Produced by John Orcutt




COUNT THE COST.

AN
ADDRESS
TO THE
PEOPLE of CONNECTICUT,
ON
SUNDRY POLITICAL SUBJECTS,

AND

PARTICULARLY ON THE PROPOSITION FOR A NEW CONSTITUTION.

BY JONATHAN STEADFAST


1804



"However combinations or associations of the above description may now
and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and
things to become potent engines, by which cunning ambitions and
unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and
to usurp to themselves, the reins of government, destroying afterwards
the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion."

                                   WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.





AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF CONNECTICUT.

"FOR which of you intending to build a tower sitteth not down first and
counteth the cost?"


An interesting question is here asked by the direction of infinite
wisdom. This question contains the following useful and important
instruction: That no man or body of men should attempt the
accomplishment of any great object without duly estimating the evils and
benefits probably resulting from it. Such a rule of life and adopted and
adhered to would have prevented many schemes and projects which have
cost much, and which have been productive of nothing but the disgrace to
their authors and misery to the human race--it would induce men to obey
the dictates of experience rather than the dreams of enthusiasm, and
would drive from the world a species of wisdom which is indeed folly.

An attempt is now making in this State to change the vital principles of
our government, to remove from office all our present rulers, and to
introduce a new order of things. To these innovations the people are
invited, allured and exhorted.--To effect these objects no pains are
spared--no exertions are omitted.

An important question here arises, viz. Would the accomplishment of the
object be worth the cost?--An individual who neither holds an office
nor seeks one--who can have nothing in view but the maintenance of that
order of things which shall most effectually promote public and private
happiness, and who has the same interest in the welfare of society as
the great body of his fellow citizens, requests the dispassionate
attention of the reader, while he considers this important subject. He
will use no weapon but truth and truth will be regarded by all except
those who love darkness rather than light.

To exhibit a correct view of the subject, it will be proper, first, to
enquire into the present condition of Connecticut, and secondly, to
examine the various plans or projects proposed for our adoption, and
estimate the probably cost attending them. We can then in the third
place form a just opinion of the propriety of the proposed changes.

The condition of Connecticut first claims our attention.

That our climate, soil and situation are such as to insure as much
health, riches and prosperity as any people can rationally wish, seems
not to be doubted. Our natural advantages do not indeed promise such an
accumulation of wealth as might satisfy that avarice which like the
horse leach is constantly crying give--give--they are such however as
will in ordinary cases, ensure to industry an ample reward and this
should satisfy a virtuous mind.

The diffusion of knowledge is greater than in any other part of the
globe of equal dimensions. Such are the excellent provisions of our
laws, and the virtuous habits of our citizens, that schools of
instruction in all useful knowledge are to be found in every place where
they are needed. There is no village in this State which will not attest
to this fact. In various places also flourishing academies are
supported, in which the higher branches of science are taught, and our
College is at once our ornament and our pride. Religious instruction is
also brought almost to every man's door, so that none can justly
complain that they are denied the means of growing wiser and better. By
the liberality of the benevolent private libraries are every where found
which, with the other sources of information, evince the superiority of
our condition to that of any other people, in the means of gaining
valuable knowledge. To those, who with the writer, believe that
ignorance is the parent of vice, and that the civilized is preferable to
the savage state, our situation, in the above particulars, demands the
gratitude of every heart.

Our constitution and government are perfectly free, and our laws are
mild, equitable and just. To the truth of this position there is the
most ample and unequivocal proof.

1. Those who seek to revolutionize the State declare this to be the
nature of our government with few exceptions.--Such testimony cannot be
doubted--it is the testimony of a man against himself. Ask your
neighbour to point you to the evils under which he labours--ask him to
name the man who is oppressed except by his vices or his follies, and if
he be honest, he will tell you that there is no such man--if he be
dishonest, his silence will be proof in point.

2. Strangers who reside here a sufficient time to learn our laws,
universally concur in their declarations on this subject. They will ask,
with surprize, why the people of Connecticut should complain? They see
every man indulged in worshiping  God as he pleases, and they see many
indulged in neglecting his worship entirely--They see men every where
enjoying the liberty of doing what is right--and such liberty they
rightly decide is the perfection of freedom.

3. The experience of a century and a half, affords irresistible proof on
this subject. During this long period convulsions have shaken many parts
of the earth, and there has been a mighty waste of human happiness.
Empires and Kingdoms have been prostrated, and the sword hath been
devouring without cessation. This state too hath been threatened--
clouds have gathered and portended a dreadful desolation, but we have
been defended, protected and saved. No essential changes in our
government have ever taken place--formed by men who knew the important
difference between liberty and licentiousness, it has been our shield--
our strong tower--our secure fortress.--To the calls of our country we
have ever been obedient--No state hath more cheerfully met danger--no
state hath more readily or effectually resisted foreign aggression.
Washington while living was a witness to this fact, and tho' dead he yet
speaketh. While plots, insurrections and rebellions have distressed many
states and nations, Connecticut hath enjoyed an internal peace and
tranquility, which forcibly demonstrates the wisdom and equity of her
Government.--Such a Government, administered by men of virtue and
talents, has produced the most benign effects, and our prosperity is
calculated to excite the warmest expressions of gratitude rather than
the murmurs of disaffection.

4. Our Treasury exhibits the truth of these remarks. It is clear from the
statement in the Appendix, to which every reader will advert with
pleasure, that the people of Connecticut annually receive thirty seven
thousand four hundred and fifty-five dollars and seventy six cents more
from the Treasury than they pay into it by taxes and duties.--At the
close of the late war such had been our exertions, we were encumbered
with a debt of nearly two millions of dollars. Now that debt is paid and
we have nearly that sum in advance. Where is the state which can justly
boast of greater prosperity?

Notwithstanding this enviable situation a clamour is excited, the
people are agitated, and discord, with its train of evils, is
prevailing. Some of our citizens, in the height of political prosperity,
are seeking to destroy an order of things which has prevailed an hundred
and fifty years, and throw themselves into the arms of projectors and
reformers. Is there nothing unaccountable in such conduct? Is there
nothing calculated to excite indignation? My fellow citizens, shall any
considerable portion of the people of Connecticut subject themselves to
the reproach which rested on an ancient people? "The ox knoweth his
owner and the ass his master's crib, but my people do not know, Israel
doth not consider."

Secondly. Let us examine some of the plans and projects proposed for our
adoption and estimate the probably cost attending them.– Here we must
speak with less certainty--What the present condition of Connecticut is
we know--respecting its future destiny we can only judge by arguing
from cause to effect. Why a man who regards the happiness of his fellow
men, should attempt a change here, is too wonderful for an ordinary
capacity. No prudent farmer ever pulled up a hill of corn, which was
flourishing, to see if there was not a worm at the root.

One of these projects is the repeal of all laws for the support of
religious institutions. The language of those who favor the measure is,
that religion will take care of itself--that no external aid is
necessary--that all legislative interference is impious. Many, and it
is believed by far the greater part, of those who make these
declarations, intend to throw down all the barriers which christianity
has erected against vice. They are obstinately determined to banish from
the public mind all affection and veneration for the Clergy, and respect
for the institutions of religion, and to reduce Connecticut to that
condition which knows no distinction between "him who serveth God and
him who serveth him not." They wish to see a Republic without religion;
and should they be gratified, the consequence would speedily be, a
miserable race of men without virtue, walling in vice and ripening for a
dreadful destruction. If infinite truth is to be credited, "God will
pour out his indignation on the heathen who know him not."

These reformers, under the specious pretext of exercising unbounded
liberality in matters of religion, become intolerant to all who differ
from them, charging the professors of christianity with breathing out a
spirit of persecution, they become the most furious persecutors, and
while they affect to possess great moderation and candor towards all
denominations of Christians, they clearly evince that they would grant
indulgence or protection to none. On the other hand a great majority of
the people and the Legislature, insist that every man in the community
who is able, should contribute, in some way, towards the support of the
institutions of religion. No wish is entertained to legislate in matters
of faith, or to establish one sect in preference to another. Our laws
permit every man to worship God when, where, and in the manner most
agreeable to his principles or to his inclination, and not the least
restraint is imposed; all ideas of dictating to the conscience are
discarded, and every man "sits under his own vine and fig tree." Our
laws only enforce the great principle abovementioned that the members of
the community should contribute towards the support of these
institutions, as means to promote the prosperity of the people in the
same manner as they provide for the public accommodation, peace and
happiness, by the maintenance of the roads and bridges, the organization
of the militia, and the support of schools of instruction. Should
objections be urged by any individuals that they cannot conscientiously
contribute to the promotion of these objects, their objections would be
disregarded. There is a class of men, very respectable for the sobriety
of their habits, and their peaceful deportment, who always refuse to be
taxed for military defence. No one doubts that in their opposition, they
are conscientious, and yet few doubt the propriety of enforcing such
taxes.

The principle now advocated is interwoven with all our laws and habits
--it has existed from the first settlement of the State--it has produced
much good--it ought not therefore to be abandoned without the utmost
deliberation. The clamor against this principle, is the clamor of those
who wish to see the State revolutionized--it is the clamor of those
turbulent spirits which delight in confusion and which pull down and
destroy with a dexterity which they never shew in building up. Let the
sober citizens of Connecticut look at the authors of this clamor--Let
them view such men as Abraham Bishop, and eye the path which they have
trodden from their youth, and then ask their own hearts, if they are not
under some apprehension, lest if they should enlist under such leaders
and fight their cause, they may be found contending against the best
interests of society, and "fighting against God."

Another project zealously supported is that of Districting the State for
the choice of Assistants, and Representatives in Congress. The only
argument which is urged for the adoption of this measure with any
plausibility, is that in the District elections the candidate would be
better known. To this argument it may be replied, the State of
Connecticut is so limited in its extent, information of all kinds is so
generally diffused, and there is such a flood of newspapers that the
characters of all the candidates for office may be thoroughly known by
all who will bestow any attention to the subject. This State is scarcely
more extensive than a single county in many other States, and the
intercourse of the inhabitants of the various parts with each other is
such that no evil can exist in our present mode of elections--But there
are serious and weighty objections against District elections.

1. Such elections open wide the door for intrigue.--As this door,
already too widely extended, the most alarming mischiefs enter--
mischiefs which sap the foundations of an elective government by
corrupting the minds of the freemen and this converting an election
ground into a theatre on which is displayed the most vile and
demoralizing practices. Let the reader satisfy himself as to the truth
of this observation by examining the history of an election in the
Southern States, where this mode alone is adopted. Let him learn that
they candidates for office and his host of dependents and tools, are
employed for weeks before and on the days of election, in the most
infamous intrigues, and that falsehood and bribery are so much in
fashion, and are so universally resorted to, that success invariably
attends the most impudent and the most profligate, while the man of
modesty and virtue, though possessing the fairest claims to promotion,
is abashed, confounded and overwhelmed.

2ndly. The candidate when elected becomes the creature of the district
and not the ruler of a State--He is and must be devoted to the interest
of that portion of the community which has elected him, and their views
and schemes must be patronized though they oppose the welfare of the
whole.

3rdly. Such elections do not secure the best talents. If talents and
worth are of consideration, surely they should be at the command of the
public. It is of no moment where a man dwells, but it is of immense
importance that he be a wise man rather than a fool--a man of integrity
rather than a knave.

4thly. Experience, the only save and unerring guide, is altogether in
favor of elections at large rather than by Districts. The representation
of this State in Congress has ever been of the most respectable
character--It is not too much to say that no State in the Union can
justly claim a superiority to Connecticut in this respect. The fame may
be affirmed, with truth, of the upper house of the Legislature of this
State. Has there not been a constant succession of able and wise men in
that branch of the administration of Connecticut? For more than a
century we have preserved an unexampled prosperity.--shall we hazard
our interests on the speculations of zealous partizans who are
constantly bewildering themselves and their followers in new schemes?

Another project is that of universal suffrage. The streets resound with
the clamour that men are deprived of the invaluable privilege of
choosing their rulers, and the people are invited to extend this
privilege to all who pay taxes and do military duty. It is now
discovered that Connecticut, in this particular, is not free.--The
great argument urged in support of universal suffrage is that taxation
and representation should go hand in hand--it is said that this maxim
was deemed just during the revolutionary war, and that Americans adhered
to it as a fundamental principle.--This principle the writer readily
recognizes as a sound and indisputable position in every free
government. But what is the meaning of the maxim? Does it intend that
every person who is taxed, can of right claim the privilege of giving
his suffrage? If so persons convicted of offences, or who are infamous
for their vices may vote--for such persons are not outlawed.--On this
principle, women of full age and unmarried, are also to be admitted.--
Minors also whose property is taxed, should be permitted to exercise
this franchise, at least by guardian or proxy. What then is the true
meaning of the maxim, that representation and taxation are inseparable?
Here all writers agree--it means that no community should be taxed by
the legislature unless that community is, or might have been represented
in such legislature.--Hence several towns in this State till lately,
were not represented in the General Assembly, and of course not taxed.--
Barkhempsted, Colebrook, and Winchester, it is believed, were of this
description.

This State and the other States understood this maxim precisely as now
explained, in their opposition to Great-Britain.--We complained that
the colonies should not be taxed because they were not represented in
parliament. In this view of the subject the maxim is wise and just.

Again, is not every town in Connecticut now represented in the
legislature, and of course each individual equally with every other? In
the representative of Hartford, for example, a representative of the
freemen of Hartford, or of the town of Hartford? The truth is, every
man, woman and child are represented.

But it is said that many persons are excluded from giving their
suffrages who have life, liberty and reputation to protect. On a close
attention to this fact it will be found that the number of those worthy
members of society who do not possess the legal qualification, is small,
and if men are to have an influence in elections according to the amount
of their taxes, why should not the man who pays fifty dollars, be
entitled to more than one vote? No one pleads for such a privilege, but
there are many who insist that the man without a cent of property shall
have the same direction in the choice of those who are charged with the
interests of the community, as he who is worth thousands of dollars. A
friend to the rights of man seems to feel no alarm at the idea that one
who exhausts his earnings in the grog-shop, should have an influence in
elections in proportion to strength of his lungs, or his activity in
intrigue, but he is greatly agitated from an apprehension that men who
have property to protect, will not promote the well being of society. A
juror who is to decide on the controversies of his neighbours--an
appraiser of land--a distributor of a deceased persons estate, must be
freeholders by a standing law which is the subject of no ensure, and yet
it is said that in the important transaction of choosing men to enact
laws, and to appoint those who are to decide on, and execute those laws,
no qualifications are necessary.

Again, it is insisted by those who oppose universal suffrage, and the
reader is desired to notice the remark with attention, that no community
can be safe unless the power of elections resides principally with the
great body of the landholders. Such an influence had this principle on
those wise men who formed our laws, that a mere trifle in real property
gives the right of suffrage, while a man may be excluded who is the
proprietor of personal property to a large amount.

Landholders have an enduring interest in the welfare of the community.
They are lords of their own soil, and of course, to a certain degree,
independent--they therefore will resist tyranny--they will equally
oppose anarchy because they are aware that in any storm which may arise
they must abide its fury. The merchant, with his thousands, can seek a
shelter--to the mere bird of passage, who has no "abiding country and
who seeks none to come," it is of little moment whether stability or
confusion predominate, but to the former who is enchained to the State,
peace and order is of inestimable value.

What, my fellow citizens, is the attempt now making? What is the
language of those who advocate universal suffrage? It is nothing less
than an effort to rest from the farmers of Connecticut that controul
over the elections which is their only fortress of safety. Let men who
wish to protect their invaluable rights ponder on these things, and let
them at the same time, remember that no nation in which universal
suffrage hath been allowed, hath remained free and happy.

Another project urged, with great vehemence, is, to displace all our
present rulers--by those, is meant our legislators in the general and
state Government--our judges and magistrates of every grade. That such
is a darling object with those who seek to revolutionize Connecticut,
there is no doubt. Is such a measure wise? Who are these rulers? A
candid observer must reply, they are men in whose hands power has been
wisely placed by the people, and who have never abused that power, men
of unquestionable talents and of spotless fame. Among them are your
Trumbulls, your Ellsworths, your Hillhouses, your Griswolds, your
Goodriches and your Cavenports, men tried and approved. Among them there
is one who was side by side with your beloved Washington during the
revolutionary war, who has repeatedly been elected your first
magistrate, and, against whom, the tongue of slander never moved but in
the hard service of a harder master. There is another, who, for more
than twenty years has been employed in the first offices in the gift of
his country, and whose probity and talents are second to those of none
of his contemporaries. Among these are many who must enjoy the affection
and veneration of their countrymen while superior worth is regarded.
Against these men the cry is raised--not the cry of the oppressed, for
God knows no man in Connecticut is oppressed, but the cry of those who
pant for office, and who can rise only on the ruins of others.

Your judges also to whom is committed the administration of justice, are
marked out as the victims of party spirit. Is not a wise and faithful
execution of the laws the chief object of every good Government? Without
this who is safe for a moment? Without this, liberty can exist only in
name--The name indeed may be blasphemously uttered, but the substance
is gone with the liberty of all who have relied on professions. Let the
people of Connecticut look at their tribunals of justice. Are they not
filled with men of incorruptible integrity? Where has innocence received
a more ample protection? Is not the transgressor punished, and are not
the wrongs of the injured redressed? Are not our mild laws executed in
mercy, and is not justice awarded with impartiality to individuals? Can
you look at the seat of justice and say "iniquity is there?" Dare any
man say that the judges of our high Courts are not upright, intelligent
and learned? Who then can justly complain? Yet the stripling of
yesterday--the bold projector--the unprincipled ad ambitious, with a
host of deceived followers, with matchless effrontery, arraign the
conduct of these magistrates and loudly demand that they be driven from
their offices, and from public confidence.

Another favorite scheme is to elevate to all the offices of importance
men who have never enjoyed the public confidence. The language of these
revolutionists is, respecting the men in power in Connecticut, "We will
not have these men to rule over us"--We will fill their places with men
of our choice--the creatures of our hands, and who will be subservient
to our views. But, my countrymen, before you join in this project, pause
and enquire, who are these men who thus assert their claim to rule over
you? Who are these men who place themselves in the corners of the
streets and cry "Oh, that we were made judges in the land?" It is no
part of the writer's design to hunt vice from its guilty retreat, to
expose before an insulted people, the horrid features which distinguish
certain individuals who challenge popular applause, or to attach private
character, but justice demands that men who boldly claim to be the
rulers of the free and happy state of Connecticut, should be known. The
men who are to stand in the places of our Trumbulls and our Ellsworths
should not shrink from public investigation. To those who respect the
authority of God it is a matter of no small moment that those who rule
over men should be just, ruling in the fear of God nor will men,
accustomed to revere this solemn declaration, lend their aid to elevate
men of vicious and corrupt lives, without some dismay.

It is not enough to tell us that men will be selected of more virtue and
talents than those now in power--such a pretence is vain--no man in
his senses will regard it--no man makes such a pretence but for wicked
purpose. If we are directed to turn our eyes to those who for years past
have been held up in the unsuccessful nominations, and are told that
these are to be substituted for the men who now guide our Councils, what
are we to expect? An appeal may be made to every man not bewildered in
this new and destructive madness--he may be asked who among these men
stand-forth with fair claims to public confidence? Where among them, can
be found the polished scholar--the able civilian, the enlightened
judge? Do we see in a single individual an assemblage of talents united
with virtue sufficient to qualify him for the seat of justice? If there
are such men they have hitherto hid their talents I the earth. It will
not here be forgotten that the attempt is, to reject men long known and
respected, and to fill their places with those who are without a witness
in their favor.

A still more mischievous and alarming project is, that of making a new
Constitution for Connecticut. This project originates entirely in a
spirit of Jacobinism--it is a new theme on which to descant to effect a
revolution in Connecticut. The object is, by false assertions, to induce
a belief that no Constitution exists and that tyranny prevails. This
party always address the passions and never the understanding.--Review
their measures for a few years, and you will distinctly perceive their
motives and aims.

To create disaffection and hatred towards those who formerly
administered the general Government, it was boldly asserted that the
treasury had been plundered. Even the illustrious Saviour of his Country
was accused of embezzling public money, and his followers could not
expect a less happy fate. Men of the most unsuspected integrity, were
openly attacked by anonymous publications, or dispoiled of their good
name by secret insinuations. These calumnies were kept in circulation by
their authors till impudence itself was abashed, and the object in view
obtained--not a tittle of proof was ever adduced, and investigation
always shewed that the charges were not only false, but entirely
groundless.

For the same unworthy purpose it was asserted in every circle of
opposition that salaries were too high, and the incomes of office
enormous. Every tavern resounded with this grievance. At length the
principal authors of this clamor got into place, and the clamor was
hushed. Yes, men who urged the people of Connecticut almost to rebellion
on this account, stept into the places and, without a blush, took more
from the people than their predecessors. Look at Mr. Babcock's paper in
1799 and 1800, and see its columns filled with railing against high
salaries--Look at it since Abraham Bishop takes 3000 dollars a year,
and Alexander Wolcott more than four, and find, if you can, a complaint
on this subject. Such meanness, such baseness, such hypocrisy in office
seekers, exhibit in strong colors the depravity of human nature and
teach us what dependence may justly be placed on pretensions and
professions.

To inflame the passions and to create animosity, various subjects have
been successively seized upon, and pressed into the service of the
revolutionists--Every quarrel however trivial is noticed--every seed
of discord however small is nourished to disseminate murmurs and to
further the great object.-Various classes of the community are told,
with apparent anxiety for their welfare, that they are oppressed, and
that a new order of things must arise, or that they will be enslaved.
New subjects are started as old ones cease to operate, and thus all that
ingenuity and art, industry and perseverance, can devise or effect is
accomplished. Thus, that numerous and respectably body of Christians
called Episcopalians have been told, and repeatedly told, that the more
numerous denomination were seeking to deprive them of their just and
equal rights, and to subject them to the tyranny of an overbearing
majority--These tales were reiterated till their authors found them
useless from their folly and falsehood. At another time the Baptists are
addressed by a set of men who denied the reality of any religion and the
most earnest yearnings for their welfare. They tyranny of the
Legislature was painted in horrid colors, and they were exhorted to lend
their aid to vindicate the cause of the oppressed. Those who
conscientiously believe that no taxes ought to be paid for the support
of religion, and those who wish that religion might no more infest the
residence of men, were addressed with considerations adapted to their
respective cases. At one time men destitute of property are seduced by
the alluring doctrine of universal suffrage--then the farmer is told
that taxes are too high on land, and, with the same breath, the mechanic
is sagely informed, that the poll tax should be repealed, and the burden
fall back on the land holder.

Festivals under the pretence of honoring the election of Mr. Jefferson
and Mr. Burr, and of extolling the wisdom of the purchase of Louisiana,
but with a real design to blazen the fame of those who assume the
character of friends of the people that they may the more readily
destroy the most free and equitable Government in the world, are
continually holden, and the discontented, the factious, the ambitious
and the corrupt, are collected and flattered with declamations in the
various shapes of prayers, sermons and orations. Thus a people enjoying
the height of political prosperity are cajoled into a belief that men
without virtue, without the restraints of the gospel, without a particle
of real regard for their fellow men, are their best friends, and are
anxiously laboring to promote their good. Let such remember, that when
the Ethiopian shall change his skin, when the Leopard shall change his
spots, and when bitter fountains shall send forth sweet water, then will
those who flatter the people with their tongues, and deceive them with
their lips seek their happiness. Such are some of the measures resorted
to by those who have sworn in their wrath that Connecticut shall be
revolutionized. Finding all these ineffectual, and that the good sence
and virtue of Connecticut has hitherto opposed an inseparable barrier to
all their plans, they now exclaim Connecticut has no Constitution. Such
a gross absurdity could never have been promulgated till the mind was in
some degree prepared, by being accustomed to misrepresentation. This was
well known to Mr. Bishop, who has for years been in the habit of
disregarding moral obligation. In the year 1789 this Orator pronounced
several inflammatory invectives against the Constitution of the United
States, to which he was a bitter enemy till he obtained an office under
it worth three thousand dollars a year. At that time his language was,
The Constitution of Connecticut is the best in the world--it has grown
up with the people, and is fitted to their condition.--Now this
consistent man who is endeavoring to gull the people that he may
successfully tyrannize over them, avows that they are without a
Constitution.

My fellow citizens, examine this head of clamor with candor, read the
solemn declaration of Washington in the title page, attend to the
following remarks, and then tell me if you do not perceive in this
project, with the manner in which it is supported and attempted to be
accomplished, enough of the revolutionary spirit of France, to excite
the indignation of every real friend to the peace and happiness of
Connecticut.

1. If there be no Constitution in Connecticut then your Huntingtons,
your Trumbulls, your Shermans, your Wolcotts and your Davenports, with
many other worthies, who were your defence in war, and your ornament in
peace, and who are now sleeping with their fathers, were wicked usurpers
--they ruled their fellow citizens without authority--they were
TYRANTS. Let Judd and Bishop approach the sepulchures of these venerable
men--let them lift the covering from these venerable ashes and in the
face of heaven pronounce them TYRANTS!! Could you see them approach
their dust with such language on their tongues, you would see them
retreat with horrible confusion from these relicks of departed worth.

2. The present rulers are acting also without authority, and their laws
are void--then you are already in the midst of anarchy and wild misrule
--then has no man a title to an inch of land, and you are ready for an
equal of division of property--all protection of life and liberty is at
an end, and the will of a mob is now to prevail.

3. If indeed there is no Constitution, then the oath which has been
administered in your freemen's meetings for twenty years, by which each
man has sworn "to be true and faithful to the Constitution" of the
state, is worse than impious profanation of the name of God--then your
judges, magistrates and jurors have stripped men of their property,
condemned some to Newgate and others to the Post, the Pillory and the
Gallows without a warrant, and are therefore murderers.--O thou God of
order in this our condition!!! But,

4. We have a Constitution--a free and happy Constitution. It was to our
fathers like the shadow of a great rock in a weary land--it has enabled
them to transmit to us a fair and glorious inheritance--if we suffer
revolutionists to rob us of this birth right "then we are bastards and
not sons."

It is a fact as well authenticated as the settlement of the state, that
a Constitution was formed by the people of the then colony of
Connecticut, before the Charter of King Charles. This Charter was a
guarantee of that Constitution. Trumbull's history of Connecticut gives
us this Constitution and its origin. On our separation from Great-
Britain, the people, thro' their representatives, made the following
declaration on this subject:

"An Act containing an Abstract and Declaration of the Rights and
Privileges of the People of this State, and securing the same. THE
People of this State, being by the Providence of God, free and
independent, have the sole and exclusive Right of governing themselves
as a free, sovereign, and independent State; and having from their
Ancestors derived a free and excellent Constitution of Government
whereby the Legislature depends on the free and annual Election of the
People, they have the best Security for the Preservation of their civil
and religious Rights and Liberties. And forasmuch as the free Fruition
of such Liberties and Privileges as Humanity, Civility and Christianity
call for, as is due to every Man in his Place and Proportion, without
Impeachment and Infringement, hath ever been, and wilt be the
Tranquility and Stability of Churches and Commonwealths; and the Denial
thereof, the Disturbance, if not the Ruin of both.

PAR. I.  BE it enacted and declared by the Governor, and Council and
House of Representatives, in General Court assembled: That the ancient
Form of Civil Government, contained in the Charter from Charles the
Second, King of England, and adopted by the People of this State, shall
be and remain the Civil Constitution of this State under the sole
authority of the People thereof, independent of any King or Prince
whatever. And that this Republic is, and shall forever be and remain, a
free, sovereign and independent Sate, by the Name of the STATE of
CONNECTICUT.

2. And be it further enacted and declared, That no Man's Land shall be
taken away: No Man's Honor or good Name shall be stained: No Man's
Person shall be arrested, restrained, banished, dismembered, nor any
Ways punished: No Man shall be deprived of his Wife or Children; No
Man's Goods or Estate shall be taken away from him nor any Ways
indamaged under the Color of Law, or Countenance of Authority; unless
clearly warranted by the Laws of this State.

3. That all the Free Inhabitants of this or any other of the United
States of America, and Foreigners in Amity with this State, shall enjoy
the same justice and Law within this State, which is general for the
State in all Cases proper for the Cognizance of the Civil Authority and
Court of Judicature within the same, and that without Partiality or
Delay.

4. And that no Man's Person shall be restrained, or imprisoned, by any
Authority whatsoever, before the Law hat sentenced him thereunto, if he
can and will give sufficient Security, Bail, or Mainprize for his
Appearance and good Behaviour in the mean Time, unless it be for Capital
Crimes, Contempt in open Court, or in such Cases wherein some express
Law doth allow of, or order the same."

These proceedings have been regarded as the ark of our political safety
by the great and the good of all parties, who have gone before us. Never
till this year have we heard, or even suspected that our state was
governed by lawless mobs. Now, as a means to effect a revolution, for
the first time, have a few designing men endeavored to excite alarm--
they have indeed excited alarm--sober men of their own party are
alarmed--honest men, who are not misguided, see the whole extent of this
project and they will frown it into contempt.

5. Mr. Edwards, as chairman of a body of men whom he calls a State
Committee, on the 30th of July, without consulting even his brethren of
the Committee, ordered delegates to meet at New-Haven on the 5th
Wednesday of August. In those towns where enough could not be assembled
to elect a member, the person written to, was authorized to attend and
take a seat. In some towns the proposition was rejected even by
Republicans. The delegates thus chosen, with all who united with their
opinions, and chose to attend, met at the time and place appointed--shut
their doors against every eye and ear--sat one day, formed an address,
ordered ten thousand copies printed and dissolved. This address we have
seen. It deserves some notice:

The first thing that attracts our attention is, that William Judd, Esq.
of Farmington, is appointed chairman. This was an admirable provision
--such a meeting should certainly have such a head. A man with the habit
of devoting his feeble talents to intrigue, and who is noticeable only
for an ostentatious parade, would preside in such an assembly with
peculiar grace. His acquaintance could not but approve of this
exhibition of the power of inflammable air and be pleased with its
effects [on] an exhausted receiver. The meeting thus organized proceeded
to stile this Convention as follows: "AT a meeting of Delegates from
ninety-seven towns of the state of Connecticut, convened at New-Haven on
the 29th of August, 1804." Delegates--Delegates do they stile themselves?
The people would be obliged to this Convention to disclose their
authority. Who commissioned these gentlemen for this important labor of
providing them with a Constitution? The truth is not a man in that
Convention was chosen by a majority of the people of [their] town--in
many instances with less than a quarter part, and in general with less
than a tenth----yet they call themselves Delegates. Thus [the]
Convention with Major Judd in the chair, precede their address [with] a
grosly deceptive declaration---a declaration notoriously false and
[impu]dent. They then declare it as their unanimous opinion, "that the
people of this state are at present without a Constitution of civil
Government." This was to have been expected. Mr. Edwards ordered them to
meet for that purpose, and shall they not obey their master? Bishop and
Wolcott have repeatedly directed them to make this declaration, and
Major Judd knows it to be true. Can any man doubt either the truth of
this remark or the sincerity with which it is uttered? Is it not clear
that this whole proceeding originates in a pure unmixed affection for
the people and a sacred regard to truth? My fellow citizens, look at the
whole course of the lives of Judd, (I place him first on the list
because he was chairman) of Bishop and of Wolcott, and say if they have
not ever been under the influence of the most disinterested virtue and
the most exalted patriotism? Look also at these Delegates from ninety-
seven towns, and say if they can have any other object in view but the
dignity, happiness and glory of their country? Individuals can only
vouch for individuals. The writer can vouch for about thirty with Major
Judd at their head.

If any reader shall think that the subject is treated with too much
levity, he should reflect that we are now animadverting on this
Convention in their appointment of chairman, their stiling themselves
Delegates from ninety-seven towns, and their declaration that we have no
Constitution. On these subjects it is scarcely possible to be serious.

The address proceeds to declare how many of the confederated states have
made for themselves Constitutions. We ask, which of them is more
prosperous than Connecticut? In which of them are the great interests of
Society better secured? In New-York a Convention was called about three
years since to amend their Constitution. In Pennsylvania they have had
two Constitutions and they are now on the eve of a civil war. Duane the
great moving spring of all Jacobin societies, a vile outcast from
Europe, reigns with uncontroled sway in every measure, and every man of
virtue is denounced.

In Georgia they have had two Constitutions, and in Vermont two, and who
dare pronounce their political situation equal to that of Connecticut.
The people of France have had six Constitutions within fifteen years,
and where are those Constitutions? In the grave of anarchy and despotism
with millions of deluded inhabitants who have been sacrificed by the
Robespieres and the Bishops of that suffering nation. To that suffering
nation turn your eyes and reflect that the mighty mass of woe under
which they have groaned, was produced by an ambition, fierce, cruel and
destructive as hell, and that an ambition alike terrible reigns every
where.

Read this address attentively, and you will be struck with the idea that
no grievance is mentioned----not a single evil is pointed out---indeed
the Convention declare that they must be "excused a detail of the
numerous wrongs which have arrived to us under this Government"----these
are their words---they are excused indeed---yes, they are excused from
not polluting their address with falsehoods in this particular---full
well they knew that no such wrongs existed----full well they anticipated
that a certain detection would follow any such attempt at imposition.
The leaders in this Convention knew full well that there is intelligence
enough in Connecticut to meet them on any complaint, and to shew that it
is groundless. They, therefore, prudently decline to be explicit, and
yielding to us that the Government is now well administered, they shew a
great anxiety for the safety of the "next generation." What an astonishing
display of philanthropy!! Bishop and Wolcott are not at ease in their
hearts while there is a prospect that even the generations which succeed
us, will experience a woe!!

After many remarks directed to the passions, without proposing in
specific terms a single provision of their newly projected Constitution,
without laying their finger upon a single grievance, without urging a
single argument tending to shew that a Constitution does not exist, the
address unmakes itself---it unmasks the Convention---it unmasks these
patriotic Delegates, and discovers the true cause of this Jacobinic
meeting. Towards the close of it, speaking of the people, it says, "By
their votes will be known their decision. If a Constitution appears
desirable, they will vote for men who are in favor of it." Here the
Convention speak which all may understand---but lest they had not made
themselves sufficiently intelligible, they add, "We ask men of all
parties to attend punctually at proxies and to continue a contest of
votes till the great question whether this state shall have a
Constitution be settled finally and forever." Now, the plain English of
these sentences is this "We who are here assembled in Convention wish
the people of Connecticut to vote for such men, in future, for office,
as are in favor of a new Constitution---we have already declared that we
are in favor of such a Constitution---pray therefore vote for us and
continue" the context "till we succeed and then"---yes---my fellow-
citizens, and then, what will they do? Why laugh at your folly---take
all the offices and leave you to take care of yourselves. IF such would
not be their conduct then the sun will no more rise in the east.

Gentlemen of the convention pray cease your pretensions to promotion
till the people discover your merit. If you are honest, great and wise
you will certainly be noticed and promoted--if you are pygmy
politicians, the mushroom growth of an hour, dressed only with the
little brief authority of self created delegates to a self created
convention to aggrandise yourselves, then probably you will live with
little further notice, and it will only be said hereafter of you that
you belonged to an assembly convened at New-Haven on the 29th of August
1804, which sprang up in a day, chose major Judd chairman; and like
"Jonah's Gourd withered in a day."

In this convention the question was much discussed whether the address
should be made to the people or to the constituted authority of our
State, the legislature. Some honest republicans insisted that it was
proper to apply to the Legislature, but this was opposed by the young
lawyers and the leaders of the party universally--full well they knew
that such a measure would not answer their purpose--Mobs never talk of
any authority except that of the sovereign people--To the sovereign
people they go, and to the sovereign people they appeal till a sovereign
people are cruelly insulted, cajoled and enslaved. Marat, Robespierre
and Bonaparte told the sovereign people that they were all in all till
they had robbed them of their dearest interests, and enchained them in
despotism, and they now mock them with such declarations as these,* "The
perfectability of human nature, the worst disease of man"-"the caprice
of elections must be destroyed"-"the people cannot govern themselves"

Having examined some of the plans or projects proposed for our adoption,
we will now estimate the probably cost attending them. It is to be
recollected that the proposition is to change the vital principles of
our government--to displace our present rulers and to fill their places
with men who never enjoyed the public confidence. To determine whether
these objects are worth accomplishing, it is necessary to COUNT THE
COST.

1. One part of this cost will be an increase of the violence of parties.
Men who regard their property, their liberty and their lives, will not
yield them a willing sacrifice to the demands of the ambitious and
unprincipled--men who faced danger and braved death during a seven years
war--men whose veins are warm with the blood of their venerable
ancestors who planted this happy state, and defended it amidst
innumerable hardships and calamities--men who deem their birthright
sacred--their own freedom valuable, and their children dear as their own
blood, will not calmly, nor cowardly suffer those who have no claims but
their impudence, to storm their fortress and to capture them. They will
defend it in all lawful ways.-Bishop and Wolcott, and a thousand other
mercenary hirelings may attempt to subdue or terrify them--a proud and
haughty leader who under the guise of patriotism, is attempting to
undermine the happiness of the best regulated and freest State in the
Union, with a thousand sycophants, conspiring to bring us under the yoke
of Virginia, may exhaust their ingenuity and malice, still Connecticut
will remain unshaken. She will never crouch like Isachar to chains and
fetters while any portion of the noble spirit of her ancestors who
transmitted this fair inheritance at a mighty expense, remains to impel
them to noble exertions.--It is ardently to be wished that the passions
of those who seek to overturn the venerable institutions of Connecticut,
my subside, and that a spirit of reconciliation and moderation may
succeed to that madness which threatens our peace.--If however the
controversy is to be continued and a mob insist on the right to rule,
freemen will protect their lives and their liberties.--And is not the
peace and tranquility of the State of importance? We have been told with
more truth than sincerity that "life itself is a dreary thing" without
"harmony in social intercourse." Happy would it have been if the author
of that just and pertinent remark had not contributed more than any
other man in the United States to embitter parties, and to render life
indeed a "dreary thing."

2. Another item in the expense of accomplishing these projects, is a
corruption of morals. To revolutionize Connecticut it will be necessary
to circulate, without any intermission, many gross falsehoods respecting
the men in power, the judges, legislators and magistrates, and the acts
and proceedings of the General Assembly. We have seen the columns of the
Mercury and the Republican Farmer filled with vile libels.--WE have seen
Abraham Bishop followed by hundreds enter a temple devoted to the
service of God, and we have heard him there utter the most malignant
slanders on the Clergy, the Legislature and the Courts of law.--We have
seen him publicly denounce one class and another of his fellow citizens
as hypocrites, old tories and traitors.--We have seen him receiving for
this, the applause of a wretched collection of disappointed, ambitious
and corrupt men. This has been borne and the author despised, and
indignantly hissed from the society of the respectable and virtuous--but
the end is not gained--new themes of reviling--new subjects of abuse
must be sought, and the party who wish to effect a revolution, are
pledged to uphold and protect the agents however wicked. What then may
now be expected? That dreadful declaration "Truth is fallen in their
streets" will soon be but an inconsiderable part of our miserable
character. It need not be added that such a condition evinces great
corruption of morals.

3. Another part of this expense will be the elevation of men to office
who are unworthy of public confidence. What can a nation or state expect
from such men? What could now be expected from these men but that they
become immediately the creatures of a party--the tools of a faction? Is
it worthy of no consideration that judges who are to be the arbiters of
controversies--who are to adjudicate on the lives of their fellow
citizens, and to whom is committed the dearest and highest interests of
society, should be men of virtue--of wisdom and of unsullied reputation?
Can a Court be a shield against the proud oppressor when a daring leader
can crush them with his nod? Be not deceived my fellow citizens--no
nation hath yet made such an experiment without feeling its bitter and
dreadful effects. See the revolutionary tribunals of France--See in them
a melancholy picture of corrupt courts and unprincipled judges--The
cruelty of that nation hath appeared no where more infernal than through
their forms of law and in their sanctuaries of justice--a corrupt
judgment seat is the greatest curse with which a people can be punished.
In the mean time all subordinate tribunals will partake of the same
character.--Thus instead of a government of laws, there will be the
tyranny of a desperate faction.--Let no one reply that there is no
danger of such evils in Connecticut. We now see a few leaders controul a
party of several thousands--We have seen six hundred meet and applaud
the purchase of Louisiana when not one in five of them could form any
opinion on the merits of the bargain--WE have seen a few leaders direct
the offering of incense to Burr while the great body of their followers
cursed him--We see a party suffering the pride of Virginia to controul
the government of the Union and to oppress New-England with a heavy
impost because she would not submit to internal taxes--We see a few
leaders direct a convention of about two hundred to issue an address to
the people of Connecticut, which address contains on the face of it many
palpable falsehoods.--And cannot these same leaders controul a Court?

4. Another part of the cost of these projects, is the loss of all our
institutions of religion.--It is not here intended that these
institutions will be at once abolished--Such a measure would alarm some
honest men of the party--a gradual but sure destruction is the evil to
be feared. The constitution of the United States was first attacked by
an unconstitutional repeal of a law, and now the independence of the
Supreme Court is to be destroyed, by impeachments of the judges. So will
it fare with your institutions. The principle openly advocated is that
none shall be obliged to contribute for the support of religious
institutions. This once established destroys the vitals of the system,
and the residue of its existence will be misery and wretchedness. Shall
a party avowing this sentiment and seeking by every artifice to give it
effect, receive the support of a people who have derived such
substantial benefits from these institutions? Shall we look in vain
thro' the ranks of that party for one to lift up his voice against this
daring and dangerous innovation? Are there not many who either do not
believe this to be the object of their leaders, or if such shall be
their object, who are determined to resist them? Yes, there are many who
act with them, who still intend to progress to no such excesses. Let
such view the conduct of similar parties--Let such not be deceived--This
is indeed their object--They do not avow it to you, they know you would
reject it, but they have made a vow that the influence of the Clergy
shall be destroyed--this can be done in no other way. Nor can you resist
them--they regard you now because they wish your assistance to confer on
them power, but will they regard you when your exertions can neither aid
nor defeat their designs?--surely not--such has been the conduct of all
factions.--It will be theirs should they prevail--The world has not
furnished one solitary exception, nor can you expect one in this case.
They seek their own good, and not the good of others, if inspiration is
to be credited.

In return for these losses what good is to acrue to the people? Will you
hazard these evils without a fair and reasonable expectation of some
solid benefits? Is it then unreasonable to enquire what good is to be
obtained? Do the characters of these men elevate your hopes? You know
many of them in private life--do they there abound in good works? Shall
they be heard and regarded when they demand of you to displace your
faithful and approved rulers, and commit to them your all? Modest men
will wait your notice and rise at your request. Shall the impudent,
banish them from your affections and usurp their places in your hearts?

Let it again be asked what good will result to Connecticut by a new
Constitution, by the prevalence of revolutionary principles? France,
Switzerland, the Netherlands, Italy and Holland, have seen revolution
after revolution, one new Constitution after another, and liberty has a
thousand times been immovably established. Altars have been demolished
--Temples polluted, Kings, Queens, Nobles and Priests murdered in the
cause of liberty--millions have perished--religion banished, and the
worship of God prohibited--projectors have exhausted their ingenuity
--the treasures of wealth have been wasted and the peace of the world
sacrificed! What is the result? An accumulation of misery which baffles
all description. Not an individual is more happy or more virtuous. Not a
nation more prosperous--not a tittle added to human felicity. Ye
reformers, look at France--behold the crimes which have risen up to
demand the vengeance of God--see the woes which you have brought on the
race of man, and tremble lest your works should follow you?

If this picture is too glaring, look at our sister states in which
revolutions have been effected, and shew us the benefit. A noisy or
seditious individual has obtained a lucrative office--an ambitious
leader is in the char of state satiating his pride, or like Abraham
Bishop gratifying his passion for ignoble pelf, upon his thousands.--He
drives his carriage by his industrious neighbor who has toiled for him
at an election, cracks his whip, and laughs at the folly of his dupe,
and will laugh till he may need his services again, and then he will
again cringe and bow and flatter and gull. But is the mechanic, the
farmer, the merchant profited? Is society enriched, or the public good
promoted?

In this view of the subject we will briefly ask, in the third place, is
it proper to make the proposed changes--to adopt these projects? If no
benefits will result--if much evil will probably ensue--the course of
duty and interest is plain. Aware, however, that it may be said many of
the dangers are imaginary, and are founded upon the supposition that we
shall act with as little discretion and prudence as the people of other
countries, it is important to observe that revolutions are the same, in
nature in every nation. Those who speak of a new Constitution, and of
thorough reforms, should recollect that the promoters of these schemes
in France, constantly amused the people with the idea that a new order
of things--new rights--new principles, were to arise. Who does not
recollect to have read of the perfectability human nature--of the
enlightened age of regenerated France? She boldly proclaimed herself the
example of the world, and all nations were invited to see her glory, and
enjoy her blessed liberty and her glorious equality. But mark the issue
--Not twelve years have elapsed before she has returned to an inglorious
despotism--She has exchanged her Capets for a foreign usurper, with an
incalculable loss, and here her history ends. Such is the constant
termination of such revolutions, and shall we claim to be an exception?
How do we judge as to the propriety of any course of life except by
observation, experience or history? We see industry and integrity
rewarded with competence or wealth--we see intemperance and sloth
followed with disease, loss of reputation and poverty. These are sure
grounds on which to predict respecting our neighbors, and by which to
regulate our own conduct. On similar principles a wise people regard the
conduct of other nations, and are solemnly admonished by their example.
Let not then the projector persuade us to adopt his theories with proofs
of their danger thus glaring before our eyes. Look at the conduct of our
revolutionists for four years past, and see if you do not discover the
genuine principles of the Jacobins of France--Recollect also that they
had first a Convention--then an Executive Directory--then a Consul for
years--then a Consul for life, and then an usurper with an hereditary
descent in his family. At each successive revolution the people were
courted--were flattered--were promised transcendent felicity. The people
swore eternal hatred to Monarchy, and eternal fidelity to Constitutions,
till, heaven, weary of their perjuries, sent them a despot in his wrath.

My fellow citizens human nature is the same here as in France--Then
before you give ear to the songs of enchantment Count the Cost--Before
you sell your birthright for a mess of pottage Count the Cost. Before
you consent to yield up the institutions of your wise and pious
ancestors, Count the Cost--Before you admit universal suffrage Count the
Cost--Before you submit to the mischievous doctrine of district
elections, Count the Cost.--Before you reject from office the men whom
your hearts approve, Count the Cost, the great cost of weak and wicked
rulers.--Before you consent to be governed by men whose impudence, and
vice constitute many of their claims to promotion, Count the Cost. This
evil you can prevent by attending with punctuality on our elections. The
freemen of Connecticut are mighty when they arise in their strength. No
freeman can justify absence except from necessity.--That people who will
not faithfully attend upon the Choice of their rulers, cannot expect to
retain their freedom.--Trust not to a majority--say not that things will
go well without me--Such language is unbecoming freemen--Despair not of
a majority--if you will not "go with the multitude to do evil," go
against them to do good. Before you neglect an election Count the Cost
--If the loss of your Vote should prove the loss of an election of a
single man, then will you not have Counted the Cost.

My fellow citizens--WE have a government which has protected us a
Century and an half--we have enjoyed unexampled prosperity.--WE may
transmit a glorious inheritance to posterity.--The writer has children
dear to him as his own blood--these children are to him a sacred
deposit--He can, with confidence, commit their political interests to
such a government as Connecticut has enjoyed.--He is persuaded that if
they feel the iron hand of despotism, it will not be from such a
government, and such rulers as we now possess--Before he yields his own,
and their dear, and inestimable rights to the wild projects of the
reformers of this age, he is firmly resolved to sit down and Count the
Cost, and he entreats his fellow citizens to adopt similar resolutions.



APPENDIX.

A View of the Fiscal Concerns of Connecticut.


Capital Funds of the Civil List.
                                              Dols.  Cts.
Funded 6 per cent. Stock, (real capital) -   209,273  83
Deferred --do. - do. - do.      -     -      148,632  83
Funded 3 per cent. do.     -     -     -     50,038   11
Bank Stock     -     -     -     -     -     44,725
                                              __________
                                             425,669  77
                                              __________

School Funds.
Bonds collaterally secured     -     -     1,020,542  27
New  Lands  received  in  payment of
  School  Bonds, price at which received,    194,000
Funded 6 per cent. Stock, (real capital)      14,048
Deferred --do. - do. -do.      -     -     -   5,455   7
Funded 3 per cent. do.     -     -     -     - 4,570  95
                                             ___________
                                           1,238,617  29
                                             ___________

Annual Expense of Government.
     Viz.
Salaries of Executive Officers,     -     -    8,630
Debentures and Contingent expenses of
  the Legislature for two  Sessions,     -    17,100
Debenture of the Supreme Court of Errors,        550
Judicial expenses,      -     -     -     -    6,100
Expense of Newgate prison,     -     -     -   4,000
Charges of Paupers and Vagrants,     -     -   4,500
Allowance of 2 dollars on the 1000 of the
 list being a draw-back from the State Tax,   12,000
Contingent Expenses, comprising all other
charges of  Government,     -     -     -      6,200
                                            ____________
                                              59,080
                                            ____________

Means for defraying the annual expense of the Civil List.
     Viz.
Annual Interest on the above-mentioned Stock
  appertaining to the Civil List Funds,       26,553  54
Duties on Civil Processes,     -     -         5,700
Annual Tax of 7 Mills on the Dollar,
  neat amount,     -                          35,700
                                           _____________
                                              67,953  54
                                           _____________

N.B. One eighth part of all the State taxes and one tenth part
of all rateable polls are abated for the relief of the indigent.

The yearly Interest of the whole School Funds
  would be -                                  74,179  88
Deduct the Interest on that part which lies
in lands, and also on those Bonds whereon
Interest has not yet commenced, amounts to    7, 324  12

N.B. Several Bonds draw Interest in present year,
which were not on Interest last year.

And the whole present annual Interest will be 66,855  76
Add to this the allowance of
2 dolls. On the 1000 of the List,     -     - 12,000

Total annual amount payable for schools,      78,855  76

Drawable from the State Treasury annually,
  by the people in their capacity of
  School Societies,     -                     78,855  76

Payable by the people into the State Treasury
  annually in taxes (including duties on
  civil processes) only the sum of     -      41,400


Balance drawn out beyond what is paid by
  taxes and duties,     -     -     -     -   37,455  76


From the foregoing view of their financial arrangements, it appears
that the people of Connecticut not only enjoy the blessings of Civil
Government free from expense, but even receive from the public Treasury
yearly, in sum of 37,455 dollars and 76 cents more than they contribute
to in taxes, &c.

Who can behold this uparalleled situation of finances, taking into view
at the same time our embarrassed circumstances at the close of the late
war, when we were not only destitute of any funds except direct taxes,
but incumbered with a debt of two millions of Dollars, and not admire
and appreciate the faithfulness and ability of those who have so
sucessfully managed the public affairs of this State.