overlook. It is clear that the lawgiver
set himself deliberately to provide all the blessings of heaven for the
good man, and a sorry and ill-starred existence for the coward.

In other states the man who shows himself base and cowardly wins to
himself an evil reputation and the nickname of a coward, but that is
all. For the rest he buys and sells in the same market-place as the
good man; he sits beside him at play; he exercises with him in the same
gymnasium, and all as suits his humour. But at Lacedaemon there is not
one man who would not feel ashamed to welcome the coward at the common
mess-tabe, or to try conclusions with such an antagonist in a wrestling
bout. Consider the day's round of his existence. The sides are being
picked up in a football match, (2) but he is left out as the odd man:
there is no place for him. During the choric dance (3) he is driven away
into ignominious quarters. Nay, in the very streets it is he who must
step aside for others to pass, or, being seated, he must rise and make
room, even for a younger man. At home he will have his maiden relatives
to support in isolation (and they will hold him to blame for their
unwedded lives). (4) A hearth with no wife to bless it--that is a
condition he must face, (5) and yet he will have to pay damages to the
last farthing for incurring it. Let him not roam abroad with a smooth
and smiling countenance; (6) let him not imitate men whose fame is
irreproachable, or he shall feel on his back the blows of his superiors.
Such being the weight of infamy which is laid upon all cowards, I, for
my part, am not surprised if in Sparta they deem death preferable to a
life so steeped in dishonour and reproach.

 (2) See Lucian, "Anacharsis," 38; Muller, "Dorians," (vol. ii. 309,
    Eng. tr.)

 (3) The {khoroi}, e.g. of the Gymnopaedia. See Muller, op. cit. iv. 6,
    4 (vol. ii. 334, Eng. tr.)

 (4) {tes anandrias}, cf. Plut. "Ages." 30; or, {tes anandreias}, "they
    must bear the reproach of his cowardice."

 (5) Omitting {ou}, or translate, "that is an evil not to be
    disregarded." See Dindorf, ad loc.; Sturz, "Lex. Xen." {Estia}.

 (6) See Plut. "Ages." 30 (Clough, iv. 36); "Hell." VI. iv. 16.



X

That too was a happy enactment, in my opinion, by which Lycurgus
provided for the continual cultivation of virtue, even to old age. By
fixing (1) the election to the council of elders (2) as a last ordeal at
the goal of life, he made it impossible for a high standard of virtuous
living to be disregarded even in old age. (So, too, it is worthy of
admiration in him that he lent his helping hand to virtuous old age.
(3) Thus, by making the elders sole arbiters in the trial for life, he
contrived to charge old age with a greater weight of honour than that
which is accorded to the strength of mature manhood.) And assuredly
such a contest as this must appeal to the zeal of mortal man beyond all
others in a supreme degree. Fair, doubtless, are contests of gymnastic
skill, yet are they but trials of bodily excellence, but this contest
for the seniority is of a higher sort--it is an ordeal of the soul
itself. In proportion, therefore, as the soul is worthier than the body,
so must these contests of the soul appeal to a stronger enthusiasm than
their bodily antitypes.

 (1) Reading {protheis}. See Plut. "Lycurg." 26 (Clough. i. 118);
    Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 25.

 (2) Or, "seniory," or "senate," or "board of elders"; lit. "the
    Gerontia."

 (3) Or, "the old age of the good. Yet this he did when he made...
    since he contrived," etc.

And yet another point may well excite our admiration for Lycurgus
largely. It had not escaped his observation that communities exist
where those who are willing to make virtue their study and delight fail
somehow in ability to add to the glory of their fatherland. (4) That
lesson the legislator laid to heart, and in Sparta he enforced, as a
matter of public duty, the practice of virtue by every citizen. And so
it is that, just as man differs from man in some excellence, according
as he cultivates or neglects to cultivate it, this city of Sparta, with
good reason, outshines all other states in virtue; since she, and she
alone, as made the attainment of a high standard of noble living a
public duty.

 (4) Is this an autobiographical touch?

And was this not a noble enactment, that whereas other states are
content to inflict punishment only in cases where a man does wrong
against his neighbour, Lycurgus imposed penalties no less severe on him
who openly neglected to make himself as good as possible? For this, it
seems, was his principle: in the one case, where a man is robbed, or
defrauded, or kidnapped, and made a slave of, the injury of the misdeed,
whatever it be, is personal to the individual so maltreated; but in the
other case whole communities suffer foul treason at the hands of the
base man and the coward. So that it was only reasonable, in my opinion,
that he should visit the heaviest penalty upon these latter.

Moreover, he laid upon them, like some irresistible necessity, the
obligation to cultivate the whole virtue of a citizen. Provided they
duly performed the injunctions of the law, the city belonged to them,
each and all, in absolute possession and on an equal footing. Weakness
of limb or want of wealth (5) was no drawback in his eyes. But as for
him who, out of the cowardice of his heart, shrank from the painful
performance of the law's injunction, the finger of the legislator
pointed him out as there and then disqualified to be regarded longer as
a member of the brotherhood of peers. (6)

 (5) But see Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 32.

 (6) Grote, "H. G." viii. 81; "Hell." III. iii. 5.

It may be added, that there was no doubt as to the great antiquity of
this code of laws. The point is clear so far, that Lycurgus himself is
said to have lived in the days of the Heraclidae. (7) But being of so
long standing, these laws, even at this day, still are stamped in the
eyes of other men with all the novelty of youth. And the most marvellous
thing of all is that, while everybody is agreed to praise these
remarkable institutions, there is not a single state which cares to
imitate them.

 (7) See Plut. "Lycurg." 1.



XI

The above form a common stock of blessings, open to every Spartan to
enjoy, alike in peace and in war. But if any one desires to be informed
in what way the legislator improved upon the ordinary machinery of
warfare and in reference to an army in the field, it is easy to satisfy
his curiosity.

In the first instance, the ephors announce by proclamation the limit of
age to which the service applies (1) for cavalry and heavy infantry;
and in the next place, for the various handicraftsmen. So that, even
on active service, the Lacedaemonians are well supplied with all the
conveniences enjoyed by people living as citizens at home. (2) All
implements and instruments whatsoever, which an army may need in common,
are ordered to be in readiness, (3) some on waggons and others on
baggage animals. In this way anything omitted can hardly escape
detection.

 (1) I.e. "in the particular case." See "Hell." VI. iv. 17; Muller,
    "Dorians," iii. 12 (vol. ii. 242 foll., Eng. tr.)

 (2) Or, "the conveniences of civil life at home."

 (3) Reading {parekhein}, or if {paragein}, "to be conveyed." Cf.
    Pausan. I. xix. 1. See "Cyrop." VI. ii. 34.

For the actual encounter under arms, the following inventions are
attributed to him. The soldier has a crimson-coloured uniform and a
heavy shield of bronze; his theory being that such an equipment has no
sort of feminine association, and is altogether most warrior-like. (4)
It is most quickly burnished; it is least readily soiled. (5)

 (4) Cf. Aristoph. "Acharn." 320, and the note of the scholiast.

 (5) See Ps. Plut. "Moral." 238 F.

He further permitted those who were above the age of early manhood to
wear their hair long. (6) For so, he conceived, they would appear
of larger stature, more free and indomitable, and of a more terrible
aspect.

 (6) See Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 114).

So furnished and accoutred, he divided his citizen soldiers into six
morai (7) (or regimental divisions) of cavalry (8) and heavy infantry.
Each of these citizen regiments (political divisions) has one polemarch
(9) (or colonel), four lochagoi (or captains of companies), eight
penteconters (or lieutenants, each in command of half a company), and
sixteen enomotarchs (or commanders of sections). At the word of command
any such regimental division can be formed readily either into enomoties
(i.e. single file) or into threes (i.e. three files abreast), or into
sixes (i.e. six files abreast). (10)

 (7) The {mora}. Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 320, note to Thuc. v. 68, 3.

 (8) See Plut. "Lycurg." 23 (Clough, i. 115); "Hell." VI. iv. 11; Thuc.
    v. 67; Paus. IV. viii. 12.

 (9) See Thuc. v. 66, 71.

 (10) See Thuch. v. 68, and Arnold's note ad loc.; "Hell." VI. iv. 12;
    "Anab." II. iv. 26; Rustow and Kochly, op. cit. p. 117.

As to the idea, commonly entertained, that the tactical arrangement of
the Laconian heavy infantry is highly complicated, no conception could
be more opposed to fact. For in the Laconian order the front rank men
are all leaders, (11) so that each file has everything necessary to play
its part efficiently. In fact, this disposition is so easy to understand
that no one who can distinguish one human being from another could fail
to follow it. One set have the privilege of leaders, the other the duty
of followers. The evolutional orders, (12) by which greater depth or
shallowness is given to the battle line, are given by word of mouth by
the enomotarch (or commander of the section), who plays the part of the
herald, and they cannot be mistaken. None of these manouvres presents
any difficulty whatsoever to the understanding.

 (11) See "Anab." IV. iii. 26; "Cyrop." III. iii. 59; VI. iii. 22.

 (12) I.e. "for doubling depth"; e.g. anglice, "form two deep," etc.,
    when marching to a flank. Grote, "H. G." vii. 108; Thuc. v. 66;
    also Rustow and Kochly, op. cit. p. 111, S. 8, note 19; p. 121,
    $17, note 41.

But when it comes to their ability to do battle equally well in spite
of some confusion which has been set up, and whatever the chapter of
accidents may confront them with, (13) I admit that the tactics here are
not so easy to understand, except for people trained under the laws of
Lycurgus. Even movements which an instructor in heavy-armed warfare (14)
might look upon as difficult are performed by the Lacedaemonians with
the utmost ease. (15) Thus, the troops, we will suppose, are marching in
column; one section of a company is of course stepping up behind another
from the rear. (16) Now, if at such a moment a hostile force appears in
front in battle order, the word is passed down to the commander of each
section, "Deploy (into line) to the left." And so throughout the whole
length of the column, until the line is formed facing the enemy. Or
supposing while in this position an enemy appears in the rear. Each file
performs a counter-march (17) with the effect of bringing the best men
face to face with the enemy all along the line. (18) As to the point
that the leader previously on the right finds himself now on the left,
(19) they do not consider that they are necessarily losers thereby, but,
as it may turn out, even gainers. If, for instance, the enemy attempted
to turn their flank, he would find himself wrapping round, not their
exposed, but their shielded flank. (20) Or if, for any reason, it be
thought advisable for the general to keep the right wing, they turn the
corps about, (21) and counter-march by ranks, until the leader is on the
right, and the rear rank on the left. Or again, supposing a division of
the enemy appears on the right whilst they are marching in column, they
have nothing further to do but to wheel each company to the right, like
a trireme, prow forwards, (22) to meet the enemy, and thus the rear
company again finds itself on the right. If, however, the enemy should
attack on the left, either they will not allow of that and push him
aside, (23) or else they wheel their companies to the left to face the
antagonist, and thus the rear company once more falls into position on
the left.

 (13) Or, "alongside of any comrade who may have fallen in their way."
    See Plut. "Pelop." 23 (Clough, ii. 222); Thuc. v. 72.

 (14) Or, "drill sergeant."

 (15) See Jebb, note to "Theophr." viii. 3.

 (16) Or, "marching in rear of another."

 (17) See Rustow and Kochly, p. 127.

 (18) Or, "every time."

 (19) See Thuc. v. 67, 71.

 (20) See Rustow and Kochly, p. 127.

 (21) For these movements, see "Dict. of Antiq." "Exercitus"; Grote,
    "H. G." vii. 111.

 (22) See "Hell." VII. v. 23.

 (23) I am indebted to Professor Jebb for the following suggestions
    with regard to this passage: "The words {oude touto eosin, all
    apothousin e}, etc., contain some corruption. The sense ought
    clearly to be roughly parallel with that of the phrase used a
    little before, {ouden allo pragmateuontai e}, etc. Perhaps
    {apothousin} is a corruption of {apothen ousin}, and this
    corruption occasioned the insertion of {e}. Probably Xenophon
    wrote {oude touto eosin, all apothen ousin antipalous}, etc.:
    'while the enemy is still some way off, they turn their companies
    so as to face him.' The words {apothen ousin} indirectly suggest
    the celerity of the Spartan movement."



XII

I will now speak of the mode of encampment sanctioned by the regulation
of Lycurgus. To avoid the waste incidental to the angles of a square,
(1) the encampment, according to him, should be circular, except where
there was the security of a hill, (2) or fortification, or where they
had a river in their rear. He had sentinels posted during the day along
the place of arms and facing inwards; (3) since they are appointed not
so much for the sake of the enemy as to keep an eye on friends. The
enemy is sufficiently watched by mounted troopers perched on various
points commanding the widest prospect.

 (1) Or, "Regarding the angles of a square as a useless inconvenience,
    he arranged that an encampment should be circular," etc. See
    Polyb. vi. 31, 42.

 (2) Cf. "Hell." VI. iv. 14; Polyaen. II. iii. 11, ap. Schneider.

 (3) Lit. "these," {tas men}. Or, "He had lines of sentinels posted
    throughout the day; one line facing inwards towards the place of
    arms (and these were appointed, etc.); while observation of the
    enemy was secured by mounted troopers," etc.

To guard against hostile approach by night, sentinel duty according to
the ordinance was performed by the Sciritae (4) outside the main
body. At the present time the rule is so far modified that the duty is
entrusted to foreigners, (5) if there be a foreign contingent present,
with a leaven of Spartans themselves to keep them company. (6)

 (4) See Muller's "Dorians," ii. 253; "Hell." VI. v. 24; "Cyrop." IV.
    ii. 1; Thuc. v. 67, 71; Grote, "H. G." vii. 110.

 (5) See "Hipparch." ix. 4.

 (6) Reading {auton de}. The passage is probably corrupt. See L.
    Dindorf ad loc.

The custom of always taking their spears (7) with them when they go
their rounds must certainly be attributed to the same cause which
makes them exclude their slaves from the place of arms. Nor need we be
surprised if, when retiring for necessary purposes, they only withdraw
just far enough from one another, or from the place of arms itself, not
to create annoyance. The need of precaution is the whole explanation.

 (7) See Critias, ap. Schneider ad loc.

The frequency with which they change their encampments is another point.
It is done quite as much for the sake of benefiting their friends as of
annoying their enemies.

Further, the law enjoins upon all Lacedaemonians, during the whole
period of an expedition, the constant practice of gymnastic (8)
exercises, whereby their pride (9) in themselves is increased, and they
appear freer and of a more liberal aspect than the rest of the world.
(10) The walk and the running ground must not exceed in length (11) the
space covered by a regimental division, (12) so that no one may find
himself far from his own stand of arms. After the gymnastic exercises
the senior polemarch gives the order (by herald) to be seated. This
serves all the purposes of an inspection. After this the order is given
"to get breakfast," and for "the outposts (13) to be relieved." After
this, again, come pastimes and relaxations before the evening exercises,
after which the herald's cry is heard "to take the evening meal." When
they have sung a hymn to the gods to whom the offerings of happy omen
had been performed, the final order, "Retire to rest at the place of
arms," (14) is given.

 (8) Cf. Herod. vii. 208; Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 113 foll.)

 (9) Reading {megalophronesterous} (L. Dindorf's emendation) for the
    vulg. {megaloprepesterous}. Xen "Opusc. polit." Ox. MDCCCLVI.

 (10) Or, "the proud self-consciousness of their own splendour is
    increased, and by comparison with others they bear more notably
    the impress of freemen."

 (11) The word {masso} is "poetical" (old Attic?). See "Cyrop." II. iv.
    27, and L. Dindorf ad loc.

 (12) A single mora, or an army corps.

 (13) Or, "vedettes," {proskopon}. See "Cyrop." V. ii. 6.

 (14)? Or, "on your arms." See Sturz, "Lex. Xen." s.v.

If the story is a little long the reader must not be surprised, since it
would be difficult to find any point in military matters omitted by the
Lacedaemonians which seems to demand attention.



XIII

I will now give a detailed account of the power and privilege assigned
by Lycurgus to the king during a campaign. To begin with, so long as he
is on active service, the state maintains the king and those with him.
(1) The polemarchs mess with him and share his quarters, so that by dint
of constant intercourse they may be all the better able to consult in
common in case of need. Besides the polemarch three other members of the
peers (2) share the royal quarters, mess, etc. The duty of these is to
attend to all matters of commisariat, (3) in order that the king and the
rest may have unbroken leisure to attend to affairs of actual warfare.

 (1) I.e. "the Thirty." See "Ages." i. 7; "Hell." III. iv. 2; Plut.
    "Ages." 6 (Clough, iv. 6); Aristot. "Pol." ii. 9, 29.

 (2) For these {oi omoioi}, see "Cyrop." I. v. 5; "Hell." III. iii. 5.

 (3) Lit. "supplies and necessaries."

But I will resume at a somewhat higher point and describe the manner in
which the king sets out on an expedition. As a preliminary step, before
leaving home he offers sacrifice (in company with (4) his staff) to Zeus
Agetor (the Leader), and if the victims prove favourable then and there
the priest, (5) who bears the sacred fire, takes thereof from off the
altar and leads the way to the boundaries of the land. Here for the
second time the king does sacrifice (6) to Zeus and Athena; and as soon
as the offerings are accepted by those two divinities he steps across
the boundaries of the land. And all the while the fire from those
sacrifices leads the way, and is never suffered to go out. Behind follow
beasts for sacrifice of every sort.

 (4) Lit. reading {kai oi sun auto}, after L. Dindorf, "he and those
    with him."

 (5) Lit. "the Purphuros." See Nic. Damasc. ap. Stob. "Fl." 44, 41;
    Hesych. ap. Schneider, n. ad loc.

 (6) These are the {diabateria}, so often mentioned in the "Hellenica."

Invariably when he offers sacrifice the king begins the work in the
gloaming ere the day has broken, being minded to anticipate the goodwill
of the god. And round about the place of sacrifice are present the
polemarchs and captains, the lieutenants and sub-lieutenants, with the
commandants of the baggage train, and any general of the states (7) who
may care to assist. There, too, are to be seen two of the ephors, who
neither meddle nor make, save only at the summons of the king, yet have
they their eyes fixed on the proceedings of each one there and keep
all in order, (8) as may well be guessed. When the sacrifices are
accomplished the king summons all and issues his orders (9) as to
what has to be done. And all with such method that, to witness the
proceedings, you might fairly suppose the rest of the world to be
but bungling experimenters, (10) and the Lacedaemonians alone true
handicraftsmen in the art of soldiering.

 (7) I.e. "allied"? or "perioecid"?

 (8) {sophronizousin}, "keep every one in his sober senses."

 (9) See Thuc. v. 66.

 (10) {autoskhediastai, tekhnitai}. See Jebb, "Theophr." x. 3.

Anon the king puts himself at the head of the troops, and if no enemy
appears he heads the line of march, no one preceding him except the
Sciritae, and the mounted troopers exploring in front. (11) If, however,
there is any reason to anticipate a battle, the king takes the leading
column of the first army corps (12) and wheels to the right until he has
got into position with two army corps and two generals of division on
either flank. The disposition of the supports is assigned to the eldest
of the royal council (13) (or staff corps) acting as brigadier--the
staff consisting of all peers who share the royal mess and quarters,
with the soothsayers, surgeons, (14) and pipers, whose place is in the
front of the troops, (15) with, finally, any volunteers who happen to be
present. So that there is no check or hesitation in anything to be done;
every contingency is provided for.

 (11) Or, "who are on scouting duty. If, however, they expect a
    battle," etc.

 (12) Technically, "mora."

 (13) {ton peri damosian}. See "Hell." IV. v. 8; vii. 4.

 (14) See "Anab." III. iv. 30; "Cyrop." I. vi. 15; L. Dindorf, n. ad
    loc.

 (15) Schneider refers to Polyaenus, i. 10.

The following details also seem to me of high utility among the
inventions of Lycurgus with a view to the final arbitrament of battle.
Whensoever, the enemy being now close enough to watch the proceedings,
(16) the goat is sacrificed; then, says the law, let all the pipers,
in their places, play upon the pipes, and let every Lacedaemonian don
a wreath. Then, too, so runs the order, let the shields be brightly
polished. The privilege is accorded to the young man to enter battle
with his long locks combed. (17) To be of cheery countenance--that,
too, is of good repute. Onwards they pass the word of command to the
subaltern (18) in command of his section, since it is impossible to hear
along the whole of each section from the particular subaltern posted on
the outside. It devolves, finally, on the polemarch to see that all goes
well.

 (16) See Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 114); and for the goat
    sacrificed to Artemis Agrotera, see "Hell." IV. ii. 20; Pause. IX.
    xiii. 4; Plut. "Marcell." 22 (Clough, ii. 264).

 (17) See Plut. "Lycurg." 22 (Clough, i. 114). The passage is corrupt,
    and possibly out of its place. I cite the words as they run in the
    MSS. with various proposed emendations. See Schneider, n. ad loc.
    {exesti de to neo kai kekrimeno eis makhen sunienai kai phaidron
    einai kai eudokimon. kai parakeleuontai de k.t.l.} Zeune,
    {kekrimeno komen}, after Plut. "Lycurg." 22. Weiske, {kai komen
    diakekrimeno}. Cobet, {exesti de to neo liparo kai tas komas
    diakekrimeno eis makhen ienai}.

 (18) Lit. "to the enomotarch."

When the right moment for encamping has come, the king is responsible
for that, and has to point out the proper place. The despatch of
emissaries, however, whether to friends or to foes, is (not) (19) the
king's affair. Petitioners in general wishing to transact anything
treat, in the first instance, with the king. If the case concerns some
point of justice, the king despatches the petitioner to the Hellanodikai
(who form the court-martial); if of money, to the paymasters. (20) If
the petitioner brings booty, he is sent off to the Laphuropolai (or
sellers of spoil). This being the mode of procedure, no other duty is
left to the king, whilst he is on active service, except to play the
part of priest in matters concerning the gods and of commander-in-chief
in his relationship to men. (21)

 (19) The MSS. give {au}, "is again," but the word {mentoi}, "however,"
    and certain passages in "Hell." II. ii. 12, 13; II. iv. 38 suggest
    the negative {ou} in place of {au}. If {au} be right, then we
    should read {ephoren} in place of {basileos}, "belongs to the
    ephors."

 (20) Technically the {tamiai}.

 (21) See Aristot. "Pol." iii. 14.



XIV (1)

Now, if the question be put to me, Do you maintain that the laws of
Lycurgus remain still to this day unchanged? that indeed is an assertion
which I should no longer venture to maintain; knowing, as I do, that in
former times the Lacedaemonians preferred to live at home on moderate
means, content to associate exclusively with themselves rather than
to play the part of governor-general (2) in foreign states and to be
corrupted by flattery; knowing further, as I do, that formerly they
dreaded to be detected in the possession of gold, whereas nowadays there
are not a few who make it their glory and their boast to be possessed of
it. I am very well aware that in former days alien acts (3) were put
in force for this very object. To live abroad was not allowed. And why?
Simply in order that the citizens of Sparta might not take the infection
of dishonesty and light-living from foreigners; whereas now I am very
well aware that those who are reputed to be leading citizens have
but one ambition, and that is to live to the end of their days as
governors-general on a foreign soil. (4) The days were when their sole
anxiety was to fit themselves to lead the rest of Hellas. But nowadays
they concern themselves much more to wield command than to be fit
themselves to rule. And so it has come to pass that whereas in old days
the states of Hellas flocked to Lacedaemon seeking her leadership (5)
against the supposed wrongdoer, now numbers are inviting one another to
prevent the Lacedaemonians again recovering their empire. (6) Yet, if
they have incurred all these reproaches, we need not wonder, seeing that
they are so plainly disobedient to the god himself and to the laws of
their own lawgiver Lycurgus.

 (1) For the relation of this chapter to the rest of the treatise, see
    Grote, ix. 325; Ern. Naumann, "de Xen. libro qui" {LAK. POLITEIA}
    inscribitur, p. 18 foll.; Newmann, "Pol. Aristot." ii. 326.

 (2) Harmosts.

 (3) "Xenelasies," {xenelasiai} technically called. See Plut. "Lycurg."
    27; "Agis," 10; Thuc. ii. 39, where Pericles contrasts the liberal
    spirit of the democracy with Spartan exclusiveness; "Our city is
    thrown open to the world, and we never expel a foreigner or
    prevent him from seeing or learning anything of which the secret,
    if revealed to an enemy, might profit him."--Jowett, i. 118.

 (4) Lit. "harmosts"; and for the taste of living abroad, see what is
    said of Dercylidas, "Hell." IV. iii. 2. The harmosts were not
    removed till just before Leuctra (371 B.C.), "Hell." VI. iv. 1,
    and after, see Paus. VIII. lii. 4; IX. lxiv.

 (5) See Plut. "Lycurg." 30 (Clough, i. 124).

 (6) This passage would seem to fix the date of the chapter xiv. as
    about the time of the Athenian confederacy of 378 B.C.; "Hell." V.
    iv. 34; "Rev." v. 6. See also Isocr. "Panegyr." 380 B.C.; Grote,
    "H. G." ix. 325. See the text of a treaty between Athens, Chios,
    Mytilene, and Byzantium; Kohler, "Herm." v. 10; Rangabe, "Antiq.
    Hellen." ii. 40, 373; Naumann, op. cit. 26.



XV

I wish to explain with sufficient detail the nature of the covenant
between king and state as instituted by Lycurgus; for this, I take it,
is the sole type of rule (1) which still preserves the original form
in which it was first established; whereas other constitutions will
be found either to have been already modified or else to be still
undergoing modifications at this moment.

 (1) Or, "magistracy"; the word {arkhe} at once signifies rule and
    governmental office.

Lycurgus laid it down as law that the king shall offer in behalf of the
state all public sacrifices, as being himself of divine descent, (2) and
whithersoever the state shall despatch her armies the king shall take
the lead. He granted him to receive honorary gifts of the things offered
in sacrifice, and he appointed him choice land in many of the provincial
cities, enough to satisfy moderate needs without excess of wealth. And
in order that the kings also might camp and mess in public he appointed
them public quarters; and he honoured them with a double portion (3)
each at the evening meal, not in order that they might actually eat
twice as much as others, but that the king might have wherewithal to
honour whomsoever he desired. He also granted as a gift to each of the
two kings to choose two mess-fellows, which same are called Puthioi. He
also granted them to receive out of every litter of swine one pig, so
that the king might never be at a loss for victims if in aught he wished
to consult the gods.

 (2) I.e. a Heracleid, in whichever line descended, and, through
    Heracles, from Zeus himself. The kings are therefore "heroes,"
    i.e. demigods. See below; and for their privileges, see Herod. vi.
    56, 57.

 (3) See "Ages." v. 1.

Close by the palace a lake affords an unrestricted supply of water; and
how useful that is for various purposes they best can tell who lack the
luxury. (4) Moreover, all rise from their seats to give place to the
king, save only that the ephors rise not from their thrones of office.
Monthly they exchange oaths, the ephors in behalf of the state, the king
himself in his own behalf. And this is the oath on the king's part: "I
will exercise my kingship in accordance with the established laws of the
state." And on the part of the state the oath runs: "So long as he (5)
(who exercises kingship) shall abide by his oaths we will not suffer his
kingdom to be shaken." (6)

 (4) See Hartman, "An. Xen. N." p. 274; but cf. "Cyneget." v. 34;
    "Anab." V. iii. 8.

 (5) Lit. "he yonder."

 (6) Lit. "we will keep it for him unshaken." See L. Dindorf, n. ad
    loc. and praef. p. 14 D.

These then are the honours bestowed upon the king during his lifetime
(at home) (7)--honours by no means much exceeding those of private
citizens, since the lawgiver was minded neither to suggest to the kings
the pride of the despotic monarch, (8) nor, on the other hand, to
engender in the heart of the citizen envy of their power. As to those
other honours which are given to the king at his death, (9) the laws of
Lycurgus would seem plainly to signify hereby that these kings of
Lacedaemon are not mere mortals but heroic beings, and that is why they
are preferred in honour. (10)

 (7) The words "at home" look like an insertion.

 (8) Lit. "the tyrant's pride."

 (9) See "Hell." III. iii. 1; "Ages." xi. 16; Herod. vi. 58.

 (10) Intentionally or not on the part of the writer, the concluding
    words, in which the intention of the Laws is conveyed, assume a
    metrical form:

        {oukh os anthropous all os eroas tous
         Lakedaimonion basileis protetimekasin.}

    See Ern. Naumann, op. cit. p. 18.