Philological Proofs of the Original Unity and Recent Origin of the Human Race
author: Arthur James Johnes
edition published: February 4, 2011
language: en; la
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Philological Proofs

of the

Original Unity and Recent Origin

of the

Human Race

Derived From a Comparison of the Languages of Asia, Europe, Africa, and America

Being an Inquiry How Far the Differences in the Languages of the Globe are Referrible to Causes Now in Operation.

By

Arthur James Johnes, Esq.

Eam linguam (primævam) Hebræi suam dicunt, Syri suam, Verius asseritur primævam linguam nullibi puram extare, sed reliquias ejus esse in omnibus linguis. Grotius—Annot. Genes, xi.

London:

John Russell Smith

4, Old Compton Street, Soho Square

1846

Contents

Dedication.

TO

LADY HALL OF LLANOVER.

My Lady,

This volume has been published in consequence of the following opinion expressed by Dr. Prichard on an Essay written by the Author for a National Society, in whose proceedings your Ladyship takes a lively interest:

“This Essay contains very valuable matter, which I trust we shall hereafter see in print.”

Notwithstanding the deference which I consider due to the sentiments of so eminent an authority, had I committed to the press, without revision, the hastily-written Essay to which he was thus pleased to refer, I might have conformed to the letter, but I should have violated the spirit of this very flattering recommendation. Instead of so doing, I have availed myself of such intervals of leisure as I have been able to command from more imperative engagements in maturing the conclusions embodied in the present volume, of which only a very trifling portion consists of the Essay in which it originated.

Independent of the numerous claims to the respect and esteem of your countrymen, which your Ladyship has earned by the warm attachment you have ever evinced for the literature and institutions and for the welfare of the Cymry, there is no other person to whom I could, with equal justice, have dedicated a volume which has been written in accordance with your Ladyship's suggestion and request. For the same reason, in inscribing these pages to your Ladyship, I have the satisfaction of feeling that they will be received not only with the indulgence required by all works which are the fruit of intervals of professional leisure—but also with that patriotic sympathy which you never fail to extend to all investigations prompted by national feelings and directed to subjects of national interest.

I have the honour to remain,

Your Ladyship's

Very faithful and obedient servant,

THE AUTHOR.

Introduction. On The Connexion Of The Conclusions Of This Work With History, Sacred And Profane, And With The Results Of Science.

Interpretation of the Passage commented on by Grotius. Mr. Lyell's Geological Proofs of the Recent Origin of Man. Grounds of Adelung's Opinion that Central Asia was the Birthplace of the Human Race. Its Central Position and High Elevation. Its Climate. It is the native Country of Domestic Animals. This View consistent with the Scriptural Narrative, and supported by ancient Indian Accounts. “Ararat” of Scripture not in Armenia. Monosyllabic and Polysyllabic Languages. Dr. Prichard on the Origin of different Races. The Dispersion of Mankind probably very rapid. Routes of Diffusion. Basques and Celts. Connexion of the Welsh with Negro Dialects. The Peopling of Islands. The Unity of the Human Species deduced from the Uniformity of the Moral, Mental, and Social Features of civilized and uncivilized Races. Egyptians and Negroes. Ancient Gauls and Modern French. Tendencies to Progression among Races yet uncivilized. The N. A. Indian Tribe the Mandans. Imperfection of Modern Civilization. The Siege of Genoa. The Hottentot Race.

In commenting on a celebrated passage of Scripture, Grotius has adopted, with regard to the primitive language of mankind, the conclusion expressed on the title-page.

“That Language the Hebrews say is the same as theirs—the Syrians say it is the same as theirs. It may be asserted, with more truth, that the Primitive Language is not extant in a pure state anywhere, but that its remains exist in all languages!”

Of the conclusion thus expressed by this celebrated writer—a conclusion dictated by the intuitive sagacity of a great mind—the facts developed in the following pages will be shown to be confirmatory. All existing languages, when viewed separately, are fragmentary and irregular. But when a wide and extensive comparison is instituted, the “disjecta membra” are found to reunite, and the irregularities to disappear!

Assuming the various languages of the Globe to have been derived from one Original Speech, it will be established that the formation of numerous distinct languages from that one Primitive Tongue admits of a complete explanation, by means of causes of which the agency can be traced within the range of the Historical era. The influence of those causes will be shown within a limited period of time to have produced dialects which display—not a destruction—but a dispersion of the elements of the Parent languages from which they are known to have arisen. In other words, these dialects manifest the same relative features as are exhibited by those languages which were formed anterior to the period of History. The only distinction is, that in the latter case the differences are more numerous and extensive—a result which is obviously a necessary consequence of a longer period of time.

Agreeably to an interpretation which has received very high sanction, the event described in the passage referred to in the title-page cannot be pronounced to have had any considerable share in the production of Human Languages, for, according to eminent authorities,[^1] the changes thereby caused probably consisted in mere Dialectic differences, not materially affecting the Words or Structure of Language. Moreover (it is inferred) the influence of that event did not extend to the whole Human Race, but merely to that small portion of it who were the ancestors of the Semetic or Syro-Phœnician nations.

[^1: See notes to D'Oyly and Mant's Bible. The differences, it is supposed, may have consisted in a different mode of pronouncing the same words, such as exists in various English counties, to a sufficient extent to make the speakers mutually unintelligible! See, also, Eichhorn's view.]

In these pages are embodied proofs, from Language, of the two following propositions:—1. That the various nations of our Globe are descended from one Parent Tribe. 2. That the introduction of the Human Species into the system to which it belongs, cannot be referred to an epoch more ancient than the era indicated as the date of that event by our received systems of chronology.

These propositions, of which the Philological evidence is developed in this volume, are supported not only by the testimony of History, Sacred and Profane, but also by the highest Scientific authorities.

In Cuvier's theory of the Earth the date of the origin of our species is discussed, not only on Geological but also on Historical grounds, in a disquisition embracing an immense mass of learning on the subject of the supposed antiquity of the Chinese, Egyptians, and other nations who have laid claim to a very remote origin. These pretensions are rejected, and the date usually assigned to the origin of Man is adopted in this celebrated work.

The same views have been expressed by Mr. Lyell; views which he espouses, not merely as the result of his own reasonings, but of the prevalent conclusions of the highest geological authorities.

“I need not dwell,” he observes, “on the proofs of the low antiquity of our species, for it is not controverted by any experienced geologist; indeed the real difficulty consists in tracing back the signs of man's existence on the earth to that comparatively modern period when species, now his contemporaries, began to predominate. If there be a difference of opinion respecting the occurrence in certain deposits of the Remains of Man, and his works, it is always in reference to strata confessedly of the most modern order, and it is never pretended that our race co-existed with assemblages of Animals and Plants, of which all or even a great part of the species are extinct. From the concurrent testimony of history and tradition we learn that parts of Europe now the most fertile, and most completely subjected to the dominion of Man, were, less than three thousand years ago, covered with forests, and the abode of wild beasts. The archives of nature are in accordance with historical records, and when we lay bare the most superficial covering of peat we sometimes find therein the canoes of the savage, together with huge antlers of the wild stag, or horns of the wild bull. In caves now open to the day, in various parts of Europe, the bones of large beasts of prey occur in abundance, and they indicate that at periods comparatively modern in the history of the globe the ascendancy of man, if he existed at all, had scarcely been felt by the brutes.”[^2]

[^2: Lyell's Geology, vol. i. p. 230.]

(See an analogous argument of Berkeley for the Recent Origin of Man, quoted with approbation by Mr. Lyell, vol. iii. p. 203.)

In what part of the Globe was the Human species first introduced? On this interesting question various opinions have existed, and very opposite theories have been propounded. Sir Humphry Davy[^3] surmised that this locality must have been somewhere in or near the Tropics, in a climate suited to the tender childhood of the Race. Sir William Jones fixed upon Persia or Iran.[^4] Adelung has concluded in favour of a contiguous locality; viz., the regions of the Indus, the borders of Cashmire and Tibet. It may be observed also that his grounds, in some respects, coincide with those adopted by Sir William Jones, who, after alluding to the extensive and, as he conceives, fundamental differences between the Languages of—1, The Persians and Indians, Romans and Greeks, &c.; 2, The Jews, Arabs, &c.; 3, The people of China and Japan; and 4, The Tartars—nations whom, nevertheless, he conceives to have descended from one pair—observes, “If, then, you consider the seats of all the migrating nations as points in a surrounding figure, you will perceive that the several rays, diverging from Iran, may be drawn to them without any intersection; but this will not happen, if you assume as a centre, Arabia or Egypt; India, Tartary, or China: it follows that Iran, or Persia (I contend for the meaning, not the name,) was the central country which we sought.”

[^3: Consolations in Travel.]

[^4: Discourse on the Origin and Families of Nations.]

Adelung's[^5] Dissertation on this subject, which, as he states, contains “the only hypothesis in which he has permitted himself to indulge,” is characterized by profound reasoning and graceful illustration. Considering their variety and extent, his proofs seem to be conclusive, especially when dissociated from the opinion which was entertained both by himself and Sir William Jones, viz., that the languages of the nations forming the diverging radii of migration are fundamentally different. Of these languages the original unity will be apparent, from the facts embodied in this work. Adelung's grounds for selecting the Central Asiatic regions of Cashmire and Tibet are—1. Their Geographical position and high elevation, and the direction of their mountains and rivers, which render these countries a natural source for the diffusion of Population over the Globe. 2. Their Climate and Natural productions. 3. The Ancient Indian accounts which are corroborated by the Scriptural narrative. 4. In these regions is the line which separates from other Asiatic races the nations who exhibit the Mongol or Tartar Physiognomy. 5. The same line separates the Monosyllabic and Polysyllabic Languages. 6. The Astronomical reasonings of Bailly.

[^5: Mithridates, vol. i.]

1. Geographically.

Central Asia forms a natural centre for the diffusion of population over the Globe, as will appear from the following passages from an authority by whom Adelung's views have been adopted:[^6]

[^6: Asia, by Carl Ritter and others.]

“Asia, exhibiting such characteristics in its outline, is no less remarkable for the form of its surface, on which the climate, and consequently the vegetation and animal kingdom, of its different parts must chiefly depend. In examining the other divisions of the globe, we find that Australia exhibits level and comparatively low countries without many high mountain-ranges, as far as we yet know. Africa is divided into two nearly equal parts, the southern of which forms an almost uniform table-land, whilst the northern, with the exception of the Atlas region, may be considered as a lowland. Europe contains plains of small extent lying between dispersed mountain-groups and ridges; but these plains are not confined to any particular parts. In America the highest land lies on one side, occupying its western coast from the extreme north to the south; it forms the most extensive system of mountain-chains on the globe, which inclose within their arms elevated plateaus, but of comparatively small extent. Asia exhibits different features. The whole mass of the interior continent rises to a considerable elevation above the sea, and this elevated mass, of which the high table-lands occupy by far the greatest extent, is not placed at one of the extremities of the whole mass, but occupies its centre.”

“From these table-lands, which occupy the centre of Asia, the surface descends in gradual and diversified terraces and slopes to the lowlands which surround them.”

After stating that these table-lands consist of two terraces, (viz. an Eastern system, composed of Tibet and the Great Desert, called Gobi, and a Western terrace, including Iran or Persia,) which unite where the ranges of the Himalaya, Hindu-Kuh, Thsungling, and Belur Tagh meet, the same writer thus alludes to the regions which form the point of junction:

“Such a juxta-position of all the great features which nature exhibits on the surface of the globe, on such a colossal scale, and in so limited a space, makes this one of the most remarkable spots on the face of our planet. This maximum of the contrasts of natural features, placed in the centre of the continent, is the principal characteristic which distinguishes Asia. By drawing a circle with a radius of a few hundred miles round this common centre, we comprehend in it the countries of Cashmere, Sogdiana, and Cabulistan, the ancient empires of Bactria, Delhi, and Samarcand, the cold table-lands of Tibet, of Khotan, and of Kashgar, up to the ancient Seres and Paropamisadæ.”

Further, the same writer, after describing the immense variety of climate that occurs within this limited space, adds:

“From the extremity of these table-lands, especially on the south-east and north-east, south-west and north-west, there issue several separate mountain-chains, not connected with one another, but which form more or less a part of the table-lands themselves.”

“The valleys, which are produced by this indentation on the borders of the table-lands, offer peculiar advantages for the progress of civilization. For, as we have already observed, the highland of Asia does not sink on one side only, but on all sides and towards every point of the compass; it also sinks towards different oceans, which are separated from the highland by extensive plains, varying greatly in magnitude and form. This circumstance, added to the valleys formed by the indentations in the exterior margins of the highlands, has given rise to numerous and most extensive river systems, which, descending through the intervening terraces, direct their winding course towards the north, south, west, and east, and thus give to the distant internal countries of this continent the advantage of an easy communication with the ocean.”

2. The Climate and Natural productions of Cashmire and Tibet.

Influenced solely by its high elevation, De Pauw, Zimmerman, and Pallas concluded that Central Asia must have been the birthplace of the human race. To this conclusion the rigorous climate of those parts of it which were best known to them appeared to present an insuperable objection. But as Adelung observes, those regions of Central Asia which border upon the Indus have been shown by the accounts of travellers to fulfil all the requisite conditions in this respect. Had these celebrated writers been possessed of the information these accounts contain, they might have discovered in Cashmire a suitable locality for the first abode of man, in Tibet a fitting school of discipline to prepare him for the various climes and countries he was destined to inhabit!

Cashmire. Adelung's description of this enchanting country calls to mind in many of its features the “Happy Valley” in Rasselas!

The faculties with which man has been endowed enable him to contend with the most unfavorable climes: but not until these faculties have been ripened by Time and experience! At his first creation he required an abode where nature's free bounty would supply all his wants; in fine he needed, with reference even to his mere physical necessities, a Paradise! To this appellation no country in Asia can assert a better claim than the lovely land of Cashmire, which is, in fact, a mere Valley, separated by inaccessible mountains from India, Persia, and Tibet! Owing to its high elevation, the heat of the South is tempered into a perpetual Spring, and nature here puts forth all her powers to bring all her works, Plants, Animals, and Man, to the highest state of perfection! Cashmire is a region of fruitful hills, countless fountains and streams, which unite in the River Behut, that, like the Pison of Paradise, “compasseth the whole land!”

Bernier found here all Asiatic and European fruits in perfection. The Pisang, undoubtedly the same tree as the fig tree of the Book of Genesis,[^7] grows no where so large or so beautiful as in Cashmire!

[^7: Genesis, c. iii. v. 7, “And they sewed fig-leaves together, and made themselves aprons.”]

Even the men of this country are distinguished among Asiatics by superior natural endowments, mental and physical. They have none of the Tartar physiognomy, but exhibit the finest features of the European race; while in genius and intelligence they surpass most other Oriental nations! Cashmire was at one time governed by kings of its own; it was afterwards subject to the Moguls of India, who ruled it with gentleness on account of its beauty! On their downfall it fell under the sway of the rude Affghans.

Tibet. This contiguous country unites within itself the temperatures and products of the most opposite of those climes in which man was intended to dwell, combining mountains crowned with perpetual snow and icebergs, with valleys in which never-ending Summer blooms. Tibet also presents, in a native or indigenous state, the various Plants and Animals which have been domesticated by Man! Here are found in a wild state the Vine, the Rice-plant, the Pea, the Ox, the Horse, the Ass, the Sheep, the Goat, the Camel, the Pig, the Cat, and even the Reindeer, “his only friend and companion in the polar wastes.”[^8]

[^8: Adelung quotes Zimmerman to the effect that of the animals found in Europe all have been derived from Asia, with the exception of sixteen or seventeen kinds, and these are mostly Mice and Bats.]

3. The Scriptural and Indian Accounts.

It is extremely remarkable that the Indian accounts, of which the antiquity is believed to be equal to that of the Scriptural narrative, (see p. 132,) actually fix the first abode of Man on Mount Meru, on the borders of Tibet and Cashmire! Blended though they are with fable, it is impossible to see how we can refuse to attach some weight to these venerable remains, harmonising, so completely as they do, with the conclusions formed on other grounds by some of the greatest men of modern times, as regards the date and the locality of the first introduction of our species; for if, on the one hand, the received date of the origin of the human race be authentic according to the views of Cuvier, and if, on the other, the date of the Indian Vedas be such as accords with the opinions of Sir William Jones and other eminent authorities, the intervening period must have been too brief to efface a traditionary reminiscence of the early history of our species, (see p. 132.) The correspondence of the Indian with the Scriptural narrative is in many features very extraordinary. We have a similar account of the creation of the world, of the early history of man, of a primitive state of virtue and happiness, of the fall of man, of a tree of life and death.[^9] We have also a Serpent that poisons the water, which is the source of life!

[^9: “A Tree well known in India, called the Tschiampa. It fruit is like an Apple, and it is said to bear both good and evil fruit!”]

Adelung notices a feature in which the locality fixed upon as the birthplace of man by the Indian traditions corresponds with the Paradise of Scripture. From Mount Meru spring four Rivers, the Ganges, the Buramputur, the Indus, and another stream that flows into Tibet. “Now Michaelis,” he observes, “translates Genesis, ii. 10, ‘Four rivers flowed out of Eden, and they separated continually more and more widely from each other!’”

Cashmire is considered by the Hindoos in the light of a Holy Land, the cradle of their race, their civilization, and their religion!

The Scriptural narrative, in describing the Creation of our species, does not define the first abode of man any further than by fixing it in “the East,” (Genesis, ii. 8,) an expression corroborative, as Adelung observes, of the Indian traditions, for in the time of Moses this expression was applicable to the regions of the Indus. On the other hand, the common interpretation of Genesis, viii. 4, which assumes that Ararat in Armenia was the centre of diffusion of population after the Flood, is irreconcilable with those accounts, this locality being not to the East but to the North of all the Syro-Phœnician or Scriptural regions. But according to Bohlen,[^10] the impression that Ararat in this verse means the mountain of that name in Armenia, which is inaccessible, crowned with perpetual snow,[^11] and anciently had a different name, is erroneous. Ararat, he observes, does not mean a mountain but a country in this verse and elsewhere in Scripture. Thus the sons of Sennacherib escaped into the land of Ararat, (II. Kings, xix. 37,) and the Prophet Jeremiah calls upon the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and Ashchenaz to rise up together with the Medes against Babylon, (Jerem. li, 27-8) Ararat in these passages, it may be suggested, may naturally be interpreted to apply generally to the kingdoms and regions of the unexplored[^12] table-land of Central Asia, which commences on the Persian borders, immediately to the East of Assyria. Moreover the supposition that the Ararat of Scripture was in Armenia may be regarded as irreconcilable with another important passage, Gen., xi. 2, which distinctly implies that the emigrants who reached the plain of Shinar, and who, it may be inferred, were the first colonists of South Western Asia, had journeyed thither from some region far to the “East” of all the Semetic countries, of which Shinar or Mesopotamia forms the Eastern border!

[^10: Bohlen (Prof. Theol. zu Königsberg) auf Genesis.]

[^11: Morier.]

[^12: “Unexplored” with reference to the Semetic nations.]

It is remarkable that the expressions of this passage—“And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the East, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar; and they dwelt there”—harmonise in the most perfect manner not only with the Indian remains, but also with the passages first referred to from the Scriptural narrative itself with respect to the first abode of the human race, for it will be seen by the map that 1, Cashmire lies in a direct line to “the East” of Shinar or Mesopotamia! 2, The whole intervening territory is occupied by the Central-Asiatic table-land of Persia or Iran, which, as previously noticed, forms one continual descent from its highest elevation on the borders of Cashmire to its termination near the plain of Shinar! Ar-ar-at may reasonably be inferred to be nothing else than a term commonly applied in the East to “a country of lofty mountains,” (see p. 83,) an expression highly appropriate to the Persian table-land both at its centre, and at its junction with the Semetic regions, near the banks of the Tigris and the Euphrates! (See Ritter.)

4. Physiognomy.

As before observed, in these regions are found in juxtaposition nations which exhibit the very opposite Physiological characteristics of the Mongol and Western Asiatic races. The people of Tibet display the former, those of Cashmire the latter.

5. Philology.

Here the Monosyllabic and Polysyllabic languages branch off from a common centre. The former begin in Tibet, the latter in Cashmire.

The Monosyllabic languages which prevail in Tibet, China, Ava, Pegu, Siam, Tonquin, and Cochin China, countries which contain a population of 180 millions, betray all the rudeness of human speech in its infancy. They have no compound words and no grammar. “The same sound,” says Adelung, “which means Joy, means also Joyful and To rejoice through all persons, numbers, and tenses!”

“They form their plural like a child, either by repetition, as ‘Tree-tree’ (i.e. ‘Trees’), or by means of an additional word, as ‘Tree-many! Tree-other!’ When the great grown-up child is heard stammering ‘Be Heaven, I Other,[^13] Father which,’ who but another child like him can guess that this means ‘Our Father which art in Heaven!’”

[^13: “I” (with “Other” added) means “We.”]

The imperfection of the Monosyllabic languages does not arise solely from their consisting of Monosyllables, but from the want of the more refined grammatical forms which are found in all other Tongues, even those of the wildest American Tribes. No nation, however uncivilized, that had once acquired a knowledge of these would ever fall back “to the speech of childhood!” Hence Adelung infers that the Chinese, &c. must have been completely separated at an early period from the other races of men. But it will be asked, Why is it that the Chinese have remained stationary in this respect, while nations far inferior to them in every other point of view have surpassed them in this one instance? There is, I conceive, no other mode of solving this problem than by regarding these opposite results in the light of vestiges, belonging to an early stage of society, of the same variableness and inequality in the efforts of the human mind, which are observable in the inventions of modern times! That this question admits of no other solution will be manifest from Chapter VI, in which it is shown that the Chinese is not fundamentally different from the tongues of Europe and Western Asia, but the same language in a different stage of its growth!

6. The Astronomical Theory of Bailly.

Bailly's theory is that the various nations of the ancient world were descendants of emigrants from a primæval community superior to them in knowledge and civilization, of which he places the locality in Central Asia. His views are founded on the fact that there existed a knowledge of the results of some of the most recondite Scientific principles among the Persians, Chaldeans, &c., (nations who were certainly unacquainted with the principles themselves,) as, for example, of the moon's course, of the Solar year, of the Zodiac, of the Planets, of the retrogression of the fixed Stars &c. Some of Bailly's opinions have been impugned in Cuvier's Theory of the Earth.

The question whether the different branches of the Human Race are descended from one Stock, has been discussed on Physiological grounds by Dr. Prichard,[^14] in a work equally remarkable for profound Philosophical and extensive Literary research. After detailing a variety of facts with respect to the distribution of Plants and Animals, he thus expresses his conclusion: “The inference to be collected from the facts at present known, seems to be as follows. The various tribes of organized beings, were originally placed by the Creator in certain regions, for which they are by their nature peculiarly adapted. Each species had only one beginning in a single stock; probably a single pair, as Linnæus supposed, was first called into being in a particular spot, and their progeny left to disperse themselves to as great a distance as the locomotive powers, bestowed on each species, or its capability of bearing changes of climate and other physical circumstances may have enabled it to wander.”

[^14: Prichard on Man.]

According to this writer the varieties of colour, feature, &c. displayed by different races of Men, are the results partly of climate and other external agencies, and partly also of a natural tendency to the manifestation of varieties which may be viewed in the light of a characteristic quality of the Species. Of these propositions the numerous and diversified facts collected by Dr. Prichard appear to furnish perfectly conclusive evidence. Thus he has shown that the characteristic physiognomy of the Negro is found to occur and disappear by nice gradations in strict accordance with the differences of climate throughout the African Continent.

The tendency to variety is very manifest, even from facts under our daily observation. Individuals are common among European nations, who exhibit some one or more of the traits of the Negro, as, for example, his woolly hair, thick lips, &c. Among the Negro races have been born individuals of a perfectly white colour. Many of these specimens, according to Dr. Prichard, were not Albinos or diseased persons, but indisputable examples of his principle.

It is probable that in the infancy of the race, this extraordinary tendency may have served the important purpose of accelerating those physiological changes by which the constitution of Man was adapted to the different climates of the Globe, while, in subsequent ages, climate which determines the physiology of the majority, may be said thereby to neutralize the influence of these exceptions. Diversities of complexion, &c. occur in our own and in neighbouring countries within a very limited area. Thus the dark hair and features of the ancient Silures which were ascribed by the Romans to a Spanish origin, are still observable among their posterity, characteristics of which, I conceive, a satisfactory explanation may be found in the warm and equable temperature of the Southern counties of Wales, caused by the peculiar distribution of land and water.[^15] In these countries many productions, both animal and vegetable, flourish, which are rarely found further North. The Nightingale is common, and the Vine is cultivated frequently. The contrast between the temperature of the coasts of South Wales and that of North Wales has not escaped the attention of the Welsh Bards. Davyth ap Gwilym, a Bard of the fourteenth Century, in a Poem of great beauty, in which he describes himself as writing from the land of “wild,” Gwynedh (North Wales), calls upon the Summer and the Sun to visit with their choicest blessings the genial region of “Morganwg,” (Glamorganshire,) of which he was a native, and alludes to its warm climate and its Vineyards, which seem to have been a conspicuous feature! For some very valuable illustrations of the same principle, I may refer to the account given by the Rev. Thomas Price in his Tour in Brittany, published in the Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, of the varieties of complexion and stature observable in Upper and Lower Brittany.[^16]

[^15: Lyell on Geology.]

[^16: See also the Rev. T. Price on the Physiology and Physiognomy of the British Isles.]

From the facts collected by Dr. Prichard, it appears to follow very distinctly, not only that Human Physiology is extremely mutable, but also that the transitions do not occupy a very long interval of time. Thus Jews are resident in the African Kingdom of Kongo, whose complexions are as black as those of the native Negro population. Again on the borders of Negro-land, different sections of the same tribe, speaking the same language, are, in many instances, found variously approaching to or diverging from the Negro standard of colour and physiognomy, according to the latitude or elevation, or other physical features of their respective locations; instances in which the separation—and therefore the physiological differences—must have been recent—for languages change too rapidly to preserve the features of identity or even of a close affinity for a period of long duration! The descendants of the Arabs who overran the North of Africa in comparatively modern times furnish another example; they do not differ in physiognomy from the Berbers, the original inhabitants of the same regions.

From these and similar facts it must be inferred—not only that the existing varieties of Human Physiology form no objection to the opinion that the different populations of the Globe are descended from one stock—the same facts lead also to the conclusion, that—with relation to the earliest eras in the History of our species—Physiological peculiarities must be entirely rejected as evidence, either of a specific connexion or of a specific difference between individual races of men, a principle admitting of many highly interesting applications, of which an example will now be offered.

By what road did the first Colonists of Europe reach their final destination? Adelung has inferred that Europe was peopled exclusively from the Steppes of Northern Asia. But for this opinion, it does not seem that any valid reason can be assigned. If we assume Central Asia to have been the focus of migration, it will be observed that there are three routes by which the forefathers of the European nations may have arrived in their final abodes, viz. 1, The Steppes of Northern Asia; 2, Asia Minor and the Hellespont; and 3, The Isthmus of Suez, the North of Africa, and the Straits of Gibraltar. For concluding that either of these three routes was used, to the exclusion of the other two, it would not be easy to point out any strong argument based on Geographical grounds. Now if the third was employed at all it may be inferred that some of the European nations may be even more nearly allied to those of Africa than they are to the Asiatic populations. To this conclusion, however, a formidable objection occurs in the strikingly contrasted Physiology of Africa and Europe, for—even though it should be conceded that these opposite features do not serve to prove an aboriginal difference of race—the question still arises whether they do not, nevertheless, furnish evidence that the nations of these two continents are more remotely related than any other branches of the Human Family; whether they do not point to the inference that the inhabitants of the South and West of Asia—who certainly occupy an intermediate place Physiologically—must not also be regarded as forming a connecting link between those of Europe and Africa in a Genealogical and Historical sense? To these inquiries it will be obvious that the facts just adverted to furnish a very distinct answer, for from those facts it directly follows—not only that climate and other existing causes are sufficient to account for the different Physical peculiarities of the inhabitants of Africa and Europe—but it also follows from the same evidence, that a period of time far short of that during which the European and African nations are known to have occupied their present abodes, would have sufficed to superinduce the opposite characteristics they now display! Perhaps it may be inferred, though probably the subject does not admit of a precise conclusion on this head, that in a suitable climate the lapse of 500 or 600 years might be more than adequate to engraft on the physiognomy of Southern Asia all the distinctive peculiarities of the Negro. That these peculiarities had been fully developed in an early era of the History of the World, is manifest from the Egyptian Paintings, in many of which we have individuals of this ill-fated race very vividly depicted, appearing sometimes as tributaries, and on other occasions as captives, leashed together like hounds!

Infirm health, and final extirpation, have often attended colonies from the North of Europe settled in tropical climes, incidents that seem to have had great weight with Dr. Prichard himself, as constituting an objection to his views. To this objection, however—independent of the numerous facts of an opposite nature—the following consideration, I conceive, suggests a satisfactory answer. Nature may have provided for gradual transitions of climate such as must have been encountered by a population progressively diffused over the Globe; and that she has done so appears to be distinctly established. But it does not follow that she has made any provision for abrupt changes. These are probably a violation of her dictates, and may have the same tendency to produce disease and death as we know to be incident to sudden and extensive variations of temperature in the same climate and country.

The foregoing deductions will be found to have a highly interesting application in relation to the origin of two ancient European races, the Basques and the Celts. If Physiological grounds are dismissed from our consideration, it will probably be found that the balance of evidence is in favour of the conclusion that these races have sprung, not from Asiatic colonists, but from emigrants from the coasts of the continent of Africa!

This conclusion is strongly favoured by the geographical position in which we find these races placed at the dawn of History. In the earliest ages the Celts and Basques were in possession of all the most western countries of Europe. The Spanish Peninsula, the South of France, and the North of Italy, were divided between them; the remainder of France, the whole of Belgium, Switzerland, and the British Isles, were held by the Celts, while of Sicily and Italy the Basques appear to have been the first inhabitants. (See Dr. Prichard's Works.) Now in connexion with these facts two considerations deserve to be noticed, which, by a reference to the map will be seen to acquire especial force. 1. It will be observed that the original regions of the Celts and Basques are more closely contiguous to Africa than the Eastern countries of Europe are; both Spain, and Sicily (which may be considered a part of Italy,) approaching at certain points very closely to the African coast. 2. If we assume Central Asia to have been the original focus of migration—it will be evident—that nomade septs issuing thence through the Syro-Phœnician countries, and along the North of Africa—would have found a shorter route to the Italian and to the Spanish Peninsulas—than those emigrants who may be supposed to have passed over the Hellespont, or through Northern Asia! Further it may be added, that the regions originally held by the Basques and Celts are precisely those which would have been occupied by the descendants of Colonists who had arrived in Europe from the South-west of Africa if opposed—as we may infer them to have been—by rival Septs impeding their progress towards the East. To the East of the Basque and Celtic regions we find the rest of Europe possessed by the Teutons or Germans, the Finns, the Sclavonians, and the Greeks, nations all located in countries closely contiguous to Asia, to the inhabitants of which continent the evidence of language indisputably proves them all to have been closely related.[^17] That these nations were also the primitive inhabitants of the territories which they still occupy has been pointed out by Dr. Prichard.

[^17: The Greek, Russian, and German, have all been shown to belong to what are called the Indo-European class of languages. The Finnish, Vater states to be in its roots identical with the German.]

The conclusion above suggested appears to be supported by the evidence of history. With respect to the Basques, or Iberians, Dr. Prichard has referred to the testimony of classical authorities, which distinctly confirms the opinion that they were an African race. But with regard to the Celts, the same learned writer assumes that they must originally have come from the East. It is remarkable, however, that this conclusion is directly at variance with the current opinions of the Ancients, to which he has referred in the following passage:

“The earlier history of the Celtic people is a subject of great interest, but of difficult investigation. Were they the aborigines of Gaul or Germany? According to all the testimony of history, or rather of ancient tradition collected by the writers of the Roman Empire, the migrations of the Gauls were always from West to East; the Celtic nations in Germany as well as in Italy and in the East, were supposed to have been colonies from Gaul, and the Celtæ have been considered as the immemorial inhabitants of Western Europe!” (Ethnography of the Celtic Race, in Prichard on Man.)

In assuming that the Celts migrated to Europe direct from Asia, Dr. Prichard's views were very naturally influenced by the valuable evidence he has himself adduced of the connexion of the Celtic dialects with the Sanscrit, &c. This evidence, however, has been shown (see p. 19) to be quite consistent with the conclusion suggested above, viz. that the Celts may have sprung from emigrants who penetrated into Spain from the opposite coast of Africa.

The interesting researches of Humboldt, which have served by the evidence of local names to show that the language of the ancient Iberians was the same as the Basque, have also established, by means of the same evidence, that the Peninsula of Spain, at the time of its subjugation by the Romans, was divided in a very irregular manner between Basque and Celtic tribes. “The Celts,” observes Dr. Prichard, “possessed a considerable part of Spain, comprehending not only the central provinces, but also extensive territories in both of the western corners of the Peninsula, where a population either wholly or partly of Celtic descent remained at the period of the Roman Conquest.” The remainder of Spain was held by Basques or by Celt-Iberian tribes, a mixture of both races.

This singular intermingling of the Basques and Celts in the Spanish Peninsula has been a source of many conflicting opinions among the learned, on the question which of these two races were the first inhabitants, and which were the invaders of Spain? The enigma, I conceive, will be most satisfactorily solved by the rejection of the opinion that that country was in the first instance wholly occupied by either! Both may have arrived almost simultaneously, too weak in numbers wholly to engross the new territory on which they thus entered. Each may have thrown out into the most distant provinces weak colonies, consisting of a few nomade families, which afterwards became the foci of powerful Septs. This explanation completely harmonises with the instructive facts which have been developed relative to the North American Indian Tribes, who are still in the “hunter state,” as the first colonists of Europe must have been. The languages of a great portion of the North American Indian Tribes have been shown to consist of mere dialects of a few Parent Tongues. But the Septs thus proved to be nearly related are not always contiguous, but often separated by tribes speaking dialects of a different class, a necessary consequence of the roving habits and the imperfect occupation of territory incident to the “hunter state.” An interesting example of the influence of the causes which lead to these results occurs in Mr. Catlin's allusion to a North American Indian Tribe, the Assinneboins, of whom he says: “The Assinneboins are a part of the Dahcotas, or Sioux, undoubtedly; for their personal appearance, as well as their language, is very similar.”

“At what time, or in what manner, these two parts of a nation got strayed away from each other is a mystery; yet such cases have often occurred, of which I shall say more in future. Large parties who are straying off in pursuit of game, or in the occupation of war, are oftentimes intercepted by their enemy, and being prevented from returning, are run off to a distant region, where they take up their residence and establish themselves as a nation.” (Catlin on the North American Indians, p. 53.)

The evidence furnished by their languages is not unfavorable to the supposition that the Basques and Celts may have been of African origin.

Though by Humboldt, and some other eminent writers, the Basque has been regarded as distinct from other languages, the examples which occur at the close of this Introduction must, I conceive, serve to remove all doubt as to the identity of the Basques or Iberians with the other branches of the Human Race. Of these examples grammatical differences cannot serve to diminish the force. (See p. 89 and the chapter on the Chinese Language.) The Basque also shows some traces of a peculiar connexion with the African tongues. Thus its numerals are nearly identical with those of the North African nations, and the formative particle Er is used for similar purposes in the Basque and Egyptian, and in both is placed before the word, a characteristic which distinguishes the African from the European languages. (See p. 142.) Thus we have Juan, “To go,” Er-uan, “To cause to go,” (Basque.) Ouini, “Light,” Er-ouini, “To cause Light,” or “To enlighten,” (Egyptian.) Instances of words formed in the same manner, which are common to the Egyptian and the Celtic, will be found at p. 38, Appendix A.

A striking example of the connexion of the Celtic languages with those of Africa occurs in the region where the respective Physiological peculiarities of North Africa and Negro-land meet. In the vicinity of the river Senegal the line of separation may be said to divide the Iolofs, a Negro nation, from the Fulahs and Phellatahs, whose physical characteristics are of an intermediate nature. Now it is remarkable, that by comparing and as it were uniting the dialects of the Iolofs, the Fulahs, and the Phellatahs, some of the most common Welsh words are obtained essentially unchanged, as in Le oure, “The Moon,” (Fulahs,) Gour, and Gourgne, “A Man,” (Iolofs,) Gourko, “A Man,” (Phellatahs,) Loho, “The Hand,” (Iolofs,) Bourou, “Bread,” (Iolofs,) Bouron, “Bread,” (Fulahs.)

Consistently with the principles on which the origin of languages is hereafter explained in this work, I cannot suggest that these coincidences, striking as they are, afford any proof of a specific connexion between the Celtic and African races. But they tend to prove, nevertheless, that language furnishes no positive ground for inferring that the Celts are more nearly allied to the Asiatic than they are to the African races. Hence, since the evidence of Physiology on this subject is also of a negative character, it may be affirmed, with regard both to this race and the Basques, that the opinion that they are of Asiatic descent—opposed as it is by the evidence of history in one, if not in both cases—and by the inferences which Geographical considerations, in both instances, appear to suggest—requires reconsideration.

In this place I may observe, that in the course of the following inquiries it will be found true as a general principle, that in direct proportion as the proofs of the General Unity of the different races of the Globe are observed to become more distinct, the evidence which has frequently been relied upon as demonstrative of a specific connexion between particular races will also be observed to become more doubtful, for both the affinities and differences which exist between the languages of contiguous—and those of the most distant—nations, are for the most part so nearly alike in character, and so nearly equal in degree, as to favour the inference that the dispersion of the Human Race must have been exceedingly rapid, and that many ancient nations, such as the Basques and Celts, who in subsequent times were found closely contiguous, must, in the first eras of the world, have been isolated from each other by incessant war and nomade habits, almost as early as the most distant nations were! It is certain that the language of the Welsh does not present either to the Basque or to the Teutonic—dialects of nations located contiguously to their Celtic forefathers—examples of affinity more striking than those just adverted to. Nor are the examples above noticed of the connexion between the Welsh and the African dialects by any means more remarkable than the instances of resemblance between the former tongue and the dialect of the Mandans, a North American Indian Tribe, which have been pointed out by Mr. Catlin! In both cases the same observation applies—an observation based on a principle that will be more fully understood hereafter—viz., that these coincidences are unequivocal proofs of a generic, but not of that kind of specific relation, which implies that these nations were at one time united more intimately than the other families of mankind.

Various miscellaneous considerations connected with the primitive migrations of mankind may now he adverted to.

Neither the extent nor the physical features of our Globe are such as imply that the spread of population over its surface must necessarily have been the work of many ages. To traverse the habitable earth from the Southern extremity of Africa to the North of Asia, and thence to the extreme Southern point of the American continent, is a task which would require only a small fraction of one man's life! And in the first ages of the Race, Man was probably a Nomade, a Wanderer! It may be inferred, therefore, that in the early ages of the world the diffusion of population was very rapid in the warmer latitudes, while towards the North it was obstructed rather by climate than by any other cause. As population became more dense in the more favoured regions, weaker tribes, it may be surmised, were gradually driven into the steppes of Asia and the wilds of Siberia, whence they may be supposed to have penetrated into Europe on the one hand, and across Behring's Straits into America on the other. With the exception of America, all the great Continents are connected together by districts easily traversed by Man; and Behring's Strait, which is interposed between America and the North-east of Asia, might be passed in the canoes of some of the most barbarous tribes with which we are acquainted.

The peopling of Islands is a subject that has been discussed very satisfactorily by Dr. Prichard, and after him by Mr. Lyell. Their conclusion is, that the occasional drifting of canoes by storms and currents, is sufficient to account for the existence of Human population in the most remote islands, as is proved by facts related by Kotzebue and others. Several reasons have however been suggested in the following pages, for the conclusion that Australia is a recently peopled country.

The geographical distribution of the various languages of the globe seems to render Adelung's arguments for regarding Central Asia as the birth-place of our species eminently convincing. The languages of China and the South-east of Asia are either Monosyllabic, or Tongues that partake of that character; Languages having the same features are spoken through the long chain of islands in the Pacific as far as New Zealand. All the other Tongues of the Globe are Polysyllabic. Now if the birth-place of Man and the focus of migration was in Central Asia, on the borders of Cashmire and Tibet, this division of Languages would necessarily have followed, for it will be observed that Tibet, which is the source of the rivers of the regions to the South-east, would in that case have given inhabitants to the countries of South-eastern Asia, countries which are isolated from all others, for not only are they cut off from Europe, Africa, and Western Asia, by the system of Table-lands and its Mountains, they are also separated from Northern Asia and therefore from America by the Great Desert of Gobi or Shamo. To the Steppes of Northern Asia, and consequently to America as well as to Europe and Africa, the territory of Persia or Iran, which, as has been seen, forms the opposite slope of the system of Table-lands, is the natural route.

The relations which the Parsian, the Pehlwi, and the Zend, the ancient dialects of Persia, bear to those of the surrounding countries, seem to be in a highly interesting manner confirmatory of Adelung's views. The Parsian, which was spoken in the South of Persia in the provinces near to India, approaches so closely to the Sanscrit, the ancient language of that country, that Sir William Jones considered the Parsian to have been the parent of the Sanscrit. The Pehlwi, the language of the Parthians who occupied the centre of Persia, a territory that adjoins the Semetic countries, appears very decidedly to be a connecting link between the Semetic languages on the one hand and the Parsian and Zend and the Indo-European tongues, viewed as a class, on the other. The Zend, the dialect of ancient Media, or North Persia, is supposed to be closely allied to the Armenian. The Parsian, Pehlwi, and Zend, respectively bearing these relations to the languages of the neighbouring countries, are closely connected as sister dialects among themselves. These facts tend to show—from the summit of the Western Table-land viewed as a centre, through Persia viewed as a medium—a radiation of language from which a radiation of population may reasonably be presumed.

The species of affinity which the ancient Persian dialects display to the languages of the adjoining countries appears to point very distinctly to another highly important conclusion in relation to the early history of mankind, viz., that the diffusion of population over Persia and the contiguous countries must have been a comparatively recent event with reference to the earliest specimens of the Persian and Semetic dialects, &c. After the lapse of a long interval the languages even of contiguous countries lose the traces of original unity. But with regard to modern dialects it can be distinctly shown that those of intermediate districts are connecting links between those of the extremities. Thus the Savoyard connects the French and Italian dialects of the Latin, and those of the North of England are intermediate between the modern English and the Lowland Scotch; Du Ponceau has made a similar remark with regard to the North American Indian dialects spoken by kindred tribes. Septs placed in the centre continue to maintain a certain degree of intercourse with all the tribes by which they are surrounded, a consideration which will account for these results, which probably cannot, in many cases, be referred to different degrees of Genealogical affinity.

One of the most striking indications of the Original Unity of the different Races of Men is derivable from the uniformity of the Moral, Mental, and Social Features they display.

Though the mind in early infancy may be destitute of positive ideas, it seems to be evident, nevertheless, that our Species has been gifted with Intellectual Faculties, and with Moral Sentiments and Sympathies, which are in the strictest sense innate.[^18] Of this conclusion a striking confirmation is derivable, from the extraordinary sameness which, on a close examination, will be found to prevail in the characters, sentiments, and sympathies of the various branches of the Human Species. Of this truth a few examples will now be noticed.

[^18: See Dugald Stewart, on the Active and Moral Faculties.]

The Negro tribes of Africa have frequently been supposed to belong to an inferior race of Men, an opinion founded—partly on an inadequate conception of the progressive character of the Human species—partly on ignorance of the progress which many Negro nations have actually made. On the one hand it would be difficult to show that the rudest of the African tribes are in a more barbarous condition than the ancestors of some of the most civilized European nations once were! On the other hand, the proofs of a capacity for social improvement are as unequivocal in the former case as they are in the latter! Large and important nations, as for example the Mandingoes and the Iolofs, are found in the interior of Africa, professing the Mahomedan religion, and as far advanced in the virtues and refinements of civilization, as any other nations who are followers of the same creed. In many of these nations the Men are distinguished by a grave and reflective character, and the women are remarkable for their exemplary discharge of the duties of domestic life. Sections of the Negro race have also been converted to Christianity, including many individuals who have been distinguished not only by a steady conformity to its precepts, but by the zeal and success with which they have fulfilled the high duties of Missionaries among their countrymen, and by the composition of Theological treatises of no inconsiderable merit! (See Dr. Prichard on Man.)

It has been already observed that the physiognomy of the Egyptians approaches closely to that of the Negro race, of which it may be regarded as a modification. It has also been pointed out in another part of this work, that the evidence of language favours the inference that Egypt was the source of the various African populations. The discoveries of our age—while they have rendered indisputable the extraordinary arts, high civilization, and vast political power of ancient Egypt—have also served to disclose, in the portraits of individuals of that country, forms of grace and elegance, that serve to link together by the ties of a close and pathetic association, the infancy with the later ages of the world! To adopt the expression of Schlegel, (See Schlegel's Translation of Dr. Prichard's Work on Eg. Mythol.,) the physiognomy of the ancient Egyptians is that of a “very noble race” of men. But it differs very widely from the characteristics of the European nations; in the dignified features of the men, and also in the lineaments of female beauty, the approach to the Negro Physiognomy is often very conspicuous!

I may instance the countenance of the Sphynx as affording a specimen of the species of approximation to the Negro Physiognomy which is observable in ancient Egyptian remains!

One of the most forcible examples of the susceptibility to civilization[^19] of nations once very barbarous may be found in a comparison of the character of the ancient Gauls and modern French. When Hannibal invaded Italy he confined his ravages to the possessions of the Romans and spared those of the Gauls; a partial distinction which won the favour of this simple people, who flocked in great numbers to his standard. The Gauls who were in his army at the battle of Cannæ are described as a fierce people, naked from the waist, carrying large round shields, with swords of an enormous size blunted at the point. Yet there cannot be a doubt that the French, one of the most refined and distinguished of modern nations, are lineally descended from this primitive race! (See p. 64.) The true answer to the reveries of Pinkerton, with respect to the imputed incapacity of the Celts, is to be found in the literature and science of the French, in whom, owing to the great extent of their country, the original Celtic blood is most probably less unmingled than it is in the Irish, the Welsh, or the Highland Scotch!

[^19: In connexion with this subject I may refer to an article distinguished by great genius and profound philosophical reasoning, which lately appeared in Chambers's Journal, under the title of “Thoughts on Nations and Civilization.” (See Number for May 21st, 1842.)]

A comparison of the character of the ancient Gauls and modern French involves also an instructive example of the mode in which the tendency to progression in the Human species is often united with a stability of national character in some features that forms a singular contrast to that tendency. In comparing Cæsar's Commentaries on his Wars in Gaul with the volumes of General Napier, we are struck, in almost every page, with proofs of a coincidence of mental features so minute, that but for the opposite accompaniments on the one hand, of a primitive, and on the other of a modern age, we might imagine we had before us, in these relations, two narratives referring to the same wars, the same sieges, and the same men! The mind is perplexed to conceive how a nation that has existed in conditions so contrasted, as regards Civilization, could have continued thus uniform in its social and moral features!

Striking as these and other proofs which may be adduced of the uniformity of character which has often been maintained by the same nation in different stages of society undoubtedly are, they must cease to excite surprise—though they may be said to acquire even a higher interest—when viewed through the medium of the closely analogous results which will be found to flow from a comparison with the civilized nations of Europe of contemporaneous Tribes still existing in the “Hunter State.”

The natives of Australia have generally been thought to occupy the lowest place in the social scale. But from Col. Grey's valuable work it may be inferred that in their devices for catching game and other arts belonging to their rude state, they give proofs of the same intelligence and acuteness as are evinced by other races of men. They have also Songs of War and Love which they sing in tunes most barbarous and discordant. The more refined lays of the European excite mimicry and laughter. But, adds Col. Grey, “Some of the natives are not insensible to the charms of our music. Warrup, a native youth, who lived with me for several months as a servant, once accompanied me to an amateur theatre at Perth, and when the actors came forward and sang ‘God save the Queen,’ he burst into tears. He certainly could not have comprehended the words of the song, and, therefore, must have been affected by the Music alone.”

“Nothing can awaken in the breast more melancholy feelings than the funeral chants of these people. They are sung by a whole chorus of females of all ages, and the effect produced upon the bystanders by this wild music is indescribable.”

Many of the Australian words given by Colonel Grey will readily be recognized among the terms collected from the languages of the other Four Continents in Appendix A; as for example: Nganga, Ngon-ge, Tin-dee, Tiendee, “The Sun” and “The Stars.” (See App. A, p. 26.) Yanna, “To go,” and Tjênna, Tinna, “The Foot.” (74.) Tullun, Tdallung, Tadlanga, “The Tongue.” (72.) Nago, “To see.” (42, 43.) Mena, “The Eye.” (14.) Poou, Puiyu, Poito, Booyoo, “Smoke,” and Bobun, “To blow.” (21.)

In the construction of their canoes, the inhabitants of some of the most barbarous islands of the Pacific, exhibit an originality and a variety of conception of precisely the same nature as is displayed in those mechanical inventions by which the sum of European civilization is progressively extended!

But in relation to the subject more immediately under examination, far the most valuable and instructive information occurs in Mr. Catlin's account of his residence among the North American Indian Tribes, a work, admirable alike as a living picture of Indian manners and sentiments, and also as an earnest and simple minded, and for that reason an eminently touching and eloquent appeal, on behalf of one of the noblest, though one of the most unfortunate families of the Human Race!

“I have roamed about from time to time during seven or eight years,” says the writer, “visiting and associating with some three or four hundred thousand of these people, under an almost infinite variety of circumstances; and from the very many and decidedly voluntary acts of their hospitality and kindness, I feel bound to pronounce them, by nature, a kind and hospitable people. I have been welcomed generally in their country, and treated to the best that they could give me, without any charges made for my board; they have often escorted me through their enemies' country at some hazard to their own lives, and aided me in passing mountains and rivers with my awkward baggage; and under all these circumstances of exposure, no Indian ever betrayed me, struck me a blow, or stole from me a shilling's worth of my property that I am aware of.”

“This is saying a great deal (and proving it too, if the reader will believe me,) in favour of the virtues of these people; when it is borne in mind, as it should be, that there is no law in the land to punish for theft, that locks and keys are not known in their country, that the commandments have never been divulged amongst them, nor can any human retribution fall upon the head of a thief, save the disgrace which attaches as a stigma to his character in the eyes of the people around him.”

“And thus in these little communities, strange as it may seem, in the absence of all systems of jurisprudence, I have often beheld peace and happiness, and quiet, reigning supreme, for which even kings and emperors might envy them. I have seen rights and virtue protected, and wrongs redressed; and I have seen conjugal, filial and paternal affection, in the simplicity and contentedness of nature. I have unavoidably formed warm and enduring attachments to some of these men, which I do not wish to forget, who have brought me near to their hearts, and in our final separation have embraced me in their arms, and commended me and my affairs to the keeping of the Great Spirit.”

Among those tribes which have been placed in contact with the Whites, individuals, generally Chiefs, have acquired all the advantages of a European education, to which in most of these instances are united, dignified and gentlemanlike feelings and manners, qualities which seem to belong to the native American character. Some tribes have been nearly extipated by the use of fermented liquors. But some sections of the Indian population have been converted to Christianity, and adopted the habit of total abstinence; others have become industrious cultivators of the soil. Where this race has rejected the benefits of civilization, it seems almost invariably to have arisen from the prejudices naturally excited in their minds by the vices of the worst part of the white population, and the calamities which they have caused by the introduction of ardent spirits! Even those excellent men who have devoted their lives to the religious instruction of the Indians, and by whose efforts it may be inferred that some Tribes have been saved from extinction, have too often found in these prejudices, an obstacle which might perhaps be removed were the missionaries generally to commence by offering to teach some of the simplest arts of civilized life—information of which the benefits would be immediately appreciated—as a means of paving the way for obtaining that confidence which, as religious instructors, they require.

The life of constant war and peril to which the Indians are exposed is incompatible with actual Social advancement. But proofs of a spontaneous tendency to civilization may be gleaned, as I conceive, from the grace and tastefulness of their dresses—the beautiful lodges many of the Tribes build—and other indications, &c. But of this truth, a still more decisive example occurs, as I venture to think, in the account given by Mr. Catlin of a very interesting tribe, the Mandans, whom, from the evidence of language already noticed and other considerations, he has conjectured to be descendants of Madoc's Colony, and whose personal character and appearance he thus describes:

“The Mandans are certainly a very interesting and pleasing people in their personal appearance and manners; differing in many respects, both in looks and customs, from all other tribes which I have ever seen. They are not a warlike people, for they seldom, if ever, carry war into their enemies' country; but when invaded, show their valour and courage to be equal to that of any people on earth. Being a small tribe, and unable to contend on the wide prairies with the Sioux and other roaming tribes, who are ten times more numerous, they have very judiciously located themselves in a permanent village, which is strongly fortified, and ensures their preservation. By this means they have advanced further in the arts of manufacture, and have supplied their lodges more abundantly with the comforts and even luxuries of life than any Indian nation I know of. The consequence of this is that the tribe have taken many steps ahead of other tribes in manners and refinements (if I may be allowed to use the word refinement to Indian life); and are, therefore, familiarly (and correctly) denominated by the Traders and others, who have been amongst them, the ‘polite and friendly Mandans.’”

“There is certainly great justice in the remark, and so forcibly have I been struck with the peculiar ease and elegance of this people, together with the diversity of complexions, the various colours of their hair and eyes, the singularity of their language, and their peculiar and unaccountable customs, that I am fully convinced that they have sprung from some other origin than that of the other North American tribes, or that they are an amalgam of natives with some civilized race.”

“Here arises a question of very great interest and importance for discussion; and after further familiarity with their character, customs, and traditions, if I forget not, I will eventually give it further consideration. Suffice it then for the present, that their personal appearance alone, independent of their modes and customs, pronounces them at once as more or less than savage.”

“A stranger in the Mandan village is first struck with the different shades of complexion and colours of hair which he sees in a crowd, and is at once almost disposed to exclaim that ‘these are not Indians!’”

“There are a great many of these people whose complexions appear as light as half-breeds; and amongst the women particularly, there are many whose skins are almost white, with the most pleasing symmetry and proportion of features; with hazel, with gray, and with blue eyes; with mildness and sweetness of expression, and excessive modesty of demeanour, which render them exceedingly pleasing and beautiful!”

It has been shown in another part of this work that the language of the Mandans does not prove them to be connected with the Welsh, and that their dialect is of the same character as that of other Indian tribes. Further, did space allow, I might produce some evidence that the Mandans are allied in blood to their hereditary foes, the fierce and warlike Sioux! The phenomena noticed by Mr. Catlin must be explained therefore by the aid of different principles than those to which he has referred.[^20]

[^20: This sept were also generally termed the “gentlemanly” Mandans. The recent destruction of this warm-hearted tribe by the smallpox is one of the most heart-rending tragedies in history!]

I conceive then that these various peculiarities of colour, personal appearance, and of manners and social habits, which he noticed amongst the Mandans, may all be viewed as effects of one simple cause, viz. their “judiciously selected location” in “a permanent village,” involving protection from exposure to the seasons on the one hand, and the abandonment of nomade habits on the other. To the former, the changes of complexion—to the latter, the social advances—of the Mandan Tribe may be ascribed!

There are numerous other data in Mr. Catlin's work which seem to afford illustrations of the mutability of Human Physiology. The Indians who live among the Whites he describes as “Pale” Red. May not the change implied in this expression be referred to an abandonment of their original life of activity and exposure on the wild Prairie, quite as much as to misfortune or a mixture of European blood? The variety of Physiognomy among the different tribes, as shown by his admirable portraits of Chiefs, &c., is very extraordinary. Some of these countenances are ugly and unprepossessing; but in others the finest European features occur! The traits exhibited by these portraits are contrary to the inference which Humboldt's description might suggest, viz., that all the N. A. Indian Tribes resemble the Mongol Race in features as well as in the colour of their skin and the absence of beard.

The Indian shows no want of acuteness in detecting the characteristic vices, whether real or imaginary, of the civilized world.

“On one occasion, when I had interrogated a Sioux chief, on the Upper Missouri, about their government, their punishments, and tortures of prisoners, for which I had freely condemned them for the cruelty of practice, he took occasion, when I had got through, to ask me some questions relative to modes in the civilized world. He told me he had often heard that white people hung their criminals by the neck and choked them to death like dogs, and those their own people; to which I answered ‘Yes.’ He then told me he had learned that they shut each other up in prisons, where they keep them a great part of their lives because they can't pay money! I replied in the affirmative to this, which occasioned great surprise and excessive laughter even amongst the women! He told me that he had been to our Fort at Council Bluffs, where we had a great many warriors and braves, and he saw three of them taken out on the prairies and tied to a post and whipped almost to death; and he had been told that they submit to all this to get a little money!”

“He put to me a chapter of other questions as to the trespasses (of the Whites) on their lands, their continual corruption of the morals of their women, and digging open the Indian's graves to get their bones, &c. To all of which I was compelled to reply in the affirmative, and quite glad to close my note book, and quietly to escape from the throng that had collected around me, and saying (though to myself and silently), that these and a hundred others are vices that belong to the civilized world, and are practised upon (but certainly in no instance reciprocated by) ‘the cruel and relentless’ savage!”

It is probable that the finer features of the North American Indian character may be ascribed in a great measure to the elevated nature of their religious belief, which indisputably appears to be quite free from the loathsome and debasing idolatry of the Hindoos and other pagan nations of the Old World.

“I fearlessly assert to the world (and I defy contradiction), that the North American Indian is everywhere in his native state a highly moral and religious being, endowed by his Maker with an intuitive knowledge of some great Author of his being and the universe, in dread of whose displeasure he constantly lives, with the apprehension before him of a future state, where he expects to be rewarded or punished according to the merits he has gained or forfeited in this world.”

In their native state, in regions remote from the Whites, the Indians are well clothed and fed, cleanly in their habits, cheerful, and healthy. The opposite qualities have been considered to be characteristic of the race, in consequence of the unhappy condition of most of those Tribes who are found among or near the settlements of the Whites, a condition ascribable to the use of ardent spirits, the destruction of the game on which they originally subsisted, and the fraudulent manner in which they have often been deprived of their lands!

“From what I have seen of these people I feel authorized to say, that there is nothing very strange or unaccountable in their character; but that it is a simple one, and easy to be understood if the right means be taken to familiarize ourselves with it. Although it has dark spots, yet there is much in it to be applauded, and much to recommend it to the admiration of the enlightened world. And I trust that the reader who looks through these volumes with care, will be disposed to join me in the conclusion, that the North American Indian in his native state is an honest, hospitable, faithful, brave, warlike, cruel, revengeful, relentless, yet honorable, contemplative, and religious being.”

The tortures practised by the Indians on their prisoners of war are, it seems, inflicted only on a portion of their captives by way of reprisal. The prisoners are for the most part adopted into the conquering tribe. The men are married to the wives of those who have fallen in battle; and those outrages on the weaker sex which have disgraced the armies of civilized Europe are unknown in the annals of Indian warfare!

The Indian is reckless of life, and the female sex among these tribes is consigned to a life of servitude. But it must be asked, is the morality of European nations uniformly founded on an earnest regard for the claims of humanity—on a tender respect for the rights and for the sufferings of the weak and defenceless! This is a momentous question, to which an answer at once humiliating and complete may be drawn from one single historical incident described in the following touching passage!

After noticing the defective state of the European law of nations in certain respects, the author from whose work the following narrative has been derived, thus proceeds: “The other case in which it seems to me that the law of nations should either be amended, or declared more clearly and enforced in practice, is that of the blockade of towns not defended by their inhabitants, in order to force their surrender by starvation. And here let us try to realize to ourselves what such a blockade is. We need not, unhappily, draw a fancied picture; history, and no remote history either, will supply us with the facts. Some of you, I doubt not, remember Genoa; you have seen that queenly city, with its streets of palaces rising tier above tier from the water, girdling with the long lines of its bright white houses the vast sweep of its harbour, the mouth of which is marked by a huge natural mole of rock, crowned by its magnificent lighthouse-tower. You remember how its white houses rose out of a mass of fig, and olive, and orange trees, the glory of its old patrician luxury; you may have observed the mountains behind the town, spotted at intervals by small circular low towers, one of which is distinctly conspicuous where the ridge of the hills rises to its summit and hides from view all the country behind it. Those towers are the forts of the famous lines; which, curiously resembling in shape the later Syracusan walls inclosing Epipolæ;, converge inland from the eastern and western extremities of the city, looking down the western line of the valley of Pulcevera, the eastern on that of the Bisagno, till they meet as I have said on the summit of the mountains, where the hills cease to rise from the sea and become more or less of a table-land, running off towards the interior at the distance, as well as I remember, of between two and three miles from the outside of the city. Thus a very large open space is inclosed within the lines, and Genoa is capable therefore of becoming a vast entrenched camp, holding not so much a garrison as an army. In the autumn of 1799, the Austrians had driven the French out of Lombardy and Piedmont; their last victory of Fossano or Genola, had won the fortress of Coni or Cuneo close under the Alps, and at the very extremity of the plain of the Po. The French clung to Italy only by their hold of the Riviera of Genoa, the narrow strip of coast between the Apennines and the sea, which extends from the frontiers of France almost to the mouth of the Arno. Hither the remains of the French force were collected, commanded by General Massena, and the point of chief importance to his defence was the city of Genoa.”

“Napoleon had just returned from Egypt, and was become First Consul; but he could not be expected to take the field till the following spring, and till then Massena was hopeless of relief from without, everything was to depend upon his own pertinacity. The strength of his army made it impossible to force it in such a position as Genoa; but its very numbers, added to the population of the city, held out to the enemy a hope of reducing it by famine; and as Genoa derives most of its supplies by sea, Lord Keith, the British naval Commander in Chief in the Mediterranean, lent the assistance of his naval force to the Austrians, and by the vigilance of his cruizers, the whole coasting trade right and left was effectually cut off. It is not at once that the inhabitants of a great city, accustomed to the daily sight of well-stored shops and an abundant market, begin to realize the idea of scarcity; or that the wealthy classes of society, who have never known any other state than one of abundance and luxury, begin seriously to conceive of famine. But the shops were emptied, and the storehouses began to be drawn upon; and no fresh supply or hope of supply appeared. Winter passed away, and Spring returned, so early and so beautiful on that garden-like coast, sheltered as it is from the north winds by its belt of mountains, and open to the full rays of the Southern Sun. Spring returned, and clothed the hill sides within the lines with its fresh verdure. But that verdure was no more the delight of the careless eye of luxury, refreshing the citizens by its loveliness and softness when they rode or walked up thither from the city to enjoy the surpassing beauty of the prospect! The green hill sides were now visited for a very different object; ladies of the highest rank might be seen cutting up every plant which it was possible to turn to food, and bearing home the common weeds of our road sides as a most precious treasure! The French general pitied the distress of the people; but the lives and the strength of his garrison seemed to him more important than the lives of the Genoese, and such provisions as remained were reserved in the first place for the French army. Scarcity became utter want, and want became famine! In the most gorgeous palaces of that gorgeous city, no less than in the humblest tenements of the poor, death was busy; not the momentary death of battle or massacre, nor the speedy death of pestilence, but the lingering and most miserable death of famine! Infants died before their parents' eyes, husbands and wives lay down to expire together! A man whom I saw at Genoa in 1825 told me that his father and two of his brothers had been starved to death in this fatal siege. So it went on, till in the month of June, when Napoleon had already descended from the Alps into the plain of Lombardy, the misery became unendurable, and Massena surrendered. But before he did so, twenty thousand innocent persons, old and young, women and children, had died by the most horrible of deaths which humanity can endure! Other horrors which occurred besides during the blockade I pass over; the agonizing death of twenty thousand innocent and helpless persons requires nothing to be added to it!”

“Now is it right that such a tragedy as this should take place, and that the laws of war should be supposed to justify the authors of it? Conceive having been a naval officer in Lord Keith's squadron at that time, and being employed in stopping the food which was being brought for the relief of such misery! For the thing was done deliberately; the helplessness of the Genoese was known, their distress was known; it was known that they could not force Massena to surrender; it was known that they were dying daily by hundreds; yet week after week, and month after month, did the British ships of war keep their iron watch along all the coast: no vessel nor boat laden with any article of provision could escape their vigilance! One cannot but be thankful that Nelson was spared from commanding at this horrible blockade of Genoa!”

“Now on which side the law of Nations should throw the guilt of most atrocious murder is of little comparative consequence or whether it should attach to both sides equally: but that the deliberate starving to death of twenty thousand helpless persons should be regarded as a crime in one or in both of the parties concerned in it seems to me self-evident! The simplest course would seem to be that all non-combatants should be allowed to go out of a blockaded town, and that the general who should refuse to let them pass should be regarded in the same light as one who were to murder his prisoners or who were in the habit of butchering women and children.”

It is not intended to be suggested that the morality of the more virtuous and religious members of civilized communities is not superior to that of uncivilized races. But that such superiority can be claimed by the mass of the inhabitants of Europe is a proposition of which the evidence must be allowed to be doubtful as regards some—must be allowed, alas! to fail altogether as regards many—of those virtues of which our nature is capable!

Yet, notwithstanding many melancholy facts that seem to be repugnant to such a conclusion, there exist satisfactory grounds for inferring that civilization has a direct tendency to promote the moral improvement of the Human Race, and that our species is probably destined even in this state of existence, to a course not only of social, but also of a moral progression! Of this truth distinct indications may be recognized in the altered sentiments of European nations on many momentous subjects, as evinced in the increasing aversion to wars of aggression—in the general condemnation of the principle—and the extensive abolition of the practice—of slavery, and in the rapid growth of an earnest sympathy, at once generous and humane, with the claims and the sufferings of the more unprotected branches of mankind! Of the practical results of these changes in the moral sentiments of Society—of which Christianity, which teaches that all men are of one blood and of one family, has been the primary source—and of which the English nation—influenced by the example of a few men of extraordinary piety, wisdom, and humanity, to whom it gave birth in the last generation, have been the most conspicuous instruments—one example may be appropriately introduced in this place.

“The original proprietors of this fine soil, (the neighbourhood of the Cape of Good Hope,) the poor Hottentots, the fabricated tales of whose filthiness are known to every schoolboy, and have made them proverbial in every nation of Europe, are probably the simplest and most inoffensive of the human race. By open robbery and murder, and by a cruel and persevering system of oppression on the part of the Dutch colonists, they have been reduced to not much more than 15,000 souls. Under the protection of the British government, by the careful instruction of the missionaries, and their increased importance in the colony as labourers since the abolition of the slave trade, their number is now considerably on the increase; General Craig, after the capture of the Cape, brought forward, experimentally, the physical and moral qualities of this most injured and degraded people, by forming them into a military corps, which, in point of discipline, obedience, instruction and cleanliness, were not at all behind European troops. The truth is that the filthy appearance of the Hottentot was never from choice, but necessity. The anxiety which he now shows to get quit of his sheep-skin clothing for cotton, linen, or woollen, and to keep his person clean, proves that he is far more sensible than the ‘Boor’ to the comforts of civilized life. ‘Whosoever,’ says the excellent Mr. Latrobe, the father of the Moravians in this country, ‘charges the Hottentots with being inferior to other people of the same class as to education and the means of improvement, knows nothing about them. They are in general more sensible, and possess better judgment than most Europeans, equally destitute of the means of instruction.’ At Bavians Kloof, or the Monkey's Ravine, which General Jansens altered into Gandenthal, or the Valley of Grace, 130 miles E. by N. of Cape Town, is an establishment of these poor despised people under the care of missionaries, founded in 1737. It consists of a beautiful village containing 1400 Hottentot inhabitants. Every cottage has a garden, a few of the poor class still wear sheep skins, and their children go naked, but far the greater part of them make a point of providing themselves with jackets and trousers, and other articles of European dress which they already wear on Sundays. Both before and after meals they sing grace in the sweetest tones imaginable. The place externally, appears a little Paradise, and let it be remembered it is only one of a great number of these missionary stations. The Hottentots are of a deep brown or yellow brown colour, their eyes are pure white, their head is small; the face very wide above, ends in a point; their cheek-bones are prominent, their eyes sunk, the nose flat, the lips thick, the teeth white, and the hand and foot rather small. They are well made and tall, their hair is black, either curled or woolly, and they have little or no beard. Barrow and Grandprè conceive them to be of a Chinese origin, they call themselves Gkhui-gkhui, pronounced with a click of the tongue or throat, and say they do not come from the interior, but from over the Sea! The Hottentots are divided into several Tribes.”[^21]

[^21: Bell's Geography.]

The nature of their language shows very clearly that the Hottentots are not closely connected by descent with the Chinese; the tradition that they came originally from a country beyond the sea might apply to the island of Madagascar where a dialect kindred to theirs is spoken. There seems however every reason for concluding, agreeably to Dr. Prichard's views, that the Hottentots are descendants of Colonists impelled by the ordinary causes of migration from the North and Middle of Africa, who, as they finally occupied the farthest extremity, were probably the earliest inhabitants of that Continent. The evidence of language serves in a very striking manner to confirm this conclusion. For proofs of the connexion of the Hottentot dialects with the Egyptian and with the Negro languages, see Appendix A. The Hottentot dialects abound also in words unequivocally identical with the corresponding terms in ancient European and Asiatic languages, as for instance Imine, “A Day,” and Ki, “The Earth,” with the Greek. Surrie, Sore, “The Sun”, with the Sanscrit “Surya.” Mamma, “A Mother,” with the Latin, &c. Bo Aboob, “A Father,” with “Abba,” Hebrew. Tamma, “The Tongue.” (See p. 15, &c. &c.) Coincidences of this nature are proofs of that species of generic connexion with all the other races of mankind which might be expected as a consequence of a separation that, judging from the Geographical position of the Hottentot tribes, we may suppose to have occurred in the earliest ages of the world.

Proofs of the Identity of the Basque with other Languages.

The following specimens of the Basque, which have been introduced in illustration of the previous statement, at p. xxxv, include nearly all those words which are in most common use (with the exception of that class of Words which is noticed in Appendix A). By referring to the passages in this work, noticed below, the identity of the Basque words with those of other nations will be readily seen.

“A Father.” Aita (Basque,) Atta (Gothic), p. 52, Eiōth (Egyptian,)—“A Mother.” A.m.a. (Basque,) A.m. (Hebrew), see p. 106.

“Earth.” Erria (Basque), Erde (German), A.r.ts (Hebrew.)

“Water.” Ura (Basque), Ur (Siberians), see p. 84.

“A Stream.” Ibaya (Basque), see p. 71.

“Dog.” Potzoa (Basque), Psit (Bohemian), Pesia (Russian.)

Ora (Basque), Ouhor (Egyptian.)

“Cat.” Catua (Basque), see p. 122.

“Ox.” Idia (Basque), Ei di on (Welsh.)

“Cow.” Bihia (Basque), Bee ouch (Welsh.)

“Bull.” Cecena (Basque), Uxen, Ukshhan (Sanscrit), Ox, Oxen (English.)

“Goat.” A qu erra (Basque), see p. 122.

“A Lamb.” A-churria, p. 121, Umerria (Basque), A.m.r (Chaldæ.)

“Swine.” Charria Cherria (Basque), Xoir-os (Greek), see p. 122.

“A Bear.” Artsa (Basque), Arth (Welsh), Arcturus (Latin), Arktos (Greek.)

The identity of the following words with equivalent terms in the English, &c. will be obvious.

“Bread of Maize.” Artoa (Basque), Artos “Bread; Food” (Greek.)

“An Arrow.” Istoa (Basque), Ios Oistos (Greek.)

“A Raven; Black.” Balcha Belcha (Basque.)

“End.” Ondoa (Basque.)

“To Go.” Gan (Basque), Gang (Lowland Scotch), Gehen (German.)

“To Sell.” Saldu (Basque.)

“Zeal.” Kharra (Basque), C'H.r.a (Chaldoe), C'H.r.e (Hebrew.)

“Morning.” Bora (Welsh), Biar (Basque.)

“To shine very brightly.” B.c.r (Arabic.)

Plan Of This Investigation. Lord Bacon's Principles Applicable To Inquiries Into The Origin And Changes Of Human Languages.

The fanciful theories in which even some of the most distinguished writers have deemed themselves at liberty to indulge, when they have entered upon the field of Philological research, have naturally tended to create, among men of calm and dispassionate minds, a general distrust in the results of all inquiries into the origin and early history of human languages. But it must be obvious that the errors into which the first inquirers on this—as on every other—subject have been betrayed is not a fair test of the attention due to Philological investigations. In this, as in every branch of human knowledge, the authenticity of the results must be tested solely with reference to the principles appealed to, and the weight, amount, and consistency of the evidence adduced. In this, as in every other branch of knowledge, the value of those results must depend solely on the interest and importance of the truths which such results may involve.

In the following pages are developed proofs of two leading propositions, viz.:

1. That the languages of the continents of Asia, Europe, Africa, and America, were originally the same.

2. That the differences which exist between the individual languages of those continents may be explained consistently with the proofs of original unity, by causes still in operation.

In this place, the principles appealed to in elucidation of these propositions may be explained with advantage.

1. As regards the proofs adduced of the original unity of the languages of the four continents.

These proofs are in no instance founded upon speculation or surmise. They consist in every instance, either of a comparison of terms absolutely identical in sound and sense, or of terms, of which the mutual connexion is equally certain, in accordance with those principles, with respect to which philosophical writers on language are agreed. Terms belonging to two different continents have been compared in those instances only, in which the affinities are of the same nature, as those which have been shown to be characteristic of words belonging to different dialects of the same language, in the writings of Court Ghebelin, Horne Tooke, Adam Smith, Dugald Stewart, Humboldt, and Du Ponceau. These great writers do not belong to the class of Philological speculators, but to that of authorities on the origin and mutations of human tongues.

Hence it follows that the leading doctrine laid down by Lord Bacon as applicable to the investigations of Physical science applies equally in this instance to the researches of the Philologist; I allude to the following fundamental maxim: Experience is the only legitimate guide to Truth; hence an accurate investigation of those facts which are within the limits of our historical knowledge, forms the only admissible basis of deduction, with respect to those facts which are beyond the range of our actual experience.

2. Not less applicable is the same maxim in elucidation of the second proposition, viz.: “That the differences which exist between individual languages may be explained, consistently with the proofs of original unity, by causes still in operation.”

This principle may be applied in the following manner:

There are certain languages of which the original unity can be proved, either by the extrinsic evidence of history, or by the gradual approximation they display as we ascend from modern to earlier epochs, and compare modern with ancient specimens. We can show, by means of the like evidence, the progressive changes they have undergone, and the nature of the existing differences which have been the result of those changes.

There is another class of languages which came into existence during periods with regard to which we do not possess the light of history; and the only source from which we can draw our conclusions, with respect to the relations that originally existed between them, is the internal evidence afforded by the composition and structure of those languages themselves. History being silent, this is the only clue by which we can determine whether they were originally distinct, or derived from a common source.

But by what rules are we to be guided in the deductions we may form from the mere texture of dialects of the second class?

The answer is, that the rules to be pursued in forming our conclusions, with respect to the original relations of those languages which can not be historically traced to their source, must be drawn from the experience furnished by that class of languages of which the transitions can be traced by means of the independent evidence of history.

It will be shown that the existing relations between these two different classes of languages are, and therefore we may infer that the original relations were, the same.

By the adoption of these principles of investigation as regards both: 1, The Resemblances, and also 2, The Differences, which Human Tongues display, the great maxim of Lord Bacon's philosophy will become legitimately applicable to language, and the researches of the Philologist may be directed by the same criteria, and his conclusions vindicated by the same tests as those which apply to the investigations of the inquirer into Physical phenomena.

It is upon these principles that I propose to conduct the inquiry of which the results are embodied in these pages.

Chapter I. On The Evidence Furnished By A Comparison Of Their Languages Of The Original Unity Of The Various Nations Of The Continents Of Asia, Europe, Africa, And America.

Absolute Identity of the Languages of the Four Continents when compared collectively.

Illustrations from the Names of the Gods of Egypt, Greece, Italy, and India, showing the Origin of Idolatry.

North American Indian Names for “The Great Spirit.”

The proposition which forms the subject of this Chapter will be supported through the course of this work by the progressive development of a series of various but mutually connected proofs, which—both by their individual force, and by their harmonious combination,—will be found to be conclusive.

But of these proofs there is only one branch which admits of being conveniently adverted to in this place. I allude to the evidence collected in Appendix A, in the form of a “Comparison of the most Common Terms in the African, Asiatic, European and American languages.” This comparison, though composing only a part of the proofs adduced, will be found to involve in itself evidence sufficient to establish the suggested conclusion, Moreover, the evidence therein embodied,—though copious in details, and strictly conforming to the principles laid down by philosophical writers on language, is simple in its nature and results, which may readily be appreciated by inquirers totally unaccustomed to philological investigations. For these reasons, the comparison instituted in Appendix A forms an appropriate subject of examination at the commencement of this work.

Here, however, it must be premised that it will be impossible, without a complete perusal, to form a correct appreciation either of the facts or of the consequences developed in that Appendix. The explanations I shall present in this place must be viewed, therefore, in the light of a general and imperfect outline only. These explanations will be directed to—

I. The Nature,

II. The Results of the Comparison contained in Appendix A.

I. Of the Nature of the Comparison in Appendix A.

The languages of Africa have been chosen as the basis or subject of comparison with which the languages of the other three continents have been collated.

This arrangement has been dictated by a consideration of the comparatively slight attention which has hitherto been paid to the languages of the Central and Southern Regions of Africa; and also by the peculiar physiology of the Negro and Hottentot tribes, which has induced some physiologists to refer the origin of these tribes to Races totally distinct from the other Families of mankind.

The extensive researches of Dr. Prichard have satisfactorily shown that the peculiarities of the Negroes and Hottentots are not permanent nor abruptly marked, but local and evanescent, and that they melt away by nice shades of gradation, corresponding with the minute progressive transitions of climate that are traceable through the various regions of the African continent. Hence the possibility of the identity of the Negro and Hottentot Tribes with the inhabitants of the other three great continents may be clearly inferred. But no evidence has yet been produced calculated to establish this conclusion as a positive truth. This desideratum the aid of philology will be found satisfactorily to supply.

In the North of Africa the physiological difficulties which are encountered in the Middle and South do not exist to the same extent in any instance, and in most instances they can scarcely be said to exist at all. The Berbers—the original population of Morocco and the adjoining countries, the lineal descendants of the ancient Numidians—approach very closely to the Spanish population of the opposite coasts of the Mediterranean; and the Egyptians in the north-east of Africa are much more alike to the contiguous Asiatic nations than they are to the Negro Tribes. Hence it follows that the theory that the Negroes and Southern Africans are distinct Races of men, may be as decisively tested by a comparison of their languages with those of the Northern Africans, as by collating them with the languages of the other continents of the globe.

The mode of comparison adopted in Appendix A, has been dictated by these considerations. Accordingly, I have therein separated the languages of Africa into three divisions, those of: 1, North Africa; 2, Negro-land; 3, South Africa; allotting a separate column to each division; while on the opposite page a separate column is devoted to each of the continents of Asia, Europe, and America. This comparison will serve at once to show the general connexion of the African languages with those of Asia, Europe, and America, and at the same time to demonstrate another proposition of nearly equal interest, viz. the close mutual affinity of the languages of Northern, Tropical, and Southern Africa.

With respect to the particular words selected for comparison, I have chosen the names for the following objects: “Fire, Sun, Day, Eye,[^22] Moon, Heaven, a Human Being, Man and Woman.” (Homo, Vir, Fœmina, Latin.) The most important parts of the Human Frame, (viz. “The Hand, Arm, Foot, Leg, Ear, Tongue, Head.”) “Water.”

[^22: The African names for ‘The Nose’ do not occur in Appendix A, but they are noticed elsewhere in this work. The names for ‘The Eye’ are explained among words for ‘The Sun,’ &c. of which they are generally derivatives.]

These terms comprise nearly all the specimens of the languages of Africa, which have been collected in “the Mithridates,” of Adelung and Vater. The objects to which these terms have been applied are comparatively few. But for reasons about to be explained, the evidence which may be deduced from the terms themselves is neither scanty nor imperfect, but, on the contrary, very extensive and complete.

The African names for the above-mentioned objects analysed in Appendix A, amount to about 700. The corresponding and analogous terms introduced from the other three Continents are about treble that number.

In determining the mutual relations of different languages, it is obviously not necessary to compare the whole of their component parts. All that is required is a comparison of such portions of each as may be justly viewed in the light of a satisfactory test. That the selected specimens of the languages of Africa are sufficiently numerous for this end is plain. It only remains to be shown that their nature is such as to render them eminently suitable and conclusive.

Now it will be clear from the following considerations, that these specimens are peculiarly calculated to serve as a decisive test of the general composition and structure of languages.

Terms for the Objects above enumerated will be found to include the greatest portion of the primary elements of all languages.[^23]

[^23: The terms for the Domestic Relations are in some instances compound words—in others they seem to be identical with the Names of the Human Race.]

This proposition may be placed in the clearest light by means even of comparatively modern languages, for both modern and ancient tongues will be found principally to consist of the following elements:

1. The nouns above mentioned. Such nouns are in fact the names of the most familiar and conspicuous objects; of those objects which are common to all ages and countries.

Verbs descriptive of the functions of such objects.

2. Names of Animals and Birds.

3. Names of Rivers, the Ocean, Hills, and Mountains.

4. Words expressive of Mental Qualities and Emotions.

5. Pronouns and other Conventional Grammatical Forms.

1. Now, with the exception of the second, all these five classes of words may be shown to be mere modifications of those of the 1st class.

2. Moreover, as regards even the Second Class, names of Animals and Birds, terms of this description are also in a great number, perhaps in the majority of instances compounds chiefly consisting of terms of the First Class, viz., of the words for the “Members of the Body,” for “Water, Fire,” &c., as in “Red-breast,” “Water-wag tail” (English). Sgyvarn-og “a Hare,” from Sgyvarn “an Ear” (Welsh).

There are, it is true, some terms of this class of a more primitive origin, as they plainly consist of imitations of the characteristic cry or note of the Animal or Bird named, as for example “Cuck-oo” (English); “U-lu-la” (Swedish), “U-lu-l-aka” (Sanscrit), “An Owl.” But then it is plain that words of this kind are for the most part confined in their application to the objects designated and do not enter largely into the composition of languages.

3. Words for “Rivers” and “The Ocean” consist of terms for “Water.”

For example: “The Esk” is from Eask (Irish), and Esseg (Dongolan, North Africa), “Water.” “The Usk” or “Ou-isg,” as the word is pronounced by the Welsh, from Uisge, “Water” (Irish), connected with Eask (Irish). “The Ayr” is identical with A.r. “A River,” also “To flow” (Hebrew), “The Yarrow” with Iaro (Egyptian), and the Hebrew words Ee.a.ou.r Ee.a.r (modifications of A.r, Hebrew). Some able Celtic scholars have attempted to explain the origin of such names as “Ayr and Yarrow,” which are very common as names of rivers in Celtic countries, by means of a Celtic term which means “Gentle,” an explanation very inapplicable in many instances. The error of these writers arises from the assumption they are prone to adopt, that the Celtic is an unchanged language, the truth being that the changes which it can be shown to have undergone in more recent times, form a distinct ground for the conclusion that, long prior to the earliest period to which our most ancient Celtic specimens can be referred, the Celts must have lost many words which their forefathers brought with them from the East.

In the names above noticed, not only the general features, but the finer shades of inflection of the Oriental words reappear.

Numerous examples may be pointed out, of words applied in some languages to “Water” generally, appropriated exclusively, in others to the “Sea or Ocean.” Thus we have Shui in Chinese, and Su in Turkish, “Water.” In the German See, the Anglo Saxon Seo Sae, the English “Sea,” and in other analogous terms to be met with in all the Gothic tongues, we recognize the same term as a word for a “Lake,” or for “The Sea.” Adelung has pointed out the resemblance which in some other instances the Turkish bears to the German. The ancestors of the Turks and Germans, it may be observed, are both traceable to contiguous regions of Northern Asia, the great “High Road of Nations” from China to Europe.

Again, in various dialects of the North American Indians we meet with Oghnacauno, Oneekanoosh, &c. “Water.” In Latin and Greek we find the same term “Ocean-os, Ocean-oio”, &c., applied exclusively to “The Ocean.” (See for other examples Appendix A, p. 77.)

Words for Mountains and Hills are almost universally identical with words for “The Head, The Back, The Breast,” &c. Thus even in the English, in which the first meanings of words are often lost, we have “Ridge” (A Back and A Hill), “Head-land,” “Saddle-back” (the name of a mountain.) In the Principality of Wales, in which a less changed and a less conventional language prevails, the common names for hills, “Cevn, Pen, Vron,” &c., are words for “The Back, The Head, The Breast,” &c., appropriated according to the particular shapes of the hills. The same words, as will appear hereafter, were used as names of mountains in ancient Gaul and Spain, &c.

Jugum, “A Yoke and A Hill,” (Latin,) Cadair Idris, “The chair of Idris,” A Fabulous Giant and Astronomer, (Welsh,) are instances of metaphors of a different kind. But generally names of hills are traceable as above described, and are therefore mere forms of terms belonging to the first class.

4. That terms of this Class, viz.: Words descriptive of the Operations and Emotions of the Mind, consist of metaphors derived from words originally appropriated to physical objects and agencies, has been indisputably proved by the celebrated French writer, Court Ghebelin, and by Horne Tooke, whose researches were applied to the analysis of the English language only. Words appropriated to the members of the Human Frame and their Functions, and other terms of the First CIass, are the chief sources of these metaphorical terms.

This philological maxim was supposed by some of the most eminent of those writers by whom it was established, to furnish an argument in favour of the doctrines of Materialism, as when, for example, the English word “Spirit” was derived from the Latin word for “Breath,” Spiritus. But the premises do not appear to furnish any solid support to the inferences they were thought to favour. The same Consciousness which in this case, and in other similar instances, perceives an analogy, perceives also that the connexion is one of analogy only. The true explanation of the relations which exist between these two classes of words may, I conceive, be derived from the consideration, that though Man is endowed with moral and intellectual, as well as with perceptive, faculties,—inasmuch as the perceptive powers are earliest exercised,—the language of his higher sentiments consists of metaphors thence borrowed. “The Hand,” in like manner, as may be inferred from several examples which occur in the course of this work, has, in many instances, metaphorically given names to some of the less conspicuous bodily organs of perception. At the same time, the soundness of the philological principle developed by Ghebelin and Horne Tooke can not reasonably be disputed. In these pages will be found numerous illustrations of its truth. Moreover it will appear that this principle forms the basis of some of the most convincing proofs—that languages afford—of the common origin of nations very remotely situated from each other, as of the Welsh and English, for example, with the Hebrew, and other ancient Syro-Phœnician nations.

5. As regards Pronouns and other Grammatical Forms.

Pronouns enter very largely into the composition of languages, not merely in a separate form, but also as the source from which the most striking peculiarities of other parts of grammar have been derived. It has been shown by Dr. Prichard that the various inflections which distinguish the different persons of the Verb in the Latin and Sanscrit, and other highly-complicated languages of the same class, are identical with pronouns.

In the works of Horne Tooke and others it has been abundantly shown that Pronouns are merely Nouns, viz. Names of the Human Species, “Man, Woman,” &c. In other words they belong to a section of the terms of the First Class.

Hence it will be manifest that an analysis, completely embracing numerous specimens of nouns of the First Class, virtually embraces also numerous specimens of words of the Four other Classes, which, together with the First, compose the principal elements of Human Language. For it must be observed that—

Though the African nouns belonging to the First Class form the only basis or subject of inquiry, the inquiry itself will be found to embrace an extended comparison of those nouns with the kindred terms of the Third, Fourth, and Fifth Classes, which are discoverable in the languages of the other three continents.

Finally, a principle must here be stated and applied, which will be more fully illustrated hereafter.

The names of Objects can be shown in a great variety of instances to be identical with Verbs or terms descriptive of some dominant or conspicuous quality which those Objects display.

This remark applies even to the terms for the Members of the Human Frame, and other Objects of which the names are included in the First Class of Words,—as appears by abundant illustrations in works of authority and research confined to an investigation of the European languages. But the same truth may be much more clearly and unequivocally demonstrated even by the most cursory examination of more ancient and therefore more primitive tongues, such as the Hebrew and the Sanscrit. The application of this principle will be found to unfold a wide range of facts serving to connect the languages of Africa with those of the other Continents; the same terms, which present themselves as Nouns or Conventional names in the languages of Africa, occurring in a great variety of examples in those of the other continents, unaltered or very slightly changed in sound, fulfilling the functions of the corresponding descriptive terms or verbs. Here it may be remarked that the descriptive or metaphorical character, which originally belonged to nouns, and the various modes in which the same objects are susceptible of description, may be viewed as the source of these numerous names for the same objects. But this is a subject which will be more fully discussed in a subsequent part of this work.

The following examples will serve to illustrate at once the principle last stated, and also another principle before suggested, viz. that “The Hand”[^24] and its perceptions have metaphorically given names in many instances—not only to the faculties of the Mind,—but also to the other perceptive organs and their functions. For further illustrations, see Appendix A, p. 65, and the subsequent pages.

[^24: Probably the terms were not in all cases appropriated in the first instance to the Hand exclusively, but applied alike to all the perceptive organs.]

Tom, (Heb.) “To try,” “To try an experiment,” “To perceive.”
Tom, “The Hand,” (Mexico.)
Tedembeton, “The Hand,” (Nubia.)
Thumb (Eng.), Daum, (Ger.)
Teim-law, “To Feel,” (Welsh.)

“To taste,” “To eat.” Tamma, “The Tongue,” (Hottentots.)
“Mental Taste,” “Discernment,” “Judgment.” Tami-as, “A Judge,” (Greek.)
Doom, Doomsday, (English.)

G.sh. (Heb.), “To feel for.” Guess, (Eng.) See below,
K.s.m, (Heb.)

G.sh.sh. (Heb.), “To feel for repeatedly,” Gus-to, “To taste, To listen,” (Latin.)
“To grope for,” Kchesi, “The Hand,” (Finland.)
Keez, “The Hand,” (Hungarian.)

K.s.m. (Heb.), “To guess hidden things.” “To divine,” “To foretel.”
Keisio, “To seek, To attempt, Endeavour,” (Welsh.)

These examples instructively display the manner in which the Hebrew, which is a language of high antiquity, combines within itself a variety of meanings, which are found only partially preserved in more modern languages. This venerable tongue may be said in these, as in numerous other instances, to confirm, by means of its own intrinsic resources, the results which are deducible from a wide comparison of other languages of which our specimens are more modern.

II. Of the Results of the Comparison, contained in Appendix A.

When the languages of Africa are compared collectively with those of the other three Continents, it will be found:

1. That the names of the most Common Objects, occurring in the various dialects of Africa, may be detected, and as it were restored, in the same or in kindred senses in each of the other three Continents, when all or a considerable portion of their languages are examined.

2. The exceptions to this principle are so insignificant, that the rule, viewed in the light of a philological maxim, may be regarded as universal, especially when it is borne in mind that the specimens we possess of the various languages of Mankind are undoubtedly incomplete.

3. A further remarkable truth is established by Appendix A, viz.:

The resemblances which the African languages display to those of Asia, &c., are as close as those which the Asiatic languages exhibit among themselves; and they are as close as those which the languages termed Indo-European mutually display.

4. What has been stated in the previous explanation of Result 3 applies to the languages of the continent of America as well as to those of Africa.

5. Not only the same words but the same minute transitions which words undergo may be recognized in the Four Continents, and the steps of transition are much more completely traceable when the various Continents form the subject of comparison than when the investigation is confined to one Continent. Compare, for example, (See Appendix A, p. 13,) Ano, “A Day” (Caraibs); Antu, Antú, “The Sun, A Day” (Araucan, South America); Antu, Andru, “A Day” (Madagascar, South Africa); Indra, The Indian “God of Day” (Sanscrit, Asia); Inti, Indi, “The Sun” (South America).

6. It will be seen that in this instance, and in numerous other examples, finer shades of transition are restored by means of a comparison including the Four Continents.

7. As regards the Continent of Africa, by this comparison all its synonymes of the class selected for analysis have, with a few trifling exceptions, been exhausted. As regards the other three Continents, so large a portion, probably the great majority, of these synonymes have been introduced from every region of those continents, that the evidence thus obtained, combined as it is with a complete investigation of the African terms, may be considered as equally conclusive with the proofs which would have been furnished by an exhaustion of the synonymes of all the four continents.

The examination of synonymous terms is the principle which has been pursued by Humboldt, in his work on “The Basque,” and by Du Ponceau in his Treatise on the “Algonquyn Dialects of the North American Indians.” It is the most satisfactory mode of investigating languages, because it involves an explanation of the differences as well as of the resemblances they mutually display.

8. Hence it follows that when all the dialects of each continent are thus compared in the aggregate with those of each of the other three, the very same language is reproduced by the reunion of the “disjecta membra.”

With reference more especially to the third and fourth results above stated, I may here advert to the researches of two philologists of the highest eminence, whose conclusions will not, in the present state of philological knowledge, be disputed,—the German writer Klaproth, and Dr. Prichard: the former has treated of the proofs of affinity observable among the Asiatic languages; the latter has discussed the proofs of mutual resemblance displayed by certain languages usually classed under the term “Indo-European.”

The affinities which present themselves among the different languages of the single continent of Asia, in the following examples, have been selected as evidence of the original connexion of those languages by Klaproth.

Words for “The Sun.”

Asia.—Chor Churr (Ossetian.)
Chor Chorschid (Persian.)
Chorschid (Pehlwi), Huere (Zend.)[^25]

[^25: Klaproth's Asia Polyglotta.]

America.—Coaracy, Curasi, Quarassi (Brazil.)

Africa.—Koara (Bosjesmans.)

South Africa.—Giro (Kanga, Negro-land.)

Though the Zend, Pehlwi, and Persian are three kindred dialects of Persia, it will be observed that the Pehlwi and Persian words in this example, although clearly allied to the corresponding Zend word (Huere), resemble that word less than they do the American and African terms. On the other hand, the next example presents to us American and African words perfectly identical with this term (Huere).

Words for “The Sun” and “Day.”

Asia.—Huere, “The Sun,” (Zend.)

S. America.—Huarassi, “The Sun” and “Day,” (Omaguans.)

Africa.—Hor, Horus, i.e. “The God of Day,” (Egypt.)
Huer, “Day,” (Iolofs, Negro-land.)

Asia.—Eiere,[^26] “Day,” (Zend.)

[^26: Eiere (“Day,” Zend,) is obviously connected with Huere (“The Sun,” Zend.)]

Africa.—Iirri, “The Sun,” (Wawu, Negro-land.)

The connexion between the previous words for the Sun and the first of the two following classes of terms for the Moon will be manifest. The origin of the relation which is universally traceable between the names of the two great Heavenly Luminaries will be found fully discussed in Appendix A.

Words for “The Moon.”

Asia.—“Wiri Yere Irri” (Samoied), Wurra (Sumbava Island.)[^27]
Africa, Negro-land.—“Uhaaire Verr” (Iolofs.)

[^27: Klaproth's Asia Polyglotta, p. 36.]

Asia.—“Sāra” (Syrian), “Sāra” (Mongol and Calmuck.)
Africa, Negro-land.—“Assara” (Gold Coast.)

Dr. Prichard has clearly proved the connexion of the Welsh and other Celtic dialects with the Sanscrit and other “Indo-European” tongues, a class in which he considers that the Celtic dialects ought therefore to be included. The Welsh and Sanscrit words which occur in Appendix A, p. 11, have already been compared by him in his work on the Celtic Languages. The mutual connexion of these words is clear. But it will be equally manifest that the African terms which occur in the same passage, Appendix A, p. 11, are quite as nearly allied to the Welsh words as are the Sanscrit terms with which those words have been collated by Dr. Prichard. In some instances they are even more so. Compare, for example, “Lloer,” The Moon, (Welsh,) with the African word “Leoure,” The Moon, (from the dialect of the “Fulahs.”)

An examination of the names of some of the principal gods of Egypt, Greece, Italy, and India, by means of a comparison of the languages of all the Four Continents, will be found in a very striking manner to illustrate at once the foregoing philological results, and also the origin of those names, and of the systems of Idolatry to which they belonged.

Hor. Hor-us, “The God of Day,” (Egypt,) already explained.

Indra, The Indian “God of Day,” previously explained.

Surya, The Indian “God of the Sun.” His Orb personified, (Sanscrit.) Osira Osiri, and Serap-is or Sorop-is, (believed to have been the same as Osiri,) “Gods of the Sun,” (Egypt.)

The same change of inflection which is observable when “Surya and Osira” are compared with Sero-p-is, occurs in the following:

Surie, Sorrie, Sorré, Sore, “The Sun,” (Hottentots.)

Sor o h-b, “The Sun,” (Corona Hottentots.)

The same change occurs also in the following:

Z.e.r, “To shine brightly,” Sh. r.-ph, “To burn,” Sh.r-ph eem, “Seraphs,” (Hebrew.)

Auror-a, “The Goddess of The Dawn,” (Latin.)

A.ou.r, “Light, Day-light,” (Hebrew.)

Waōūr, “The Dawn,” (Welsh.)

Or, “Day,” Ar-pi, “The Sun,” (Armenian.)

Wurabe, “Day,” (Nubia.)

Ē-o-us, One of the Horses of the Sun, Ēō-s (Eō, EōA, Accusative,) “The Sun, The Dawn, The Goddess” “of The Dawn,” (Greek.)

Eo o hu, Haou, “Day,” (Egypt.) Uwya Ou, “The Sun,” (Negroes.) Huieiou, “The Sun,” (Caraibs, South America.) A u-ō, “To shine,” (Greek.)

Net-phe, “The Goddess of the Heaven or Firmament,” (Egypt.)

Neth-phe Ne-phe ou, “The Heavens or Heaven,” (Egypt.)

Nev, “Heaven,” (Welsh.) Nebo, “Heaven,” (Selaronian.)

Ērē and Aēr (Greek), “The Goddess of The Heaven or Atmosphere,” “Juno.”

Iru, “Heaven,” (Negroes,) Awyr, “The Sky,” (Welsh,) Aër, (Latin), “Air,” (English.)

Juno (Latin), the same as the last. She was also regarded as “The Mother of the Gods.” (See this name explained by means of Sanscrit and Negro words combined, Appendix A, p. 62.)

Khem, A God of “The Sun,” (Egypt.)

K au m-et, “The Sun,” K au m-ei, “The Moon,” (Greenland.)

C'h.m.n.-ee.n, “Sun Images,” (Hebrew.)

C'h.m, “Hot, Heat,” (Hebrew.)

Ee ph-aist-os (Greek), “Vulcan,” “The God of Fire.”

Aifi, “Fire,” (Sumbava,) Fi (Japan), and Fei (Siam), “Fire,” Epee, “Fire,” (Katabans, North America,) Peez Pioe, “Fire,” (Moxians, South America,) Ee.ph.c'h, and Ph.ou.c'h, “To blow upon,” “Kindle,” “Inflame,” (Hebrew.)

Phoi-b-os (Greek), “The God of the Sun, Phœbus.”

“This word (‘Phoibos’) expresses the brightness and splendour of that luminary.” (Lempriere.)

Pha-ō, “To Shine,” (Greek.)

Ee.ph.ō, “To shine forth,” (Hebrew,) “Brightness, Splendour,” (Chald.) Ee.ph.ph.e, “Very Beautiful,” (Hebrew.)

Phōs, “Light,” (Greek.)

Fosseye, “The Sun,” (“Sereres” Negroes.)

Phōs, “A Star,” (Japan.)

The foregoing are merely examples of the mode in which the names of the Heathen Deities are susceptible of explanation, by means of a general comparison of languages. In the course of this work, the names of nearly all the principal Gods of Egypt, Greece, Italy, and India, will be explained in the same manner.

The North American Indians are not Idolaters. They worship a “Great” and “Good Spirit.” They also believe in an “Evil Spirit.”

A large class of Indian dialects have been analysed by Du Ponceau, a writer whose high philosophical reputation, great candour, and perfect knowledge of the dialects he examined, render his researches eminently deserving of attention. In early youth he was secretary to Court Ghebelin. But though a native of France, he passed the principal part of his life in the United States, in the employment of the Government of that country. His essay on the “Algonquyn Dialects of North America,” was elicited from him at a very advanced period of life by a prize offered in Paris, for which he was the successful competitor. By means of his familiar acquaintance with the languages of the Indian Tribes, it is related that he proved a person, whose narrative at one time excited considerable interest both in this country and in France to be an impostor; Hunter, the author of a work professing to give an authentic account of his captivity among the Indian Tribes. In his treatise on those languages, though for the most part he declines to generalize and professes to wish rather to furnish data for others, Du Ponceau expresses himself nevertheless, decidedly adverse to the views of those writers who conceive the Indian Tribes to be descendants of colonists from the Asiatic continent. The Indians and their languages he views as indigenous products of the American soil. After alluding in general terms of respect to the memory of that celebrated writer, he assails with national vivacity Grotius's conclusion with respect to the primitive language, which forms the motto of this work, quoting from Dante a passage in which it is intimated that the primitive language of Man must have perished at the “General Deluge!”

More ample proofs of the connexion of the dialects examined by Du Ponceau with those of the Old World, occur hereafter. In this place I must confine myself to one remarkable example.

With reference to the names given by the Indians to the great object of their worship, Du Ponceau states the result of his analysis to be that the names of the Supreme Being in all the Indian dialects he has explored, primarily mean “a Spirit.” But there is one instance, he adds, in which he has not been able to verify this conclusion, viz. in that of the dialect of the Abenaki tribe. It is true, he remarks, that “Father Raffles” had made a statement tending to show that in this instance there was no exception to the general rule he (Du Ponceau) had adopted, for, according to Father Raffles, in the dialect of the Abenaki the name of the Supreme Being was Ke tsi Niou esk ou, and these words K etsi “Ni ou eskou,” mean the Great “Spirit or Genius;” while the name of the Evil Being was Matsi “Nioueskou,” and these terms mean the Evil “Spirit or Genius.”

But Du Ponceau intimates that he has not been able by means of his own researches to satisfy himself of the accuracy of Father Raffles's statement, as to the origin of these words, and he adds, “I do not know whence this word ‘Ni oueskou’ comes.” (“Je ne sais pas d'où vient ce mot Nioueskou.”)

Among the specimens he has published of words used in the Iroquois dialects, a class of Indian languages which he has not minutely analysed, Du Ponceau gives “N' iou” as the name of “the Deity.”

Now the following comparison exhibits the remarkable fact that these words “N'iou” and “Nioueskou” may be distinctly and extensively recognized in the languages of the old world, in the very sense which, according to Father Raffles, was the primitive meaning of “Nioueskou” among the Abenaki tribe of Indians, viz., in that of “a Spirit or Genius.” They also reappear in physical meanings, which, according to Horne Tooke's principles, may, à priori, be pronounced to be philologically analogous.

The resemblance of the Indian terms to the European and Asiatic words is as close as the resemblance which exists between such words of the two latter classes as belong to the same languages or to the same group of languages. The variation of inflection between N'ioh and Niou-es kou, may also be restored; compare No- (the root or unchangeable part of “Noos,”) with “No-os Nous,” “The Mind,” (in the nominative case, Greek.) Compare also “Nose,” (English,) with “Nas-ika,” (Sanscrit.)

Hebrew, Indo-European, and American Words applied to the Physical Senses.

Hebrew.	Ind.-Europ. & American.
N.sh.-b, N.sh.-ph, “To blow.”	Nos (Sclavonic), Nase, &c. (German and other Gothic tongues), Nas-ika (San.)
N.sh.-m, “To breathe out,” N.sh.-m.e, “The Breath,” “Man as a Breathing Animal”. [Parkhurst's Hebrew Lexicon.]	Nas-us, Nas-um (Latin.) “The Nose,” (English.)
N.ph.sh, “Breath.”	
Ee-n.sh.ou.ph, “A species of Water-fowl remarkable for its Hard Breathing.”	

Applied to Mental and Physical Objects.

N.sh.-m.e “Breath,” (as above) “Life,” “Soul,” “Spirit.”	No-os, Nou-s, (No.e.No), “The Mind,” (Greek.) N'ioh.Nioues-kou, “The Genius, Spirit, God,” (North American Indian Dialects, as above.)
N.ph.sh. “Breath,” “Life,” “Mind,” “A Person or Man,” N.ph.sh-ce, The Pronoun “I.”	N.ph.sh, or Nouvis, “Full of Life or Spirits,” (Welsh.)

These examples may be concluded with a very remarkable instance of an important word which occurs in every one of the three great divisions of the globe, except America, and is met with in every one of the three regions of Africa.

Words for “Bread.”

Asia.—Buro (Savu Isle, a Malay dialect.)

Africa.—Bouron (Fulahs, North Africa.)

Bourou (Iolofs, Negro-land.)

Bra Bre (Hottentots, South Africa.)

Europe.—Bara (Welsh.) Bro (Norwegian.) Bread (English.) Brod or Brot (German.)

The source of these words seems to be, B.r.e, B.r.ou.th, “Food,” (Hebrew.) In the same language, Lc'h.m, “Bread,” primarily means “Food, To feed.”

Combined with the phenomenon of the absolute identity of the united elements of the languages of the Four Continents, we encounter a wide, and in many instances a total difference, when two individual languages are compared. And this is true not merely of two languages taken from different continents, but it is true also of languages spoken even in contiguous regions of the same continent.

How then are these singular features of general unity combined with individual diversity to be reconciled? Of this problem the investigation will be found in the following pages.

Chapter II. On The Differences Which Distinguish Individual Languages Of The Four Continents.

Section I.

These differences may be explained by Causes now in Operation. The principal causes are, The abandonment by different branches of the same race:

1, Of different Synonymes;
2, Of different meanings of the same Synonyme.

This Section may be considered as confined to an affirmation of the propositions above stated.

Section II.

On the Differences between the Celtic and Gothic Classes of Languages. The Celtic and Gothic differ almost totally in the most Common Words. Celtic and Gothic words identical with Persian Synonymes.

The Celtic and Gothic Races form the population of North-western and Central Europe.

In those early ages in which the Celtic tribes first came into collision with the Roman legionaries, the Celtic language and race occupied a wide section of Europe, including the British islands, France, the Rhine, the whole of Switzerland, a portion of South-western Germany, and the North of Italy. The Celts were also in possession of some of the fairest regions of the Spanish Peninsula, a country which they shared with Iberian tribes, the ancestors of the Basque nation, of which a remnant still preserves among the fastnesses of the Pyrenean mountains the language, character, and institutions of their warlike forefathers. The existence in those ages of a Celtic population, occupying territories thus extensive, and the identity of their languages with the living tongues still spoken by the Welsh and other Celtic nations, have been placed beyond all doubt by the luminous investigations of Dr. Prichard and Humboldt.

In the present day, the Gothic nations and languages extend over a large section of the area of Europe, including the greatest portion[^28] of Germany, the whole of Sweden, Norway, and Iceland, the German Cantons of Switzerland, and the British Isles, with the exception of those districts in which dialects of the Celtic are spoken.

[^28: Bohemia is inhabited by a Sclavonic race, &c.]

Of the common origin of the Celtic and Gothic tongues we possess no direct historical proof, for the sources of these languages reach far higher than the records of history. Nor, as I conceive, is it possible, from a comparison of these languages themselves, to elicit a satisfactory demonstration of their original identity. Instances of partial resemblances may no doubt be pointed out; but it will be found nevertheless that in the most common corresponding terms, the Celtic and Gothic differ almost totally.

The only satisfactory mode of proving the common origin of the Celtic and Gothic seems to be by means of the affinity to the languages of India, Persia, &c., which are displayed by both, even in those very features in which they differ most widely from each other. The following are examples of the union, in the form of Synonymes in the Persian, of corresponding terms, in which the Celtic and Gothic differ totally from each other.

Persian.	Welsh.	English.
Made, a maid, a female.		Maid. Mädchen, Germ.
Geneez, a girl.	Geneth.	
D.ch.t.r., a girl, a daughter.		Daughter. Töchter, Germ.
Chonahr, a sister.	Idem.	
Ch.d. a God.		God.
B.r.ee, God.	Beree or Peree, to create, (spelt Peri.) Beri|adur, Creator. B.r.a. Heb. Id.	
Pechegan, infants.	Bechgyn.	
Juvan, young.	Ieuange.	Juvenile, from Lat.
Braud.|r.	Braud (Brathair, Irish.)	Brother.
Mam, mother.	Mam.	
M.d.r. mother.		Mother.
P.d.r. father.		Pater, Lat.; Fader, Ang.-Sax.
	Latin.	Greek.
Aud.|n. the ear.	Aud|io, I hear.	
Koush, the ear.		A|kous|o, I will hear. Akoustics, Eng.
F.m. the mouth.	(Fhuaim, a voice, Irish.) Fama, Fame, Latin.	Feem|ee, I speak.

The Persian grammar also combines many European languages:

Persian.	Welsh.	English.	Latin.	German.
Men, I.	My.	Mine.	Meus.	Mein.
Tou, thou.		Thou.	Tu.	Du.
Av, he, she, or it.	Idem, spelt Ev.			
A een, this.	Hyn.; Hon.		
Bod|n|, to be; (n. infinitive affix.)	Bod.		
Am, I am.		Idem.		(Eim|i, Greek.)

This tense is very like Latin:

Shou, be thou. Shou d (sit), let him be. Shou eem (simus), let us be. Shou eet (sitis), be ye. Shou nd, let them be.[^29]

[^29: This comparison has been extracted from the Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. II., p. 183, in which it was originally published by the author of this work.]

Section III.

On the Changes which have taken place in the English Language. Effect of the Norman Conquest, as a Cause of these Changes exaggerated. Dr. Johnson's Opinion. Sir Walter Scott's. Speech of “Wamba” in Ivanhoe. Some of the most important Changes have occurred since the time of Chaucer. The modern English, the Provincial Dialects of Lancashire and other English Counties, and the Lowland Scotch, different Fragments of the Anglo-Saxon. The Provincial English Auxiliary Verb, “I Bin,” &c.

That extensive changes have taken place in many Human languages, within a comparatively limited period, is a truth of which the proofs are alike abundant and indisputable. The various dialects that sprang from the Latin after the downfall of the Roman Empire, the emanation of numerous dialects in the Scandinavian Kingdoms from one ancient tongue, “The Danska Tunge” or “Norse,” and finally the successive phases of transition through which the English language itself has passed since the period of the Norman conquest, conspire, with other examples of the same kind, at once to establish the occurrence of such changes, and to exhibit in a striking point of view their extraordinary variety and extent.

In order to account for differences, so characteristic and apparently so fundamental, as many of the languages which are the offspring of these changes display, it has generally been deemed necessary to ascribe them to the agency of a violent disturbing cause. Hence the origin of an opinion that may be regarded as the prevalent one, viz. that these varieties of dialect have been mainly produced by the influence of Foreign invasions and conquests, and the consequent admixture of the Languages of the dominant, with those of vanquished, nations.

The grounds of this conclusion may be appropriately tested—and its fallacy, as I conceive, satisfactorily established—in one single instance, which I have been naturally led to select as involving considerations of peculiar interest to English readers. I allude to the influence which the Norman conquest of England is supposed to have exercised, in the production of those peculiar features, which distinguish the modern language of England from the original Anglo-Saxon tongue.

The share which the Norman conquest may have had in the formation of those peculiarities may be best determined by investigating 1st the immediate, and 2d the remote, consequences of that event.

On the subject of the immediate effects of the Norman conquest, it is highly interesting to observe that Dr. Johnson thus expresses himself in the following remarkable passage:

“About the year 1150 the Saxon began to take a form in which the beginning of the present English may be plainly discovered; this change seems not to have been the effect of the Norman conquest, for very few French words are found to have been introduced in the first Hundred years after it; the language must, therefore, have been altered by causes like those which, notwithstanding the care of writers and societies instituted to obviate them, are even now daily making innovations in every living language. I have exhibited a specimen of the language of this age from the year 1135 to 1140 of the Saxon Chronicle, of which the latter part was apparently written near the time to which it relates.”[^30]

[^30: History of the English language, prefixed to Dr. Johnson's Dictionary.]

Yet Professor Rask of Copenhagen, a writer of great learning and ability, in alluding to the changes that occurred at this period, attempts to account for them by vaguely attributing them to an infusion of the speech of the “old northern settlers,” (in other words—the Danes,) and to the ascendancy of the Norman French as a court language.[^31] But the facts are singularly at variance with his conclusions! The sway of the Danish kings had produced, as he admits, no material alteration in the English language, even during its continuance; and how then could it have done so a century after its termination? Nor can the ascendancy of the Norman Court be accepted as a satisfactory explanation of these results, since the changes to be accounted for did not consist in the adoption of Norman words, but in an internal change in the structure and inflections of the original Anglo-Saxon itself, unattended by the introduction of any Foreign admixture.

[^31: Rask's Anglo-Saxon Grammar, by Thorpe. Preface, p. xlvii.]

It is obvious, then, that the conclusion of Professor Rask cannot be regarded as a deduction naturally suggested by the phenomena, with which he was so profoundly conversant, but must be viewed rather as a result of the influence which the popular and generally received opinions on the subject, must have exercised upon his mind. Highly instructive is it to mark in this instance an example of the extent to which even erudite and admirable philologists have frequently been betrayed into inconsistency and error, by the supposed necessity of referring the revolutions which languages have undergone, to some abrupt and violent social revolution, with which, being connected in the order of events, they are also and not unnaturally conceived to be equally connected by the relation of cause and effect!

It may be assumed therefore, agreeably to the views of Dr. Johnson, that the Norman conquest had no immediate effect on the language of the Anglo-Saxons. It remains then to inquire in what manner the influence of that event was felt at a more distant period, viz.: about a century afterwards, during the reigns of John and Richard Cœur de Lion, the period during which the intermingling of the Norman and Saxon races and tongues is believed to have been consummated. During this period also, we possess the guidance of a great master, who has embodied all the philosophy of this subject in a few pathetic words which he has put into the mouth of a jester.[^32]

[^32: Mr. Lockhart has given an interesting account of the origin of Sir Walter Scott's views on this subject as expressed in the passages quoted above. They were first suggested by a friend whose attention had been much directed to subjects of this nature.]

“Truly,” said Wamba, without stirring from the spot, “I have consulted my legs upon this matter, and they are altogether of opinion, that to carry my gay garments through these sloughs would be an act of unfriendship to my sovereign person and royal wardrobe; wherefore Gurth, I advise thee to call off Fangs, and leave the herd to their destiny, which, whether they meet with bands of travelling soldiers, or of outlaws, or of wandering pilgrims, can be little else than to be converted into Normans before morning to thy no small ease and comfort.”

“The swine turned Normans to my comfort,” quoth Gurth; “expound that to me, Wamba, for my brain is too dull, and my mind too vexed, to read riddles.”

“Why, how call you those grunting brutes running about on their four legs?” demanded Wamba.

“Swine, fool, swine,” said the herd; “every fool knows that.”

“And swine is good Saxon,” said the Jester; “but how call you the sow when she is flayed, and drawn, and quartered, and hung by the heels, like a traitor?”

“Pork,” answered the swineherd.

“I am very glad every fool knows that too,” said Wamba, “and Pork, I think, is good Norman-French; and so when the brute lives, and is in the charge of a Saxon slave, she goes by her Saxon name; but becomes a Norman, and is called Pork, when she is carried to the Castle-hall to feast among the nobles. What dost thou think of this, friend Gurth, ha?”

“It is but too true doctrine, friend Wamba, however it got into thy fool's pate!”

“Nay, I can tell you more,” said Wamba, in the same tone. “There is old Alderman Ox continues to hold his Saxon epithet, while he is under the charge of serfs and bondmen such as thou, but becomes Beef, a fiery French gallant, when he arrives before the worshipful jaws that are destined to consume him. ‘Mynheer Calf,’ too, becomes ‘Monsieur de Veau,’ in the like manner: he is Saxon when he requires tendance, and takes a Norman name when he becomes matter of enjoyment.”

“By St. Dunstan,” answered Gurth, “thou speakest but sad truths; little is left to us but the air we breathe, and that appears to have been reserved with much hesitation, solely for the purpose of enabling us to endure the tasks they lay upon our shoulders. The finest and the fattest is for their board; the loveliest is for their couch; the best and bravest supply their foreign masters with soldiers, and whiten distant lands with their bones, leaving few here who have either the will or the power to protect the unfortunate Saxon!”

The effect of the Norman Conquest was simply to introduce among the Saxon population a certain class of new terms, which—though they were eventually embodied in their language—are still readily distinguishable from the Stock on which they were thus engrafted. But the general structure and composition of the language remained unaffected by any Foreign alloy. The most common verbs, nouns, and grammatical inflections and forms—Horne Tooke's “epea pteroenta” of the English language—remained, and have since continued to be, pure, unadulterated Anglo-Saxon!

Such was the character of those modifications in the English Tongue that flowed from the Norman Conquest. Partial and peculiar were those changes in their nature—brief, also, was the interval of which they were the result! A period can be fixed, at which it is certain that the dialect of the Norman had ceased to encroach on that of the Anglo-Saxon people. In the age of Chaucer, for example, the Norman and Saxon races had long become undistinguishable, and the languages they spoke had blended into one. Can the same age be fixed upon as an epoch at which the process of transition in the English language had also been arrested? That considerable changes have since occurred will not be disputed—for it is an historical fact which does neither admit of doubt nor discussion. But had all important changes ceased at that time? Can it be said that—in the time of Chaucer—that progressive revolution which has so widely separated the modern English from the original Anglo-Saxon had gone through all its stages? Can it be said that the innovations which have since occurred are few in number, and trifling in point of character, compared to those which belong to earlier periods of our History?

The answer to these inquiries involves a truth that I believe will be found no less startling to the Philologist than to the general reader, in whose mind the changes which the English language has undergone are associated with the violent shock given by the Norman Conquest to Anglo-Saxon institutions. The truth to which I allude—and it is one for which I apprehend few inquirers will be prepared—is this: that the changes which have occurred in the English language since the age of Chaucer are at least equal in importance to those which took place in the antecedent periods of our history. Novel as this conclusion may appear, the proofs are so simple and so conclusive, as to place its accuracy beyond the possibility of doubt.

The features which distinguish different languages from each other are divisible into two classes—Words and Grammatical inflections. In both these features marked differences have arisen between our modern English and its parent Saxon, and to both these classes we must refer in forming our conclusion as to the relative importance of the alterations which have taken place in our language at two different epochs.

1st. The difference in words between the language of Chaucer and our modern English will be sufficiently obvious, from a cursory glance at the venerable remains of that poet. How many terms are there in the pages of the father of English poetry that require the aid of a glossary to render them intelligible even to an educated Englishman! These terms too, be it observed—and it is a reflection highly deserving of the attention of those who may still cling to the impression that the Norman Conquest has been the sole agent of those phases through which the English Tongue has passed—do not consist exclusively of Anglo-Saxon roots, but comprise also a large number of Norman words which have shared the same fate!

2d. Still more striking have been those Changes in the Grammatical forms of the English which may be referred to the last four centuries.

The ancient Saxon was a language of inflections—the modern English is a language of simple forms. Thus, in the Anglo-Saxon the terminations of the Verb were varied in different Persons, as they are in the Latin “Hab-eo, Hab-emus, Hab-ent,” and in the German “Hab-e, Hab-en, Hab-en.” These inflections have, for the most part, progressively disappeared from the English, which expresses the changes of Persons by separate Pronouns, in conjunction with a Root, in most instances unvarying, as “I Have, We Have, They Have.” There is distinct evidence that this change has, in a great measure, perhaps principally, taken place since the time of Chaucer—whose writings, to a great extent, preserve the Anglo-Saxon inflections, such as “They Hav-en,”[^33] &c., corresponding with the German “Sie Hab-en,” &c.

[^33: This inflection, as in “They Hav-en,” is also preserved in the Dialects of the English Provinces.]

Slow and almost imperceptible have been the steps in this as in other examples of that revolution of which the progress may be faintly traced in the writings of Spenser, and Shakspeare, and Milton, and even in those of the great modern Masters of the last century. In our own generation it has not been consummated! A striking instance occurs in the old inflection of the third person singular “He Giv-eth,” still partially used in the venerable forms of Scripture. This inflection, now fast passing into oblivion, trifling as it may appear, forms a link which serves to associate the English language not only with the German, but with the Latin and the Sanscrit![^34]

[^34: Giv-eth (Eng.) Gieb-et (Germ.) Don-at (Lat.) Can-ati (Sans.) i.e. Can-it (Lat.) Diy-ati (Sans.) i.e. Die-th (Eng.)]

The Auxiliary Verb may probably be regarded as the most important part of Language. Now it is highly deserving of remark, that in the Anglo-Saxon there existed an Auxiliary Verb, “Beo, or Beonne, To Be,” which has been abandoned in the modern English. This Verb is interesting, not merely from its important functions as a part of Language, but also from its forming a link, as will hereafter appear, between the Anglo-Saxon, the German, the dialects of the English Provinces, and of the Scottish Lowlands. From the English of Literature it has been lost since the days of Chaucer, by whom it is commonly used, as in the following example:

“These two sinnes bin so nigh cosins.”—Person's Tale.

The peculiarities which distinguish the dialects of the English Counties from the language of the higher classes of society are not, as is perhaps generally supposed, the results of the capricious deviation of uncultivated minds from an established standard. On the contrary, they appear clearly for the most part to be various relics or Fragments of Old English or Anglo-Saxon, which the more educated classes have lost. For example, To “axe” (for To ask,) “I conne,” (I can,) expressions used by the peasantry of Shropshire, are words of Saxon origin that occur in Chaucer. In an able work on the peculiarities of the dialect of Lancashire, by Mr. Collier,[^35] it has been shown with much learning and research that those peculiarities are to be recognized in Chaucer, Spenser, Ben Jonson, and other old English writers. Obsolete Norman, as well as Saxon, words occur in this dialect. Similar inferences with regard to the Lowland Scotch may be drawn from Mr. Jamieson's work on that branch of the Anglo-Saxon.

[^35: A work published by this gentleman under the quaint title of “Tim Bobbin,” and written entirely in the Lancashire Dialect, is well known. His writings, however, display the attainments of a scholar.]

Some very interesting results will be found to flow from a Comparison of the “Pronunciation” of different English Counties, and of the Lowland Scotch, with that of the educated classes of modern England. One of the most marked differences between the modern English and the German consists in the superior breadth or distinctness which is given in the German to words which are uttered with a comparatively narrow and indistinct sound in Modern English. There is every reason to believe that the Anglo-Saxon Pronunciation was similar to the German, and that the present English mode has been the result of progressive innovation. Of the various dialects of the Anglo-Saxon, the Lowland Scotch, in its pronunciation, as well as in individual words, approaches nearest to the Continental German.[^36] But, as intimated above, many of the characteristics of German articulation have been preserved also in the Provincial dialects of England. Moreover, it is interesting to observe, that different primitive peculiarities have been preserved in different counties. For example, the English of the educated classes differs from the Continental German, and, as it is believed, from the Anglo-Saxon also,[^37] in giving a narrow sound to the vowels A and U. Now the Shropshire dialect has preserved the broad A; (“Hair,” for instance, is pronounced “H-ā-r,” as it is by the Germans!) On the other hand, in Lancashire and Cheshire the broad U forms the prominent feature in the dialect of the peasantry; (for example, “Butter” and “Gutter” are pronounced “Bootter” and “Gootter!”)

[^36: “Gang to the recht (right) hand” was a reply which Dr. Lappenberg of Hamburgh has noticed to the author as one which struck his ear when he visited Scotland for the first time as a student. The approximation to the German is manifest.]

[^37: Rask, by Thorpe, pp. 8-9.]

As already noticed, the Anglo-Saxon Auxiliary Verb forms in numerous instances an important connecting link. Thus the modern English and the modern German Auxiliary Verbs differ totally in the present tense.

English.	German.
I am,	Ich bin,
Thou art,	Du bist,
He is.	Er ist.
We are,	Wir sind,
You are,	Ihr seyd,
They are.	Sie sind.

But both these Verbs co-exist in the present tense in the old Anglo-Saxon.

Anglo-Saxon[^38] Verb the source of the English “I am,” and Anglo-Saxon Verb corresponding with the German “Ich bin.”

[^38: This Verb also exhibits the German Plural “Sind,” which differs from the singular altogether, and belonged no doubt originally to a distinct Auxiliary Verb.]

Indicative Present.

Singular.

1, Eom; 1, Beo,
2, Eort; 2, Byst,
3, Is.; 3, By & Byd.

Plural.

1, 2, 3, Synd.; 1, 2, 3, Beod & Beo.

Subjunctive Present.

Singular.

1, 2, 3, Sy (Seo); 1, 2, 3, Beo.

Plural.

1, 2, 3, Sy'n; 1, 2, 3, Beon.

Indicative Imperfect.

Singular.

1, Wæs; 1, 2, 3, Beo.
2, Wære,
3, Wæs.

Plural.

1, 2, 3, Weron; 1, 2, 3, Beod.

Infinitive Present.

Wesanne; Beonne.

Participle Active.

Wesende; Beonde.

Participle Past.

Gewesen.

But though the present tense of the Verb “Beo” or “Beonne” does not exist in modern English, it has been preserved in a remarkable manner in the Shropshire and other dialects, in which it runs thus:

Provincial English.	German.
I Be, or I Bin,	Ich Bin,
Thou Bist,	Du Bist,
He Is.	Er Ist.
We Bin,	
Yō Bin,	
They Bin.	

The word “Bin” or “Ben” is used by Chaucer for the 1st, 2d, and 3d Persons Plural,[^39] as in the passage previously quoted: “These two sinnes bin so nigh cosins.” (Person's Tales.)

[^39: See Glossary to Tyrwhitt's Chaucer.]

These are singular but highly instructive examples of the caprices of “the great Innovator!”

Section IV.

On the Scandinavian Languages. Resemblances between the Icelandic and Anglo-Saxon. Recent Origin and extensive Nature of the Differences among the Icelandic, Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian Tongues. Approximation of the Ancient Specimens of the Scandinavian and Teutonic Languages.

The Island of Iceland abounds in diversified features of interest; and its Language, early History, and Institutions, will be found replete with instruction, in connexion with the inquiry pursued in this volume.

As has been previously stated, the Gothic Class of languages are naturally divisible into two great subordinate branches: the Teutonic or German, including the dialects of Germany, the Low Countries, and of Great Britain—and the Scandinavian, including those of the two Scandinavian Peninsulas and Iceland. These two great Divisions of the Languages of the Gothic race are radically the same, but they are supposed to display certain specific differences by which they are distinguished from each other.

Of the Teutonic—one of the most venerable specimens is the Anglo-Saxon, the primitive tongue of the Ancestors of the modern English. More ancient specimens of some of the other Gothic dialects have been preserved, but as these are for the most part mere fragments—while of the Anglo-Saxon literature and language we possess copious Remains—it has been inferred by eminent Scholars that it is in these Remains—to Englishmen so interesting for other reasons—that we may on the whole, perhaps, hope to find the nearest approach to a transcript of the early language of the Teutonic tribes.[^40] Of all the Scandinavian Languages, on the other hand, the Icelandic—by the general concurrence of the scholars of the North—appears to be the most primitive.

[^40: Rask's Anglo-Saxon Grammar.]

Now in relation to these two Languages, a very interesting proposition has been established by Scandinavian scholars—and though they widely differ as to the cause of the results they discuss—they seem to be agreed with respect to the proposition itself. The Icelandic, they have shown, closely approaches to the Anglo-Saxon in numerous features in which it differs from the languages of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. Moreover it has been pointed out by the writers who first noticed these resemblances, that—in their Literary and Bardic Institutions, as well as in their Language—the Icelanders approach to the Anglo-Saxons. In explanation of these facts, they propose the theory—that in the early ages of their history the Icelanders must have benefited by direct communication and instruction from the Anglo-Saxons.

These views have been fully discussed by Professor Rask, in a Preface prefixed to his Anglo-Saxon Grammar, which contains a valuable body of facts that serve to throw a new light on the history of the Scandinavian Tongues.[^41] He does not deny the existence of these important common features in the Icelandic and Anglo-Saxon Languages and Remains; nor the absence of the same features as regards the Modern specimens of the Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian; but he maintains, nevertheless, that all these characteristics may be retraced in detail, either in the Ancient or in the Provincial specimens of those three Languages. In the present day the Icelandic differs widely from the Languages of the Mainland of Scandinavia, and those Languages also differ widely among themselves. But originally, he maintains, one common Speech, the ancient Scandinavian, (“Danska Tunge,”) was spoken from the coasts of Greenland to those of Finland, from the Frozen Ocean to the Eider.[^42] As we ascend into the remoter periods of history we find the languages of Scandinavia gradually approximate to each other, and finally blend into one.[^43] During the ninth century, and the period immediately succeeding, these tongues were perfectly identical.

[^41: Rask's Grammar, by Thorpe.]

[^42: Bosworth's Scandinavian Literature.]

[^43: Ib. See Rask's Anglo-Saxon Grammar, by Thorpe.]

Professor Rask's proofs of this proposition may be said to consist of a reunion of the “Disjecta Membra” of the “Danska Tunge,” as found dispersed in the various kingdoms and provinces of the Scandinavian Mainland. Of these proofs I shall offer a few examples.

After observing that the Danish and Norwegian have from various causes become very much alike, he adds that a comparison of the Danish with the Swedish would, for that reason, be more instructive.

“The Swedish has almost from the introduction of Christianity, even during the Calmar union, a.d. 1397, and in the time of Gustavus I., been a distinct tongue; a comparison, therefore, with the Swedish is more to the present purpose.”

He then gives a specimen of an ancient Danish MS. of a date prior to the Reformation, which, “like all MSS. prior” to that event, “differs widely from the present Danish.... It has many inflections now obsolete, but which are to be found only in Old Swedish and Icelandic; many antiquated words and phrases, exempli gratia, then annin,” Icelandic “thann annan.”

He then mentions some words contained in this MS. which are still preserved in “the provinces of Upland, Jutland, and Dalecarlia.”

He next notices an old Swedish document issued by King Magnus Smik, of which he observes: “This, although about a century older, greatly resembles the preceding specimen, and is scarcely distinguishable from the Danish of the same period.... But if we go further back to the language of the old Danish Laws, we there recognize nearly the entire structure of the earliest Swedish, and the Icelandic though not always strictly adhered to, as the language in those unhappy and turbulent times which preceded the Calmar Union, underwent in Denmark what may be termed its fermentation, somewhat earlier than in the other states.”

He then gives a specimen from the Ecclesiastical Laws of Zealand, of which he observes: “The few deviations from the Icelandic bear, for the most part, a strong resemblance to the Swedish.”

“But the oldest remains of the Danish language are to be found on our Runic stone monuments, and here at length it perfectly coincides with the earliest Swedish, Norwegian, and Icelandic.”

“The Danish is closely allied to the Swedish, and both, in the earliest times, lapse into the Icelandic, which, according to all ancient records, was formerly universal over all the North, and must therefore be considered as the parent of both the modern Scandinavian dialects.”[^44]

[^44: The original identity of all these Languages may be said to be clearly proved; the Icelandic, also, seems to have deviated less than the rest from the parent tongue. But this opinion that the Icelandic has not changed at all is a highly unreasonable one. For example, the Danish and Swedish names for “Water”, of which the antiquity is certain from their general use among the Teutonic tribes, &c. must have been lost by the Icelanders.]

On the subject of the differences of dialect in the different provinces of the Northern Kingdoms he says that, “In Norway as well as in Denmark one province terminates its verbs in a, another distinguishes all the three genders, while a third has preserved a vast number of old words and inflections which to the others are unintelligible.”

We have thus a proof that even in the provinces of the same kingdom there are differences of “words, grammar, and inflections.” The difference in the number of genders is a very remarkable one.

The researches of Professor Rask will be found distinctly to warrant the following conclusions. These conclusions are in the nature of results that legitimately flow from his researches; they do not represent the inferences which he himself has thence deduced. With regard both to the languages of England and of his native Scandinavia, this learned writer seems evidently to have been perplexed by the extent and variety of the changes he has described. Hence, in both instances, he has shown an inclination to ascribe to the influence of War and Social disturbance changes which his own researches clearly prove to have been the effects neither of transient nor of local influences, but of causes progressively at work through a series of ages, and embracing large groups of nations and languages in their action.

1. The differences which now exist between the various Scandinavian Languages extend to all those features in which it is possible that one Language, or one Class of Languages, can differ from another; viz. to Words, Grammar, Inflections,[^45] and to the arrangement of Words in sentences,[^46] or Idioms.

[^45: As to Grammar and Inflections, see especially pp. xvii. and xix. xxi. xxiii.—Rask.]

[^46: See Bosworth's “Scandinavian Literature,” as to the difference in the arrangement of sentences, and the difference of Idioms between the ancient and modern Scandinavian dialects.]

2. Not only do differences of this nature present themselves in the various Scandinavian Kingdoms—but also in the various Provinces of the same Kingdom, which in many instances are distinguished by the most marked differences in Words, Grammar, &c. Thus the Dialect of Dalecarlia in Sweden is very ancient and distinct, and approaches to the Gothic.[^47]

[^47: Rask, pp. xvii. and xix. Bosworth's Scandinavian Literature.]

3. These characteristic features of the various languages and dialects of Scandinavia have arisen progressively during the course of ages.

4. These differences principally consist in the abandonment in one Kingdom or Province of a portion of the Words, Idioms, Grammar, &c. of the Parent Speech—that part of the elements of the Original Tongue which have become obsolete in one dialect having generally been preserved in the dialects of other kingdoms and provinces—which have at the same time generally lost other distinct portions of the Vocabulary, Grammar, &c. of their common Original. In other words, the “Disjecta Membra” of the old Scandinavian, or “Danska Tunge,” when not preserved in the Danish, have been retained for the most part in the Swedish, Icelandic, and Norwegian, or in some of the Provincial dialects of Scandinavia, and vice versâ. In the various provinces in which it was once spoken different portions of the Parent speech have been abandoned or preserved.

5. Hence it follows that the Primitive Language of Scandinavia, or “Danska Tunge,” does not exist in any one—but is dispersed in all its derivative dialects. (Compare the motto from Grotius on the title-page.)

6. It is a necessary consequence of the third and fourth propositions that the more ancient remains of the derivative dialects approach more nearly to the Parent Speech, and—in the ratio of their superior antiquity—unite a greater proportion of the distinctive peculiarities of all the sister-dialects, which, as previously stated, have arisen in consequence of certain portions of the Parent speech having been abandoned in some provinces and retained in others, and vice versâ.

An interesting illustration of this maxim occurs in a passage from Professor Rask's preface already quoted, in which, after giving a specimen of old Danish, which approaches closely to the Icelandic, he adds, “The few deviations from the Icelandic bear for the most part a strong resemblance to the Swedish.” In other words, the older specimens of the Danish unite those peculiarities by which the modern collateral Tongues of Iceland, Denmark, and Sweden are distinguished from each other.

Let it be borne in mind, that the lapse of one thousand years has produced these changes, and the instructive nature of this example will be fully apparent. Of the accuracy of the data on which the previous deductions rest, all doubt must be removed by reference to one remarkable event. It is historically certain that the Island of Iceland is inhabited by a nation descended from emigrants from the opposite Norwegian coast. It is historically certain, also, that previously to the Ninth Century these warlike adventurers had not established themselves on the Icelandic soil. Anterior to that period, therefore, it is self-evident that, inasmuch as the Icelanders had no existence as a nation, the Icelandic Tongue could not have had a separate existence as a language. Yet it is certain that in the present day the Icelandic deviates at least as widely from the language of the adjoining Norwegian Coasts as that language deviates from the other Scandinavian Tongues.

The evidence furnished by Professor Rask and the writers whose views he has combated, will be found, when fairly balanced, distinctly to support a very important Conclusion, contemplated by neither. The facts adduced on both sides conspire to show a rapid approximation of the Teutonic and Scandinavian branches of the Gothic as we ascend into remote ages.

Of this approximation, the features of identity between the Anglo-Saxon and the Icelandic, pointed out by the writers whose views Professor Rask combats, furnish a reasonable presumption, which is converted into positive proof by the evidence collected by Professor Rask himself, that the same features occur in all the ancient, though they do not in the modern, specimens of the Languages of the Scandinavian Peninsulas. It is true, this learned writer, of whose researches I have chiefly availed myself in this Section, maintains that there are some features in which all the Scandinavian differ from the Anglo-Saxon and other Teutonic Dialects, a conclusion, however, but feebly supported by the examples he has adduced, and scarcely reconcilable in any way with the resemblance which the primitive Swedish dialect of Dalecarlia is said to bear to the Gothic. But, assuming the occurrence of some features of difference, even in the earliest specimens we possess, this assumption leaves untouched the proposition that these specimens show a rapid rate of approximation, which, if equally rapid prior to their date, implies that at an era not many ages anterior the identity of the languages of Germany and Scandinavia must have been complete.

Section V.

The Origin of the Irish Nation. The original Language of the British Isles was a Union of Welsh and Irish. Union of the Irish, Welsh, &c. in the ancient Local Names in the Celtic Countries of Gaul, &c. These Names a connecting Link between the existing Celtic Dialects and the Oriental, Greek, and other Languages, &c.

The origin of the Irish nation, or Gael, forms—for numerous reasons—a highly interesting and important subject of inquiry. Of this Nation the very same theories have been maintained as those which have been adopted in some quarters with respect to the North American Indians, the Negroes, and other branches of the Human Family; viz., that they are of a stock aboriginally inferior and distinct, by nature incapable of the virtues of civilization. Let the views advocated by Pinkerton with respect to the Gaelic race—views received with no slight degree of favour in his time—be compared with the doctrines of many modern writers on the subject of the native African and American Races, and an instructive lesson will be learnt on the force of prejudice and the uniformity of error!

On the other hand, it must be allowed that the opinions which have been generally espoused on the subject of the origin of the Gael by many of the Historians and Scholars of Ireland and of the Highlands of Scotland, can scarcely be said to possess a better claim to the approbation of a calm and dispassionate judgment. Eminently distinguished as the Irish are by Literary genius, there is probably no subject on which their native talent has appeared to less advantage than in the investigation of the early History of their own Country. Fictions the most extravagant, borrowed from the Chronicles of the dark ages, have been credulously adopted by their first Scholars in lieu of those solid truths to which a calm and sober inquiry alone can lead. Thus we find Mr. Moore, at once the Poet and the Historian of Ireland, lending the sanction of his name to the Fable that the Irish are of Spanish origin; and citing, in answer to the more reasonable hypothesis of a British origin, a variety of Irish writers of no mean note, and some Welsh writers also, in favour of the assertions: 1, that the Irish Language is almost totally unlike the Welsh or Ancient British; and 2, that the Welsh is not a Celtic but a Gothic Tongue! There is every reason to conclude that Mr. Moore—unacquainted, probably, with any of the Celtic dialects himself—resorted to those authorities which he might naturally have deemed most deserving of confidence. But this only renders more lamentably conspicuous the credulity, carelessness, and ignorance of those to whose labours he has appealed. The assertions, 1, that the Welsh and Irish are unlike; and 2, that the Welsh is a Gothic dialect, are contradictions of the plainest facts.

Influenced by national feelings Gaelic Scholars have also advanced various other theories, calculated to exhibit the antiquity of their language and race in a favorable point of view. The Gaelic has been maintained to be the Parent, at least in part, of the Latin, the Welsh, &c.; while to the first Colonists of Ireland a Carthaginian or Phœnician origin has been assigned.

These conclusions cannot be sustained. But it is highly probable, notwithstanding, that the proofs on which they have been based will be found, in many instances, to contain the germs of important truths, though blended with an admixture of error. The traces of affinity between the Irish and other ancient languages which have been collected by Gaelic Scholars, may be open in many cases to the same remark, which is clearly applicable to the examples of affinity pointed out by Mr. Catlin between the dialect of the North American Indian tribe the Mandans and the Welsh; viz., these features may consist of clear and genuine traces of a generic, though they may afford no proofs of a specific, affinity of race. There can be no doubt that the Irish preserves many primitive forms which the kindred Celtic of Wales has lost; there can be no doubt also that the Irish approximates to the Latin, to the Greek, and to the Egyptian,[^48] &c. in many features which the Welsh no longer exhibits. The examples adduced in Appendix A of the connexion of the Irish language with the Hebrew, Egyptian, &c. are sufficient to show that the Irish are a nation of Oriental origin. But on the other hand it must be borne in mind, that inasmuch as the Welsh, Latin, &c., have also preserved primitive forms which the Irish has lost, there is no ground for concluding that the Gaelic is a Parent rather than a Sister of these venerable Tongues; and inasmuch as the evidence of the Eastern origin of the Gael, however unequivocal, is not clearer or closer than the accompanying[^49] evidence with respect to the Welsh, English, and other European nations, there are no peculiar grounds for referring the first colonization of Ireland to a direct migration from the shores of Palestine or Africa, rather than to the gradual diffusion of population from a central point.

[^48: See the Irish names for the Heavenly Bodies, in Append. A and C.]

[^49: See Appendix A.]

The following comparison presents examples of features in which the Irish approximates to the Gothic and other Languages, at the same time that it differs more or less from the Welsh.

Words in which the Gaelic resembles the Gothic, and other European Languages, more closely than it resembles the Cymraeg or Welsh.

English.	Gaelic.	Illustrations.	Cymraeg.
1. Father.	Ath-air, (Ir.)	Atta, (Gothic.), Ayta, Aydia, (Basque.), Attia, (Hung.), Otek, (Russ.), Fader, slightly varied in all the Gothic dialects, except the Gothic properly so called, Pater, (Greek & Latin.)	Tad, (W.)
2. Mother.	Math-air, (Ir.)	Mater or Mutter (with some trifling variations) in Latin, Greek, and all the Teuto-Scandinavian dialects except the Gothic—also in the Sclavonic and Bohemian. Ath-ei, (Gothic.)	
	Mymmog, (Manx dialect.	Mam, (W.)
3. Brother.	Brathair, (Ir.)	The Irish form, Brathair, occurs in the Latin and Teuto-Scandinav. tongues; the Welsh form, Brawd, in the Sclavonian tongues.	Brawd, (W.), Bredar, (Cornish.)
Breur, (Manx dialect		Breur, (Arm.)
4. Sister.	|Siur, (Ir.)	The Irish form prevails in the Latin, Teuto-Scand. and Sclavonic.	Chwaer, (W.)
	Piur, (Scotch.)		Hor, Huyr, (Cornish.)
5. A Company.	Drong, (Ir.)	Drang, a Throng, a Crowd, (German.)	Torv.
6. Mock.	Magom, (Ir.)	Mock, (English.)	Gwatwor, (W.)
7. Evil.	Neoid, (Ir.)	Naughty, (Eng.)	Droug, (W.)
	Olk, (Ir.)	Ill, (Eng.)	
8. The Bank of a stream.	Rang, (Ir.)	Rand, [Possibly many of these words may be traced in the Greek, &c., but it would be foreign to the present subject to enter into too minute a discussion on that head.] (Germ.)	Glan, (W.)
9. A Step.	Beim, (Ir.)	Bēm-a, a Step, (Greek.), Bain-o, to go, Bahn, a Path, (Germ.)	Cam.
10. To bear.	Beir-im, (Ir.)	Fero, (Latin.) Ge-Bähr-en, (Germ.)	Dwyn.
11. Jeering, Delight, A Desire.	Fon-amhad (Ir.), Foun, (Ir.)	Fun, (Eng.), Vonne, Delight, (Germ.), Vunsch, a Wish, (Germ.)	Vynn, or Mynn, a Wish, (W.)
12. A Woman.	Geon, (Ir.)	Cwen, (Ang.-Sax. & Icel.)	Gen-eth, a Girl, (W.)
13. To know.	Fis-ay-im, Fod-am, (Ir.)	Viss-en, (Germ.), Vit-an, (Ang.-Sax.), “I wot,” (Eng.)	Wys, or Gwys, Wyth, or Gwyth, Knowledge (W.)
14. To heat, or warm.	Gorm, (Ir.)	Warm, (Eng.)	Gwresogi, (W.)
15. A Shadow.	Sgath, (Ir.)	Skia, Skiad-on, (Greek.), Schatten, (Germ.)	Cysgod, (W.)
16. To speak.	|Raid-him, (Ir.)	Read-en, (Germ.)	Siarad, (W.)

Some of these examples would furnish a more plausible argument to show that the Irish are a Gothic race than any which have been advanced to prove that the Welsh are of Gothic origin! It is singular, for instance, that the Irish terms expressive of the Domestic relations are so near the English as to excite in the first instance a suspicion that they must have been borrowed from the followers of Strongbow! But this impression must be dispelled by the reflection that terms of this class are never borrowed from its conquerors by a nation that continues to retain its primitive language. Moreover, it will be observed, that the Irish, in the instance of these words, approaches much more nearly to the Gothic, Hungarian, and Russian, &c. than it does to the English. Again, the Irish word “Gorm,” To heat or warm, is like the English “Warm.” But, on the other hand, its genuineness is rendered indisputable by its absolute identity with the word 'Gorm' in Persian and Egyptian, (See Appendix A, p. 21.) Finally, the resemblances manifested above by the Irish to the Greek are quite as close as those which the former language displays to the English and other Gothic Tongues. In these examples, therefore, we may recognize proofs not of any partial results or specific connexions, but of the more complete approximation of the European languages as we enlarge our range of inquiry, and obtain more ample specimens of each Class.

But, notwithstanding the occurrence of some features of difference, it is indisputable that there exists a close specific affinity between the Irish and Welsh Languages, which renders the common origin of the nations who speak them evident. The original identity of the Irish and Welsh Languages was established as far back as the commencement of the eighteenth century, by the investigations of the excellent Archæologist, Edward Lhuyd, who spent five years in travelling through the various Celtic regions, and whose comparison of the dialects of Wales, Cornwall, Armorica, the Highlands of Scotland, and the Isle of Man, is not inferior either in soundness of reasoning, or in patient, extensive, and honest research, to the best German works of the present day. But although the writings of Lhuyd may be said to have established the original unity of the Welsh and Irish races, since the publication of his work, a peculiar opinion has been adopted by some learned men with regard to the time of their original separation. Of this opinion, Edward Lhuyd was himself the first advocate; his conclusion was that though the Irish and British Celts were both descendants from one stock, they must have been separated into two distinct Tribes before their arrival in the British Islands. The Gaelic or Irish Tribe he supposes to have preceded the Welsh or British Tribe, by whom he conceives them to have been gradually driven to the West, as the Britons were by the Saxons in subsequent ages. Lhuyd's grounds are as follows:

The most ancient names of Rivers and Mountains in the Island of Britain are very generally composed of terms still preserved in the Welsh or Ancient British Tongue. But there are some remarkable exceptions, and in these instances it frequently happens that the Names may be clearly identified with Words still preserved in the Irish or Gaelic branch of the Celtic. For example, the names of the British rivers, the Usk and the Esk, are particularly noticed by Lhuyd; these names are identical with “Uisge, Eask,” the Irish term for “Water.” This word, he observes, does not exist in the Welsh, and he had looked for it in vain in the sister dialect of Armorica; but, he adds, it is still retained by the Irish or Gaelic. Hence, he suggests that the Irish or Gaelic branch of the Celts must have colonized the Island of Britain before the arrival of the Cymry or Welsh branch, by whom, as he conceives, they were expelled, after having conferred names on the principal localities.

The evidence of language will be found sufficient to show not merely the common origin of the Welsh and Irish, but also to fix a much more recent date for their separation than that which has been assigned by Lhuyd. It will thence appear that the Irish are descendants of Colonists of the Welsh or British race, not of a distinct Celtic sept, and that the commencement of the separate existence of the Irish nation must be referred to a comparatively recent date, propositions of much interest, of which the proofs about to be advanced will probably be deemed to be at once clear and simple.

Lhuyd's reasoning in favour of his theory, that the Irish or Gael existed in Britain as a separate Tribe, prior to the arrival of the Britons who fought against Cæsar, the ancestors of the modern Welsh, is founded on a false analogy not unnatural to a first inquirer.

The proposition that the most important local names in every country for the most part consist of terms belonging to the language of the very first inhabitants, is one of which I conceive the truth will be evident. For a proof of this principle, I may refer to Chalmers'[^50] admirable analysis of local names in the Lowlands of Scotland, where, in spite of a succession of Conquests, and the utter extinction in that part of Britain of the language of the original inhabitants, viewed as a vernacular dialect, Welsh and other Celtic names are still preserved, after the lapse of ages, for the most prominent features of the country. This result, it may be observed, is one that flows from the very nature of things. Even the most fierce and ruthless invaders are compelled to hold sufficient intercourse with the first population to enable them to learn the proper names of their localities, and these names, from obvious motives of convenience, they almost universally adopt.

[^50: Chalmers' Caledonia.]

Now, had Lhuyd shown that the most ancient Local names in Britain are exclusively Irish, there can be no doubt that, consistently with the principle just noticed, his theory would have been supported by the facts to which he adverts. But the most ancient local names in Britain are not exclusively or principally Irish; in an equal number, perhaps in a majority, of cases they are Welsh.

Moreover, it may be observed that the names of localities in this Island furnish highly instructive evidence, not merely with respect to the different races by whom it has been successively peopled, but also of the order in which they arrived. Thus the names of Rivers and Mountains, and other natural objects, at least of the most conspicuous, are Celtic; the names of the most ancient Towns are Latin, or Latin grafted on British words; more modern Towns and Villages have Saxon appellations; those of more recent origin have frequently Norman designations; and last of all come those places which have names derived from our present English. These various classes of names cannot be nicely distinguished in each particular instance. Of the correctness of the general principle, however, there is no doubt.

But the terms noticed by Lhuyd as significant in the Irish language do not belong to a different class of appellations from those which are obviously of British or Cymraeg origin. The Irish and Cymraeg terms are both found to predominate most in the names of the most ancient Class, viz. in those of Rivers, Mountains, &c., and to be thus applied in conjunction. Hence the natural inference that flows from his facts is not that these names were conferred by two distinct and successive races, but that they were imposed contemporaneously and by the same People!

Further it may be noticed, that if British Topography presents words extant only in the Irish Tongue, Irish Topography also presents names which cannot be explained by means of the Irish, though their meaning is preserved in Welsh; for example: There is a place near the head of a Stream in Roscommon, called “Glan a Modda,” (from Glan, “The bank of a Stream,” Welsh.) There is a place in Wales, called “Glan a Mowdduy.” There is a place called “Glan-gora,” in a Creek at the head of Bantry Bay; and another place in Ireland called “Glan-gort.”

“Ben-heder,” the ancient Irish name for “The Hill of Howth,” interpreted by Mr. Moore “The Hill of Birds.” (Adar, “Birds,” Welsh. The word does not exist in Irish.)

Arran, A mountainous Island. (Arran, a Mountain, Welsh. This word does not exist in Irish,) &c. &c.

Mr. Chalmers in his Caledonia states that the prevalent ancient names of localities in Britain and Ireland are essentially the same.

The conclusions to which these facts legitimately and necessarily lead are, that the British Islands were originally colonized by Settlers, who, at the time of the first occupation of Great Britain and Ireland, spoke one uniform language, in which the Welsh, Irish, and other living Celtic Dialects were combined. We may infer, and I conceive most clearly, that these dialects must be viewed in the light of “Disjecta Membra” of the speech of the old British and Irish Celts, just as the Icelandic, Norwegian, &c. are fragments of the ancient “Danska Tunge,” as noticed in the previous section.

It has been shown by Dr. Prichard that the population of Islands has been derived from the neighbouring Continents, and that the population of the more distant Islands has been derived in like manner from those which are nearer to the common source of migration. It is highly unreasonable to assume that Ireland has formed an exception to this general rule, considering that the common basis of the Irish and ancient British or Welsh languages are confessedly the same, unless it can be proved that the accompanying differences are such as to require the solution Lhuyd has suggested. Here, then, the question arises, are the features of difference between the Welsh and Irish languages more numerous or more fundamental, in relation to the interval of time that has elapsed since the Roman Invasion of Britain, than the varieties of dialect among the Scandinavian nations are in relation to the period that has elapsed since the colonization of Iceland? They are not! It will thence be seen that Lhuyd's theory, as to the remote date of the separation of the Gaelic or Irish from the British or Cymraeg branch of the Celts, is founded on an exaggerated conception of the stability of Human Tongues; and that the abandonment by various septs of different synonymes used conjointly by their common forefathers will satisfactorily account for the differences between the Welsh and Irish, to which he attaches so much weight. It will be perceived, for example, that in the Icelandic, of which the existence commenced in the ninth century, and the Continental Scandinavian from which it then sprang, totally different terms are used for “Water,” the very instance to which Lhuyd especially adverts, as regards the languages of the Welsh and Irish, whom we know to have existed as separate nations in the time of Cæsar eighteen centuries ago!

Another highly instructive test of the correctness of his theory may be derived from the investigations of Lhuyd himself, who, in his comparison of the Welsh and Irish languages, uniformly distinguished the current terms from the obsolete synonymous words that occur only in ancient MSS. This comparison proves distinctly that the Irish and Welsh languages approximate, as we ascend, at a rate which, if as rapid previously as we know it to have been up to the date of the earliest MSS., would imply that these languages must have been identical about the era of the Roman invasion. As the changes which languages undergo in their infancy are more rapid than those which occur at later stages of their growth, it is possible that the unity of these Tongues may be ascribed even to a much later period, an opinion which has been maintained by a very judicious and excellent writer, Mr. Edward Davies, who in his “Claims of Ossian” has published an early specimen of Irish Poetry, which in Language and Style he regards as identical with the most ancient productions of the Welsh Bards. Making every allowance for the irregularity of the changes which occur in Languages, I do not conceive it possible that the Welsh and Irish could have differed very essentially in the time of Cæsar. This leads directly to another conclusion, viz. that the first colonization of Ireland could not have taken place a great many centuries before the Roman invasion. Had such been the case, the differences between the Welsh and Irish Languages must have been proportionately more extensive. In the time of the Romans we learn that an Irish traitor arrived in Britain, who stated that Ireland might be kept in subjection by a single legion, an incident which tends, however slightly, to favour the opinion that the sister Island was at that period but thinly, perhaps because but recently, peopled.

Of the extent of the changes which the Celtic languages have undergone since the first arrival of the Celts in Europe, we possess proofs of far more ancient date than the earliest literary specimens of the living dialects of the Celtic in the Local names of Celtic regions, as preserved in Roman Maps, and in the existing languages of the French, English, and other nations, who occupy countries of which the Celts were the first inhabitants. These names I shall show to consist of three elements: A union of 1, Welsh, Cornish, &c.; 2, Irish, Highland Scotch, &c.; and 3, Terms not extant in any Celtic Tongue, but preserved in the Oriental, Greek, and other languages.

As regards the Names of the 1st and 2d Classes, it will abundantly appear from the ensuing examples that, in the Topographical Nomenclature of Gaul, Britain, and other Celtic regions of Europe,[^51] words derived from all the various Celtic dialects now extant, occur in a manner that leads distinctly to the inference that these “Disjecta membra” must have simultaneously belonged to the language of the old Celts. Dr. Prichard, who has examined these vestiges of the ancient Celtic Populations of Europe with much ability and success, leans to the opinion that the Cymraeg or Welsh Dialects predominate in these names. But the following examples, which comprise many names derived from the Irish or Gaelic that have not been noticed by Dr. Prichard or by previous writers on this subject, will serve to render it manifest that the ancient Names in Europœa Celtica did, in fact, include all the various living Celtic dialects very equally and harmoniously blended.

[^51: In this part of the present work I have derived great assistance from Dr. Prichard's sound and successful researches, and from the labours of M. Bullet, which are distinguished alike by genius and indefatigable industry.]

How luminous and distinct these proofs of the identity of the ancient with the modern Celtic nations are, will be better understood by a preliminary statement of certain rules, which will serve to give greater precision and perspicuity to the illustrations selected:

1. There can be no doubt that the Romans, in the Celtic, as in other countries conquered by them, modified the native terms by the addition of their own peculiar grammatical inflections, as in “Judæ-i, Britann-i, Sen-ones,” &c. Now it is obvious that in identifying the Celtic terms we must reject these mere Roman inflections.[^52]

[^52: I find M. Bullet in many, and in some few instances Dr. Prichard, have, as I conceive, mistaken the Roman inflections for distinct Celtic words.]

2. In many cases the Roman Names cannot be supposed to involve complete transcripts of the Celtic Names; frequently they were doubtless convenient abbreviations of the original names—names consisting of descriptive terms to them unintelligible. According to Mr. Reynolds, the Saxons generally adopted the first syllable only of the Roman or British names they found in this island. According to Bullet, “Vic,” a word of Roman origin for a Village or Town, has, from similar causes, become common as a Proper name in Dauphiné; in modern times we have numerous Villages called “Thorpe,” the name for a Village in Anglo-Saxon and German. In instances of this kind, there can be no doubt that originally the names were descriptive, such as “Long-town,” “Old-town,” &c. Tre or Trev is the common Welsh word for a Town, Village, or residence; it had the same meaning in Cornwall:

“By Tre, Tres, and Tren,”
“You shall know the Cornish men.”

A consequence of the names of the gentry of the county having been derived from those of their residences, into which this word commonly entered!

In Wales we have numerous examples of “Tre,” as in “Tre-llwng,” “The Town” of the “Pool,” (i.e. Welshpool,) from an adjoining “Llyn,” or Pool, near Powis Castle; “Tre-lydan,” the Broad Village, or Residence near Welshpool; “Trev-alyn,” near Chester, the Residence on the Stream; the “Alyn,” &c. &c.

Now according to the Roman mode, such a term as Trev-alyn would have been changed into Trev-iri, the designation actually given to the Celts of “Treves,” &c.

The following are analogous examples:

There is a tribe of Brig-antes in Yorkshire, another in Ireland, and a third in the North-east of Spain. Many unsuccessful attempts have been made to show that these distant Celtic tribes must have been scions of the same tribe. A much simpler explanation may be given.

By referring to the Roman maps the reader will find a word, “Briga,” in such general use as part of the names of towns as to leave no reasonable doubt that it must have been, like Tre, a Celtic name for a town—now obsolete. Thus in Spain we have, Laco-briga, Meido-briga, Ara-briga, Tala-brica, Augusto-briga, &c. Now the analogous instances already noticed suffice to point out that the occurrence of Brig-antes as a Roman name of Tribes in three Celtic countries, is a natural result of the frequent occurrence of Briga as the first part of the names of Celtic places.

The “Allo-bryg-es.” The name of this warlike tribe, the Celtic inhabitants of Savoy, has also been the source of perplexity, which may be removed in the same manner. This tribe had a town, called by the Romans “Brig-icum,” which was said to be “the only one they had.”[^53] Now Allo-Bryga may reasonably be identified with Alpo-Briga, the Town of the Alps (Briga being clearly the common base of “Allo-bryg-es,” and “Brig-icum.”)

[^53: Malte Brun.]

The names of Celtic communities, as they appear on the Roman Maps, may, I conceive, be proved to have been descriptive of the most prominent natural features of the regions they inhabited, and not of their lineage or descent, as seems to have been often supposed. Thus we have the Mor-ini in Belgium, and the Ar-mor-ici in Gaul on the Sea; we have the Sen-ones on the Seine, the Tamar-ici on the Tamar-is, in Hispania, &c. In the Mountainous regions it will be observed that the names of tribes are derived from the Mountains. In the flat countries they take their names from Rivers or the confluence of Rivers. In the same manner it is highly deserving of remark, that the names of the different French Departments have been derived from precisely the same natural features. Thus in the Hilly countries we have the Departments of the High Alps, “Hautes Alpes;” of the Low Alps, “Basses Alpes;” in the Champaign countries the Departments are named from the Rivers; such as the Seine, the Marne, and the Somme, &c. Many of these French names are literally equivalent to translations of the ancient Gaulish names, as interpreted by means of the Welsh and Irish languages. It is impossible to conceive a more perfect verification of the accuracy of these interpretations!

I may here observe, that as far as we can perceive, the various independent communities of Britain and Gaul mentioned by Cæsar, such as the Edui, the Venetes, &c., did not consist of one clan or sept, they seem rather to have been a combination of several contiguous septs, to whom no appropriate common name could have been given, except one derived from the natural features of the district they occupied.

The durability of local names has been already noticed. Of this truth we possess remarkable proofs in those of localities in France, as preserved by the modern French to the present day. I do not doubt that the present French names are, in many instances, much more faithful transcripts of the original Celtic appellations than those which occur in the Roman Maps are. Thus, for example, Bonomia, a name conferred by the Romans upon Boulogne, and of which the origin has perplexed Antiquarics, may easily be explained as a Roman abbreviation of the word Boulogne itself, of which the Celtic meaning will be shown hereafter to be appropriate and unequivocal. Here it may be noticed, that the Celtic language did not become extinct in Gaul until many centuries after the termination of the Roman sway and the establishment of the Franks in that country. The use of the old Gaulish or Celtic continued until the eighth century, nearly until the time of Charlemagne.[^54] Now we know that the modern Welsh and Irish, for the most part, continue to use their own primitive names of localities in those cases in which abbreviations or translations have been substituted by the English. There can be no reasonable doubt that the ancient Gauls did the same, and that these names were in use among the inhabitants of each locality at the time of the final subjugation of Gaul by the Franks, by whom, in many instances, these names are more likely to have been adopted than those used by the Romans.

[^54: Kerdanet's History of the Language of the Gauls and Armoricans, translated by David Lewis, Esq., in the Cumbrian Quarterly Magazine.]

It will also be observed in the course of the following examples, that names of the class about to be noticed, viz., Topographical names of which the elements are not extant in the existing Celtic dialects, but occur in Oriental words, &c., are remarkably well preserved by the modern French. Thus the “Aube,” as pronounced by the French, is identical in sound with the Asiatic terms for Water, and names of Rivers, to which it is allied.

3. By many, perhaps by all those Celtic scholars who have investigated this subject, it has been assumed that the living Celtic dialects may be expected to furnish a complete clue to all the Local Names of ancient Celtic regions. This conclusion, like the theory of Lhuyd above discussed, is founded on an exaggerated idea of the stability of Human Tongues! Neither the Irish nor the Welsh, nor a combination of all the Celtic dialects, will be found to afford a complete solution of the Topographical nomenclature of the ancient Celtic regions of Europe. Names undoubtedly occur in these countries which have been preserved in none of the Celtic tongues, names which I shall indisputably show to be positive transcripts, in many instances, of appropriate terms occurring in the Hebrew and other languages, with which, in other parts of this work, the original Celtic dialects will be proved to have been originally identical. These facts lead to the conclusion that the ancient nomenclature of Celtic countries forms in reality a connecting link between the existing dialects of the Celts and the language of the Oriental stock from which they are descended.

This conclusion, though at variance with the views of many estimable writers, is nevertheless in unison with those anticipations which historical facts legitimately suggest. It is only reasonable to infer that since the period of their first arrival in Europe, the era at which many of these names must have been conferred (see page 10), the Celtic tribes must have lost many words which none of the modern Celtic nations have preserved. The Celts were settled about the sources of the “Ister, and the city,” (perhaps the mountains) “of Pyrene,” even in the time of Herodotus, and how many ages had elapsed since their first arrival is unknown![^55]

[^55: Prichard on the Celtic Languages.]

There is a certain Class of terms of which the meaning can reasonably be inferred from their extensive use in combination with other terms, of which the meaning may be considered as ascertained. To this class may be referred the terms immediately following.

Catti, Cassii, Casses, or Cad, seem to have meant a People, Tribe, &c., as in the following examples of the names of Celtic Tribes:

The Abr-in-Catui, in Normandy. The Catti-euch-lani, the people of Cambridgeshire and the adjoining counties. The Cassii, in Hertfordshire. The Bidu-casses, in Normandy. The Tri-casses, a people in Champagne. The Cad-ur-ci, on the Garonne.

The above words seem clearly derivable from the following Welsh words, which are allied to the Hebrew:

Welsh.	Hebrew.
From Kiw-dod (Kiw-dod-æ, plur.) a Clan, a Nation.	Gow, a Body of Men, a Society or Association.
Kiw-ed, a Multitude, a Tribe.	Gowee, a Nation.
Kyf, a Body or Trunk, a Pedigree.	Gow, Gowe, Goweeth, the Body of a Man or Animal.

Tre, Trev, a Village, Town, or Residence, (Welsh,) a Tribe, (Irish.)[^56]

[^56: Tribus (Latin.)]

Trev-iri, the people of Treves. A-Treb-ates, the people about Arras. (For further examples see Dr. Prichard's work.) Trev is a common element in names of places in Wales, as Tre-vecca, Tre-gynnon.

Trigo, to reside, dwell, (Welsh.)

Duro-trig-es, the dwellers on the Water or Sea, the people of Dorsetshire. (Camden.)

Catt uriges. (See Dour.)

Dun-um, a Hill, a Fort or Town, generally on a Hill, (occurs in Welsh and Irish.)

Oxell-dunum, a Hill-fort in Gaul, described by Cæsar. (See numerous instances in Dr. Prichard's work.)

“Castell Din-as Bran,” on a lofty eminence in the Vale of Llangollen, Wales.

Dur, Duvr, Awethur (Welsh), Dour (Cornish), Dur (Armorican), Dovar (Irish, obsolete, but occurs in ancient MSS.) “Water.”

This word, and Ydōr or Hudōr (Greek), and Tschur (Armenian), “Water,” have an obvious affinity. These forms may be traced in the names of Celtic Localities.

“Dour” occurs in the following names of Rivers: Dur, (Hibernia,) Dur-ia Major, “The Doria,” and Duria Minor, (Gallia Cisalpina,) Dur-ius, “The Douro,” and “Dero,” (Hispania,) Dur-anius, “The Dordogne,” (Gallia). In Bucharian Deriâ means “The Sea.”

Ydōr or Hudōr (Greek), Awethur (Welsh), occur in the Rivers “The Adour,”[^57] Atur-is (Gallia), “The Adder” (Britain), “The Adare” (Ireland.)

[^57: As previously noticed, the French names handed down from the old Gauls are probably often nearer the Celtic than the Latin names.]

“Tschur” (Armenian), occurs in “Stura,” (Gallia Cis.), “The Stour” (Britain), “The Suir” (Britain & Ireland), “The Souro” (Spain, a branch of the Tagus.)

From the frequent recurrence of all these different forms in several Celtic countries thus widely separated, it is plain that they were used conjointly by the early Celts, and represent various transitions of the same word. Thus “Stura” (in Gal. Cis.), flows between the neighbouring streams Duria Major and Duria Minor, &c.

This word “Dour” enters very largely into the names of tribes; it forms singly a natural clue to a great number of names that hitherto have been referred to a complication of Roots. Thus the Roman name for the people of Dorsetshire, Duro-trig-es, i.e. The dwellers on the Water or the Ocean, has been noticed by Camden.

In the preceding, and in several of the following, it will be apparent that the old Celts applied this term to the “Sea or Ocean,” as the Bucharians do, and also to a “River.” At present the Welsh apply the term to Water only, in a restricted sense.

In the South-east of England names abound (applied to places on Rivers or the Sea) in which the two slight variations of Dur and Du-v-r (or Do-v-ar, Irish), still preserved in Welsh, are apparent. Duro-vern-um, “Canterbury,” from Duro, Water, and Vern or Veryn, a Hill. (Compare the name of the “Ar-vern-i,” under Beryn, at p. 78.) The Town was on a Hill by the Stour.

Portus Du-b-r-is or Dub-r-œ, i.e. “Sea Port,” the modern “Do-v-or,” a word which is an echo of the Irish Dovar and the Welsh Du-v-r.

Duro-brivæ, Rochester on the Medway, (Briva or Brivis, the ancient Celtic for a Town.) Duro-levum, Milton on the Thames.

Lan-du-b-r-is, a Portuguese Island. Lan, a Bank of a Stream, or the Sea: also an inclosed Space, (Welsh.)

Tur-ones, the inhabitants of the country at the junction of several streams with the Loire, the neighbourhood of the modern Tours.

Bi-tur-ig-es, from Bi “Two,” Tur or Dour, Water, and trigo, to reside.

There are two tribes of this name in Gaul; the Bituriges Cubi, situated between two of the branches of the Loire, and the Bi-turi-ges Vobisci, between the Garonne and the Sea, at the junction of the Dordogne and the Garonne.

Cat-ur-iges, from Catti, Tribes or People; Dour, Water, and Trigo, to reside; on the Durentia, South-east of France, about Embrun or Eburo-Dunum, which was their principal town. Cad-ur-ci, from Catti, Tribes, and dur.

There is one tribe of this name on the Dordogne, and another contiguously placed on the Garonne.

The mutual support that these interpretations give to each other will be obvious.

The following Irish word for “Water,” which is not extant in the Welsh, may be traced in Celtic regions in its various modifications: Uisge (Irish), “The Usk” (South Britain)—Eask[^58] (Irish, obsolete), “The Esk” (Scotland), “The Escaut” (North of France), Isca, “The Exe” (South Britain)—Easkong (Irish, obsolete), Axona (Gallia, Belg.), “The Aisne,” Axones, the neighbouring tribe.

[^58: Esseg, “Water,” (Dongolan, North Africa.)]

Names Of Estuaries, Or Mouths Of Streams.

The terms of this class, which occur in ancient Gaul, &c., consist either of terms still thus applied in the living Celtic dialects, or of compounds of which the elements may be recognized, unchanged, in those dialects. Moreover it will be highly interesting to observe that these terms, for the most part, consist of Metaphors derived respectively from the same sources as the two English words “Estuary” and “Mouth,” and the two Latin words “Æstuarium” and “Os Fluminis.”

One of the principal arguments of those writers who maintain that the separation of the Irish from the other Celtic tribes must have been of remoter date than the first peopling of these islands, is founded on the fact that the Irish use the word In-ver for the Mouth of a Stream, while the Welsh use Ab-ber (spelt Aber); a feeble support for so wide a conclusion, which a correct analysis of these terms, and a comparison of some interesting coincidences in the local names of ancient Gaul will show to be utterly futile! In-ver and Ab-ber are not simple but compound terms, literally corresponding to the Latin expression “Fluminis Æstuarium.” Æstuarium is from Æstuo, “To boil,” a metaphorical term, obviously derived from the agitation of the Waters where two Streams meet, or where a River enters the Sea.

In the first syllable “Inver” and “Ab-ber” differ, but they agree in the last. Both “In” and “Ab,” the first syllables of these terms, occur so often in Celtic regions that there can be no doubt they were both in use among the ancient Celts as words for a River, or Water. The last syllable of these words, Ber or Ver, I shall show to mean an “Estuary.”

“In” occurs in the name of “The Inn,” in the Tyrol, the “Æn-us” of the Romans, and in other instances previously noticed. “An” is a Gaelic or Irish term for “Water,” which is identical in sound and sense with terms of frequent occurrence among the tribes of the American Continent, as in Aouin (Hurons, N. America), Jin Jin (Kolushians, extreme North-west of N. America), Ueni (Maipurians, S. America.)

“Ab” occurs in “The Aube,” in France, &c., a name of which the pronunciation may be considered identical with Ab, “Water,” (Persian.) Ap in Sanscrit, and Ubu Obe in Affghan, mean “Water.” “Obe” occurs in Siberia as the name of a well-known river. In India also the term has been applied to “Rivers;” thus we have in that country the Punj-âb, (the Province of “The Five Rivers,”) an appellation of which the corresponding Celtic terms “Pump-ab” would be almost an echo!

Further it may here be noticed—as an example of the complete identity of the Celtic and Oriental languages when all the “Disjecta Membra” are compared—that this word does not exist in the modern Celtic in the simple form of Ab, but in the derivative form of Avon, which is found in the Roman maps spelt “Abon,” &c. Now this form also occurs in the East. Abinn, “A River,” is given by Klaproth from the language of the inhabitants of the Mountains to the North of Bhagalpur. Apem means “Water,” in Zend, an ancient Persian dialect. Af is “Water,” in Kurdish.

“Berw” is the South Welsh name for the effervescence in the deep receptacle in which a Cataract foams after its fall; it is applied also to the Cataract itself, as “Berw Rhondda,” the fall of the River Rhondda.

Aber, in Cornish, means “a Confluence of Rivers,” also “a Gulf,” “a Whirlpool.”[^59]

[^59: This word is marked thus, with a dagger, in the Cornish Vocabularies, as being extinct.]

In Breton or Armorican Aber means “a confluence of Rivers.” “Dans le diocese de Vannes,” says Bullet, “le mot a encore une autre signification, c'est celle de torrent.” “In the diocese of Vannes this word has still another meaning, viz., that of ‘a Torrent!’” Compare Torr-ens (Latin), “Torrent” (English), from Torreo (Latin), “To boil.” “Aber, in a deflected sense,” he says, “has been applied to a Harbour; hence Havre de Grace!”

“It is a curious fact,” says Chalmers, “which we learn from the Charters of the twelfth century, that the Scoto-Irish people substituted Inver for the previous Aber of the Britons. David I. granted to the Monastery of May Inver-In qui fuit Aber-In in Chart May.”[^60] This remarkable place is at the “Influx of a small stream, called the In, on the coast of Fife. Both appellations are now lost.”

[^60: Chalmers's Caledonia.]

Among the names of ancient Celtic regions we have Abrin-catui, that is (without any change in the word) Aber-In-Catui; the name of a Tribe in Normandy, about Avranches, which is at the mouth of a River now called the See. (Another stream flows into the same Estuary.)

Aber—In—Cattui.

Literally,

“Estuary (of the) River—Tribes or People,” i.e. The Tribes living at the Estuary of the River or Rivers.

The name of the same place will also furnish an example of a corresponding term, primarily meaning “The Mouth,” in the modern Celtic.

Genœ (Welsh), Ganau (Cornish), Gion (Irish), Genu (Armorican), mean “The Mouth.”

The original name of “Avranches,” when the country was first subdued by the Romans, was In-“gena.” Here it is plain “Gena” was synonymous with Aber! The Town was afterwards called Aber-in-Catui by the Romans, who very generally gave the names of the Celtic tribes to their principal Towns.

In D'Anville's Map we find, in the same part of Gaul, Aræ-genu-s given to Bayeux, (the capital of the Bajocasses,) at the mouth of a river now called the “Ayr!”

The following are very striking examples of the occurrence of the same word, Genœ or Ganau:

“Gano-durum” (Dur water) Constance, at the spot where the Rhine issues out of Lake Constance.

“Geneva.” (The Rhone issues here from the Lake, and is immediately afterwards joined by the Arve.)

“Genua” (Genoa). At the mouth of a stream.

“Albium In-gaun-um,” a town to the east of Genoa, where many streams from the Maritime Alps unite in one mouth.

Beal or Bel (Irish), Buel (Manx), “A Mouth.” This is another word, applied in Wales and Ireland, in topographical names, in nearly the same sense as Aber, as in Bala, at the mouth of a lake, North Wales, Bally-shannon, Ireland. This word does not occur either in vernacular Welsh or in the Welsh of old MSS. But in Irish, Beal or Bel is still the common word for “A Mouth.”

We shall find unequivocal proofs that this word also was used by the old Celts of Gaul, as in “Boulogne,” i.e. Bala (Beal, or Buel) Liane, “The mouth of the Liane.” The town is at the mouth of a small stream, of which Bullet, who does not appear to have suspected the derivation, says “La rivière qui passe à Boulogne s'appelle Liane.—The stream that runs by Boulogne is called Liane!” “Liane, Lune,” &c. is a common proper name for a stream in all countries of which the Celts formed the first population. Lliant (Llian-au, plur.) means a stream, a torrent, in Welsh; Llyn, “Water,” in Welsh; and Lean, Irish. Hence “The Lune” in Herefordshire, &c.

A further example of words of this Class occurs in the Latin name of the “Humber.”

This great receptacle of streams was generally called Ab-us; but Ptolomey, in Greek, gives the name more fully, “Abontrus!”[^61] This word means in Welsh and Irish “The Outlet”, or literally “The Door” of the Rivers. Trus, A Door, (Drous, Welsh, Doros, Irish,) occurs in the same sense in Tura (Sanscrit), Der (Persian). Hence it appears that the Welsh word, which is nearer to the term preserved in this name, has not been borrowed from the English “Door!”

[^61: Ab-us, (Anton.) Ab-on-trus, Ab-ou-trus, Ab-ou, (Ptolomey.) Baxter suggests Abon trus t, “The Noise of the Rivers,” an allusion, as he supposes, to the noise of the currents. But this explanation involves a change in the second word, and a fanciful construction of the sense of the terms employed.]

“Aber,” however, was the greatest favorite with the ancient Celts, as with the modern Cymry! It would seem that this word “Aber” was as commonly applied in ancient Gaul, &c. as it still is in Wales, not merely to the mouths of large rivers, but to places situated at those of very small streams![^62]

[^62: It is only by a very minute and careful investigation of Maps, ancient and modern, that I have been enabled to verify the correctness of this and many other Celtic derivations.]

Britain.—York, Ebor-acum (Caer Eboranch, Welsh; Ever-wick, Saxon.) Is inclosed for the most part between the Ouse and the Foss, which unite close to the Town! The river Foss separates some parts of the Town from the rest.

Eburo-cass-um (Alnewick), at the mouth of the River Alne, Northumberland. Ever-wick is the name of an adjoining Village on the same river.

Eburo-nes (Belgic. Gaul). About the junction of the Saba and the Mosa. Cæsar states in his account of them that this tribe had no Town.

There was a prince of the Œduans[^63] in Cæsar's time, named Eporo-dor-ix, apparently from Aber-Dour “Water,” and Rex. The Gaulish chiefs, like those of the Gaelic Scotch, seem to have frequently derived their names from their peculiar territories or patrimonies; in the same manner, for instance, as the chiefs “Lochiel, Glengarry,” &c.

[^63: A powerful Gaulish Tribe in the East of Gaul.]

As before intimated, it appears pretty clear that the little nations into which Gaul was divided, such as the Ceno-mani, the Œdui, &c. consisted for the most part of a combination of several distinct septs or clans each under their respective princes. The name of the chief (Eporo-dor-ix) just mentioned may, therefore—and most probably must—have been derived from that of some place no longer capable of being identified, though the country of the Œdui, the source of many rivers, abounds in localities to which it would apply very appropriately!

Gaul.—Eburo-dunum (now Embrun in Dauphiné.) At the confluence of a small stream with the Durance.

Since writing the above I find this town in Hornius' map, marked “Epeb r-o-durû,” i.e. “Mouth of the Water,” (Welsh.)

Eburo-briga, a Town. At the junction of one of the streams that feed the Seine above Sens.

Ebro-lacum. A Town near the source of the Loire; precise situation apparently unknown. But the affinity of “Ebro” to the Celtic “Aber,” and the identity of Lac (um) with Loch[^64] or Lach, the Gaelic for a Lake or Water, will be obvious.

[^64: Lacus (Latin.)]

Avar-icum (Bourges), at the junction of the L'Evrette with the Evre, one of the branches of the Cher.

Switzerland.—Ebro-dunum, “Yverdun,” at the mouth of the river Orbe, that flows there into the Lake of Neuf-chatel.

Spain and Portugal.—Eburo-britz-ium, the modern Alco-baza or Alco-baca, on the Portuguese coast, between the Tagus and the Mondego, and not far from Torres Vedras. This town is at the mouth of the Alcoa river. The modern name, Alco-baca, (“The mouth of the Alcoa,”) is a guarantee of the correctness of the above construction of the ancient name![^65]

[^65: This is one of the numerous instances in which, judging merely from ancient Maps, or from the less minute modern Maps, (on which this stream is not marked,) the situation of a place seems inconsistent with the derivation suggested.]

In the North-east of Spain, on the Bay of Biscay, we meet with the word Aber itself in an undisguised form, as we do in Gaul in the word Abr-in-catui.

There is a town, Uxam-aber, on a river called in Roman Maps the Uch-esia.[^66] This is an unfortunate word for the advocates of the Spanish origin of the Irish, for here we have the Welsh Aber, in lieu of the Gaelic Inver, in the North of Spain—the very district from which the Colony is supposed to have come! Indeed the Local names in the Celtic regions of Spain generally approach much more nearly to the Welsh than to the Irish! This will be seen in some of the following examples.

[^66: Hornius's ancient Map. This place is very near to Bilboa.]

Glan or Lan, “a Sea shore or Margin,” (Welsh,) not extant in Irish.

Glan a tuia (Glandeves), at the junction of a small stream with the Varus, that separates France and Italy.

Glan-um, on the Puech River, near Embrun.

Cat-a-laun-i. A tribe resident about Chalons on the Seine.

Cat-a-laun-i. “People (of) the river bank.” The name originally given to this town by the Romans was Duro-Cat-a-laun-i, i.e. (The Town of) “the Tribe on the Bank of the River or Water.”

Llanes, a place on the coast of Asturia. (The aspirated Ll of the Spaniards is very like the Welsh Ll, and is most probably a relic of Celtic pronunciation.) Lancia (Ciudad Rodrigo,) Lancia (Guarda.)

Lan-dubr-is. “The Shore or Margin of the Sea or Water,” or a spot inclosed by the Sea.[^67] An Island, in Latin Maps, on the coast of Portugal.

[^67: Lan means an inclosed spot in Welsh.]

“The Lan-des,” The well-known arid sandy deserts forming the South-eastern coast of France.

Medio-lan-um.[^68] Medd, the middle, (Celtic,) and Lan. Towns thus designated seem to have been situated either at the Curve or Winding of a stream, or inclosed between two streams.

[^68: Medius (Latin.)]

I may instance—in Cisalpine.

Gaul. Medio-lan-um, Milan.

Mediolanum (Santones), on the Loire. (Eburovices Aulerci), Evreux, Normandy. (Bituriges Cubi), inclosed between two winding streams, which are the sources of the Loire. Bi-tur-iges is from a synonyme, Bi, two, and Dour, Water.

Dôl, “A wind, a bow, a turn, a meander, a dale or mead, through which a river runs,” (Welsh,)[^69] as in Dol-Vorwyn and Dol-Vorgan, Montgomeryshire, North Wales; “Dôle,” the ancient capital of Franche Compté. (Compare the situation.)

[^69: Dr. W. O. Pughe's Welsh Dictionary.]

Lut-ecia,[^70] Paris, seems clearly to have derived its name from its situation among marshes. “Située dans une isle de la Seine environnée de marais profonds, difficiles à traverser, qui communiquent à ce fleuve.” (Bullet, from Strabo.)

[^70: Lutum (Latin.)]

Llath-ach, “Mud, Dirt,” (Irish,) Llaith, Moist, (Welsh.)

Lug-dunum or Lau-dunum.[^71] “Laon,” built on the Summit of a Rock divided into two branches. Lug, from Llech, a Stone. Clog, a detached rock, (Welsh.) Liag, a great Stone. Leagan Kloiche, a Rock, (Irish.)

[^71: Dunum, a Hill Fort.]

In the following instances the identity of the Gaulish and other Celtic names with the Welsh is remarkably clear, and will be vividly felt by persons vernacularly familiar with the Welsh language, and the most common local names in Wales.

The “Bretons,” Ar-mor-ici. Ar, “On,” Mor, “the Sea.”

The people of a Hilly Region in the South-east of France, Ar-e-com-ici.

Coum, “a Hollow Circular Valley, or Depression,” (Welsh.) This word is the source of the numerous names of places in England ending in Combe. The Oriental origin of the word is clearly traceable. After describing the great Table-land of Central Asia as extending over the whole of Persia, Ritter adds: “Towards ‘Koom,’ (in Persia,) we find the greatest depression, in the Table-land; here the surface sinks to 2046 feet!”[^72]

[^72: Asia, by Carl Ritter and others.]

There are also the “Com-oni,” above Toulon, and Com-us, “Como,” to which the word is peculiarly appropriate. (Bullet.)

The People of Auvergne. Ar-vern-i, “On the Hills.” Veryn or Beryn is a Hill in Welsh. Thus “Cevn y Beryn,” is the name of a Hill in Montgomeryshire.

By Plutarch the Ar-vern-i are called Ar-ben-i. “This is a very interesting addition to our information. ‘Veryn’ and ‘Ben’ are both synonymes extant in Welsh for ‘a Hill.’”

We have the same words repeated in the following instances, joined with Um (Irish), Am (Welsh), “About.” (Compare the Greek Amphi.)

Um-benn i, “The People (living) about the Hills.” A Swiss Tribe.

Um-bran-ici (from Beryn or Bron, Welsh,) a name of the Helvii mountaineers to the South-east of the Cevennes.

In the following names, again, we have Pen or Ben, and Beryn or Bron, alone.

Ben-ones, a Mountain Tribe in Switzerland.

Breun-i, on the borders of Bavaria and the Tyrol.

Bern-enses, the people of Berne, in Switzerland, and also those of Bearne, in the South of France, adjoining the Pyrenees.

A-Pen-inus Mons. Alpes Pen-inæ, the Alps immediately to the South of Geneva. Vallis Pen-ina, the Valley of the Rhone.

The primary sense of Pen, in Welsh, is “the Head.” As observed at page 11, the names for Hills in that language are metaphors from “the Head, the Breast,” &c. Now it is observable that in ancient Celtic Europe a difference of application corresponding to the different primary meanings of the terms is discoverable. Alpes is the general name for the Alps. (Alpes) Pen-inæ, a term derived from the Head, are the lofty and abrupt Alps, as distinguished from Alpes Maritimæ, &c.

In Spain and Portugal. Pena-s da Europa, (North of Spain.) Cape Pena-s, (in the Asturias.) Pen-a Longa, a Town adjoining the long ridge called the Sierra da St. Catherina in Portugal.

Gebenn-a Mons, the Cevenn-es, “South of France.” Cevenn-es, (omitting “es,” French plural,) is identical with Cevn, “a Back,” “a Hill,” as in Cevn y Coed, the name of a hill in Montgomeryshire, (Welsh.)

The Irish Gibhis, “a Valley,” is from the same source. Names of “Valleys and Hills” are generally composed of the same roots. (Similiter the Latin word “Altus” means both “High” and Deep!) A Valley is, in fact, formed by Hills!

These various meanings and inflections are found united in the Hebrew.

Hebrew.	Hebrew.	Derivatives
Ga.e, to rise.		
	Gve, or Gou e, to be high, gibbous, or curved.	Kub, a Mountain. [Hence the “Hindoo-Kuh.”] (Persian.)
		Kof. (Pehlwi.)
Goun, or Gav.n, Swelling.	Gb, the Back. Gbn, Hunch backed.	Gev.n, or Cev.n, the Back, the Ridge of a Hill. (Welsh.)
Gee a. Ga.oun, plur. A valley, or more properly a lawn rising to the top of the adjoining hill.	G.b.oe, G.h.o.th, a Mountain. G.b.o.the, the Slope of a Mountain.	Geib-his, Gibhis, a Valley. (Irish.) The Ghauts, Mountains in Asia. Gibb-osus. (Latin.)

Goupp en, a chain of Hills in Switzerland. (Bullet.)

Alp. Dr. Owen Pughe quotes many classical authors to show that the word meant in Gallish a lofty Mountain. In the mountains of Glamorganshire, he adds, it is still used for a craggy summit.

Alp-es. Allo-bryges, from Alp- and (briga).[^73] Brigi-cum was their only town. To the South-east of the Allobryges were the Hel-v-ii, (Alba their capital.) To the North the Hel-v-etii, (Vod in Welsh, a Residence.) Both names were probably from Al-p.

[^73: A Town.]

Nant, (Nan-au, plural,) a Mountain Valley, “a Mountain Stream,” (Welsh.) This word is still in use in Savoy. (See Dr. Prichard's remarks.)[^74]

[^74: Celtic Ethnography, in Dr. Prichard's work on “Man.”]

Nannet-es, a Tribe in Britany, and

Nant-uates, a Tribe occupying the valley of the Rhine below its source.

Nang-ates, the people of Connaught. This is one of numerous instances of local names in Ireland, of which the sense has been lost in the Irish and still preserved in the Welsh.

Cori, or Corrie, means a hollow between hills. A glen or “Cleugh,” a small stream.[^75] (A word of Celtic origin. Jamieson's Etymological Dict. of the Scottish Language.)

[^75: The word, in the sense of a stream, seems to be confined to such streams as traverse the bottoms of narrow glens.]

This word appears to be in use both in the Highlands and Lowlands of Scotland; the first a Gaelic, the second originally a Cymraeg district. (See Chalmers's Caledonia.)

Sir Walter Scott has very gracefully introduced this ancient word in the beautiful “Coronach,” or Funeral-song of the Clansman, in the “Lady of the Lake:”

“He is gone from the mountain,”
He is gone from the forest,
Like a summer-dried fountain,
When our need was the sorest.

“Fleet foot on the corrie”
Sage counsel in cumber
Red hand in the foray,
“How sound is thy slumber!”

To this passage Sir Walter Scott has added the following note:[^76] “Corrie or Cori.” The hollow side of the hill where game usually lies!

[^76: This word occurs in a variety of mutually connected meanings in the Hebrew and Celtic.]

I conceive a comparison of the following examples will serve to render it indisputable that this term may be accepted as a clue to a great number of the most important topographical names of Gaul and Britain, which have hitherto eluded the researches of Celtic scholars.

Hebrew.	Celtic.
C.r. To surround, go round.	Cor. A Circle, (Welsh.)
A pasture or Circuit for Cattle.	Cor-lan. A Sheepfold, (Welsh.)
A Lamb.	Ka ora, or Kyra. A Sheep, (Irish.)
A “Cor.” A measure so called from its round form.	
C.eee.ou.r. A Round Pot, or Caldron.	“Cori,” or Corrie. “The hollow side of the Hill where the game usually lies.” (Sir W. Scott.)
C.r.e. To dig, as a Well or Pit.	A Hollow between Hills. A Cleugh. (Jamieson.)

The Tri-Cori-i. From Tre and Cori. A tribe who inhabited the modern French Department of the “High Alps,” an Alpine region, the source of numerous streams which feed the Rhone and its branches.

The Petro-Cori-i.[^77] The inhabitants of the Departments of Dordogne and Correze. Dordogne is thus described by Malte Brun:

[^77: Petro is said to mean a Rock, in Gaulish names, by some French Celtic scholars.]

“We may pass from the Department of Lot to that of Dordogne by descending the last river which traverses it on the South from East to West. It is also watered by the Ille, the Dronne, the Vezere, and by more than fourteen hundred small rivers and streams. Hills extend along this country in every direction, but with the exception of two vallies, those watered by the Ille and the Dordogne, they bound only narrow passes, almost all of which are desolated by torrents!”

Correze. From the same authority we learn that two thirds of this department consists of a mountainous region, full of “ravines and precipices,” and that its scenery progressively assumes more of this wild and romantic character as you ascend the river Correze, which gives its name to the Department, and to its principal town. Correze is plainly derived from Cori.[^78]

[^78: Hence, also, as may be inferred, the Curi-osilitæ in Brittany.]

The Cori-tan-i. A British tribe in Derbyshire, &c., from Cori and Tania, an addition frequently made by the Romans to the name of a province or district, as in Aqui-tania, Mauri-tania. Camden expresses himself totally unable to explain this term satisfactorily.

The following are partly composed of ancient Celtic Topographical Names, of which the appropriate meanings have not been preserved[^79] in the Welsh and Irish, &c., but are found in the Oriental and other languages.

[^79: In such instances, however, the Celtic generally presents words approaching in sound and sense to those occurring in the Local names, though not so near to then as the Oriental terms, &c.]

“Eryr-i,” the Welsh name of the Snowdon Mountains. This word has been variously explained by Welsh scholars, as meaning the “Snowy Mountain” (from Eira, “Snow”), the “Eagles' Mountain,” &c. None of these explanations are appropriate. Moreover “Eryr-i” is not the name of a single peak, but of the Snowdon range of mountains! “E.r.r” is a pure Hebrew word, signifying a very high mountain,[^80] from which “Eryr-i,” the name of the Snowdon range, the highest in South Britain, is a plural regularly formed!

[^80: E.r, a Mountain; by reduplication E.r r, a very high Mountain (Heb.)]

Cimas da Our-ar-as, are high Mountains to the North of Lisbon.

Ban-nau Brycheiniog, “the Brecon Beacons,” lofty hills in Brecknockshire. Ban de la Roche, the celebrated Pastor Oberlin's residence among the Vosges Mountains, in the East of France. Ban, “Lofty,” (Welsh,) Bian, a Hill, (Irish,) Boun-os, a Hill, (Greek,) Ban-k (English), a diminutive.

Bal. “Applied in Wales to Mountains that terminate in a Peak. Balannu, to shoot or spring forth.” (Dr. W. Owen Pughe.) Belan is also applied to Hills, as “Nant y Belan,” near Wynnstay. Bala, Bulund (Persian), Beland (Pehlwi), Bulund (Zend), “High.”

“The Don and the Dune,” Rivers in Scotland. Trev-i don, i.e. “the Town of, or on the River,” a place on the river Tarn, in the South of France. Don, Dun, “Water,” “a River,” (Ossetians, a people of the Caucasus). “The Don” River, in the country of the “Don Cossacks,” who are also considered to be a people of the Caucasus. “Donau” (German), the Danube.

From Ar, “a River, a Stream,” (Hebrew.) “Ar-a,” now “the Ayr,” that enters the sea at Bayeux, (see before, p. 73.) “The Ar-ar,” Gaul. “The Ayr,” Scotland.

From Ee.a.ou.r, “a River, a Stream,” (Hebrew,) a modification of A.r. Wari, “Water,” (Sanscrit.) “The Evre” and “Evrette,” France. “The Wavre,” Belgium. “The Weaver” and “the Wear,” England.

From Ee.a.r (Hebrew), and Iaro, “a River,” (Egyptian,) “The Yarrow,” Scotland. (See p. 10.)

From Ur, “Water,” (Jeniseians, in Siberia,) and Our-on (Greek), terms connected with the previous Hebrew words; “Ur-us,” the Ouse, Britain.

Thus it will be seen that the various inflections of the Hebrew word A.r. have been completely preserved in the names of the different rivers in each of the Celtic countries of Britain and Gaul.

Lamu, “the Sea,” (Tungusian.) Lam, “the Sea,” (Lamutian.) Limnē, a Lake, “Poetically, the Sea, the Ocean, which seems to be the most primitive sense; also anciently, as it would appear, the Estuary of a River,” Schneider (Greek). At the mouths of the rivers that flow into the Black Sea lakes are formed, which are called “Limans.”[^81] Hence “Leman-us Lacus” in Switzerland.

[^81: Kohl's Russia.]

Lim-ēn, a Haven, (Greek,) connected apparently with the last word, Limnē (Greek). “Lemanæ” vel Portus “Leman-is.” Lyme, in Kent, where Cæsar first landed.

Jura, a long Mountainous ridge in ancient Gaul. Jura, a long Mountainous Island (Scotland). “Jur-jura,” an important chain of Mountains in the North of Africa. Gora (Russian), Ghiri (Sanscrit), a Mountain.

In the foregoing examples Celtic words having an affinity to the Latin frequently occur, employed in a manner that shows they could not have been borrowed by the Celts from the Romans. Thus we have the names Ar-mor-ici, Ebro-lacum, names in which terms like the Latin “Mare” and “Lacus” are naturally blended with other Celtic words which are quite unlike the Latin!

I conceive the evidence adduced in the previous pages must serve to place beyond all doubt the truth of the propositions illustrated in this Section, viz., that the language of the primitive Celts of Europe and the British Isles originally consisted of a combination of the Welsh and Irish, and other living Celtic dialects, united with many words and forms preserved in none of those dialects, but traceable in the Hebrew, the Greek, and the languages of other ancient and distant nations.

The uniformity that presents itself in the ancient local nomenclature of all the Celtic countries is a very remarkable and instructive feature, of which an adequate conception can be formed only by an examination of the Roman Maps. The identity of names, for example, is found to be as complete when the Roman Maps of Gaul and Britain are compared, as we meet with in examining the Maps of two English Counties! To this rule Ireland, as far as we can judge from the imperfect nature of the information transmitted to us, formed no exception. These facts lead to the inference that the Celts must have diffused themselves, within a comparatively short interval of time, over all the regions of Europe of which the Romans found them in possession! Had the process of diffusion occupied a great many ages, there must have been a commensurate change in the Celtic language, which would have displayed itself in the local names of the more distant regions. But no such difference occurs, the local nomenclature of Britain, for instance, being identical with that of Switzerland and Spain!

Section VI.

Summary of the Results deducible from the previous Sections. The Changes which have occurred in the English, Scandinavian, and Celtic Languages, sufficient to account for the Differences among all Human Tongues. Causes which give rise to the Abandonment and specific Appropriation of Synonymes. Total Differences of Grammatical Forms no Proof of a fundamental Difference of Language. The Relation which the Languages of one Continent, viewed in the aggregate, bear to the individual Languages of such Continent, the same as that which the ancient Scandinavian bears to its derivative Dialects, &c. Incipient Changes in the Language of Australia.

The facts developed in the previous Sections obviously present a satisfactory solution of the problem suggested at page 25, viz., whence it has come to pass that languages almost totally different in their present composition could have sprung from one original Tongue? That existing languages have sprung from one source is a proposition of which the proofs have been explained in the same Chapter in which this problem has been suggested. (See Chap. I.)

In the preceding Sections it has been shown, agreeably to the statement contained in Section I., that Languages are exposed to two prominent causes of change; viz., the abandonment by different branches of the same race—1, of different Synonymes; 2, of different meanings of the same Synonyme.

From the facts Historically proved in the previous Sections it will be found to be an indisputable truth, that—assuming their operation to be continued for an adequate period of time,—these two causes are calculated to produce, from one parent Tongue, languages of which the differences are apparently fundamental. For example, if the differences between the Gothic and Celtic languages noticed at page 28,—languages which differ almost totally,—are compared with those which have been proved to have arisen in the last nine hundred years among the various branches of the Scandinavian and the Celtic, it will be seen at once that the latter are of precisely the same nature as the former. The only distinction is that they are fewer in point of number! But on the other hand, it is certain that the same causes of change—acting at the same rate during a previous period of treble that length of time—might have produced between two branches of a common original speech differences equally numerous with those which the Gothic and Celtic exhibit; in other words, differences sufficiently extensive almost entirely to exclude all vestiges of original unity!

But it must be added, that it would be highly erroneous to infer that the rate of change previous to the commencement of the Historical period was the same as it has been since; it must have been much more rapid! Changes of this nature are prompted by the dictates of convenience, which suggest the extinction of superfluous words, and the appropriation of the remainder to distinct though kindred purposes; names for “Water, Rivers, the Sea,” for example, were doubtless in the first instance applied indifferently to all these objects. Now, inasmuch as languages are more redundant in their earlier than they are in their later stages, it is apparent that these changes, of which this redundant character is the source, must be more rapid.

This explanation would fully account for the diversity of structure evinced by the Gothic and Celtic Tongues, which probably differ as widely as any languages of the globe, without referring the commencement of their separation to a more remote date than would be quite consistent with received systems of Chronology. That the Celtic and Gothic were originally one speech, and that the differences which they now display have arisen in this manner, will be evident from Section II. (page 26,) combined with the facts developed in the other Sections of this Chapter.

Difference of Grammatical forms has been supposed to afford proof of a fundamental difference of language. A comparison of those of the languages previously noticed will show this to be a highly erroneous conclusion! The Welsh and Irish differ most widely in their grammars, though the general resemblance of these languages proves their original identity. The German and English also differ very widely, the majority of the Pronouns being unlike. Again, even the modern and the provincial English have different Auxiliary Verbs, &c. &c. These are results of the same principle, viz., the tendency to abandon, or appropriate differently, the various elements of a common parent speech.

Moreover since Pronouns, which are the principal basis of Grammar, are merely different Synonymes for “Man,” or a “Human Being” (see page 13), appropriated to different Persons, the supposition that kindred nations may be expected in all cases to use the same grammatical forms is founded on the gratuitous and highly unreasonable assumption, that the process of appropriating these various Nouns to different Persons must have been complete at a very early period, before the separation of the Human Race into distinct Tribes!

But though the rejection of superfluous Synonymes, and the specific appropriation of the remainder are results of the dictates of convenience, the selection of the particular synonymes which are retained, and the particular mode of application, are results dependent on individual caprice and idiosyncracy. Hence we find, as has been shown in previous Sections, the various branches of the same race adopt and abandon different terms. This feature, which has been traced in the Historical progress of languages, completely explains the phenomenon especially noticed at the close of the First Chapter, viz., the positive identity which we find on the one hand, when the languages of the different Continents are compared in the aggregate, combined on the other with a difference nearly total among individual languages, occurring, in many cases, among the languages of contiguous nations of the same Continent. In each separate tribe there is a tendency to abandon part of the parent speech, but as different tribes generally abandon different parts, probably no portion of the original tongue is lost! Its component parts are dispersed, and not destroyed! There is a complete and perfect analogy between the relation which will be found to prevail between the languages of each continent viewed in the aggregate as one original Tongue—compared with the individual existing languages of the same continent—and the relation shown in the previous Sections to prevail between the ancient “Danska Tunge” and its derivative Scandinavian Tongues—between the Anglo-Saxon and the modern English Dialects—between the ancient Celtic and the modern Welsh and Irish!

A recent work on Australia, by Colonel Grey, furnishes an account of the language of that country, so strikingly corroborative of the views developed above with respect to the origin of the various languages of the other four great Divisions of the Globe, that I have been induced especially to advert to Colonel Grey's statement in this Section.

“The arguments which prove that all the Australian dialects have a common root, are:”

“1st. A general similarity of sound, and structure of words, in the different portions of Australia, as far as yet ascertained.”

“2d. The recurrence of the same word with the same signification; to be traced, in many instances, round the entire continent, but undergoing, of course, in so vast an extent of country, various modifications.”

“3d. The same names of natives occurring frequently at totally opposite portions of the continent. Now, in all parts of it which are known to Europeans, it is ascertained that the natives name their children from any remarkable circumstance which may occur soon after their birth; such being the case, an accordance of the names of natives is a proof of a similarity of dialect.”

“The chief cause of the misapprehension which has so long existed with regard to the point under consideration is that the language of the aborigines of Australia abounds in synonymes, many of which are, for a time, altogether local; so that, for instance, the inhabitants of a particular district will use one word for water,[^82] while those of a neighbouring district will apply another, which appears to be a totally different one. But when I found out that in such instances as these both tribes understood the words which either made use of, and merely employed another one, from temporary fashion and caprice, I felt convinced that the language generally spoken to Europeans by the natives of any one small district could not be considered as a fair specimen of the general language of that part of Australia, and therefore in the vocabulary which I compiled in Western Australia, I introduced words collected from a very extensive tract of country.”

[^82: Here is an explanation, in the instance of the very same word, of Lhuyd's difficulty noticed in the last Section.]

“Again, in getting the names of the parts of the body, &c. from the natives, many causes of error arise, for they have names for almost every minute portion of the human frame: thus, in asking the name for the arm, one stranger would get the name for the upper arm, another for the lower arm, another for the right arm, another for the left arm, &c.; and it therefore seems most probable that in the earlier stages of the inquiry into the nature of the language of this people, these circumstances contributed mainly to the erroneous conclusion, that languages radically different were spoken in remote parts of the continent.”

“One singularity in the dialects spoken by the aborigines in different portions of Australia is, that those of districts widely removed from one another sometimes assimilate very closely, whilst the dialects spoken in the intermediate ones differ considerably from either of them. The same circumstances take place with regard to their rites and customs; but as this appears rather to belong to the question of the means by which this race was distributed over so extensive a tract of country, I will not now enter into it, but merely adduce sufficient evidence to prove that a language radically the same is spoken over the whole continent.”

“If, then, we start from Perth, in Western Australia, following the coast in a southerly direction, it will be found that between Perth and King George's Sound a common language is spoken, made up of several dialects, scarcely differing from one another in any material points, and gradually merging into the dialects of these two places, as the two points considered are nearer to one or the other.”

“The word for the Sun at Perth is Nganga, whilst at Adelaide it is Tin-dee; but the word used by the natives at Encounter Bay, South Australia, thirty-six miles from Adelaide, is Ngon-ge, and the word used in the southern districts of Western Australia for the Stars is Tiendee; thus, by extending the vocabularies of the two places, the identity of the language is shown.”[^83]

[^83: In Appendix A the original identity and subsequent specific appropriation of the names of the Heavenly Luminaries are especially noticed. See Appendix A, p. 48. These words occur in the same Appendix; as to “Tin-dee,” see p. 26, as to “Nganga,” see same page.]

The reader who by a perusal of the previous Sections has learned how rapid are the changes which languages undergo, will not merely conclude, with Colonel Grey, that the population of Australia must be descendants of one Sept, but he will conclude also that the first colonization of that continent must be referred to a comparatively recent date. Australia is nearly as large as the Continent of Europe, and yet we find one language prevail over the whole of its extensive surface! It may be inferred with certainty, from the changes which one thousand years have produced in the European languages, that this fact makes it probable that the date of the origin of the Australian tribes must have been comparatively recent,—makes it impossible that it can have been remote!

In relation more immediately to the conclusions developed in this Section, it remains to be noticed that the trifling incipient differences of dialect in the language of Australia, as described by Colonel Grey, afford a vivid picture of the first phases of that process which, during the course of a series of ages, has given rise to the different languages of the four great Continents of Asia, Europe, Africa, and America!

But how are we to account for the origin of these numerous synonymous terms which abound in all, especially in ancient, languages?

This subject will be discussed in the next Chapter.

Chapter III. On The Origin Of Synonymes.

Section I.

First Source of Synonymes the Metaphorical Character of Human Language in its Infancy. Even modern Languages metaphorical or descriptive, as regards the Names of Substances recently known to Man. Progressive Change from a metaphorical to a conventional Character displayed by more Modern compared to more Ancient Languages. Illustration from the Sanscrit Words for “The Sun.”

But not only may the dispersion of Synonymes be referred to influences of which the active agency still continues; it will appear that the first Origin of the numerous Synonymes which Human Language presents may also be explained by means of causes still in operation!

Human Language, in its infancy, was descriptive or metaphorical. Nouns, or names of objects, were expressive of some of their dominant or most conspicuous qualities. Hence, inasmuch as in different individuals, and in the same individual at different times, the faculty of Imagination is affected by various characteristics, a great diversity of descriptive terms were generally devised for the same objects, and these, as their primitive metaphorical meanings were insensibly forgotten, gradually lapsed into arbitrary or conventional Nouns. That this is a correct explanation of the origin of a large portion of the Synonymes in which Human Tongues abound, will be apparent from an examination of two venerable Oriental Languages, the Hebrew and the Sanscrit, which indisputably display through their whole structure a metaphorical or pictorial character.

The same truth is confirmed by facts within the range of our actual experience—facts that suggest reflections of high interest!

Several thousand years have passed away since man first became acquainted with the most prominent and familiar of those objects with which he is surrounded. For these objects he has inherited from his remote ancestors names which he learns in infancy, and which relieve him from the task of inventing anew appropriate designations. But though Nature presents no new features, the progress of Science has in modern times revealed a few new substances unknown to our forefathers, which have served at intervals to call forth the exercise of the same inventive powers by which language was originally constructed! Now if we examine the names that were originally conferred on the various chemical substances which have been brought to light in our own and in the last generation, we shall arrive at the instructive result that these names almost wholly consist of descriptive terms, representing either some of their most obvious properties, or the various conclusions formed by different philosophers on the subject of their nature and composition.[^84] Further, we shall find that many of these new substances gave rise, in the first instance, to numerous descriptive terms! That these terms were for some time used concurrently! That subsequently a portion of them fell into disuse! That finally the remainder gradually lost the descriptive significations at first attached to them, and acquired the character of mere arbitrary or conventional names!

[^84: For example: “Carbonic Acid Gas,” called also “Choke Damp” (by miners,) and “Fixed Air.”

“Carburetted Hydrogen,” called also “Fire Damp” (by miners), “Inflammable Air,” “Coal Gas,” and “Gas.”

“Iodine,” from Iōdēs, “Like a Violet,” (Greek,) a name suggested by its beautiful violet tint.

“Nitrous Oxide,” or “Protoxide of Azote” (terms expressive of its component elements), a gas discovered by Dr. Priestley, called also “Laughing Gas” (from its peculiar property discovered by Sir Humphrey Davy).

“Gas” is from a German word meaning “Breath, Air, Spirit,” &c. &c.]

Hence it is evident, and most assuredly it is a result of the highest interest, that the native and permanent tendencies of the Human mind itself distinctly point to the conclusion that language must originally have been descriptive or metaphorical! Hence, also, we derive a vivid illustration of the sameness of those tendencies, as exhibited both in the latest and in the earliest ages of the world, in the trains of thought excited by new objects in the minds of the Philosophers of modern days, and in those of the simple forefathers of the Human Race, whose

“Souls proud Science never taught to stray”
“Far as the solar walk or milky way!”

As we ascend from Modern into remote ages, Human Language gradually reassumes its Metaphorical character. Moreover, it will appear that the transition may be traced occurring in different classes of words at different epochs: terms for newly-discovered substances or new inventions being descriptive in all languages; terms for the most common and conspicuous objects of nature, on the other hand, not exhibiting this quality, except in the most ancient Tongues; while in specimens of Language belonging to intermediate eras, an intermediate character is observable; terms for less common and less conspicuous natural objects being more generally descriptive than they are in modern Tongues, &c.

The nature and steps of this transition will be more distinctly perceived if viewed retrospectively:

1. Modern Languages.

In such languages as the modern English, French, and German, probably the great majority of terms are conventional, though we meet with numerous names of animals, birds, &c. which are descriptive, as “Black-bird.” In words applied to new inventions or discoveries, a descriptive character is commonly displayed, as in “Rail-road” (Eng.), “Eisen-bahn” (Ger.), “Chemin de fer” (French), i.e. “Iron-way.”

2. Ancient Specimens of the European Languages.

In the oldest written specimens of the Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, &c., the vestiges of a descriptive origin rapidly increase. The names of Animals and Birds are found to be nearly all either descriptive or imitative, and Synonymes are much more numerous in certain classes of words.

The names for “The Sun, The Hand,” &c., and other objects enumerated at page 8, as the first on which appellations must have been conferred by Man, seem to have become purely conventional previously to the date of the earliest Celtic or Saxon MSS. But, on the other hand, a comparison of Languages serves to indicate that in this class of terms also these Tongues were Metaphorical in remote ages prior to the era of History. Thus “Grian,” The Sun, (Irish,) means “A Burner” in Welsh. Again, the Celtic and Gothic races have been too long separated to use the same conventional terms. But they frequently agree in the basis of the descriptive terms, from which the conventional terms are derived. Thus Llygad, “An Eye,” (Welsh,) is totally unlike the English “Eye,” (“Auge,” German;) but it is identical in its root with the English word Look. “Traed,” The Feet, (Celtic,) is unlike “Foot,” but its root is identical with “Tread” (English)! Celtic scholars have often derived the English “Tread” from the Celtic or Welsh “Traed;” but the Verb “Tread” (“Tret-en,” German) is used by all the Gothic nations from the Danube to Iceland!

The Greek and Latin also conspicuously exhibit a more Metaphorical character than the modern tongues of Europe.

3. The Sanscrit and the Hebrew.

It is agreed that in the entire structure of these languages a metaphorical character is displayed; even such words as the names for “The Sun,” &c. are for the most part metaphorical or descriptive.

The truth and extensive application of the principle under discussion will be best understood by a perusal of Appendix A, which contains ample illustrations of the rule that while the conventional significations of words are preserved in one Language, the same words commonly occur in others in kindred metaphorical meanings. In this place, however, may be appropriately introduced one illustration derived from the various Sanscrit words for the Sun. These words, which are all considered to be descriptive or metaphorical, have obviously formed the source of the following Conventional Terms for that Luminary, which occur in Indo-Germanic languages of more modern form:

Different Words for the Sun in Sanscrit, and their distribution in other Indo-Germanic Languages.

Sanscrit.	Persian.	Greek.	Latin.	German and English.	Welsh.
Hailih			Sol. (S. Hail-ih.)		Hail.
Hail-is		He-elios.
Sura					Ser-en, A Star.
Sunu				Sun, Sonne.
Mihira	Mihira.

Section II.

Second Source of Synonymes. Imitative Origin of the Elements of Human Language. Imitative Character of Ancient Languages. Imitative Origin of Language consistent with the Unity of the Human Race. Supported by Analogy. Adam Smith's Opinion that the first Elements of Language were Nouns, considered. Progress of Language in Infancy. Illustration, from Campbell's Hohenlinden, of the Influence of the Imitative Faculty on the Imagination. Progressive Growth of Language. Important Exception to the Principle of the Imitative Origin of Language. Origin of the Harsh and Open Sounds of Ancient Languages.

In its infancy, Language was metaphorical, but it was directly Imitative of surrounding objects at its birth! Hence, as will now be explained, another source of the synonymes in which Human Tongues abound!

Did man derive his language from the direct instruction of his Creator, or from the natural exercise of those faculties with which he has been endowed? For the former opinion no argument, either Scriptural or Philosophical, has ever been advanced. In favour of the latter, proofs deducible from Language, Analogy, and the actual features of the Human Mind, conspire.

In the Hebrew, and other ancient languages, Man's first imitative efforts are distinctly traceable,[^85] and as we ascend from modern to earlier eras in the history of Human Tongues, and extend our comparison by including within its range a greater number of kindred dialects, we shall find—not only the features of a descriptive or metaphorical character, as already noticed—but also the vestiges of an imitative origin progressively increase. Thus, for example, the English words for two common birds, the “Owl” and the “Crow,” have no other effect on the ear than that of mere arbitrary or conventional terms; they have been too much abbreviated any longer to suggest distinctly the source from which they have sprung. But in the Swedish “Ul-u-la,” and the Sanscrit “Ul-u-ka,” the reiterated screams of “the bird of night” are plainly mimicked, as is the harsh guttural croak of the crow in the German “Krähe!”

[^85: See Remarks in Adelung's Mithridates on the Hebrew.]

Those writers who have espoused, and those who have impugned, the conclusion that language is the natural fruit of the endowments which have been conferred on our species, have, for the most part, mutually assumed that conclusion to be irreconcilable with the common origin of the different nations and languages of the globe. Each ancient sept, they take for granted, must in that case be inferred to have had a distinct origin, and to have invented a distinct language for itself. But there is no necessary connexion between the premises and the conclusion. All nations may have emanated from one parent sept, and all languages may have sprung from one parent tongue, and yet the parent speech may, notwithstanding, have been the product of Man's own native energies in the earliest era of his existence! Our species may have been invested with the faculty of constructing a language adequate to meet all its first wants, and yet that faculty may have been exercised only once!

The conclusion adopted above is supported by the dictates of Analogy, as traceable in the instance of provisions made for wants analogous to those which language is calculated to supply. Destined to pass successively through various phases of civilization, and to push his colonies into every clime and country, Man required and has received, both in his physical and mental constitution, powers of adaptation that enable him to conform to those marvellous changes which are incident to his condition as a Progressive Being. His first infantine feelings are expressed by imitations of surrounding objects, and as his higher moral and intellectual faculties are developed, they find utterance in metaphors derived from the organs of sensation. In those advances which he was mysteriously intended to make from age to age, he would have been fettered and not aided by the gift of an immutable language! His wants in this respect have been more wisely provided for by the power which has evidently been conferred upon him of framing in the first instance a language calculated to express his earliest wants as they successively arose, and of subsequently moulding it to suit the emergencies of his condition.

It was the opinion of Adam Smith that the elements of language consist of Nouns or Names of things. From this opinion, M. Du Ponceau dissents. Nor is this conclusion confirmed by an analysis of languages, which serves to show, on the contrary, that these elements or roots partake less of the character of Nouns or Names of Objects than of that of Verbs or terms descriptive of their actions and qualities. This result appears to be a necessary consequence of the imitative origin of language, for it is only their characteristic sounds or other salient qualities that admit of imitation, it is impossible to copy by the voice the objects themselves! The English word Cuc-koo furnishes an excellent example. This word is now used as a Noun or Name. But it is quite manifest that originally it was a mere imitation of the characteristic cry of the bird, in other words it was descriptive of a single quality or action!

But though they partake of the character of Verbs rather than of that of Nouns, it will, I conceive, appear that the roots or elements of language do not in reality belong to any existing class of grammatical terms. In the Hebrew and the Sanscrit the “Root” is neither a Noun nor a Verb, but the common basis of both. Nor is the application of this maxim confined to ancient languages; it may be shown to apply extensively to modern languages also, as in the following examples, derived from the English:

Root.	Noun.	Verb.
Burst.	Burst.	I burst.
Thrust.	Thrust.	I thrust.
Crack.	Crack. Crack-er.	I crack.
Wrench.	Wrench.
Hiss.	Hiss.	I hiss.
Rumble.	Rumbl-er.	It rumbles.
Break.	Break. Break-er.	I break, &c.
Croak.	Croak. Croak-er.	I croak.

The previous examples will serve to illustrate at once the proposition they are intended to support, and also the imitative character of the roots or elements of language. This character, it will be observed, does not occur exclusively in terms primarily descriptive of sounds, it is displayed in an equally unequivocal manner in terms descriptive of other physical qualities, as in “Thrust, Burst, Wrest,” &c.

It is obvious that the human voice possesses the power of copying sounds more perfectly than other external impressions. But the attempt at imitation is not more conspicuous than it is in other cases, in which the imitation is necessarily more imperfect. Thus Kōōm, used in Persia and Wales for “a hollow circular valley,” “Coop” (English), are attempts by means of the motion of the lips, &c. to imitate the shapes of the subjects of description.

The evidence furnished by language in support of the proposition suggested above, viz., that its roots or elements do not consist either of Nouns or Verbs, but of sounds which constitute the common basis of both, will be found, I conceive, to derive direct confirmation from an examination of the faculties employed in the formation of language, and the order of their development.

Man is endowed with two faculties of a very different nature, of which language seems to be the joint product, viz., with powers of imitation and powers of reflection. Now the elementary sounds, or roots of language, may be viewed as exclusively the work of the imitative propensity; the steady appropriation of these elements as recognized descriptions of actions and objects seems, on the other hand, to be the result of the progressive growth and of the reiterated subsequent exercise of the functions of Memory and Abstraction. Thus we find infants mimic sounds long before we can suppose their minds to be sufficiently developed permanently to associate such sounds with particular objects; afterwards, as their faculties are gradually unfolded, these imitations are appropriated as names. Accordingly we find that almost all children are in the habit of using a certain number of words thus formed, which are understood and employed by the guardians and companions of their infancy.[^86] An instructive example of the natural activity of those mental qualities to which language first owed its existence—an activity which is repressed by no other cause than by the maturity of languages in use, which fully meet all the exigencies of the social state!

[^86: Some excellent observations on the subject of words thus formed by children occur in some late numbers of Chambers's Journal.]

The vehement gesticulations of uncivilized tribes is another manifestation of the imitative propensity. Nor are the vestiges of its influence among civilized nations altogether confined to the period of childhood. They may be recognized in the marked, though generally unconscious, disposition we feel to select words imitative of the ideas we seek to convey, and in the pleasure we derive from works of imagination, in which the sound is rendered “an echo of the sense,” in conformity to the critical rule of classical antiquity. Of the sublime associations called forth by a happy appeal to the imitative faculty, we possess a fine example in the lines of the great living Poet, which, with a fastidiousness as marvellous as the genius by which they were conceived, he proposed to cancel, as being “Drum and Trumpet lines!”[^87]

[^87: This did not apply to the first four lines quoted above.]

“On Linden when the sun was low”
All bloodless lay the untrodden snow,
And dark as winter was the flow
Of Iser rolling rapidly.

“But Linden saw another sight”
When the trump blew at dead of night,
Commanding fires of death to light
The darkness of her scenery!

“By torch and trumpet fast array'd”
Each warrior drew his battle blade,
And furious every courser neigh'd
“To join the dreadful revelry!”

(Campbell's “Hobenlinden.”)

The progressive appropriation of elementary sounds or Roots to the various purposes of language, and the consequent development of grammatical forms, remain to be explained.

In the first instance these Roots were, it would seem, employed alike both as Verbs and Nouns, &c.; the requisite distinction, it may be inferred, was made by Signs. In the course of time the Noun was distinguished by characteristic additions identical, as may be proved, with terms for “Man.”

This tendency to personify appears, as Du Ponceau observes, to be “according to nature!” The English word Smith, and the German Schmidt, are nouns of the primitive kind, being mere transcripts of the Root. On the other hand, in the English “Join-er, Break-er,” we have examples of Nouns distinguished as such by a grammatical suffix, “Er,” which, in German, means “He,” and in Turkish means “A Man.” In the Pehlwi, an ancient dialect of Persia, which is intimately connected with the English, and other Gothic languages, we actually find the English word “Man,” used for the same purpose as “Er,” in the above example. Thus we have Ruis-man, “A Head,” (Pehlwi,) Ras (Arabic), and Rosh, “A Head,” (Hebrew,) Lager-man, “The Foot,” (Pehlwi,) Lagyl (Wogul), Leg (English).

The Verb, and its different persons, were distinguished by pronouns, annexed in various modes.[^88]

[^88: This is perfectly obvious in the Hebrew, and may be shown by Analysis in other Languages.]

Finally, it may be noticed, that since all other branches of Human Language have been shown to be derivable from terms originally applied to Material actions and objects, (see pages 11, 12, 13;) and since these have been proved to be products of the imitative faculty, it follows that all the elements of language are ultimately traceable to the same source. There is, however, an important exception.

There is a class of terms, including many of those expressive of domestic relations, which cannot be traced to imitation, but seem to consist of those sounds which are most easy to pronounce. They may, in fact, be viewed as the fruits of the first essays of the organs of articulation.[^89]

[^89: See Dr. Darwin's Zoonomia.]

Hebrew.	
A.m. A Mother. Also, the lower arm (with the hand) by which a child is supported.	Amee A Father, (Mangree, a Negro Dialect.)
	Mamma, Mother, a Teat, a Breast, (Latin.)
A.m.e. A Maid Servant.	Mamma. [The occurrence in the Georgian, as a word for a “Father,” of this term, which is generally used for a “Mother,” is specially noticed by Adelung. Compare the other example from the dialect of the Mangrees.] A Father, (Georgian.)
A.m.n. A Nurse, To support, nurse.	A.m.e. A Nurse, (German.)
A.m.ou.n. A Child, &c. &c.	Mam. A Mother, (Welsh.) Mamma (English).

It will be perceived that the application of terms from this “Root” was not confined to parents, but was extended to other objects familiar in childhood.

Other examples of the principle just noticed occur in Abba, “Father,” (Hebrew,) Ab-avus, Av-us, and Papa (Latin). These words are clearly traceable to sounds which may be readily pronounced in infancy.

The Hebrew, and some other ancient Oriental tongues, are distinguished by the frequent occurrence of harsh aspirates and gutturals, and of vehement and discordant tones, which, in many instances, are utterly incapable of representation by means of any sounds in use among the nations of modern Europe. Now if language had an imitative origin, and if these ancient Oriental tongues can be viewed as specimens of language near its source, and the European tongues as specimens more altered by time, these features of contrast will be satisfactorily explained. This will be evident from the following considerations.

As Language in its incipient state must have been an imperfect medium of communication, it may be concluded that the auxiliary aid of Signs was commonly resorted to; violent motions of the hands and the feet were probably combined with intonations of the voice, expressive, even to exaggeration, of the ideas intended to be conveyed. Now the influence of this cause was obviously calculated to give to language in its infancy the very qualities which are ascribed to the Hebrew and some other ancient languages, viz., fulness, distinctness, and in some respects extreme harshness.

On the other hand, the natural progress of language will account also for the opposite qualities displayed by the dialects of modern Europe. As Society advanced, the severe features that belonged to Language at its first commencement must have gradually softened down. Words originally intelligible only as imitations of the qualities of objects, or by reason of the signs with which they were accompanied, must have gradually acquired conventional meanings, calculated to render the use of signs and of rough and painful articulations unnecessary. Compare, as examples, the words already noticed, viz., the English word “Crow,” and the German guttural word “Krä-he,” the English “Owl,” and the Swedish and Sanscrit “Ulula,” and “Ulu-ka.”

Many writers on subjects of this nature appear to fall into considerable confusion of thought in the eulogies which they are prone to bestow on those particular languages to which their studies have been chiefly directed. In some instances we find a language extolled for the fulness and clearness of its sounds, while another is eulogized for its softness. These different qualities cannot with consistency be regarded as merits in languages that belong to the same stage of society. A more judicious view of the subject would involve the conclusion to which the previous considerations must give rise, viz., that a full and distinct language is the result of necessity in the infancy of society, and that a soft and abbreviated language is the joint product of the dictates of convenience and taste that influence its later stages.

It is probable that in the features under discussion the ancient Oriental Tongues do not differ from the languages of Europe more widely than the earliest differ from the latest specimens of the latter class of languages. The difference in this respect between the Anglo-Saxon and the modern English has already been noticed. The abbreviated pronunciation of the French, compared to the parent Latin, is another instance of the same kind. The following is an example of similar variations in three Celtic dialects, showing a progressively contracted pronunciation:

	Welsh.	Irish.	Manx.
Arm.	Braich.	Brak (obsolete). Raigh.	-Ri.
Gold.	Ayr.	Or.	-Eer.
A Year.	Bluyddyn.	Bleadhain.	Blien.

The Isle of Man was not occupied by the Irish until the fourth century. Yet the Manx differs from the Irish perhaps even more widely than the Irish differs from the Welsh.

The desire to render language a more rapid and convenient medium of thought may be regarded as the principal source of changes of this nature.

Section III.

Application of these Conclusions to the Question of the Unity of the Human Race.

It may be objected that if language were in its origin imitative, the identity of the various languages of the globe shown in this work may be accounted for on that principle, without ascribing that important fact to an original unity of race. But an answer to this objection is involved in the following passage from the Mithridates of Adelung and Vater:

“In those instances in which the sound imitated is very definite and invariable, the imitation is so likewise (as in that of the name of the Cuckoo, which is nearly the same in all languages). But this is seldom the case. Generally the natural sound is very variable; hence one people imitates one, and another a different change. A very striking example occurs in the names for Thunder. Distinct as this natural sound is, the impressions which it makes on the ear are very variable, and it has accordingly given rise to a great number of different names, which all betray, nevertheless, their origin in Nature. In my Ancient History of the German Language I have adduced, in proof of this proposition, 353 of these names from the European languages.”

It appears, then, that the principle that language was imitative in its origin does not involve the inference that there is for that reason a tendency in human language to Unity. On the contrary, this principle leads, as has been shown, to the very opposite conclusion. Hence features of affinity displayed by different Tongues must be referred to original unity of race.

Section IV.

Recent Origin of the Human Race.

The Hebrew and Sanscrit, as pointed out in the previous Sections, display certain features which cannot have long survived the infancy of language. The caprices of custom, the progress of the human mind, and the dictates of convenience, are calculated to efface these features within a limited period of time. Hence it follows, that the existence of language, and of the Species by which it is employed, could not have commenced at an era very remotely anterior to the date of the earliest specimens of these ancient Tongues; for it must be borne in mind that the identity of the Hebrew and the Sanscrit with other Human Tongues having been proved (see Appendix A), the vestiges of recent formation which these two languages display furnish evidence of the recent origin, not only of the ancient nations by whom they were spoken, but also of the Human Race. As previously noticed, no difficulty is felt in accounting for the descriptive character of the scientific names which occur at page 95, on the ground that the substances named have only lately become known to man. The existence in the Sanscrit of numerous descriptive Synonymes for the “Sun” (see page 98), the most conspicuous object in nature, is an example which, as already intimated, must suggest analogous reflections.

Viewed with reference to the lapse of a few centuries, the changes language undergoes are too irregular to furnish a safe test of the date of historical events. But adverting to the progress of the European languages within the last thousand years, we may infer, nevertheless, that the effect of a long interval in producing extensive changes is certain.

Judging from these data, I conceive it may reasonably be concluded that the ancient Hebrew and Sanscrit remains could not have preserved the descriptive or metaphorical character to the same extent as they have done had the Human species been introduced at a period anterior to the date assigned to that event by our received systems of chronology.

Chapter IV. On The Original Identity Of The English, Welsh, Hindoos, And Other Nations Classed As Indo-European With The Jews, Arabians, Etc.

Section I.

Sir William Jones's Opinion that the Languages and Religions of these two Classes of Nations are quite distinct. The Names of the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India significant in the Hebrew. Arts brought by the Ancestors of the European Nations from the East. Names of Fermented Liquors. Arts of the Pastoral State. Words for Butter, &c. Close Connexion of the Hebrew with the English. No specific difference between the Semetic and Indo-European Tongues.

Among Orientalists, both in Germany and in this country, an opinion prevails that there is a specific connexion among certain Asiatic and European Nations, which they have accordingly classed together as members of what they term the Indo-European race. The principal Nations included in this class are the Hindoos, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Russians, and other Sclavonic Nations; the English, Germans, and other Gothic Nations; the Irish and Welsh, and other Celtic Nations, have more recently been ranged under the same appellation, in consequence of the researches of Dr. Prichard, M. Pictet, and Dr. Karl Meyer. The advocates of a distinct Indo-European race assume either that there is no connexion, or a comparatively slight one, between the various languages of that race and those of the ancient inhabitants of Judea, Arabia, and other contiguous nations. This theory may be viewed as a modification of a conclusion expressed by Sir William Jones in his Discourse on the Origin and Families of Nations.

“That the first race of Persians and Indians, to whom we may add the Romans and Greeks, the Goths, and the old Egyptians or Ethiops, originally spoke the same language and professed the same popular faith, is capable, in my humble opinion, of incontestible proof; that the Jews and Arabs, the Assyrians or second Persian race, the people who spoke Syriack, and a numerous tribe of Abyssinians, used one primitive dialect wholly distinct from the idiom just mentioned, is, I believe, undisputed, and, I am sure, indisputable.”[^90]

[^90: Sir William Jones's Works, vol. iii. p. 185.]

While one class of writers have adopted the views of Sir William Jones, another class have maintained a very opposite opinion, viz. that the Hebrew is connected, not merely as a sister but as a parent, with all the other languages of the globe. The unreasonableness of this opinion, which is totally unsupported by authority, sacred or profane, has been forcibly pointed out by Adelung, who observes, “Of all the Semetic languages the Hebrew is the youngest; the Hebrew nation still slumbered in the loins of their patriarch Abraham at a time when the whole south-west of Asia, even including the eastern banks of the Tigris, was already filled with Semetic[^91] nations and tongues.”

[^91: The term Semetic, i.e. descendants of Shem, for which Dr. Prichard has proposed to substitute Syro-Phœnician, is applied to the ancient nations of Judea, Syria, and Arabia. The common origin and specific connexion of most of these nations which may be inferred from the Scriptural account, are distinctly apparent from the close affinity of their languages. These Tongues by the highest authorities have been pronounced to be as nearly related as the Doric and Ionic dialects of the Greek.]

The proofs of affinity between the Hebrew and other tongues which have been adduced by the writers last referred to, are in many instances perfectly sound and legitimate. But owing to the untenable nature of the proposition with which they are associated, they have had no influence in opposition to the opinions of those celebrated men who have denied the existence of any such affinity between the Hebrew and the Indo-European tongues.

Truth in this, as in many other inquiries, has been lost in the collision of opposite errors! The Hebrew, it is true, is not the Parent Tongue, but on the other hand, notwithstanding the weight that must necessarily be attached to the memorable passage quoted above, and also to the views of recent Orientalists, it can be shown, by evidence too clear and simple to be neutralized by any authority however eminent, that the languages termed Indo-European are as closely connected with the Hebrew as they are among themselves. To these languages, the relation which it bears is that of an ancient collateral, exhibiting many of the features of a parent in consequence of the antiquity of its earliest remains, which contain specimens of Language near to its source. This relation, except as regards the Sanscrit, is strikingly analogous to that which specimens of the Scandinavian dialects near to their common source have been shown to bear to the modern languages of Denmark, Sweden, and Iceland. (See Proposition 6, p. 46.)

As the proofs contained in Appendix A and in other parts of this work, are sufficient to establish that such is the nature of the connexion between the Hebrew and the Indo-European languages, I shall here confine myself to such illustrations as possess an independent interest by reason of the light, they throw on the institutions and condition of ancient nations.

The identity of the Gods of three of the principal Indo-European nations has been shown by Sir William Jones in his luminous and graceful Dissertation on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India. But in the passage above quoted from the same great writer, the conclusion is conveyed that these Indo-European nations, agreeing among themselves, fundamentally differed with the Jews and other Syro-Phœnician nations in two important points, viz. Religion and Language.

This conclusion will be found to involve many fallacies of a very obvious nature. The Assyrians and other Syro-Phœnician nations were idolaters, though the Jews were not; and even the Jews were constantly lapsing into the idolatrous practices of the surrounding nations. We have no reason for inferring with certainty that the superstitions of the land of Canaan and of other Semetic countries were different from those of the Greeks, Italians, and Indians; the evidence rather favours the contrary supposition. Again, the ancient Egyptians, whom Sir William Jones classes with the Indo-European nations, from Language and Geographical position may reasonably be pronounced to have been more nearly related to the Semetic nations of Palestine and Arabia. Such are the errors even of an “all-accomplished” inquirer in exploring a new field!

That the Jews differed in religion from the nations of Greece, Italy, and India is a proposition which, in a general sense, cannot be disputed. But it will now be shown that this proposition must, nevertheless, be received with two qualifications, which entirely destroy its application as a proof of an aboriginal or remote difference of race, viz. 1. The same conceptions of the Supreme Being as are unfolded in the Hebrew Scriptures may be traced in the attributes of the principal Heathen Deities. 2. The names of the inferior Gods are perfectly preserved in the Hebrew language in appropriate senses, which distinctly indicate the recent origin of the superstitions of which they were the objects. While these inferior divinities appear to have been mere personifications of the powers of nature or of the passions of Man,—in the conceptions of the Creator of all things equally just and sublime,—which rise above this mass of error in the character of the Greek Zeus, the Latin Jupiter, and the Indian Brahma,[^92] the barrier which is supposed so abruptly to have separated the primitive faith of these nations from that of the patriarchs disappears!

[^92: See a Treatise by Rammohun Roy, showing that the ancient faith of the Hindoos involved the unity of the Deity.]

The following analysis of the names of Heathen divinities may be regarded as a continuation of a similar analysis which occurs at page 20. As regards the names and attributes of the Indian Gods, I have availed myself of Sir W. Jones's Dissertation on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India:

The Gods Of Greece And Italy.

Jupiter, Jov-(is), Jov-(em), “The Supreme Being,” (Latin); Ee.e.v.e or J.ee.v.e, “Jehovah, The Deity,” from E.v.e, “To Be,” (Hebrew.) This name is believed to be expressive of eternal existence.[^93]

[^93: Ju-piter is a compound of Pater, a Father, with “Jov,” which is the basis.]

Zeus or Zēn (Greek), “The Supreme Being,” the same as Jupiter; Zēn, To Live, Zē, He Lives, Zŏŏs, Living, (Greek.) Esse, “To Be,” (Latin.) Ee.sh.e, “To Be,” A.ce.sh, “A Being,” Ee.sh.sh, “Very old Ancient,” (Heb.)

Juno (Latin), Ērē (Greek), “The Goddess of the Firmament and The Queen and Mother of the Gods.”

Mercur-ius, “The God of Commerce,” (Latin.) M.c.r, “Merchandise, To Sell,” (Heb.) Merx, Mercari (Latin). Market (English.)

Min-erva, The Goddess of Wisdom, (Latin.) Mēn, “The Mind.”

Min-os, “The Supreme Judge in the Infernal Regions,” (Latin & Greek.) M.n.e, “To ordain, adjust, number,” (Heb.)

Aurora (Latin), Ēōs (Greek), “The Goddess of the Dawn.” (See p. 20.)

Phaeton, “Son of Apollo, or The Sun,” (Latin & Greek.) Phaethōn, Shining, (Greek.) Pha.o, To Shine, (Greek.) Ee.ph.o (Heb.) Phaethon in Greek was an epithet applied to “The Sun,” a word for “The Day” and for “The Star Jupiter.” (Compare Phoibos, Fos, &c. p. 21.)

Phos-phor-us (Latin), Phs Phor-os, The Morning Star, (Greek,) from Phero, “To Bear,” and Phōs, Light. The origin of this name will be plain from the last example and from the analogous terms at p. 21. Phōs, “A Star,” (Japan.) Fosseye, “The Sun,” (Sereres, Negroes,) &c. &c.

Arēs, “The God of War,” (Greek.) War (English.) Or, “An Enemy;” O.r.ee.ts, “Formidable, Violent;” O.r.ts, E.r.s, Ee.ou.r.ee.sh, “To break in pieces, demolish,” (Heb.) Eris, “Strife,” (Greek.)

M-ars, Mart-is, M-avors, “The God of War,” (Latin.) M.Or.ts.e, “Violence, Terror,” from O.r.ts with M. formative. (See “Ares,” above.)

Bell-ona, “The Goddess of War.” Bellum, War, (Latin.) Beli, Bela, War, (Welsh.) Beli, Bela, Havoc, Devastation, (Welsh.) B.l.ee, B.l.o (Hebrew.)

Vesta (Latin),[^94] Hestia (Greek), “The Goddess of Fire.” “Her power was exercised about Altars and Houses.” Hestia also signifies a Hearth. Ee.ts.th, “To Burn, Kindle, To be kindled as fuel,” (Hebrew.)

[^94: Vesta is also used for Fire itself.]

Ceres, “The Goddess of the Fruits of the Earth,” (Latin.) G.r.sh, “Corn trodden out,” “To spring forth,” Tender, Green, in full Verdure, Vegetables, (Hebrew.) Grass (German & English.)

Harp-yæ (Greek & Latin), “Winged Creatures, the fabulous personifications of Hunger and Rapacity!” (See Æneid 3.)

C'H.r.b, “To Consume, waste.”

C'H.r.b.e, “Desolation,” (Hebrew.)

Harpazo, “To Snatch,” (Greek.)

Morpheus, “The God of Sleep,” (Greek & Latin.) M.r.ph.e, “Slothful,” (Heb.)

An interesting consideration deserves especial notice in this place. On referring to the doubtful and unsatisfactory explanations which have been suggested for many of these names of the Gods of Greece and Italy, both by Cicero and by modern writers, who have relied solely on the intrinsic resources of the Classical languages, the superior clearness and simplicity of the explanations afforded by the aid of the Hebrew will be strikingly apparent.[^95]

[^95: Cicero de Natura Deorum.]

The Gods Of India.

Brahma, “The Creator,” (Indian.) B.r.a, “To Create,” applied to the creative act of the Deity in the First Chapter of Genesis, (Hebrew.) Beri or Peri, “To Cause,” Bâr, or Pâr, “A Cause,” (Welsh.)

Siva, “The Destroyer,” (Indian.) Sh.v.a.e, “Desolate;” Sha-e, “To Desolate,” (Heb.)

Vish-nu, “The Preserver or Saviour,” (Ind.) Ee.sh.v.o.e, “Safety, Salvation.” (This root is applied to the Saviour with the prefix M. in M|Ou.sh.oe,“The Messiah.”) Ee.sho, “To save,” (Heb.)

Rama, “A conquering Deity, a great Deliverer,” the same as the Greek Hercules, (Indian.) R.m, “To be lifted up, exalted.” R.m.e, “To throw, cast down,” (Hebrew.)

Cama, “The Indian Cupid.” One of his titles is “Depaca, the Inflamer,” “Love,” (Indian.) Ee.ch.m, “To be lustful,” Ch.m, Ch.m.e, “Heat,” Ch.m.s, “To ravish,” (Hebrew.)

Sur-ya, “A God of the Sun,” (Indian.) See p. 20.

Sat-yavrata, “Saturn” of the Latins. Sat.ya, means “Truth or Probity,” (Indian.) Sh.th, “To set, settle, fix,” (Hence “Sooth,” English, not from “He saith,” as Horne Tooke conceived.) T.z.d.k, “Just,” T.z.d.k.e, “Justice, righteousness,” (Hebrew.)

I shall now advert to some features of considerable interest in the condition of the primitive founders of the European nations, of which language furnishes evidence.

The first emigrants must in many instances have brought with them from the East a knowledge of fermented liquors, as is shown by the following examples:

Wine (English), Vin-um (Latin), Oin-os (Greek), Ee.ee.n (Hebrew), primarily “The expressed juice of the grape,” from Ee.n.e, “To press, squeeze,” (Hebrew.)

Osai, “Cyder, sweet liquor,” (Welsh,) O.s.ee.s, “Wine,” (Hebrew,) from O.s, O.s.s, “To trample”, applied to the Grapes.

M.th.k, “Sweet, sweetness,” (Hebrew.) Metheg-lyn (Welsh,) i.e. M.th.k, “Sweet,” (Hebrew,) and-Lyn, “Liquor,” (Welsh.) Methu, “Wine,” (Greek.) Methou, “Drunk,” (Welsh.) These terms may be regarded as primarily derived from a word expressive “of Honey,” and of the wine made from that particular substance, as in Madhu, “Honey,” (Sanscrit,) “Mead” (English.)

Mêl (Welsh), Mel (Latin), Meli (Greek), “Honey.” Melissa, “A Bee,” (Greek.) Mel-ys, “Sweet,” (Welsh.) Melitos, “Honeyed, placid,” (Greek.) M.l.ts, “To sweeten, to assuage,” (Hebrew.) Melith, “Honey,” (Gothic.)

Writers on subjects of this nature have inferred that in the earliest stage of society the human species subsisted on the spontaneous fruits of the earth or by the chase; the Pastoral state was the next step, and the adoption of agricultural pursuits the last stage in the progress. The Celtic and other European languages furnish very distinct evidence that some of the European nations must have advanced as far as the Pastoral state previously to their migration from the East.

The art of making “Butter” is expressed in the Celtic by a word of which the Oriental origin is clear:

Im,[^96] “Butter,” (Gaelic.)

[^96: Ymenyn (Welsh).]

c'H.m.a.e, “Butter,” from c'H.m.a, “To agitate, to churn,” (Hebrew.)

As this Celtic word is quite unlike the Latin, its Oriental origin is clear. It also follows that the primitive art it describes could not have been borrowed from the Romans.

The evidence with regard to “Cheese” is doubtful. Caseus (Latin) may be viewed as allied to K.sh.e, “To harden, to stiffen,” (Hebrew.) But as the Hebrew does not present the secondary sense, there is no ground to infer that this art was brought from the east. Nor, considering the resemblance of the Latin Caseus and the Welsh Caws, “Cheese,” can we infer from language, as in the instance of “Butter,” that the Celts did not borrow this process from the Romans, which most probably they did.

The following is a comparison, showing at the same time the identity of the names for some of the most common animals in the Hebrew and the Indo-European languages, and also the interesting fact, which is evident from several of these examples, that many of the prevalent European names for Chattels and Money are identical with Hebrew words for Cattle, Sheep, &c., which form the only wealth of the Pastoral state!

B.k.r, “Cattle,” (Heb.) Pecora, plural of Pec-us, “Cattle,” (Lat.) Hence, Pecunia, “Money,” (Lat.) Buwch, “A cow,” (Welsh.)

R.c.sh, “Cattle, Riches,” (Hebrew.) Reikis, “Riches,” (Gothic.) Riches (English.)

A.l.ph, singular. A.l.ph-eem, plural, “Cattle,” (Heb.) Alav, singular. Alav-oedd, plural, “Cattle, Wealth,” (Welsh.)

“Sheep” (English.) Schaaf (German.) C.sh.b, C.b.sh (Heb.) Sh.e, “A Lamb,” (Heb.)

“Sheep,” Kaora, (Irish.) Cor-lan, “A Sheep-fold,” (Welsh.) C.r, “A Lamb, also a pasture or circuit for cattle,” (Heb.)

“A Horse,” Ashwah Eshuus (Sanscrit.) S.w.s, or S.ou.s,[^97] (Heb.)—Pferd (German,) Peerdt (Belgian,) in the Hebrew, Ph.r.sh-eem, “Horsemen.”

[^97: This name is supposed by Hebrew scholars to be expressive of swiftness, and to be derived from S.s, or Sh.sh, Active, Sprightly.]

“Cow” (English.) Go (Sanscrit.) G.o.e, “To low like an ox,” (Hebrew.)

“A Cat,” C'h.th.ou.l, (Hebrew.) Cath (Welsh.) Cat (English.)

“A Monkey,” Kăpi, (Sanscrit.) Kouph (Heb.)

“Goat,” Aix Aig-os, (Greek.) Aja (Sans.) A.k.ou (Heb.) “A name given to the wild goat from its cry.”

“Hog, Swine,” &c., Sukarah (Sans.) Khūk (Persian.) Hog (Eng.) Houch (Welsh.) Hus (Greek.) C'H.z.ee.r (Hebrew.)

“Serpent” (English.) Serpens (Latin.) Sarf (Welsh.) Sh.r.ph (Hebrew.) Serpo, “To Creep,” (Latin.)

“Reptile, Serpent,” &c., Neid-yr, “A Serpent,” (Welsh.) Newt, “A small Lizard,” (English.) N.d.l, “A Reptile,” (Chaldæ.)

“Turtle Dove” (English.) Turtur (Latin.) T.r, T.ou.r (Hebrew.)

The connexion between the Hebrew and the English is remarkably complete, the same words occurring in both languages unchanged in sound and sense! A few examples are subjoined, consisting in many cases of words of pure Anglo-Saxon origin, rarely or never used by the refined classes of society.

N.k.m, To avenge, (Hebrew,) To nick (English.)—N.g.o, To touch, To draw nigh, (Hebrew,) Nudge, Nigh (English.)—B.r, A Son, (Hebrew,) Bairn (L. Scotch,) Brat (English.)—Sh.c.l, To be wise, Wisdom, Cunning, (Hebrew,) Skill (English.)—B.k.sh, To seek, To petition, (Hebrew,) Bhikshati, Beggeth, (Sans.) Beg (English.)—Sh.l.t, A Shield, (Hebrew,) Shield (English,) Shalita, Covered, (Sanscrit,) Shalitra, “Shelter,” (Sanscrit,) Shelter (English,) Shieling (L. Scotch.)—L.b, The Heart, Feeling, Will, (Hebrew,) Liebe, Love, (German,) Lief, Dear, Willingly, (English.)

Colonel Vans Kennedy, to whom we are indebted for a very able work conclusively showing the original identity of the Sanscrit and English and other languages termed Indo-European, is one of the most strenuous opponents of the supposition that a connexion may be shown to exist between these languages and the Hebrew, an idea which he treats as in the highest degree visionary and delusive! In the following, as in some of the previous examples, the instances of resemblance between the Sanscrit and the English which this writer has himself selected are compared with Hebrew words, identical with these terms in sound and sense! In many cases it will be seen that the Hebrew terms are even nearer to the English than the Sanscrit terms are!

Măhătwah (Sans.) Might (Eng.) M.a.d, “Might,” (Heb.)—Rosha, Rāga (Sans.) Rage (Eng.) R.g.z (Heb.)—Kupam, A Receptacle, (Sans.) Coop (Eng.) K.ph.ts, To shut, close up, contract, (Heb.)—Duhitr (Sans.) Daughter (Eng.) Dochter (Scotch.) D.g, To multiply, (Heb.) Tek-os, Progeny; Tek-on, Bringing forth, (Greek.)—Shringa (Sans.) Horn (Eng.) Cornu (Lat.) K.r.n (Heb.)—Āpăt, A Calamity, (Sans.) Ab.ad.n, Destruction, (Heb.)—Bălăwān, Powerful, (Sans.) B.o.l, A Master, to have power, (Heb.) “Baal,” i.e. The Ruler, name of an idol.—Shira, The Head, (Sans.) Sh.r, A Prince, A Ruler, (Heb.)—Ghăshăti (Sans.) Gusheth (Eng.) G.sh.m, To rain, A violent Shower, (Heb.) “Geesers,” Fountains of Hot Water in Iceland.—Grŭshta (Sans.) Grist (Eng.) G.r.s, To break, crush to pieces, Wheat beaten out, (Heb.)—Torati (Sans.) Teareth, Tore, (Eng.) T.r.ph, To tear off, To tear to pieces, (Heb.) Tori (Welsh.)—Diyati (Sans.) Dieth (Eng.) Dee.e, Blackness of colour,[^98] (Heb.) Dee.ou.a, The Devil, (Syriac.) Dee.ou.v, Ink, (Heb.) Dee, Black, (Welsh.)—Pesati (Sans.) Paceth (Eng.) Psh.o, To pass, a pace, (Heb.)—Rănăti (Sans.) Runneth (Eng.) R.n (Heb.)—Shara (Sans.) Gar. Arrow (Ang.-Sax.) Sh.r.ee.e, A Dart, (Heb.)—Shatati (Sans.) Shutteth; Sheath, (Eng.) S.th.m, To stop up, hide, conceal, S.th.ce.m.e, A Secret, (Heb.) Stum, Dumb, (Ger.)

[^98: From the change of hue the body undergoes in death.]

It must be quite evident that in these examples the affinity in words between the Hebrew and the Indo-European languages is as close as that which exists among those languages themselves. The difference of grammatical forms has been much insisted upon. This ground, where it occurs, has already been proved to afford no evidence of a remote difference of race. (See p. 89.) But in treating of the North American Indian dialects, I shall show that no such grammatical difference does exist in this instance, the Hebrew pronouns, which are the basis of its grammar, being identical with those of the Welsh,[^99] now considered to be a member of the Indo-European group of tongues.

[^99: Other examples of the affinity of the Hebrew and the Welsh have been examined with great ability by Dr. William Owen Pughe, in the Cymrodorion Transactions. There is also a valuable old work on the connexion of the Hebrew with other languages, by Mr. Barker, schoolmaster, Carmarthen.]

Chapter V. Identity Of The Egyptians With The Indians, Jews, And Other Branches Of The Human Race.

Section I.

Identity of the ancient Indian and Egyptian Mythology, &c. Names of the Egyptian Gods, significant in the Hebrew and Indo-European Tongues. Dr. Lepsius's comments on Champollion's opinion that the Modern Egyptian does not differ from the Egyptian of the oldest Monuments. Proofs of changes. Proofs from Language that the origin of the Egyptians cannot be referred to the very remote date fixed by some writers. Causes of the primitive features of the Hebrew and the Sanscrit. Identity of Sanscrit and Scriptural account of the Creation and of the Origin of the Human Race. Sir William Jones's explanation of this coincidence. High antiquity of the Indian Vedas.

We are indebted to Dr. Prichard[^100] for a comprehensive and satisfactory demonstration of the resemblance in manners, mythology, and in social and political institutions of the ancient Egyptians and Indians. These Nations agreed in religious and philosophical dogmas, in a superstitious veneration of animals and of the most conspicuous objects of nature, in the system of Castes, and in other features. Dr. Prichard's German translator, the celebrated A. W. Schlegel, has attempted to account for these points of coincidence by the ordinary tendencies of human nature under similar circumstances, a theory which, though maintained with distinguished ability, must be felt to be essentially paradoxical. As Dr. Prichard observes: “No person who fully considers the intimate relation and almost exact parallelism that has been traced between the Egyptians and the Hindoos, will be perfectly satisfied with such a solution in that particular example.”[^101]

[^100: Dr. Prichard on Egyptian Mythology.]

[^101: Dr. Prichard on Man.]

Dr. Prichard concludes that these features of resemblance must be ascribed to a common origin. But in the adoption of this conclusion he encounters a formidable difficulty, arising from the consideration that the Egyptian Tongue cannot, according to his views, be identified with the other languages of mankind.

This difficulty, like many others of the same nature, will be found to receive a satisfactory solution from the comparison contained in Appendix A, in which are embodied a greater number of words from the Egyptian than from any other language of the African continent. It will thence be evident that the failure which has attended the attempts of the writers noticed by Dr. Prichard to identify the Egyptian with the Asiatic languages, has arisen from the predominant error of Philological writers,—viz. the expectation of finding in every respect a close and peculiar affinity between the languages of nations, who, though contiguous, must in all probability have been separated in the earliest ages of the world. Hence the unsuccessful issue of those researches of which the object has been to show that the Egyptian is a dialect of the Hebrew. But, notwithstanding the unfavorable result which has necessarily attended investigations conducted on a false basis, it will be seen, nevertheless, that the adoption of a wider range of comparison, agreeably to the principles explained at p. 16 and p. 87, and carried out in Appendix A, serves to render unequivocally manifest the original unity of the Egyptians not only with the Jews and other nations of Asia, but also with those of all the four continents. In this place I shall introduce, in illustration of this proposition, some additional examples, which possess an independent interest in connexion with Dr. Prichard's inquiry into the mythology of the Egyptians, and with the analogous inquiries pursued in the last Chapter of this work.

The Names of most, if not all, of the Egyptian Gods are susceptible of a perfectly unequivocal explanation by means of the Hebrew and the Indo-European languages.[^102] This will be evident from the following analysis, in which I have availed myself of the account of their names and attributes given by a high authority—Mr. Wilkinson.[^103]

[^102: In some of these instances the Coptic or Egyptian has lost the original meaning of these appellations, in others it has preserved them in common with the Hebrew and Indo-European Tongues.]

[^103: Materia Hieroglyphica.]

“Neph, Phtah, and Khem,” the first three of the Egyptian Gods noticed below, represent attributes of the Deity.

Kneph, or, more properly, Neph or Nef, “The Spirit of God which moved on the face of the Waters.”[^104] Nouf, “Spirit.” Nife, “To breathe, to blow.” Nifi, “Inspiration,” (Egypt.) This word, Neph, has been shown to exist in the same and in analogous senses in the Hebrew and Indo-European tongues. It has also been pointed out as occurring in a remarkable instance as a word for a “Spirit,” and also as a name of the “Supreme Being,” among the North American Indians. (See p. 24.[^105])

[^104: Wilkinson.]

[^105: Among the Egyptian Deities is Anep, Anepo, the classical Anubis, “The Conductor of Souls.”]

Pthah, “The Creative Power that made the World,” styled “The Father of the Gods.”[^106]

[^106: Wilkinson, p. 11, note 4.]

Pita, Pitre (Sanscrit,) “A Father.” Phu-o, “Gĭgnō, Produco.” Phu teuō, “Machinor Semĭno.” Pat-er, “A Father,” (Greek.)

Khem, “The Sun.” (See p. 21.)

Rah, “Sun,” “The Material and Visible Orb.” (See App. pp. 2 and 3.)

Ph-Rah, “Ph,” “The,” and Rah, “Sun.” Hence the name “Pharaoh,” applied to the Kings of Egypt.

Amun-Ra, “The splendour and beneficent property of the Sun,” “Jupiter-Ammon” of the classical nations.

The word A.m.n, in Hebrew, implies “nurturing or fostering care, to support, to sustain,” In Egypt there is a verb Amoni “To hold,” and Āmoni “To feed.” Amoun in Hebrew, and Mone in Egypt, mean “A Nurse,” and in Egypt “A Shepherd.”

Amoni, “Patience,” (Egypt.) Amyn-edd “Patience,” Amoun “To defend,” M-ou yn, “Kind,” (Welsh.)

Neith or Maut, “Minerva, called the Mother of the Gods.” Mata (Sanscrit.) Mat-er (Latin.) Maau (Egypt.) A.m.a (Heb.) “A Mother.”

The names of Osiris and Serapis have been explained at p. 20; that of Hor (“Horus,”) in Appendix A, p. 2; that of Io, “The Visible Body of the Moon,”[^107] in Appendix A, pp. 24-25.

[^107: Ibid.]

It will be observed that the Egyptian mythology, like that of the Indo-European nations, as noticed in the last section, distinctly combines with Personifications of the powers of nature, views of the attributes and agencies of the Supreme Being which occur in the Hebrew Scriptures, as in the instance of “Neph.” It is remarkable that the same allusion as this name presents, occurs in the Hindoo mythology in Náráyana, one of the names given to Vishnu, the Deity viewed as a preserver or Saviour. Sir William Jones thus explains this term in a quotation from a passage in which Menu, the son of Brahma, begins his address to the Sages who consulted him on the formation of the Universe. “The waters are called nárà, since they are the offspring of Nera, (or I'swara;) and thence was Náráyana named, because his first ayana or moving, was on them!”[^108]

[^108: Sir William Jones on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India.]

N-Eerooue means “Waters” in Egyptian, from Eiero, “Water,” the plural being formed by N prefix.

Thus it is evident that a comparison of languages in those very instances which are connected with the subject, so far from impugning the conclusion that the mythology of the Hindoos and Egyptians had a common origin, affords irresistible corroborative proofs of the correctness of that opinion. Further, it is apparent in the instance of the Egyptian as of the Indo-European race, that their religious system embodied, in combination with an idolatrous superstructure, the same views of the Supreme Being as are developed in the Pentateuch.

In some of the foregoing instances, the words of which the names of the Egyptian gods are composed have been preserved in the Egyptian itself conjointly with the Hebrew and other languages. But there are also several instances in which these terms have been lost in the Egyptian, though preserved in other tongues. This is a distinct proof that the origin of the Egyptian language is mainly ascribable to the same cause, which has been previously pointed out as the principal source of the gradual divergence of the different dialects of the Celtic and Scandinavian, &c. The Egyptian cannot be said to differ from the Hebrew or the Sanscrit more widely than the Celtic and Gothic differ, though the common origin of the two last may be shown indisputably. At what precise periods the different changes in the Egyptian language took place, we have not as yet the means of fully deciding. But we are not altogether without historical evidence that this language has undergone mutations, analogous to those which have occurred in other tongues. Champollion, to whose genius we are principally indebted for a solution of the Egyptian system of hieroglyphics, was of opinion that the Coptic or modern Egyptian is perfectly identical with the language of the most ancient monuments. But this opinion has been combated with ability and success by Dr. Lepsius, to whom we owe much information with regard to the ancient Egyptian remains, especially the brilliant discovery that the alphabet of Egyptian hieroglyphics, supposed by Champollion to consist of 300, is reducible to thirty letters.[^109] Dr. Lepsius points out many striking instances of deviation. Thus he notices that Plutarch, in explaining the name of Osiris, whose symbol was The Eye, informs us that the Egyptians called the Eye “Iri,” a word not found in the Coptic, in which “Bal” is the only term used for that organ.

[^109: Lepsius Lettre à Rosselini.]

Dr. Lepsius has also produced in illustration of his views several examples, in which he infers from the mode of spelling, that the same terms must have been pronounced in the age of hieroglyphics in a different manner from what they were in the Coptic. The following are instances:

English.	Ancient Egyptian Of The Age Of Hieroglyphics.	Modern Egyptian Or Coptic.
The Sun	R.ha.	Ra.
Day	H.rou.	Hour.
The Sea	Imo.	Iom.
A Swine	R.ri.	Rir.

It has been previously shown by a comparison of tongues of which the history can be traced, that language in its infancy appears to have abounded in full and harsh tones and in rough aspirates, which were gradually exchanged for softer and more abbreviated forms during more advanced stages of society. The conformity of these examples to this principle will be obvious, especially when they are compared with the instances of similar changes in the Manx and Irish, &c. noticed at page 108, a comparison which must tend very strongly to confirm the soundness of Dr. Lepsius's conclusions. Since the recent origin of the Hebrew and Sanscrit languages and of the Hebrew and Indian nations have been shown on the one hand, while on the other the identity of the Egyptian with those tongues has also been established, it follows that the origin of the Egyptian nation cannot be referred to a period anterior to that which our received systems of chronology would lead us to adopt as the era of the separation of nations. The harsh and full pronunciation which seems to have characterized the most ancient specimens of the Egyptian language tends strongly to support the same conclusion.

In the previous pages a peculiarly primitive character has been attributed to two ancient languages just adverted to, viz. the Hebrew and the Sanscrit. Both these tongues, it has been observed, display in a higher degree than any other the characteristic features of language near its source. As regards the former of these tongues, the Hebrew, there is an obvious reason for the primitive forms of language it involves in the high antiquity of a portion of its remains, viz. the first Books of Scripture, which are more ancient by many centuries than the poems of Homer, the most venerable literary remains of Europe. It is a remarkable fact that there is every reason to believe that the same explanation will be found to apply in an equal degree to the Sanscrit. According to the opinions of many of the most distinguished Orientalists, it would appear that the earliest Vedas, the oldest mythological books of the Indians, are not less ancient than the Pentateuch. Sir William Jones, whose candour and love of truth were not inferior to his accomplishments, concluded the Vedas to have been written about 1500 years b.c. The soundness of this opinion was at one time much questioned; but it has been confirmed by the sanction of some of the ablest of those who,—with the advantage of more recently accumulated information, have in our time pursued the same path of inquiry—in a manner that serves to place in a striking point of view the vast knowledge and the bold and sagacious judgment of its great author. Ritter, a distinguished German Orientalist, concludes the Vedas to have been collected during the period from 1400 to 1600, b.c.; and Mr. Colebrooke, whose researches are of the highest value, appears to have shown finally that the earliest Vedas were probably written about 1400 years b.c.[^110] It is highly deserving of notice that these various dates all fall about the time of the Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, 1490 b.c.

[^110: See a short summary of Mr. Colebrooke's views in Dr. Prichard on Man, in his observations on the Egyptians.]

The account given in the Vedas of the early history of the world coincides in its most important features with the Scriptural relation in a manner not to be mistaken. Sir William Jones, struck with these features of resemblance, has intimated an opinion that the Indian account of the Creation, of the Deluge,[^111] and other events may have been borrowed from the Jewish nation.[^112] It is remarkable that this opinion will be found to involve a singular anachronism, if we adopt Sir William Jones's own views with respect to the date of the Vedas, viz. that they were written 1500 years b.c. This date is ten years prior to the Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, an event from which their national existence and the composition of their earliest scriptures may be said to have commenced.

[^111: Sir William Jones on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India.]

[^112: Ibid.]

It is highly improbable in every point of view that the Indians could have borrowed from the Jews some of the most important doctrines of their religious belief. But the coincidences noticed by Sir William Jones and other writers, and the peculiarly vivid and distinct nature of the accounts contained in the Vedas, admit of a more simple and consistent explanation. If, agreeably to the opinions of Mr. Colebrooke, we assume these books to have been compiled about 1400 years b.c., it would follow that they embody a narrative much nearer in point of date to the events they record than any other, with the exception of the Pentateuch.

From the Deluge to 1400 b.c. there was a lapse of 948 years only. Now we have satisfactory evidence that traditions far less calculated to leave a lasting impression have been preserved in many instances among separate tribes with considerable uniformity for a much longer period. Thus we know that the Fairy Tales of the English and Germans, and of the Welsh and Armoricans, agree in their main features, though in both instances there has been a separation for an interval of much greater duration.

Traditions similar to those embodied in the Vedas occur in the classical fable of Deucalion and Pyrrha, in the remains of the Chaldeans, and of other primitive nations. It is only in the Scriptural narrative that we meet with a relation of the first incidents in the history of man unmingled with fables derogatory to the attributes of his Creator. But though clouded with mythological fictions, the remains of many ancient nations impressively display a fresh and vivid reminiscence of the sublime events they record.

Section II.

High Antiquity of the Egyptian Nation. Interesting Character of Egyptian Remains. Extent of Egyptian Conquests. Tartars, Parthians, Turks, &c. Figures of Jews on Egyptian Monuments. Egyptian and Semetic Languages and Races connecting links between the Asiatic and African Languages and Races.

The Egyptian annals of Manetho seem to convey the inference that there must have been in Egypt a series of thirty dynasties, whose reigns occupied a period of time reaching far beyond the commencement of our received chronology. It appears, however, that in the present age the most eminent writers on the antiquities of Egypt are agreed in rejecting this conclusion. The long dynasties of these chronicles are referred by some writers to repetition, by others to the coexistence of distinct dynasties in different parts of Egypt.

But the same eminent writers who have agreed in repudiating the conclusion that seems to be conveyed by Manetho may be said to be equally unanimous in referring the origin of the Egyptians to a date which, tried by the standard of received chronology, will be found to coincide with the very first age in the history of nations.

“By a comparison of Manetho's work with the Theban table of Eratosthenes,” observes Dr. Prichard,[^113] “we find satisfactory data for fixing the origin of the Egyptian monarchy as deduced from these documents in the 24th century before our era.”

[^113: Prichard on Man, vol. ii. p. 199.]

Other eminent writers on this subject do not perfectly coincide with Dr. Prichard in adopting this precise date. But they all fix on pretty nearly the same time, which, it will be observed, is about the era of the Flood of Scripture, which immediately preceded the diffusion of the human race. In the annexed Table I have introduced a compendious statement of the views of these writers, more especially of the author of a work entitled “A Monumental History of Egypt,” in a form that will exhibit concurrently the principal Chronological facts and the progress of Writing in Egypt. I may observe that Dr. Lepsius is of opinion that Hieroglyphics, which is a mode of conveying ideas by representations of objects without reference to their names, was the source,—(by means of a gradual transition,)—of phonetic characters, which represented their names or words.

Egyptian Chronology.	Progress Of Hieroglyphics And Writing.
Doubtful Period.
The accession of Menai or Menes, and earlier Egyptian Kings. [Mr. Wilkinson refers the reign of Menes to 2320 B.C.]
First Pyramid built, it is supposed, b.c. 2123	No hieroglyphics on this Pyramid.
Historical.
Abraham visits Egypt. 1920	Hieroglyphics invented, and gave rise to Phonetic writing, between 2123 and 1740.
Osirtasen united Egypt into one Monarchy. 1740	The name of Osirtasen, in this reign the first known specimen of Phonetic characters. (Monumental Hist.)
Joseph in Egypt. 1706
18th Dynasty. 1576	Age of MSS. (Dr. Lepsius.)

According to the author of the Monumental History, previously to the year 1740 b.c., the commencement of the reign of Osirtasen, who is believed to have been the contemporary and patron of Joseph, “we have little to guide us on the Monuments of ancient Egypt.” According to the same writer, he was the first who united Egypt into one kingdom, that country, he maintains, having previously been divided into little unimportant kingdoms.

The arguments of this able writer, however, do not impugn the conclusion, that though the precise date may be uncertain, the origin of the Egyptian nation must be referred to the first ages of the human race. The condition of the Egyptians in 1740 b.c. implies a prior existence for many ages, of which we have a distinct proof in the visit of (the Patriarch) Abraham two centuries previously.

The marvellous discoveries made in our day by Champollion, Belzoni, and others, may be said to have thrown a new light on the early history not only of Egypt but of the world! Proofs the most startling have been brought to light of the vast political power and high civilization of the Egyptian nation, combined with a knowledge of science in many branches scarcely surpassed in the present and not equalled in the last generation of European nations! In the Egyptian paintings we have the most distinct portraits, representing not only Negroes, Jews, and other neighbouring races, but also of nations whose light complexions, peculiar physiognomy, and equipments, combined as they sometimes are with delineations of the costumes or natural productions of the countries of which they were natives, betoken the inhabitants of more northern latitudes, confirming the account of Tacitus, who states “The Egyptians overran all Libya and Ethiopia, and subdued the Medes and Persians, the Bactrians and Scythians, with the extensive regions inhabited by the Syrians, the Armenians, and the Cappadocians; and by this conquest a tract of country extending from Bithynia on the Pontic Sea to the coast of Syria on the Mediterranean was reduced to subjection.”

The evidence seems to be clear that some of the nations with whom the Egyptian armies fought, may be identified with the principal Asiatic nations still inhabiting the borders of the Caspian.

“On six of the Phonetic Ovals (published by Champollion) are the names of the heads of the various countries conquered by Sesostris. On one appears the generic name of the Scheti (spelt Sh.e.d.te); on the second, the generic name of the sons of Mosech or the Muscovites, spelt precisely as in the Hebrew (M.s.ek); thirdly, the people of Arakan, spelt very nearly as that name is sounded (as, for example, Ar-rk-k-a-n); fourthly, the people of Casan (spelt C-a-s-n); the fifth is probably Susa, but the middle vowel is omitted, and it stands S-se.”[^114]

[^114: Foreign Quarterly, 1836. I conceive, however, that the conclusion of the ingenious reviewer as to the identity of M.s.e.k with the name of the Muscovites, may require reconsideration. See Adelung on the Russians, and Vol. I, p. 314.]

Casan is a Tartar province, conquered by Russia in the 16th century.

The Scheti, according to Champollion's opinion, were the Scythians of the classical nations, the modern Tartars.[^115]

[^115: Adelung.]

A conflict between the Egyptians and the Scheti or Scheta forms the subject of one of the most interesting Egyptian battle-pieces, which displays in a striking point of view the high military discipline of the Egyptians. Mr. Wilkinson describes the Scheti “as a nation who had made considerable progress in military tactics, both with respect to manœuvres in the field and the art of fortifying towns, some of which they surrounded with a double fosse. It is worthy of remark, that in these cases the approach to the place led over a bridge; and the sculptures acquainting us with the fact are highly interesting, as they offer us the earliest indication of its use, having been executed in the reign of the great Ramesis, about 1350 years before our era.”

“Their arms were the bow, sword, and spear, and a wicker shield.”

“They had some cavalry, but large masses of infantry with a formidable body of chariots, constituted the principal force of their numerous and well-appointed army; and if from the manner in which they posted their corps-de-reserve we may infer them to have been a people skilled in war, some idea may also be formed of the strength of their army from the numbers composing that division, which amounted to 24,000 men, drawn up in three close phalanxes, consisting each of 8,000.”

Mr. Wilkinson notices three other nations among those who were connected with the Egyptians either as enemies or allies, viz. “The Rebo,” “The Shairetana,” and “The Tok-kari.”

The Rebo were among the most formidable enemies of the Egyptians. They were distinguished by a light complexion, blue eyes, an aquiline nose, and a costume very like that of Persia or Parthia, indicating a northern as well as an Asiatic country; they wore earrings, and their chiefs sometimes tattoed their arms and legs; they appear as the type of Asia in some of the Egyptian drawings. Their chief weapons were a long straight sword, with a sharp point, and a bow. Champollion concluded the Rebo to have been the Parthians.

Mr. Wilkinson expresses himself unable to trace the Shairetana and the Tok-kari; I conceive, however, that their names and other circumstances serve to identify them with the Sogdians or Bucharians and the Turks, whose territories are intermingled. The name of the Tok-kari obviously resembles that of the Turks, and, according to Adelung, the Bucharians, from their dwelling in Towns, &c., are called Sarti, a name resembling that of the Shairetana. The Shairetana and Tok-kari revolted together against the Egyptians, and were again subdued. The Tok-kari used waggons with two solid wheels, and drawn by two oxen, which appear to have been placed in the rear as in the Scythian or Tartar armies. Their women are seen carrying off their children by drawing them into these waggons at the moment of defeat. These are traits characteristic of the Tartar race, of which the Turks are a branch. These nations were occasionally allied with the Egyptians both against the Scheti and the Rebo, which implies that their country was intermediate between that of the Parthians and the Tartars.

The Egyptian illustrations of Scriptural incidents and localities are of the highest interest:

Champollion found a portrait of a Hebrew, with all the features of the race, in a group consisting of the chiefs of thirty conquered nations, whom an Egyptian King is depicted dragging to the feet of the Theban Trinity. The name of the Egyptian King was phonetically written “Shishak,” the name of the Jewish captive was written “Joudaha Melek,” King of Judea or the Jews. (See I. Kings, 14 chap. 25 and 26 v.) This picture, as Mr. Tattam[^116] observes, may be considered as a commentary on this chapter!

[^116: Tattam's Egyptian Grammar.]

Portraits of Jews are frequent amongst the Egyptian remains. “The costume of these Jews is always the same. They wear their black bushy hair occasionally bound by a red fillet; but sometimes they wear hats not unlike the hats dramatically assigned to the Jews of the dark ages. They wear sandals, the military petticoat or philibeg, a baldric crossing one shoulder, a girdle, to which is attached a short sword or dagger, and when engaged in warlike operations, having the upper part of the body covered with a defensive coat, either of leather or armour, and wearing above the whole a tippet like the cape of a great coat. Independent of Phonetic language a mere glance at their lineaments shows that they are Jews!”[^117]

[^117: Foreign Quarterly Review.]

The early development of the vast political power and high civilization of this extraordinary people corroborates the conclusion, that the origin of the Egyptian nation must be referred to a period sufficiently remote to render it extremely improbable that a close specific resemblance should have continued to exist between their language and those of the countries from which the first population of Egypt may have emigrated. This inference does not militate against the supposition that Egypt may have been first colonized from the contiguous Semetic or Syro-Phœnician regions of Judæa and Arabia.[^118]

[^118: There is an able pamphlet by Dr. Löewe, in which he maintains the Hebrew to be the Parent of the Egyptian. Dr. Löewe's examples appear to me to be equally conclusive against the specific connexion he advocates, and in support of the original unity of these tongues at a remote era.]

The literature of ancient Egypt forms a treasure as yet but imperfectly explored. “We possess,” says Dr. Lepsius, Hieratic MSS. as far back as the flourishing epoch of the eighteenth dynasty, (which began to reign B.C. 1575, i.e. eighty years before the departure of the Israelites,) and it is probable that this style was in use even earlier. We have MSS. on History, Astrology, Magic, “Registres de Comptabilities,” and especially a great quantity of MSS. on Funeral matters.

These remains are probably pregnant with information of the profoundest interest with regard to the early history of mankind! Further inquiries similar to those conducted by Dr. Lepsius with respect to the phases through which the Egyptian Tongue has passed, will probably bring to light numerous proofs of an increasing approximation in its most ancient specimens to the languages of Asia and also to those of the other regions of the continent of Africa. Even in the present state of our knowledge, I may point out that indications are not altogether wanting that the Hebrew and other Semetic Tongues in some respects appear to form a connecting link between the Egyptian and other African languages, on the one hand, and the Sanscrit and other languages, termed Indo-European, on the other. These indications occur not in the words but in the structure of the Semetic Tongues.

In explaining the origin of language, I have noticed that the basis or Root of the Noun and Verb is the same, while the requisite distinction between the different parts of speech is made by appropriate additions, as in the instance of the syllable Er, in Build-er.

It may be inferred that all additions now employed grammatically as prefixes or suffixes were in the first instance used indifferently either before or after the Root. But we find, in this respect, a marked difference between the Indo-European and the Egyptian Tongues. In the former, these grammatical agents are almost invariably placed after, while in the Egyptian they in some instances follow, and in others precede the Root. It will be evident, however, that these grammatical forms themselves are, in numerous important instances, the same in these two Classes of Tongues, and that it is only the order in which they are placed that is different. Thus, in forming the feminine from the masculine, the Egyptians used a prefix, Th, which forms a suffix in the Welsh, as in Son,[^119] “A Brother,” Th-son, “A Sister,” (Egypt.) Gen-eth, “A Girl,” (Welsh.) Again, the Egyptian plural is formed by prefixing N, as in Phe, Heaven, singular; N Pheou, Heavens, plural, (Egypt.,) while in many of the Indo-European tongues plurals are often formed by subjoining N, as in Ox, Ox-en (Eng.), Ych, Ych-en (Welsh.), &c.

[^119: Compare Sohn (German), Son (English).]

Now in the Hebrew, Chaldee, &c., though suffixes are employed in numerous instances, formative prefixes are also used, though not so generally as in the Egyptian, between which language and the Indo-European tongues the Semetic languages therefore occupy, in this respect, an intermediate place.

There is, I conceive, pretty distinct evidence that these characteristic peculiarities of the three classes of Tongues just adverted to are results of comparatively recent conventional changes. For a proof that the above noticed formative of the plural was at one time prefixed, as well as affixed, in the Indo-European Tongues,—see, as regards the Sanscrit, the word Nara, corresponding with the Egyptian, p. 129;—as regards the Welsh, see Appendix A, p. 38. On the other hand, Dr. Lepsius's researches have furnished me with a decisive example of an approximation in the ancient Egyptian to the Indo-European method. “In the age of Hieroglyphics,” he observes, “the feminine termination Th,” above noticed, “always follows, while in Coptic it always precedes the Noun.”

Changes of this nature may be considered trifling in themselves; but they will be found to afford an explanation, at once simple and comprehensive, of the most striking of those features which separate, by differences supposed to be fundamental, the languages of the Egyptian and Syro-Phœnician races from those of the other families of mankind. In grammatical arrangement the African languages are supposed for the most part to agree with the Egyptian.[^120]

[^120: See Dr. Prichard on Man.]

In physiological characteristics it has been very distinctly established, by the interesting researches of Dr. Prichard, that the Egyptian or Coptic race forms a connecting link between the contiguous Asiatic nations and the Negroes of the interior of Africa. It is worthy of remark, that Vater[^121] notices the projection of the nether jaw, “Unterkiefer,” as a characteristic trait of the Jewish nation! It is observable that this is a point of approximation to the African nations!

[^121: Mithridates, under Africa.]

“If we may form an idea,” says Dr. Prichard, “of the complexion of the Egyptians from the numerous paintings found in their temples, and in splendidly decorated tombs, in some of which the colours are known to be preserved in a very fresh state, we must conclude that this people were of a red-copper, or light chocolate colour, and that they resembled the reddest of the Fúlah and Kafir tribes now existing in Africa. This colour may be seen in the numerous plates in the ‘Description de l'Egypte,’ and in the coloured figures given by Belzoni. A similar complexion is represented on the heads of the cases made of the sycamore-wood, which answer the purpose of sarcophagi, and in almost all Egyptian figures. This red colour is evidently intended to represent the complexion of the people, and is not put on in the want of a lighter paint, or flesh-colour, for when the limbs or bodies are represented as seen through a thin veil, the tint used resembles the complexion of Europeans. The same shade might have been generally adopted if a darker one had not been preferred, as more truly representing the national complexion of the Egyptian race.[^122] Female figures are sometimes distinguished by a yellow or tawny colour.”

[^122: See Belzoni's Travels, p. 239.]

“Speaking of the Copts, Volney says that they have a yellowish, dusky complexion, neither resembling the Grecian nor Arabian. He adds, that they have a puffed visage, swoln eyes, flat nose, and thick lips, and bear much resemblance to Mulattoes.” I have already cited Baron Larrey's description of the Copts, the principal traits of which are, “a full countenance, a long aperture of the eyelids—‘coupés en amand,’—projecting cheek-bones, dilated nostrils, thick lips, and hair and beard black and crisp. M. Pugnet, an intelligent physician and an ingenious and discriminating writer, has made an attempt to distinguish the Copts, or Qoubtes, as he terms them, into two divisions, those whose ancestry has been intermixed, and partly of Greek and Latin descent, and a class of purely Egyptian origin. He says that nothing is more striking than the contrast between the small and meagre Arabs and the large and fine stature of the Qoubtes. ‘A l'extérieur chêtif et misérable des premières, ceux-ci opposent un air de majesté et de puissance; à la rudesse de leurs traits, une affabilité soutenue; à leur abord inquiet et soucieux, une figure très épanouie.’”[^123]

[^123: Prichard on Man.]

A few further examples of the connexion of the Egyptian with other languages are subjoined. O n h, “A Dwelling,” (Egypt.,) Wohn-ung, Wohn-en (German), Onh, “To live,” (Eg.,) Ōn (Greek.)—Shage, “A Word, a Discourse,” (Eg.,) Sage, Sag-en (German), Say (English). The “Sagas” of the Gothic nations are venerable Oral traditions!—Hinim, “Sleep,” (Eg.,) Heen (Welsh.)—Eshau, “A Sow, or Swine,” (Eg.,) Hus (Greek), Sow (Eng.)—Iri, “To do,” (Eg.,) a formative expressive of Action; Aud-ire, “To hear,” Ire, “To go,” (Lat.)—Ra.ma, “Lofty,” (Eg.,) R.ou.m (Hebrew.)—Phath, “Foot,” (Eg.,) Pes, Ped-is (Lat.), Path (Eng.)—E h e, “An Ox,” Ehēou, “Oxen,” (Eg.,) Ych, Ych-en (Welsh.)—Ma, “A Place,” (Eg.,) Ma (Welsh.)

Chapter VI. On The Chinese Language.

High Antiquity of the Chinese Empire and Remains discredited by Sir William Jones and Adelung. But the Differences between the Chinese Language and those of Western Asia more ancient than the peculiarities which distinguish the African Languages from those of Europe and Western Asia. These Differences not fundamental. Identity of the Chinese with the Hebrew and with the English and other European Languages, &c.

Adelung, like Sir William Jones before him, quite discredits the supposed antiquity of the Chinese Empire and the claims set up by the Chinese to a high and ancient civilization. The Great Wall, said by their historians to have been built 240 years b.c., is not mentioned by early writers, especially Marco Polo, who visited China from the West in 1270. He regards the scientific knowledge of the Chinese as inferior to that of several adjoining nations, and Confucius's morality as nothing better than a medley of sound opinions, such as any man of strong sense might have compiled! The materials of their paper are so frail that it is impossible any of their MSS. can be very ancient, and in the fidelity or knowledge of their Transcribers he places no confidence! Finally, he views the infantine character of their language, a feature in which the Chinese are inferior to the wildest American tribes, as forming in itself a proof of the absence of a high culture, to which, he maintains, it constitutes an almost insuperable obstacle.

On the other hand, unfavorable as its characteristics are to the supposed antiquity and extent of their civilization, he nevertheless considers these very peculiarities of their language in the light of decisive proofs of the high antiquity of the Chinese nation, viewed simply as a distinct branch of the human race.

In the last chapter were discussed the peculiarities of structure which distinguish the Egyptian and Semetic tongues from those of the Indo-European class; peculiarities which were shown to consist, not in a fundamental difference of elements, but simply in various conventional arrangements of the same elements. This explanation will now be proved to apply also to the characteristics which distinguish the Chinese from the principal Asiatic and European languages, with this qualification however, that these characteristics, as contrasted with those of other classes of tongues, imply a separation from a parent stock at a much earlier era in the history of the human species than those which have been noticed in the last chapter, as distinguishing the Indo-European, Semetic, and Egyptian languages respectively.

According to Adelung's lucid analysis, the following are the principal steps by which language is formed. 1. The first words are vowels, or sounds produced simply by the opening of the mouth and the emission of the breath. 2. Next in order are monosyllables, consisting of a vowel and a consonant preceding, as in P-a. 3. Arise monosyllables, formed of a vowel between two or more consonants, as in P-a-p. 4. Lastly are constructed polysyllabic words, formed by a combination into one word of two or more of the monosyllabic terms.

The African, American,[^124] European, and all the Asiatic languages, with the exception of those spoken in China and the contiguous countries of the south-west of Asia, display a consummation of all these four stages. The Chinese exhibits results of the first and second steps of the series only. In other words, the Chinese may be described not simply as a language purely monosyllabic, but as one in which the monosyllables are of the most elementary and infantine character, viz., those which consist of one consonant and a vowel (as in Pa). They have no words which have a second consonant, as in P-a-p.

[^124: The The African languages (as far as they are known to us), and the American, according to Du Ponceau, are all polysyllabic.]

Having no polysyllables, the Chinese supply their place by a minute variety in their vowel sounds. They have no grammar:[^125] the same word is at once an adjective, a substantive, and a verb! Affixes and suffixes, such as occur in give, giv-er, gif-t, are unknown. The modifications of meaning these forms convey are expressed either by altering the position of the words or by additional terms. The plural is the same as the singular; though, to avoid obscurity, in extreme cases the clumsy expedient of repetition is resorted to, as in Tschin-tschin, “Man-man” (i.e. Men); or distinct words indicative of number are prefixed, such as Muen, “Many,” Tschung, “All!”

[^125: To this rule, however, pronouns are an exception.]

It was the opinion of Adelung that the Chinese language differed not merely in its structure, but in its elements, from the other languages of the human race. He supposed this nation to have sprung from the same stock as those of western Asia. But their speech he conceives to have been constructed after the separation.

The peculiar monosyllabic structure of the Chinese seems to justify the conclusion, that the nations of Europe and western Asia are more nearly allied in descent to the Negro tribes of the interior of Africa and to the Indian tribes of America than they are to the Chinese and the nations of the contiguous countries of the south-west of Asia. But that Adelung's conclusion, that the Chinese is a radically distinct tongue is an erroneous one will now be shown by examples, to which the peculiar structure of that language will only serve to give additional[^126] force; for while in most of the following examples the words compared are essentially the same, the Chinese monosyllables being identical with Hebrew or European monosyllables, or with terms which partake of that character, in other instances it will be found that the differences which occur have been caused solely by the addition of the characteristic suffixes and affixes of the polysyllabic languages, which are not used in the Chinese! Thus we have Mu, “A Mouse,” (Chin.,) Mū-s, Mu-os, Mu (Greek), the root in the latter being the same as in the former; Fo and Foo Tsin, “A Fa-ther,” (Chin.,) Moo and Moo Tsin, “A Mo-ther,” (Chin.)

[^126: Numerous examples also occur in Appendix A.]

I shall commence these examples with the Chinese pronouns, most of which are absolutely identical with those of the polysyllabic languages. This branch of the comparison will serve to place in a striking point of view the erroneous nature of the opinion generally received among philologists, that nations which agree are necessarily more nearly allied than those which differ[^127] in their grammatical forms, the Chinese being found in this respect to agree in an unequivocal manner with the kindred English and German, in some of those very points in which they mutually differ widely!

[^127: Cæteris paribus, this is a correct view; but not where grammatical resemblances are treated as more important evidence than other resemblances.]

Pronouns of the First Person, “I” and “We.”—Ngan, Ngoo Ngo, “I” and “We,” (Chinese.) Iōnga, Egōn, “I,” (Greek.)

Pronouns of the Second Person, “Thou” and “Ye.”—Irr, “Thou” and “Ye,” (Chinese.) Ihr, “Ye,” (German.) Yú, Yŏh, “Thou” and “Ye,” (Chinese.) You, “Ye,” (English.) Yō (Provincial English). Eoh (Anglo-Saxon), “Ye.” Nee, Nai, Nyú, “Thou” and “Ye,” (Chinese.) Ne, “You,” (Mandans, a North American Tribe.)

In these instances the English “You” and the German “Ihr” differ totally. Moreover, in each language separately considered the plural differs altogether from the singular, which in German is expressed by “Du,” and in the English by “Thou.” The Chinese, which uses these terms, “Ihr” and “You,” conjointly and in both numbers, furnishes a satisfactory clue to these anomalies!

Pronouns of the Third Person.—E.e, “He,” “She,” “It,” (Chinese.) E.ee.a, E.v.e, (Hebrew.) He, masculine, (English.) He, feminine, (Welsh.)—Peé, “He,” “She,” “It,” also “That,” (Chinese.) Phe, Ph, “This,” “That,” (Hebrew.) Pha or Pe, the article “The,” (Egypt.)

Specimens of Chinese Words, identical with equivalent Terms in the Languages of Europe and Western Asia, &c.

Keuen, “A Dog,” (Chinese), Kuōn (Greek), Coun (Plural, Welsh), Can-is (Latin).—Ma, “A Horse,” (Chinese), Morin Mantschu), Mä-hre (German), Ma-re (English), Ma-rch (Welsh.)—Mu, “A Mouse,” (Chinese), Mu-s, Mu-os Mu (Greek), Mu-s (Latin.)—Lung,[^128] “A Wolf,” (Chinese), Lukon (Greek), Lloun-og, “A Fox,” (Welsh.)—Ioanģ, Iong, Io, “A Sheep,” (Chinese), Oin (Greek), Oen, “A Lamb,” (Welsh), Oi, Ai, Yi (Irish.)

[^128: The occurrence of nasal sounds at the end of words, as in this instance, form an apparent exception to the principle that Chinese words consist simply of one consonant followed by a vowel. But these nasals Adelung states to be mere evanescent intonations.]

Foò “A Father,” Moo “A Mother;” also Foò Tsin “A Father,” and Moó Tsin “A Mother.” Tsin means “A Relation,” (Chinese.) The equivalent terms in the English and other Gothic dialects consist of the Chinese root, and a distinct suffix (answering the purpose of the separate Chinese word Tsin.) Fä-der (Anglo-Saxon), Fa-ther (English), Fa-ter (German), Mo-ther, (English), Mua-ter (Old high German.)[^129]

[^129: Adelung, notwithstanding his opinion that the Chinese is a perfectly distinct language, was struck with the analogy between “Foo Tsin,” and “Moo Tsin,” and “Fa-ther” and “Mo-ther.”]

Nan and Yin, “A Man,” (Chinese.) Ninetz, “Men,” their national name, (Samoieds.) Ninnee Inin, “A Man,” (Algonquyn Dialects of N. America.)

Nan “A Son,” (Chinese,) N.n [Parturio] (Heb.)—Neang, “A young Lady,” (Chinese,) Non (Mantschu,) Nonn-us (Lat.,) Nun, “Tender,” (Chinese.)—Nyu, “A Daughter,” (Chinese,) Nea, Feminine, “Young,” [Juvenis] (Greek,) New (Eng.)—Chan, “To produce, bear,” (Chinese,) Gen-i (Welsh,) Genn-ao (Greek.)—Chuen, “A Boat, or Ship,” (Chinese,) Kahn (Ger.,) Cymba (Latin,) Kumbī (Greek.)

Chuy, “To blow, The Breath,” (Chinese,) Chwa (Welsh.)—Fe, “Fat,” (Chinese), Fe-tt (German,) Fa-t (English.)—Ho, “Fire,” (Chinese,) Ho-t (English.) These words Ho-t and Fe-tt seem to have been regularly formed as past participles from Ho and Fe, the roots preserved in the Chinese.—Hoo, “To escort,” (Chinese,) Hü-ten (Ger.)—Fan, “To subvert, Contrary,” (Chinese,) Ph.n.e, [To turn, turn out] (Hebrew,) Fun, “To divide,” (Chinese,) Fun do, Fin do (Latin.)—Gan, “Favor,” (Chinese,) Gönn-en, Gun-st (German,) Gynn a (Swedish,) c'H.n (Hebrew.)—Gaou, “Proud,” (Chinese,) Ga, Ga.ou.e, Ga.ee.oun (Hebrew) Gang “Lofty,” Ge “The Forehead,” Ke “To rise,” Ka.ou “High,” (Chinese,) Ga-e, “To rise,” (Heb.)—Kang, “More,” (Chinese,) Chwaneg (Welsh.)—Hae, “A large River, The Sea,” (Chinese,) Aa (Icelandic,) Eia (Ang.-Sax.,) Wy (Welsh.)—Heuen, “To explain,” Heaou “To understand,” Heo “To learn,” (Chinese,) c'Hou.e “To show, explain, declare,” (Hebrew,) He-ar (Eng.)—Hwō, “Living,” (Chinese) c'Hee.a, E.ou.e (Hebrew.)—Kwae, “Prompt, active,” (Chinese,) Chwae (Welsh.)—Kia “A Family,” Kiwo “A Nation,” (Chinese,) Kiw (Welsh,) Gou.e (Heb.)—Keen, “To see,”[^130] (Chinese), Ken (English,) Kee, “And,” (Chinese,) Kai (Greek and Algonquyn Tribes of N. America,) King “To respect,” (Chinese,) Kun-ēō (Greek,) Kwăn, “Fatigued,” (Chin.,) Gwan (Welsh.)—Laou, “Labour,” (Chinese,) La.e (Hebrew), La-bor (Latin.)—Mae, “To buy,” (Chinese,) Emo (Latin.)—Lo, “Green,” (Chinese,) L.c'he, (Hebrew.)—Leo, “Small,” Lu, (Irish,) Low (English.)—Muen, “Many,” (Chinese,) Many (English.)—Yaou Yo, “To will, desire,” (Chinese,) Aeō (Greek,) Aveo (Lat.)—Meen, “To dispose,” (Chinese,) M.n.e (Hebrew.)—Mien, “The Face,” (Chinese,) Mine (French,) Mien (English.)—Pew, “Spotted Tiger,” (Chinese,) Pie [Colour] (English,) Pei, “To receive,” (Chinese,) Piai, “To possess,” (Welsh.)—Pin, “Poor,” Penuria (Latin.)—Sae, “To agitate,” (Chinese,) Sway (English.)—Saou, “A Brush,” (Chinese,) Shoue, “To rub,” (Hebrew.)—Scun, “To inspect,” (Chinese,) Sehen (German.)—Sha, “To kill,” (Chinese,) Sha.e (Hebrew.)—Shen, “Good, Pious,” (Chinese,) Sanctus (Latin,) Shin, “A Spirit, God,” (Chinese.)—Shing, “To ascend,” (Chinese,) Scan-deo (Latin.)—Shwa, “To sport, Play,” (Chinese,) Sho sho (Hebrew,) Soo, “To number,” (Chinese,) Shou e (Hebrew.)—Sung, “To present to,” (Chinese,) Schenk-en (German.)—Sing, “A Star,” (Chinese,) Schein-en, “To shine,” (German,) Sun (English.)—Yun, “Fog, Cloud,” Ying, “Shadow,” Wan, “Evening,” (Chinese,) On.n, “A Cloud, To cloud over,” (Hebrew.)—Wang, “To hope.” (Chinese,) Chwannawg, “Desirous,” (Welsh.)—We, “Taste,” (Chinese,) Chwae-th (Welsh.)

[^130: It is observable, that as in the above instances of Heuen and Keen, the Chinese verbs very commonly terminate in a nasal n, as do those of the Persian and Teutonic.]

Chapter VII. On The Origin Of The American Tribes.

Identity of the American Tribes with the Nations of the other Continents. High Mental and Moral qualities of the North American Indians. Views of Cooper, Du Ponceau, and Catlin. Clear nature of the proofs derivable from Language of the Identity of the N. A. Indians with the European and Asiatic Nations. Catlin's views as to the Identity of the Mandans, a Tribe of N. A. Indians, with the Welsh. Union in the Dialects of the N. A. Indians, of Greek, and other Indo-European and Tartar Inflections, with the Pronouns of the Hebrew and the Welsh. Close Approximation of these Dialects to the Greek and other European Tongues, and to the Languages of the North of Europe and Asia.

That the Tribes of the American Continent are descended from the same stock as the Asiatic and European nations is a proposition with respect to which the evidence contained in Appendix A must, I conceive, be felt to be conclusive when combined with Dr. Prichard's proofs that the Physiology of the Human race in different countries is the result of climate and other external agencies. As regards the mental and moral qualities of the native American nations, there seems to be no solid ground for the inference maintained in some quarters that they are a different, because in these respects an inferior, race. It is impossible to peruse Mr. Catlin's living picture of the manners and social habits of the North American Indians without being deeply impressed with the conviction that these Tribes, both intellectually and morally, are as highly gifted by nature as those nations who have inherited the blessings of a refined civilization. That the same remark applies to the more Southern American populations, such as the Mexicans and Peruvians, may be shown by an appeal to numerous considerations. In this place, however, I shall confine my observations to the Septs generally termed North American Indians, the original inhabitants of the United States and the regions in the same latitude. This race of men has been thus described in a celebrated work of fiction, which owes its chief interest to the vivid portraiture it exhibits of Indian life and manners.[^131]

[^131: Cooper's Last of the Mohicans.]

“It is generally believed that the Aborigines of the American continent have had an Asiatic origin. There are many physical as well as moral facts which corroborate this opinion, and some few that would seem to weigh against it.”

“The colour of the Indian, the writer believes, is peculiar to himself, and while his cheek-bones have a very striking indication of a Tartar origin, his eyes have not. Climate may have had great influence on the former, but it is difficult to see how it can have produced the substantial difference which exists in the latter. The imagery of the Indian, both in his poetry and his oratory, is Oriental, chastened, and perhaps improved, by the limited range of his practical knowledge. He draws his metaphors from the clouds, the seasons, the birds, the beasts, and the vegetable world. In this, perhaps, he does no more than any other energetic and imaginative race would do, being compelled to set bounds to his fancy by experience; but the North American Indian clothes his ideas in a dress that is so different from that of the African for instance, and so Oriental in itself as to be remarked. His language, too, has the richness and sententious fulness of the Chinese. He will express a phrase in a word, and he will qualify the meaning of an entire sentence by a syllable; he will even convey different significations by the simplest inflections of the voice.”

“Philologists who have devoted much time to the study, have said that there were but two or three languages, properly speaking, among all the numerous tribes which formerly occupied the country that now composes the United States. They ascribe the known difficulty one people have in understanding one another to corruptions and dialects.”

“The writer remembers to have been present at an interview between two chiefs of the Great Prairies west of the Mississippi, and when an interpreter was in attendance who spoke both their languages. The warriors appeared to be on the most friendly terms, and seemingly conversed much together, yet, according to the account of the interpreter, each was absolutely ignorant of what the other said. They were of hostile tribes, brought together by the influence of the American Government; and it is worthy of remark that a common policy led them both to adopt the same subject. They mutually exhorted each other to be of use in the event of the chance of war throwing either of the parties into the hands of his enemies. Whatever may be the truth, as respects the root and the genius of the Indian tongues, it is quite certain they are now so distinct in their words as to possess most of the disadvantages of strange languages; hence much of the embarrassment that has arisen in learning their histories, and most of the uncertainty which exists in their traditions.”

The traits of character embodied in this passage are not those of an inferior, but of a highly acute and imaginative race!

The Philological objections to the proposition that the North American Tribes are of Asiatic origin have by many writers been regarded as insuperable. Du Ponceau, who has given profound attention to the subject, dwells, 1, On the differences in words among the American languages themselves; 2, On the failure which he imputes to those writers who have attempted to identify the Indians with some one individual Asiatic nation, as the Chinese, the Tartars, or the Jews, &c.; and 3, On the differences in the Grammars of the North American dialects and those of the languages of the Old World, which he treats as a conclusive refutation of all arguments in favour of original unity! Mr. Catlin also lays great stress on the first of these considerations, viz. the great differences he found in the words of the dialects of the Tribes he visited.

To every one of these objections the general principles developed in the previous pages will be found to involve a complete answer. 1. The differences apparently fundamental in the words of American languages may be accounted for in the same manner as similar differences in the languages of the old world (the Gothic and Celtic for example,) have already been explained, viz. by the tendency to abandon different synonymes. 2. That attempts to prove a close specific relation between the North American dialects and any one Asiatic language, such as the Chinese or the Hebrew, should have failed, was to be expected as a consequence of the same tendency. 3. Finally, differences of Grammar have been shown to be fallacious evidence viewed separately and without due regard to other features of language.[^132] Moreover, it will presently appear clearly that, even as regards the Grammar of the Indian Dialects, Du Ponceau's impressions can be distinctly proved to be erroneous, an extended comparison serving to render manifest the interesting fact that, as respects the elements of Grammar, these dialects perfectly agree with the Asiatic and European languages, while in the mode of combining those elements, they do not differ from those languages more widely than the latter differ among themselves.

[^132: See chapter on the Chinese.]

If the ancestors of the American Indians emigrated at a remote period from the opposite Asiatic Coasts, we have no right to anticipate in their dialects a complete conformity to any one language of the old world, but general and varying features of resemblance to several. The kindred dialects of the same Continent after the lapse of a considerable time do not exhibit any other kind of resemblance! Now this is the species of relation which the North American Indian dialects actually display when compared to the Languages of the Old World!

The chief examples which I have selected as illustrations of this proposition have been taken from the Algonquyn dialects, the very class examined by Du Ponceau himself, to which I have added a few corroborative instances from those of the tribes of the regions to the west of the Mississippi which have been lately described by Mr. Catlin. The dialects termed Algonquyn by Du Ponceau were formerly spoken by numerous tribes who, though not the sole inhabitants, were originally spread through the whole of the present territory of the United States, including the “Lenni Lenapé,” the “Chippeways,” and other powerful septs.

With regard to this class of Indian Dialects I propose to show: 1. That as regards Words they bear a close resemblance to a great variety of Asiatic and European languages. 2. That their grammatical peculiarities, in like manner, combine those of various languages of the Old World, as in the instance of their Verbs and Pronouns, in which the inflections of the Greek and other Indo-European Tongues are found united with separate Pronouns identical with those common to the Welsh on the one hand and the Hebrew and its kindred Semetic dialects on the other.

Words from the North American Indian Dialects of the Algonquyn Class compared with analogous Terms in Asiatic and European Languages.

Man ittou, “The Deity, a Spirit,” (Ind.,[^133]) Mouno he ka, “Ghosts,” (Mandan,[^134]) Manes, “The Spirits of the Dead,” (Latin,) Manus, “The Mind,” (Sanscrit,) Mēn, “The Mind,” (Greek,) Mens, Ment-is (Latin), Pata-maw-os, “The Deity,” from Pata-maw-an, “To adore,” (Ind.,) Poth-ēmenai, “To seek, or pray to,” (Doric,) for Poth-ein (Greek), Peton, “To worship,” Peta, “A Prayer,” (Old High German,) Bet-en, Bitte (German); see, as to N'iou and Nioueskou, two remarkable words for “The Deity,” (Ind.,) pages 22, 23, 24. For names of the Heavenly Bodies, see Appendix A.

[^133: Ind. means, N. A. Indian. This term (Ind.) is used here exclusively to distinguish words from the dialects of the Algonquyn class.]

[^134: A Western Tribe visited by Mr. Catlin.]

“Father,” Ooch, Oss (Ind.), Ozha (Sclavon.), Otze (Dalmatian), Wosch (Lusatian), Otzie (Bohemian), Nosa (Ind.), Niza, Niesee (Samoieds).

“Mother,” Anna (Ind.), Ana (Turkish), Anya (Hungarian), Nanna (Ind.), Nain[^135] (Welsh), Ningé (Ind.), Naing (Irish), Nik, Nêkaoui (Ind.), N.k.be[^136] (Hebrew).

[^135: Nain (Welsh) Grandmother.]

[^136: “A Woman.” See Parkhurst's Lex.]

“A Woman,” Panum, Phanem (Ind.), Banen (Cornish), Been (Welsh), Pin, “A Female,” applied to animals, (Chinese.)

“A Girl,” Kan-isswah (Ind.), Gen eez (Pers.), Nunk-shoué, Nunk[^137] (Ind.), Neang (Chin.), Non (Mantschu).

[^137: Nunk (Indian) means “Young.”]

“Husband,” Nap-é, Nap eem (Ind.), Nub-o, Nuptiæ (Lat.), Nuptials (Eng.)—“Husband,” Weew-ehsa, Wasuk (Ind.), “Wife,” Weewo, Weowika (Ind.), “Marriage,” Wiwaha (Sanscrit), Wife (Eng.)

“A little Child,” Awusk, Awash ish (Ind.), “A Child,” Watsah (Sanscrit), “Young,” Wuski (Ind.), “A Youth,” Was or Gwas (Welsh).

“High,” Hockunk (Ind.), Hoch, Höhe, Hoheit (German), High, Height (Eng.), Hitké[^138] (Iroquois).

[^138: This word is from the dialects of the Iroquois, another class of Indian Tribes, who inhabited the present territory of the United States.]

“The Earth,” Hacki, Ki, Ackour (Ind.), Ge (Greek), Ager (Latin), Agr-os (Greek).

“Foot,” Sit (Ind.), St.o, “I stand,” (Latin).

“Good,” Wuilit (Ind.), Wohl (Ger.), Weal, Well, Wealth (Eng.), Ee.o.l, “To profit, benefit,” (Hebrew).

“To fight,” Pachg-amen[^139] (Ind.), P.g.ee (Heb.), Pug-no (Latin).

[^139: “War,” Aguwarrie, in the Iroquois dialects, Gewehr (German), Guerre (French), War (English).]

“To give,” Mekan (Ind.), M.gn (Hebrew).

“Night,” Nukon (Ind.), Nux (Greek), Nox (Latin), Noc (Polish), Noc (Hungarian).

“Blood,” M'huk, Mokum (Ind.), Mucum, Mucus (Latin).

“Cold,” Kisina (Ind.), Kuisne, “Ice,” (Irish,) K.sh.a, “To harden, stiffen,” “A Cucumber,[^140] from its cooling properties,” (Hebrew).

[^140: Parkhurst.]

“Sleep,” Nipu, Nip-awin, “To sleep,” Nupp (Ind.), Nap (Eng.), Hup-nos (Greek), Nim pamino, “I sleep,” (Ind.), N.m., N.ou.m.e (Hebrew).

“To touch,” Aman damaog-an (Ind.), Man-us (Latin).

“Man,” Nin (Ind.), Ninetz “Men,” (Samoieds,) a diminutive race in the North-east of Asia. The national name they have given to themselves is the above word, Ninetz “Men.”

I shall add a few further illustrations from the specimens of the languages of the Indian Tribes to the West of the United States, which have been published by Mr. Catlin.

“Spirits, Ghosts,” Mouno he ka (Mandan,)—and see above, Manitto, “A Spirit,” (Ind.)—Manes, “The Spirits of the Dead,” (Latin).

“Bad,” Khe cush (Mandan), Kakos (Greek).

“A Bear,” Mah to (Mandan), Matto (Sioux), Medve (Hungarian), Medvid (Sclavonian), Metzwetz (Lusatian), Koonoghk (Riccaree), Chiung (Chinese).

“Dog,” Shonka (Riccaree), Shunah (Sanscrit), Shun (Armenian), A meeteh (Blackfeet), Meda (Taraikai, North-east of Asia), Madaidh (Irish).

“A Raven,” Kaka (Mandan), To kah ka (Riccaree), Kaka (Sanscrit).

“River,” Pass ahah (Mandan). See Appendix A. p. 78.

“Ears,” Ookah nay[^141] (Tuskaroras), Ucho (Sclavonian), Ochtowaga (Shawannos), Ohto kiss (Blackfeet), Ōta (Greek.) See p. 73, Appendix A.

[^141: Nakoha (Mandan), Noh gee (Sioux).]

“Hand,” Onka (Mandan.) See Appendix, page 69. Ohahna (Tuskaroras.) See Appendix, p. 68.

“Head,” Otahra (Tuskaroras), Otri (Ashantees Negroes), Utieri (Aminas Negroes.)

“Nose,” Pahoo (Mandan), Pei Pi (Chinese), Pah.soo (Sioux), Ph.o.e, “To Breathe,” (Hebrew), Phusa-o, “To Breathe,” (Greek.)

Want of space, and the extensive nature of the evidence contained in Appendix A, alone deter me from greatly multiplying these examples.

2. As regards Grammatical forms:

Nothing can be more erroneous than the inference that the North American Indian dialects differ in this respect from those of Asia and Europe. In the previous comparison numerous examples present themselves in which the same words unequivocally exhibit at once both the roots and the inflections of words belonging to the languages termed Indo-European, as in Patam-awan, Patam-awos, Kis-ina, M. huk, Mok-um, Khe-cush, Nimp-amino, &c.!

These are not isolated instances. I do not hesitate to affirm that it may be shown by means of the very terms he has selected for examination, that those North American Indian dialects which Du Ponceau has analyzed, abound in similar examples! That the same remark is true with regard to the dialects of the Western Tribes described by Mr. Catlin, is a proposition which will now be illustrated in a remarkable instance!

Among the tribes with whom he resided this writer has especially noticed a highly interesting sept, the Mandans, in whose dialect he has pointed out a variety of instances of close resemblance to the Welsh, which he has left to the judgment of those who are conversant with that language. On this subject I conceive there cannot be any difference of opinion among those who are vernacularly acquainted with the venerable tongue of the Cymry. Of the Mandan terms selected by Mr. Catlin (which are subjoined below), the majority must be admitted to present plain and unequivocal features of resemblance, or rather of identity, to the equivalent Welsh terms.

Now, it will be seen that of these[^142] examples of affinity the greater number consist of terms which belong exclusively to the province of Grammar!

[^142: They are chiefly composed of Pronouns, terms which form the basis of Grammar.]

English.	Mandan.	Welsh.	Other Asiatic And European Languages.
I.	Me.	Me.	Me (Latin and Eng.), Eme (Greek.)
You.	Ne.	Chwe.	Nee, (Chinese.)
He.	E.	E.	E.ee.a, E.ou.e, or E.v.e, “He, She, It,” (Heb.)
She.	Ea.	E, Hee.	Ea, “She,” (Latin.)
It.	Ount.	Hooyant, “They” (Plural.) [Hooynt does not mean “It” in Welsh. In that language it is a plural and not a singular, as Mr. Catlin supposes. This circumstance, however, does not render the example less relevant, “Hooynt” (Welsh) being clearly identical with the terms from the Mandan, Turkish, &c., with which it is compared above; for pronouns, singular and plural, were originally the same words as they still are in all cases in the Chinese, and in several instances in the above examples.]	Onuh, “It, Him, Her,” (Turkish.)
They.	Eonah, (Onúh ha, Honúh ha, “They,” Iroquois Dialects.	Nhou, “They,” Hyny, “Those.”	E.n.e, “They,” (Hebrew), Oona, “They,” also “He, She, It,” (Mixed Indian Dialects of Asia.)
			Ainah, Ont, Ent, (Endings of the third person plural of Indo-European Verbs.) [Dr. Prichard, Eastern Origin of Celts, p. 134.]
We.	Noo.	Nee.	Nōi (Greek), Nou, Nc'hnou (Hebrew.)
No, or, There is not.	Megosh. [This is an erroneous example, I conceive. “Megosh” is also a questionable one.]	Nagoes, Nage.
Head.	Pan.	Pen.
The Great Spirit.	Maho peneta.	Mawr [Dr. Prichard, Eastern Origin of Celts.] Penaether Yysprid Mawr.

By some of our countrymen it has been sanguinely maintained that the descendants of a body of Welsh, who left their country under Prince Madoc in the twelfth century, may be still traced by affinities of language among the North American Indian Tribes. Struck by the resemblances he has detected, Mr. Catlin has been led to favour the same conclusion, and to suggest that the Mandans may probably be shown to be the descendants of the lost Cambrian Colony!

But the examples selected by this writer, however creditable to his accuracy and research, do not tend, as he suggests, to prove the existence of a specific connexion between the Welsh and the Mandans! This will be evident from the words contained in the right-hand column (which have been added by the author of this work). An examination of the whole comparison will serve to show clearly, that though in most of the instances he has noticed the resemblance displayed by the Mandan to the Welsh is a close one, in many of them it displays an equally close affinity to the Latin and Greek, &c., while in some—this North American Indian dialect totally differs from the Welsh tongue, and at the same time agrees with—other languages of the Old World. Many of those examples which precede the Comparison are also illustrations of the principle that the Mandan, like other North American Indian dialects, exhibits a general resemblance to all, and not a specific relation to any one of the Asiatic and European tongues. Thus Khe cush, “Bad,” which is identical with the Greek, but is totally unlike the Welsh, is a Mandan word!

The prevalent theory, that there exists a group of Indo-European languages and nations—peculiarly connected among themselves—peculiarly isolated from others—will, I conceive, be found to be fallacious; and what is highly remarkable, distinct proofs of its fallacy, as will presently be seen, are derivable from the dialects of the North American Tribes!

The writers by whom this theory has been maintained have overlooked, on the one hand, the numerous points of resemblance which connect the Indo-European languages with other Tongues; while, on the other hand, they have also overlooked the numerous points of difference which they mutually display. On a close investigation it will be evident that it is only in the basis of their Grammars that any of the ancient languages of Asia and Europe, even those which are very nearly related, agree; they do not display an identity of Grammatical forms! Compare, for example, the inflections of the Verbs in the Latin and the Greek, and the numerous points of difference which they exhibit in almost every tense, combined with mere partial coincidences. That these remarks are equally true of the relation displayed by the North American Indian dialects compared to those of the Old World will be apparent from the following examples, in which it will be manifest that these dialects in their basis agree with, and in their inflections and details only partially differ from, the Asiatic and European languages!

Present Tense of a Verb in two Dialects of the Algonquyn Class.

“Chippeway” Dialect.	“Lenni Lenape” Dialect.
(Root) Nond—“Understand.”	(Root) Pend—“Understand.” [Compare Pend-o (Latin).]
Singular.	Singular.
N'-nond-OM.	N'-pend-AMEN.
“I understand.”	“I understand.”
K'-nond-OM.	K'-pend-AMEN.
“Thou understand-est.”	“Thou understand-est.”
---- -Nond-om.	---- -Pend-amen.
“He understand-s.”	“He understand-s.”
Plural.	Plural.
N'-nond-AM-IN.	N'-pend-AMEN-EEN.
“We understand.”	“We understand.”
K'-nond-AM.	K'-pend-AM-OHUMO.
“Ye understand.”	“Ye understand.”
---Nond-UM-ÔG.	---Pend-AMEN-OWO.
“They understand.”	“They understand.”

It will be observed that the inflections of the Algonquyn Verb, indicative of persons (corresponding to those in Leg-o, Leg-is, Leg-it, Latin), are “Om and Amen.” In another form of the Algonquyn Verb, “Amo” is also used.

These forms, “Om, Amo, Amen,” are the common inflections of the first person in all the Indo-European languages. (See Dr. Prichard on the Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, pp. 130, 136.) In the North American Indian dialects it will be seen that they occur in all the three persons. There are instances of the same kind in the Indo-European Tongues for the Doric Greek Infinitive as in Poth-emen-ai, “To desire,” and the Greek Passive Participle as in Tupt-omen-os, Tupt-omen-e, “Struck,” are examples of the application of “Amen or Omen” to any individual of the Human Race, in other words, to all the three persons!

This inflection “Amen” exists in the Tartar dialects in the first person, as in Bol-amen, “I am,” Bol-asin, “Thou art,” &c.

The following are examples of its use for the first person in the Greek:

Singular.	Plural.
Amen, used as an Inflection for “I.”	Amen, used as an Inflection for “We.”
E-tupt-omēn, “I was struck.”	Tupt-omen, “We strike.”
Tupt-oi-mēn, “Would that I were struck.”
Ē-mēn, “I had been.”	Ē-men, “We were.”

These examples will serve to illustrate the proposition that in inflections and other grammatical details the North American Indian dialects partially coincide with individual Indo-European languages in the same manner as those languages partially agree among themselves! It remains to be pointed out that where these two groups of tongues differ, the differences are such as time might have produced, and that they have the same basis in common.

“Om, Amo, Amen,” are according to Dr. Prichard, pronouns confused with the verb. It is an interesting fact, that “Amo”[^143] is actually used as the separate pronoun of the third person “He” in the dialect of the “Blackfeet,” one of the N. American Indian Tribes to the west of the Mississippi visited by Mr. Catlin! Now, as all pronouns were originally[^144] nouns, names for a “Human Being,” (see p. 13,) words of this class must have been in the first instance applied indifferently to all the three Persons. But in the course of time—1, In some languages different nouns were appropriated to different Persons,—the most common noun being applied to the First; (this accounts for the occurrence of “Amo Om Amen,” probably forms of the most primitive[^145] noun—in the first Person of the Indo-European languages!)—2, In other tongues supplementary pronouns were used to mark the requisite distinction of Persons, the most common nouns being still used agreeably to previous habit,—(though no longer of practical service)—in combination with the verb; (this is the case in the Algonquyn dialects in which the same inflection is repeated in all the three persons, and the requisite distinction of persons is made by means of pronoun prefixes or supplementary pronouns, a distinction which, in the Greek, &c., is made by varying the final inflections or original pronouns, as in “Tupt-oi-mēn, Tupt-oi-o,” &c.)[^146]

[^143: Many of those differences displayed by the North American Indian languages among themselves, and as compared to those of Asia, which have been assumed by many writers to be fundamental, consist of mere transitions of application agreeably to Horne Tooke's principles; terms which appear as pronoun inflections in one dialect, occurring as pronouns, or as words for “Man” in others, &c. Thus we have Rauha pronoun of the third person “He” (Iroquois.) Rehoje, “Man Homo,” (Tarahumaran.) R.ch.e, Rou.e, “Life, Soul, Spirit, Breath,” (Hebrew and Arabic.)]

[^144: As to the identity of these inflections, “Om, Amo, Amen,” with pronouns and nouns. (See Appendix A, pp. 53-4.)]

[^145: These terms seem to consist of the first essays of the organs of articulation. (See p. 105.)]

[^146: Ki-nondonim-i, “I,” or “We understand you,” (Algonquyn dialects.) Compare Eimi, Tupt-oi-mi, &c. (Greek.) Bha va-mi (Sans.) &c. Compare “Amo,” with “I Am,” (English,) &c.]

The pronoun prefixes of these North American Indian dialects, which as previously intimated, are common to the Welsh and the Hebrew, and other Semetic tongues remain to be noticed.

Algonquyn Pronoun Prefixes.

(See previous specimens of Algonquyn Verbs.)

N' “I” and “We.”

This is an abbreviated form used in conjunction with the verb as a prefix. The pronoun in full is Ni Nin “I,” Ninou “We.” Both the pronoun itself and the abbreviated form in which it is used as a prefix, occur in the Hebrew in which the latter is used as a suffix!

This Algonquyn pronoun is identical with an Algonquyn word for “A Man,” which, it will be observed, renders the proofs of affinity between the Semetic and Algonquyn dialects in this instance complete.

Algonquyn.	Semetic.	Welsh.
“Man.”	“I,” or “Me.”	“I,” or “Me.”
Anini. [See Appendix A, p. 56, for the origin of this word.]	A.nee, (Heb.) A.n.a, (Arabic.)	Innai.
Ini.		Innai.
N-nin.
“I,” or “Me.”
Nin.
Ni. [Ni, “I,” (Basque.)]	Nee, (Heb.)
N'.
“We.”	“We.”	“We.”
	A.n.ou, A.n.c'h.n.ou.	Ni.
Nin-ou.	N.c'h.n.ou, (Heb.)	Nyni.
Nin-owin.	N.h.h.n, (Arabic.)	Nyninnou.

K', “Thou” and “Ye.”[^147]

[^147: This Pronoun does not occur in any Indo-European language except the Welsh. The Pronoun of the first person occurs in a modified form in the Greek.]

This is also an abbreviation, the Pronoun in full is Ki, K-in, K-il, “Thou;” Kin-owa, and Kil-ou, “Ye.”

Algonquyn.	Semetic.	Welsh.
“Thou, Thine.”	“Thee, Thy.”
K'.	C'. (Heb.)
Kee.	C'.ee. (Heb.)
“Ye, Yours.”		“Ye.”
K'.
Ki.		Chwi.
Ki-nowa.	C-oun. C-n. (Chald.) C-m. (Heb.)
Kil-ou.

Du Ponceau notices another grammatical feature in which it is clear, though he was unconscious of that fact, that these North American Indian dialects form a connecting link between the Semetic and Indo-European languages. “We find,” he observes, “many Nouns substantive with M prefixed in such a way as to form an integral part of the words.”

This is a Semetic mode of forming a Noun from a Root! In Latin, Nouns are formed from Roots by the same Letter placed at the end of words, as in Regn-um, a mode of which we have also had an example in the Algonquyn dialects, in the words M'-huk, Mok-um!

Where long intervals of time have elapsed, it is in all cases difficult to discriminate between the proofs of a general and remote, and those of a near and specific relation. Still I conceive the previous examples tend, in some measure, to render it probable that there is a closer affinity between the North American Indians and the inhabitants of Northern Asia and of Europe, especially the Russians, Hungarians, and other nations located in its Northern and Western Regions, than exists between these American Septs and the inhabitants of Southern Asia. Should this proposition be confirmed by further investigation, it will be found to be in unison with Adelung's conclusion, that the route by which the first Colonists of Europe came from Central Asia lay through the Steppes which separate the Chinese and Russian Empires. The Nomade Hordes of these vast plains,—the great “Officina Gentium,”—were probably the parent Septs of all or most of the European nations on the one hand, and of the populations of the North-east of Asia and of the opposite American coasts on the other!

Of the general proposition, that the American Tribes and the Nations of the Old World are descended from the same Parent Stock, I conceive the evidence adduced in the previous pages will be deemed to be conclusive.

Appendix A. Analytical Comparison Of Some Of The Most Important Words In The African Languages With The Analogous Words In The Languages Of Asia, Europe, And America.

This Comparison will serve to show:

1. The connexion between the Languages of the Negro population of the Middle of Africa with those of the races in the North and South of Africa who differ from the Negroes in Physiognomy, Colour, and other Physical qualities.

2. The connexion between the Languages of every part of Africa with those of Asia, Europe, and America.

3. The fundamental identity of the Languages of the four great divisions of the Globe.

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Oue ini and Ou oini, Luminary Effulgence. [Probably connected with “Ooh” Glory, “Eoohu” Day.] (Egyptian.)
2. R. Ou oein, to diffuse Light, [Illuminare.] (Egypt.)	Roongeh, “Sun.” [The names for the Sun, Moon, and the Eye, are generally from the same roots.]
3.		I mine, “Day.”
4.
5. Ra, Re, Sun. (Egypt.)
6.
7. Hor, “Horus,” the God of Day. (Egypt.)	Huer, Day.
8.	Horambe, Moon.
9.
10.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. O . een . n, Eye. (Heb.) Wang, “Light emitted from a body.”(Chinese.)	Wawn or Gwawn, “A quick darting of rays, (Dr. Owen Pughe's Dict.) The Dawn.” (Welsh.)
2. Ee . ou . m “Day,”(Heb.) [Probably from “Eoohu” Day, (Egyptian,) and the suffix “M,” which in Hebrew forms nouns from roots, like the English suffix “er” in Mak-er. [Compare the unsatisfactory Etymology of Ee . ou . m, usually adopted by Hebrew lexicographers, from E . m, Tumult, because there is “a tumultuous agitation of the celestial fluid,” at daybreak.]]
3.	Emee . n “Day.”(Greek.)
4. Arou, Behold! (Chald.) R.a.e, to see. (Heb.)	Ora-o, to see. (Greek.)
5.	Re, Moon, Re alt, Star. (Irish.)
6. Ur, Fire, (Kurd.) Hur, Fire, and Or, Day. (Armenian.)	Ur-o. (Latin.)	Uru, Day. (Aymarans, S. A.)
7. Huere, Sun. (Zend.)		Huarassi, Sun and Day. (Omaguans, S. A.)
8.	Hora, Time, (Greek,) an Hour, (Latin.)
9. A . ou . r, Light, Daylight. (Heb. & Chaldæ.)	Aurora, the Dawn. (Latin.)
10. Arpi, Sun. (Armenian.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Wurabe, Day. (Nubia.)
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.	Kammer, Ungmar, Moon.
7. Re, the Sun, as above.
8. Iri, “Eye.” [This is an important word, as being one of the instances adduced by Dr. Leipsius, in opposition to Champollion's opinion, that the modern Coptic is perfectly identical with the ancient Egyptian. This word, Iri, “an Eye,” and its signification, are only known to us through Plutarch. The term is obsolete in the Coptic.—Leipsius, “Lettre à Rossellini.”] The symbol of Osiris, the God of Day.	Iirri, “Sun”
9. Iris, the Dawn. (Egypt.)
10. Wurrhy, “Moon.” (Abyss.) [Compare Wurabe, “Day,” above.] (Nubian.)	Uhaaire, and Ver, “Moon.”
11.	La, “Fire.”	Leaw, “Fire.”

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Or, Day. (Armenian.)	Wawr, or Gwawr, the Dawn. (Welsh.) Awringo, Sun (Finnish.)	Ourhenha, Day. (Hurons, N. A.)
2. A.ou.r, Light, &c., as above; Also with m prefix—
3. M . A . ou. r, An instrument or source of Light, applied to the Sun and Moon. (Heb.)
4. Mihira, Sun. (Sanscrit.)
5. Mar, Sun. (Abassian.)
6. N. Mar, Sun. (Affghan.)
7. Iru, Sun. (Korea.)
8. Eiere, Day. (Zend.) [Compare Yere, Moon, (Samoied) below.]
9.	Iris, the Rainbow. (Latin.)
10. Wurra, Moon. (Sumbava.)	Wiri, Yere, and Irri, Moon. (Samoied.)
11.	Lohe, Flame. Lo-dern, “To Burn.” (German.)	Hello, Fire. (Runsienes, N. A.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.	Lo, “Day.”
2.
3. Lp.s.h, “Flame.”		Lelaffu, “Fire.”
4. Lopsh, “To Burn.” (Egypt.)		Leetshaatsi, “Sun.”
5.	Lataa, “Sun.” See Lo, La, above.
6.	La, “Fire.” Lo, “Day,” as above.	Leaw, Fire, as above. Also Lilo, Fire. [Mu lilo, Um lilo, also occur as words for fire, in the South of Africa.]
7.	Lelegh, Day.
8.	Eluk wee, Heaven.
9.	See Lelegh, “Day,” as above.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.	Lo, and La, “Day.” (Irish.)	Olo, Sun and Day. (Vilellans, S. A.)
2. Hallo Allo, a Day. (Corea.)
3.
4. L.e.b.e, “Flame.” L.e.b, “To burn.” (Hebrew.) L.e.t, “Flame,” “To flame, burn.” (Heb.)	Licht. (German.) Light. (English.) Lo-dern, “To burn.” (German.) [See Lohe, above.]
5. Hallo Alo, a Day. (Coriac.)
6.		Olo, Sun and Day. (Vilellans, S. A.) Ele le dun, Flame. (Arowacks.)
7.		Uolok, Day. (Esquim.)
8.	El eek, (Nootka Sound,) and Hello, Fire, (Runsienes, N. A.) Ali-gega, Sun. (M. Baya, extreme south of S. A.)
9.	Lux, Light. (Latin.) Licht. (German.) Lluched, Lightning. (Welsh.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.		Liklo, Ames-ligo, “An Eye.”
3.
4.		Eli-ang, the Sun.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.		Eli-ang, the Sun, as above.
10.
11.
12.		Lelangu, Sun.
13.		Lainch, and Lainghitsi, Heaven.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Lochatai, “He sees.” Sanscrit.)	Llygad, “An Eye.” (Welsh.)
2.	Look-eth. (English.)
3. E.l. To shine. E.l.l. To shine brightly.	Eel-ios, the Sun. (Greek.)
4. E.ee.l.l. Lucifer. (Hebrew.)
5. Hailih, and Hailihs, the Sun. (Sanscrit.)	Hāil, the Sun. (Welsh.) Hell, Bright. (German.)	Gra-haulai, Sun. (Abipones.) Hello, Fire. (Runsienes, N. A.)
6. Hallo, Alo, a Day. (Coriac.)		Olo, Sun.
7. Ali, Day. (Moluccan.)		Allit, Moon. (Vilellans, S. A.)
8.	Eel-ios, the Sun. (Greek.)
9.		Alank, a heavenly Luminary, or Star. (Algonquyn dialects, N. A.)
10. Alak, a Star. (Assanskians.)
11. Alagon, a Star. (Kotowskians, N. Asia.)
12. Lun, Day. (Sirjanian & Permian.	Lunus. Luna. (Latin.) Luan, Moon. (Irish.)
13. Languin, Heaven. (Moluccan.) [Also, in the same language, Ali, Day. Compare El-iang, above.]

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.	Kalla, Coll, Moon.
3. N jellauma [N'jellauma, and Liulu, both occur in the dialect of the Phellatas, and Leoure occurs in that of the Fulahs, who are a kindred race.], Day. Phellata dialect.		Woelau. Volan, Moon.
4. Leoure, Moon. (Fulah dialect.)
5.
6. Liulu, Moon. (Phellata.)
7.
8.
9. Hyalla, Heaven.	Ellu, Iulo, I ewel, Heaven.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Gailgen, Moon. (Coriac.) Glauh, Moon. (Sanscrit.)	Gealach, Moon. (Irish.)	Igaluk, Moon. (Kadjaks, extreme n.w. of N.A.)
2.		Killa, Quilla, Moon. (Quichuans, S.A.)
3. Jwala, Light, Flame. (Sanscrit.)	Gwawl, or Wawl, Light. (Welsh.)
4.	Lloer, Moon. (Welsh.) Laor, Moon. (Armorican.)
5. Glauh-r, Moon. [Formed from Glauh, Moon, above, by “Sandhi.”] (Sanscrit.)
6.	Liu, Colour. (Welsh.) Llei-ad, Moon. (Welsh.) [The double Ll gives to the word a sound nearly the same as Chleiad.]
7. Klaida, Klaidu, Moon, (Sanscrit.) [This, and several of the previous Sanscrit words, have been compared with the Welsh by Dr. Prichard.]
8. Koilak, Heaven. (Tchugassians, n.e. of Asia, and n.w. of America.)		Killak. (Greenland.) Killock, Heaven. (Kadjaks.)
9.		Igalack Moon, as above. (Kadjaks.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Serapis, or Soropis, the God of the Sun, the same as Osiris. (Egypt.)	Sorohb, Sun.
2. Scharappa, [Burhum-Safara, The Sun, which occurs in one of the Negro dialects, seems to be derivable from the same root.] “Moon.” (Berber & Dongolan.)	Sorrie, Sun.
3. Osiri, Osira, (Osiris), believed to be the God of the Sun (Egypt.)		Surrie, Sore, Sun.
4.		Soroka, [Mot-Sichari, Day, a word that occurs among the languages of the South of Africa, is probably from the same root.] Day.
5.	Assara, Moon.
6.	Osran, Osseram, Osseramme, Moon.
7.	A-un, Sun. [See this word more fully illustrated in another part of this Analysis.]
8.		Antu, a Day.
9.		Andru, Day.
10.	Omma Ongma, “Moon.”
11.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Sh . r ph, to burn, a Conflagration. S . h . r ph . e . m, “Seraphs.” Sh.r.b, to burn, scorch. Ze.r, to shine brightly.
2. Ts. e. r, a Light, Noon. (Hebrew.)	Sêr, Stars. (Welsh.)
3. Surya, the Indian God of the Sun. His orb personified. (Sanscrit.)
4.	Scorch. (English.)
5. Sārā, “Moon.” (Syrian, Mongol, & Calmuck.)	Sêr, Stars. (Welsh, as above.)
6.
7.		Ano, Day. (Caraibs, S. A.)
8.		Antu Antú, Sun, Day. (Araucan, S. A.)
9. “Indra,” the Indian God of Day, Diespater. (Sanscrit.)		Inti, Indi, Sun. (In several other dialects of S.A.)
10.	Omma, “Eye,” “Face,” also applied to “Sun and Moon.” (Greek.) [Schneider.]
11. Mah, the Moon. Bucharian.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.		Mo Moe.
2.		Muhta.
3.		Mum Muhm, “Eye.”
4.		Moomo, “Moon.”
5.
6. Manga, Eye. [It may be inferred, however, that the simple word, Masso, was applied originally as we find it in the Georgian, to the Sun, before it was used for the Eye. It is an error to suppose that the names for such organs as the “Eye” belong to the first elements of language. The name for the Eye is generally a mere derivative of words for “Light,” “Sun,” &c.]
7.
8.
9.	Mone, “Moon.”
10. Missigh, “Eye.”
11.		Massou, Massoo, Masso, Massorohi, “Eye.”
12.		Masso-androu, Sun, (i.e. “Eye of Day.”) [See Androu, Day, immediately before.]

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Mi-en, “Face.” (Chinese & Burman.)
2.
3.
4.
5. Ee m ee . n, “the Eye,” or Finger, (Heb.) [Similiter “Per-ception,” now used for the “Eye,” but applied originally to the hand.]
6.
7. M . n . ee. A name under which the idolatrous Jews worshipped the “Material Heavens.”
8. Mondy, “Sun.” (Permian.)		Manoak, “Sun,” or “Moon.” (Algonquyn Dialects.)
9.	“Moon.” (English.) Mēnē, “Month.” (Greek.) Mensis, “Month.” (Lat.) Mana, “Moon.” (Lapld.)
10. Miezzi, “Eye.” (Burman.)
11.
12.		Musseete, “Day.” (New England.) Metzli, “Moon.” (Mexican.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Massch-ekka, “Sun.” [Apparently from Missigh, [See Note in page 14.] “Eye,” and Ika, or Ik, “Fire.” Compare Massoandrou, “Sun.” South Africa. (Berbers & Dongolans.)	Masso-anru, “Sun.” Massu, Mass-ge, “Fire.”	Masso-anro, Masso-anru, “Sun.”
2.		Masso-am, Sun.
3.	Midding, “Moon.”	Majava, “Day.”
4.	Wussuk, Fire.
5.	Wis, Sun.
6.
7.	Att-aschi, Sun.
8.
9. Sou Siou, Star. (Egypt.)
10.	Zu, Sun.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Miaschta, “Moon.” (Affghan.) Māsi, “Moon.” (Sanscrit.)	Mesaz, “Moon.” (Sclavonian.) Mis, “Month.” (Welsh.)
2. M.s.e [See Note in page 14.], and M.j, “Sun.” (Georgian.)
3.
4.	Us-tus, burnt. (Latin.)	Usi Ussi, Fire. (California, N. A.) Is-chey, Fire. (Black Feet Indians, N. A.) Neetak Hasseh, Sun. Hasche, Moon. (Chikkasahs, N. A.)
5.		Is-chey, Fire. (Black Feet, N.A., as above.)
6. Ash, Fire. (Heb.) Az-er, and At-emsch. (Persian.)	Ass-o, to roast. (Latin.) Azgo. [These words,—Aithein, “To burn,” Greek, and “Ashes,” English, &c.—are said by German scholars to be mutually connected. (Schwenk's Wörterbuch.)] (Gothic.) Ash-es. (English.)	Assista, Fire. (Hurons, N. A.)
7.	Aith-ein, to burn. (Greek.)
8. At-emsch. (Pehli.) Ath-eresch, Fire. (Zend.)	Sah, the Sun and Moon. (Chippeway.)
9.		Soo, Moon. (Penobscot, N. A.)
10.		Suâ, Sun. (Muyscans, S.A., near the Isthmus of Darien.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.	So, Heaven.
2.
3.
4. Shah, Flame.
5. Shah shah, Heat. (Egypt.)
6.
7.
8.
9.
10. Njite, “Fire.” (Phellata.)	Nissiek, “Fire.”
11.	Ntzai, “Sun.”
12.	Gimoihu, Fire.
13. Khem, God of the Sun. (Egypt.)
14.
15.		T'kaam.
16.		Gam, Moon.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.	Sua, Fire. (Basque.)
2. Zee ou, Beams, Rays, Splendour.
3. Zee, to be bright. (Heb.)	Zĕō, to be hot. (Greek.)
4.	Sua, Fire. (Basque, as above.
5. Sch un, Sun. (Mantchu.)	Sun. (English.)	Tscan-u, Sun. Tschaan, Day.
6. Z.k. Flame.		Tschan-e, Moon, (Kinai Tribe, extreme n.w. of N. A.) Tcenoe, Moon. (Cherokee.)
7. Ts.c'h.e, to shine.		Sacche, Sun. (Mossans, S.A.)
8. Ts.c'h, clear and parching.		Sekkinek, Sun. (Greenland, N. A.)
9. Ts.c'h.ts c'h, violent Heat, or Drought. (Heb.)	Siccus, Dry. (Latin.) Sych, Dry. (Welsh.)
10. N.sh.k, to kindle, to rise in flame, to kindle a fire. (Heb.)
11.	Nitidus, Shining. (Latin.)
12. C'h m, Hot, Heat.
13. C'h.m m, to be inflamed.
14. C'h.m.n.ee.n, Sun Images. (Heb.)		Kaumet, Sun.
15.		Kaumei, Moon. (Greenland.)
16.		Gomma, Moon. (California.) Kyem, Moon. (Araucan.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.	Giom, Heaven
2. Chrom.
3. Grom.	Giro, Sun
4. Krom, Fire. (Egypt.)	Karree, Moon. Korro, Moon.	T'kaukarah, Moon. Kohri, “Moon.”
5. Grom, “Fire,” (Egyptian, as above.)
6.
7. Giro, “Sun,” as above.
8.
9.
10.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Kümar, Heaven. (Permian.)
2. C'hr.a, Ch.r.e, to kindle, burn up. (Heb.)
3. Chor. (Persian.) Coaracy, Cuarasi, Chorschid. (Pehli.)	Quarassi, Sun. (Brazil.)
4. Chorschid, Sun. (Ossetian.)		Chiriti, Moon. (Caraibs.)
5. G.r.m, Warm. (Pers.)	Gorm, to heat, or warm. (Irish.) “Warm.” (Eng. & Germ.) Gwr-ês, Heat;
6. C'h.r.e, to burn. (Heb. as above.)	Greiaw, to burn; Grei-an, i.e. “the Burner,” the Sun. (Welsh.)	Grau-haulai, Sun. Grau-ek, Moon. (Abipones, S. A.)
7.	Grian. (Irish.)
8. Grag, Fire. (Armenian.)	Gar-akou. (Hurons.) Garocqua, Sun. (Iroquois, N. A.)
9. Ee.ph.c'h, [It is observable that the Hebrew words, Ee.ph.c'h, and Ph.ou.c'h, are evidently imitations of the act of Breathing, or Puffing. They may, I conceive, be regarded as the roots of all the words for “Fire,” &c., which follow.] to breathe, to pant.		Epee, Fire. (Katabans, N. A.)
10. Ph.ou.c'h, to blow upon, kindle, inflame. (Heb.)		Pioc Peez, Fire. (Moxians, S. A.) Paahteh, Fire. (Nadowessians, N. A.) Futui, Fire. (Betoans, S. A.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.	Bazu.	Ibida.
9.	Bazou, Fire.
10.	Fosseye, the Sun.
11.
12.
13.
14.	Aifi-am, Of-endi, the Moon.
15.		T'aib, Fire.
16.
17. Teb re, Heaven.	Tubhia, Tubia, Fire.
18. Tuah hey, “the Sun.”

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.	Phōs, Fire, Flame.
2. Ee.ph.c'h. (As above.)	Ee.ph-aistos, Vulcan, the God of Fire. (Greek.)
3 Ph.ou.c'h. (As above.)	Foc-us. (Latin.)
4. Aifi, Fire. (Sumbava.)	Fire, Fei-er, (English & German,) formed from the root by adding -er, the formative of nouns.
5. Fi. (Japan.)
6. Fei. (Siam.)
7. Vu-r. (Affghan.)
8. Bi. (Siberian.)
9. B.sh.l, to ripen in the Sun, to boil. (Heb.)	Bask. (English.)
10. Phos, Star. (Japan.)	Phō-s, Fire, Light. (Greek.)
11. Ee p h o, to shine forth. (Heb.)	Pha-o, to shine. (Greek.)
12. Ee p.h.o, Brightness, Splendour. (Chald.)	Phoi b-os, “Phœbus,” the Sun. (Greek.)
13. Ee p.ph.e, very beautiful. (Heb.)
14. Alf, the Moon. (Kurdish.)
15. Af, the Sun, and T'eb, the Sun. (Sanscr.)
16. Af-teb, the Sun. (Persian.)
17. Tab, Heat. (Persian.)	Tep-or. (Latin.)	Tash, a Day. (Pimans, south of N. A.)
18. Taw, “Sun.” (Kurdish.)	Tea-s, or Deas, Sunbeams. (Welsh.)	Tasi, Fire. (The Kinai, extreme n. w. of N. A.) Daazoa, Sun. (Mokobis, S. A.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.	Tedi, “Moon.”
2.
3. To trig, “Moon.”
4.	Ot u, and
5. Hauy, Fire. (Nubia & Abyss.)	Hu, Fire.
6.		Ei T.ei, and T'jih “Fire.”
7. Tuah' hey, “Sun.” (Nubia & Abyss.)
8. Haou.	Uwya, Awia.
9. Eoohu, Day. (Egypt.)	Ua, and Ou, “Sun.”
10.	Aou.eh, Moon.
11. “I.oh” Lunus, the God of the Moon. (Egypt.)
12. Joh Ooh Oih Oou, Glory. (Egypt.)
13.	Hu.n, Sun. [See Hu, Fire, above.]
14.	Au-n, and Uwi-n, “Sun.” [See Awia, and Ua, Sun, above.]

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Tadi, “Hot.” (Affghan.)		Tata, Fire. (Omaguans, N. A.)
2. Tab-dar, Hot. (Persian.)	Tē k-ō, to melt, consume. (Greek.)	To-atka, Fire. (Musgohges, S. Carolina, N. A.)
3.	Tœda, a Torch. (Latin.)
4. Ot m, to be burnt up. (Heb.)	Hot. (English.)	Ouato, Fire. (Caribs, S. A.)
5. Ho, “Fire.” (Chinese.)		Otschichta, Fire. (Onandagos, N. A.) Oua, (Natchez,) and You, Fire. (Woccons, N. A.)
6.
7. Ha, Hai, Hen, Sun. (Corea.)		Hueiou, Weyo, Veio, “Sun.” (Caraibs, S. A.)
8.	Ē-ōs, the Dawn. (Greek.)
9.		Auhe, Oweeh, Moon. (Choctans, N. A.)
10.		Yehiha, Moon. (Mobimans, S. A.)
11.		Yachquau, Moon. (Senekas, N. A.)
12.
13. Hen, Sun (as above). (Corea.)	Hu an, Phœbus, the Sun. (Welsh.)
14.

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Tôn-ih, Fire.
2. Tô in Sun. (Nubia & Abyssinia.)
3.	Tan gu, Tan go, Tan goa, Sun.
4.		Danghitsi, Heaven.
5.	Deemwa, Fire. Diambo, Sun.
6. Ik, Ika, Fire. (Berbers & Dongolans.)	Ejia, Fire.	Ecy, Fire.
7.	Ag ning, Engink, Sun.
8. Nahangue, Nonge, Sun. (Fulahs & Phellatahs.)		Eanga, Inyanga, Inganga, Moon.
9. K o e, to burn.
10. K o.h th, Fire.
11. K o e, to burn. (Egypt.)

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.	Ta-an, Fire. (Welsh.) Teine, “Fire,” also “The Sun.” (Irish.)	Ta-ande, and Teinde. (Algonquyn Dialects.)
2.		To-natiuh, Sun. (Mexican.)
3. Tschingochok, Sun, and T angeik. (Tschugassians, n. e. of Asia and n. w. of America.)		Tschingukuk, Sun. (Kadjaks, n. w. of A.)
4. Ten gri, Heaven. (Tagurian.)		Toendi, Heaven. (Hurons, N. A.)
5.	Tee me, or Tîme, (Irish,) and Don y m, or Tou y m, Heat, Hot. (Welsh.)
6.		Ioak, Fire. (Choktahs, N. A.)
7. Ag nih, Fire. (Sanscrit.)	Iigain, “I Burn.” (Russ.) Ignis, Ignem. (Latin.) Okon, Fire. (Sclavonian.)	Ig nach, Ing nek, Fire. (Greenland.)
8. Ee.c.b, And Cou e, to burn. (Hebrew.)	Kaiō, to burn. (Greek.)
9.		Co o h, Fire. (Sussees, N. A.)
10.		K uthal, K tal, Fire. (Araucan, S. A.)
11.		Chuk kut. (Naragansetts.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. K o h th, Fire.
2. Shah, Flame. Shah shah Heat. (Egyptian.)
3.	Ejia, “Fire.”	Ecy, Fire.
4.	Edja, “Fire.”
5.	Dio, “Fire.” Day, “Sun.”
6.
7.	Eju, Ejwyge, Sun.
8.	Gajewoade, Fire.
9.	Uk, Igodu, Moon.
10.		K a, and K cha, Moon.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.		Kohteoue, Kotawa, (and used by the same tribe.)
2.		S cute, Fire. (Miamis, N. A.)
3.
4. Djo, Djau, Heaven, Air. (Sanscrit.)	Die-s, Day. (Latin.)
5. Divasi, Day.	Dio, Dios, (Jupiter, Father of Day. (Greek.) |
6. Diwaspiti (“Diespater”), Jupiter, “Father of Day.” (Sanscrit.)	Diespater. (Latin.)
7.	Equia, and Igus-guia, Sun. Goiza, Morning. (Basque.)	Kizho, Kes-us, Kissessua, Gischi, Geschu, Sun; Kijigah, Day. (Algonquyn dialects:)
8.
9.		Hak, [Du Ponceau, whose principles are here adopted as probably applicable to all languages, states that in the Algonquyn Class of Dialects of North America the names for the Moon are derived from those for the Sun, with the addition of a word meaning night, &c. The word Hak, he says, is very generally thus used, for the Moon, with the requisite addition.] Moon; Io-hakta, a Star. (Algonquyn dialects, N. A.)
10.		K'akh, Fire. (Yucatan.) Kacha, Moon. (Ugaljachnuti, near Behring's Straits, N. A.) Cayacu, Moon. (Brazil.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Onatejá, Moon. (Berber & Dongolan.)	T' jo, Moon.	T' ga, Moon.
2.		T.jih, Fire.
3.
4.
5. Onatejá, Moon. (Berber & Dongolan.)	T'jo, “Moon.”	T' ga, Moon.
6.	Teelee, “Sun.” Duléh, “Sun.”
7.	Dalkah, “Day.”
8.	Dilko, “Heaven.” Dalkah, a Day, (as above.)
9.	Genaa, “Sun.”
10.	Guiante, “Sun.”
11.	Gonde, Gonda, “Moon.”

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.		Tacock, Moon. (Esquimaux.)
2.		Taiki, Fire. (Pimans, S.A.)
3. Tüiküt, Sun. (Coriac.)		Taiki, Sun. (Tarahumaran.)
4. D'ge, “Day.” (Georgian.)	Tag, “Day,” (German.) Day. (English.)
5. Tagara, “Heaven.” (Jakutian.)
6. Tael, Tylys, Moon. (Permian.)	Taglich. (German.) Dai-ly. (English.)
7. Tjel, “Day.” Tsjel-emi, “Daily.” (Ostiaks.)		Tsele, Day. (Tarahumaran, s. of N. A.)
8.		Talkon, a Day. (The Kinai, extreme n. w. of N. A.)
9. Guin esch, Gunes, “Sun.” (Turk.)	Gunnei, or Cunnei, “A great Fire.”	Coun, Fire. (Chippeway.) Kes-is Kesus, “Sun.” (Algonquyn.)
10. Gun, “Day.” (Casanians.)	Gunnes, “Warm.” (Welsh.)
11. Kun, Sun. (Tartar.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.	Agonne, Moon.
3.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. Kjun, Day. (Turk.)	Egun, Day. (Basque.)	Kize-kun, Okené-gat, [According to Du Ponceau the words for “Day,” in the Algonquyn tongues, are modifications of the words for the “Sun.”] “Day.” (Algonquyn dialects.)
2.		Tes-Gessu, Sun. [Evidently a compound of Gischu or Kiz-ho, the Sun, with “Tesh.” [Tash, “A Day,” (Pimans, south of N.A.) This word, Teas, or Tesh, has already been traced through the various meanings of Fire, Sun, Day, &c.]]
3. Tschi, Schi, “Day.” (Morduins, N.E. of Asia.)		Teshe-kow, “Day,” (Algonquyn Dialects.)

According to Du Ponceau the words for “Heaven” in the Algonquyn tongue are derived from several sources. A numerous class consists of “Mots derivées de Kesuch, Astre, Soleil,” i.e. words from Kesuch, “Sun, Star.” Compare the names for the “Eye,” previously noticed; also traced by Du Ponceau to Kesuch, or Kesus, “The Sun.”

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.		T' gachu, “Heaven.”
3.
4.	Tschukko, “Heaven.” K' tak.
5.	Nghoi, “Heaven.” [Also “Thunder in the Air.”]
6.
7.		Homma, “Heaven.” [See Omma, Moomo, and other analogous words previously explained, applied to “Sun and Moon.”]

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. K jok, [Words for Heaven, in the languages of the North of Asia, which are evidently connected with the North American Indian words for Heaven, and also with the North American Indian names for the “Sun,” from which they are derived.] “Heaven.” (Turk.)	Kez-hik, Keg-ik, Heaven
2. Chok, “Heaven.” (Tart.) Kuk, “Heaven.” (Casan.)
3. Kh'igan, “Heaven.” (Comac.) Ko'chan, “Heaven.” (Kamschatka.) Kundschu, “Heaven.” (Jukadshires.)	Gezhegon, Heaven. (Algonquyn.)
4. Shkai, “Heaven.” (Morduins.)	“Sky.” (Eng & Dan.)	Ta k, Tack, “Heaven.” (Esquimaux.) Keschékewé, Heaven. (Algonquyn.)
5.
6. Kiusiu-luste. (Tscheremessian.)
7.

Another class of names for “heaven,” are words signifying “On High,” En Haut.

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Szemmèÿ, Heaven. (Nubia & Abyssinia.)
2. Szèmma, Heaven. (Berbers & Dongolans.)
3. Szemma, Heaven, (Phellata.)
4.	Szemma.
5.	Szemma.
6.	Assaman. Sambiam pungo. Assamane, Heaven.
7.
8. Apĕ, Apē, Aphe, “Head.”
9. A ph . o ph, a Giant. (Egypt.)		Ivaq.
10.	I banju

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.
2.
3.
4. Sema, Heaven. (Arabic.)
5. Shmia, Heaven. (Pehlwi.)
6. Asman, Heaven. (Siberian Tartars)		A woso-gamé, Heaven. [Literally “En Haut,” on high.] (Algonquyn.)
7.	Upo. (Greek.) Up. (English.) Heavion, to rise, Heafon, Heaven. (Ang. Sax.) Haupt. (German.)	Apez, Heaven. (Moxian.)
8.	Heafod, (Ang. Sax.) Huf-wud, Head. (Swedish.)
9.		I bag, I bâca. (Brazil.)
10.		Oubecou, (Caraibs,) Ipigem, Heaven. (Abipones.)

Another Class of names for “Heaven,” are words signifying “On High,” En Haut.

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1. Pe, and Phe, Heaven.
2. N e th-Pe and Ne-Pheou, Heaven-s or Heaven.
3. Net-phe, an Egyptian Goddess, the consort of Seb or Saturn. Her emblem was “The Firmament.”
4. Ne-Pheou, Heaven-s or Heaven. [Like the Greek “Ouranoi.”] (Egypt.)
5.	Sulu, “Heaven.” [Compare preceding words.]	I suhlu, Heaven.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.
2.		Ibo, Ibunga, the Sun. (California.)
3.	Nebo, Heaven. (Sclavon.) Nev, Heaven. (Welsh.)
4.
5. S l, to raise, elevate. (Hebrew.)	Celsus, Cœlum. (Latin.)

Another Class of words for the “Sky” is derived, as is obvious in many languages, from words primarily meaning “Air.”

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.		Maaro, Heaven. [Compare the formation of M—.' A . ou . r, a Luminary, Hebrew, from A our, Light, [According to the views of many Hebrew scholars, A . ou . r, “Light,” and A ou . ee . r, “Air,” are probably from the same root—A r. “To flow,”—applied to Water, Air, Light, &c. (See p. 5, Appendix A.)] as previously explained.]
3.	Iru, Heaven.
4.
5.		Atem co.
6. Aineha.
7. Aineha addela, Eye. (Nubia & Abyss.)

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. A ou . ee . r, Air, Space, (Chald.) from A r, to flow. (Heb.)	A wyr, the Air, the Sky. (Welsh.)
2. A r w, Heaven. (Ossetian.)
3.	A ē r and Ē r ē, Juno, the Atmosphere or Heavens personified.
4. Auwa, Heaven. (Sib. Tartars.)	A .ō, to blow, breathe. (Greek.) A ha, Breath. (German.) A-them, Breath, Air. (German.)	Wahwi, “Heaven.” (Algonquyn.) [According to Du Ponceau, of unknown origin, “origine inconnue.” But see the adjoining column.]
5.	At m-ē, At m-os, Breath, Vapour. Atmos-Sphaira, Atmosphere. (Greek.) Atmosphere. (English.) Chwa, a gust of Wind. (Welsh.)
6.		Aino, Eye. (Mossans, S. A.)
7. Oeen, Eye. Ene, Behold. (Heb.) Yen, Eye. (Chinese.)	En, Behold. (Latin.)	En-ourou, Yen-ourou, Eye. (Caraibs, S. A.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.	Ne ay. Hinma, Eye.
2.	Neay (as above).
3.	Nou kou, Onukou, Eye.
4.
5.	K hasso, Eye.
6.	Guitte, Eye.
7. Egō at, Eye. (Nubia & Abyss.)

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.		Ñahui, Eye. (Quichauns.) Nàgui, Eye. (Quitenans, S. A.)
2. Ne, Eye. (Circassian.)	Ne, Nege, Ge, “Eye.” (Araucan, S. A.)
3.		Nigüecogue, Nigecogee, “Eye.” (M. Bayan.) Natocle, “Eye.” (Abipones, inhabitants of the extreme s. of S. America.)
4. Achsi, Eye. (Sanscrit.)		Ishyik. K hescoué, the Eye, connected with Kesus, the Sun. (Algonquyn, [The names for the Eye, in the Algonquyn dialects of North America, are stated by Du Ponceau to be derivatives of names for the Sun. This is generally but not, it would seem, universally the case in all languages. Probably it would also be more correct, as a general rule, to say that the names for the Eye, and for the Sun, are from the same roots, than that the latter are the roots of the former.] N. A.)
5.		Kussee, Eye. (Nootka Sound.)
6. Giosgus, Gus, Eye. (Turk.)
7.	Eage, Eye. (Ang. Sax.) Oko, Eye. (Sclavonian.) Oculus, Eye. (Latin.)

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.	Zu, Sun (as before).	T' saguh, Eye.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.	Szan-ko, Eye.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1.		Sah, the Sun and Moon. (Chippeway, as before.)
2.		Zu, and Zuiakc, Eye. (Lulians, S. A.)
3.	Sagax, Quick of Sight. (Latin.) Sight. (English.)
4. Sai, Saiwa, Saie, Eye. (Samoied.)	See. (English.) Sehen. (German.)
5. Schun, “Sun.” (Mantchu.)	Sun. (English.)
6. Sem, Eye. (Ostiaks.)	Szem, Eye. (Hungarian.)
7.		Shenek, Eye. (Alyon. dialects, N. A.)

In the words next following we have an example of the principle that the terms applied to the perceptive powers of the “Hand,” in the first instance, form a source of many analogous words applied to the operations of the other senses, and to those of the mind.

North Africa—Egyptians, &c.	Middle Africa—Negroes.	South Africa—Hottentots, &c.
1.
2.
3.		Tewho, Eye.
4.	Batte, Eye.
5. Bal, an Eye, Bel, Eyes. (Egypt.)
6. Belle, Blind. [Supposed by Dr. Loewe to be from Bel or Bal, and the Hebrew negative suffix “l.”] (Egypt.)
7.	Rogue, Heaven.

Asia.	Europe.	America.
1. E e d, the Hand.		Yede, Eye. (Zamucans, S. A.)
2. E ed o, to feel, to perceive, to know.	Eido, to see, to know. (Greek.)
3. Do-eth re, Eye. (Zend.)	Do-eth, Wise. (Welsh.)
4.		Toké, Eye. (Villelans, S. A.)
5. B th, the Pupil of the Eye. (Hebrew.)	Ball, Eyeball. (English.) Bli-ck. (German.)
6.	Blink. (English.) [Compare this word with the last.]
7.	Blind, Black. (English.)

Remarks.

The proofs involved in the previous Analysis of the original unity of the different languages of the globe are distinct and vivid. It will be observed that those irregularities of structure, which are to be found more or less in each individual language, viewed separately, disappear when the whole mass of human tongues are thus surveyed in combination as derivative branches of one original speech. Moreover, it will be seen that the greater the number of languages, and the wider the geographical surface of the globe comprised in the comparison, the more minutely may be traced the steps of the transition by which the languages of mankind branched off from their common Original. This evidence is in its nature demonstrative of the truths developed in these pages.

It will be apparent that the Heavenly Bodies were originally designated by numerous synonymes applied to the Sun, Moon, and Stars alike. In the course of time, a portion of these terms fell into disuse among each different branch of the human family; and as these various tribes did not, except in individual instances, preserve the same terms, these changes gave rise to differences, apparently fundamental. Moreover, in those instances in which the same terms were retained, time produced important conventional differences of application. For example, in order to distinguish the Sun, Moon, &c. from each other.

1. A portion of these synonymes, which were originally used for all the Heavenly Bodies alike, were exclusively appropriated to the Sun, while other synonymes were appropriated in like manner to the Moon, &c.; among different nations the same terms were frequently applied to different luminaries. Thus, in conformity to this principle, the English words “Sun” and “Moon” will be found to occur in the previous Analysis each applied, in other languages, to both those luminaries.

2. In some cases the different luminaries were distinguished from each other in a different manner, viz. two or more synonymes were united into one compound word, which was employed as the distinctive name of one of the Heavenly Bodies, as of the Sun, for example, while the “Moon” and the “Stars” continued to be known by their original names, consisting of simple synonymes; or received new names, formed by means of distinct compounds.

Examples of the second class abound in the dialects of the American continent. One example may suffice in this place, by way of illustration: “Tes-gessu” in some of these dialects means the Sun; in other dialects we find each of its component elements, “Tês” and “Gessu,” used separately as names of the same luminary. In common with many other important truths, the nature and origin of these compounds are, I conceive, rendered clearly apparent by an extended range of comparison, though they seem to have been a source of embarrassment to the philosophical mind of Du Ponceau, whose valuable inquiries were confined to a particular class of the dialects of North America.

When the results of the previous Analysis are compared with the previous collection of African synonymes, used as names of the Heavenly Bodies, &c., it will be found that nearly every one of these synonymes has been unequivocally connected with the languages of the other three great divisions of the globe. The exceptions are too insignificant to be in any respect deserving of attention, with reference to the objects of this investigation. The completeness of this explanation of the African terms may, in the first instance, form a subject of surprise. But, astonishing as the results of the previous comparison in this respect undoubtedly are, they are nevertheless precisely the same as we should be led à priori to expect, on the assumption that the African nations are descended from the same stock as the inhabitants of the other three continents.[^148]

[^148: I need scarcely observe that the previous Analysis must necessarily be, in some respects, philologically incomplete. Agrêska, Ogrêska, (Nubia and Abyssinia,) seem to be related to Agir, Fire, (Kurd.) We-taga, the Sun, (Negro,) seems to be a compound of the second class above noticed from Awia, Uwia, and Tjo, T'ga, African words for the Heavenly Bodies. Gjaubenje and Ma-undgage wodu, Fire, are plainly compounds from Gajewodu, Fire, (Negro.) The evidence derived from words, of which the origin is clearly traceable, is so complete, that all words of doubtful origin have been omitted from the previous and from the following Tables.]

Words For “Man, Woman, Human Being.”

[In the following Analysis, the letter m. marks nouns masculine, (“Vir,” Latin, “Man,” English;) f. marks nouns feminine, (“Fœmina,” Latin, “Woman,” English;) h. marks terms applied to a “Human Being,” whether “male” or “female,” (“Homo,” Latin, “Mensch,” German;) there is no equivalent expression in the English language.]

From the following Analysis, it will be apparent that, originally, the same words were in most instances applied to individuals of the human race, whether male or female, indiscriminately. Subsequently, a portion of the synonymes, thus indiscriminately applied in the first instance to the whole species, were separately appropriated to each of the two sexes; while another portion, as, for example, the Latin, “Homo,” and the German, “Mensch,” continued to be used as general terms for an individual of the species, without reference to sex.

As the appropriation of these words was purely conventional, the same synonymes were very frequently appropriated, among different branches of the human race, to different sexes: i.e. a word appropriated to “Man” (Vir) by some tribes was appropriated to the “Female” sex (Fœmina) by other tribes. It is also evident that the terms thus appropriated consisted in some instances of simple, in others of compound, synonymes.

These principles, which are precisely analogous to the results which flow from a comparison of the names of “The Heavenly Bodies” in the African tongues and in the other languages of the globe, will be found to afford a complete and consistent explanation of the phenomena displayed by the following Analysis, viz.: As before suggested, we find the words applied to the human race in the different tongues of the globe the same; it is only in the appropriation of those words, as regards the two sexes, that we find a wide diversity in the various languages of the human race.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class I.

First Modification.

North Africa.—Fulahs & Phellatahs	Gour-ko, m., Gourk-o Mahodo, m.
Negro-land	Gourr, h., Garr, H., Core, h. Gour-gne, m., Kerim, f.
Europe.—Welsh	Gour, m. (A mighty man, a hero.) Gour-on, m.
Asia.—Taraikai	Guru, h
Kamschatka	K ur, h.
Pelu	K or, h.
Negro-land (as above)	Core. h.

Second Modification.

South Africa.—Madagascar	Urun, h. Orrang, m. [Hence the name of the “Ourang Outang.”]
Europe.—Welsh. (Modifications of “Gour and Gour-on,” above.)	Our, m., Ouron, m.
Asia.—Malay	Orang, m.
South America.—Quicuans	Uar mi, f.
Negro-land (as above)	Ker im, f.

There is a very obvious connexion between the above words for Man and a word for “The Hand,” of which the extreme antiquity is apparent from its occurring in the languages of races so widely separated as the following, in whose tongues this word exists in the subjoined forms, which cannot be said essentially to differ from each other: Gara (Mongol), Kara (Sanscrit), Keir (Greek), “The Hand.” [Compare the relation shown in the following examples between Manus, “The Hand” (Latin), and Manus-zia (Sanscrit), and Men-sch (German), i.e. Homo, a “Human Being.”]

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class II.

Europe.—English	To Be.
Welsh (Living, to live)	Biou.
Greek (To live)	Bio-ō. [Obaini, m., Baning, m. (Negro), seem to be connected with Bio-ōn (Greek), “A Being,” (English.)]
Greek (Life)	Bi-os.
Asia.—Koibals, N. Asia	Biusé, m.
Negro-land	Buas-ja, f.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class III.

First Modification.

Europe.—Latin	Homo, h.
South Africa.—Koosas	Uhm-to, h. Uhm-fasi, f.
(A Child)	Uhm-toano.
Negro-land. (A compound, apparently, of Ommo and the previous word “Biou,” &c.)	Bi-ommo, h.
South America.—Betoans	Humasoi, h. Umasoi, h.
Negro-land	Um-ir, h. Mo, h.
Asia.—Ossetians	Mo, h.
South America.—Guaramians	Me, m.
Negro-land	Amme, h., Emme, h. Meame, h. Mammoku, m. Mangman, f.

The following are examples of words of this class applied to the Female Sex:

South America.—Mobimans	Ma, f.
Mossans (“A Mother”)	Meme, f.
Negro-land	Ma, f., Mmi, f.
North Africa.—Egypt	Hime, f., Himi, f.
Europe.—Basque	Emea, f.
Asia.—Karassians and Ostiaks	Ima, f., Ime, f.
Europe.—Fin.	Waimo, f.

Second Modification.

Europe.—Latin (from Homo)	Ho-min-em, h.
(Human)	Hu-“man”-ûs.
(The Hand)	“man”-us.
Asia,—Sans. (A “Human Being”)	Manus-zia, h.
Europe.—German (The same)	Men-sch, h.
(A Man, Vir)	Mann, m.
English	Man, m.
Danish	Mand, m.
Negro-land	Manee, h., Mond, h., Mundu, h.
South Africa.—Lagoa Bay	Monhee, h.
Beetjuanas	Muhn-to, h.
Mon-una, m.
Asia.—Kurd	Manno, m.
Ossetian	Moine Mo, h.
South America.—Omaguans	Mena, m.

The following are examples in which the Second Modification and the transition from the first to the second form of these words are traceable in words applied to the Female Sex.

Europe.—Fin. (Woman, as above)	Waimo, f.
Asia.—Sanscrit	Wa-mani, f.
Europe.—English	Wo-man, f.

The words of this Class may be distinctly traced, in both their previous modifications, as Pronouns in common use in the principal languages of Europe and Asia. The value of this evidence will be understood when Horne Tooke's principle, that Pronouns are identical with Nouns, is borne in mind.

1. Pronouns identical with Amme, Emme, Meame, “Man,” above:

Aham, “I,” Mam, “Me,” (Sanscrit.)
Eme, “Me,” (Greek.)

2. Pronouns identical with Monhe, Mano, Manee, “Man,” above.

Mon, “I,” (Ostiak.) Men, I, (Persian.)
Menik, “I,” (Belutchee.) Menya, “Me,” (Russian.)
“Mein,” (German and English.)

For other examples, see Observations on the Algonquyn Dialects of North America.

There is another topic that calls for observation in this place.

The origin of the peculiar transition, observable in this class of words, as, for example, in the instance of the Latin words “Homo, Ho-minis, Hu-manus, Manus,” has been fully investigated in the Observations on the Algonquyn Dialects of North America. Those observations are equally applicable in this place, for the previous Analysis establishes the remarkable fact that the African languages exhibit in this instance not only the same words, but the principal subordinate modifications of those words, which occur in the tongues of the other three continents.

Further, these modifications are completely traceable in the Negro dialects separately considered. They are also completely traceable in the dialects of South Africa separately considered. Moreover, it may be added, that these gradations of inflexion actually coexist in one single class of South African dialects: “Uhm-to, Muhn-to, Monuna,” are all found in the languages of the kindred tribes, the Koossas and Beetjuanas.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class IV.

First Modification.

South America.—Abipones and Mokobis	Joalé, h. Aalo, f.
Negro-land	Alo, f.
Europe.—Latin Pronouns	Ille, Illa.
South Africa.—Madagascar	Lelay, m. Lahe, m.

Second Modification.

North Africa.—Egypt	Lomi, h.
Negro-land	Olummi, m. [Illum (Latin).]
South Africa.—Madagascar	Olon, h. Oelun, h.
Asia.—Malays of Formosa	Aulon, h.
N. America.—Algonquyn dialects	Ahlaniah, h. Illaniah, h. Illenni, h. Lenno, m. Lennis, h.
Negro-land	Laniu, m. Lung, f.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class V.

Europe.—Welsh, “Full of Spirits”	Nouv us.
Asia.—Hebrew. (Breath, Spirit, A Man)	N. ph. sh, h.
Negro-land	Nipa, h., Nippa, h. Nebeju, m., Enipa, h.
N. America.—Algonquyn dialects	Népiou, h., Napiou, h. Nabou, h., Len-nâpé, m.

Referring to the foregoing American words, Népio and Nabou, Du Ponceau observes, “Ces deux derniers semblent avoir quelque rapport avec Len-âpé.” “The last two seem to have some connexion with Len-âpé.” Lenâpé is plainly a compound of the two preceding roots, Lenno and Napiou. The nature of these compounds, which, as above stated, may be said to have escaped the observation of Du Ponceau, has been explained in the preceding remarks on “The Heavenly Bodies.” Len-âpé is a compound formed to distinguish the Male sex.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class VI.

First Modification.

North Africa.—Egypt (To live)	Anah.On.h.
Asia.—Heb. (To sigh, breathe)	A.n.c.h. A.n.sh, m., N.sh.e, f.
Kamschatka	Ainu, m.
Negro-land	Nu, m., In, f.
South Africa.—Bosjesmans	T'Na, m.
N. America.—Algonquyn dialects	Anini, h., Inin, m., Ninnee, m., Inishiti, h.
Asia.—Hebrew (as above)	An.sh, m., N sh.e, f.

Second Modification.

Negro-land	Ungi, m. Jankueh, f., Nga, f.
North Africa.—Phellatahs	Nekdo, h.
North America.—Iroquois	Ongué, h.
Greenland	Innuk, h.

Agreeably to Horne Tooke's principles, the following Pronouns in other languages may be regarded as identical with the African Nouns in the Analysis, viz.:

The Pronoun of the Second Person, Nyu, Nai, “Thou” (Chinese), may be identified with Nu, and T'na. The Pronouns of the First Person, “I,” Anok (Egyptian), An.c.ee (Hebrew), Iōn ga (Greek), Ngoo (Chinese), may be viewed as identical with Ungi Jankueh and Nga.[^149]

[^149: Ng-ummi, and Ng-umbo, (Negro names for “Man,”) seem obviously to be compounds of the above words, “Ungi, Nga,” with Ommo, Uhm-to, &c., another word for “Man, Woman,” &c., elsewhere noticed in this Analysis.]

Further examples of both the previous Modifications of Class VI. Being words applied to the Female Sex.

Asia.—Malay	Ina, f.
Turkish (A Mother)	Anna, f.
Negro-land	Anna, f.
South America.—Sapeboeans	Anu, f.
Europe.—Hungarian (A Mother)	Anya.
Negro-land	Wan, f., Jankueh, f.
Asia.—Japan	Wonna, f., Wonago, f.
Lieu Kieu	Einago, f.
Europe.—English	Wench
Gothic	Uen, f., Uens, f.
South Africa	Honnes, f.
Asia.—Hebrew (as above)	A.n.sh, m., N.sh.e, f.
Koibal	Niausa, f.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class VII.

First Modification.

South Africa.—Coronas	Kouh, m., Kauh, m.
Negroland	Cow, m., Kea, m., Kaikjai, m., Koa, m., (plural.)
South America.—Muyscans	Chha, m.
Zamucans	Cheké, f.
North America.—Shawannos	Ochechee, m.
Asia.—Heb. (A Body, A Person)	Gou.e.
Kamschatka	Okkăijŭh, m.
Taraikai	Okkai, m.
Lasian	Akadju, m.
N. Africa.—Berbers & Dongolans	Agikh, m.

Words applied chiefly to Nouns Feminine.

Asia.—Mantschu	Chache, m., or Haghe, m., Cheche, f., or Heghe, f
S. America.—Zamucans (as above)	Cheké, f.
North America.—Cochimi	Huagin, f.
Europe.—English	Hag, f.
German	Hexe, f.
Latin Pronouns	Hic, m., Hæc, f.

Second Modification.[^150]

[^150: There is not, in every case, a regular or broadly marked distinction between these “Modifications,” which have been adopted to facilitate comparison rather than as being based on strictly philological grounds.]

South Africa.—Hottentot Tribes	Kouh, m., Kus, f., Kauh, m., Chai-sas, f. K'quique, m., K'quiqis, f. Quoique, m., Kyoiqui-s, f. Quai-scha, f.
Europe.—Latin Pronouns	Qui, Quis, Quisque.
South America.—Salivians	Cocco, m.
Mobimans	Coucya, f.
N. America.—Algonquyn dialects (A Body, or Person)	Hakke, h., Icquoi-s, f. Esqua, f., “Squaw,” f.

It will be observed that in the previous African words, as also in the North American words introduced into the comparison, the Feminine is formed by adding the letter “s,” (as in the English Prince-ss); a form which prevails widely in the most ancient languages of Europe.

Asia.—Taraikai (as above)	Okai, m.
Negro-land	Okee-tu, f., Uk-assi, f.
Asia.—Georgian	Kasi, m.
Samoied (Men)	Chosowo.
Lasian	Goz, h.
Europe.—Welsh	Gouas, m.
Basque	Giuzona, m.
Negro-land	Guiguienne, f., Guiacar, m.

Third Modification.

Negro-land	Jakkela, m., Ackala, m. [Najakala and Ba cala, M. (Negro), seem to be compounds derived from Ackala and other roots. Ack-ala, Jakk-ela themselves seem to be compounds of “Kai, Hakke,” &c. (the class of words analysed above,) with Alo, &c. terms for “Man,” noticed in other parts of this Analysis.]
South America.—Caraibs	Oukele, h.
North America.—Mexico	Oquichetle, h.

Names for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class VIII. [A Modification of Class VII.]

Asia.—Hebrew (“Man,” as above)	Gou. e, or G o v, h.
Pehlwi	Gebna, m.
Samoied	Chubb, m., Chyb, m.
South Africa.—Hottentots	Chaib, m., Kupp, m.

Names for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class IX.

North Africa.—Egypt	Hoout, h.
Nubia & Abyssinia	Odéÿ, h. Oták, m.
Negro-land.	Ot ga, m., Ot-jee, f.

Conformably to Horne Tooke's principle, A.th.c., “Thou” (Hebrew,) may be regarded as identical with Otak, Ot ga, Ot-jee, the above names for “Man, Woman,” &c.

Asia.—Tribes on the “Jenisei” River	Had-kip, m.
in Siberia	At-kub, m. Hutt, h., Hitt, h. Ket, h., K hitt, h.

These words are composed of simple and of compound synonymes, both derived from the last two classes of words.

Names for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class X.

First Modification.

Negro-land	Mad, h., Made, h., Mutte, h.
Europe.—Icelandic	Mad-ur, m.
Asia.—Kamschatka	Māth, f.

Second Modification.

Negro-land	Messhuhu, m., Muhsa, f. Musee, f.
Asia.—Zend.	Meshio, m.
Taraikai	Mazy, f.
Motorian	Misem, f.
Europe.—Sclavonian	Mosh, m.
Latin.	Mas, m. [Mass-ari, Bass-ari, f.—South Africa.]
Armorican	Maues, f.
South America.—Muyscans	Muysca, m.
Negro-land	Mogee, h.
Europe.—Dalmatian	Muux, m.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class XI.

Negro-land	Ibalu, m., Belb, m., Obellima, m.
South Africa	Am-pele, f.
South America.—Vilellans	Pelé, h.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class XII.

Europe. (Latin and Greek Pronouns, and terminations of Nouns)	“Is,” “Os.”
Latin (To Be)	Esse.
Asia.—Hebrew (“To Be”)	E c . sh. A . ee . sh (Vir.) A . sh . e (Fœmina.) [She—English.]
Negro-land	Osse, h., See, h. Uzu, m. [Turkish—Uz, “Self,” Himself, Myself.]
South Africa.—Hottentots	Zohee, m., Zohee-s, f.
Europe.—Greek (Life)	Zo-ē.
(To live)	Zoō.

Names for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class XIII.

First Modification.

Asia.—Affghan	Meru, m.
Zend	Merete, m.
Persian	Mard, m.
Sanscrit	Mart-ja, m.
Europe.—Latin	Mari-tus, m., Mar-is.

Second Modification.

Asia.—Georgian	K-mari, m.
Africa.—Negro-land	Kamere, m.

Third Modification.

Negro-land	Nu-mero, h.
North America.—Algon. dialects.	Né-marough, h.

Words for “Man, Woman,” &c.—Class XIV.

[Applied chiefly to the Female Sex.]

First Modification.

Europe.—Greek (A Woman)	Gun . ē, f.
Russian	Jena, f.
Latin (“The Mother of the Gods”)	“Juno.”
Asia.—Sanscrit	Jani, f. (Janoni, A Mother.)
Negro-land	Jonnu, f., Djonnu, f., Junoo, f. [Two dominant ideas pervade the words of this class, viz. those of 1, Birth; and 2, Existence in the abstract. As words expressive of ideas of the second class are regarded by philosophical writers as derivatives, the idea of Birth, as in the Greek words Genn-ao, Gun-ē, Genn-ētor, may be viewed as the primary and proper sense.]

The identity of the Negro word “Junoo” with the Latin “Juno,” is a remarkable feature in this comparison.

“Janoni, a Mother, in Sanscrit,” it is observed in an able article in the Edinburgh Review,[^151] “is the manifest origin of the Latin appellation of the mother of the Gods.”

[^151: Vol. XIII., p. 373, Review of Wilkins's Sanscrit Grammar.]

Second Modification.

Words for “Woman.”

South America.—Mocobis	Coenac, f.
Omaguans	Cunia, f.
South Africa.—Hottentots	Aukona, f.

Words for “Man,” (Vir and Homo.)

First Modification.

Negro-land	Gonee, M.
Asia.—Mongol	Kun, M.
Jukadshires	Kun sch, m.

Second Modification.

South Africa	T'kohn, h. [Negro-land—Dikkom, Dim, m., Tewe, f.; Irish—Dae, m. & f.]
N. America.—Algonquyn dialects	Tchainan, h.
Asia.—Corea	Tchin, H.
Europe.—Irish and Welsh	Duine, h., Dean, h.

Names Of “The Hand.”

The African words of this Class collected by Adelung are thirty-six in number. Of these, twenty-nine belong to the languages of the region of pure Negroes. In the following Analysis the whole of these words have been shown to be related to analogous words used in the other great divisions of the Globe.[^152]

[^152: There are only two African words of this class, which have been left unnoticed in the analysis, viz. Blimozeh, “The Hand,” a Negro word, apparently related to “Bulla,” another Negro word for “The Hand,” probably allied also to “Pal-ma,” (Latin;) and Neworeh. “The Hand,” used by the Phellatahs, a tribe of North Africa, who inhabit a tract contiguous to Negro-land. These exceptions are too trifling to call for any qualification of the generality of the above statement.]

Names of “The Hand.”—Class I.

First Modification.

North America.—Mexico	Tom.
North Africa.—Nubia	Tedembeton.
Europe.—Welsh (“To feel”)	Teim-law.
English	“Thumb.”
German (The Thumb)	Daum.
Asia.—Hebrew (To perceive, discern, taste)	Tom.
Africa.—Hottentots (Tongue)	Tamma, and T'inn.
Europe.—English	Tongue.

There are numerous examples to show that the words for the Tongue and the Taste of the Palate are in many, if not in all cases, terms thus applied in a secondary sense, which, in their primary meaning, were applied to “The Hand,” and its Perceptive Functions. Compare the words which occur hereafter (under “The Names for the Hand.—Class X.”) Tusso, “The Hand” (Negro); Dāst, “The Hand” (Persian); Tast-en, “To grope” (German); “Taste” (English).

The names for “The Hand,” and its Functions, have also given rise to numerous words metaphorically expressive of mental operations, as in the above examples: Tom, “The Hand” (Mexican); Tom, To Taste, To Discern, Discernment, Judgment (Hebrew); Tam-ias, A Judge (Greek); Doom, “Dooms-day” (English).

Second Modification.

Negro-land	Dinde, Ninde, Nindi.
South Africa.—Madagascar	Tangh, Tangam, Tangan.
Hottentots	T'unka.
Asia.—Malays Tribes on the “Jenisei” River, in Siberia	Tangan, Tögon, Tono.
Kamschatka	Tono.
North America.—Hudson's Bay. “The Hand”	Tene-law.
“The Tongue”	Tene-thoun.

In these American dialects “Tene” is a general prefix to the names of the senses; “Law” is the distinctive name of the Hand; “Toun” the distinctive name of the Tongue, &c.

Europe.—English	Tongue.
Latin Verbs	Tang-o, Teneo.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class II.

South Africa.—Coronas	T'koam.
North America.—Poconchi	Cam.
Asia.—Hebrew (A Hand-full)	K. m ts.
(To grasp, To lay hold of)	K. m. t.
Europe.—Welsh (To take)	Kum-meryd.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class III.

Negro-land	Bulla.
(Hand and Arm)	Bulla.
Asia.—Persian (The Arm)	B.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class IV.

Negro-land	Obaa.
Europe.—Gothic & Anglo-Saxon (To have)	Hab-an. Häb-ban.
Latin	Hab-ere.

Names of “The hand.”—Class V.

Negro-land	Ononuba.
South America.—Mossans	Nubou, Nuboupé.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class VI.

North Africa.—Egypt. (The Hand and Front Arm)	Koi.
(The Hand)	Gig.
Negro-land	Kook Coco. Kogo. Okuh, Hukko.
Europe.—Finland	Kchesi.
Lapland	Chketsch. Chkatsch.
Hungarian	Keez.
Asia.—Arabic (Cubitus)	Caa.
Tamul (Hand)	Kei.
Georgian	Che.
Persian	Kef, or Gef.
Quasi Quumuq	Kujä.
Ossetian	Koch, Kuch.
N. America.—Nootka Sound	Kook-elixo.
Tschitketans	Katchicou.
Ugaljachmutzi	Kajak-az.
Senecas	Kaschuchta.
St. Barbara's	Huachajâ.
S. America.—Araucans	Cuu, Cuugh.
Brazils	Gepo.
Yarurans	Icchi-mo.

Names of “The Hand.”-Class VII.

The following may be regarded as modifications of the foregoing Class of words:

North Africa.—Egypt [Allied to Gig, “The Hand,” (Egypt) above mentioned]	Shig.
South Africa.—Beetjuanas	Sseak-ja.
Asia.—[Language of the Garrau Mountains, N.E. of Bengal]	Zjâk.
Georgian	Shi.
Chinese	Zjiu, Ziu.
N. America.—Fitzhugh Sound	Shou-shey.
Negro-land	Aschi.
Europe.—Basque	Escua.

The words used in the last two Classes of examples as “Names” for “The Hand,” may be identified in the most unequivocal manner in other instances, as Verbs descriptive of some distinctive Functions of the Hand.

Compare Coco, Okuh, Hukko, Negro names for “The Hand,” with the verbs Kō, “To take,” Ek-ō, “To hold, have, act” (Greek); Ago (Latin).

Compare Aschi (Negro), Escua (Basque), with Esch-ŏn, Isch-ein, Sch-ein, “To hold,” “To have” (Greek).

Compare Katchicou, North American, and Chkatsch, Lapland, names for “The Hand,” with “Catch” (English).

Compare Kef, or Gef (Persian), and Gepo “The Hand” (Brazilian), with Give (English), Geb-en (German).

Compare Kaschuchtah, North American, and Khesi, Fin, names for the Hand, with the verbs Keisio, “To search for” (Welsh), Guess (English); verbs derived from G.sh, “To feel, search for, with the Hand” (Hebrew).

Names of “The Hand.”—Class VIII.

Asia.—Hebrew (The Hand and Forearm)	A.m.e.
Hebrew (“A Finger,” “The Right Hand”)	Ee.m.ee.n. Ee.m.n.e. Ee.m.ee.n.th.
North Africa.—Egypt. The Hand and Forearm)	Mah, Mahe.
South Africa.—Hottentots (Hand)	Omma.
South America.—Sapibocans	Eme.
[See A.m.e (Hebrew) above.] Zamucans	Yumanai.
[See Ee.m.n.e (Hebrew) above.] Salivians	Immomo.

The following may be viewed as modifications of the previous words:[^153]

[^153: On this subject the analysis of Manee and other analogous African words for “Man.” See also Observations on the Algonguyn Dialects of North America]

South Africa.—Lagoa Bay	Mundha.
Europe.—Latin	Manus.

Names of “The hand.”—Class IX.

Negro-land	Ensah, Ensaa.
South Africa.—Caffres	Fansah.
Europe.—Latin (“Handle”)	Ansa or Hansa. [“Ansa, for Hansa,” supine of Hendo, whence “Pre-hendo” (Latin).—Valpy's Etym. Latin Dict.]
Latin (To seize or hold)	Pré-hendo.
Danish, Icelandic, English, and German	Haand, Hond, Hand.
Greek (To take)	Chandano.
Asia, North.—Tribes on the “Jenisei” River, Siberia	Kenar, Kenaran.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class X.

North Africa.—Berber	Idd-egh.
Asia.—Hebrew and Arabic	Eed, Ied.
Pehlwi	Jede-man. [Apparently a compound of Eed or Ied, and Man-us.]
Sumoied, Koibal, and Motorian	Uda, Oda, Udam.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class XI.

North Africa.—Phellatahs	Youngo.
Negro-land	Nakoa.
South Africa.—Hottentots of Saldana Bay	Onekoa.
North America.—Cochimi	Nagona.
Miamis	Onexca. Enahkee.
Iroquois	Eniage.
Algon. dialects	Nachk. Naak.
Europe.—English (Adroitness in any Handy-craft)	Knack.
English (Joints of the Fingers)	Knuck-les.
South America.—Maipurans	Nucápe.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class XII.

First Modification.

South Africa.—Bosjesmans	T'aa.
North America.—Mixtecans	Daha.
Europe.—Welsh (The Right hand)	Dahai.

Second Modification.

Asia.—Persian and Kurd	Dā-st.
Armenian	Tzjern.
Negro-land	Tusso.
Europe.—German (A Claw, a Paw)	Tatze.
German (To grope)	Tast-en.
English (applied to the Palate)	“Taste.”

Third Modification.

Asia.—Kamschatka	Tegi.
Europe.—English (A Verb)	“Take.”
Asia.—Taraikai	Dēk.
Europe.—Latin (The Right Hand)	Dex-tra.
Greek (To take)	Dekomai.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class XIII.

Negro-land	Be.
Asia.—Tribes on the Jenisei, Siberia	Phjaga.
Siam	Pfan.
Europe.—Welsh	Pau-en.
English (applied to animals)	Paw.
South America.—Brazils	Poh, Po.
Omaguans	Pua.
North America.—Mic-Macs	Peton.

Names of “The Hand.”—Class XIV.

First Modification.

Negro-land	Alo, Allo.
Asia.—Turkish	Ell, Elli.
Europe.—(An old Teutonic word applied to the Cubit, or Forearm)	Ell, Elle.
English	El-bow.

Second Modification.

Negro-land	Loho.
Europe.—Welsh	La-o-u.
America.—Chippewayans	Lah.
Hudson's Bay (“The Hand”)	Tene [Tene in this dialect is prefixed to the names of the senses generally. Law, for instance, is the distinctive name of “The Hand,” Thoun is that of “The Tongue,” obviously connected with “Tongue,” (English).]-Law.
(“The Tongue”)	Tene-Thoun.

Third Modification.

Negro-land (Allied to the Negro word Loho, “The Hand,” above)	Loco.
North America.—Penobscot	Oleechee.
Asia.—Tibet	Lag.
Georgian	Cheli.
Europe.—English (Applied to animals)	Claw.
Irish (The Hand)	Glak.
Asia.—Ingumian	Kulku.

Fourth Modification.

Europe.—Greek (The Hand and Front Arm, the Cubit)	Olē n . ē.
N. America.—Pennsylvania	Olœnskam. Alœn-skam.
New Sweden.	Olœnskan. Alœnskan.

Words For “The Tongue.”

In the following Analysis all the South African words, and also all the Negro words of this class, with the exception of “Teckramme,” (probably a compound,) have been shown to be unequivocally connected with important analogous terms in the languages of the other great Continents.

(South Africa,—Tamma Tamme, T'inn.[^154]) See these words illustrated among the words for “The Hand.” See also, under the same head, for examples of the principle that the words applied to “The Tongue,” and its Perceptive Functions, are in many, if not in most cases, secondary or Metaphorical applications of words originally applied to “The Hand,” and its Perceptive Functions; as in Tasten, “To grope,” German; “Taste,” applied to the “Palate,” English. The next words present additional examples of the same principle.

[^154: “Dem gall, Dein gall” (Fulahs and Phellatahs, North Africa), seem to be compounds of these words, with another root.]

Negro-land—Lamai, Lammegue, Lamin, Laming.

Gaelic—Lam, “The Hand;” Greek—Lam-bano, “To take;” Latin—Lam-bo, To lick with the Tongue.

Negro-land—Dali;[^155] Malays of Formosa—Dadila; Turkish—Dil; North America (Nagailers)—Thoula.

[^155: Del emme (Negro-land), “The Tongue,” seems to be a compound of the second and third classes.]

South Africa (Madagascar, & Caffres)—Lella, Leula, Lolemi; North America (Penobscot)—Wee-laulo; Greek—Laleo, “To speak;” Lalia, “Speech.”

Negro-land—Ning; Georgian—Nina; Lasian—Nena, Nen; South America (Kiriri)—Nunu.

Egypt—La sh; Hebrew—L. sh . on . n; Armenian—Ljesu; South Africa (Caffres)—Loodjem.

Negro-land—Essiénkó; Old German—Zunka; Modern German—Zunge.[^156]

[^156: Pehlwi, “Hosuan.” The close connexion between the German and the Pehlwi, and the other dialects of Persia, is indisputable.]

South Africa (Koossas)—Müme; Chinese—Mi; Basque—Mihia, Minni.

North Africa (Berbers)—Narka; South America (Maupurian)—Nuore; Caraibs—Nourou.

North Africa (Dongolan)—Nadka; South America (Betoan)—Ineca.

Words For “The Ear.”

Negro-land—Szemman-kó; Hebrew—Sh.m.o, “To hear.”

Negro-land—Asse Asshabe;[^157] Abyssinia—Ishenha Ashenha; Hebrew—A.z.n.

[^157: South Africa, Zebé, &c.]

Negro-land—Uwasso; Bohemian—Ussi; Greek—Ouas, Ous.

Negro-land—Otuh (Otto, “Ears”); Greek—Ōta (“Ears”); North America (Knistenaux)—Otoweegie.

South Africa (Caffres)—Gevea; Kurd—Guh; Samoied—Ko, Kuo.

North Africa (Berbers)—Ukkegá; Selavonian—Ucho; North America (Shawannos)—Ochtowaga; Greek—Akou-o (“To hear”).

North Africa (Dongolans)—Ulûk; Coriac—Wilugi; Chinese—Uhl.

South Africa—T'no-eingtu, T'naum, T'nunka; Bucharian—Dehâu.

Egypt—Meeje; Japan—Mimi.

Negro-land—Toy; Esquimaux—Tehui; Brazil—Ty.

The majority of the words of the next two Classes (names of “The Foot” and “The Head,”) will be found to admit of a satisfactory explanation. The exceptions are more numerous than in the instance of the words for “The Hand;” but it must be borne in mind that these exceptions do not at all serve to invalidate the inferences that flow from numerous unequivocal examples of a different nature. This combination of many features of difference with numerous points of resemblance is the direct result of the tendency of each race to abandon a portion of the synonymes originally common to all the various races of mankind.

Words For “The Foot.”

Negro-land—(Foot and Leg) Sing; German—Schenkel; English—Shank.

South Africa (Hottentots)—Coap and T'keib; Affghan—Ch pé; Abassian—Sh pe; South America (Mokobis)—Capiate.

Negro-land—Trippe; German-Tripp-en, “To go,” Treppen (“Steps”) English—“Trip.”

Negro-land—Itta; Latin—It-er, “A Journey,” It-um, “Gone;” the participle of the Latin verb Eo, “To go;” Zend—Jeieta, “He goes.”

S. Africa (Hottentots)—Y and Yi; Egypt—I, “To go;” Latin—Eo, “I go.”

South Africa (Hottentots)—Ir-qua; South America (Zamucans)—Irie; Latin—Ire, “To go;” Zend—Harra, “I go.”

Negro-land—Gann; Greenland—Kannak; German—Gehen, “To go,” (Gegangen, “Gone”); Scotch—Gang; Negro-land—It-genge; apparently a compound of the last with a word previously explained.

Negro-land—Nugee; Sclaronic—Noga; South America (Maupurians)—Nuchü, Nucsi.

Egypt—Rat; Welsh—Rodio, “To walk.”

Negro-land—Afo; South America (Vilellans)—Apé; Latin—Pe, Pe-s.

North Africa (Fulahs and Phellatahs)—Kússengál, Kavassongal; Jeniseians—Kassa; Mingrelian—Kutchi; Welsh—Koes, “A Leg;” North America (Shawannos)—Kussie.

Negro-land—Akkau, Ugod; N. W. of America and N. E. of Asia (Tschuktsches)—Iguk; (Kadjak)—Igugu; Turkish—Ajak, Ajag.

Negro-land—Kulu, Kolo; Mongol—Kull, Koll.

Negro-land—Tangue; North America (Mixtecan)—Tohuan “Feet;” South Africa—Tóoh; English—Toe; Saxon—Da; Dutch—Deen.

Nubia—Regget; Hebrew—R . g . l.

S. Africa—Lefack; English—Leg; Wogul—Lagyl; Pehlwi—Lager-man.

Negro-land—E'ns-zih, and (Caffre) En-jau, appear to be allied to the Latin—Eo, Eundo; Italian—And-are; English—Wend, Went; German—Wenden.

South Africa—Hoots; Armenian—Oat, Woat; Welsh—Wad-n; German—Wad-en, “To go;” English—“Wade;” Latin—“Vad-o.”

Words For “The Head.”

Negro-land—Kung, Koon, Ikkungee, Ukkoong; Brazilian—Acang, Yahange; Irish—Ken; (German—König; English—King, i.e. “A Head.”)

South Africa—Olo, Loha; Hebrew—Ol, “Above,” “To ascend;” Motorian—Ulu, “A Head.”

South Africa—Klogo; Irish—Kloigean; Welsh—Ben-glog, “A Skull;” Hebrew—G. l. g. l. th, (The Human Skull, Golgotha); Armenian—Kluch; Jeniseians—Kolkä;[^158] Sclavonian—Golowa “A Head.”

[^158: Hence, apparently, Lücko, Loko,—South Africa.]

Egypt—Kahi, Jo; Negro-land—Go, Ko, Kujuoo; South Africa—Kŏhho; Jeniseians—Koïgo; German—Kopf.

Negro-land—Ta, Tu; South Africa—Dooha; Georgian—T'awi; Chinese—T'eu; North America (Nagailers)—Thie.

Negro-land—Tabu; Persian—Tab, (“Top;”) German—Topp; North America (Mohegans)—Dup, Utup, (“Head.”)

Fulahs and Phellatahs—Hore, Horde; Hebrew—Or, “To rise.”

South Africa (Hottentots)—Biquäau; South America (Aymarans)—Pegke; North America (New England)—Bequoquo; English—Peak, Beak.

Hottentots—Minung; Chinese—Mien, “The Face;” English—“Mien,” and French—“Mine.”

Negro-land—Oitju, Ithu; South America (Zamucans)—Yatoitac; Welsh—Yaad; English—Head, Height.

Negro-land—Boppe, Bapp; South America (Yaoans)—Boppe; (Caraibs)—Opoupou; North America (Woccons)—Poppe.

South Africa (Hottentots)—T'naa; Isle of Man—Tchynn.

Words For “Water.”

Class I.

South Africa.—Hottentots	Ouata.
Europe—Russian	Ouade.
Swedish	Wat-n.
English	Wat-er, “Wet.”
Latin (“Moist”)	Ud-us.
N. America.—Algonquyn dialects	Wt-achsu.
Cora (“The Sea”)	Vaat. [“Water,” Ahti, Cora,—Atl, Mexico.]
Mexico (“The Sea”)	Veyat-l.

It will be observed that the root or common base of all these words is the same as that of “Wet, Wat-er,” (English.) They differ only in those grammatical inflexions in which various words of the same language differ.

Words for “Water.”—Class II.

North Africa.—Egypt (“Aquæ”)	Eiooue.
North America.—Woccons	Eau. [Eau, “Water,” French.]
Cheerokees	Auwa.
Muskohges	Wewa.
Europe.—Welsh	Wy, or Gwy.
[Hence the name of the River]	“The Wye.”
Icelandic	Aa.
Anglo-Saxon	Ea, Eia. [Iâ, “Ice,” Welsh.]
Asia.—Kamschatka	Ja, Ii.
Samoied	Ii, I.
Negro-land	Ji.
South America.—Guaranian	Ī, I.
Brazilian	Y.

Words for “Water.”—Class III.

North America.—Chikkasahs	O kah, Ookaw.
Europe.—Irish	Oixe.
Latin	Aqua.
South America.—Quicuans	Yacu.

Words for “Water.”—Class IV.

South America.—Quicuans	Unu.
Negro-land	Nu.
N. America.—Kolushians	Iin, Jin.
Negro-land	Inssuo, Ensu.

Words for “Water.”—Class V.

[The words of this Class appear to be compounds of words of the last two Classes.]

Compare the previous words for Water, viz.:

Europe—Irish	Oixe,
North America—Chikkasahs	Okah, Ookaw.

with the following words:

North America.—Oneidas	Oghnacauno.
Europe.—Greek and Latin. (The Ocean)	Ō keano, or Ōkeano-s.
North America.—Senecas	Oneekanoosh.
Muynckussar	Oneegha.
Asia.—Anam	Nuock, Nak.
Coriac (The Sea)	Anchon, Ancho.
Negro-land	Enchion. [There are other analogous words,—Endschey, “Water,” Negro-land, Ente, “A Duck,” i.e. “A Water Fowl,” German.]

Words for “Water.”—Class VI.

South Africa.—Gallas	Bischan.
Asia.—Circassian	Pishi.
Kurilians	Pi, Peh.
Samoied	Bi, Be.
North America.—Delawares	Beh.
New Sweden	Bij.
Europe.—Greek (To drink)	Pi-ō.
Latin (To drink)	Bi-b-o.

Words for “Water.”—Class VII.

Negro-land	Asioué. [Mongol, Usu; Tibet, “Tschu.”]
Asia.—Jeso	Azui. [North America (Azanax), Eslenes.]
Chinese	Shui.
Turkish	Schuy, Su.
North America.—Runsienes	Ziy.

Words for “Water.”—Class VIII.

North Africa.—Dongolans	Esseg.
Europe.—Irish or Gaelic	Eask, Uisge.
Welsh or Celtic of Britain. [British Names of Streams]	The “Esk,” The “Usk.”

These Celtic words are the chief basis of Edward Llwyd's theory, that the Britons were preceded by a Gaelic tribe, who gave names to these streams. The extreme antiquity of these words is certain:

Swedish (To wash)	Wase a.
Old German	Wask-en, Wasc-an.

The following five Classes of words, from VIII. to XIV., may be regarded as mutually connected.

Words for “Water.”—Class IX.

First Modification.

North Africa.—Abyssinia	Mi, Me.
Egypt	Mōou, Mau.
Egypt (Seas)	Amaiou.
Negro-land (Water)	Améh.
Asia.—Chinese	Moi, Mui.
Pehlwi	Mea.
Hebrew	Me, (Meem).
Hebrew (The Sea)	Ee . am, or Jam.
Japan (The Sea)	Umi.
Arabic (Water)	Ma.
South America.—Vilellans	Ma.
Aymarans	Huma.
North America.—Cherokees	Amma.
[Compare the above Negro word Améh.]
Europe.—Latin	Hum-or.
Adjective, “Wet”	Hum-idus.
[Compare Huma, “Water.” South American, above; and Umi, “The Sea,” (Japan), above.]

Words for “Water.”—Class X.

Negro-land	Mage.
North America.—Greenland	Imack.
Tschuktsches	Emak, Mok.
South America.—Araucan	Mouke.
Europe.—Latin & English	Muc-us.
English	Muggy.
Asia.—Hebrew (To flow, dissolve)	M. g.

Words for “Water.”—Class XI.

North Africa.—Egypt (To irrigate, To drink)	Matsos.
Negro-land, Water	Mazei. Mazia. Masa.
South Africa	Maasi, Meetsi. Matee.
Asia.—Japan	Mizzu, Midz. Misi.
Europe.—Latin (Wet)	Mad-idus.
English	“Mizzle”, Moist. Mist.

Words for “Water.”—Class XII.

North Africa.—Berbers	Amanga.
Egypt (Ram) (A Torrent, A Stream)	Mounoshe. Mouns-ōr. em.
South Africa.—Caffre Tribes	Amaansi. Amaanzu.
N. America.—Nadowessians	Ménâ. Meneh.
Asia.—Koibal (A Stream)	Meanlai.
Chaldee (Waters)	Main.
Europe.—Latin (To flow)	Man-o.

Names for “Water.”—Class XIII.

[Apparently connected with Class IX.]

Asia.—Heb. “The Sea,” (as above)	Jam, or Ee . am.
Tibet (“The Sea”)	Gjiamzo.
Kurd (A Stream)	Tcham.
South Africa.—Hottentot Tribes (Water)	Kam, Kamme, T'kamme.

Words for “Water.”—Class XIV.

Negro-land	Koro.
North Africa.—Afnu	Grua.
Asia.—Pelu (“Rain”)	Chuura.
Tuschi (“Rain”)	Kare.
Kalmuck (Rain)	Chura.
Armenian (Water)	Tschu r. [Dour, Water, (Welsh); Jura, “The Sea,” (Lettish.) Ejern (Abyssinian), “Water,” seems also to be connected with “Tschur,” “Jura,” &c.]

Words for “Water.”—Class XV.

N. Africa.—Egypt (A Stream)	Eïoor.
(Water)	Erōn.
South Africa.—Madagascar	Rano, Rana. Ranu.
Europe.—English and Anglo-Saxon “Pluvia”	Rain.
Greek “Flowing” (applied to Water)	Rhĕōn.
Celtic (The name of a stream in Gaul)	“The Rhône.” [Many examples serve to show that the names of Streams, &c., in Gaul, as preserved by the French, are in many instances more faithful transcripts of the original Celtic appellations than the names preserved by Latin writers.]

Words for “Water.”—Class XVI.

Negro-land	Doc, Dock, M'dock.
Asia.—Tribes on the “Jenisei” River, Siberia	Dok.
Kamschatka (The Sea)	Adŭcka.
Europe.—English (“To put under water,” “A water-fowl,”—Dr. Johnson)	Duck.
S. Africa.—Hottentots (Water)	T'kohaa.

The following words for “Water” seem also to be unequivocally related viz.: Basque—Itsassoa; Negro-land—Itchi; Samoieds—Ija, Ja; South America (Cayubabans)—Ikita; North America (Katahbans)—Ejau.

Appendix B. Containing (Arranged According To The Tribes And Regions Of Africa) The African Words Compared In Appendix A, With The Corresponding Terms In The Languages Of Asia, Europe, And America.

AFRICAN WORDS GEOGRAPHICALLY ARRANGED.

Fire, Sun, Day, Eye, Moon, Heaven.

North Africa.

Egypt.—“Fire,” Chrom, Grom, Krom, Kōh-th, from Koe, “To burn.” “Sun,” Ra, Re. “Names of the Gods of the Sun,” Khem, Hor, Serapis, Osiri. “Day,” Haou, Eoohu,—(connected with “Glory,” Joh, Ooh, Oih, and “Moon,” Oou, “Lunus,” Joh.) “Eye,” Iri, Bal. “Moon,” Joh, Oou. “Heaven,” Pe, Phe, plural “Heaven-s,” Neth-phe,[^159] Ne-pheou. “Name of the Goddess of the Heavens, or Firmament,” Net-phe.

[^159: Like the Greek, Ouranoi, “A singular-plural.”]

Nubia and Abyssinia.—“Fire,” Haúÿ (Abyss.); Ton-ih, (Nub.) “Sun,” Tuahhéy (Abyss.); Tôin, (Nub.) “Day,” Máaltih (Abyss.); Wúrabe, (Nub.) “Eye,” Aineha (Abyss.); Aina addela, Egôat, (Nub.) “Moon,” Wúrrhÿ (Abyss.); Totrig, (Nub.) “Heaven,” Szemmeÿ (Abyss.); Tébre, (Nub.)

Berbers and Dongolans.—“Fire,” Îka (Ber.); Îk, (Don.) “Sun,” Maschékka (Ber.); Masilk, (Don.) “Day,” Ogrêska (Ber.); Ogrêska, (Don.) “Eye,” Manga (Ber.); Missigh, (Don.) “Moon,” O'natejá. (Ber.); Scharâppa, (Don.) “Heaven,” Szèmma (Ber.); Szémma, (Don.)

Phellatahs and Fulahs.—“Fire,” Njite (Phel.); Gia-hingol, (Ful.) “Sun,” Nonge (Phel.); Nahangue, (Ful.) “Day,” Njellauma, (Phel.) “Eye,” Gîteh (Phel.); Hyterr, (Ful.) “Moon,” Liulú (Phel.); Leoure, (Ful.) “Heaven,” Szemma (Phel.); Hyalla, (Ful.)

Negro-Land.

Jolofs and Sereres.—“Fire,” Safara, (Jol.) “Sun,” Ghiante-finkan, Guiante, Burhum safara (Jol.); Fosseye, (Ser.) “Day,” Lelegh, Huer, Beuhuli, (Jol.) “Eye,” Smabutt, Batte, Guitte, (Jol.) “Moon,” Uhaaire, Verr, Burhum safara lionn (Jol.); Coll, (Ser.) “Heaven,” Assaman, Assamane (Jol.); Rogue, (Ser.)

Mandingoes.—“Fire,” Deemwa. “Sun,” and also “Day,” Teelee. “Day,” Teelee. “Eye,” Neay. “Moon,” Korro, Pandintee. “Heaven,” Santo.

Jalunkan and Sokko.—“Sun,” Telle (Jal.); Tillee, (Sok.) “Moon,” Karree (Jal.); Kalla, (Sok.) “Heaven,” Margetangala (Jal.); Bandee, (Sok.)

Kanga, Mangree, and Gien.—“Sun,” Jiro (Kan.); Lataa (Man.); Jinaa, (Gien.) “Moon,” Tjo (Kan.); Su, (Gien.)

Fetu, Fanti; and Gold Coast.—“Fire,” Edjà, (Fetu.) “Sun,” Egwju (Fetu.); Uwia, (G. Coast.) “Day,” Ada, (Fetu.) “Eye,” Enniba, (Fetu.); Eniba, (G. Coast.) “Moon,” Osran (Fetu); Assara (G. Coast.) “Heaven,”[^160] Araiáni (Fetu); Njame, (Fanti.)

[^160: Omitted in previous Analysis: Araiáni, “Heaven” (Fetu); Ouran-os, “Heaven” (Greek); Enniba, Eniba [above], “Eye.” [See Appendix A, pp. 42, 43.] Njame, see Djau, “Heaven,” “Air” (Sanscrit); Ada, “Day” (Fetu); from Edja, “Fire,” Egwju, “Sun” (Fetu).]

Amina, Akkim, and Akripon.—“Sun,” Eiwiaa (Am.); Awia (Ak.); Ou, (Akr.) “Moon,” Osseram (Am.); Osseranni (Ak.); Ofendi, (Akr.) “Heaven,” Jankombum (Am.); Jahinee (Ak.); Aduankam, (Akr.)

Akrai and Tambi.—“Fire,” La, (Ak.) “Sun,” Hun (Ak.); Pum, (Tam.) “Eye,” Hinma, (Ak.) “Moon,” Dubliman (Ak.); Horambi, (Tam.) “Heaven,” Jankombum (Ak.); Nguai (Ak.); Ngoi [which means also, “Thunder in the Air,”] (Ak.); Giom, (Tam.)

Widah, Papah, and Watje.—“Sun,” Wetaga (Pap.); Uä, (Wat.) “Eye,” Noucou [plural], (Wid.) “Moon,” Su-ede, (Pap.) “Heaven,” Jiwel, (Pap.)

Kongo and Angola.—“Fire,” Tubhia (Kon.); Tubia (Kon. & Ang.); Bazou, (Kon.) “Sun,” N'tzai, Tangu, (Kon.) “Moon,” Gonde, Gonda, (Kon.) “Heaven,” Sullu (Kon.); Ulu, (Ang.)

Loango, Mandongo, and Camba.—“Fire,” Bazu, (Lo.) “Sun,” Tangoa (Lo.); Attaschi (Man.); Tango, (Cam.) “Moon,” Gonda (Lo.); Agonne (Man.); Gonda, (Cam.) “Heaven,” Iru (Lo.); Sambiam-pungo (Man.); Julo, (Cam.)

Karabari, Ibo, and Mokko.—“Sun,” Anjam (Ka.); A-un, Anjau (Ibo); Eju, (Mok.) “Moon,” Omma (Ka.); Ongma, Aoueh (Ibo); Affiam, (Mok.) “Heaven,” Elukwee (Ka.); Tschukko, Ellu (Ibo); Ibanju, (Mok.)

Wawu and Tembu.—“Sun,” Jirri (Wa.); Wis, (Tem.) “Moon,” Mone (Wa.); Igodu, (Tem.) “Heaven,” Barriadad (Wa.); So, (Tem.)

Krepeers, Ashantees, and Kassenti.—“Fire,” Dio (Kre.); Egia, (Ash.) “Sun,” Uwin, (Kas.) “Eye,” Onuku (Kre.); Wannua, (Ash.) “Moon,” Ungmar, (Kas.) “Heaven,” Ktāk, (Kas.)

Affadeh.—“Fire,” Hu. “Sun,” Zú. “Day,” Phadeenszo. “Eye,” Szanko. “Moon,” Tédi. “Heaven,” Dilko.

Mobba and Schilluck.—“Fire,” Wussik (Mob.); Mâssze, (Sch.) “Sun,” Engik (Mob.); Róongéh, (Sch.) “Day,” Dalkáh, (Mob.) “Moon,” Ûk, (Mob.) “Heaven,” Szemma, (Mob.)

Dâr Fûr and Dâr Runga.—“Fire,” Otu (Dâr F.); Nissiek, (Dâr R.) “Sun,” Duléh (Dâr F.); Agñing, (Dâr R.) “Day,” Lô (Dâr F.) “Eye,” Nûnjiéh (Dâr F.); Khasso, (Dâr R.) “Moon,” Kámmer (Dâr F.); Medding, (Dâr R.) “Heaven,” Szémma, (Dâr F.)

Fire, Sun, Day, Eye, Moon, Heaven.

South Africa.

Gallas.—“Fire,” Ibida. “Heaven,” Ivaq.

Madagascar.—“Fire,” Lelaffu. “Sun,” Masso anro, Māssŏ andrōû. (Eye of Day), Massoam, Massoanrü. “Day,” Arcik ando Majava, Antu, Andru. “Eye,” Massou, Massoo, Masso, Massorohi. “Moon,” Woelau, Volān, Bo, Bolan, Volan. “Heaven,” Atemco, Danghitsi, Langhitsi, Lainch, Langhits.

Koossa, Beetjuanas, Lagoa Bay, and Caffres.—“Fire,” Umlilo (Koos.); Mulélo (Beet.); Lilo, Leaw, (Caf.) “Sun,” Lélanga, (Koos.); Leetshaatsi (Beet.); Diambo (Lag. B.); Lelanga, Eliang, (Caf.) “Day,” Imine (Koos.); Motsichari, (Beet.) “Eye,” Amesligo (Koos.); Liklŏ (Beet.); Tewho, (Lag. B.) “Moon,” Injanga (Koos.); Köhri (Beet.); Moomo (Lag. B.); Janga, Inyango, (Caf.) “Heaven,” Isuhlu (Koos.); Maaro, (Beet.)

Bosjemans, Coronas, Hottentots, and Saldannä Bay.—“Fire,” Tjih (Bos.); T'aib (Cor.); T'ei, T'ei eip, Nèip, Ecy, Ei, (Hot.) “Sun,” T'kòăra (Bos.); Soröhb (Cor.); Sore, Sorrie, Sorrè, Sorri, Surrie (Hot.); Sore, (Sal. B.) “Day,” T'gaa, (Bos.); Sorökŏa, (Cor.) “Eye,” T'saguh (Bos.); Muhm (Cor.); Mo, Mu, Mum, Moe, (Hot.) “Moon,” T'káukăruh (Bos.); T'khaam (Cor.); K'cha, T'ga, Tohâ, Kā (Hot.); Gam, (Sal. B.) “Heaven,” T'gachuh (Bos.); Homma, (Sal. B.)

Man, Woman, Human Being.

[m. marks Nouns Masculine; f. Nouns Feminine; h. words for a Human Being, whether Male or Female.]

North Africa.

Egypt.—Hoout, m. and h., Hime, f., Himi, f., Lomi, f. and h.[^161]

[^161: Also A.nah, “To live,” (Anok I.)—Egypt.]

Abyssinia and Nubia.—Szebbat, h. (Ab.); Odey, h. (Nub.); Szebbey, m. (Ab.); Auadseh, m., Oták, m. (Nub.); Szebbéitÿ, f. (Ab.); “Indáki”, f., Tétakkát, f. (Nub.)

Berbers and Dongolans.—Adémga, m. (Ber.); Ogikh, m. (Don.); Edinga, f. (Ber.); Enga, f. (Don.)

Phellatahs and Fulahs.—Nékdo, h., Gúrko, m. (Phel.); Gorko mahodo, m. (Ful.); Debbo, f. (Phel.); Debo, f. (Ful.)

Negro-land.

Iolofs and Sereres.—Gour, h., Garr, h. (Iol.); Core, h. (Ser.); Goourgne, m., Guiacar, m., Guiaccar, m. (Iol.); Cow, m. (Ser.); Digin, f., Guiguienne, f., Diguén, f. (Iol.); Tewe, f. (Ser.)

Mandingos.—Mo, h., Kea, m., Fato, m., Musha, f.

Jallunkans and Sokko.—Mogee, h. (Jal.); Manni, h. (Sok.); Kai, m. (Jal.); Kjä, m. (Sok.); Musee, f. (Jal.); Mussu, f. (Sok.)

Kanga, Mangree, and Gien.—Ngumbo, h. (Kan.); Mia, h. (Man.); Me, h. (Gien); Nebeju, m. (Kan.); Laniu, m. (Man.); Unsoibe, m. (Gien); Junoo, f. (Kan.); Auwee, f. (Man.); Lung, f. (Gien).

Fetu, Fanti, and Gold Coast.—Enipa, h. (Fanti); Nipa, h., Baning, m., Bubasja, f. (Fetu); Hiro, f. (G. Coast.)

Amina, Akkim, and Akripon.—Ojippa, h. (Am.); Nippa, h. (Akkim); Osse, h. (Akri.); Obaini, m. (Am.); Obellima, m. (Akkim); Unji, m. (Akri.); Obbaa, f. (Am.); Obia, f. (Akkim); Otjee, (Akri.)

Akrai and Tambi.—Biomo, h., Biommo, h. (Ak.); Numero, h. (Tam.); Nu, m. (Ak.); Njummu, m. (Tam.); Nga, f., In, f. (Ak.)

Papah, and Watje.—Emme, h. (Pap.); Ammee, h. (Wat.); Messuhu, m. (Pap.); Uzu, m. (Wat.); Djonnu, f. (Pap.); Jonnu, f. (Wat.)

Kongo.—Eiecala-muntu, h., Mundu, h., Ackala, m., Jakkela, m., Bacala, m., Kentu, f., Quinto, f.

Loango, Mandongo, and Camba.—Mond, h. (Lo.); Mutte, h. (Man.); Monami, h. (Cam.); Bakala, m., Bakkara, m. (Lo.); Najalaka, m. (Man.); Olummi, m. (Cam.); Kento, f., Tjendo, f. (Lo.); Okeetu, f. (Man.); Ukassi, f. (Cam.)

Karabari, Ibo, and Mokko.—Mad, h. (Kar.); Made, h. (Ibo.); Auwo, h. (Mok.); Mammoku, m. (Kar.); Mook, m., Dikkom, m., Dim, m., (Ibo); Iden, m. (Mok.); Mangman, f. (Kar.); Mai, f., Wei, F. (Ibo); Wan, f. (Mok.)

Wawu and Tembu.—See, h. (Wa.); Iraa, h. (Tem.); Gonee, m. (Wa.); Ibalu, m. (Tem.); Anna, f. (Wa.); Alo, f. (Tem.)

Kassenti.—Umir, h., Otga, m., Uppi, f.

Affadeh.—Mágu, h., Beló, m., Kerim, f.

Schilluck.—Tabànje, m., Uréh, f.

Dâr Fûr and Dâr Runga.—Koá, h., Duéh, m. (D. Fur.); Kamére, m. (D. Run.); Jânkuèh, f. (D. Fur.); Mmi, f. (D. Run.)

South Africa.

Madagascar.—Oelun, h., Olon, h., Urun, h., Lelay, m., Lăhē, m., Orrang, m., Văiăve, f., Bayave, f., Ampele, f.

Koossas, Beetjuanas, Lagoa Bay, and Caffres.—Uhmto, h. (Koos.); Muhnto, h. (Beet.); Monhee, h. (L. Bay); Monúna, m. (Beet.); Indóda, m. (Koos.); Doda, m., Abaandoo, m. (Caf.); Umfási, f. (Koos.); Massári, or Bassari, f. (Beet.); Aduhast, f. (L. Bay); Omfaas, f. (Caf.)

Bosjemans, Coronas, Hottentots, and Saldannä Bay.—T'kūi h. (Bos.); T'kohn, h. (Cor.); T'na, m. (Bos.); Köuh, m., Kauh, m., Chaib, M. (Cor.); Kùpp, m., K'quique, m., Zohee, m., Qûoique, m., Quaina, m. (Hot.); T'aifi, f. (Bos.); Chaisas, f. (Cor.); Ankona, f. (Sal. B.); Honnes, f., Kus, f., K'quiquis, Zohees, f., Kȳoiquis, f., Quaishha, f. (Hot.)

Parts Of The Body, Hand, Arm, &c.

North Africa.

Egypt.—“Hand,” Gig, Shig [The Hand and Fore-Arm], Koi, Mah, Mahe. “Tongue,” Lash. “Ear,” Meeje.[^162] “Nose,” Sha. “Foot,” Rat, [I, “To go.”] “Head,” Kahi, Jo.

[^162: The great majority of the African words for the Nose (a class not included in Appendix A) have been explained in other parts of this work.]

Abyssinia and Nubia.—“Hand,” Tedémbetôn, (Nub.) “Tongue,” Mülhassh (Abyss.); E'midáp, (Nub.) “Ear,” A'shinhá (Abyss.); Ishenáh, Wongwil, (Nub.) “Nose,” Affinkjáha (Abyss.); A'ffinkjách, Ognûf, (Nub.) “Foot,” Tarékkas (Abyss.); Regget, (Nub.) “Head,” Râassih (Abyss.); Dimmáha, O'gürmá, (Nub.)

Berbers and Dongolans.—“Hand,” Iddegh (Ber.); Ihg, (Don.) “Tongue,” Nárka (Ber.); Nádka, (Don.) “Ear,” U'kkegá (Ber.); Ulûk, (Don.) “Nose,” Szurringa, (Ber. & Don.) “Foot,” Oèntúga (Ber.); Ossentuge, (Don.)

Phellatahs and Fulahs.—“Hand,” Néworéh (Phel.); Youngo, (Ful.) “Tongue,” Démgal (Phel.); D'heingall, (Ful.) “Ear,” Nuppi (Phel.) Noppy, (Ful.) “Nose,” Njelhinerát (Phel.); Hener, (Ful.) “Foot,” Kússengál (Phel.); Kavassongal, (Ful.) “Head,” Hóre (Phel.); Horde, (Ful.)

Negro-land.

Iolofs and Sereres.—“Hand,” Loho, Loco [properly the Arm], Lokoo (Iol.); Bayie, (Ser.) “Tongue,” Laming, Lamai, Lammegue, Lamin (Iol.); Delemme, (Ser.) “Ear,” Smanoppe, Nope, Noppe (Iol.); Noffe, (Ser.) “Nose,” Smak-bookan, Bacann, Boucanne, Baccané (Iol.); Guisse, (Ser.) “Foot,” Simatank, Tangue (Iol.); Guiaf, (Ser.) “Head,” Smababb, Boppe, Bappe, Bop (Iol.); Coque, (Ser.).

Mandingos.—“Hand,” Bulla, Boula [Hand and Arm]. “Tongue,” Ning. “Ear,” Toola. “Nose,” Noong. “Foot,” Sing. “Head,” Kung, Koon.

Jallunkans and Sokko.—“Hand,” Ibolee (Jal.); Bulla, Blu, (Sok.) “Foot,” Itgenge (Jal.); Afo, (Sok.) “Head,” Ikkunjee (Jal.); Ukkung, (Sok.)

Kanga, Mangree, and Gien.—“Hand,” Nakoa (Kan.); Ikko, (Gien.) “Foot,” Namboo (Kan.); Trippi (Man.); Nugee, (Gien.) “Head,” Nandewu (Kan.); Tri (Man.); Ungo, (Gien.)

Fetu and Gold Coast.—“Hand,” Ensah, (Fetu.) “Tongue,” Teckremà (Fetu); Decrame, (G. Coast.) “Ear,” Asschaba (Fetu); Asso, (G. Coast.) “Nose,” Engvvinni (Fetu); O-u-nom, (G. Coast.) “Foot,” Anan, (Fetu.) “Head,” Etyr (Fetu); Eteri, (G. Coast.)

Amina, Akkim, and Akripon.—“Hand,” En-saa, Obaa (Am. & Akkim); Obaa, (Akri.) “Foot,” Onang (Am. & Akkim); Djabi, (Akri.) “Head,” Utieri (Am.); Metih (Akkim); Nuntji, (Akri.)

Akrai and Tambi.—“Hand,” Nindeh, Dinde, Nindé (Ak.); Nindi, (Tam.) “Arm,” Nindeh, (Ak.) “Ear,” Toy, (Ak.) “Foot,” Nanne, Nandé, (Ak.); Nandi, (Tam.) “Head,” Ithu, Oitju (Ak.); Ii, (Tam.)

Widah, Papah, and Watje.—“Hand,” Alo (Wid.); Allo (Pap.); Aschi, (Wat.) “Ears,” Otto, (Wid.) “Nose,” Aonty, (Wid.) “Foot,” Affo (Wid.); Afo, (Pap. & Wat.) “Head,” Ta, (Pap. & Wat.)

Kongo and Angolan.—“Hand,” Moco [pl.], Kook, Coco, (Kon.) “Foot,” Malu (Kon.); Quirio, (An.) “Head,” Ontu, (Kon.)

Loango, Mandongo, and Camba.—“Hand,” Kogo (Lo.); Koko, (Man. & Cam.) “Foot,” Kulu (Lo. & Cam.); Kolo, (Man.) “Head,” Tu (Lo.); Motu, (Man. & Cam.)

Karabari, Ibo, and Mokko.—“Hand,” Okuh (Kar.); Hukko (Ibo); Ono-nuba, (Mok.) “Foot,” Akkah (Kar.); Akkau (Ibo); Ugod, (Mok.) “Head,” Issi (Kar. & Ibo); Iboil, (Mok.)

Wawu and Tembu.—“Hand,” Be (Wa.); Nin, (Tem.) “Foot,” Gann (Wa.); Navorre, (Tem.) “Head,” Angoru (Wa.); Kujuoo, (Tem.)

Krepeer, Ashantees, and Kassenti.—“Hand,” Inno, (Kas.) “Arm,” Assij (Kre.); Osa, (Ash.) “Ear,” Otuh (Kre.); Uwasso, (Ash.) “Nose,” Amonthi (Kre.); Ohüny, (Ash.) “Foot,” Itta, (Kas.) “Head,” Ota (Kre.); Otri (Ash.); Dür, (Kas.)

Affadeh.—“Hand,” Blimszeh. “Tongue,” Essiénkó. “Ear,” Szémmankó. “Nose,” Démulzungenkó. “Foot,” E'nszih. “Head,” Go, Ko.

Dâr Fûr and Dâr Runga.—“Hand,” Enkeffy [Surface of the Hand], (D. Fur.) “Tongue,” Dali, (D. Fur.) “Ear,” Dilá (D. Fur.); Nesso, (D. Run.) “Nose,” Dürméh, (D. Fur.) “Foot,” Tárinmúfsaly (D. Fur.); Itar, (D. Run.) “Head,” Tabú, (D. Fur.)

South Africa.

Beetjuana-Caffres, Corona-Hottentots, and Madagascar.—“Hand,” T'koam (Cor.-Hot.); Tang'am, (Mad.) “Tongue,” Lolemi (Beet.-Kaf.); Lella, Leula, (Mad.) “Ears,” Zébe (Beet.-Kaf.); Soffi, (Mad.) “Nose,” Ongko, (Beet.-Kaf.); Orong, (Mad.)

Madagascar.—“Hand,” Tang'am, Tangan, Tangh. “Tongue,” Lella, Leula, Lēlã, Lela. “Ear,” Souffy, Soofi. “Nose,” Orung, Urun, Oron. “Foot,” Hoots, Lefack, Ungoor, Lafatungu, Tombut, “Head,” Loha, Dooha, Lua.

Koosas, Beetjuanas, Lagoa Bay, and Caffres.—“Hand,” Mundha (L. Bay); Fansa (Caf.); Isanga (Koos.); Sseaakja, (Beet.) “Tongue,” Mume (Koos.); Lolémi (Beet.); Loodjem, (L. Bay.) “Ear,” Elébe (Koos.); Zébe (Beet.); Gevea, (L. Bay.) “Nose,” Poomlu (Koos.); Ongkŏ (Beet.); Numpho, (L. Bay.) “Foot,” Jénjăo (Koos.); Lónao (Beet.); Chizenda (L. Bay); Enjau, (Caf.) “Head,” Klogo (Koos.); Kŏhho (Beet.); Lücko (L. Bay); Loko, (Caf.)

Bosjemans, Coronas, Hottentots, and Saldannä Bay.—“Hand,” T'aa (Bos.); T'kŏám (Cor.); Onecoa (Sal. B.); T'unka, Omma, (Hot.) “Tongue,” T'in (Bos.); Tamma (Cor. & Hot.); Tamme, (Sal. B.) “Ear,” T'no-cingtu (Bos.); T'naum (Cor.); Naho (Sal. B.); Nouw [pl.], (Hot.) “Nose,” T'nuhntu (Bos.); T'geub (Cor.); Tui, Zakui (Sal. B.); T'koi, Koyb, Qui, Ture, Thuké, Qûoi, (Hot.) “Foot,” T'oóah (Bos.); T'keib (Cor.); Coap (Sal. B.); Y, Itqua, Yi, (Hot.) “Head,” T'naa (Bos.); Minuong (Cor.); Biquäau, Biqua, Bigûa, (Hot.)

Water.

North Africa.

Egypt.—“Aquæ,” Eiooue, Mōou, Mau. “Seas,” Amaiou. “Rain,” Mou-noshe. “A Torrent, A Stream,” Mouns-ōr. em. “To irrigate, To drink,” Matsos. “A Stream,” Eioor, Erōn.

Abyssinia and Arabia.—Mi (Abyss.); Me, Ejern, (Nub.)

Berbers and Dongolans.—Amánga (Ber.); Esseg, (Don.)

Negro-land.

Iolofs.—M'doch, Doc, Dock.

Mandingos.—Ji, Gee,

Fetu and Gold Coast.—Ensu (Fetu); Enchion, (G. Coast.)

Akrai.—Nuh.

Widah.-Asioué.

Kongo and Angola.—Masa (Kon. & Ang.); Mazia, (Ang.)

Loango.—Mazei.

Krepeer and Ashantees.—Itchi (Kre.); Inssuo, (Ash.)

Affadeh.—Améh.

Mobba and Schilluck.—E'ndschÿ (Mob.); Mage [also Cold], (Sch.)

Dâr Fûr and Dâr Runga.—Kóro, (D. Fûr); Tta, (D. Run.)

South Africa.

Gallas.—Bischan.

Madagascar.—Rano, Rana, Ranü.

Koosas, Beetjuanas, Lagoa Bay, and Caffres.—Ammaansi (Koos.); Meetsi (Beet.); Matce (Lag. B.); Maasi, Ammanzu, (Caf.)

Huswanas.—T'kaē.

Bosjemans, Coronas, Hottentots, and Saldannä Bay.—T'kohaa (Bos.), T'kamma (Cor. & Hot.); Kamma, Kamme, Kām (Hot.); Ouata, (Sal. Bay.)

Footnotes