## The Project Gutenberg eBook of Mr. Ray's travels, Vol. 2

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Title: Mr. Ray's travels, Vol. 2

A collection of curious travels and voyages. Containing Dr Leonhart Rauwolf's journey into the eastern countries, viz. Syria, Palestine, or the Holy Land, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, &c., translated from the Original High Dutch, by Nicholas Staphorst. And also, travels into Greece, Asia minor, Egypt, Arabia felix, Petræa, Ethiopia, the Red Sea, &c. Collected from the observations of Mons. Belon, Prosper Alpinus, Dr. Huntington, Mr. Vernon, Sir George Wheeler, Dr. Smith, Mr. Greaves, and others. To which are added three catalogues of such trees, shrubs, and herbs, as grow in the Levant. By the Rev. John Ray, F.R.S.

Creator: John Ray

Author: Leonhard Rauwolf

Contributor: Pierre Belon

Translator: Nicolaus Staphorst

Release date: May 30, 2025 [eBook #76193]

Language: English, Latin

Original publication: London: J. Walthoe : D. Midwinter : A. Bettesworth et al, 1738

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/76193

Credits: Charlene Taylor, Adrian Mastronardi, David Garcia. and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MR. RAY'S TRAVELS, VOL. 2 ***

# Mr. RAY’s Travels.
Vol. II.

A
COLLECTION
OF CURIOUS
Travels and Voyages.
CONTAINING,
Dr. Leonhart Rauwolf’s Journey
Into the Eastern Countries, viz.
Syria, Palestine, or the Holy Land, Armenia,
Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, &c.

Translated from the Original High Dutch,
By NICHOLAS STAPHORST.

and also,

TRAVELS into Greece, Asia minor, Egypt, Arabia felix, Petræa, Ethiopia, the Red Sea, &c.

Collected from the Observations of

Mons. Belon, Prosper Alpinus, Dr. Huntingdon, Mr. Vernon, Sir George Wheeler, Dr. Smith, Mr. Greaves, and others.

To which are added three Catalogues of such
Trees, Shrubs, and Herbs, as grow in the Levant.

By the Rev. JOHN RAY, F. R. S.

The Second Edition Corrected and Improved.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

Printed for J. Walthoe, D. Midwinter, A. Bettesworth, and C. Hitch, W. Innys, R. Robinson, J. Wilford, A. Ward, J. and P. Knapton, T. Longman, O. Payne, W. Shropshire, J. and R. Tonson, T. Woodman, R. Chandler, and J. Wellington. 1738.

## THE
CONTENTS.

PART. I.
Chap. I. Which way I went first of all, from Augspurg to Marseilles, and from thence shipped over the Seas towards Tripoli of Syria, situated in Phœnecia. | pag. 1
Chap. II. Of the famous city of Tripoli, of it’s fruitful neighbourhood and great trade; and also of the splendid baths, and other magnificent buildings to be seen there. Their ways of making Rusma, Pot-ashes, Soap, &c. | p. 14
Chap. III. Of the Turks of high and low conditions, men and women; of their employments, offices, manners, customs, cloaths, as much as I could at Tripoli (during my abode) understand, see, and learn thereof. | p. 26
Chap. IV. A description of the plants I gathered at Tripoli. | p. 35
Chap. V. Which way I travell’d from Tripoli farther to the two famous cities of Damant and Aleppo. | p. 42
Chap. VI. Of the situation of the potent city of Aleppo; of the buildings thereof, and also of the delicate fruits and fine plants, that grow there, within and without gardens. | p. 45
Chap. VII. Of the high places and authority of Bashaws, what great courts they keep, and how they administer their offices; as also of their way of living, of their privileges, of their manners and conversation. | p. 51
Chap. VIII. Of the great trading and dealing of the city of Aleppo; as also several sorts of their meats and drinks; of their ceremonies, and their peculiar way of sitting down at meals. | p. 61
Chap. IX. A short and plain relation of plants, which I gather’d during my stay at Aleppo, in and round about it, not without great danger and trouble, which I glued upon paper very carefully. | p. 73
PART. II.
Chap. I. How I departed from Aleppo to the famous city of Bir; and how I sailed from thence on the Euphrates to Old Babylon. | p. 87
Chap. II. Which way we went into the ship, and sailed to Racka; and how the son of the King of Arabia, with his retinue came to our ship to demand his customs; what else we saw by the way, and what we did suffer from the Arabians and their Mendicants. | p. 96
Chap. III. Of the city of Racka, and of it’s situation; and also something of the departure of the King of Arabia; and of his league with the Turkish Emperor; and also of the trouble we had with the Custom-house-officer or Publican. | p. 110
Chap. IV. Of the inhabitants of the mountains, and the great wilderness we came through to Deer; of their ancient origination, and miserable and laborious livelihood. | p. 117
Chap. V. Of our voyage to the famous town Ana, in which we passed again through great sandy wildernesses; for the performance whereof we must provide ourselves with victuals, and be very careful in our navigation. Some relation of the inhabitants, of their cloaths, and other things we did observe and see by the way, and what else did happen unto us. | p. 124
Chap. VI. Which way we travell’d from Ana farther to Old Babylon, by some ancient towns call’d Haddidt, Juppe, Idt, and saw more pleasant, fruitful and well cultivated fields on each side than before. | p. 132
Chap. VII. Of Old Babylon the Metropolis of Chaldee, and it’s situation; and how it is still to this day, after it’s terrible desolation, to be seen, with the tower or turret, and the old ruined walls lying in the dust. | p. 137
Chap. VIII. Of the famous city of Bagdat, call’d Baldac; of it’s situation, strange plants, great traffick, and Merchants of several nations that live there, together with several other things I saw and did learn at my departing. | p. 142
Chap. IX. Which way I came in my return from Bagdat, through Assyria, the confines of Persia, and the province of the Curters, to the town Carcuch, Capril, &c. and at length to the river Tygris, to Mossel, that famous town which was formerly call’d Nineveh. | p. 159
Chap. X. Which way we went through Mesopotamia, by the way of Zibin and Orpha, to Bir, not without a great deal of danger; and afterwards how we passed the great river, the Euphrates, and came at last into Syria, by Nisib, to the famous town of Aleppo. | p. 168
Chap. XI. Of the Turkish Physicians and Apothecaries; of my comrade Hans Ulrich Krafft of Ulm’s hard imprisonment; of the great danger that I was in, in the two towns of Aleppo and Tripoli; of the murdering of some Merchants, and what else did happen when I was there. | p. 179
Chap. XII. Of the large and high mount of Libanus, it’s inhabitants and strange plants that are found there. | p. 186
Chap. XIII. Cunning and deceitful stratagems of the Grand Turk against the inhabitants of mount Libanus, the Trusci, and Maronites; and how he made war with them, and what damage they sustained by it. | p. 198
PART. III.
Chap. I. A Short description of his departure from Tripoli, a town of Phœnicia in Syria, and how I went from thence to Joppa. | p. 203
Chap. II. A short relation of my travels by land from the harbour of Joppa, to the city of Jerusalem. | p. 212
Chap. III. A plain description of the city of Jerusalem, as it was to be seen in our time; and of the adjacent countries. | p. 220
Chap. IV. Of mount Sion, and it’s holy places. | p. 229
Chap. V. Of the mount Moria, and the glorious temple of Solomon. | p. 239
Chap. VI. Of the Saracens and Turkish religion, ceremonies and hypocritical life, with a short hint how long time their reign shall last after Mahomet’s decease. | p. 257
Chap. VII. Of mount Bethzetha, and the two houses of Pilate and Herod. | p. 258
Chap. VIII. Of mount Calvaria, and the holy grave of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. | p. 260
Chap. IX. Here follow some epitaphs of the Christian Kings of Jerusalem, together with a short relation of their reigns and mighty deeds. | p. 271
Chap. X. A common account of several sorts of Christians, but chiefly of them that are always to be found in the temple of mount Calvaria. And also how these, and many other strangers, are treated by the Turkish Emperor (as by their chief head, to whom they are generally subjected) and his officers. | p. 275
Chap. XI. Of the Greeks. | p. 288
Chap. XII. Of the Surians that esteem themselves to be Christians. | p. 290
Chap. XIII. Of the Gregorians. | p. 291
Chap. XIV. Of the Armenians and their religion. | p. 292
Chap. XV. Of the Nestorians. | p. 294
Chap. XVI. Of the Jacobites call’d Golti. | p. 296
Chap. XVII. Of the Abyssins, Priest John, call’d Lederwick, subject unto the King of the Moors. | p. 297
Chap. XVIII. Of the Maronites. | p. 300
Chap. XIX. Of the Latinists or Papists. | p. 301
Chap. XX. Of the Knights of the Temple of Jerusalem, the Order of the Johannites. | p. 304
Chap. XXI. A short description of some places, hills, valleys, &c. that lie near and about Jerusalem. Of the mount of Olives, and it’s holy places. | p. 309
Chap. XXII. Of Bethlehem, the mountains of Judea, and their famous places. Where also is made mention of my returning back from Jerusalem to Tripoli. | p. 316
Chap. XXIII. How I took ship at Tripolis in Syria, and sailed back from thence to Venice, and travell’d home again to my own relations at Augspurg. | p. 327
VOL. II.
Chap. I. Mr Belon’s remarks in the island of Creta or Candy. | p. 341
Chap. II. A description of mount Athos, commonly call’d Monte Santo, by Mr Belon. | p. 345
Chap. III. An account of a journey by land from mount Athos to Constantinople, wherein the gold and silver mines of Macedonia, together with many antiquities and natural rarities are described. | p. 349
Chap. IV. The ways of fishing on the Propontis, the Bosphorus, and Hellespont; as also of the fishes taken. By M. Belon. | p. 353
Chap. V. Of some beasts and mechanic trades at Constantinople. | p. 354
Mr Francis Vernon’s letter, written to Mr Oldenburg, Jan 10, 1675-6. | p. 355
Some plants observed by Sir George Wheeler, in his Voyage to Greece and Asia minor. | p. 364
Historical observations relating to Constantinople, by the reverend and learned Tho. Smith, D.D. Fellow of Magd. College Oxon. and of the Royal Society. | p. 368
An account of the city of Prusa in Bithynia, and a continuation of the historical observations relating to Constantinople. | p. 380
An account of the latitude of Constantinople and Rhodes; by the learned Mr John Greaves. | p. 404
Chap. VI. Some observations made in a Voyage to Egypt, by Mr Belon. | p. 409
More Observations made in Egypt, by Guilandinus, Alpinus and others. |
Chap. I. Of the weather and seasons in Egypt. | p. 411
Chap. II. Of the meats and drinks of Egypt. | p. 412
Chap. III. Of the diseases and physic. | p. 414
Of the Pyramids of Egypt, by Mr Greaves, Professor of Astronomy in the University of Oxford. A description of the first Pyramid. | p. 417
A description of the second Pyramid. | p. 436
A description of the third Pyramid, out of Mr Belon, and Mr Greaves. | p. 439
Of the rest of the Pyramids in the Libian desart. | p. 441
In what manner the Pyramids were built. | p. 443
Of the Pyramids, Sphynx, Mummies, &c. by Father Vansleb and others. | p. 448
Of the Sphynx. | p. 452
Of the wells where the Mummies are. | p. 453
A description of an entire body of a Mummy. | p. 457
A letter from Dublin concerning the Porphyry pillars in Egypt, by Dr Huntingdon. | p. 461
A journey from Grand Cairo to Mecca. | p. 467
Of the Aga sent to meet the Caravan upon their return. | p. 470
Of Mecca and Medina. | p. 472
An extract of a journey through part of Arabia Felix, from the copy in Ramusio’s collection. | p. 475
Some observations made by Sir Henry Middleton, and other Englishmen in Arabia Felix, &c. | p. 477
Of the ways and roads between Egypt and Ethiopia. | p. 479
Of Ethiopia: By Michael of Tripoli, Embassador from the Habessine Emperor to the Grand Signior. | p. 481
More Observations of Ethiopia, by Father Lobo, Father Alvarez, Father Tellez, and others; extracted from their Portuguese voyages. | p. 487

[1]

Dr Leonhart Rauwolff’s
TRAVELS
into the
Eastern Countries.

In which is chiefly treated, how he got into Syria, and what strange things he there saw and observed.

## PART. I.

### CHAP. I.

Which way I went first of all, from Augspurg to Marseilles, and from thence shipped over the seas towards Tripoli of Syria, situated in Phœnicia.

I having always had a natural inclination, almost from my infancy, to travel into foreign Countries, but chiefly into the Eastern ones, which have been of old celebrated for fertility, which were cultivated by the most ancient people, and whose princes in former ages, have been the most[2] potent monarchs of the world; not only to observe their lives, manners and customs, but chiefly to gain a clear and distinct knowledge of those delicate herbs, described by Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Avicenna, Serapio, &c. by viewing them in their proper and native places, partly that I might more exactly describe them, especially the most strange and rare; partly also, to provoke the Apothecaries to endeavour to procure those that are necessary for them to have in their shops: I strove always to put this my desire into execution, but was forced to defer it until, in the year of our Lord 1573, I found an opportunity, by my honour’d brother-in-law Mr Melchior Manlick, senior, which was very convenient. He received me presently, (having before a design to increase the number of them that were employ’d in his trade) and fitted me out for my voyage, that I might go with the first company that should travel for Marseilles, and then from thence farther in one of their ships to Tripoli, situated in that part of Syria which is call’d Phœnicia.

After that my honour’d friend, Mr Frederick Rentzen, of that same city, was come to me, we set out the 18th of May, Anno 1573, from Augspurg towards Lindaw, designing to go through Piedmont to Milan and Nissa, and so farther: The same day we came to Mindelheim, a very pleasant town with a princely castle, situated upon the Mindel, then belonging to the baron of Frundsberg.

The 19th at noon we came to Memmingen, a very pleasant city of the empire, and at night to Leutkirch.

The 20th we rode thorough Wangen, another imperial city, situated in Algaw, where they drove a very good trade with fine ticking and linnen cloth; about noon we arrived at Lindaw, an imperial city situated in the Boden sea, where there is a very great depository or staple of all sorts of commodities or merchandizes: some have call’d this the German Venice, because it is in like manner situated in water, and hath also a great trade. After dinner we crossed the lake towards Fuzach, a village not far from Bregentz, towards the Rhine.

The 21st about breakfast-time we came to Veldkirch, a very pleasant town, situated upon the Yll, belonging now to the house of Austria, but formerly to the counts of Montfort. By the way I saw several fine plants, viz.[3] Saxifraga Aurea, Caryophyllata Alpina, a fine sort of Bellis-major, Christa galli with white flowers, and Auricula Ursi with brown flowers, &c. At night we came to Mayenfeld, belonging to the Grawpunters, upon the Rhine, which runs by the town, and there runs into it a river call’d Camingen, which slides down between high rocks, where the famous warm bath (from an adjacent abby, call’d Pfeffers) riseth, which may be numbered amongst the wonderful waters, in regard of it’s admirable operation in strengthening lame and contracted members, and hath this property beyond other baths, that it loseth itself from October till May, and then it cometh on again powerfully.

The 22d we came at night to Chur, a very ancient city, where also is a deposition of Goods that are brought thither from Germany by pack-horses over the mountains. A seat of that Bishop lyeth half an hour’s going from the Rhine, wherefore this bishopric is accounted the chief of all the bishoprics of the Rhine, or the Pfaffen gaste, call’d by others, because it is situated near the first beginning of the Rhine, according to the ancient proverb: Costentz the biggest, Basil the pleasantest, Strasburg the noblest, Spires the devoutest, Worms the poorest, Mentz the worthiest, Trier the ancientest, and Collen the richest.

The 23d we rode to Tusis, an ancient village belonging to the Grawpunters, the name whereof shews it’s original, for the Rhetians are descended from the Tuscans, who under the conduct of one Rhætus of old took possession of those countries; not far off upon a high mountain is still situated a ruin’d castle, call’d Realt, or which is righter, Rhœtia alta, deriv’d also from the Rhetians.

The 24th at noon we came by the Splewer-hill into a village call’d Splugi, not far from the beginning, head, or sourse of the Rhine: Thence we passed over the hill, and came at night to a little village call’d Gampolschin, situated in a valley of the same name, where we rested.

Monday the 25th at noon we came to Clæven, or Clavenna, a very ancient town, belonging to the Bunts, which had anciently a strong castle, which was demolished by the Grawpunters themselves, Anno 1524, after it was cunningly taken from them by Castel de Maess[4] and John Jacob de Medicis, in which bustle the town was also ruin’d, for the gates and walls were beaten down, that no enemy might after that lodge himself there again. From Clæven we went to Riva upon the Lago di como, where the water Addua runs into the lake, and yet notwithstanding adds no water to it, nor taketh any from it, but only runs strait through it; and so doth the Rhine through the lake call’d the Boden-Sea: From thence we travell’d to Gera upon the same lake, where we lay all night. On the bank I saw some purple-colour’d lillies, a sort of Lilium Saracenicum with small leaves, and in the old walls the Cymbalaria.

The 26th about noon we came to Como, a very glorious and pleasant city, from whence the lake hath it’s name to this day. From thence we rode the same night to Milan, the metropolis of that dukedom. What strange passages have been committed in this town before it was possessed by the Emperor Charles the fifth, after the decease of the last duke Francis Sfortia, is related sufficiently in History.

The 27th we rode through Binasco, a pleasant village, where the very learned and famous Andreas Alciatus, Doctor in Law, and Professor of several Universities in France and Italy, hath built a very glorious palace; and in the evening passing by the great park (in which in the year 1525, was fought that bloody battel between Francis King of France, and the Emperor Charles the fifth’s officers, in which the King himself was made prisoner, and many of his men kill’d) the same night arrived at Pavia, an ancient glorious city, situated on the river Tesin, where the Kings of the Longobards did formerly keep their courts, and afterwards Charles the Great, the first German Emperor, did institute an University, which has brought up many eminent and learned men since.

The 28th departing from Pavia, we passed the River Padus, or Eridanus, which is believed to be the biggest river in Italy, to Vogera, a pleasant village, situated on the river Stafora, there we began to take post, and had eighteen stages to Nissa: By noon we arrived at Dertona, a pretty town, yet not very full of people, by reason of the many wars and intestine quarrels in which it was engaged, belonging to the Duke of Milan. In this country[5] I found whole acres sown with Wood, and there I saw the White Poplar, also Millefolium flore luteo, and farther upon the hill Brotho the Cineraria, and the Stœchas Citrina, Cotinus Plinii, and many more fine plants. At night we came to Alexandria della Paglia, that is to say, of Chaff. When heavy and long wars did arise between the Emperor Frederick the first, and the towns of Lombardy, by instigation of Pope Alexander the third, the towns of Lombardy did agree to compile this city out of several villages in the year 1168, and did fortify it the year next ensuing, and call’d it, after the Pope’s name, Alexandria; but the Imperialists call’d it Alexandria of Straw, which name it doth retain to this day; yet we did not stay there, but rode the same night to Bellizona, a strong place, which perhaps formerly had it’s own princes, which did sell it from Uri and his relations, because they could not defend it from the Duke of Milan in the year 1422, and yet it cost a great deal of blood, until the Switzers got it into safe possession in the year 1500.

The 29th at noon we came to Ast, a considerable city belonging to the dukedom of Milan, where the King of Spain keeps a garrison, which had just then received the new Governour of Milan, and conducted him into the city. Not far off lieth Carmagnola, belonging to the King of France, and to the Marquisate of Saluzo, where is kept a French garrison, as at Moncalier, which is very near it, the Duke of Savoy hath a garrison; and so garrisons of three eminent princes lie very near one another. That night we lodged in a pitiful village call’d Baieron.

The 30th we rode thro’ Racones and Savigliano, two small villages, and at night came to Coni.

The last of May, after we had broke our fast in a village call’d Limona, we came to mount Brothus, where we saw many pleasant vineyards; and so by Tenda into another village, call’d Sorgo, where we staid all night.

The first of June we reached to Nissa in the morning, a city with a strong citadel, upon the Tyrrhenian sea, belonging to the Duke of Savoy, which the Turkish Admiral Barbarossa did for a long time besiege with great fury, and yet was forc’d to leave it, although he had the city in his possession, in the year 1543. Thither also[6] came Francis King of France, and the Emperor Charles the fifth, to Pope Paul the third, to have peace made between them. Thereabouts I espy’d some fine plants, but chiefly two sorts of Papaver Corniculatum, with large and stately flowers, yellow and brown; and also the Ladanum latifolium, and upon the hill towards Villa Franca, a Convolvulus with white and purple-strip’d flowers, and with long and cut leaves.

The second we went from thence with more company, passing through the villages of Antibo, Cacabo, Luc, Brignola, &c. (where I found in the shops a sort of very delicate preserved Prunes, call’d in English Prunellos’s, which would be very useful in burning fevers against the thirst, in great quantity) to Marseilles, which maketh thirty French miles or leagues; and we rode so fast onward, during this journey, that we arrived there in nineteen days after our departure, that is, on the fifth day of June: By the way I saw Convolvulus foliis acutis, Rubia Tinctorum, Stœchas, a fine Sesely Peloponnesiacum, Thymelæa, Cistus with white and purple flowers, and also a kind of Ladanum of the learned Carolus Clusius, with small Rosemary-leaves, Terebinthus, Ilex Coccifera, Aspalathus, and the Polemonium Monspeliensium of Rembert Dodonæus, call’d Trifolium fruticans, Ruscus, Lentiscus, Calamintha montana, some common thistles, and others.

In Marseilles where I was lodged in my forenam’d kinsman’s house, to stay untill the ships were ready, I met with one John Ulrich Kraft, son of John Kraft, one of the Privy Council at Ulm, who was arrived there a few days before, also with the same intention to go along with us, about his own business. We staid together, and while the ships were fitting out, we made ourselves acquainted with the Physicians and Apothecaries, but above the rest with one experienced man, Jacob Renaud, a great lover of plants, who shew’d me in his garden many pretty and strange simples, viz. Scammonium verum, Ambrosia, Moly, Ammi, Aloës, &c., and a great many dry’d and laid between papers. I found also about the city, Trifolium Asphaltites, Lactuca marina, Dendillaria, Tragacantha Guilhelmi Rondeletii, a great Scabiosa with white flowers, Gratiola, Gnaphalium marinum, Medica[7] marina, Polygonum marinum, Eryngium marinum, Coris Monspeliensium, another sort of Tamariscus, and of Consolida, with yellow sweet flowers, which I also found between Nimes, and Pont du gard, an old, strong, and fine building, upon which I did find Ruta Silvestris, a sort of Verbascum foliis dissectis, Papaver corniculatum flore flavo; I also found thereabouts Chondrilla Viminea, growing chiefly in the vineyards, Conyza major, Vermicularis fruticans, Carduus tomentosus, not unlike to Leucacantha, Nepa Lobelii in adversariis novis; I also found Tartonrayre, Aster atticus luteus, Psyllium, Seseli Æthiopicum fruticans, Jujubes, red Valeriana, Corruda Rembert. Dodon., the first kind of Catanance Dioscor., which I first spy’d by it’s dry’d leaves, just like a Vulture’s claw, and many others, not needful to be here related.

After that the ship Santa Croce was laden, victuall’d for three months, and provided with guns, and all other necessaries for a three months voyage; we two went with our master, Anthony Reinard, with some others belonging to him, in a frigat, the first day of September, in the year 1673, to our ship, which lay at anchor with several other laden ships, near the adjacent islands, with an intention to set sail the next day.

The next day about two in the afternoon, when God sent us a good wind, we hoisted up our sails, and went on: When our patron began to exhort his men to agree together, and to be obedient to him, which they all faithfully promised; then we went to prayers, and recommended ourselves to the protection of God Almighty.

In the first setting out, before we got to sea, our ship came so near to another, that they touch’d almost; and had not the seamen in time got them off, we might have suffer’d shipwreck.

When this was over, and we out of danger, we sail’d on with full sails six of us, and advanc’d so fairly, that we lost the sight of land before night, and could see nothing but sky and water.

Not long after, most of us began to be sea-sick, and to bring up what we had eaten some days before, but I and my comrade Kraft purged ourselves that night so well, that we were very fresh again the next morning. Some of the rest remain’d sick for seven days after, and[8] not one of us, altho’ we were forty eight, but was sick, and found an alteration after our shipping off.

After we had sail’d two days with a favourable wind, by the Latins call’d Caurus, but by the French and Italians, Maistral, which bloweth between north and west, and proceeded an hundred French leagues, there arose on the fourth day about midnight another wind, call’d Græco, and by the Latins, Cæcias, which the more it went to the east, the more it was against us; so that we being hindred from going eastward, were forced to go sideways, and to traverse up and down, and were driven so far southwards, that on sunday night and monday morning we sail’d in sight of the coast of Barbary. After the wind was laid a little, and the dolphins appear’d in great numbers, we hoped for better weather, but for want of it, finding ourselves advance towards Africa more and more, we were forced to tack about, and to direct our course towards Marseilles again.

We going thus back again, contrary to our intentions, feared that the wind would hold so a while, but contrary to our expectation, it came to be so calm towards the night, that we could hardly perceive any. Then we hoped it would change, which did also succeed accordingly, for the next morning before break of day the Maistral began to blow again, which pleased us extremely, and so we return’d and pursued our former course again towards the east, and on monday we sail’d so fast, that in an hours time we made ten Italian miles, and on the 9th day came into the streights of Sardinia and Africa, where we saw an island call’d Gallicia, which, altho’ it be but small, yet, because of the high mountains, is seen afar off; we left it about thirty leagues on one side of us. This island is subject to no body, wherefore a great many pirates lye lurking there: In it is no great matter to be seen, only wild Capers grow there in great plenty. We, finding ourselves in this dangerous place, were not idle, altho’ the ship was well provided with guns, pikes, and other arms, but got our great guns ready, and fill’d our chamber, in which we two were, with guns and swords, so that it look’d rather like an armoury of the whole ship than a chamber.[9] Moreover, because we were afraid of some huge rocks that lye in the sea, chiefly of them which the seamen call Leuci, they observ’d them diligently, not only in their sea chart, to know which way they might avoid them, but kept a good watch all that night to observe them, and so with the help of God we got safely clear of them.

A little after we came in view of the kingdom of Tunis in Africa, with some adjacent islands; amongst them there is one call’d Simles, which, tho’ but small, is very fruitful, and therein groweth the best Aristolochia rotunda in abundance.

We lost this the next morning, and westward upon our right hand, at about forty miles distance, we saw another, call’d Panthalarea, subject to the King of Spain, which is inhabited by above three hundred people; Sicily on our left, because the night fell in, we did not then see, but came so near it, that early in the morning we could not only see the hills and mountains, and chiefly the Mongibello, which is very high, situated at the other side of the famous city of Syracusa, but also the buildings and steeples distinctly; we sail’d also the whole day by that side that lieth over-against the isle of Malta, so long till we came to the last point thereof: And altho’ we were not in a little danger there, because of the war, yet we saw no more than one small ship early in the morning by Malta, which we took to be of Marseilles. So, God be praised, we arrived very well, and without any hindrance at the farthest point of Sicily, on the 11th day of September in the evening, which is reckon’d to be 900 Italian miles from Marseilles; and we hoped also with the help of the Almighty to go the rest of our voyage to Cyprus, which is 1300 more, three of which are reckon’d to a French league, for we crossed the Adriatick and Tyrrhenian seas, so happily by good weather, as if we had gone the other way through the streights. And although we sail’d on very fast, yet the wind was uncertain, for one arose after another, so that we had three several winds that night and day, viz. first, Maistral after midnight, which lasted until morning; then the Betsch, that blew from south-west very violently, in Latin call’d Africus, which lasted till night; then[10] follow’d the Ponente, which bloweth from the west towards night, which commonly ariseth upon the coast of Africa, as the old seamen observe, and we found it so ourselves, on the day of the Holy Cross, not without trouble or danger; for as the seamen kept that day, and according to their old custom discharged three great guns, the Betsch arose immediately with very great violence, so that the waves swell’d very high, and the ship was toss’d about from one side to the other, and did rock us so, that if we had not held ourselves, we could not have kept our places, as did happen to some of our company that did not observe this, and were strangely tumbled about in the ship, and forc’d to creep on all fours to their places again. This wind began to remit towards night, when the Maistral began to blow. With this Maistral we went on, and came so far, that on monday the 15th of September early, we did make the island Candy, and soon after another, now call’d Cerigo, anciently Cythera, near to the Morea. That day we had very good weather, and it was so calm that we could reach no further than to the point of Candy. Thus going on, another wind arose, blowing from south-east, call’d Sirocco, and in Latin, Vulturnus, which was contrary too, and hinder’d us very much, so that we were forced to sail upon one side, to weather the point from one side to the other; when we came to the side of Creet, and our patron would neither land in Candy nor in a little island call’d Legosia, we turn’d on wednesday towards Africa. Some while after, a very great tempest arose, with thunder and lightning, so that we had work enough with our sails, and to rule the ship that it might take no hurt; and we sailing thus against the wind, that it might not cast us back, this made us more work than the rest, for the waves went against us so vehemently, that when we were mounted to the top of a wave, we seem’d to look down thence into a deep and dark valley; then down we went again with such a fury, that we thought we should descend to the bottom, which continued almost till the next morning. And although the tempest had thrown us a good way back, yet in a little time we got so far[11] forward again, that we could descry Candy, and the little island Legosia. Just then we spy’d two ships, one a bark, ten miles off to the left, and the other a great ship going to Africa.

After we were thus gone along by Creet, we came on friday just over-against the city of Candy; it came to be so calm and so warm, that we could hardly perceive we were come above three or four miles. We going thus slowly, some of our company jump’d out into the sea to wash themselves; but the mate of our ship run a fish through with a long spear for that purpose, call’d Lischa, and so pull’d it out; this was delicately colour’d, and very pleasant to look upon; his back was blew, and his belly white and glisning, above a yard long, of a tender flesh, and very good to eat: This seems to have been a Tunny.

Just over-against it is a monastry of St Francis, in which is a very good Apothecary’s shop, and a delicate garden, fill’d with strange and useful plants.

There is also not far off a good and safe port, call’d Calisme, where we would willingly have taken in water, but because it lay thirty miles before us, and the wind, Sirocco, contrary to us, began to blow again, and hindred us in this enterprise; we steer’d on saturday towards the south, that we might reach it the next morning.

About noon, when we turn’d again to the Porto, we saw another ship on the left, and because we did not know how to trust her, we look’d to our great guns, of which we had thirteen, and got them ready, and also the rest of our arms, &c. But the longer we look’d upon the ship, the farther we perceived her go from us. When we came within twelve miles of the port, and hoped to make it, the wind changed, and the Tramontana blew from the north vehemently; so we went on in our right course to the islands Calderon and Christiana, so that on monday we passed the furthest point of Creet, call’d Caput Salomonis, where we saw on the hight another island, situated sixty Italian miles from Rhodus, call’d Scarpanthos, and also Carpathos, where night befel us. But when we expected to go forwards with this wind, we[12] lost it, and it changed into Græco again, contrary to us, and so we could not go on farther, but were forced to cross up and down and to weather the point. On Monday we saw a ship that came directly down upon us, wherefore we went to meet her, and put our flag at the top of our main-mast. But when we came nearer we knew her to be a Marsilian, called Santa Maria de Lacura Bursa, they did send out one of their boats to tell us, that they came seven weeks agone from Tripoli, and that they wanted biscuits very much, and therefore desired us to let them have some of ours, to which we willingly agreed, and let them have what they would, and so they were very well pleased. While this was done, a good wind arose again, serving us both, called Tramontana, so that we could go forwards and they homewards, and so we parted. Then our master ordered three guns to be discharged, which they answered with two, so we went on, and lost sight of one another in half an hour’s time.

Here is to be observed, that of the four cardinal, and four side winds, five were for us; for we could go on as well with the Tramontana and the Midi, called north and south, as with the three other, called north-west, west, and south-west, and so we had three contrary ones, Syrocco, Levantino, and Græco, which were contrary to us in our going; during this wind we went on with such speed, that on the 24th of September in the evening we saw the great island Cyprus, five hundred miles beyond Candy. But because we had steered too much on the right, we were forced to spend all that night and the next day before we could come to Cyprus. The same morning we saw the high mountain Libanus in Syria, two hundred miles distant from us, and so at night we got into the harbour of Salamine: Here is made the best bay-salt that is in the world. Here we also discharged three guns, for joy of our safe arrival, and some of us landed, together with our master, to take in water, and to enquire after our friends and acquaintance. No sooner were we landed, but we met with two travelling Turks, with an Italian that understood their language: They spake to us by their interpreter, and conducted us to their Colonel, who was encamped[13] near the market-place of Salamine upon a hill, where one might see a great way off into the sea. After an hour’s walk we came in sight of him, and saw about thirty tents, and amongst them his also, where we saw some curious tapestry spread, and him sitting in the midst, with a delicate white turbant, and a long red lined Caban.

He held in his hand a long iron, like a grater we use to grate bread withal, only it was a great deal smaller: The Turkish persons of quality have generally such irons in their hand in the summer-time; which they put in between their back and cloaths to scrach their backs when they itch: About him sat some more gentlemen bended down, and others kept centinel without his tent, with guns and scymiters well provided. Amongst the rest there was one of a good presence covered with a Tyger’s skin, that held a great iron club in his hand. Upon his desire we went to him, with the usual reverences, according to their custom, bending our head and the whole body downwards, and laying the right hand upon our breasts: Our master also pulled off his shoes, went in, and sate down with the rest before him: But we two set ourselves down without upon two seats that were brought us. Then the Lord began to ask our master, by his interpreter, from whence we came, how long we had been a coming, what merchandizes we had brought, and whether we designed to make any sale there; which questions our master answered. Then he began to enquire after news: viz. whereabout the Spanish Armada was at present, and how strong it was reputed; whether the King of Spain had made any leagues with other princes; and how the King of France did agree with his Hugonots; how strong the city of Rochelle was, and whether the King took it by violence, or whether they submitted themselves voluntarily. After this conference had lasted for half an hour, he dismissed us with great civility, giving us leave to go about our affairs. So we went off with the usual ceremonies, and went the same evening into the market of Salamine, to enquire after our friends; but we found this market-town, and also all the neighbourhood so strangly spoiled, that there were but very few whole houses standing. But[14] being that we found none of ours, nor having any business there, we returned to our ship. I found nothing by the way but a few Caper-bushes with some Paliurus’s and Kali.

After our men had filled water enough out of the well by the harbour we went aboard the ship again, hoisted up our sail, and departed in the night. But in going thence for Tripoli we had for the most part contrary winds, which hindred us so much, that we did not arrive there until the last day of September. Thanks, honour, and glory be to the Almighty God, that mercifully did protect us from all dangers and mischiefs, and brought us safely into this harbour.

### CHAP. II.

Of the famous city of Tripoli, of it’s fruitful neighbourhood and great trade: And also of the splendid baths, and other magnificent buildings to be seen there. Their ways of making Rusma, Pot-ashes, Soap, &c.

Before Tripoli, near the sea-shore, we saw five castles like high towers, distant from one an other about a musquet-shot, where some Janisaries are kept in garrison, to cover the ships in the harbour (which is in some measure surrounded with rocks) and to defend that custom-house, and the several ware-houses (where you may see all sorts of goods brought from most parts of the world) from an hostile attempt or assault: but after the sun was set, and night began to approach, we made what haste we could to the town, which was an hour’s going distant from us. Some Turks went with us no otherways armed but with good strong cudgels, which, I was told, they commonly carry to keep off the wolves called Jacals (whereof there are a great many in these countries that are used to run, seek, and pursue after their prey in the night). While we were a talking of them some came up pretty near us, but as soon as they saw us they turned and ran away. When we came to the[15] gate of the town we found it shut up, wherefore one of our friends, that met us to make us welcome, called to some Frenchmen that were in their inn, in their language called Fondique, which is near the gate, and reacheth quite to the wall of the town, and desired that one of them would take the pains to go to the Sangiacho, to desire him to let the gate be opened to let us in, which they were willing to do. But in the mean time that we staid before the gate, another that was an enemy to our friend ran also away, and bespoke some Turks and Moors to set upon us, which they were very willing to do, and came with all speed through another gate that is never shut, along the wall to us, fell unawares upon us, struck at us, and took hold of us, chiefly at our good friend, for whose sake all this was done; others drew their scymiters upon us, so that I thought we should have been all cut to pieces. While this was a doing the gate was opened, and some Frenchmen and their Consul himself came to our assistance, and spoke to these fellows, earnestly exhorting them to desist, and to let the cause be decided by the Sangiacho and Cadi, which at length they did. So we came after this unfriendly welcome in the crowd into their Fondique, where we remained all that night. The Consul was very much displeased at this, considering that such-like proceedings would be very troublesome to them, wherefore he made great complaints and enquiries, until at length he found out who was the author thereof.

The next morning we went to our friends houses in order to stay a while with them: In the mean time we walked sometimes about in our own cloaths to see the town, which is situated in the country of Syria, called Phœnicia, which reached along the sea-shore to Berinthus, Sidon, Tyrus, and Acon, as far as the mountain of Carmelus. The town Tripoli is pretty large, full of people, and of good account, because of the great deposition of merchandizes that are brought thither daily both by sea and land: It is situated in a pleasant country, near the promontory of the high mountain Libanus, in a great plain toward the sea-shore, where you may see abundance of vineyards, and very fine gardens, enclosed with hedges[16] for the most part, consisting chiefly of Rhamnus, Paliurus, Oxyacantha, Phillyrea, Lycium, Balaustium, Rubus, and little Palm-trees, that are but low, and so sprout and spread themselves. In these gardens, as we came in, we found all sorts of sallating and kitchen-herbs, as Endive, Lettice, Ruckoli, Asparagus, Seleri, whose tops are very good to be eaten with salt and pepper, but chiefly that sort that cometh from Cyprus, Taragon by the inhabitants called Tarchon, Cabbages, Colliflowers, Turneps, Horseradishes, Carrots, of the greater sort of Fennel, Onions, Garlick, &c. And also fruit, as Water-melons, Melons, Gourds, Citruls, Melongena, Sesamum (by the Natives called Samsaim, the seeds whereof are very much used to strow upon their bread) and many more; but chiefly the Colocasia, which is very common there, and are sold all the year long: I have also found them grow wild about rivulets, but could never see either flowers or seeds on them. I found also without the gardens many Dates and white Mulberry-trees, which exceed our Aspen and Nut-trees in height very much; and also Pomgranat-trees and Siliqua, which the Grecians call Xylocerata, the Arabs, Charnuby. Also Olive and Almond-trees, and Sebesten, the fruit whereof are to be had at Apothecaries shops by the same name: Poma Adami Matth. But in great plenty there are Citrons, Lemons, and Oranges, which are as little eaten there as Pears or Crabs here. Between these gardens run several roads and pleasant walks, chiefly in the summer, for they afford many shady places and greens, where you are defended from the heat and the sun-beams: And if passing through you should have a mind to some of the fruits, you may either gather some that are fallen down, or else pull them from the nearest trees without danger, and take them home with you.

Without at the sea-shore, near the old town of Tripoli (which together with many more, as Antiochia, Laodicea, &c. in the year of our Lord 1183, was so destroyed by an earthquake, that nothing but a few marks remain) there were more spring-gardens, which some of the Merchants still remember. But these were a few years agone by the violence of the seas so destroyed and so covered with sand, that now you see nothing there but a sandy ground, like unto the desarts of Arabia. Yet at Tripoli[17] they have no want of water, for several rivers flow down from the mountains, and run partly through the town, and partly through the gardens, so that they want no water neither in the gardens nor in their houses.

The new town in itself is of no strength, for it is so meanly walled in, that in several places in the night you may get in and out: But within there is a citadel situated upon an ascent near the water, where a garrison of a few Janisaries is kept. They have low houses ill built and flat at the top, as they are generally in the East, for they cover their houses with a flat roof or a floor, so that you may walk about as far as the houses go; and the neighbours walk over the tops of their houses to visit one another, and sometimes in the summer they sleep on the tops of them: And so it may very well be, that the four men (of which we read in St Mark, chap. ii. and St Luke, chap. v.) that carried the paralytic man, and could not come to Christ because of the crowd of people, did carry him on the tops of the houses, and so let him down through the roof into the room where our Saviour was. They have not great doors, gates, or comings-in from the street as we have in our country, except some few Merchants houses, because they use neither waggons nor carts, wherefore they have only a little low door, sometimes not above three foot high, so that you cannot go into them without stooping. In a great many houses the comings-in are so dark and deep that one would think he were going into a cave or cellar, but when you are come through this entry into them, you see, in some, great court-yards wherein are cisterns to wash themselves in, in others large halls paved, and therein some ascents that go up two or three steps, paved delicately with marble, which they keep very clean, and adorned with rich tapestry, whereupon they sit, and this is covered with a large arch left open at one side, that the Turks may, chiefly in the summer, sit underneath them very airy.

Their doors and houses are generally shut with wooden bolts, which are hollow within, and they unlock them with wooden keys about a span long, and about the thickness of a thumb, into this key they have driven, five, six, seven, eight or nine short nails, or strong[18] Wires in such an order and distance that they just fit others that are within the lock, and so pull them forwards, or shut them backwards as they please.

The streets are but narrow, paved with broad stones, and have, chiefly those that are great roads, a channel in the middle of them about ten inches broad, so that a laden Camel may walk in them with ease, or that a man may step over them, which they say are made that the laden Camels or Asses, &c., that daily arrive in great caravans, may be obliged to walk in them one after another, in good order, that people may walk in the streets without being disturbed by them. And that these channels may be kept clean and dry, they have in some places some hidden drains covered with broad stones, that as well the rain-water as that of the wells may run away through them.

They cannot brag of any fine buildings, save only the Mosques or temples, into which no Christian must come, except he hath a mind to be circumcized, and so turn a Mammeluk or Renegado: And also some great houses by the natives called Champ or Carvatscharas, (Caravanseries) wherein are a great many shops or ware-houses, and chambers, by one another, as is in stately cloisters, in the middle thereof there is a great court-yard, where the strange Merchants (that daily bring their merchandizes in great caravans) do inn, considering that the Turks keep no other inns.

The inns commonly belong to the Grand Seignior, or his Basha, which they build in several towns to get themselves a yearly revenue, as the Venetians do in Venice out of the German house.

Besides these buildings they have also hot-houses or bagnios, which are so glorious and sumptuous, that they far exceed all their other buildings in beauty, wherefore they are very well worth seeing. And because the Turks, Moors, and Arabs, &c. according to their Mahometan laws, are bound to bath themselves often, to wash themselves clean from their manifold sins which they daily commit, but chiefly when they are going to their Mosques, therefore they have their hot-houses always ready, and keep them warm and in an equal heat, with a very small charge, and with far less wood than one[19] can imagine, all the week long, both by night and by day. They have under-ground a large and deep vault, like unto a large cellar, which is every where very close, and it hath no more but two air holes, one on the top about three or four inches diameter, and the other below which is a great deal larger, where they put in wood, or, for want of it, pieces of peat (which they make out of Camels or Goats dung, &c. and also out of the dregs of the pressed grapes); these are so dry that the great heat melts them just like sea-coals or turf, which are burnt in the Low-countries, and other places where they have not plenty of wood: And these give so great a heat that it warmeth the whole vault quite through. And yet this vault is so close made that you do not perceive the least smoke nor vapour, although it is sometimes very hot. But that the fire may not decay, there is one on purpose to attend it, that flings on as much fuel as is necessary to keep it. These hot-houses (which according to the custom of the ancient Greeks and Romans are magnificently built) have, near to the entry, a delicate hall, which is curiously paved (as also is the whole bath) and set with marbles of all colours very artificially, and a great Cupolo at the top thereof, which is covered with an arch in shape of a ball or globe. Round about the walls are broad benches made, where the people put off their cloaths; wherefore this first part of the bath (whereof the ancients had five) was called Apodyterium. In the middle of the baths is a fine fountain, where they sprinkle every one that goeth out of the bath with sweet water, and also wash the bathing-cloaths that were made use of in the bath, which they afterwards fling up upon lines that are hung at the top of the vault, two or three fathoms high, with an admirable certainty, and spread them out with a long pole, with one stroke (that they may dry the sooner) so even, as if it were done with hands, which no body can see without admiration; when they have a mind to make use of them again, they take them down with the same sticks that are ready stuck up about the fountain. These are wrought finely with all sorts of colours, whereof they give two to every one that goeth into the bath or bagnio, two others when he cometh out, one to put upon his head, the[20] other to put about him in the manner of an apron. When you will go in the hot-house you must go through two or three chambers, whereof one is warmer than the other (which each of them are covered with round arches) until you come into the great room, these arches are full of round holes all about, which are made in such order, and set with glass so curiously, that they do not only make them very light, but give also a fine ornament to them. In the great bath are several great marble vessels which they let the water into; round about the great room, there are three or four small chambers, which they keep chiefly for persons of quality, where they may wash themselves apart from others without any disturbance. Besides these there is still another room where there is a very great marble trough, in which every one may wash himself after his sweat; there are several pipes laid in it, that you may temper your water according to your own desire. All these rooms are heated with the same fire, and the Turks and Moors (which two nations have almost the same religion and ceremonies) go into them very frequently; but chiefly the women, which flock to them in great numbers, for they never meet any where else, but here, and at the graves of their relations; wherefore they keep these sumptuous buildings (the like whereto are hardly any where else found) in very good repair. As soon as you come into the hot-house, and are grown a little warm, one of the servants (which are generally black Moors) meets you, and lays you backwards down upon the floor, and stretcheth and snaps all your joints after such a manner that they crack again; then he kneeleth down upon your arms, which he puts upon your breast one over the other, and holds them so for a good while together with his knees, then he bendeth forwards and stretcheth with both his hands (keeping you still like a prisoner under him) your head upwards. (So it happened once, when some of us went in together, and were treated by the Moor after this manner, that he sprained the neck of one of my companions, so that he could not turn his head in several days after it) when this is done he turns you round upon your belly, toucheth and stretcheth your joints again in such a manner,[21] as if he did malax a plaister; at length he stands upon your shoulder-blades, and bending himself down, he rubs you all over your back with his hands, then he lifteth you up, and goeth away. Then when you lay your self down to rest you, or to sweat, he maketh a paste, to take off your hair (for they wear no hair upon their body, saving only their arm-pits) he taketh quicklime (by the Arab’s called Rils) and a little Sarnick, (Arsnick) that is, Orpiment, powders them, and mixeth them with water, and anoints your hair with it, and looks very often after it, until he finds that the hair begins to come off, then he washeth it perfectly off again, before it can hurt you; when this is done, he takes a fine white cloth, dips it in soap-suds, and rubs your whole body over with it. The before-mentioned cloaths are white like unto cotton, but the threads are harder, which the pilgrims bring with them from Mecca: Being made of the bark of trees that bear Bdellium, and they make ropes of them, as also of the fibers of the leaves of Palm-trees, and of the covering of the fruit of the same tree, which is of the bigness of a Wall-nut, by putting it on a distaff, and so spinning it out.

Lastly, They wash peoples heads, and mix sometimes with their lees (chiefly for women) an ash-coloured earth called Nalun, which cleanseth the head, and makes the hair grow long. They have also another earth called Jusabar, which the women eat frequently, so as breeding women in our country use to eat sometimes coals or other things. These their baths, are as free to strangers as Germans, French, Italians, &c. as to Moors and Turks, but they must have a care not to come into those where the women are, if they will not run the hazard of their lives. But that you may know where the women are, they commonly hang a cloth over the door towards the street, that if any man should intend to go in there, when he seeth this he may find himself another entrance.

Further concerning their traffick, there are in the town (because there is there a very great deposition of all sorts of merchandizes, that are brought thither from great distances) a great many merchants, chiefly French[22] and Italians, which have two wise, understanding, and grave Presidents, of which the one that liveth here is a Frenchman, and the other at Aleppo, a Venetian, called Consuls, to assist their countrymen with good counsel. They are sent thither by their government, and confirmed, and have great privileges given them of the Turkish Emperor, to let the Merchants with their commodities lodge with them, and to defend them against any assault of the Turks and Moors, that they may trade and deal without disturbance. These Consuls were still their usual habits, made of red sattin, velvet, or damask, &c. very richly adorned; and they bring along with them Taylors, Shoe-makers, but chiefly their Physicians, Apothecaries, Barber-Surgeons and Ministers, &c. and have besides them their Interpreters, skilful in the Turkish and Arabian language, chiefly the Consul of Venice, because he must stay there but three years, when they are expired the Dogue sends another in his place. When the new one is arrived at Tripoli he dare not go on shore, before the other gives him a visit of reception in the ship.

To these two Consuls there are given two large buildings, called by them Fondiques, situated near two gates of the city, which lead towards the haven and the sea-shore, that they may the easier send their goods in and out. There are all day long a great many Moors with their Asses, that stand waiting for an opportunity to conduct Merchants and Seamen with their goods in and out. These two houses are large, and have abundance of vaults and chambers, so that there is room enough to lodge both Merchants and their goods.

With the French are also lodged, those from Genoa, Florence, St Luck, Germans, Dutchmen, &c. as also with the Venetians those of Candia, Corfu, &c. that are under their master’s jurisdiction. These Fondiques have no more than one large gate, where Janisaries keep watch: When their masters, the Consuls go out, they are accompanied with a multitude of Merchants and their servants, and they are in great authority with the Turks and Moors, even beyond the Bashaw himself: They always take along with them their Janisaries, which go before with great and long cudgels, and beat[23] the people out of the way, even the Turks themselves.

The Merchants have daily great conversation with the Jews, for they know a great many languages, and the prizes of all merchandizes, how to buy and to sell them; wherefore they always help to conclude bargains in merchandizes, pay the money and give bills of exchange, wherefore they have their brokerage. I have seen chiefly three sorts of their silver coins, viz. Aspers, Medin and Saiject, which are very good, and pass thro’ all Turky. When great sums are paid, they do not tell the whole, but only part of it, and weigh it, and so take the rest proportionably by the same weight. Of gold coins they have only ducats which are made of fine gold, and are very limber: Besides these you hardly see any other coins but Venetian Ducats, French Testons, Joachims Thalers, of which they have so many, that they often do not only pay with them great sums and their bills of exchange, but turn them also into their own coin. So that there is abundance of Jews throughout all Turky in any trading-town, but chiefly in Aleppo, and in this town of Tripoli, where they have built a very large habitation, and a delicate synagogue. These Jews have the revenues of customs of the Grand Signior in their hands, so that nothing can be brought in or out, but it must go thro’ their hands, which is very troublesome to the Merchants. Those that buy any thing of them, must have a special care, that they be not cheated, for they are full of it, insomuch as they confess of themselves, that no body can get any thing by them, except he will be a greater Harmani (that is cheat) than they, that dare to sell Wall-nuts for Nutmegs or Myrobolans.

Concerning the merchandizes: If one will see several sorts of goods they are to be found in the Carvatscharas or Champen, whereof I have made mention before, but chiefly in the Batzaren or houses where they buy and sell, or exchanges. These exchanges are wide and long, and partly arched, partly covered with timber, that you may walk and trade there without being wetted, they have shops on both sides, which are also kept by handicrafts and tradesmen, as Shoe-makers, Taylors, Sadlers, Silk-embroiderers, Turners, Copper-smiths,[24] Cutlers, Woollen-drapers, Grocers, Fruiterers, Cooks, and many more, which are very orderly distributed and placed in their several streets and places. They also drive a great trade in silk, and there are a great many that deal in nothing else but silk, which is convey’d thither from the adjacent places; for mount Libanus is inhabited by a numberless people, that live by spinning and working of silk, but chiefly they of Damascus, where is such plenty of silk, that a Merchant may quickly lay out in it many thousand ducats: Because of the great abundance of white Mulberry-trees (by the natives called Tut) which grow there so high and large, that they have plenty of leaves to feed their silk-worms: But the Mulberries thereof are white, and they carry them about in baskets to sell to ordinary people. So there is in the Batzars many silk-workers, which make all sorts of embroidery, as purses, buttons, and girdles or sashes of several colours, which they tie about their loins; these are at work before their shops, that every one may see them. When they work, or tie two threads together, they hold their work oftener with their great toe, than pin it to any thing, and the same do the Turners, (which sitting to it) hold their turning irons as well with their toes as with their fingers. Further, at a certain time of the year there is brought from Damascus and other adjacent places, to these Batzars, so great a quantity of large and well-tasted Cibebs, a kind of Raisins, having but one or no stone, that several ship loads are sent from thence to us. These and the like goods are daily brought and found in their Batzars, as rare tapestry and delicately wrought silks with flowers and roses of several colours, some of which look like pure gold. But of all the tradesmen there are not so many of one sort as of them that only deal in Soap and Pot-ashes, for of these ashes (besides Soap) several ship-loads are yearly sent from thence to Venice, which they use for making of Glase as well as Soap. These ashes are made chiefly of a herb, called by the Arabians, Schivan, whereof there are two sorts, which amongst others I have pasted upon paper, one whereof is not unlike to our little Kali; it is a thick and knotty plant, with several small sprigs growing out of it, which have several[25] full buttons at the top, and underneath small pointed leaves, just like the lesser Kali, as I said before, tasting somewhat sharp, the leaves thereof are underneath white, and on the other side of the colour of ashes. The other sort becometh also many stalks, which are full of knots like our Equisetum, and underneath them appears a woody and ash-coloured root.

Both these herbs grow thereabout in great quantities, and are burnt into ashes upon the high mountains, in burning thereof there settleth an oily matter underneath towards the bottom, which united with the ashes is almost as hard as a stone when it is cold: at the top thereof a part of the ashes remains unmix’d and loose, therefore it is not so good as the rest. These ashes are brought down from the mountains upon Camels backs by the Moors, to some Merchants that drive a great trade with them, for partly they send away into foreign parts, and partly they make soap of them, some more, some less, according to every one’s capacity and pleasure. The way they make their Soap in Syria, I am informed, is this, viz. They take commonly twelve hundred weight (or twelve centners) of these ashes, which in the summer they divide into eight, and in the winter into four parts, because the Soap is sooner boiled up in winter, for the heat being then included by the outward cold is more vehement than in summer. Of this they take first one part and make it into a good sharp Lye, which they pour into a very large kettle or caldron made of stone, with a large bottom made of a copper-plate, and very thick, wherein they have before put sixteen hundred weight of Sallet-oil, and let it simper for twenty four hours, pouring daily in more Lye of another part. But before it is quite boil’d up (which in winter requireth perhaps five days, and in summer nine or ten) they take an hundred weight of quick-lime, and mixing it with the ashes, draw a Lye from it, which they put two days before it is quite enough into the caldron, more or less, according as they find it thick or thin. But if it should happen, that there should be too much of the Lye in the kettle, they have a cock coming out of the copper-plate, whereby they let out as much of the Lye as is convenient.[26] When it is almost boil’d up, they take out, with a copper kettle that holds eight or ten pounds, the thicker part of the soap that swimmeth on the top, and pour it upon the floor, which is cover’d with lime or chalk beaten to powder; let it lie there for one day in winter, and two days in summer, and it grows so hard that they can walk over it; then they make it smooth, cut it into square pieces, and put their mark upon it.

### CHAP. III.

Of the Turks of high and low conditions, men and women; of their employments, offices, manners, customs, cloaths, as much as I could at Tripoli, during my abode, understand, see and learn thereof.

The city of Tripoli is, as well as a great many more of the adjacent towns and provinces, subject to the Turkish Emperor, wherein he hath his officers, as in all other places, that they may be ruled according to his pleasure, and protected from all assaults and dangers. Such superiors are by them call’d, Sangiacks or Bashaws, which we may render State-holders, which have several hundred horse-men under their command, more or less according to the revenues of the provinces that are committed to their care. These are brave and experienced soldiers, that lead their men out into the fields several times in the week to exercise them, the horse-men in riding, and the foot in shooting with bows and arrows, which have their several marks done upon high poles, to shoot at in their running; that if there should be occasion they may be ready to take the field presently to fight their enemies. There Sangiachi have other captains and commanders under them, of which the Soubashaws or Judges are the chief; these are placed by him round about in the adjacent places, to officiate for him where he cannot be present. To such places are commonly call’d the Burghers or Citizens of the[27] same places, and they continue no longer than half a year. By them are examined all criminal matters, and they have power to examine and put to the torture all malefactors, to make them confess their crimes. They also accompany the malefactors, that are sentenced and condemn’d by the Cadi, to the place of execution, to see the sentence duly executed; so I have seen them often to ride along, but chiefly at one time with a poor malefactor condemn’d to die, who was carry’d on a camel’s back, ty’d with his back to a cross, with his arms extended, to the place of execution; and between the cross and his shoulders were put two burning torches, prepared with bacon, so that the grease run all over his body, and burnt it severely. The Turks have also for several crimes, whereof there are a great many, their several punishments; as for thieves and murderers, the gallows; for traytors, impaling; and for them that kill a man, beheading, &c. and so they keep a great many servants, which they send out every where to bring to them any that are suspected to have transgressed the laws, by beating or wounding one another, which happens very seldom, by stealing, or murdering, or adultery.

For any other transgressions besides these, the Turks are brought before other magistrates, call’d Cadi, which are to understand the laws, and to judge, and to pronounce sentence after they have examin’d the witnesses: If it be for debt, they are immediately cast into prison until they pay, or find out any other means to make up the debt. But if it be for transgressing the laws, they are severely fined or else punish’d with blows. Wherefore also their Cadi keep several men and spies, which they daily send out, to find out any that transgressed the laws in drinking of wine; in not going to prayers frequently; in not strictly observing their fasts, or in transgressing the laws any other ways. If they find any, they summon them before their Cadi, who punishes them according to their default, with a pecuniary mulct; or if they have no money to give, he sentences them to receive a certain number of blows upon the soals of their feet, and besides pay half a penny for each blow. Being that a great many of such transgressors are daily[28] brought before him, whereof the greatest part receive blows, it causeth so miserable a howling and crying, that we might plainly hear it in the French Fondique, which is just over against it; and although the Cadi is very much troubled with such transgressors, yet matrimonial causes take him up a great deal more time, because all that will marry, must come to him, and make their agreements and contracts, which are consign’d into his books; partly that they may have them to shew, if any differences should arise between them, (seeing that the Turks and Moors have several wives, and are divorced again for a small matter) and partly that they may give them copies of their contracts upon their marriages, which they write for ordinary people upon smooth and plain paper; but for others that are rich, upon a piece of white sattin, about a yard long. These their contracts they comprehend in a few words, and draw them up so short, that they scarce contain above eight or ten lines a piece, at least two inches distant from one another. For this purpose they keep several clerks, which oftener write upon their knees, than on desks or tables. These Sangiacks, Soubashaws and Cadi’s, of which I have made mention before, and also their wives go very richly cloathed with fine flower’d silks, artificially made and mix’d of several colours. But these cloathes are commonly given them by those that have causes depending before them, (for they do not love to part with their own money) to promote their cause, and to be favourable to them; for they are so very covetous that, where there is nothing given them, there they do but little; for the Bashaws and Sangiachi, which under the Grand Signior, rule kingdoms and principalities, know very well that they must rule but three years in the same place; for as soon as their Sultan commands them, they must go to another place, perhaps far distant from that place. Wherefore they always strive after honour and riches, that they may either by gift or favour be by the court promoted to greater authority and office; or else if that cannot be obtain’d, they may at least lay up in the mean time such riches, that they may be able to maintain themselves after the same greatness as they did before.

[29]

When I lived there, a new Sangiack was promoted into the place of the old one, who made his entrance, follow’d by his Saphi’s, and was honourably received by the town. His train consisted most in horse, and archers with arms and shields very well stored; they also had drums and kettle-drums, and other musical instruments, &c. their sabers or scymiters were for the most part tipp’d up a great way with some gilded metal, and very smooth and shining, and so were their stirrups, that at a distance they made a great glittering.

All these officers love to be look’d upon, as if they perform’d their office with great integrity, and yet they are so addicted to covetousness, which is the root of all evil, that, for gifts or bribes, they let the false depositions of those that out of spite accuse the innocent to pass for good. Therefore it is a very easy matter for any one, that would be revenged of his enemy, by way of a small present, to bring him into great trouble and costs. The Soubashaws are of the same stamp, for they do not at all stick to punish, for lucre sake, the innocent, chiefly if they be rich and strangers; their men are very well skill’d in these affairs, to find one trifle or other against them; and because their time is also but short, therefore they make all possible speed to grow rich; and this so much the bolder and opener as they need not fear their Sangiack, nor Bashaw, for they wink at it, as being sharers of the prey, that receive their dividend weekly. In short, let one have committed never so much evil, if he giveth but money to them all is well, and he is as good again as ever he was before. Seeing that many, chiefly in law suits, are wrong’d by them, therefore higher judges, call’d Cadileschier, are set over them, to punish them for their rogery; these are esteem’d by the Turks to be the principal teachers of the Mahometan faith and laws; they are generally grave and understanding men, before whom are brought all intricate causes and appeals to be decided, and they have power to punish these and other officers, but chiefly the Cadi’s, and to put them in and out, according to their behaviour, wherefore they often take their circuits from town to town, to[30] see how the Cadi’s execute justice; wherefore they are very much afraid of their coming, and if they know themselves guilty of any misdemeanor, they often times run away. If they are complain’d of by the people, they are presently punish’d with many blows, put out of their places, and if the crime be great, they are after beheaded, strangled, burnt, or otherways executed; and this happeneth very often in these countries. But if one or more that were also wrong’d by the Cadi, could not stay till the arrival of the Cadileschier, to make their complaints to him, they have another way, that is, to make their complaints to the Porte or the Emperor’s court, or else to go themselves and make their complaints in person, where they are speedily heard (for such causes, as I am inform’d, are heard certainly once in fifteen days) and righted. If any be poor he is maintain’d by the court until his cause is ended.

Such a cause did formerly happen to an interpreter of the Venetian Consul, who being very well to pass, a Soubashaw did strive to make booty of him; but not being able to prove any thing against him, whereby he could make him punishable, he found at length a way, and got one of his servants to hide a common whore in the interpreter’s house, unknown to him, that he might have sufficient cause to accuse him. This being done, the servants of the Cadi broke into the house, and searching it found this whore, and put him into prison. The interpreter, notwithstanding he pleaded his innocency, and that he was totally ignorant of the fact, could not satisfy the Cadi by any means, but was condem’d by him in nine hundred ducats, which he was forc’d to pay. This troubling the interpreter, he could not brook this unjust imposition, being an experienc’d man, well skill’d in their laws, wherefore he took horse immediately, unknown to the Cadi, for Constantinople, where he made his complaints to the court himself so well, and with that success, that he was declared innocent and not guilty of the fact. But as this court usually doth severely punish those that do commit injustice, so this Cadi did not escape; for within a little while after the Turkish Emperor sent to him a Chiausbashaw,[31] which may be compared to an executioner, with a little note, the contents whereof were to send him his head by the bearer, which frighted the gentleman very much; but yet, after, by a peculiar favour, he had taken his leave of his wife, submitted himself to it. This is the reason, that many ill intentions and designs, chiefly if one summon’d the other to appear at the court before the Emperor, are stopt and drawn back, which else would have taken effect and been gone on withal.

If a man appeareth before any Turk that is a person of quality, he must have especial care, that chiefly in departing he do not turn his back side towards him, for this is accounted the greatest incivility and affront that can be given throughout all the Turkish dominions. Nay if a servant appears before his master to ask him forgiveness of his faults, he useth peculiar ceremonies; first he submitteth himself, and sheweth his master all respect imaginable, then he taketh, with his knees bended, his master’s hands to kiss them: If his master lets him have them freely, he is in good hopes that his master will grant him his request, but if not, but draweth them back, although he maketh several profers towards them, he knoweth certainly that he is still out of favour, and that there is but small hopes of obtaining his intention.

They love that one should bear a great deal of honour and respect towards them, for they know that their masters the Sultan’s power hath for a long time past, not been decreasing but always increasing; wherefore they take very much upon themselves, and are always richly cloathed, and ride delicate horses, well adorn’d with stately accoutrements, with embroider’d saddles, and saddle-cloths of scarlet, velvet, or other silks, the bridles and stirrups well garnish’d with silver and gold.

They commonly speak in the Turkish language (and so do all that lie about in garrisons) which is a very manly one, and sounds in proper pronouncing much like unto our German tongue; but they also generally are expert in the Arabian tongue, which is the common one there to the whole country, and goeth through many provinces;[32] for you meet there with many Arabians, Syrians, Jacobites, &c. Christians and Heathens, to whom this speech is common.

The Turks have also some very fine manners and customs; they are affable, they begin their discourse, chiefly to relations and acquaintance, with a friendly salutation and kissing; but they are also lazy, and do not esteem the liberal arts and sciences, love idleness better than labour, for you shall see them spend a whole day in the game of chesse and other games, and in playing on their (quinterns) guittars, which have three, five, seven, and sometimes eleven strings, as I have seen them with the musicians of the Bashaw of Aleppo several times. They commonly play only with their fore-finger, or a piece of a quill, they walk about with them in the streets, chiefly the soldiers, all day long, and so use themselves to laziness and leachery, and contaminate themselves with all sorts of terrible and chiefly sodomitical sins, which by them, because both high and low are equally guilty thereof, are not at all punish’d.

They love to wear good cloaths of light colour, but do not care they should cost them much; their upper garments, which hang down very long before, set with buttons, under which they wear other coats instead of doublets, which (commonly those of the soldiers) are made of blew cloth, somewhat shorter before than behind, with white sleeves, and without collars about their neck, and so are their shirts, which generally are wrought of cotten, and cut about their neck as wide as their cloaths. Instead of bands they wear neck-cloths, which they wrap about their nacked necks, to defend them from the violent heat of the sun. They also, chiefly in the summer, wear white and wide cotton drawers, which reach to their ancles, and are much narrower below; to them they have no cod-pieces, which they do not suffer others to wear, that they may wash, without hindrance, their private parts, feet, arms, necks or any other parts, to cleanse themselves as often as their laws shall direct them. These drawers they tie about their middle with some strings or bands about their naked body, and let their shirts hang down over them.[33] When they have occasion to make water, they untie their drawers again, sit down and cast their cloths round about them like women, turn themselves from the south, to which they turn when they are going to pray. If they see a man make his water standing, they immediately conclude him to be a Christian, and none of their faith. They commonly sit with their legs laid one over the other, which they do every where in the east, wherefore they have neither chair nor table, but instead thereof, they have a paved place, two or three steps high, which is arch’d over head, which they keep very clean, and cover it with tapestry, or serge, or matts finely twisted with several colours, according to their ability; wherefore to save them, the Turks pull off their shoes and leave them at the chamber door. Their shoes are like unto those our lackies use to wear, and like slippers easy to be put on and off, they commonly are of a white or blew colour, painted before, underneath defended with nails before, and with horseshoes behind; these are worn by young and old, men and women, rich and poor. Besides these they also wear sometimes wooden shoes, which are to be sold every where; they are about three inches high, and in the middle underneath carved out, to distinguish the soals from the heels, painted with several colours; the same wear the women, which have almost the same garments with the men, and have also drawers, which sometimes are so long that they hang out before their coats; they are commonly made of fine cotton of several colours, and laced at the sides. You very seldom see any Turkish women either in the streets or in the markets to buy provision, or in their churches, where only the chiefest of them come, and that but seldom, where they have a peculiar place separated from the men. They have also in their houses secret places and corners, where they hide themselves immediately, if any body should come to see their housholds. When they go abroad, which is very seldom, you see three or four of them together with their children, which are all one man’s; for according to their law they are allow’d to take as many as they can maintain. Their faces are all cover’d with black vails, whereof some[34] are of fine silk, and some of horse-hair, which the poorer sort wear; and over their head they put some white scarfs made of cotton, which are so broad that they not only cover their heads but their arms and shoulders, they look in them almost like our maids, when, to keep themselves from the wet, they put a table-cloth or sheet over their heads. But because the Turks are very jealous, therefore their wives seldom meet in the streets or markets, but only in the hot-houses, or when they go to visit the tombs of their deceased parents or relations, which generally are out of town near the highways. When they go thither, they take along with them bread, cheese, eggs, and the like to eat there, which was call’d Parentalia by the Latins, just as the Heathens used to do in former ages; and sometimes they leave some of their cheer behind them, that the beasts and birds may eat it after they are gone; for they believe, that such good bestow’d upon the beasts is as acceptable to God as if it were bestow’d on men. Their graves are commonly hollow cover’d at the top with great stones, which are like unto children’s bed-steads in our country, which are high at the head and feet, but hollow’d in the middle; they fill them up with earth, wherein they commonly plant fine herbs, but chiefly flags; they also put some green myrtles in little air-holes that are round the tombs; and they are of opinion, that their relations are the happier, the longer these remain green and retain their colour: And for the sake of this superstition there are in several places of the town myrtles to be sold that stand in water, that they may remain fresh, which the women buy to stick up at the graves of their relations. Their burying-places are always out of town near the highways, that any body that goeth by may be put in mind of them, and pray to God for them, which is the reason that so many chapels are built about their burying-places, that people that go by, chiefly the relations of the deceased, may go into them to pray to God in their behalf. When any of them dieth, they wash him, and put on his best cloaths; then they lay him on a bar or board, and strow him with sweet smelling herbs and flowers, leaving only[35] his face bare, that every body may look upon him that knoweth him, as he is carry’d out. If it be a Tschelebii, that is, a noble person, they put his helmet and his other ornaments at his head; his friends and acquaintance, which go before and follow the corps, keep no order, but hang upon one another, as if they were fudled, and go merrily and shouting along to the grave; as also do the women, who come behind and hollow so loud that you may hear them a great way off.

### CHAP. IV.

A description of the plants I gather’d at Tripoli.

Considering that I undertook this journey into the eastern countries, not only to see these people, and to observe their manners, &c. but also, and that principally, diligently to enquire and to search out the plants that were growing there; I cannot but shortly describe those I found about Tripoli, during my stay there, and will begin with such as grew on the sea-shores, which were Medica marina, Gnaphalium marinum, Leucoium marinum, Juncus maritimus, Peplis, Scammonium Monspeliense, which the natives call Meudheuds; but Rhasis, in his book ad Almans. call’d it Coriziala, Brassica marina, which spreads it’s roots above the sand for some cubits round, and has instead of round leaves rather square ones. A kind of wild white lillies by the Latins and Greeks call’d Hemerocallis, which did not only grow on the sea-shore, but also in islands thereabouts in great plenty, with a great many others, which I forbear to mention here, being common. Behind the custom-house, near the harbour, I found in the ruins of the old walls that are left of that city, Hyoscyamus, and hard by it in the sand an herb not unlike unto Cantabrica secunda Caroli Clusii, saving only the stalks and leaves which are woolly. But the Ricinus groweth there above all in so great plenty, that you can hardly make your way through it; the inhabitants call it still by it’s old Arabian name Kerva.

[36]

If you turn from thence to the high-way towards your right hand, you see the Tythimalus Paralius, and also a kind of Conyza Diosc. out of one root there spring up several stalks, whereof some grow upright, but the greater part of them lie down upon the ground, and so shoot new roots, which afterwards sprout out into new stalks; it beareth long olive-leaves, which are thick, fattish, and somewhat woolly, and have a strong and equally sweet smell; for the rest, as the flowers, it is very like unto the great one. You find there also the greater and lesser Medica, which the Moors to this day call Fasa. Likewise so great and many Squills that the inhabitants weed them up, chiefly those that grow near their gardens, and fling them up in high heaps like stones. There also groweth Securidaca minor, Tribulus terrestris, by the inhabitants call’d Haseck, and a kind of Echium, which groweth by the way as you go to St James’s church, which from thence is situated upon an ascent at a mile’s distance. Hereabouts, and in other adjacent places, groweth a great quantity of sugar-canes, so that there is yearly sold a great many sugar-loaves that are made thereof. These are as high and big as our canes, and not much differing from them, but within and down towards the root, where they are best, they are full of this pleasant juice, wherefore the Turks and Moors buy a great many of them, being very pleasant to them to chew and eat, for they are mightily pleased with sweet-meats, whereof they have variety. Before they begin to eat or chew them, they stript off the long leaves and cut away what is tasteless, so that only the juicy and good remaineth, which is hardly two foot. Of the thus prepared canes they carry many along with them through the streets, and cut off one piece after another, skale them, and so chew and eat them openly every where in the street without shame; for they are, principally near the root, very tender, and feel as mellow between your teeth as if it were sugar itself. So the Turks use themselves to gluttony, and are no more so free and courageous, to go against their enemies to fight, as they have been in former ages. The sugar canes do not grow there from seeds, neither are they propagated by the root, but by the canes themselves,[37] whereof they lay into the ground some green pieces of two or three joints long, and that they may grow the sooner, they bore pretty large holes in between the joints; when they begin to grow, they sprout out in the joints, and grow up into great canes, and so bring in good profit.

There also by the rivers are found Anthilis Marina, Visnaga, the first Apocymum, and Oleander with purple flowers, by the inhabitants call’d Defle, and a delicate kind of Scabiosa Melissa Maluca, and if you go to the gardens, you see Heliotropium majus, Convolvulus folio acuto, Vitis nigra, Phaseolus Turcicus, with yellow flowers, which still retain the ancient name of Lubie, Lysimachia lutea, and wild vines call’d Labruscæ, whereon nothing groweth but only the flowers, call’d Ocnanthe; and also a shrub like unto the Polygonus of Carol Clusius, which climbs up into high trees, and hang down again from the twigs; and I verily believe they are the same with Ephedra, whereof Pliny maketh mention in the seventh chapter of his twenty sixth book.

When I went farther, with an intention to consider the plants that grew in the country, first came before me some Sycomores, whereof chiefly Dioscorides and Theophrastus make mention, and tell us of two sorts; and when I call’d these things to mind, I light of one of the second sort of Sycomores, whereof abundance grow in Cyprus, wherefore these wild figg-trees might be call’d, the one the Cyprish Sycomore-tree, and the other the Egyptian Sycomore-tree, according to the places where they are most frequent and fruitful. I found a great many of them: the Moors and Arabians call them Mumeitz, they are as great and as high as the white Mulberry-trees, and have almost the same leaves, but they are only somewhat rounder, and are also whole at or about the sides; they bear fruit not unlike to our figg-trees, only they are sweeter, and have no little seeds within, and are not so good; wherefore they are not esteem’d, and are commonly sold only to the poorer sort of people; they grow in all fields and grounds, as you may see by the words of the second book of the Chronicles ix. 27. And the king made silver in Jerusalem as stones, and[38] Cedar-trees made he as the Sycomore-trees that are in the low plains in abundance. Zacheus did climb upon such a one when he had a great mind to see our Saviour. Essaias also maketh mention of them in his ninth chap. vers. 10, and Amos in his seventh chap. vers. 14, where he saith of himself: I was a herds-man, and a gatherer of Sycomore-fruit. These two sorts are very like one another, in stem, leaves, and fruit, only as the fruit of the one comes more out of the great stems and great twigs, so that of the other does the same, but not out of the stems and twigs immediately, but out of twigs or sprouts without leaves of the length of five or six inches, whereon they grow sometimes very thick, and in a bunch together. These trees bear fruit three or four times yearly, which are small, of an ash-colour, oblong, round, like Prunes, and are found upon the trees almost all the year long. Hereabouts also grow many thorns, whereof is made mention in Scripture, by the inhabitants call’d Hauseit, and by the Arabians Hausegi, but the Latins call them Ahamnus; and also white Poplars, still to this day call’d Haur by the Arabians. There also groweth a great and high tree which beareth delicate leaves and flowers, pleasant to look upon, by the inhabitants call’d Zensetacht, but by Rhasis and Avicenna, Astirgar, & Astergir, and Azadaracht, whereof you see here and there several planted in the streets, to make a pleasant shade in the summer, the fruit thereof remaineth upon them all the year long, until they put out again a-new, for they are hurtful, and kill the dogs if they eat thereof.

Near the town upon the highlands, (where you see abundance of corn-fields, and abundance of pleasant Olive-trees, that reach quite up to mount Libanus) are found Polium montanum, Pecten veneris, ferrum equinum, Chamæleon niger, with it’s sharp pointed and black roots and leaves, very like unto the leaves of Carlina, whereof the stalks are of a reddish colour, a span long, and of the thickness of a finger; whereon are small prickly heads, of a blewish colour, not unlike to those of the little Eryngium. Another fine plant grows thereabouts, call’d Sathar in their language, but when I consider it’s beautiful purple-colour’d flowers, and it’s small leaves which[39] are something long withal, I rather judge it to be the Hasce of the Arabians, or the true Thyme of Diosc. which we call Serpillum Romanum. It hath as pleasant an acrimony as any spice can have, wherefore the inhabitants use it very much, whole or in powder, at home and abroad, with and without their meat, chiefly for to correct an ill digestion of their stomach. This herb is never found in our Apothecaries shops, they take another in it’s room, which hath lesser and greener heads, and is rather the first Satureia of Diosc. brought from Candia. There are also two sorts of Clinopodium, whereof the lesser and tenderer (considering it’s long stalks, leaves and flowers, which grow in good order, and at equal distances one over the other) may very well be taken for the true one of the Diosc. There are also Ilex minor, Sabina baccifera, Terebinthus, and many more.

In the town are found several strange plants; one called Musa, whereof the stalks are from nine to twelve foot high, which are smooth, and without they are inclosed in their leaves, and often quite surrounded like our reeds, of a fine shining green; at the top thereof the leaves spread themselves out, and look like a great bush of feathers, for they are very long, and so broad, that the biggest person may lie upon them with his whole body very well. These leaves have a rib in the middle, which keepeth them up streight, and so strongly, that although the wind breaketh them at the sides in several places, yet notwithstanding they remain upright. These trees bear their fruit no more than once, wherefore they are cut down, and so the root shoots out several other stalks about a foot distant from the old one, which grow up again, and bring forth fruit, which groweth on a thick stalk in great numbers; they are almost shaped like the Citruls, round and bended, only they are less, smooth without, invironed with a thick rind, which is first yellow, but when they are kept a few days it grows black, it is easily separated when they are new; within they are whitish, full of seeds, sweet and good to eat; but they fill mightily, and are apt to gripe: Wherefore, (as Theophrastus mentioneth in the fifth chapter of his fourth book) Alexander the Great forbid his army to eat them, when[40] he went into the Indies. There groweth but very little of this fruit about Tripoli, but it is brought from the neighbouring places plentifully. We also find there another tree, not unlike unto our Privett, by the Arabians called Alcana, or Henne, and by the Grecians, in their vulgar tongue Schenna, which they have from Egypt, where, but above all in Cayro, they grow in abundance. The Turks and Moors nurse these up with great care and diligence, because of their sweet-smelling flowers, and put them into earthen pots, or wooden cases or boxes, to keep them in the winter in vaults from the frost, which they cannot endure. And because they hardly begin to sprout before August, they water them with Soap-suds, but others lay lime about the root, to make it put forth the earlier, that it may flower the sooner, because of the pleasantness of the smell of the flowers, which is somewhat like musk: They are of a pale yellow colour, and stand in spikes of the length of a span, but not very close, so that leaves appear between them; their twigs are also of the same colour, whereof many are sent to us, to cleanse the teeth with, as it were with a brush, when they are bruised a little at the ends. They also, as I am informed, keep their leaves all winter, which leaves they powder and mix with the juice of Citrons, and stain therewith, against great holydays, the hair and nails of their children of a red colour, which colour perhaps may be seen with us on the mains and tails of Turkish horses. The powder is greenish, and so common with them, that you see in their Batzars whole bags full thereof standing before their shops, which come from Ægypt and Africa, from whence whole ship-loads are sent through Turky, as I have seen myself in this harbour several, from whence the Turkish Emperor hath yearly a great revenue. The Arabians burn their Spodium out of the root thereof, as Avicenna remarks in his seventeenth chap. This being thus, it appeareth that there is no small difference between these two, ours and theirs; I am of opinion, that theirs (which is mentioned in the first chapter of Solomon’s Song) is liker to that which Dioscor. describeth, than our Ligustrum.

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Thereabouts is also found within and without the gardens a peculiar sort of mallows, by them called Chethince, which is very large, and high, and, like other trees, spreads it’s woody twigs and soft boughs, that are covered with a brownish bark; amongst the rest I saw one as big as a man’s middle, the leaves thereof are of a dark green, long, and at the sides towards the point crenated; it’s flowers are rather bigger than other mallows, of a blew colour; their seeds I did never see. Hard by I found another outlandish Doschet flower, which was almost decay’d, so that it had neither leaves, flowers nor seeds: It was about three foot high, the stem and twigs were hairy, hollow within as other stalks, of a green colour, inclining somewhat to yellow, which had at top many other shoots, each of them had behind like unto other tree-stems it’s proper joint. This is so juicy quite through, that it drops almost with milk, which is sharper than any spurge. I made great inquiry of them about it, but could have no certain account thereof; but as it seemed to me, it is very like unto Xabra and Camarronus of Rhasis by the Arabians called Tanaghut and Sabeam, and may be taken, according to that author’s description, for it.

Farther hereabouts, chiefly in the town upon the cisterns and conduits, I found Adiantum, by the Apothecaries called Capillus Veneris, and in old walls the Apollinaris. I also found in the shops in their Batzars two sorts of roots, whereof one was rounder, which may be the Bulcigeni of the Venetians, which are called Thrasi at Verona, where they grow (as the learned Malthiolus testifieth) many of these are sent out of Egypt to Tripoli, and sold there, chiefly to eat in June, by the name of Habel, Assis and Altzis, this being true, and they being very like both in name and quality to the grains of Altzelem of the Arabians, they must be the same, although Rhasis reckoneth these amongst the fruits. The other called by them Hakinrigi, and Hakeuribi is somewhat longer, not unlike to our Doronicum; there is also a great many of them to be sold; they are hard, of a sweetish taste, with a piercing bitterness, and in their bigness, and white nerves (which spread themselves under ground in the gardens round about like unto the wild[42] Angelica of Tragus) so like to the Haronigi Serapionis, and to the Durungi and Durunegi of Avicenna, according to their description, and so uniform, that they must be taken for the same. Then I found also in their shops abundance of the seeds of Sumach, whereof they make a red powder, to excite the appetite of the stomach. These and more strange and unknown simples I did find at Tripolis. But because it would be too tedious to describe them all, therefore I have only made mention of those that authors have describ’d.

### CHAP. V.

Which way I travell’d from Tripolis farther to the two famous cities of Damant and Halepo.

After I had rested for several weeks in Tripolis, and had observed that city, it’s building, and pleasant situation, and moreover the manners, customs, and habits, as well of the low as high ones, I propounded to myself to travel to Aleppo, which is almost the biggest, and the most famous trading city of Syria, which lies five or six days journey towards the north-east of Tripolis. And when I met with some companions to travel with me, we stored ourselves with provisions, viz. bread, cheese, eggs, &c. for our journey, and so set out of Tripolis the ninth of Novemb. Anno 1573.

By the way we met with a great deal of rain, which commonly begins at that time of the year, and continueth almost all the winter long; this kept us so much back, that we reached not to Damant, which is in the mid-way from Tripolis to Aleppo, before the fourth day. There we lodged in one of their great Champs, call’d Carvatscharas, where we had a chamber assign’d us, in which we found neither table nor chairs, nor bench, nor bed, only upon the floor was laid a Stromatzo, twisted of canes, which was to serve us instead of them all. There we bought in their Batzar some victuals according to our pleasure, and staid there[43] all night long. The town, which some take to be the old Apamia, is pretty big, and pretty well built; it lies in a valley between hills, so that you can see nothing of it, the castle only excepted, which lieth on the hill, and guardeth it very well, before you are just come to it. Round about it there are many orchards and kitchen-gardens, which they water out of the river Hasce, which is pretty large, and runs thro’ the town. The water they lift up with wheels, fix’d in the river for that purpose, that pour it into channels that carry it into the gardens, and so water them in the great heat of the sun, to refresh them. These gardens had been worth my seeing, but my fellow-travellers were in haste, and so we put on the next morning for Aleppo.

By the way we saw very good corn-fields, vineyards, and fields planted with cotton, which is brought from thence, and sold to us under the name of the place where it grew, and also silks and other goods that are bought there at the first hand. In these countries are a great many wild asses, call’d Onagri, the skins of them are very strong to wear, and as they prepare them, finely frock’d on the outside as strawberries are, or like the skin of the Sepia, or cuttle-fish, wherefore they commonly make their scabbards for their scymiters, and sheaths of their knives thereof. Their blades are water’d on both sides very subtilly; they are made of good metal, well harden’d, and so sharp, chiefly those that are made in Damascus, that you may cut with them a very strong nail in pieces, without any hurt to the blade. They wear rather knives than daggers, which they tie to their girdles with finely wrought tapes, by their backs.

When we went on and came to the promontory of mount Libanus, we saw abundance of villages by the way, which for the most part are inhabited by Christians, viz. Syrians, Maronites, &c. with whom we did lodge sometimes over-night; these entertain’d us very civilly, and gave us such wine to drink as grew on the mountains, than which I hardly remember I ever drank better. Amongst the rest of the villages we came to one call’d Hanal, lying high in a fruitful country,[44] where, as I am inform’d, in former days a very fine city stood, which is so desolated, and in process of time decay’d to that degree, that in our days there is almost nothing left of it but a small village, and here and there in the fields some small ruins of old houses.

We went on farther between the mountains, where we spy’d a little town upon the hills, and above it a strong castle, which it is said the French did formerly build, that lieth in a very convenient place between the mountains, so that you must go just by it; but because it is haunted with evil spirits and hobgobblins, it remaineth unrepair’d and uninhabited. We left it on our left hand, and came out into a spacious corn-field well till’d, where on our left we saw the town Sermin at a great distance, and near to it and about it, great woods of Pistacio-trees, which are gathered there, and sent to Tripolis, and so by the merchants to us: Some of them grow also near the high-ways, chiefly in the village of Basilo, where we stay’d all night.

In our way we found nine or ten Champs, call’d Caravatscharas: these are open inns, where the caravans and travellers go in, commonly towards evening, to stay there all night; they are free to any body, but you find neither meat nor drink there, if you will have it you must bring it along with you, and must be contented to lie upon straw, if you can have it, upon the lower wall, which goes round about the sides, on purpose to give to horses, asses, and camels their food upon it. They are generally three miles distant from one another; they are large and stately, and as strong in walls as castles, commonly built four-square, and have within a large yard, and round about it are stables which are quite open, just like cloisters. Some of them have a garrison of nine or twelve Janisaries, to keep the roads clean, and to protect the travellers from assaults of the inhabitants and Arabians.

When we had travell’d over several rough mountains, and came almost near to Halepo, we saw at last the city just like Damand, of the bigness of Strasbourg; at the gates we dismounted, because in Turky no outlandish man hath liberty to ride thro’ a city, and so we went into it, and I went into the French Fundique to take my lodgings, as all Germans use to do.

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### CHAP. VI.

Of the situation of the potent city of Halepo, of the buildings thereof, and also of the delicate fruits, and fine plants that grow there within and without the gardens.

The town of Halepo, which is the greatest and most potent in Syria, anciently call’d Nerea, is in some places well fortify’d with ditches and walls, only they are not quite round it, so that one may (the same it is with Tripolis) at any time of night go in and out; neither are the gates, as used in our country, chiefly in cities of account, beset with soldiers, but you will only see two or three waiting at the head-gates, where the highways go through, which are rather there to take custom, than to keep the gates, neither have they any arms. But in the middle of the city there is a castle on a high hill, which is strong, large, surrounded with walls and ditches, and well beset with a good guard. Concerning their other buildings, which are flat at the top, and cover’d with a sort of pavement, that one may walk on the tops of them, they are like unto them of Tripolis. Amongst the rest there is a very magnificent building, which they say hath cost a great deal of money, which hath for it’s entrance a very low and small door, so that one must bend himself very low that will go into it, but when you come in, you find there delicate large halls, high open arches, very pleasant and cool to sit underneath in the summer, water-works, orchards, and kitchen-gardens, where among the rest was one of these Ketmy’s: Besides these there was also some fine Mosques with steeples, which were round and small, but very high; some of them had a balcony at the top, like unto a garland, whereupon the waits are, and their priests go about at the time of prayers, to call people in. But for other stately buildings, that might be erected[46] for the memory of some potent King or Prince, there is none.

Without the city they have here and there some country-houses; among the rest one built for the Turkish Emperor, at four miles distance from the city, where he used to be sometimes, chiefly when he is at war with the Sophy, King of Persia, that he may presently assist his army in case of necessity; this is very large, but not built so stately as so great a monarch deserveth. In the great garden is a chapel built by the river that runs through it upon pillars, where the Great Sultan used to hold conferences with his Privy-counsellors and Visier-bashaws. It happen’d in the reign of Solyman the Great, as the gardiner did relate to us, that when they were assembled, to consult whether it was more profitable to him to suffer the Jews in his provinces, or to root them quite out; after every one had given his opinion, and most of them were of the opinion, that they ought not to be tolerated, because of their unsufferable usury wherewith they oppressed his subjects; and after the Emperor had heard every ones sentiment, he gave them also to understand his, and that in this instance, viz. He bad them look upon a flower-pot, that held a quantity of fine flowers of divers colours, that was then in the room, and bid them consider whether each of them in their colour, did not set out the other the better; and that if any of them should decay, or be taken away, whether it would not somewhat spoil the beauty of the rest. After every one had heard the Sultan’s opinion, and did allow of it to be true; the Emperor did begin to explain this, and said, The more sorts of nations I have in my dominions under me, as Turks, Moors, Grecians, &c. the greater authority they bring to my kingdoms, and make them more famous. And that nothing may fall off from my greatness, I think it convenient, that all that have been together so long hitherto, may be kept and tolerated so still for the future; which pleased his council so well, that they all unanimously agreed to it, and so let it remain as it was.

Without the city of Halepo are abundance of quarries, where they dig great free-stones of a vast bigness, almost[47] as white and soft as chalk, very proper for building: There are also about the town some walks or grotto’s under ground, which are above an English mile long, which have the light let into them by holes made near the highway, so that a man must be very careful (chiefly at night) that he may not fall into them, or that he may not be trapann’d by the Moors that live in them in great numbers. The ground about it being very chalky, it causeth to the soles of our feet, chiefly at night, although one be very well provided with strong shoes, a very considerable driness and heat, as one may also see by the Moors, that, for the most part go bare-foot, which causeth the soles of their feet to be so shrifled, that into some of their crevises you may almost put your little finger. Yet notwithstanding that, Halepo is surrounded with rocky hills, and the valleys thereof are chalky; they have no want of corn, as barley, wheat, &c. but rather it is very fruitful, and their harvest beginning commonly in April or May: But they have but few oats, and less grass or hay; for the driness is so great, and it is so sandy, and the hills are so rough and full of bushes, that they make but very little hay. Wherefore they feed their cattel with barley, and with straw, which is broken in pieces by threshing waggons, that are drawn by oxen. The valley is also full of Olive-trees, so that yearly they make several thousand hundred weight of oil for to make Soap. There is also a great quantity of tame and wild Almond-trees, of Figgs, of Quince, and white Mulberry-trees, which are very high and big: Pistacies-trees, which they call Fistuc, are hereabout very common; they have underneath very strong stems, which have outwardly an ashen-colour’d bark, and are adorned with handsome leaves of a sad green colour, like unto their Charnubis, and behind them grow many small Nuts like Grapes in clusters together. In the spring when they first put out, they send forth long shoots, which the Moors gather in great quantity for their sallad, and dress them as we do Asparagus. There are also abundance of delicate orchards, that are filled with Oranges, Citrons, Lemons, Adam’s-Apples, Sebesten, Peaches, Morelloes, and Pomegranates, &c. and amongst them you find sometimes Apples and Pears, but very[48] few, nor so many sorts, nor so big, nor so well coloured as ours. There grow many Myrtles, which bear roundish berries of the bigness of our Sorbus or Services, of a blewish grey colour, very good to eat, which have white seeds of the shape of our jumping cheese-magots; they propagate them diligently, because they are beautiful, and remain long green, to put about their graves. Moreover there are many Sumach-trees, which they plant for their seeds sake, which is much used by them; but Cherries, Amelanchier and Spenleny I have not seen there, and very few Goosberries, or Currans; Weychseln they have, but very few, wherefore they esteem them, and keep them choice, as a foreign plant, to shew them to others, and to present great persons with them; this may suffice of trees.

Concerning their garden plants: those that are common, are Endives, Lettice, Keal or Coleworts, Colliflowers, Cauloropa, Rauckelen, Apium, Tarcon, whereof Rhasis describeth two sorts, one with long small leaves, by us call’d Taragon, and the other with broad leaves, which I reckon to be our Lepidium, by the inhabitants call’d Cozirihan. Ravos Serap; or our common Hartichokes. But beyond all they plant Colocasia in such plenty as we do Turneps, whereof they have also great plenty. They are also very well provided with Horseraddishes, Garlick, and Onions, which the inhabitants still call Bassal. Of Pumpions, Citruls, and Cucumis anguinus, which they call Gette, they plant as many as they have occasion for; but many more Angurien an Indian Muskmillion, or Water-mellons, which they call Batiechas, but Serap. Dullaha, they are large, of greenish colour, sweet and pleasent to eat, and very cooling, wherefore they esteem them to be their best fruits; but chiefly those, which have more red than white within; they are very innocent and harmless, and keep so long good, that they sell them in their Batzars all the winter long. Moreover, there are three sorts of those plants which the Arabians call Melanzana, Melongena, and Beudengian, as ash-coulour’d, yellow, and flesh-colour’d, which are very like one another in their crookedness and length, and like unto the long Gourds. There are two other sorts, which are call’d Bathleschain, viz.[49] oblong and round ones, which are much bigger, of a black colour, and so smooth and glaz’d that they give a reflection. They eat these oftener boil’d (chiefly after the way which Averrhoës mention’d) than raw. Without their gardens are two other strange plants, which also (being they eat them commonly with others) may be reckon’d among the Kitchin-herbs; whereof one is call’d by them Secacul, which I found about the town in shady places, and among trees, and in the corn; it’s roots are of an ashen colour without, and white within, smooth, mellow or tender, of one inch thick, and one and a half long; it hath instead of fibres, little knobs like unto warts, and a sweet taste, not unlike to our Carrots in stalk, herb or head, saving only the flowers, which are yellow; the herb-women carry them strung upon strings about the streets to sell them. The other sort is also very plentiful, and is found in dry and rough places, which the inhabitants to this day, with Serapio, call Hacub, whereof he maketh mention in his 295th chapter, under the name of Hacub Alcardeg, whereof they cut in the spring the young shoots or sprouts, that grow round about it, boil and eat it as we do Asparagus, corruptly call’d Sparrowgrass; the whole plant is very like to our Carlina, only this hath bigger, higher and more prickly heads, whereon appear flesh-coulour’d flowers. It being that it is every way like it, and that also the root hath the same virtue, for if you steep it in water, and drink of it, it maketh you vomit and fling up; therefore I am of opinion, that without doubt it must be the true Silybum Dioscorides; besides this there grow also in the road and on old walls such plenty of Capers, that they are not at all esteem’d; they take these flowers before they open, and pickle them, and eat them for sauce with their meat. I had almost forgot another herb, which I found in their gardens, that beareth roundish smooth stalks about two foot high; the leaves are two and two equally distant from one another, and one above the other; they are long, crenated at the sides, like unto our Mercurialis; between them sprout out in harvest-time yellow flowers, which produce long aculeated cods, which open themselves when they are ripe; within them are six distinctions, and in each of them a[50] little black seed placed in very good order; the herb is of a sower taste, like Sorrel, wherefore it is to every body, chiefly the Jews, known, who boil the leaves thereof with their meat to eat them; wherefore some take it to be Olus Judaicum Avicennæ, and others take it for Corchorum Plinii, whether it be or no I suspend my judgment.

They have abundance of Pulses in these countries, which they feed upon, so that you see several in their Batzars which sell nothing else but them. Among the rest you will find abundance of Phaseoli, or Kidney-beans, little and great ones, very white; and many sorts of Cicer, which they call Cotane, and, with Avicenna, Hamos. Whereof they have as many as we have Pease in our country, and boil them for their daily food, and oftentimes they eat them raw, chiefly if they be roasted, till the outward shell falls off; they often call for them thus dressed when they are a drinking in their coffee-houses, and have them brought to table with cheese after their meals instead of preserves or fruit, as Cibebs, Hasel-nuts, and the like, for they eat very mellow, and have a fine saltish taste. They dress the Orobus after the same manner, which they call now Ades and Hades, but whether right or no I leave to the learned; they are somewhat less and rounder, and not unlike the Cicers in their colour, only that these are reddish and white, and the other white and yellow. These put me still in mind of another strange plant, by the Arabians call’d Mas, whose leaves and cods are pretty like our Phaseolus, and the cods contain little round seeds, something less than our pease, of a dark green colour, and are so smooth and shining that they reflect again. Serapio maketh mention of them in his 116th chap. under the name of Mes. And Avicenna in his 488th chapter under the name Meisce; and the very learned and experienced Botanist, Carolus Clusius, calleth it, in his Epitome of the Indian plants, by the name of Mungo. The Turks love these Pulses very well, chiefly to eat them among their rice. So much I thought convenient to mention here of their Kitchen-herbs and fruits that grow in gardens and about Aleppo; of others that belong not to the kitchen I shall make mention hereafter.

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In this city of Aleppo the Merchants buy great store of drugs, brought from several parts by the caravans, as Rheubarb, Galbanum, Opoponax, Styrax, Laser, Sagapenum, Scammony, &c.

### CHAP. VII.

Of the high places and authority of Bashaws, what great courts they keep, and how they administer their offices; as also of their way of living, of their privileges, of their manners and conversation.

The city of Aleppo, which some, considering the name and situation, believe to be the town Chalibon of Ptolomæus situated in Chalibonitis, is subject unto the Turkish Emperor, together with all the adjacent places, wherefore he keepeth a Bashaw in it, which is to rule it, and the whole province according to his will and pleasure. Now as the Bashaws are almost the chiefest and heighest under the Emperor, so they keep according to their station and dignity their courts as great as the Princes do in our country, according as they have great or small provinces. So they have under them their chief commanders, as Sangiacks, Bolucs-bashaws and others, which are continually with them, go with them to their temples, or any other place where-ever they have a mind to go in great numbers, both on foot and on horse-back, which by their several habits are to be distinguish’d, but chiefly the Bolusc-bashaws, who as captains have an hundred Janisaries under them, which in costly cloaths, and high heads with feathers, run on foot like lackies by their master. They have also besides their court, as well as the Emperor himself, peculiar lodgings for their concubines, which they either have pick’d up here and there out of towns and countries, or else taken in time of war by sea and land from Christians and other nations; wherefore they keep many eunuchs to attend them constantly. They take great delight in hunting, and go often several days journeys after it; if they take wild boars, they[52] give them to Christians, because they are by their laws forbid to eat them, which makes the Turks, often to mock them in the streets, crying out and calling them Chansir quibir, that is, great Boars or Hog-eaters. Although the Bashaws are great persons, that command over cities and countries, yet they are reckon’d to be like others, but slaves to their master, that have nothing of their own that they can bequeath to their heirs or posterity after their decease, as our Princes can; because the Emperor, after their decease, taketh possession of all their visible estates, and allows only to their children an annuity; nay, if their Sultan commands them to go from one place to an inferior one, or to leave their dignity quite and clean, they must obey immediately, if they will not run themselves into greater inconveniences or dangers. This is the reason that such persons, though rich, seldom build great buildings, so that you see none in all the country, except it be a chapel, or a champ, which they build to be remember’d by. They rather keep their riches in gold and silver, which can be hid, and so secretly given to their posterity. They bestow but very little upon jacks, for they are too covetous, neither have they many workmen that are able to set them. These Bashaws being altogether for their own advantage, that strive to get wealth, their subjects must needs suffer very much under them, but chiefly strangers, that live there to traffick, as Italians, French, &c. whereby between them and the Bashaws, that mind their own and not the public good, arise often great differences, and they must have suffer’d great damage, if their sovereigns, to prevent these things, and that their subjects may deal securely, had not taken care to send them discreet and prudent men, which are call’d Consuls, endew’d with great privileges from the Grand Signior, to hear their complaints, and to protect them against any assaulters. It happen’d in my time, while I staid there, that great differences arose between the Consul of Venice and the new Bashaw who was sent thither instead of the deceased one, in the year 1575, the 6th of March, who came in to take possession with a great number of horse and foot. At his arrival, the Consul of Venice went, accompany’d with a great number[53] of merchants in great state, to meet him, to bid him welcome, and presented him with fourteen cloaths richly wrought of silk, desiring him to take his countrymen into protection; that they might trade and deal safely under him. The Bashaw looking upon the cloaths, behaved himself very unkindly, and thinking them to be very inconsiderable, he not only refused them, but answer’d the Consul very scornfully. So it often happens that these great persons come to differ, and pursue their differences so far, that at last it must be brought before the Emperor and his court. If they find that the Bashaw is in the wrong, he is immediately punish’d, not regarding his great authority, according to the default, either in money, or else, if it be a great crime, he must loose his life for it; which is the oftner done, because they depend very much upon traffick, which bringeth the Emperor in yearly a great revenue. Yet notwithstanding they are punish’d so severely, sometimes the pride and ambition of the Bashaws is so great, that to uphold their greatness they will not cease to strive by any means after riches and very great wealth, which their subjects, not to speak of strangers, find daily, whom they squeeze and press, chiefly if they find them rich, to that degree, that they cannot come to any thing, nor thrive under them; moreover they draw, after the decease of their rich subjects, for the most part the greatest share of what they leave, into their own purses; so that such persons do not take pains, nor bestow any great cost to build their houses, or to till their grounds, as we do in our country. They have commonly in market-towns and villages low houses or halls, whereof many are so cover’d with hills, that you cannot see them before you are quite at them. When you come into them, you find neither chairs, nor stools, nor tables, only a couple of pieces of tapestry spread, whereon they sit after their fashion; and instead of feather-beds, whereof they make no use at all, they have mats and quilts, which they fold together in the day, and hang them up in a corner, at night they spread them out again to sleep on them. They have no occasion for sheets to cover themselves as we do, nor for any towels neither, for instead of them they use long pieces of rags,[54] which they hang about their naked necks, or hang them at their girdles. We see sometimes in their houses, above all in the country, several strange shaped earthen vessells, which cover whole sides of the wall in their rooms, which their relations use to present them with at their wedding, which to please them, they use to put up, and to keep there, rather for their remembrance than to make any other use of them. In their kitchen they have very few utensils, perhaps a few pipkins, pans, and trenchers, for they boil all their victuals in one pot together, that their maids may not have many to cleanse, or to put up.

Concerning their cloaths: They bestow not very much upon them, although they be well to pass, for they love money so well, that they will rather spend a whole day in contending for a penny, than pay it willingly. Wherefore a man that will travel through these countries, must have his purse well stored, and keep it very close, that no body may know it’s worth, but chiefly he must have a care of the Jews, who are not to be trusted, if you will escape great danger: They will not only do nothing for you without reward, but if they suspect you to have any money, they will endeavour to get it from you. Wherefore those that take a pilgrimage into the Holy Land, and go in pitiful cloaths, are not much troubled by them. The courtiers of the Bashaws, and amongst the rest chiefly the eunuchs and dwarfs, &c. whereof they have several, go in their taffety and sattin cloaths, which are long, and very well trimmed, wherewith their master furnisheth them, being gifts from others, which he distributeth among them. The Soldiers, Spahees, Janisaries, &c., commonly have blew woollen cloaths from the court, and they live on their pay, that is, four, five, six, seven, or eight Medins, (which are about three farthings apiece) more or less (according as their places are) which are paid them daily, as well in peace as in war time: If they can get any thing else, by excursions and fighting from their enemies, it is well for them. The Soldiers commonly wear white turbants on their heads, and so do all Turks, and put painted paper underneath them, chiefly when they go into the war, believing if they wear them they[55] cannot be hurt nor wounded. On their turbants they commonly wear cranes feathers, that others may believe them to be valiant soldiers, and that by their number people may guess that either they have been in so many campaigns, or else killed so many Christians. Besides these turbants the Janisaries have also hats with high crowns, called Zarcellus, made of white felt, which they wear instead of helmets, when they are in waiting, or go out to the war; these have before, on the forehead, a gilded sheath, set without with granats, rubies, Turkey-stones, and other jewels, yet of no great value, wherein they put their feathers. They and also other Turks and Moors let no hair grow upon their heads, but as soon as it grows they shave it again, only behind they keep a lock, which hangs down a pretty way; they let their beards grow now, which they used formerly to cut off, so that now for some years they have worn huge great mustachies. In war time they carry musquets, and in peace, chiefly when they are in waiting, their long poles. They are also allow’d to marry, and besides their wives, to keep any they take prisoners in war, or else to sell them to any body. When they are at home they are lovers of wine, and when they can come at it, that no body sees them, they will drink more without mixture than any other nation; but in time of war, when they are in expedition, they can live very sparingly, and will march all day long before they will refresh themselves. Yet to speak the truth, these and almost all Soldiers, because they are as well paid in peace as in war, are no more so ready to take the field, and to change a quiet life for a troublesome one, or a secure one for a dangerous, as they have been in former ages, being used to laziness for a great while together. Besides the power and strength of the Turks is reckon’d much inferior to that of the Christians, for we are better arm’d with muskets and pikes, to keep them off at a distance, that they may not be able to come in with us to club-law, and so over-power us; for if their enemy doth not give way at their first on-set, they turn their backs and run away. But that notwithstanding all this, we gain nothing from the Turks, but they[56] rather from us; the reason is, not to mention our manifold transgressions, rather our great divisions and contentions, which hinders us from going out with such an army as is necessary, and we might otherwise do. Wherefore the Turks come out the bolder, to frighten and to plague us, and make use of all sorts of stratagems to amuse us, or to draw us into an ambush by pursuing them, and when they think we are almost tired, they fall upon us with a multitude of fresh men, to surround and to beat us. Nor do they value it, if they loose one regiment or another, because there is enough of them, and they know how to have in the room of the slain others again, that will be very glad to accept of it, because of their pay that they receive daily of their Prince out of his provinces. It being then so that he doth not only maintain his own provinces, but rather gains others, and enlarges his dominions daily, we ought to be very careful; for the more he increaseth the more we are in danger. Thus he taketh one town, country, or kingdom after another with his sword, as we have seen hitherto in Europe, not to mention any thing of Asia, not without great detriment and damage to all Christians. So he cometh daily the longer the nearer to us, that at length we must expect no better than Greece, Thracia, Servia, Bosnia, Hungary, and Wallachia, &c. which are brought into slavery, under which some persons of quality still groan to this day. So I found at Aleppo an ancient Queen of Wallachia with her sons, whereof the youngest was born after the King his father’s death, who is maintain’d by a very small allowance from the Turkish Emperor. She is a very discreet woman, and well skill’d in the Turkish and Arabian languages. Her subjects still hope for her, that God Almighty will restore her to them again, that so their slavery may have an end.

After the Turks have obtained a great victory, they lift up their hands, thank and praise God, and the prophet Mahomet, God Almighty’s dearly beloved messenger; and pray farther, that God may send differences and quarrels among us (that are against the book Jugilis, as they call it, that is the book of the Gospel) that the magistrates may quarrel with the subjects, and[57] the Clergy with the Seculars, that from thence may arise such disorders, that we may go on to transgress the laws of God still more and more; that our belief in Messias may be extinguished, and that all good orders and policies may be dissolved: So that God may take from thence occasion to make them farther our punishers to afflict us. And when they see that the rich men oppress the poor, that the magistrates do not protect the just and innocent, but that the chief and heads do strive to ruin one another, then they rejoice at our misfortune and misery, and do not fear us in the least to do them any mischief (which might easily be done if we were unanimous) but rather threaten what mischief they will do us.

When the Turks have taken a strong town, or a whole country by the sword, that they may keep them the easier in subjection without a great garrison, pains, or danger, they demolish the places that are not very strong, and send away the nobility and chief persons, which otherwise might do them a great deal of mischief; and in the room of these they bring in Sangiacks, with their souldiers, to keep the strong places, and to take care of the Emperor’s revenue. So that in these places there is no nobility, that come from any ancient races, and have their own estates hereditary and descending from heir to heir: Which one may also suppose when he considereth that the law of Mahomet alloweth to those that adhere to it, to have four wives at a time, besides concubines or slaves as many as they please: I will say nothing of the liberty they have to divorce them upon any small occasion, and to take others in their room; from whence flow such disorders and uncertainties, that very few children know who are their parents, and so there is but little love shewn between them as one may easily suppose. And this is no disgrace to them, but rather reputed to be an honour, because they conclude from thence that those that keep many wives, behave themselves diligently according to their laws: Wherefore they sooner trust them, prefer them before others, in places and salaries, and esteem them to be true Tschelebiis, that is, noblemen. Although these and other Turks have several wives, that are not all equal in their birth and[58] extraction, yet they all have in family affairs their equal share and power, and they all are equally provided for with meat, drink, cloaths, &c. and they have also their work and business equally among them: And that because they bring their husband no portion, but he must rather buy them from their Parents, sometimes for a considerable sum of ready money, and give them cloaths and other necessaries to boot: wherefore the matrimonial tye (which they call Chebia) is more in the power of the husband than the wife, so that he may marry one three times and reject her again; but farther he must not go, except he will be accounted a scandalous base fellow: As you may perceive by the words of the Turkish Emperour Bajazet, which he did send to Temyry, who is also called Tamerlane, saying, that he had better to take a wife again after he was three times divorced from her, than to go to war with him; which scornful language he might well have forborn; for Tamerlane did not only beat him in a cruel and bloody battle, but took him prisoner, and carried him about in an iron cage like a wild beast of the forest.

But that I may return from whence I digressed, the marriages of the Turks are never look’d upon to be ratified before they are married by one of their priests. Their wives must agree together, and live peaceably and amicably, and must not resist their husbands, except he maketh inequality among them: If any should appear (which happens very often) they do not forbear to complain of their husband to the Cadi or Judge. So that daily very strange transactions (which are not strange to him) come before him: If so be that the husband is convicted, and the wife absolved, they are divorced immediately in the same hour.

The Turkish women are pretty handsom, and well shaped, very civil in their discourses, and other behaviour. When any of them is married, and carried to her bridegroom’s house, their relations go along with her, that are invited to the wedding, and begin to make a noise immediately in the streets, and extol their voices more and more as they go along, that you may hear them a great way off.

[59]

The Turks that are of some condition, and rich and able men, have at their weddings several diverting shews; in the day-time they have dancing, running, actings, singing, jumping, and leaping, and dancing on the ropes, &c. After sun-set, and at night, they let off rockets, and fire-works of several sorts, made artificially. These are let off in publick and open places, that every one may see them, and they last often till break of day. The rope-dancers have three ropes one above the other, whereof the uppermost is the longest; upon every one of them they have their peculiar lessons, which they perform exactly and dexterously, with dancing, jumping, running, gesticulating, going upon stilts, &c., which is pleasant to look upon. Their children when they are married, soon forget their parents, they dare not see them again in a great while, nor do they desire to do it.

When they have children born, they do not justly circumcise them on the eighth day, but let them be 8, 9, or 10 Years old, until they can make their confession: There are some, chiefly among the Arabians, that imitate their patriarch Ishmael, who was not circumcised until the thirteenth year of his age. It is commonly performed in the house of their parents. If rich mens sons are circumcised, they make a feast, and roast a whole entire bullock, into his belly they put a wether, and into his belly a pullet, into the pullet’s belly an egg, and so they roast them all together, what remaineth they give to the poor. When the children grow up, and begin to go, they cloath them in loose flying coats of fine stuff, woven of several colours, which are pleasant to look upon; and they put upon the heads of those that are not yet circumcised, coloured caps, which are wrought with flowers, and very common to be sold in their Batzars. After they are circumcised, they begin to wear white turbants, which are made of cotton, and rolled about their caps after a peculiar manner, and are commonly twenty yards long.

They have still another strange custom, which young and old, men and women, use in these Countries, viz. They make a thin paste of galls and calcined copperas, (to beautify themselves, and to keep their[60] eyes from rheum) with it they blacken their lips, and make a ring round about their eyes, in the same manner as our ring-doves have about their necks. These paintings they have had anciently, and some of them they have prepared of Stibium or Antimony: Of these paintings of the eye we read in several places, chiefly (that I may not mention others) in the 23d. Chap. of Ezekiel, the 40th verse, where the Lord says by the prophet, And lo, they came, for whom thou didst wash thy self, paintedst thy eyes, and deckedst thy self with ornaments.

Concerning the education of their youth: They only learn in schools to read, and to write the Arabian Alphabet, the characters or letters whereof are common both to the Turks and Arabians, although their languages are very differing: Besides these, there are other schools, wherein the young men are instructed in the Emperor’s laws, and those that go on in their learning, and take it well, are soon called to high offices, as Cadi’s and Cadileschiers. But in liberal arts and sciences, such as we teach in our countries, they are not instructed, for they have not only none of these learned men, but esteem learning of these sciences a superfluity, and loss of time; they rather love old rhimes and ballads that speak of and commend the mighty deeds of their ancient Emperors, and other Champions; or other fancies that make foreign nations, or any of their enemies, ridiculous: And such things they put either themselves into rhimes, or else hear those that have been put into rhimes by others already, which they say daily with peculiar actions, out of town in pleasant greens, (where also other divertisements are performed with singing, dancing, leaping, &c.) So that they are rather pleased with the reading of these frivolous silly writings, than to learn arts and sciences: Which you may evidently see, in that they do not esteem, nor will admit of that Noble Art of Printing Books, that might inform them in any thing: Which the clerks, whereof there is a great number up and down in the cities, like very well, because they daily take a great deal of money for the writing of their prophet Mahomet and others, which maketh them generally very rich, and wear greater turbants[61] than the rest, that they may be distinguished from others. Their paper is generally smoothed and glazed, and they comprehend their letters in very few words: When they will make them up, they fold them up until they come to be no broader than an inch, the outward crevise of the paper they fill all along with wax within, and so glue it as it were to the other, or else they take any other paste made for that purpose, and so imprint their name upon it with their seal that is done over with ink, so that nothing remaineth white but the letters: These seals are generally made at Damasco, where the best artists live that cut in steel, and they put nothing more in it but their name. They do not make any use of paper that is writ on, although they have great quantity thereof, neither to put things up in, nor for any other use, and yet if they find any of it in the street, they do not let it lie, but take it up carefully, fold it together, and put it into the next crevise they meet with, for they are afraid that the name God may be written on it: Instead thereof the Grocers make use of great leaves of Colocasia, whereof they have great store.

### CHAP. VIII.

Of the great trading and dealing of the city of Aleppo; as also of several sorts of their Meats and Drinks, of their Ceremonies, and their peculiar way of sitting down at Meals.

Having heretofore treated of the buildings and situation of that excellent town of Aleppo; and of the customs, manners, and offices of the Turks, as much as I could apprehend of it, I cannot but speak, before I leave it, of the dealings and merchandizing that are daily exercised there, which are admirably great. For great caravans of pack-horses and asses, but more camels arrive there daily, from all foreign countries, viz. from Natolia, Armenia, Ægypt, and[62] India, &c. with convoys, so that the streets are so crouded, that it is hard to pass by one another. Each of these nations have their peculiar Champ to themselves, commonly named after their master that built it, viz. Champ Agemi, Champ Waywoda, Champ Abrac, Sibeli, Mahomet’s Bashaw, and which are kept for them, that they may make them their inns, and live in them, and to keep or sell their merchandizes according to their pleasure. So among the rest of the nations there are French-men and Italians, &c. which have also there their peculiar buildings (which, as is before said, are called Fundiques) wherein some live together, and others (chiefly the Italians that are married) live without in lodgings; they have very small habitations, and live sparingly like the Turks. In these Champs you may meet with several sorts of strange merchandizes, before all in Champ Agemi, where you have all sorts of cotton-works, viz. handkerchiefs, long fillets, girdles, which they roll about their loins and heads, and other sorts, by the Arabians called Mossellini (after the country Mussoli, from whence they are brought, which is situated in Mesopotamia) by us Muslin; with these do the Turkish gentlemen cloath themselves in summer. There is delicate tapestry, artificially wrought with all manner of colours, such as are sometimes brought over by us. From Persia they bring great quantity of an unknown Manna in skins, by the name of Trunschibil, which is gathered from a prickly shrub, called by the Arabians, Agul and Albagi, which is the reason that it is mixt with small thorns and reddish chaff. This Manna hath grains something bigger than our Coriander-seeds, so that, to all appearance, it is very like unto our Manna, which we gather from the Larix. It might also very well be taken to be the same that the Israelites did eat, had not God the Almighty fed his people and maintained them miraculously and supernaturally. But that it falls upon thorns, is also attested by Serapio and Avicen. in those chapters where they treat of Manna, which they call Theceriabin and Trangibin, and that very learned and experienced Botanist Carolus Clusius saith the same in his Epitome of Indian plants. I found some of these shrubs that grew about Aleppo, which were about a cubit high,[63] which shout out into several roundish stalks, and divide and spread themselves from the stem into several sprigs like unto a flower (part whereof were quite over-grown with Epithymum, as Thymus used to be) and had abundance of long thin and soft prickles, from whence grew out flesh-coloured reddish flowers, that bore small red cods, very like, and of the same shape with the cods of our Scorpioides (whereof I have found many at Montpelier) wherein are seeds of the same colour. The root thereof is pretty long, of a brown colour, it’s leaves long, like unto those of Polygonum, of an ash colour; those that grow at the bottom of the thorns are of a warm and dry quality. The people use the herb for a purge, they take a handful thereof and boil it in water. Besides this they have another Manna like unto that, that cometh to us from Calabria by the way of Venice, and is the concreted Saccarine Exudation of the Ornus.

Among the rest they also shew costly stones, by the Arabians called Bazaor, which are oblong and roundish, and smooth without, and of a dark green colour. The Persians take these from a peculiar sort of bucks, and use the powder against mortal and poisonous distempers. There are some that are very like unto these in form and figure, but not to be compared for goodness: Wherefore a man must have great care that he be not cheated. But there are some proofs to know whether they are good or no, which a Merchant communicated to me as infallible. Take quicklime and mixt it in powder with a little of this stone, and with water make them up into a past, when that is dry grind it, if it then remaineth white it is esteemed false, but if it turns yellow it is good, and brought from Persia. They also bring hither Turkey stones, that grow almost only in their country, and their King, the Sophy, has an incredible treasure of them together: Lately so many of them were brought to us that the prices fell very much; but when the King heard of this, he immediately forbid that any should be exported in seven years time, that so they might come to their former price again, which seven years as I am informed are now expired. There are also put to sale many chains of delicate oriental pearls, which are for the greatest part taken or found in the Persian seas, near[64] to the island called Babare, situated not far from that great trading city of the Turkish Batzora, or Balsara.

From India they bring hither many delicate spices, Cinnamon, Spikenard, Long Pepper, Turbith, Cardamoms, Nutmegs, Mace, and China Roots, which the Arabians make more use of than of Guaiacum, and delicate China cups and dishes, Indico: and in very great quantity they bring that noble root called Rhubarb. And moreover, they sell several sorts of precious stones, viz. Garnets, Rubies, Balasios, Saphires, Diamonds, and the best sincerest Musk in little cods. These precious stones are hid by the Merchants in the great caravans that come from India, and they bring them secretly, because they dare not pay custom for them, that the Bashaws, Sangiacks and others, may not rob them of them on the high-ways, for they use to do so if they find any. I will cease to discourse any longer of these and other drugs, and several merchandises, which the Merchants convey thither from foreign places daily, and from thence to other places again, because it is none of my business to deal in them. With the spices are sometimes by the Merchants brought from the Indies delicate canes, which are very long, solid, or full within, flexible and bright without, of a yellowish colour; they are almost every-where alike thick, only a little tapering; but few joints, far distant from one another, and are hardly seen in them. There are two sorts of them, great and small ones; the great and stronger ones are used by old and lame people instead of crutches to walk with, but the lesser (which are very like the former) are made into arrows and darts, for which they are very fit, the Turks wind them about with silk of many sorts of colours, which they are very proud of when they make their entries. You find also in the shops another sort of canes to be sold, which are small and hollow within, and smooth without, a brownish red colour, wherewith Turks, Moors, and the Eastern people write, for to write with goose quills is not in use with them; wherefore these may be esteemed to be the true Syringas or Fistularis of Dioscor. Besides these there is another bigger sort of canes, almost of the same colour, but full of joints; the Pilgrims that go to see their Mahomet bring these with them from Meccha,[65] and the people of that country carry them along with them on horseback instead of short pikes, chiefly the Arabians, for they are long, strong, and light, and yet solid or full within; with these they come running on upon their enemies, or else they (lifting it up above the middle in one of their hands) fling it at them, with such force, that they penetrate deeper with their sharp iron (wherewith they are tipt before and behind) then their arrows. Theophrastus maketh peculiar mention of them in his fourth book and, the 11th chapter, and Pliny in his sixteenth book and the 36th chapter.

We see very few of these in our country, for the Christians are forbidden under great penalties to carry any of them (the same it is with any other arms that they make use of in their wars) out of the country, if any doth and is found out, he exposes himself to infinite troubles and dangers, as did happen to one in my time, who after a scimiter was found about him, was very highly accused, and fined seventy ducats to be paid in two days time, and if he had not paid it, they would certainly have circumcised him, and made him a Turk.

Besides these above-mentioned Champs, there are a great many more without and within the city, where also all sorts of merchandizes are sold, viz. Quibir the great, Sougier the little, Gidith the new, Atich old, &c. And besides all these they have a great exchange called Batzar by the inhabitants, which is in the middle of the town, and is bigger then Friberg in Bavaria, in it there is many alleys, and each of them divided for several wares and handycraft trades; first the grocers and mercers, then those that sell tapestry and other soft woollen cloaths, and also Turkish Machyer, Camlet, Taffety, and other silks and cottons delicately wrought. There are also good Cardavon, delicate furrs of Martins, and chiefly Wild Cats, whereof abundance run about in these countries.

There are also jewellers that sell all manner of jewels, precious stones, pearls, &c. All sorts of handy-craft tradesmen, as shoe-makers, taylors, sadlers, needle and pin-makers, painters, goldsmiths, brasiers, locksmiths, &c. that have their shops in the Batzars where they work, but their work is chiefly that of the goldsmiths, painters[66] and locksmiths, is so silly, that it is by no means to be compared with ours. There are also turners, fletchers that make arrows and darts, and bow makers, that have besides their shops small butts, that any body that goes by may exercise himself, or try his bow before he buyeth it. These bows are sometimes plain work, and some inlaid with ivory, buflers horns, &c. which maketh them of a different price. The archers wear a ring upon their right thumbs as our merchants wear their seals wherewith they draw the string on when they are going to shoot, these are made of wood, horn, or silver, and some are set with precious stones. Besides these you find in great Batzars some barbar-surgeons, which, (when they have no body to trim) use to go about the streets with their instruments and a flask of leather to look out for Work; if they find any that will be trimmed they do not come back to their shops, but go to work in the streets, or in the next Champ if any be near, and there begin to lather him, and shave all the hair off his head; save only one long lock which he leaves to hang down his back. There are also places where they sell slaves of both sexes, old and young, which are sold dearer or cheaper, according to their strength or handsomeness, &c. But in all these countries I saw neither wheel-wright nor cart-wright, because neither waggons nor carts are in use with them: Neither could I find (for all it is so great a city) a gunsmith that understood how to mend the least fault in a gun-lock. Because there is a great trade daily driven in these Batzars, you shall find there at all times of the day a great number of people of several nations walking up and down, which makes a crowd as if it were a fair. Amongst them you will often see drunken Turks which use to push people that do not give them the way immediately, chiefly if they be Christians; but the Christians are not afraid of them for all that, but prepare themselves (when they perceive some of them to approach among the people) and stand upon their guard to be even with them, and when the Turks come and push them, they make them rebound again to one side, or to one of the shop-boards. Sometimes also the Turks will lean themselves backwards against the shops, and when[67] they see a Christian go by they let him fall over their legs, and so laugh at them, but then the Christians again when they perceive this, they kick up the other leg of the Turk whereon he rests and so make him fall down himself. For it is usual with the Turks to try the Christians what metal they are made of, whether they have courage or no, wherefore they oftentimes before they are aware of them, assault the Christians with rough words, and if they find them to be afraid they laugh at them to boot, but if they resist them, they give over immediately, as soon as they find them in earnest (just like some dogs that sooner bark than bite) and esteem them afterwards the more for it, and call them brave people that are fit for the war.

You find also in this crowd several that are in orders, called Sacquatz, (which commonly are pilgrims that have been at Meccha) that go about with skins full of water, and for charity give to any, nay, even to the Christians that desire it: (because the Mahometans are forbid to drink Wine in their Koran.) Wherefore you see many in their peculiar habits (moved thereunto by devotion) that go all day long among the people to exercise a work of love and charity to those that are thirsty. They have in one hand a fine gilded cup whereinto they pour the water out of their skins, wherein they have commonly laid chalcedonicks, jaspirs, &c. Sometimes also delicate tasted fruit, to keep the water fresh, and to recreate the people. When they give you to drink out of it they reach you also a looking-glass with this admonition, That you shall look your self in it, and remember that you are mortal and must die. For this service they desire nothing of you, but if you give them any thing they take it and thank you, and spirt into your face and beard to shew their thankfulness some fragrant water which they have in glasses, in a great pouch tip’d with many brass clasps. The Turks and Arabians also esteem it to be a great charity and love, if they let their marble troughs or great pots that stand every where about their doors be filled up with fresh water every day, that travellers or any that are dry may quench thirst as they pass by; in it hang little kettles to drink out of: If one goes to it, others[68] that see him go also, and drink rather for company’s sake than to quench their thirst: So you find often a whole multitude about a pot. If you have a mind to eat something or to drink other liquors, there is commonly an open shop near it, where you sit down upon the ground or carpets and drink together. Among the rest they have a very good drink, by them called Chaube (Coffee) that is almost as black as ink, and very good in illness, chiefly that of the stomach; of this they drink in the morning early in open places before every body, without any fear or regard out of China cups, as hot as they can, they put it often to their lips but drink but little at a time, and let it go round as they sit. In this same water they take a fruit called Bunru, which in it’s bigness, shape, and colour, is almost like unto a bay-berry, with two thin shells surrounded, which, as they informed me, are brought from the Indies; but as these in themselves are, and have within them, two yellowish grains in two distinct cells, and besides, being they agree in their virtue, figure, looks, and name, with the Buncho of Avicenna, and Bancha of Rasis ad Almans. exactly; therefore I take them to be the same, until I am better informed by the learned. This liquor is very common among them, wherefore there are a great many of them that sell it, and others that sell the berries, every where in their Batzars: They esteem it as highly as we do in our Country wormwood wine, or that that is prepared with several herbs and drugs: Yet they love wine better if their law would allow them to drink it, as we have seen in the reign of the Emperor Selymus, when he gave them leave to drink it, that they met together daily in drinking-houses, and drunk to one another, not only two or three glasses of strong wine not mixed with water but four or five of such as came from Venice to them so quickly one after another with such eagerness, as I have often seen it that they would not allow themselves to eat a morcel or two between it; and so as you may easily guess, they become to be sordid presently, and so hoggish, that they excel all other nations in it. But after Selymus was dead, and his son Amurah succeeded him in his right, he immediately forbad them to drink wine in the very beginning of his reign, and looked after[69] it with such severity, that any body that did but smell of wine was imprisoned immediately, put out of his place, and a great fine put upon him according to his capacity, or for want of it, punished severely with many blows under his soals. During this prohibition it happened, that when the Bashaw of Aleppo had a mind to go abroad and met in the court-yard one of his men that was drunk, and perceived it by his staggering, he drew his scymeter and cut off his head, and so left him dead upon the place. But yet notwithstanding all this severity, and be it never so peremptorily forbid, they do not only not mind such prohibition, chiefly the Renegadoes, being very much used to it, but long and linger the sooner after it with that eagerness, that in the summer time they use to carry in privately, just like the ants, great quantities of wine, and lay up good stores that they may meet at night and drink together until they have their bellies full, and so rest after it all night that they might not smell of wine the next day. In that time when they were prohibited to drink wine, we Christians fared very well and bought our wine very cheap, until afterwards they had leave to drink it again: Their wines are generally red, very good and pleasant, they keep it in skins; they are brought to Aleppo from several places, but chiefly from a famous town called Nisis, which lieth two days journey distant from it upon the borders of Armenia: The use of skins is still very great with them as it was in former ages, as we may see by the similitude of Christ, when in St. Matthew Chap. ix. verse. 17. he says, No man put new wine into, &c. Seeing that the Christians have leave to drink wine, therefore they sell and buy most of it, they also plant it, and have whole villages in their possessions, with abundance of vineyards. But the Turks not being allowed to drink wine by their laws do not keep or cultivate many vineyards, and if they do they press the grapes after several ways, for some they make into Cibebs, chiefly these people that live in and about Damascus, where indeed the best groweth; others boyl the juice of the grapes up to the consistence of honey, which they call Pachmatz, chiefly those that live at Andeb, a town between Bir and Nisib. They have two sorts of this rob, one very[70] thick, and the other somewhat thinner, the former is the best, wherefore they put it up into little barrels to send into other countries, the latter they use themselves, mix it sometimes with water and give it to drink (instead of a julep) to their servants, sometimes they put it into little cups, to dip their bread in it, as if it were honey, and so eat it. Besides these they have other sweet drinks which they prepare out of red berries called Jujubes, or of Cibebs, which, when boiled in water with a little honey, the inhabitants call Hassap, and others call’d still by the old name of Berberis, of which they bring great quantities down from mount Libanus. Among other liquors they have a special one called Tscherbeth, which boiled of honey tasteth like unto our mead; they have another made of barley or wheat, by the ancients called Zychus and Curmi: These two last make the Turks so merry and elevated, that, as our clowns do when they drink beer, they sing and play on their hautboys, cornets, and kettle-drums, which their musicians make use of every morning when the guards are relieved: All these liquors are sold in their great Batzars, where they have baskets full of ice and snow all the summer long, whereof they put so much into the drink that it maketh their teeth chatter and quake again. Thus much I thought convenient to mention of their liquors or drinks.

Concerning their food: Their bread is nourishing and good, and so white, chiefly at Aleppo, that none is like it in all Turky: They have several sorts of it, of several shapes and mixtures, whereof some are done with yolks of eggs; some mix’d with several sorts of seeds, as of Sesanum, Romish Coriander, and wild Garden Saffron, which is also strewed upon it. Meat is cheap with them and very good, by reason of the precious herbs that grow thereabouts, chiefly upon mount Tauri, which extendeth itself very far eastwards, from whence they have abundance of cattel, as rams, weathers, and sheep with broad and fat tails, whereof one weigheth several pounds. They have also great store of goats, which they drive daily in great numbers through that city to sell their milk, which every one that hath a mind to it drinks warm in the open streets; among[71] them there are some that are not very big, but have ears two foot long, so that they hang down to the ground, and hinder them from feeding; when one of them is cut off, which is commonly done, they turn themselves always upon that side that the other ear may not hinder them from feeding. They have no want of beefs and buffles, for they are very common there, and the butchers kill the beasts in the fields without town, where they have their slaughter-houses; thereabouts are a great many dogs that live of the offels, and have their young ones in holes and cliffs, where they bring them up, and these become so ravenous and wild, that they run about in the night after their prey, as I am inform’d, like wolves in our country; and this may very well be, for the Turks do not only not kill any dogs, but rather carry them home when they are young, and there feed them till they are grown up, and able to shift for themselves; and they believe that they do a deed of charity that is very acceptable to God Almighty; like unto the divines in the Indies, call’d Banians, which serve the birds in the same manner as these do dogs and cats. These wolves are more like to our dogs, both in shape and bigness; and so says Pliny, that the wolves in Egypt are less and lazier than these towards the north. Being there are no inns in Turkey, where, as with us, travellers may lodge and have their diet, therefore there is a great many cake-shops kept in the Batzars, where all manner of victuals are cleanly dressed, viz. butchers meat, fouls, and all sorts of sauces, and broths, and soups, where every body buys what he hath a mind to, according to the capacity of his purse. Among the rest nothing is so common as rice, which they boil up to such a stifness that it crumbleth. A great many other sorts you shall see in copper basons upon their shop-boards, prepared after the same way; amongst the rest peculiarly a very common one, call’d Bnuhourt, made of barley and wheat, which were first broke in a mill, and perhaps dry’d, and so boil’d with or without milk, into a thick pap. Dioscorides, in the eighty third chapter of his second book, maketh mention of this by the name of Crimnon; and also Avicen. and Rhasis[72] ad Almans. in Synonymis, calleth it Sanguick and Savick. The Turks provide themselves with good store of this, chiefly in war-time, by water and by land, that when they want provision, they may make use of it instead of bread. Besides these, they have more dishes amongst them; I remember one call’d Trachan, when it is dress’d it is so tough, that you may draw it out like glue; this they make up into little pieces, which being dry’d, will keep a good while, and is very good and pleasant food after it is boil’d; wherefore they lay up great stores of this in their strong fortifications as we do of corn, that in case of necessity they may eat instead of biskets, or other food. That such sorts of foods, by the Latinists call’d Puls, have been very well known to the ancients, and that in case of necessity they use to make a shift with it, Pliny testifieth in his eighteenth book, and the eighth chapter.

They have also all manner of poultry in great plenty, viz. pullen, snipes, partridges with red bills, woodcocks, &c. but very few fishes, because they have only a small rivulet, which is full of turtles, so that at Aleppo they are very scarce; neither do they esteem them much, because most of them drink water instead of wine, which is prohibited by their law, wherefore there are but few brought thither from foreign places, as Antiochia, and the great river Euphrates, &c. distant from thence two or three miles. Besides this they have little by-dishes, as keal, colliflowers, carrots, turneps, french-beans, besides trees and codded fruits, and many more; but yet they are not so well skill’d in the dressing of them, as we are in our country.

Lastly, They put also up with their Cheese, Cibebs, Almonds, dry’d Cicers, Pistacho’s, and crack’d Hasel-nuts, which, altho’ they are carry’d thither from our country, are better tasted and pleasanter than ours. They have many sorts of preserves, very well done with sugar and honey, very artificially, chiefly those they carry about to sell upon plates very well garnish’d, made up and set out with several colours and shapes, very beautiful to behold. For the rest they live very sparingly, and bring the year round with small and little expences, for they do not make so great feasts, nor have[73] so many dishes, nor bestow so great cost as we do in our country.

In these eastern countries they eat upon the plain ground, and when it is dinner-time they spread a round piece of leather, and lay about it tapestry; and sometimes cushions, whereupon they sit cross-leg’d before they begin to eat, they say grace first, then they eat and drink hastily, and every one taketh what he has a mind to, and do not talk much. The rich have fine cotton-linnen about their necks, hanging downwards, or else hanging at their silk girdles, which they use instead of napkins; their wives or women do not eat with them, but keep themselves in their peculiar apartments. After they have done, they rise altogether with a jerk, swinging themselves about, which our countrymen cannot easily imitate, till after they have been there a long while, for the limbs are numbed in sitting cross-legg’d, so that one hath a great deal to do to bring them to themselves again. At last they take up the leathern table with bread and all, which serveth them also instead of a table-cloth and bread-basket, they draw it together with a string like a purse, and hang it up in the next corner.

### CHAP. IX.

A short and plain relation of plants, which I gather’d during my stay at Aleppo, in and round about it, not without great danger and trouble, which I glued upon paper very carefully.

Being I undertook this long journey, chiefly on purpose to see myself those fine outlandish plants, whereof authors so often make mention, growing in their native soil, and to gain a more clear and perfect knowledge of them. I was very glad to have an opportunity to stay longer than I intended, that I might the ofner go out with my friends and comrades into the fields, among the Turks and Moors, not without great pain and danger of being knock’d on the head, to fetch in more and greater variety of plants; wherein my comrade Hans Ulrich Krafft, who came into these parts along with me, very often hath faithfully and honestly assisted me. But having heretofore made mention[74] of the garden herbs and fruits, I will only in this place write of them which grow abroad without the gardens, and that with all possible shortness; and begin with the Poplar-tree, as the commonest of all, which the inhabitants still call by the ancient Arabian name Haur; they grow very high in these countries, and abundance of them grow about the rivulet near Aleppo, which make very shady walks underneath in the heat of the summer. There is also a peculiar sort of Willow-trees, call’d Safcaf, &c. these are not all alike in bigness and height, and in their stems and twigs they are not very unlike unto Birch-trees, which are long, thin, weak, and of a pale yellow colour; they have soft ash-coulour’d leaves, or rather like unto the leaves of the Poplar-tree, and on their twigs here and there are shoots of a span long, like unto those of the Cypriotish wild Fig-trees, which put forth in the spring tender and woolly flowers, like unto the blossoms of the Poplar-tree, only they are of a more drying quality, of a pale colour, and a fragrant smell. The inhabitants pull of these, because they bear no fruit, great quantities, and distill a very precious and sweet water out of them, very comfortable and corroborating to the heart. The Arabians call these trees Zacneb and Zacnabum; Rhasis in his 353d and Avicen. in his 749th chapter; and after the same manner maketh Serapio mention of them in his 261st chapter, by the common name of Zucumbeth; and Theophrastus in his fourth book, and eleventh chapter, where he treats of Elæagnus which this is very like unto, and may be taken for the same, although they differ in bigness, which often and easily happens according to the soil and place where they grow. Hereabouts are other small trees, which I rather take to be thorny shrubs; they are very like in leaves unto the others, and are call’d by the Moors, Scisesun. They love to grow in moist places and in hedges; from the root shoot several stems, cloathed with a smooth brown-colour’d bark; they bear at the top pretty long and strong twigs, which here and there are beset with a few prickles, whereon grow small flowers, white without and yellow within, whereof three and three sprout out between[75] the leaves. I did not see any of their fruit, but yet I do believe that they are like unto the Olives of the Bohemian Olive-tree, to which this plant is very like, which is very naturally delineated in the herbal of the learned Matthiolus. These trees cast forth such an odour in the spring, that any body that goes by must needs be sensible of it presently; wherefore the Turks and Moors cut many of their branches, and stick them up in their shops.

On the banks of the above-mention’d rivulet, chiefly about the stone bridge, as you travel to Tripoli, grow many Agnus Castus’s, of the lesser sort, and on the other side in the fields, many Pistacho nut-trees.

Within and without the city grow also many sorts of trees, viz. that which Avicen. calleth Azederack, but Rhasis, Astergio; white Mulberry-trees, Date-trees, and Cypresses, by the natives call’d Sacub, which hereabouts grow very big and high, Turpentine-trees, &c.

About the fences and hedges you will find wild Pomegranat-trees, with fine double flowers, wild Almond-trees, the fruit whereof the Moors carry about in great plenty to sell to the poor; and near it in old decay’d brick-walls and stony places, you shall see Caper-bushes: among the rest there groweth a very strange bush, by the inhabitants call’d Morgsani, which is very green and thick, hath a long woody coat, whereout sprout several stalks, with round leaves, like unto Caper-leaves, only with this difference, that four of them stand together all opposite to one another like unto our beans; between them there appear small flowers, red within and white without, whereout grow long pods, like unto those of the Sesamum. This plant hath a very unpleasant scent, wherefore the inhabitants use it frequently to destroy worms; but what the ancients formerly call’d it, I know not, but really am of this opinion, it must be according to the description the Ardifrigi of Avicen. and Aadiccan of Rhasis; he that pleaseth may read more thereof in the quoted places. In these places are also found the thorny Acacia, by the inhabitants call’d Shack, and by the Arabians, Shamuth, which are very small and low, chiefly those that stand in the fields, which give as much trouble to the plowmen as[76] the ferns and rest-harrow do here; the twigs are of an ashen colour, crooked, full of prickles, like unto those of the Rose-bush, and have very small feather’d leaves, like unto Tragacantha, which are almost divided like unto our female fern, the flowers of them I have not seen, but the cods that grow out of them are without brownish, in their shape thicker and rounder than our beans, spongy within, and containing two or three reddish seeds.

I have, besides these, seen in shops pods of a chestnut-brown colour, sold under the name of Cardem, which have two or three little distinct cells or baggs, in each whereof is a reddish seed, in the figure of our male Balsam; these are brought from Egypt, and by some thought to be the true Acacia Diosc. whether it be so or no I cannot well tell, because I never saw the plant. Very near it, in untill’d places, groweth Galega; Sisynrichium Theophrasti, which is very curiously delineated in the book of Rempert. Dodon. de herbis & floribus coron.

There is also found another fine plant, by the inhabitants call’d Tharasalis, which hath seven or eight waved leaves, which stand about a round stalk, almost as it is to be seen in Sisynrichium, only they are a great deal broader, and not so long, when the stalk thereof, which is not above a cubit long, is grown, through and above them; it gets at top a white flower, not very unlike unto the low blue Flower de Luce which blow early in the spring; it has a roundish root, like unto that of Narcissus, and also has many long white fibres. Not far from thence, when you get upon the hill, there groweth in the rough places others, viz. Bistorta, still by the inhabitants call’d Zuph, a fine sort of Verbacum; Scorzonera with purple flowers, Saffron with small little leaves, and a delicate yellow flower; also Arisarum, Homaid. and Arum, call’d by them Carsaami, whereof there are four sorts, among the rest a strange one, with long ears, wherefore they call it in their language Ouidae.

There also are about the rivers some Anemones of several sorts and colours, very beautiful, as red, purple colour, yellow, &c. all which they call with a common name[77] Sakaick, and give an additional name according to the colour of it, viz. Schakaick achmar, Sakaik assar, Aserack, &c. that is to say, red-yellow, of a violet colour, &c. which would be too long and tedious to describe all here; chiefly if I should at length relate the common ones, as, wild Rue, Asphodelus albus; Rheseda Plin. Flos solis foliis minoribus serpilli, wild Onions, and other innumerable more. As you come down by another way back again, nearer to the corn-fields, you find other fine herbs, as the wild new Harmala, a delicate sort of Astragalus foliis hedysari minoris, and by it another which is very like unto Astragalus of Dioscor. so that I really believe it to be the same. There appear a great many of them upon the height; it is a low herb, with a long brownish root, as big and long as the root of horse-raddish, which puts out at the sides some strong fibres, which are almost blacker and harder to cut than the root itself; some of them go downwards, and others the greater part upwards, and bended like unto horns. These contain, together with their sweetness, also a driness; they shoot out at the top into several branches of the same colour, yet not above the length of a finger, which incline towards the earth, whereout grow nine or ten small leaves, like Lentil-leaves, not very unlike to those of Orobus, and distributed after the same manner. Between them sprout out purple-brown flowers, after them come long and thick and full bladders, whereof some are as big as those of the Colutea.

All these and several other herbs have I preserved and glued to some paper, with great and peculiar care, so that they are to be seen in their natural colours so exact, as if they were green.

About the river up a hill, I found a tender and fragrant herb with long and white roots, of a pretty acrimonious taste, it’s leaves were like unto our Coriander, only somewhat rounder, and not so much cut, but only a little about the edges; I found no stalks nor flowers, for it was early in the year, and about Easter, which is the time of their first springing, these they call’d Zarneb Melchi, and the inhabitants dig so many of these roots, that they send yearly several chests full into Persia, where they use them, as I am inform’d, very frequently[78] in pains of their backs, and all other accidental pains: As far as I can see, when I look upon the leaves, I reckon it to be the third sort of Daucus of Diosc. A little lower, as you come to the plow’d fields, I found also the second kind of Chondrilla of Diosc. with round roots of a smooth and dark yellowish colour, perhaps at the top half an inch thick, and five or eight long, whereon at the end where it is thinnest, hangs another round root of the bigness of a Chest-nut, which are so full of milk, that they are ready to crack; at top, where it is divided into three parts, sprout out many long and small grass leaves together, which lie flat upon the ground; between them come out yellow flowers like unto those of auricula muris, each whereof hath it’s peculiar stalk.

Not far from it, yet in rougher and stonier ground, groweth another Chondrilla, which is like unto that former in all parts, only the leaves thereof are broader, and more woolly, and of an ash colour, very like unto the Holostium of Montpellier. As you go to the Grand Signior’s garden, about a small mile from the town, at the road, I found a good many plants, viz. Draba Dioscorid. call’d Orobanche Halinu, Spina solstitialis, a kind of Carduus Mariæ; wild Cucumbers, by them call’d Adiural hamar; Xyphium, Peplium, Heliotropium tri coccum Caroli Clusii, and also his Paronychia Hispanica, and his third Lichnis, with pale and red purple-colour’d flowers; Coris Matth. with yellow flowers; two delicate sorts of Geraniums; and upon old walls I found a little Rauckel with pale-colour’d flowers, Umbilicus Veneres, and a great many more. I cannot leave unmention’d those that grow round about in the fields, and chiefly amongst them a Medica, with dissected trifoliated leaves; and many more, whereof some have long and streight, and others many bended pods, in a cluster together. I also found one with many white and hoary heads, which look’d almost like unto Lagopodium, and another little one with green-colour’d pods pressed together, so long and so broad as those of Senna, which were a great ornament to the whole plant. And also thereabouts are found many sorts of corn-flowers, quite different from ours; Papaver erratic, in their language[79] call’d Schuck, of which they make a conserve with sugar, and use it in coughs; Papaver corniculatum with stately purple flowers. I found also there Eryngium, with blewish tops and starr’d heads; two sorts of Henbane, whereof one that groweth in the fields hath red and purple-coulour’d flowers, the others which I found in the town upon the old walls had white ones, by the Latins call’d Apollinaris. Much thereabouts in the corn grew the less Melampyrum, by them call’d Paponesck, which at the top beareth thick, yellow flowers, very like unto the Melampyrum Tragi; Item the second kind of wild Cumin, with yellow flowers, and long bended pods; Poterion Matth. by the inhabitants call’d Megasac, which they stick up in their chambers, to keep them from being bewitch’d. A delicate sort of Horminum, with small woolly and dissected leaves, a Garden-cypress with gold-colour’d flowers; Scabiosa, Anchusa, and a Salvia, which hath many roundish leaves, and about their square stalks grow purple-coloured bells, wherein is it’s black seed, like unto that of Melissa Molucca, whereof I have made mention above. In the corn also groweth Leontopetalon, in their language Aslab, with it’s brown-colour’d round root and large leaves, which are roundish and very near divided like unto those of our Pæonia; the stalk hath at the top, which is about a foot high, and hollow, more twiggs, whereof the point of each of them beareth several small purple and yellow flowers, which make roundish bladders, that contain one, two, and sometimes three seeds, the children use to play their tricks with them as they do with the flowers of Papaver erraticum in our country. The great roots they bruise, and rub with it spots in cloaths, which, as they say, they draw out immediately.

By these in the corn groweth also the true Chrysogonum of Diosc. which is as high as the former, and also in flowers, stalks, and roundish root, which is redder within, very like it, only the stalk is slenderer, and hath more and longer by-shots, or germina, at the end whereof you see stately yellow flowers, so that it is thicker, and more spriggy than the other; it’s pennated leaves, whereof there are commonly four that come from the[80] root with long foot-stalks almost as slender as a thread, lie close to the ground, as you may easily imagine, and have every one their ribs, two and two leaves growing together on each side, one after another, so that four of them stand together in a cross; they are darkish green, and at the out-side, where they are broader, very like unto Oaken leaves. Now, as these and others, that grow in these countries, are as yet very little known, so may also the following, that groweth in plow’d fields, be reckon’d among the unknown, which is very like unto the Lycopsis of Diosc. for which, in my opinion, it ought to be taken.

This plant hath a red coat, and a straight stalk about two foot high, from whence round about below spread themselves many strong and rough leaves in a circle, as if it were from one center; not unlike the wild Bugloss, they decrease a little by degrees, as they grow higher and higher; out of each of them, close to the stalk, sprout out many twigs, with their peculiar small leaves, as you see in Echium; between them shoot out very tender purple-coulour’d flowers, which are whole within, and divided into six small or longish leaves, almost like unto these of the Caryophillus montanus. In the beginning of February I have seen several sorts of Hyacinths, and the Oriental one in the greatest quantity, which they call Zumbel in their language. In April I saw another very delicate one, known to them by the name Ayur, with long and very small leaves of our Philangium; it groweth pretty high, and beareth at the top four stalky flowers; the leaves thereof are very like in shape and colour unto the three leaves that stand up in our Flower de Luce; the root is very like to that of a Tulip, wherof I have also seen a great number in these grounds of all sorts of colours. I have also found some Daisies like unto our own, and also another sort of them with nine or ten white Saffron-flowers, which sprout sooner in the spring in the corn, not so bare as ours, but between the leaves. The leaves are pretty thick, but narrower, longer, and narrower pointed than the before-mention’d; they also spread more about upon the ground, and come from a white coat with a brown-red skin, surrounded[81] and divided in the middle, it is call’d Kusan in their tongue, but by some others it is still call’d Surugen.

These and a great many more strange herbs have I found, but because they were unknown to me, I forbear to mention any more of them. But yet I cannot but describe to you one more, for the taking of which I and my two comrades fell into great danger, as we often did, both of Turks and Moors, which needs not all to be related here; this is call’d by the inhabitants Rhasut and also Rumigi; it hath a strong yet unpleasant savour, and about four stalks of a whitish colour, and so tender towards the root, and so small as a pack-thread, whereon at each side grow seven or eight tender ash-colour’d leaves one against the other, distributed like unto those of Osmond-royal, only they have round ears towards the stalk, like unto the small Sage, and between the lowermost, which are a little more distant, flowers like unto our Aristolochia, yet a great deal bigger, of a more brownish colour, and hanging on longer stalks. The root striketh very deep, and is very like unto our Pellitory, of a drying quality, and somewhat hot, as the bitter taste intimates. When I was busy about this tender plant, and strove to get it out whole, which took me up the more time, because I had no proper tools by me, a Turk well arm’d came galloping upon us, to see what we were doing; but when we perceived him to be fuddled, and that he earnestly set upon us, to make booty of us, each of us gave him something, according to his desire, seeing that he would not leave us without, that so we might get rid of him; then he rode very well pleased out of our sight, and we took no farther care of him. But before I could get the root quite out, he came back again with full speed upon us, so I bid my comrades to run to the next Olive-trees, and I would follow them presently; but when I saw him come pretty near me, and found I could not get the plant whole, I pull’d it up as well as I could, and so ran to my companions. But when I came to the Olive-trees, I found they were run several Olive-trees farther, which stand row by row, and found myself quite alone and destitute, and that I must defend myself behind the tree;[82] so he came down upon me with his scymeter drawn, and fetch’d one blow after the other at me, which I still declined, running from one side of the tree to the other, so that they went into the tree and mangled it mightily. In the mean time defending myself thus unarm’d against him, I took a resolution, that if he should take hold of his bow and arrow to shoot at me, which he could not do, except he left his scymeter, to run in upon him, and struggle with him; but this fight during very long, and perhaps his anger did not give him leave to think of it, I found out another way; knowing them to be very covetous, to make myself free again with a piece of money, and to give him a small silver piece, which in their language they call Saict, worth about three pence or a groat, so pull’d it out, and shew’d it him, still standing behind the tree; as soon as he saw it, he gave over, and beckon’d to me to give it him so I stepp’d to him, and when I reach’d it to him, he took it. But my table-book fell out of my pocket when I pull’d out the money, upon the ground, wherein I had recorded many things, which when he saw he would have it also, but I refusing it, he grew mad, and began to renew the same game again; then I repented that I did not dismount him when I gave him the money; yet I consider’d that if I should have done him a mischief, as he deserved, yet although I had never so good a cause, I was sure I must be cast, and perhaps to come to a greater mischief and hurt; so I gave it him, and after he had received it he was pacify’d and rode away.

But to come to my former purpose again: I found about the river the other Tragium Diosc. in the plough’d ground, and afterwards also in abundance upon the hill, but generally in moist places, near to the spring that runs down the hill; it’s root is whitish, pretty long and slender, from thence spread themselves some woody stalks, not above a little finger long, whereon grew towards the top many leaves together, which were long, and had of each side of their ribs small leaves, one opposite to the other, which were divided, just like the Trichomanes, only somewhat longer,[83] about the bigness of those of Asplenium, and are, as they, delicately green within, but without, and against the ground, of an ash-colour, and woolly, chiefly the small ones, that are just sprouting out between the others. Out of these first-mention’d stems come first naked long stalks, upon which grow at the top violet-brown flowers close together, as if it was an ear of corn; the inhabitants call it Secudes, and so did the ancient Arabians, chiefly Avicenna in the 679th chap. where he also attributeth this Virtue, that it is very proper in the bloody-flux.

In their gardens the Turks love to raise all sorts of flowers, wherein they take great delight, and use to put them on their turbant, so I could see the fine plants that blow one after another daily, without trouble. In December, I saw our violets with dark-brown and white flowers, whereof they gave me in that season several nose-gays. Then came the Tulips, Hyacinths, Narcisses, which they still name by the old name Nergis. Before all other I saw a rare kind with a double yellow flower, call’d Modaph, and a strange Convolvulus hederæ foliis, with great purple flowers, whereout grew seed-vessels, as you see in the new Harmala, with three distinct Capsula’s, wherein is kept it’s black seed, to which they attribute the virtue of evacuating tough slime. This is found sometimes in gardens, and by the inhabitants call’d Hasnisca, and the Persians Acafra, and Serapio chap. 273. Habalnil; the Latins, Granum Indicum, and Carthamus Indicus, and he that hath a mind to know more of it, let him look into the author himself, in the above-mention’d place, in the 306th chap. of Avicenna and the 208th of Rhasis. I also found in their gardens, Balm, Basil, and a fine sort of Amaranthus, which for his colour’s sake may be call’d Symphonia Plinii, and therefore call’d parrots feather.

I cannot forbear, before I conclude, to mention some which I found here and there in the Batzars, and among them a strange sort of Lillies, which as I am told grow in sunny, moory, mossy, and moist places; whereon groweth a long stalk of the same colour and thickness of ours, only a great deal broader, but broadest of all at top, where it is about three fingers broad, so that it is[84] like unto a Spatula that is painted at one end; on this stalk grow at each side several tender leaves, which are pretty long, but very small and pointed, and at the top thereof some white flowers like unto ours. When I was thinking of this at several times, what they were call’d by the ancients, it came into my mind, that I had read of them in Theophrastus, lib. 4. cap. 9. and I really believe it to be the same. But whereas Theophrastus writes in the quoted place, that they do not touch the ground, I can say nothing to it, for I never saw any of them growing. They have also some small roots to sell, call’d Mamirani tchini, good for eyes, as they say; they are yellowish like Curcuma, but a good deal longer, and thinner, and knotted, and very like unto our Poligonatum, and may be esteem’d the true Mamican, whereof Rhasis maketh mention in several places. There is also among others brought a great quantity of the juice of Scammony, that is still very soft, it cometh in leathern bags from out of the country, and so it is sold to our Merchants in their Fondiques; but those that buy it must have a great care, because it is often adulterated, that they be not cheated. There is also a good deal of the juice, by the Apothecaries call’d Opium, and by the inhabitants Ofium, which the Turks, Moors, and Persians and other nations take inwardly not only in war, at the time when they go to fight their enemies, to make them couragious and valiant, but also in time of peace, to drive away melancholly and care, or at least to ease it. Their religious people make also use of it, but above all the rest the Deruis, and take so much of it, that it maketh them presently drowsy, and without consideration, that when, after their barbarous and silly way, they cut, slash, or burn themselves, they may feel less smart or pain. If any one hath so begun to make use of it, (they take about the quantity of a large pea at a time) they cannot well leave it off again, except they have a mind to throw themselves into a sickness or other inconveniencies; for, as they confess themselves, that if they omit taking of it, they find themselves very ill in their bodies. Opium is commonly taken from the white Poppy-heads, in their language call’d Caschasch, wherein they cut, when they[85] are young and tender, a spiral or winding-circle round about it from top to bottom, one under another; out of those runs some milk, which they let be there until it groweth thick, then they gather it and make it into balls, like unto our perfum’d soap-balls. Being that the Turks use this Opium so commonly, it happens sometimes that they take so much of it, that it is very dangerous; wherefore they have an antidote, as I was inform’d, that is the root Aslab, whereof I have made mention before, which they give to bring them to rights again.

I found also in the great Batzars a sort of Alga sold in their shops, which was dark-red, and therefore very useful for Dyers; it had stalks of the thickness of a finger, and was surrounded with several thin scales, or rather leaves, and round; wherefore it may be taken to be a Saderva Serab. and herb Alargivan of Andreas Bellunensis, whereof he maketh mention in his Index, where he interpreteth the Arabian words. For a kind of this may also be taken, because it affords a delicate purple colour, that Alga that is found in the seas near Candia, and is describ’d by Theophrastus in his fourth book and seventh chap. Lastly, among the rest, I did also enquire after the Amomum, and thought, because they were near unto the confines of Armenia, that therefore they might easily have it by the Caravans, which come daily from those parts; yet I was forc’d to run a great while after it, till at length I got a little stalk thereof in one shop; they call it by the name of Hamama. But of the other, so call’d by Dioscor. which is like unto it, and therefore may easily be taken for the right one, they had a great deal. These two small shrubs, altho’ they are very like to one another, yet for all that they may be distinguish’d by their stalks and different colours. Wherefore Dioscor. bids us, if we will not be imposed upon, to pick out the bigger and smoother, with it’s noble seed, and to leave the small. This stalk which I found about the length of a finger, is almost of the colour of the bark of the Cinnamon-tree, and also in it’s acrimony and good odour, altho’ it was old, still very strong. At the top had been several woody stalks, close to one[86] another, whereon I believe had been the flowers and Seeds. But the twigs of the other sort, which are crack’d and bended, are of a brown colour, which at the top divide themselves into other less ones like a tree, whereon grow several stalks with little heads, like unto the Masaron, or Marum Syriacum from Crete, wherein is no great strength nor odour.

Thus much I thought convenient to mention of strange plants, chiefly of those the ancients make mention of, and so I conclude the first part of my TRAVELS.

End of the first Part.

[87]

Dr Leonhart Rauwolff’s
TRAVELS
into the
Eastern Countries.

Wherein is treated of his Journey from Aleppo thro’ the Famous Town of Babylonia, to Bagdet; what he saw by the way, and what did befal him in going and coming by Water and by Land. With a brief Account of the high Mount of Libanus, of the strange Plants and Inhabitants thereof.

## PART. II.

### CHAP. I.

How I departed from Aleppo to the famous city of Bir, and how I sailed from thence on the Euphrates to old Babylon.

After I had staid a good while in Aleppo, and had seen and understood the trade and merchandizes of the inhabitants, together with that of all the other nations, viz. Grecians, Armenians, Georgians, Arabians, Persians, and Indians,[88] which come and go daily with their caravans, and very well observed and understood their manners and customs, and had also collected a fine parcel of foreign and undescribed plants; I resolved to go farther eastward into Mesopotamia, Assyria, Babylonia, &c. as the ancientest and most fruitful countries that ever were, where the ancientest people, and the most potent monarchs did inhabit. But these countries lying far off, and the way that leadeth thither, passing through vast desarts and wildernesses, and therefore the voyage being so much the more difficult and dangerous to attempt and accomplish; I first look’d out for a trusty companion, to take as my assistant, and met presently with an experienced Dutchman that had lived a great while in Aleppo, who granted my request (being as desirous to go this voyage as myself) to go along with me. We agreed presently, and began to consider which was our best way to take. But that we being strangers, might not be taken to be vagabonds or spies (they being very suspicious) from whence they might presently take occasion (as the Turks use to do) to lay great Avarias, or unjust taxes, upon us, which the Christians that deal to these parts have often to their great loss and damage experienced; we did consider, and found, that the trading here was very great, so that they did not only deal from hence into Armenia, Egypt and Constantinople, (for from thence come the caravans thro’ Natolia in about a months time) but also very much into Persia and India: Wherefore we thought best to profess ourselves Merchants, that so we might travel the more safely with other Merchants in order thereto, to buy some merchandizes that would sell in those places, and to carry them along with us. That we might put this in execution, my formerly mentioned friend Hans Ulrich Raft, from Ulm, took great pains to furnish me at my desire and request, with several fit commodities for those places upon account of my patron Mr Melchior Manlich, which I got pack’d up immediately to go with them to the famous city Bagdet, situated upon the Tygris, where is a great staple and deposition of merchandizes that are to go farther for Persia and India. But seeing that seldom any Merchants go from Aleppo farther into these countries, so that our habits are very rarely[89] seen there; we cloathed ourselves as is usual, in the common Turkish habit (that every body might not presently look upon us as strangers); first, we had long blue Cabans, which are button’d before quite down, and cut out about the neck, not unlike to those of the Armenians; and white Drawers made of cotton that hung down to our ankles, and were drawn in and tied about our bodies, and also shirts after the same fashion and without collars. We also fitted ourselves with white turbants with a blue brim, such as Christians usually wear, and put on yellow shoes which were painted, before guarded with nails, and with horse-shoes behind. Besides this we put on a kind of a frock, made of a certain course stuff called Meska in their language, which is common among the Moors. They are generally made of goats and asses hair, pretty narrow, without sleeves and short, reaching only to our knees. But these stuffs being not all alike, the finest thereof (chiefly that which is striped white and black) is taken for cloaths; and the coarser for tents and portmantles, wherein they carry their provision through the desarts, and also keep their camels and mules meat, hanging it about their necks. This puts me in mind of the plain cloathing which the ancient inhabitants of these countries, chiefly the Israelites, when they mourned for their deceased relations, or when they repented of their committed iniquities, and turned from them, and prayed God to forgive them their accumulated transgressions, used to put on, as we read in the 37th chapter of Genesis, where Jacob lamented the death of his son Joseph; and in the book of the Prophet Jonas of the Ninevites, who believing the Prophet’s words, denouncing their destruction within forty days, and repenting of their sins, put on sackcloth and prayed to God for forgiveness. The like we read of the King and Prophet David, after he had numbred his people. Item, in the 10th chapter of St Luk and other places, that they put on sackcloth and did repent in ashes. It is therefore very probable that those were very like unto them that are still in use.

When we had thus accoutred ourselves for the voyage, and provided us with all necessaries, viz. cloths, merchandizes, provision of biskets and drink, and did stay[90] only for some fellow-travellers, we were still doubtful whether it were more convenient for us to go by land with caravans, which go from hence and Damascus very strong to Bagdet, through great sands and desarts in fifty days, more or less, according as the weather proveth: Or, whether we should go by water, either upon the Tygris or the Euphrates, there being good opportunity to go in company with others. But it happening that we met with some Armenian Merchants servants that did live at Aleppo, who were also provided with goods, and had a mind to go into the same countries, we did readily embrace this opportunity, partly because they understood the Turkish and Arabian languages, which two are chiefly spoken in Syria, and partly because some of them had been four times already in the Indies; wherefore we put our goods to theirs, and loaded a great many camels together, to deliver them to us at Bir, to ship them there upon the Euphrates. And that we might pass every where in the Turkish dominions, we took a pass from the Bashaw and Cadi, and so we began our travels to Bir, distant three days journey, the 13th of August, Anno 1574. By the way we were so strange to one another, that in our new fashioned cloaths we did hardly know one another among them all. After we had the first day a rough road, and travelled through many desarts and uninhabited places, we reached at night a little village, where we encamped and pitched our tents. We put all our packs in a circle round about us, and without them our beasts (as it is usual in great caravans) to defend us from the assaults of the Moors in the night. A little after midnight we heard a great caravan of many camels and asses to go by, very near to us, which after it was passed, we broke also up and followed them; when the day-light appeared, we saw several plow’d fields more than the day before, and also here and there in some pleasant places many tents of the Arabians, which were fixed together as it were in a camp; ranged very orderly in streets. After we had that morning travelled very hard, so that our beasts under their heavy loads began to be tired in the great heat, we rested behind a little chappel to refresh ourselves and to feed our camels; in the mean time some poor women came[91] down from the high-lands to us to gather the dung of our camels to burn it instead of wood, whereof they were in great want. When the great heat was over, and we had staid there for two hours, we went on again, and came before it was night to a little village lying in a valley, near which upon the height, the Arabians had formed a great camp; we went up to them, and pitched our tents in the plain by them, and kept as abovesaid a good watch. They came quickly to us, spoke kindly to us, and their wives brought us water and good milk; but after we saw that they were very naked and hungry, and in their shape like to our Gypsies, we did not trust them at all, but kept a very good watch all that night. These are vagabond people, that are used to idleness from their infancy, and will rather endure hunger, heat and cold, than get any thing by their handy-work, or till the fields, or plant garden-herbs for their maintenance, although they might do it in several fruitful places in their own possession. So you find here a great number of them by the sides of these sandy desarts, that have no where any habitation, but live in their tents like as the beasts do in caves, and go like unto the Gypsies from place to place, until they light on one, where they may live a great while with their cattle, and when all is eat up, want driveth them from thence to look out for another.

On the 15th early before break of day, we were up in the cool of the day, with an intention to reach to Bir that night, but our camels were grown so faint by reason of the excessive heat and the great burthens, that they fell down several times, wherefore we looked out for a convenient place where we might stay all night, and found at last a village near which we pitched our tents, eat some gourds and biskets, and so went to rest.

Two hours before break of the day, we began our journey again, and came early in the morning to the great river called Euphrates, we went over with our goods and chattel, and fixed our tents before the town near the river on the other side, to stay for a barge that was to come from Armenia, to go from thence to Babylon, which is now called Felugo. By the way I saw[92] no herbs of any worth, except the Galega, in our language called goats-rue, which grew plentifully on the dry heaths; and near to the road, the first sort of Apocynum, by us called dogs-bane, very like unto the great Celandine in it’s leaves and pods: I also saw whole acres of Turkish corn called Sesamo, and others sown all with cotton, and also a kind of Esula, very full of milk, wherewith the fallow grounds were so filled up, that at a distance, you would have taken it for good corn. Seeing that the Scammony that uses to be brought to Aleppo, is wont sometime to be very sharp, therefore it may very well be, that they adulterate it with this Esula. Near the town grew abundance of Acacia, called Schack and Schamuck, as is above-mentioned, which are here in stem and fruit, greater and larger than ever I saw any where. The town Bir is situated on the other side of the great river Euphrates in Mesopotamia, near the high hill Taurus, just like Tripolis near the Libanus, or our Losanna on our Alps: It is neither big nor strong, but pretty well defended by a castle that lyeth on a high rock above the river, not easily to be taken. There is a very pleasant country round about it, and very fruitful, which (chiefly on this side the river where it is plain) is very well tilled and sown with corn, which they did just thrash out when we came, with little waggons drawn by oxen, and here and there are very good villages. But beyond the river it is more hilly, which kind of ground extends it self a great way towards the east, and divideth Armenia from Mesopotamia. It is at the top very rough and bare; nothing but bushes and herbs to be seen there; wherefore abundance of beasts, chiefly lambs and goats, are daily brought down, which are carried over the Euphrates, and so driven to Aleppo and other adjacent places. This river where it runs by the town is about a mile broad, and so deep that it is not easy to make a bridge over it: Yet because it hath not a swift current in that place, it is not very dangerous to sail on it, except where it enlargeth it self, as it doth in great desarts, or else where it divideth it self into several branches, so that the water-men do not know which is the best way for them to take; wherefore the Merchants that have a mind to come quicker and with less pains to Bagdet with their merchandizes, carry them[93] by land to Orpha, to the famous town of Carahmet, which lyeth six days farther towards the east, on the borders of Assyria and Media, upon the rapid river Tygris, where is a great deposition of merchandizes, that are sent from thence to Ormutz and the Indies. The Euphrates is continually muddy, and therefore almost not fit to be drunk except you let it stand two or three hours, until the sand and mud is sunk down to the bottom, which sometimes is of the thickness of an inch: So that in every house where they have no wells, all along the river in towns and villages, they have several great pots which they fill out of the river, and let them stand until it be settled, but if they have occasion to drink of it before, they drink through their towels.

During the time of our staying there they brought us several sorts of fishes they had caught in the river to sell, and among the rest one sort called Geirigi, which in their shape and scales were very like unto Carps, only they were not so thick in the belly, but a great deal longer and bigger, so that sometimes one of them did weigh three Rotula’s of their weight, which is about seventeen or eighteen of our pounds. They are very delicate and good to eat, and so cheap, that we could buy one for one Medin, in our money worth about three-pence. To catch these, our ship’s crew flung out oftentimes some pellets made up with Cocculus Indic.; which fruit is named by them Doam Samec and presently after some of the fish flung themselves up at the top of the water, whereupon they jumped out of the ship to catch them, and to carry them a-shoar. I saw also a peculiar sort of vultures, which were so tame that they did not only sit very thick upon the houses, but they sat down in the street before all the people without any fear; they are more of an ashen colour than ours, but for bigness, height and the rest, exactly like unto them. Besides these there was another sort of them, that were something bigger, and of a lighter colour than the former, and had some black at the ends of their wings like unto our Storks. They eat also carrion, and meat, and are somewhat wilder, wherefore they may be affirmed to be the very same that Rhasis called Gyuni, and Avicenna, Rachame. During the time that we staid there, a Bashaw was sent hither by the Turkish Sultan,[94] with some hundred Spahi’s, pretty well armed, for his master did intend to make war with the Trusci that so he might defend the confines of Syria, Mesopotamia, and Armenia, &c. from being assaulted by them, and to keep every thing secure. The Trusci live on the mountain of Libanus, and pretend to be the off-spring of those people, that under Godfrey de Bouillon did possess themselves again of the land of promise. They are since so much encreased, that they are able to bring into the field sixty thousand, most of which are very good gunners, which if occasion be, they can bring together in a short time. The Grand Signor, seeing that they encreased daily, so that he did fear they would be in time too great for him, to prevent this, as then the common discourse went, and to subdue them, and bring them under his yoke, did summon some Bashaws and Sangiacks, chiefly him of Damascus to bring together a great army, to fall upon them. But which way he did beat them, and how he encroached upon them, I shall (because I did for this time, during my travels, hear no more of it) relate more largely after my return. The Spahi’s which came with the Bashaw, took, because they would not be idle, their diversion in running, shooting with arrows, and in fencing, or cudgel-playing, and sometimes the country people came in with them, and played with them, but not in so many sorts of arms as the fencing-masters do in our country, viz. with daggers, swords or halbarts, for these are not in fashion in those countries. They take instead thereof only cudgels, with them they approach towards one another three times, yet not with such flourishes and neatness as our fencers do before they begin, for their long cloaths hinder them. In their left hand they have a buckler which is about a foot diameter round, covered with leather, and stuffed out with hair; in their right hand they have a cudgel, wherewith they strike strait at one another in the first bout, as the boys do in our country, but in the second and third bout, they strike cross-ways, chiefly in the third which is the last, which they take off cleaverly with their bucklers; and sometime they strike at one another legs, but never to hurt one another; when this is done, they turn back and march off. This manner of fencing is very common in these countries.

[95]

At length after we had staid a great while, several ships did arrive from above, and ours, for which we did stay, among them. So our patron began to load, and to fit himself for our departure: And so did two more that had a mind to go in company with us. One among them belonging to a Turk which was laden only with corn, to carry during the scarcity, which was occasioned by the great heat, and for want of rain to Bagdet. We also bought several sorts of fruits, viz. Cibebs, Anguria’s, Garlick and Onions, &c. and took also along with us some ground corn, as is usual to do in such voyages, which with Rice flower is fit to make puddings, or to bake bread of; honey and other things to serve as provision for our ship; for we were to travel a great way through many desarts and places not inhabited where nothing was to be had. For there are no inns upon this river, as upon the Rhine or Danube, where they dress victuals for travellers against they come. And that we might have sometimes something hot to eat, we provided ourselves with several cooking vessels, as is usual in these cases, to dress our meat in. But the master of our ship still wanting both men and merchandices to load his ship withal, we were forced to stay somewhat longer, for other Merchants which came in a little time from Aleppo whereof some were Armenians, some Persians, others from Bagdet and Balsora, to us; with these also came into the ship four souldiers that were listed by the Turks to go to Bagdet, to reinforce the confines of Persia: Our master also took in some of their Jews, which are worse than ours, and so we were warned to have a care of them. Besides all these we were forced to take in some of their religious men, which had long before begged thereabout, for they commonly live by begging, and desire you to give them something Alla hitsi, that is, for God’s sake, and yet if they find an opportunity they will fall upon you and rob you. They are very ill-favoured, idle and yet very hardy men, that run about all countries and often do a great deal of hurt; wherefore one must have a special care of them, chiefly upon the road. Yet for all this they have in these countries very great privileges; they pretend to great holiness and devotion, and pray often, and perswade the vulgar sort of people, that[96] God doth hear their prayers before any others, and grants their desires, but people do not believe them so readily now, as their ancestors have done formerly wherefore they do not remain long in one place, that their roguery may not so much appear.

### CHAP. II.

Which way we went into the ship, and sailed to Racka; and how the son of the King of Arabia with his retinue came to our ship to demand his customs. What else we saw by the way, and what we did suffer from the Arabians and their mendicants.

After our ship as well as the others was sufficiently loaden, and with all necessaries provided, we went aboard, and began our voyage in the name of God, the 30th day of August, Anno 1574 (having stay’d there and lost seventeen days), in the evening, with an intention to go that night three leagues farther. But two of our ships got into a branch of the river, whereof there are several in the very beginning: Our watermen took great pains to bring them into the right way again and stayed for them; which retarded us so long, that we were forced to stay all night at a market town called Caffra, which lieth a good league below, on the top of a hill, where we landed.

The next morning at break of day, we got in again and in the beginning we went on very fortunately, and began to leave by degrees on our left hand the mountain Taurus, which extendeth its self eastward, and went more to the right, through the great desarts and sandy places of Arabia, where that river divideth it self into several broad branches, that the skippers knew hardly how to steer the right way. When we went on so, thinking of no danger, for the Turkish ship was got already very safe through one of them, the second, which[97] we follow’d, stuck upon the sand, by the neglect of their pilot towards the right, so that it did not only stick there but took away the stream from us, which turned their ship cross very violently, after such a manner, that we were forced, because we were too nigh, and our ship was in her full running, so that we could turn no way, to fall foul upon it. So ours drove with the stream upon theirs with that force, that we broke the two uppermost boards of their side; so the water ran in, and the ship sank deeper. Our ship, although it hath received no hurt, yet did it not go on, but stuck by the other. Whereupon we began to labour hard, remov’d the sand below, and made a way to get clear; after we had half drawn it before the other into the stream, the stream drove it so hard against the other, that also a row and an half of our side-board were broken, and if it had broken the second row quite, we had incurr’d the same mischief and damage as they. When we were in this condition, and could not otherwise think but that we must perish all together, yet our merciful God and Lord did order it so, that we did not only secure the breach, but came into the right river free and quit before the other ship, where we did land immediately. After we had recover’d ourselves a little, we did not delay to assist the other, but unloaded our ship to load theirs into it, and so to land them, which we did with all speed; in the mean time appear’d behind the trees and tamarisks at each side a good many Arabians, both on horse-back and foot, and came so near, that they were not afraid to attack our guards we had left with our goods, and to attempt to rob us. But when they found resistance, and heard several guns discharged on our side, they were frighted to that degree (for guns were unknown to them) that they turned their backs and run away as hard as they could drive. At last we attempted to draw out the ship together with some small goods, that were still left in it, which succeeded very well, for when we hoisted our sails and drew them on, and wrought with all our might and strength, it yielded by degrees, so that at length we got it quite off, and brought it a-shore. The loss of their marchandizes, altho’ it was but small in quantity, yet it was very great in their Silk, Stuffs of Damasco, Soap, Sugar, roots of Zarneb Melchi, which[98] is good for the pain in the back, as is here before mention’d, Figs and Corn, which suffer’d very much; wherefore they begg’d of us, that we would be pleased to stay with them, until they had dry’d their goods and mended their ship, so that they might go along with us more safely through these desarts, which we granted them readily. During this our stay, when we were helping them, it fell out that I and one of my comrades were falsly accused by some Jews, before some of their religious men, that we were often fudling with the master of the ship, which the Jews did on purpose to make us outlandish men hated among them, for they do according to their law not easily admit of drinking of wine, and to disparage us; and this his intention did succeed so well, that when their Clergymen did understand it, they became very angry with us, took our vessel of wine, flung it into the river, and drew in upon the land, where they let it run out, which did not well please the Soldiers and others, wherefore they took our part, and did give the Jews for it a very severe reprimand. But as no good deed remaineth unrewarded, and no ill one unpunish’d, so it happened here; for the chief of them, which was a Moor and of the order of the Dervis, was the next day punish’d severely for a frivolous cause, whereof I unadvisedly was the occasion. While our goods were yet on shore, I got towards night upon the balls to stand centinel, it being my turn; so when I saw one with a mug full of water, I desired him to give me some to drink, which he was willing to do, and reached me the mug, I going to take it, trod by chance upon a fiddle of one of the Turks and broke it: Although he had great occasion to be angry with me for this, yet (understanding that I had glue enough to mend it) he was presently quieted, and well contented. The next morning we sat together and mended the fiddle as well as we could; when the Dervis saw us busy about the fiddle, he was very angry that we did not help to spread out the merchandizes, which we had done already before we began; so he took the fiddle, broke it and flung it into the river; then he came back, and pretended to bang us, thinking to have the same success[99] with this as he had with the wine. But the Turk seeing this, took up a good cudgel that was thrown up by the river, and struck him several times over his head and limbs, that the blood ran down his ears and face, and at length he grew so angry that he went to draw his scymeter, but before he could, we stept in between them, got them asunder, mitigated the business, and appeased them. So this saint of theirs looked very dismal in his long and lank black hair, and had besides on his body here and there several scars, viz. on his head and breast, and above all upon his arms, which he had cut or burnt himself, which is usual to that order, and other Turks to do; which set often on their flesh burning and red glowing spangs, or instead of them linen rags, about an inch thick twisted very hard together, broad below, and pointed on the top, tapering just like unto a pyramid, which they set on fire, and let it burn out with a great deal of patience upon their bare skin, so long until it is quite consumed and brought to ashes, then they tie it up with cotton; they also do the same sometimes in rheums of the head and eyes, &c. to dry them up, or to turn them, and so draw them into another place. So I have seen several which have had at least twenty scars about them, but chiefly on their arms, whereof some were of the bigness of a shilling, besides wounds and scratches they had. But from whence they received this inhumane way (to wound and torment themselves) I do not know, except they had it anciently from the priests of Baal, who used to wound themselves with knives and lances (as we read in the 18th chapter of the 3d of the Kings) until the blood followed. These holy scars and tokens of their zeal, I could soon see and observe on this Moor, for according to his order, which is a very great one, he was to wear no clothes upon his body neither winter nor summer, only a little scarf to cover his privy members withal: Instead of them they put sheep skins about them, whereon they lie also at night, and so they serve them for clothes, bed, and cover; and so they pretend by their exteriour apparel and behaviour, to great vertue and patience, as if they were dead to the world; and to a peculiar holiness, in praying, fasting, watching, &c. whereas they are full of[100] roguery and knavery, so that you shall hardly find any like them. With this came also several other religious men of several orders, which were all in several distinct habits, as they are in our country; among them was a very strong well set young man, of the order of the Geomaliers as they call it, which are rather secular than clergymen, they are generally Tschelebys, that is gentlemen and rich persons, which take great delight in travelling in their young days, under pretence of holiness, like pilgrims, at other peoples costs, through several countries and kingdoms, to see and learn, and to get experience. This had only a blue coat on that covered his body, tied about with a sash, and shoes of sheep skins, such as the Arabians in the desarts use to wear. There went along with us two more; whereof one had a great ring in each ear, about the thickness of a finger, and so heavy that it stretched down his ear-laps to his very shoulders. These are of the order called the Calendriers, which lead a sober, and abstemious life before people, wherefore they separate themselves from the people, and walk about like hermits into desarts where-ever they can, to pray there ardently, and to cry out the hours, whereof they have five every day, as the priests do from the steeples, wherefore this man did separate himself, as often as he had an opportunity, far from us, that the beasts could rather see and hear him, than we that were in the ship. When he had done this, he came to us again, and looked so devoutly as if he had been in a rapture or extasy. The other was a Dervis, whereof I have made mention before, which also kept to a very strict order, for he prayed devoutly and ardently, chiefly at night after sun-set, at which time two or three more used to come to him, and among them sometimes some of our Merchants; they did stand together in a circle, and so began to pray, as I heard often, first very lowly, then by degrees louder, but when they came to the Leila, Hillala, &c. they were so loud, that you might hear them afar of, and then they repeated only these words very often; and every time they repeated them, they turned their head from one side to the other, as if they looked upon one another by turns, to shew their[101] great love one to another, so they repeat these words very often, and every time quicker and quicker, until they abbreviate them at last, and say only, Lahu Huhu. By this pratling or jabbering and moving of their heads, they became at length so giddy and weary, that the cold sweat ran down them. But this their saint did not pronounce the words of their prayers with the rest, but struck on his breast with his fist upon his heart which gave instead thereof so strange a tune, as if he had been hallow within, much like unto the noise that a turky-cock uses to make when he is very angry, so that it would have frighted any man, chiefly if he had been alone with him; and he would, with his terrible face, rather have taken him to be an apparition than a man. These above-mentioned words he repeateth so often, and so long, until he fainteth away and falls down, and there he lieth as if he were dead. Then the others cover him, let him lie and go their ways. After he hath lain thus a good while as if he had been ravish’d in his prayers, or had seen a peculiar vision, he cometh to himself, riseth and appeareth again. All these saints, although they practice their religion after a peculiar manner, which according to their opinion, is quite surpassing that which is prescribed in their law, to move the people the sooner (regarding their severity in living, their great patience and frequent extasies) to believe them, that they under pretence of piety, may go on in their hoggishness, uncleanness and robberies, as they do, without any controuling: Yet because their idle hypocrisy, and great rogueries do daily appear more plainly, not without great damage to the country, therefore they are no more in so great esteem, nor have so much given them as formerly. Concerning their strange way of praying, chiefly that of the Moors, their own people have often told me, that because such a devotee changed his natural voice given him by God, into an unnatural one, therefore he ought rather to be accounted a beast than a man, and consequently much less ought to be esteemed a divine. Thus much I thought convenient to relate here of their Mendicants that travelled with us, and now I come to my former purpose again.

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After we had spent four days in drying our merchandizes, and in mending our ships, we did load them again, and so set out the next Friday, being the third of September about noon. All that day we saw nothing but bushes on both sides of the river, wherein were several wild beasts, but above all wild boars, till night, when we came in sight of a little village about two or three miles distant upon the ascent on our left hand, where we landed and staid all night. In that place I found nothing but a bastard camel’s hay, which was like unto the true one, but without any virtue in it.

The next day our navigation proceeded very well, and at noon we came to a strong cittadel call’d Galantza, which is situated at this side of the river, on a hill belonging to the king of Arabia, with whom the Turkish emperor, as I was informed, and could understand, that did not know their language well, had long and heavy wars; and could have done him, because he could not follow him through the desarts for want of water and provisions, no great hurt, if the King’s eldest son had not put himself into this castle, believing that he might be secure there from any assault from without, wherein he was mightily mistaken. For after the Sultan did understand that he was there, he was resolved to take it notwithstanding all difficulties. And therefore he summoned all his forces together in the year 1570, and did assault it in three places at the same time, so long and so often, until at length he took it by storm, and so he made the King’s son his prisoner, and carried him to Constantinople, where he had, as they say, his head cut off the following year. This castle, being surrounded with strong walls, and having within a very high and large tower, is still, according to my apprehension, very strong, but yet it lieth in ruins, and the three open places remain unrepaired. At night we landed in a small island, which was not inhabited, and in the middle of the river we did not question but we were there very well secured from the Arabians, and yet notwithstanding, as soon as we had supp’d, and began to go rest, some of them came creeping along to us about midnight, rather to visit our goods than us. But because they durst not venture to go to our ships,[103] without great danger of being discovered by our watch, they did visit them that rested on shoar, and had taken something considerable from them, if they had not been discovered immediately by them, and had retaken from them again that which they could not so readily carry over the river.

The fifth day of September, some Arabians appeared on shoar early in the morning; by and by we saw more at a great distance upon the height, and some squadrons of horse of forty or fifty strong, ride about; from whence we concluded that the King’s camp was not far off, which proved to be true. For about noon after we landed, the King’s youngest son came riding to us on a high black horse, with a retinue of about one hundred men, most of which had bows and long pikes made of reed. He was but young, about twenty-four or twenty-five years old, of a brownish colour, and had a white turbant on his head made of cotton, one end whereof hung down behind about a span long, according to their usual custom. He had on a long gown made of ordinary sheeps skins with the wooll on them, which hung down to his ankles, and so had all his courtiers, which were in their common dress so like unto one another, that one could not have discerned them, if his had not been edged with some gold lists, as we use to edge childrens coats in our country, about the neck and sleeves, and had not had long sleeves, whereon were some escutcheons to be seen. Because custom is due to the King of Arabia, by reason of the Euphrates, therefore this young prince came to demand and take it; so he went into the river, and rode first to the Turkish ship, to see what goods they carried, but finding nothing but corn therein he did not stay long there, but came to ours, his servants that were on purpose ordered for that, helped him soon up into it, and placed him in the middle of it on a bale, but they themselves went about from one Merchant to another, to visit their goods, and did open now and then a chest or a bale, and took some out of them more or less, according as they liked them, so that it was a great while before they came about from Merchant to Merchant. In the mean while, they brought also[104] into the ship a young Prince, perhaps two years old, which one carried before him on horse back after his father. He had nothing on but only a cotton shirt, and rings about his neck, wrists and legs, made of fine Arabian gold. At length his servants came to me and my comrades into the poop of the ship; but before we began to shew them any of our goods, they saw my gun that was inlaid with ivory, which they took immediately, to shew it to their master, with a great deal of admiration, being such a one as they had never seen their life before. The King took it presently into his hands, and was mighty well pleased with it, and said that it was outlandish-work made by the Franks, (by which name they call outlandish men, French, German, Italian, &c. because they know no divisions or distinctions of our country,) so we went both to him, and acquainted him that we were lately come from those countries, with an intention to go into the Indies. After the King understood this, he spoke very kindly to us, and bid his man to leave off and to search no more our goods, and enquired after several other things, and at length he told my comrade that he thought he had seen him before; which was very true, for when my comrade lived at Aleppo, where he had drove the Goldsmiths trade for a great while, he and others were sent to the King, who was then at a little distance from Aleppo, by the Consul of Venice, to present him in his name, with several presents, whereof some were costly and rich wrought clothes, when they came to him, and presented them to him, he took them with a great deal of kindness, and treated them very honourably, and shewed them several sorts of sport, as jumping, running, &c. that they might see that he had a great many brave and handy soldiers; and did dispatch them very generously again, and promised them, as my friend told me, all kindnesses, chiefly to their masters, saying, that if they should have occasion to make use of him against the Turks, he would faithfully assist them, and that he did not doubt at all, if they should agree together, but they might go a great way with him in these countries; nay, advance farther upon the Turk in a short time, even to Constantinople itself. After[105] the before-mentioned discourse, the King went to his tents that were pitched on a plain by a hill, within two miles of us, and took some of our company along with him to discourse his father about our concerns. I would willingly have presented the King with my gun, altho’ we had to travel through many deserts, and perhaps he would have been pleased with it, but durst not do it before the Turkish Soldiers, Mendicants and Jews, for I feared, that they would betray it, and accuse me before the Bashaw and Cadi’s, which soon would have made me punishable, altho’ innocent, as they use to do to strangers; nay, sometimes those of their own nation; and besides, I did remember, that when the King was encamped near Aleppo, and some of his men did daily come into the town to buy provision, cloaths and other things, that then it was strictly forbidden to sell them any arms, bows or pikes to take along with them into the desarts. After we had staid for our friends a great while, they came so late to us, that we were hindred from going any farther that day, for it began to be late, and so we staid there all night. They told us, that the King, after they had told him that we came from Aleppo, would not believe them, but thought rather we came from Saphet, which town is within a day’s journey of Sidon, which the Sultan had taken from him a little while before, that he might have a pretence to arrest us and our goods; and that he did so obstinately persist in this opinion, that they did really fear he would have sent some of his men with one of us to Aleppo, to know the certainty thereof, until they plainly demonstrated to him by their letters from whence they came; whereupon he gave them liberty to go on in their journey. But I understood afterwards, that it was only to press something more out of them, as he really did, for they were forced to give him some knives tip’d with silver that came from Damascus, and also some damasks.

On the sixth of September we were up early, and passed between great wildernesses, wherein were abundance of wild boars, that appeared sometimes in great herds: These wildernesses continued so long, that we saw nothing else the whole day but woods, ’till in the evening we came[106] to Cala, a village and castle on this side of the river, which is no more but two-days journey from Aleppo, situated in a plain; from whence you may conjecture how crooked the river is hitherto. This castle belongeth to a great Bashaw, called John Rolandt, and also the fine house at Aleppo, as is before-mentioned. He hath very great revenues and sixty sons: Six or seven of them are Sangiacks, whereof some live at the Sultan’s court. Beyond this castle on the other side of the river, we lodged all night in the wilderness, which continued so far, that we saw nothing all the next day long, but only here and there a little cottage of the Moors, which generally are built upon four sticks, and covered with bushes: Within them there are so many children, that I have often admired at the number of them. They run in their first infancy to the river, and learn to swim so well, that they undertake without any fear to swim over the broad river. When we went by, the Moors saluted us very often, if the distance did not hinder them, and that chiefly to learn of us where about their King was in the country. For they have so great a respect for their King, altho’ they are an idle and vagabond people, and unanimously shew him such obedience, as no other nation doth to their superiors; which also you may guess by this, that if any outlandish man hath a mind to get safely through the wilderness, or to see their King, let him but cloath himself in their habit, and take a Moor along with him to shew him the way, and to be his interpreter, they will readily tell him the way to go to him; or when they see that he hath one of their own nation with him, they let him pass without any molestation or examination. So that those that are slaves on the confines of Arabia, might easily free themselves without any trouble or danger. Their wives did also often come to us, and brought us milk in great flat dishes, which they shewed us at a distance to sell; wherefore we did land sometimes and received it, and gave them biskets for it, for they have great want of corn, so that this interchanging pleased us both. We used to break biskets into this milk, and so to eat it for dinner or supper, and sometimes if it was too thick, or rather too little of[107] it, that it might go the farther, we used to temper or mix it with water. They have also sometimes put it into oblong linen sacks, which it did hardly penetrate, and let it hang in the ship for two or three days, until it did curdle and came to be in curds, and so it used to serve us with biskets and onions for breakfast or for supper. When we did land and had time to spare, I used to look about me for some strange plants, and among the rest, I found a peculiar Schœnanthum, which was very like in figure unto the true one, but had not it’s virtues, and the first kind of Rhannus of Carolus Clusius, with fat leaves like unto housleek. I found also goats rue, and a strange sort of willows, which still are called by the inhabitants by their old name Garb. There also were abundance of tamarisks; they were as big and high as our cherry or plum trees, wherefore these trees are discerned soon at a distance by their height; they have very tender leaves, and long purple coloured tops, as you see in the second kind of our tamarisks, so that between them and ours, there is no great matter of difference, but only in bigness and fruit, whereof I found none at that time. The Moors feed their cattle for the most part, with those bushes that grow at the river side; for in the wilderness and desarts, where the ground is very sandy, lean and barren, there is but little grass or tilled ground, which occasioneth the great scarcity of bread among them, so that often they see none in a great while, and are forced to eat their other food, as fish, flesh, cheese and milk, which they take from goats, sheep, camels, &c. without bread; so that these poor people make a shift with a mean diet; and yet they are strong and in good health, and live to a good age. At night before it was dark, I saw another fortification at the other side in Mesopotamia, on a high hill called Jabar, belonging to the King of Arabia, which is very large, and hath several towers in the wall, so that as far as I could see, it was very like to that of Aleppo. We staid all night on this side of it, in an island where we had been robb’d again, if we had not kept a good watch so as to perceive the thieves, and to let off several guns; yet this we did not to hurt, but only to frighten them; for if[108] we should have kill’d or wounded any of them, they would have fetch’d immediately some, according as they are in strength, it may be a thousand together to revenge their friend to fall upon us, to beat us and to plunder us, whereof they are very eager, and to take all we had. The same happened to us the next day in another uninhabited island of the river, where we would dress no victuals that night, that they might not spy us by our fire, to find us out and to fall upon us. For when we expected to keep ourselves thus quiet, and to rest in good tranquillity, they did not miss us, but came to us in a greater body than before, and that so near, that we could not only hear them, but they began to talk with us. But when we saw that they were in earnest, we rouzed up ourselves, and got into order, and spoke big to them, and bid them to offer no violence to us, for if they did, they would find greater resistance than they expected. But when we saw that this our exhortation would do no good, we were forced again to have recourse to our guns, whereof we had but three, which we let go off, which frightened them in such a manner, for they are not used to them, that they ran away and left us in quietness. But it is no wonder that the Arabians are so restless, for they are full of want and nakedness, have not to fill their belly, nor to cover their body withal; besides, they have nothing else to do, and are used to idleness from their very infancy, and then because they hate to work, they are forced to wander like vagabonds from one place to another. And (if they will maintain themselves and theirs) to seek their livelihood from those that travel through their country. So several times there came two, three, or four together, swimming through the river, were it never so broad or deep, to our ship, whereof some were black and some brown, which came as naked into our ship as ever they were born into the world, to beg a piece of bread; to each of them we gave as much as would content them, so they went sometimes for a whole league along with us; and when they had eaten the bread and thanked us, they jumped into the river again and swam away. Besides these we saw daily as we went along, many more swim over the river, which commonly[109] had some bucks-skins blown up, whereon they tried to get over the easier, for the river is so broad, that it is not easy to make a bridge over it, neither did I find any. They take their shirts (for besides them they wear no other cloaths) tie them with their leathern girdles about their heads, and therein stick their daggers (which are pretty broad and bended like unto a scythe) which hang down by their temples.

The ninth day our voyage went on again chearfully, and we came pretty near the town Racka, which belongeth to the Turkish Emperor, but it did not continue so long, for before we had dined and eaten a few fruit, viz. Cibels, Anguries, and Indian Musk-melons, to refresh ourselves in the great heat, we incurr’d greater danger again than that we were in before, for our ship, which was a great deal bigger than either of the two, did strike upon the sand so severely, that we could not bring her off again without assistance of others, as we had done several times before, nor bring her into the right way again. So we were forced to desire the Arabians our antagonists, which stood and looked upon us, rather rejoicing at our misfortunes, than pitying us, to assist us, which at length we did obtain, and so they came to help us: But because they had their daggers, and great cudgels, which they use to wear with them, we durst not trust them, but were forced to leave a small guard in the ship, but the rest of us helped them with all our force and strength, but we could not stir her, so that they went away twice and left us. At last we concluded, that we had no better way than to unload our ship, yet we durst not do it for fear of the Arabians, nor venture our merchandizes; so we resolved to draw her out another way, wherefore we desired the Arabians a third time to assist us, and if they were in earnest to help us, we begged of them to lay down their arms, which at length, upon our promising them a good reward, they did. When they came we took also our guard to our assistance, set all hands at work, and with hard labour we brought it at length into the right stream again, so we paid the Arabians and went on, and came that same night to Racka.

[110]

### CHAP. III.

Of the city of Racka, and of it’s situation, and also something of the departure of the King of Arabia, and of his league with the Turkish Emperor, and also of the trouble we had with the Custom-house Officer or Publican.

Racka, a town of Mesopotamia, is situated in the desarts of Arabia upon the great river Euphrates, between two ascents, so that you cannot see any thing of it before you can come near it. There is a castle by it, which is given to a Sangiack by the Turkish Emperor to keep it with 1200 Spahi’s. This town is pitifully built, and not well guarded with walls; it having been built after the Desolation of the old town, which was situated on the hight, as one may see still by the old wall, and other arches and pillars. Among the rest there is yet standing a very ancient high building, which is still very strong, and looketh very great, altho’ it is much decay’d and run to ruin, and such as one shall rarely see, so that one may conjecture, that it hath perhaps been formerly the seat and habitation of their Kings or Magistrates. Between the new and old city lieth a castle, which is also old and pretty strong, where is kept a Turkish garrison, it being on the confines or limits of Arabia and Persia, &c. to defend them and all the country from danger and incursions. The old town is besides this quite demolish’d, and even with the ground, so that here is no convenient place where the Turks can exercise themselves in running, cudgel-playing, &c. but this, where I have often sat upon the ruin’d walls, and look’d upon them when they were a playing. To the Desolation of this town have very much contributed the Tartars, under their King Haalono, who took it in the year of our Lord, 1260, and not long after the town[111] and castle of Aleppo, with the help of Ayton King of Armenia. Some will have this to be the town of Rhagos, which is also called Edessa, whither the ancient and pious Tobias did send his son from Nineveh to his friend Gabel, to fetch the money from him which he had lent him: But because this lies a day’s journey farther from the river Euphrates, therefore it cannot be the same.

After we had landed there, the receiver of the custom came on horseback to the shoar, and desired the master of the Turkish ship to deliver his arms, lances, and bows, who absolutely deny’d it, seeing that it never had been a custom before; whereupon they fell about this into such a hot dispute, that they began to draw upon one another, and had not we timely put in between them, it would have caused a great tumult. The reason why this man behaved himself so strangely, was, because we did not go with our goods to Carahemit, which town is distant four days journey, and situated on the rapid river Tygris, to have laid there upon that river, where he would have received a great deal more custom, that also belonging to him. But the Turk not mattering him, having nothing in but corn, which he would not carry, he let him alone, and came to us as strangers, thinking to make up his loss from us, and to frighten us out of it. He staid all night in the ship, and lay between us, fearing that we should hide some goods from him; and sometimes he came upon us with big words, saying, Seeing that it was not allow’d to us outlandish men to travel in these parts, therefore he could not but take us to be spies, that came to discover, rather than for any thing else, wherefore he had reason enough to take our goods in arrest, and send us two spies as to Constantinople, to make us slaves to his master the Great Sultan. After we had heard this his unreasonable discourse, and were also sensible of his intention to cheat us, we were not presently frighten’d, but drew out our pass we had from the Bashaw and Cadi of Aleppo, and shew’d it to him. He look’d it over, and after he understood that he durst not very well act against it, he went away from us with a deal of indignation, and immediately he began to quarrel with all the Merchants of the two ships, and desired of them an unreasonable sum to pay him as toll,[112] whereof they complain’d heavily; but he went on, and would accept of no reasonable conditions, but took away our rowers from our ships, to hinder us from going away, to squeeze us the more. But the Merchants, altho’ they saw his earnestness, they did not matter it, but sent on the 11th of September one of them with a Moor to Carahemit, to the Great Bashaw, which was the son of Mahomet Bassa, to complain to him of these impositions and extortions. When the toll-keeper did understand this, he follow’d them with his son immediately. But because he did not find the Bashaw, who was then in another place, call’d Giselet, whither our friend was forced to follow him three days journey from thence, he return’d again immediately. Although he did not speak with the Bashaw, yet he falsly told us, that it was the Bashaw’s order that we should pay him ten ducats per cent. Notwithstanding that, ours did not know any thing, yet they would not trust him, but had carry’d the best and greatest part of their goods out, before he came into the ship to search, and also some thereof they bury’d in the sand by night, where the Turks and Moors went over by day-light, and yet they could find none of these hidden goods. The next morning early the Publican came with his crue, and search’d every thing with a great deal of care, as if he had a peculiar command for it, but did not find any thing near, as you may think, what he expected. When he was thus very busy in exercising his office, our friend came in at last, and told us, that the Bashaw was very much displeased that the Publican did deal so unjustly with us, contrary to the orders and law of his master, the Grand Signior, and did keep us so long, and hinder us in our navigation. Wherefore he had writ to the Sangiack in our behalf, and ordered him on pain of death, to take all care that we might not be detain’d any longer, but to take the Publican prisoner, and to send him to Constantinople, to have him try’d at the court kept for that purpose every fifteenth day, and that he feared very much, that he would pay for this his misdemeanor with his life.

In the mean time we were thus detained prisoners on the rivers of Babylon, expecting with a deal of patience the time of our deliverance, it happened, that the King[113] of Arabia broke up with his retinue from here-abouts on the 21st of day of September, and travelled towards the south in great numbers, to find better pastures for his beasts, as horses, asses, and camels, that they might the better subsist; for in these places there are not so many villages, towns and market-towns, where they might have their continual abode. Neither do they love farming nor trading, but are contented, if they have a great flock of cattle, and good store of grass for them, that they may keep them. So if they come to a rivulet, where a little herbage or grass groweth, they immediately erect their tents there, to stay there till want forceth them to remove, and to look out for another place. When they break up, they take along with them man, maid, beasts and all their whole substance, as I did see them remove at this very time, and come towards this town in great numbers, so that the Turks kept their gates shut up for four days, until they were all passed by. On horseback they are armed with darts and bows, &c. and also if they ride on camels, whereof they have very a great number, chiefly when the King is moving from one place to another, as some of them did relate to me, where generally are employed 150000. I myself have once seen at one time together about the number of 3 or 4000 camels. They are strong and hardy creatures, fit to carry heavy burthens, and also to subsist without drinking in the greatest heats for three days together. They stale out between their hind legs, so that those that go in caravans behind them must have a great care, that they be not hit by them, and so become all bedaubed. Their horses are very noble, neat, and fit for business; they seldom feed them more than once a day, although they ride them very hard all day long through the wildernesses. They commonly cut off all the hair from their mains and tail, so that their tails remain very naked, and look something like the tail of a lion. They put their wives on littler asses, and also upon high camels with their children, three or four of them together in boxes, as it is the fashion in these countries. They are of a brown colour like unto our Gypsies, and almost the fourth part of them black, which difference of colour proceedeth from their travelling up and down to places[114] where blacks are, and sometimes leaving their own there, and taking blacks in the room of them. The King of Arabia is always encamped in the fields, and never cometh into a place that is shut up or enclosed; and this the less now, after the mischance of losing his son that retired into one, happened; so he goeth from place to place like unto the Tartars, so that often it is not known where he is. In the summer-time he goeth farther to the north, and in winter to the south, to avoid both the heat and cold, and to have better subsistance and provision for himself, his men, and cattle. So it hath happened several times, that the Arabians in their march have come too near the Turks dominions, and the Turks again to his, from whence arose between these two great Princes such differences, that they are come to great and bloody wars. And yet for all this, as I am credibly informed, they have now both made a peculiar league and contract between them, wherein it is agreed that if the Grand Turk should go to a war with his neighbours, then the Arabian King will assist and defend him, wherefore the Grand Signior writes to him as his cousin and good friend, and is to pay him the sum of 60000 ducats yearly as his certain salary or retaining fee. And besides all this, the Sultan sends to the new King of Arabia after the decease of the old one, a standard with his coat of arms in it, which together with other presents he sends him with usual ceremonies, to congratulate him on his happy coming to the throne, and to renew and confirm their alliances. Their religion doth contribute not a small matter to this, which (together with all their ceremonies, and all other points) is the same almost they profess in both nations: And they take as many wives as the Turks do, neither do they extol or magnify one before the other, because they come from better parents, being they buy them all from them. And therefore none of them are excused, because she cometh from a greater extraction, from doing the family-business, nor hath a poor one more put upon her because she came from mean extraction. So one of the King of Arabia’s wives is a daughter of a man that keeps a sawing-mill at Racka, which by him (although of mean extraction) is as much respected as any of the rest. Her[115] father and brothers are very good people; they came very often to us, and shewed great compassion, for that we were so abused by the Publican. His mill is not drawn by horses as ours are, nor by water (for they know nothing of that) but two of them cut the wood with great hand-labour. During our staying there a young Arabian gentleman, nearly related to the King of Arabia, came very often to us to the water-side, who was always accompanied with twenty servants with bows and darts; he had a delicate white turbant on, and a long violet coloured caban made of wool, but his servants went pretty bare, for some of them wore black caps and long indico coloured shirts with wide sleeves, which they girt up with broad leathern girdles, wherein stuck bended daggers or bayonets, as it is their usual custom. It once happened, that some of us being upon the high town-walls together, from whence we had a pleasant prospect down into the valley to the great river Euphrates, this same gentleman came to us again, and seated himself with his retinue overagainst us, and presented us with some dried Cicer Pease (whereof I have made mention before) and some Cibebs mixed together, which we thankfully received; and to shew our thankfulness, we presented him again with some Almonds, Figs, Nuts, and some very good sweat-meats we had brought with us from Aleppo, which he also received very kindly. So we all began to eat each of us part of his present, and drunk with it some water of the Euphrates. After we had eat them all, and we thought the time to be long, he beckon’d to one of his Musicians, and bid him to divert us with his instrument, which he pulled out presently (which about the neck looked very like unto a cittern) and we expected to hear some rarity, but when I looked upon it, and saw it had but one string that was as big as a cord of their bows, he began to play some of their tunes, but with what art and dexterity you may easily fancy. He did this for almost two hours, and according to his opinion very harmoniously, but we thought the time so long, that we were very glad when he had done.

About the river I found that sort of Acacia that beareth roundish and brown-coloured pods, called Schock[116] and Scamuth by the Arabians: Some thorns called Algul, whereon the Manna falleth, chiefly in the county of Corascen, as Avicenna tells us. Chamesyces, some strange kinds of mosses, which are very much differing in bigness: Among the rest I saw the low prickly herb, by some esteemed to be the Tragun of Dioscorides. Below, close to the river, I found the Herba Sacra of Dioscorides, which the learned Carolus Clusius hath accurately described in his History of Outlandish Plants, book ii. chap. 45. and just by these, more strange ones, chiefly a delicate one growing plentifully there in the sand, which had from five to eight tender stalks, which spread themselves into others that were very full of joints, so that it crept rather on the ground than grew up; by each of them stood three or four roundish Marjoram or Origanum leaves together, and above between them some star like white flowers, with six pointed leaves like unto our Ornithogalum, each of them on a peculiar foot-stalk, the seeds thereof I have not seen, but the roots are small and fibrous, which together with their small bitterness have a pretty exsiccating quality; and so in this respect are very like unto the Polycemon of Dioscorides, but whether it be the same or no, I leave the learned to decide. Besides those before as we came down the river, I saw a great many large Tamarisk trees, and abundance of a certain kind of Agnus Castus, almost like unto the other, only a great deal less, and it had no more but three strong Claver leaves; but above all the Galega, called Goats-rue in our language, which in these parts groweth very high, and in so great plenty, that on the river-side I could see nothing but this for several miles together.

[117]

### CHAP. IV.

Of the Inhabitants of the mountains, and the great wilderness we came through to Deer: Of their ancient origination, and miserable and laborious livelihood.

Upon this good and severe command of the Bashaw, son of Mahomet Bashaw, we were acquitted of our long arrest, and went away about noon on the 27th of September; we went again from thence through such great desarts, that for some days we saw nothing worth relating, but here and there little huts made of some erected boughs, and covered with some bushes, wherein the Moors with their families live, to secure themselves from the great heat, rain and dews that are in these parts most violent, so that I admired how these miserable people could maintain themselves and so many children in these dry and sandy places where nothing was to be had. Wherefore these poor people are very naked, and so hungry that many of them if they saw us afar off, would fling themselves into the great river, and swim to us to fetch a piece of bread. And when we flung at them whole handfulls, they would snap at it just like hungry fish or ducks, and eat it: Others did gather it and put it into the crown which they make neatly of their sheets on the top of their heads, and so swim away with it. After these sandy desarts had continued a great while, we came at length out of them between high, rough and bare hills, which were so barren that there was to be seen neither plough-lands nor meadows, neither house nor stick, neither high-way nor footh-path, wherefore those people that live there, have no houses, but caves and tents, as they have in the great desarts, where because of the great heat and dryness, the[118] soil is so barren, that they cannot subsist in a place for any considerable time, nor have villages or certain habitations: Wherefore they wander up and down, fall upon the caravans and plunder them, and make what shift they can to get a livelihood. These mountains, as I am informed, reach to the river Jordan, the Dead and the Red-Seas, &c. wherein are situated mount Sinai, Horeb, &c. and the town Petra, which by the prophet Isaiah is called Petra of the Desarts. The Arabians that live in these desarts, and round about them, are extraordinary marks-men for bows and arrows, and to fling darts which are made of canes: They are a very numerous people, and go out in great parties every where almost: They are a very ancient nation, and come from the sons of Ishmael, but chiefly from his eldest son Nebajoth, and were anciently called the war-like Nabathees, and their country, the land or province of the Nabathees, which Josephus testifieth in Book i. Chap. 21. where he says, that the twelve sons of Ishmael, which he had by an Egyptian wife, (his mother Agar, from whom they were called Agarens, as you may see in the first of the Chronicles and the sixth verse, being also of the same country,) were possessed of all the country between the Euphrates and the Red-Seas, and called it the province of the Nabathees. The Midianites that bought Joseph of his brethren, and carried him into Egypt, may also be reckoned among these. This same country is also chiefly by Pliny (because thereabout are no other habitations, but tents, wherein the inhabitants, live) called Scenitis. From this we may conclude that the prophet Isaiah in his 60th Chapter, and David in the 120th Psalm did speak of them, when chiefly the latter maketh mention of the tents of Kedar, whereby he understands a country that is inhabited by such a nation, as liveth in tents, and is derived from Kedar the son of Ishmael, whom his father Abraham, as a strange child born by his maid Agar, did thrust out together with his mother into the desarts; his words are these, Wo is me, that I sojourn in Mesheck, that I dwell in the tents, of Kedar. In our times these and other nations are called the Saracens, which have very much encreased under Mahomet (who by his Mother was an Ishmaelite) and[119] did spread very much; and so they were in David’s time a very strong nation, wherefore he prayeth very earnestly in his 83d Psalm, that God would punish and slay and disperse them, as enemies of his holy church. But that I may come to our former Intention again, here the Arabians again asked us very often, where their King was at that time, so that our master had business enough to answer them; whereby you may observe what great respect and love they have for their King. But that they might not altogether look upon us as outlandish men, nor presently discern us to be strangers, we did sometimes when there was occasion for it, change our turbants, and let one end thereof according to their fashion hang down, which they do to make themselves a shade against the heat, that is very cruel in these countries. But yet if any body, be he who he will, doth enquire after their King, and wants to come before him, to present him with a suit of cloaths, &c. or to desire a pass from him, or if one should go about to hire one of them, to shew him the way to a certain place, or through their country which he may do for a very small price, he would soon find one or other that would be ready to do it; but among the Turks there is no such obedience; for if you should desire any thing of them to do in the name of their Sultan, they are not willing to do it, except it would redound to their great profit. Wherefore a Turkish guide to conduct you would cost you a great deal more than one of them. Besides, they also remember their master daily, and hardly speak of any thing but of him, his great riches, &c. but with such pride and greatness, chiefly when they speak of his powerfulness, and enlarging of his kingdom, as if some share of these were belonging to them, and that they must be respected for it. In this navigation through the great desarts, we two did not spend much, because the towns were at so great a distance from one another that we could not reach them, to provide our selves daily necessaries (as we do in our country on the Danube and Rhine) or lodgings. We were necessitated to be contented with some slight food or other, and make a shift with curds, cheese, fruits, honey, &c. and to take any of these with some bread for a good entertainment. The honey in these parts is very good,[120] and of a whitish colour, whereof they take in their caravans and navigations great leathern bottles full along with them; this they bring you in small cups, and put a little butter to it, and so you eat it with biskets. By this dish I often remembred St John the Baptist, the fore-runner of our Lord, how he also did eat honey in the desarts, together with other food. Besides this when we had a mind to feast our selves, some ran, as soon as our master had landed at night, to fetch some wood, and others in the mean time made a hole in the ground on the shoar, in the nature of a furnace, to boil our meat. So every company dressed accordingly what they had a mind to, or what they had laid up in store; some boil’d rice, others ground corn &c. And when they had a mind to eat new bread instead, or for want of biskets, they made a paste of flower and water, and wrought it into broad cakes about the thickness of a finger, and put them in a hot place on the ground, heated on purpose by fire, and covered it with ashes and coals, and turned it several times until it was enough. These cakes were very savory and good to eat. Some of the Arabians have in their tents stones or copper-plates made on purpose to bake them. On the 4th day, being the last of September, about noon, we came to the end of the mountains, before which without, on this side, lieth a very strong citadel, on a high hill, built three square, by the inhabitants called Seleby, whereof two points go downwards towards the river, and the third upward a great way on the mountain, so that in it’s situation it is very like unto Baden in Switzerland. Although it is demolished, yet it is still very strong in it’s walls, that are to be seen at the top and on the sides, chiefly towards the hills, and the river side, to hinder the passage both by water and land. There are also still standing some watch-houses without, as you come towards it near the mountains, which may hold three or four souldiers: yet it lieth still to this day in ruins, and so desolated, that nothing but birds and beast inhabit it; whereof a great many appeared on the river side, as Herns, Ducks, that were very large and of a delicate colour, and others among which were some of a white colour, called Pelicans by Aristotle, and Onocrotali by others, which are as big as Swans; the prophet Zephaniah maketh also[121] mention of them in his second chapter, when he prognosticated the punishment that was to come to the Ninevites, Assyrians and Moors; there also appeared some quite black with long necks; whereof I did see abundance in my travels into the Land of Promise, and especially near Acon among the rocks and crags of the sea; as far as I could discern them at a distance; they seemed to be a kind of a Sea-Eagle[1], that feed more upon fish than any thing else. Six miles lower, and at the other side of the Euphrates, lieth still another fortification, which is called Subiau Seleby, that is, lower Seleby, on a very high bank, and seeing that we sailed very near it, I could not well discover it. Of these two which way they were besieged and taken; and also of the way of government, or ruling of the Kings of Arabia, &c. I should have been very glad to have been a little better informed, but the language wherewith I was not well acquainted, did hinder me. And suppose I should have understood it very well, or enough to have made an enquiry after those particulars, yet I could not have done it without great danger, to have been taken for a spy; for they soon suspect outlandish men on every little occasion, which those that trade in these parts have often experienced not without great loss and danger. Beyond the mountains in the low country we saw more tilled grounds, and habitations of the Arabians than we had done before, wherefore our master landed sooner than he used to do, near a village, to take in provision for our farther journey, where the people brought flesh and Indian Melons to us to sell. Here it happened, that about midnight, one of the Turkish souldiers went out to ease himself on the river side; and when he was busy about it, a Moor came creeping along to him, and thrust him into the river before he was aware of it, and run away. The Turk finding himself in the Euphrates, fell a crying out for help; I hearing him, standing centinel that night did not fail him, but made what haste I could, with my scymeter in my hand, followed his voice, and came to the place, although it was very dark, drew him out, and brought him into the ship, which was so kindly taken[122] by the rest of the Turks, that I got mightily into their favour, and received many kindnesses of them all the way until we came to Bagdet, the garrison which they went to reinforce.

The first of October when our Voyage went on again, there came early in the morning a post of six Arabians on horseback to the river side to inquire of us whither their King was gone, or where we thought they might find him; they had received letters for him from the Sultan, wherefore they must follow him until they found him. The master of our ship told them, as he did to every body that ask’d him, that we had seen him in Mesopotamia, which province he call’d Amanachar, that he was broken up with his Men to go back into Arabia, where they would find him. After this relation they departed, and we went on our way, and soon saw below a town to our right at a distance, call’d Seccard, very well situated on an ascent, belonging to the King of Arabia, wherefore some of the Turks said, that none but Haramiquiber, that is, great Thieves, lived in it, which they do out of spight to all them that are subject to any other master than their Sultan. This town we passed by, and went directly towards Deer another town, whence we were then three leagues distant, yet they do not account their distances by leagues, for they know little or nothing of it, but rather reckon by days journeys, for their towns are so situated at such a distance, that they have sometimes to go through divers wildernesses, several days, more or less, before they arrive there. Before we came thither, one of the ships in our company did go too much towards one side, toward a branch of the river, that runs by the town, for it divideth itself into several branches, where it got into the mud and stuck. Our master seeing this, landed immediately, and did send his men to help them. So I got time to look about for the strange plants, and found there about the river many Tamarisk-trees, also a peculiar sort of Willow, which the inhabitants still call by it’s ancient Arabian name Garb. These trees do not grow high, but spread very much; the twigs thereof are stronger and not so tough, as to make bands or withs as ours will; the bark is of[123] a pale yellow colour, and so are the leaves, which are long and about two fingers broad, and at the edges round about crenated, so that they are very much differing from the rest of this kind. I found them to be of a pretty drying and astringent quality. Of their flowers and fruit, whereof Avicenna maketh mention in his 126th and 686th chap. I can say nothing, because I saw none. Hereabouts the Turk, that would not stay until we were cleared, but went away before us, suffer’d shipwreck, and so lost a great deal of his corn, that he intended to carry to Bagdat, call’d Baldac, to sell it in the great scarcity, which was occasion’d for want of rain, for there fell none in the space of two years and an a half. And yet, as they say, if it raineth but twice or thrice a year, they have enough to supply themselves. After our men had wrought longer than an hour together with theirs, until they had emptied the ships, they came to us again to go that night to Deer. But there being several rocks before it, which were very dangerous to pass, some of their pilots, that understood the depths, came out to meet, and did help us, so that we got safe there. The town of Deer, which is not very big, and belongs to the Sultan, is situated on this side of the river, on an ascent, and is pretty well built with houses, (whereon stood great numbers of people when we into it, to see us) but as for the walls and ditches, they are but very slight. At our first arrival, we thought we should soon get clear for the custom with the Armin, and ship off again, but he was not in town, so that we were forced to stay three days for his coming. In the mean time we got acquaintance with the inhabitants, which were handsome, lusty and well set, and white, and more mannerly than the rest; they visited us frequently, and spoke kindly to us, so that we found a vast difference between those and the former. The Armin also, who was no less civil, we presented at his return, with a great dish fill’d up with Cibebs, and several sorts of confectures, and laid round about with soap-balls, as is the fashion in these countries; but to them that were with him and of his family, we gave some sheets of white paper, which they willingly received, and were so well pleased with it, that some of them (as[124] the children do in our country, when we give them something that is strange or pleasing to them) smiled at it as often as they look’d on it. The country thereabouts is pretty fertile and plentiful of corn, Indian millet, cotton, &c. and they have also between the rivers very good gardens for the kitchen, with all sorts of plants and fruits in them, viz. Colliflowers, Citruls, Pumpions, Cucumbers, Anguries or Water-melons, which they call Bathiecæ, whereof they have so many that you may buy forty great ones for one Asper, whereof three make a Medin, much about the value of our penny. There were also some Date-trees, Limon and Citron, and other trees, which I could not distinguish at a distance.

### CHAP. V.

Of our Voyage to the famous town Ana, in which we passed again through great sandy wildernesses; for the performance thereof we must provide ourselves with victuals, and be very careful in our navigation: Some relation of the inhabitants, of their cloaths, and other things we did observe and see by the way, and what else did happen unto us.

After we had paid the custom to the Armin, who was a great deal more civil than he at Racka, and provided ourselves with all necessaries, we did but half load our ships, to draw them out of the branch again into the river, and then we carry’d the rest to them by boats and small ships, for the water was very low and full of mud, so that we went from thence on the fourth day of October in the evening, and so staid all night, a little below Deer.

The next morning our navigation proceeded very well till noon, when we came to a very broad and shallow place of the river, that our master did not know which[125] way to get through. When he was thus troubled and considering, there appeared on the hight on the shoar some Arabians, and shewed us the course we must take, but we durst not trust them, for we had heard before that they had sunk some great stones there, and that a month before they had persuaded a ship to go that way which did not discover their cheat, until their ship after several hard knocks did split in pieces and sink. The same they would have served others, which, although they did not follow their counsel yet they came into such danger, that they could not deliver themselves out of it in a whole days time. We (thanks be to God) got sooner through than in an hour, after we had drawn our ship a little back into the deep stream to the great admiration of the Arabians: But the other in our company did not stick much longer, yet we had more to do to get her off, because she was shorter with a hollow bottom, wherefore she was sooner turned, but could not be got out so well as ours which was flat bottom’d. In the evening very early we saw at a great distance on the other side in Mesopotamia, a castle in the plain called Sere, which the Arabians, as they say, have many years ago demolished, which the river Chabu, which is pretty large, runs by, which beginneth not much above the castle (which one may guess by it’s fresh water like unto fountain-water) and runs a little way below into the river Euphrates. From thence we thought to have reached Errachaby, a town belonging to the King of Arabia, but being hindred in our navigation, as is abovementioned, we landed a little above this before the night befel us, and went the next morning early to the before-mentioned town, which was pretty large, and lay about half a league from the river in a very fruitful country, where we staid until the next day to sell some goods there. Wherefore two of ours went into the town to call out some of their Merchants to trade with them.

After they had spent that whole day with them, we went off the next morning early toward Schara, a little village which lieth on the right hand half a league distant from the river belonging to the King of Arabia, where we landed to pay the usual custom. All about the sides[126] and the river, I saw a great many bushes and trees. I would fain have been at them to discern what they were, that I might have viewed them exactly, but I was forced to stay in the ship and so I missed them. From Schara our navigation went on for several days very well, but chiefly through sandy desarts which were as large as any we had before passed; for they extended sometimes so far, that we could not see the end of them; and they were so dry, that you could see neither plough, land nor meadow, tree, nor bush, leaf, nor grass, nor path to go in; wherefore these may very well be called desarts, which are also called the sandy seas. First you must expect there great storms, as well as in the seas, which cause waves in the sand as well as at sea; then those that go in great caravans through them, must have their leader or pilot, by them called Caliphi, as well as those at sea, who knows how to direct their way by the compass, as pilots do on shipboard. Then they provide themselves, because the way is very long through them, with victuals for a long time, as well as those that go by sea, wherefore they load generally the third part of their camels with provisions, chiefly with water to refresh themselves and their beasts in the great heat of the sun, for throughout all the desarts there is never a spring to be found, except one should light by chance on a cistern, which yet are also generally dry, for nothing but the rain filleth them. The Turkish Emperors have ordered 30000 of these cisterns to be dug in the ground in these desarts (as I was informed when I was at Aleppo) and to be provided with water, that their armies when they marched from place to place in those times when they had war with the Kings of Persia or Arabia, &c. might not want for water, and if one should be empty they might perhaps find some in the others. In these wildernesses I saw nothing worth speaking of, but on the 9th of October, some ancient turrets that stood upon the high banks on a point called Eusy, where, as some say, hath been formerly a famous town. Thereabouts the river taketh so large a circumference, that we went longer than half a day, before we could pass it. By the same river below us, we saw on the other[127] side of it several Arabians on horseback; and nothing else remarkable, but as I have told you before, some small huts of the Moors, who came to see us often, but chiefly at night time to pilfer something, which they are used to from their infancy. Wherefore it behoved us to have great care, and to keap a good watch, as I did find it the same night: For when it was come to my turn to stand centinel again, which I commonly did in the hindermost part of the ship on high, that I might espy the thieves the sooner if any should come, I laid down by me a good cudgel, as we all used to do every time, so I lay down and wrap’d myself up in a frize coat with hanging sleeves to it, to keep myself from the frost and dew, which are very frequent and violent there. After long watching, I began to be drowsy and fell asleep, a thief came through the water to the ship, where I was laid down very silently, and took hold of one of my sleeves that hung down, in hopes to draw out the coat gently, not knowing that I was in it: So I was sensible that somebody was there that would steal the coat, and got up, and seeing the head of the rogue, I took hold of my long cudgel to have a blow at him; but he was too nimble for me, swam back and ran away: The rest that lay by me were awakened at this, and did perceive that I had seen somebody, but did not know the particulars, so they were very glad that I had frightened away the thief, and gave me thanks for my great care and diligent watching. As the Moors by night follow their robbery, so they came by daylight often with their wives to trade with us. Wherefore our master sometimes to please some Merchants did sooner land, who took all sorts of goods out with him, as soap-balls, beads of chrystal, and yellow agates, glass rings of several colours, which they wear on their hands and feet; and several other toys made of red, yellow, green and blue glass; and set in tin, brass, or lead, high shoes, which are tied with leathern straps at the top, &c. for these goods they truck’d with the Moors for sheep’s skins, buck’s skins, cheese-curds, and several other things, and sometimes for money. These Moors do not differ much in their form from our gypsies, only that these are a[128] good deal browner. They are very nimble in their actions, but they do not much care to work; they rather spend their time in idle discourses, or begin to quarrel with one another with loud and big words, and a great clamour, but seldom are so much in earnest as to come blows. Their heads are shaved saving only the crown, where they let generally a long lock grow, like unto the Turks, that hangeth down behind. As to their cloathing, they wear coats made of course stuff, whole before, and without sleeves; they are pretty long before, and reach to their knees, such an one I wore on my journey, striped with white and black; underneath they have long shirts, which are cut out about the necks and reach down to their ankles; they are commonly blue, and have wide sleeves which they let fly about chiefly in their walking, when they fling their arms about to shew their pride. These shirts they gird up with broad leathern girdles so high, that you cannot see the girdle but only their bended dagger that sticks or hangs in them as we wear our swords. The archers put sometimes one of their arms out of their shirts, and so leave their breast bare at the same time, that they may shoot and fight the freer without being hindred; those that are not able to buy shoes, take instead of them necks of undressed skins, and put them about their feet with the hair outwards, and so tie or lace them up. The men wear no breeches, but the women do, and they come down to their ankles. Their faces are not veiled as the Turkish womens, but else they cover themselves with broad scarfs, which more incline to blue than to white, and let them (chiefly those that wear narrow ones) hang behind in a great knot. When they have a mind to be fine, they put on their precious things, as are marbles, amber beads, glasses of several colours, &c. fixed to laces and hang them down their temples, which come down about a span long, and fly about from face to neck, so that in bending or moving their head, they often hurt their face, and do not a little hinder them in their actions. Those that are of greater substance, and have a mind to be richer and finer in their dress, wear silver and gold rings in one of their nostrils (as some do in one of their ears[129] in our country) wherein are set garnets, turquois, rubies and pearls, &c. They also wear rings about their legs and hands, and sometimes a good many together, which in their stepping and working, slip up and down about their hands and feet, and so make a great noise. So much I thought convenient to relate of the inhabitants of these countries and desarts, as I have seen and found it.

After we had passed through the great desarts, and began to come pretty near unto Ana, our master landed early in the evening in a very pleasant place which was about a league and a half on this side of the town where we staid all night; for the river is very dangerous to navigate because of it’s swift current and some rocks that lie between the mountains. This place was so pleasant by reason of it’s fruitful trees, viz. olive trees, orange, citron, limon, pomegranate, and chiefly date trees, that the like I had not seen before in my travels, and hard by it was a very thick wood of date trees, whereinto I went with some of our company, and found so great a quantity of fruit that they did not esteem them at all, and among them we found two new sorts different from them that use to be brought to us in our countries, viz. quite red, and yellow ones, by Serapio called Hayron, in his 69th chapter; which although something less than ours, yet are very good, and of a delicate taste.

The next morning we recommended the ship to the master, and walked (the ship being pretty well laden) to the town. By the way we found concerning fruitfulness so great a difference, that we could really say, we were come from the barren and desolated Arabia (which hitherto had continued from Dir, nay very near from Aleppo) into the well cultivated and fruitful one. For just in the very entrance there appeared fields sown with cotton, which was as tender and woolly, as one could any where find: Then delicate fields of corn which grew very high, and was full ripe, and fit to be cut down: Then trees that stood round about full of fruit, so that we had a very pleasant walk to the town. In this way I saw no strange plants at all, only in the corn the Moluchi of the Arabians, whereof I have made[130] mention before, which is esteemed to be the Corcorum Plinii; and also another, which because of it’s height is easily seen; this is very like unto the Sesamum, only that the stalk is longer and fatter, the leaves are rougher, and the uppermost ones are cut in three different ones, which is not to be seen in the uppermost leaves of the Sesamum, the leaves whereof are more like unto willow leaves both in length and colour: Between the leaves that stand singly about the stalk one above the other, sprout out stately flowers, which are yellow without, and intermix’d with red veins, and of a purple brown colour within, and have a long style or pointel in the middle thereof; when these are fallen off, there grow long pods out of them, about a finger long and thin, which are hairy without, pointed towards the top, and have five distinctions within, wherein the seeds are contained (which are very like unto the sort of malva that is called Abutilon) and are placed in good order one above the other. I did very much enquire after this plant, but they know no other name for it, but Lubie Endigi, that is, Indian kidney-beans: But according to my knowledge, I rather take it to be the Trionum, whereof Theophrastus maketh mention in several places.

The town Ana is by the Euphrates divided into two parts, or rather into two towns, whereof the one is not very big, and subject to the Turk, and is very well guarded with old walls, and so surrounded by the river, that you cannot go into it but by boats, but the other that lieth on this side belongeth to the King of Arabia, is very great, and very ill provided with walls and ditches, so that you may go in and out by night, as in all other towns belonging to him. This, and also the whole province, is called Gimel, and is fifteen days journey distant from Aleppo, and goeth down a great way the river, so that we had a good hour to go before we came to the house of our master, which was near the harbour, where our ship did lie. The houses are built with brick and stone walls, and very well done; and we could hardly see one on either side but what had a garden to it, planted with dates, lemon, citron and pomegranate trees, with delicate fruit in it. At the other[131] side on left in Mesopotamia, I saw nothing but some summer houses standing about the hills. By the way before we came to Ana, I observed very well that some of our company (to whom I was by an outlandish man recommended) left me, and began to contrive with the master, who was born in that town, to accuse me by a second hand, that they might not be seen in it, as a spy before the magistrates, pretending that I observed all towns and places accurately, and had a mind to betray them at my opportunity; which they chiefly did to frighten me, and so to get the sooner some good booty out of me. In order whereunto, some of them went to the Sub-Bashaw, and obtained presently of him to send one of his servants with them, which came to me in the long street, having some iron chains and fetters in his hands, which he let hang down upon the ground, and led me along; so that I presently understood that they had an ill intention against me, which they intended to execute. So I went along with him to see what they would do with me; when they came to the harbour, they gave me leave to go into the ship, and to stay there until I heard more of them. So they soon agreed together, and told me, chiefly one of them that was on horseback in a long furr’d coat, that if I would be at liberty, I must pay to the Sub-Bashaw 500 ducats. When I was considering these things, and saw myself also quite left alone, and their demands so extraordinary unreasonable, and found myself in this great necessity and danger, it came into my mind, that there was another magistrate in the other town Ana, at the other side of the river, which was a Turkish one, to whom I would make my complaint of their unjust and unreasonable imposition, to see whether I might not find help and assistance of them; wherefore I provided myself with my pass, and fitted myself so in cloaths that I might be able to swim, so that if they should assault me to take hold of me, I might soon make my escape over the river without any opposition or hindrance. At length, when they expected my answer, and the money, I told them my intention plainly and clearly, which put them into greater fright and fear than they had put me in before. Wherefore they gave over their[132] unjust demands, and desired of the 500 ducats no more but a single one, which they were forced to give to the servant of the Sub-Bashaw for the pains he had taken.

### CHAP. VI.

Which way we travelled from Ana farther to old Babylon, by some ancient towns called Hadidt, Juppe, Idt, and saw more pleasant, fruitful and well cultivated fields on each side than before.

After the designed storm that should have befallen me was over, and I by the power of the almighty God delivered, as it hath pleased him to do with a great many more, which would be too long to relate all here, we immediately departed from thence on the 15th of October. A little below it we found a fruitful and well cultivated country, and some fine houses standing here and there so near together, that before we passed one we could see another, which had also their orchards and kitchen gardens, and round about them fine woods of date trees and many others, which I could not discern because it was too far off; so that we found a great alteration, and our wilderness, wherein chiefly at a distance from the river, we hardly saw a tree in a whole day, changed at the lower end of the town into a fertile soil: Wherefore our voyage was very pleasant to us, for we had also less danger to fear from the Arabians. But our master was very much troubled, because the river was often stopp’d up at the sides with great stones that made the river swell, for there was a great number of large and high water engines or wheels, therefore these stones were laid to lead the stream to them to make them work, for it often happened that two of them stood close together, which took up so much of the river, that we had hardly room to pass by them in the middle of the stream, wherefore he was[133] forced to have great care, to find the right way where he might pass without danger. The reason why these water-wheels are so much in use is, because this river doth not over flow (as the river Nilus) to water the grounds, neither doth it rain enough here sufficiently to moisten the seeds and garden-plants, that they be not burnt by the great heat of the sun, wherefore they must look out for such means, as will supply this want. To do this they erect water-wheels (whereof three or four stand behind one another) in the river, which go night and day, and dip up water out of the river, which is emptied into peculiar canals, that are prepared on purpose, to water all the ground. But if the places lie not conveniently, or the shore be too high to erect such wheels, they make instead of them bridges and peculiar engines, that are turned by a couple of bullocks, to bring the water up, with great leathern buckets, which are wide at top and narrow at bottom. This land being so fruitful, we soon found, to our great pleasure, great quantities of delicate fruit, sold for a small matter of money, and among the rest chiefly Indian musk-melons, that were very well tasted.

When we came farther we had generally even ground at both sides, and not a few fields, the most part whereof were sown with Indian Millet, for they sow more of this than of wheat or barley, for the land is pretty deep, wherein the corn would not grow so well. This Millet was just fit to be cut down, and in some places they had it in already. It shoots up into a high stalk about six, seven, or eight cubits high, the leaves thereof are like unto the Indian corn, or sugar-reeds, which I took it for at first, and that because the inhabitants did chaw it as well as the sugar-canes, because of the sweet and pleasant juice (which is more in the upper part of the cane, whereas that of the sugar-canes, is more in the lower) which they draw out of it, untill I saw at length their white hairy tops sprout out, which are large and not unlike to the Italian Millet. These are full of whitish grains each of which sticks between two broad flying leaves, of the bigness of those of the Orabus, yet somewhat more compressed at the sides. Hereof they bake very well-tasted bread and cakes, and some of them are[134] rowled very thin, and laid together like unto a letter, so that they are about four inches broad, six long, and two thick; they are of an ashen colour. The inhabitants call it still at this day by it’s ancient Arabian name Dora, whereof Rhasis maketh mention. He that will may read more of it in authors.

Our voyage went on very well; wherefore the Merchants began several pastimes, some did play at a play called the Eighteenth, and others played at Chess, in which two games they were very well versed; others spent their time in reading and singing. Among the rest there was a Merchant from Balsara, that sung out of his Koran (which was put into rhymes in the common Arabick) several times with a loud and delicate voice; so that I took great delight in hearing him. Yet they were not so hot in their gaming or jesting, that they should therefore forget the hour of their prayers, chiefly their divines that were in orders, which used to call them out with a loud voice, at the usual hour, either in the ship, or without in the desarts, if they could have convenient time and opportunity. But among the Persians I found a greater zeal and earnestness, than among the Turks or Moors, all which nations have notwithstanding the same ceremonies in their prayers. For as they have chiefly five hours of praying, whereof three are in the day-time; viz. the first about noon, the second about three, and the third when the sun begins to set; the two others in the night, one in the morning an hour and half before the sun riseth, and the second after sun set when the firmament begins to look white and the stars to appear: So the Persians would not be hindered, by the darkness of the night, danger of the place, inconveniency of the time, to go out, when the others were asleep, on the ground in the island where we were landed, and say their prayers with such an earnestness and devotion, as I have often seen it, that the tears run out of their eyes: I must also needs say that they keep closer and stricter to their laws than almost any other nation, which forbid them to drink wine, and command them to live in poverty, and to watch and pray continually.

The eighteenth day of October we came early to Hadidt, a pretty large, yet anciently built, town, belonging to[135] the King of Arabia, which is also divided into two towns by the river Euphrates, like unto Ana, whereof the greater part lieth on this side of the river. Here the master payed for his ship two Sayet (one whereof is about three pence in our country) to the customers, and so set sail again, to try whether he could reach that night to Juppe. And he did oftner than ever before, speak to his men to pull on (chiefly where the river in it’s breadth and depth was almost like unto the sea) so that at night pretty late we arrived at Juppe, a pleasant and well built town belonging to the Turks, and it is also divided into two parts, whereof one lieth in the middle of the river on a high ground, at the top whereof is a fortress, so that the town is pretty well defended: The other (which is rather bigger) lieth on the left in Mesopotamia, wherein are many fine orchards belonging to the houses, full of high date-trees, &c. wherefore the Merchants spent half a day there to buy dates, almonds, and figs to carry with them into the inns; the same they did at Idt another great town of the Turks, on the right-hand of the Euphrates situate on a high ground, where we arrived on the 20th of October at night in very good time, and gave them instead thereof soap-balls, knives, and paper, &c. After which goods they have often enquired of us; and we have given them sometimes some sheets of white paper, which they received with great joy, and returned us many thanks for them.

After our Merchants had sufficiently stored themselves with these goods, and our master had pay’d the duty for his two ships, he put off about noon on the 21st of October and went away. About the evening we saw at this side of the river a mill, and also the next day another, whereby were several old walls, doors and arches, &c. whereby I conjecture that formerly there stood a town. These two mills, as I was informed, were two powder-mills that make gun-powder for the Turkish Emperor, and send it to him in caravans, together with other merchandizes through the dominions of the King of Arabia, wherefore he must as well as other Merchants, pay duty (for that liberty) and toll or custom. The gun-powder is not made from salt-peter, as our is, but out of another juice, which they take from a tree that is reckon’d[136] to be a kind of willow; known to the Persians by the name of Fer, and to the Arabians by Garb, as I have mentioned above. Besides this they take the small twigs of these trees together with the leaves, and burn them to powder, which they put into water to separate the salt from it, and so make gun-powder thereof, yet this is nothing near so strong as ours. Pliny chiefly testifieth this in his 31st book and 10th chapter, where he saith that in former days they have made Niter of oak-trees, (which certainly he hath taken these to be, for they are pretty like oaks) but that it hath been given over long before now. Which is very probable, chiefly because the consumption thereof was not so great, before they found out guns, as it is now since they have been found out.

Further on the water-side, on the high banks, I saw an innumerable many coloquints grow and hang down, which at a distance I could not well know, until they called them by their ancient Arabick name Handbel, whereby they still to this day are known to the inhabitants. After we had navigated a great way several days one after another, through even grounds, and in a good road, we arrived at length on the 24th day of October, at night, near to Felugo or Elugo, a little village called so, and with it the whole province.

[137]

### CHAP. VII.

Of old Babylon the metropolis of Chaldee, and it’s situation, and how it is still to this day, after it’s terrible desolation to be seen, with the tower or turret, and the old ruined walls, lying in the dust.

The village Elugo lyeth on the place where formerly old Babylon, the metropolis of Chaldee, did stand; the harbour lyeth a quarter of a league off, whereinto those use to go, that intend to travel by land, to the famous trading city of Bagdet, (which is situated farther to the east on the river Tygris, at a day and a half’s distance). At this harbour is the place where the old town of Babylon did stand, but at this time there is not a house to be seen, whereinto we could go with our goods and stay till our departure. We were also forced to unload our merchandises into an open place, as if we had been in the midst of the desarts, and to pay toll under the open sky, which belongeth to the Turks. This country is so dry and barren, that it cannot be tilled, and so bare, that I should have doubted very much, whether this potent and powerful city (which once was the most stately and famous one of the world, situated in the pleasant and fruitful country of Sinar) did stand there if I should not have known it by it’s situation, and several ancient and delicate antiquities that still are standing hereabouts in great desolation. First by the old bridge, which was laid over the Euphrates (which also is called Sud by the prophet Baruch in his first chapter) whereof there are some pieces and arches still remaining, and to be seen at this very day a little above where we landed. These arches are built of burnt brick, and so strong, that it is admirable; and that so much the more, because all along the river as we came from Bir, where the river[138] is a great deal smaller, we saw never a bridge, wherefore I say it is admirable which way they could build a bridge here, where the river is at least half a league broad, and very deep besides. Near the bridge are several heaps of Babylonian pitch, to pitch ships withal, which is in some places grown so hard, that you may walk over it, but in others that which hath been lately brought thither is so soft, that you may see every step you make in it. Something farther; just before the village Elugo, is the hill whereon the castle did stand in a plain, whereon you may still see some ruins of the fortification, which is quite demolished and uninhabited: Behind it pretty near to it, did stand the tower of Babylon, which the children of Noah (who first inhabited these countries after the deluge) began to build up unto heaven; this we see still, and it is half a league in diameter, but it is so mightily ruined, and low, and so full of vermin that hath bored holes through it, that one may not come near it within half a mile, but only in two months in the winter, when they come not out of their holes. Among these Insects, there are chiefly some, in the Persian language called Eglo by the inhabitants, that are very poisonous; they are (as others told me) bigger than our lizards, and have[2] three heads, and on their back several spots of several colours, which have not only taken possession of the tower, but also of the castle (which is not very high) and the spring-well, that is just underneath it, so that they cannot live upon the hill, nor dare not drink of the water (which is wholesome for the lambs.) This is Romance.

From this tower, at two leagues distance eastward, lieth the strong town Traxt, which was formerly call’d Apamia, mention’d by Pliny in book VI. chap. 26, 27, between the Tygris and Euphrates, those two great rivers of Paradise, whereof is made mention in the second chapter of Genesis; which two rivers not far below it meet together, and are there united. The town Traxt is surrounded[139] with ditches, and very well defended by two strong citadels, that lie on each side thereof, so that it is as it were, a key and doorway into the kingdom of Persia, to which it doth also belong, as others not far from thence, viz. Orthox, Laigen, which lie on the road towards Media; and also Goa, which lieth a league and an half at the other side of the Tygris, and Axt, two leagues farther still, in the way to Persia.

The next day, being the 25th of October, we spent in bespeaking of camels and asses to load our goods upon, and after we were quite ready, we broke up the day following early in the morning with the whole caravan, to travel to Bagdat. In the beginning the ways were very rough, by the stones and ruins that lie still from thence dispersed. But after we were passed the castle and also the town of Daniel, the dry desarts began again, where nothing was to be seen but thorns, neither men nor beasts, neither caves nor tents, so that a man that knoweth the ways never so well, hath enough to do to find them through it, which I did often observe in our guide or Caliphi, who did several times, because there was neither way nor mark neither of men nor beasts to be found, very much doubt which way to turn himself, and so he did more than once turn sometimes toward one, than towards the other side the whole caravan. By the way we saw in the plain many large, ancient, high, and stately buildings, arches, and turrets standing in the sand, which is very fine, and lieth close together, as you find it in the valleys, here and there, whereof many were decay’d and lay in ruins; some to look upon were pretty entire, very strong, adorn’d with artificial works, so that they were very well worth being more narrowly look’d into. Thus they stand solitary and desolated, save only the steeple of Daniel, which is intire, built of black stones, and is inhabited still unto this day; this is in height and building something like unto our steeple of the Holy Cross church, or of St Maurice in Augsburg; on which as it stands by itself, you may see all the ruins of the old Babylonian tower, the castle-hill, together with the stately buildings, and the whole situation of the old town very exactly.

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After we had travell’d for twelve hours through desolate places, very hard, so that our camels and asses began to be tired under their heavy burdens, we rested and lodged ourselves near to an ascent, we and our beasts, to refresh ourselves, and so to stay there till night, and to break up again in the middle thereof, that we might come to Bagdat before sun-rising. The mean while, when we were lodged there, I consider’d and view’d this ascent, and found that there was two behind one another, distinguish’d by a ditch, and extending themselves like unto two parallel walls a great way about, and that they were open in some places, where one might go through like gates; wherefore I believe that they were the walls of the old town, whereof Pliny says that they were two hundred foot high, and fifty broad, that went about there, and that the places where they were open, have been anciently the gates of that town, whereof there were a hundred iron ones; and this the rather, because I saw in some places under the sand, wherewith the two ascents were almost cover’d, the old wall plainly appear. So we found ourselves to be just lodged without the walls of that formerly so famous kingly city, which now with it’s magnificent and glorious buildings, is quite desolated and lieth in the dust, so that every one that passeth through it, in regard of them, hath great reason to admire with astonishment, when he considers, that this city, which hath been so glorious an one, and in which the greatest monarchs and kings that ever were (Nimrod, Belus, and after him King Merodach and his posterity to Balthasar the last) have had their seats and habitations, is now reduced to such a desolation and wilderness, that the very shepherds cannot abide to fix their tents there to inhabit it. So that here is a most terrible example to all impious and haughty tyrants, shewn in Babylon, which may be sure, that if they do not give over in time, and leave their tyranny, ceasing to persecute the innocent with war, sword, prison, and all other cruel and inhuman plagues, as these did the people of God the Israelites, that God the Almighty will also come upon them, and for their transgressions punish them in his anger, for God is a jealous God, that at long run, will not endure the pride of tyrants,[141] nor leave unpunish’d the potentates that afflict his people; wherefore be sure, he will also in them verify the prophecies which he had utter’d by the Prophet Isaiah, in his thirteenth chapter, and Jeremiah in the fifty first, against those insolent and haughty Babylonians.

As I passed by, I found some thorns growing in the sand, viz. the Acacia, call’d Agul, whereon, chiefly in Persia, the Manna falls, whereof I have made mention before: Above all I found in great plenty some strange kinds of Cali of Serapio, of Coloquints. When evening fell in, and the night did approach, our mockeries that drove the asses, made themselves ready again for our journey; who kept every thing together, in good order, and were so quick in loading and unloading, that they were ready in less than a quarter of an hour. By the way I saw again several antiquities, but the night falling in I lost them; so we went on a-pace in darkness, so that we did arrive at Bagdat, by some call’d Baldac, two hours before day. In the morning, which was the twenty seventh of October, I and one of my comrades took our lodging at an eminent Merchant’s house, that belonged to Aleppo, and was lately come from the Indies; he received us kindly, and very readily, and kept us for four days, when we took a shop in the great camp of the Turkish Bashaw, in the other town, on the other side of the Tygris, which we went into.

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### CHAP. VIII.

Of the famous city of Bagdat, called Baldac; of it’s situation, strange plants, great traffic, and Merchants of several nations that live there, together with several other things I saw and did learn at my departing.

The town Bagdat, belonging to the Turkish Emperor, is situated on the most easterly part of his dominions, on the rapid river Tygris, and the confines of Persia, in a large plain, almost like unto Basiel on the Rhine, it is divided into two parts, which are rather bigger than Basiel, but nothing near so pleasant, nor so well built, for the streets thereof are pretty narrow, and many houses so miserably built that some of them are down to the first story, and others lie quite in ruins. The case is the same with the churches, which for age look black, and are so much decay’d, that you shall hardly find a whole one; whereon are still several old Arabian, or rather Chaldean inscriptions to be seen, cut out in stone, by the means whereof many antiquities of the town might have been truly explain’d, but I could not only not read them, but could get no body that could interpret them to me. These are some buildings that are worth seeing, as the camp of the Turkish Bashaw, and the great Batzar or Exchange beyond the river in the other town, and the Baths which are not to be compared with those of Aleppo and Tripoli, for they are at the bottom and on the walls done over with pitch, which maketh them so black and dark, that even in the day time, you have but little light. There being two towns, one of them which lieth on this side is quite open, so that you may go in and out by night without any molestation; wherefore it should rather be call’d a village great than a[143] town; but the other that lieth towards Persia on the confines of Assyria, is very well fortifieth with walls and ditches, chiefly towards the Tygris, where there are also some towers, two whereof are within by the gates that lead towards the water side, to guard them, and between them are the old high walls of the town, whereon on the top are stately writings, with golden letters, each whereof is about a foot long, to be seen; the true meaning thereof I would fain have learned, but for want of understanding and interpreters, I could not obtain it, but was forced to go without it. Near unto it there is a bridge made of boats, that reacheth over the Tygris into the other town, which in that place is about as broad as the Rhine is at Strasburg, and because of it’s rapid stream so dark and dull, that it is a dismal sight to look upon it, and may easily turn a man’s head and make him giddy. This river runneth not much below the town into the Euphrates, and so they run mixt together into the Persian gulf, by the town Balsara, which is six days journey distance from thence eastwards. These two towns as is said, at the river Tygris, were many years agone built out of the ruinated city of Babylon, whereof the one on the other side of the river is accounted to be the town of Seleucia of Babylon, and that on this side, which is more like unto an open village, is believed to be the town Ctesiphonta. Strabo, in book XV, doth testify this, when he writes thus of them: That Babylon hath formerly been the metropolis of Assyria, and that after it’s devastation, the town of Seleucia, situated upon the Tygris, near which was a great village, wherein the king of the Parthians did keep his residence for the winter. Pliny maketh also mention thereof in his sixth book, and in the twenty sixth and twenty seventh chapter, viz. That the two towns of Seleucia of Babylon, and Ctesiphonta, were built out of the ruins of the old city, and that the river Tygris runs between them. In the town Seleucia, stands in a large place, the castle, which is without guarded neither with walls nor ditches, nor is quite finish’d within. Before it lie some pieces of ordnance in the road, which are so daubed with dirt, that they are almost quite covered. In it dwelleth[144] the Turkish Bashaw, who, when he understood that two strangers were come into his camp, sent for us, and had us before him by his men; along with us went freely an Armenian, whom we had known formerly at Aleppo, to assist us, and to be our interpreter, to give the Bashaw a good and sufficient account of us.

When we came into the room of the Bashaw, which was but very ordinary, yet spread with delicate tapestry and well adorned, and appeared with accustom’d reverences, he ask’d us, sitting in his costly yellow colour’d long gown, by one of his servants, in French, which he did not understand very well, from what places we came, what merchandizes we had brought with us, and whither we intended to go. After we had punctually answered him to each question, yet he was not satisfy’d, but bid us to withdraw, and stay until we heard his answer. We understood his meaning very well, that it was only to scrue a present out of us, yet we would not understand it, but shew’d him our pass, subscrib’d both by the Bashaw and the Cadi of Aleppo, to try whether that would give him content. So he took it and read it over, and look’d very diligently upon their seals, as they use to seal, after they had dipp’d it first into ink, so that all but the letter is black. When he found them right, and did not know any more to say to us, he let us go, then we made him his reverence again, and so we went backwards out of his lodgings, for if you turn your back to any one, altho’ it be a far meaner person, they take it as a great uncivility, rudeness, and disparagement. This Bashaw keeps a great garrison in the town of Bagdat, because it lieth on the confines of Susiana, Media, &c. which are provinces belonging to the King of Persia, and the Grand Signior hath nothing more towards the east of it to command. His greatest dominions are the wildernesses of the desart of Arabia, whereof the Turk hath one part, but the other, and the biggest, belongs to the King of Arabia. After the Bashaw had given us leave to go, we went to our lodgings again, and bought by the way in the Batzar some provision to eat, and to boil for supper, for in these countries are no inns to be found, whereinto one[145] may go, and find a dinner ready prepared for chance-customers, as in our country is done, except one would go into a cook’s shop, whereof there are a great many in the Batzars; but every one boileth for himself what he hath a mind to, without doors, before his lodgings, where there is a chimney for that purpose; so that in the morning, and at night when it is time to eat, you see every where in the allies of the camp several fires. When we went to eat we were forced, because in these chambers is neither table, nor stools, nor bench, to sit down on the ground, and also lie upon it all night, so that our cloaks were very useful to us, to serve us instead of a bed, chiefly in the winter, to keep us warm; yet the winter is not very severe in those countries, which you may conclude, for that our March-flowers, Narcissus’s, Hyacinths, Violets, &c. were here full in flowers in the month of December; and that the farmers went to plough at that time; wherefore I judge that their winter is like unto our spring. When we lived at Bagdat, I found by our catering, that the scarcity was still very considerable, and it would have been more, and have increased, if the towns that lie above it on the Euphrates and Tygris, and chiefly Mossel, which formerly went by the name of Nineveh, had not sent them great supplies, as did also those of Carahemit, &c. which supply they have also almost always at any other time occasion for, for their cultivated grounds are chiefly in Mesopotamia, where they have almost none at all, so that there groweth not enough to maintain themselves; wherefore the two rivers are very necessary to them, not only to provide them with victuals, as corn, wine, fruit, &c. but also to bring to them all sorts of merchandizes, whereof many ship-loads are brought in daily. So that in this town there is a great deposition of merchandizes, by reason of it’s commodious situation, which are brought thither by sea as well as by land from several parts, chiefly from Natolia, Syria, Armenia, Constantinople, Aleppo, Damascus, &c. to carry them farther into the Indies, Persia, &c. So it happened that during the time I was there, on the second day of December, in 1574 there arrived twenty five ships with spice and other precious drugs here, which came over sea from[146] the Indies, by the way of Ormutz to Balsara, a town belonging to the Grand Turk, situated on the frontiers, the farthest that he hath south-eastwards, within six days journey from hence, where they load their goods into small vessels, and so bring them to Bagdat, which journey, as some say, taketh them up forty days. Seeing that the passage both by water and land, belongeth both to the King of Arabia and Sophi of Persia, which also have their towns and forts on their confines, which might easily be stopt up by them, yet that notwithstanding all this they may keep good correspondence with one another, they keep pigeons, chiefly at Balsara, which in case of necessity might soon be sent back again with letters to Bagdat. When loaden ships arrive at Bagdat, the Merchant, chiefly those that bring spice, to carry through the desarts into Turky, have their peculiar places in the open fields without the town Ctesiphon, where each of them fixeth his tents, to put his spices underneath in sacks, to keep them there safe, until they have a mind to break up in whole caravans; so that at a distance one would rather believe that Soldiers were lodged in them, than Merchants; and rather look for arms than marchandizes: And so I thought myself before I came so near that I could smell them.

Some of these Merchants that came with the same ships, came directly to our camp, and among the rest a Jeweller, who brought with him several precious stones, viz. Diamonds, Chalcedonies, which make incomparable hafts to daggers, Rubies, Topazes, Saphires, &c. the two first whereof he had procured in Camboya, and most of the rest in the island of Zeylan, whereof he shew’d us several very fine ones. The Merchants bring these along with them in great caravans, and keep them very close and private, that they may not be found out, at the custom-houses and be taken away from them which the Bashaws do constantly endeavour with all their might and power. For the Turks do not love that precious stones should cost them money, for they are extraordinarily covetous, wherefore you find but a few among them, but if they can have them without cost, after the aforesaid manner they love them dearly, and keep them in great esteem. In the room of them other stones are[147] sent into the Indies again, Corals, Emeralds (which are bought best in Egypt) Saffron, Chermes-berries, and several sorts of fruit, as Cibebs, Dates, (which are so pliable and soft that you may pack them together in great lumps as they do Tamarinds) Figs, Almonds, and many others which I cannot now remember, and also several sorts of silks and Turkish handkerchiefs: But above all, fine horses, whereof they send abundance into the Indies by the way of Persia, but more by the way of Ormutz, wherefore the King of Portugal received yearly a good sum of money for custom, viz. forty ducats for each, which the Merchants pay very freely, because that those that import horses (as I am informed) pay but half duty for their other goods at the custom-houses, and sell them besides with good profit. Some of these horses are also sent (because of their beauty and goodness) into Syria, Natolia, and to us into Europe, where they are sold or presented to Princes, and other great persons of quality. They feed their horses in these countries chiefly with barly and straw, so as it is broke by their threshing waggons, which they hang about their heads in sacks, as they do also about asses, rather than give it them in mangers as we do. For want of straw they sometimes litter them with a fine loose earth, which they afterwards throw by in heaps to make it clean again to serve another time. When, among other Merchants, Christians arrive from our countries at Ormutz, which happen’d very seldom, all those of them that have been any ways afflicted by the Turks, Arabians, or Jews, must appear before some certain officers of the King of Portugal, appointed for that purpose, and make their complaints to them, of what hath happen’d to them, or what damage they have received; and in case they should omit any thing, they are themselves severely punish’d. If then it appeareth, that one of them hath been cheated of his money, immediately some Merchants of the same nation although innocent, and knowing nothing of it, are flung into prison, where they must remain until they have made satisfaction to the utmost farthing, and are besides severely punish’d, for an example to others that they may take warning. But if a Christian should be murdered, and they come to know of it, then three or four of them, more or less, according to the manner[148] of fact, must suffer and lose their lives for every Christians. From thence it cometh, when Merchants of many nations are going into a ship, in order to go to the Indies, by the way of Ormutz, where they must land upon penalty of confiscation of all their goods, that when first they put off, they look strangely upon one another, and take great notice of, or mind one another much, and say very little or nothing, not making themselves known, fearing that something may be had against them; and this endureth so long, until they are gone half the way, then they begin to be acquainted. Farther I understood, that the King of Portugal’s governor in the Indies hath already, (to make himself strong and the more able for a war) made several of the chiefest and powerfullest Indians knights or noblemen, to the number of 5000; and hath sent many Jesuits to reform these countries, to propagate their religion and to institute there the Spanish inquisition. The Indians are lank in body, brown in their colour, well shaped, and of a very good understanding; wherefore persons of quality, and Merchants love to buy them, and chuse them for their servants, being in their business very faithful, diligent and careful, as I have known many of them. These and many more nations, as Turks, Moors, Armenians, Curters, Medians, &c. which every one of them have their peculiar language, are at Bagdat in great numbers, but chiefly the Persians; so when I was there, there arrived a caravan of three hundred, with camels and horses, &c. with an intention to go to Mecca, to give Mahomet a visit, which they think, after Hali and Omar, who were his companions and did live in that city, to be a very great man. These Persians have a peculiar language, so much differing, that neither Turks nor Arabians, nor other Oriental nations can understand them, and so they are forced to make them understand their meaning by signs or an interpreter, as well as I and other strangers. They also have their peculiar characters. They sit well on horse-back, and have on long and white drawers, which serve them also for boots, and are very well furnish’d with scymeters, bows and darts: Instead of spurs, they have, as it is the fashion in those parts, pointed irons, which are about an[149] inch and a half long, and are sowed to the hind part of their shoes. They are also call’d Red Turks, which I believe is, because they have behind on their turbants, red marks, as cotton ribbands, &c. with red brims, whereby they are sooner discerned from other nations. They may also be distinguish’d by their grey woollen coats, which have commonly three pleats behind, and come hardly down to their knees. They are a strong and valiant people, of a noble countenance and mind, very civil, and in their dealings upright. They are very wary in their undertakings, which you may see by this, that before they conclude a bargain, they take up more time to consider than others do two or three, which I have several times observed. Among other merchandizes they have delicate tapestry of several colours of cotton-work, in which they are great artists, and well skill’d, but as for others, as gold and silver working, &c. they understand little, and a great deal less of gilding, wherefore they take any thing that is glossy for gold. They love the Christians that are artists and ingenious in these sorts of works, and shew them all civilities. But as for the Turks, because great and bloody wars arise often between them, they hate them very much, and call them Heretics; 1. Because they will not esteem nor receive Hali and Omar, which they denominate Caliphi, as the greatest and highest Prophets or Legates of God, that have, after Mahomet, given more certain and better laws. Wherefore they esteem them a great deal higher; nay, worship them like Gods. 2. Because that they as circumcised men, esteem their women to be unclean, and reckon them to be members that are not to be saved, and therefore exclude them out of their churches, so that they may not appear there publickly, which by the Persians, according to their laws and ordinances, after they have spoke some words after them, are received as bless’d ones, and admitted to come to their churches. From whence arise between these two nations great quarrels and differences sometimes, but yet they do not fall upon one another, nor make incursions in time of peace, so violently on the frontiers, as they do in Hungary; probably that one may (because negotiation goeth farther into Persia, and bringeth in great custom to the Grand Signior) trade the safer into these parts. It is cheap[150] and very good travelling through these countries into the Indies, and the customs and duties are very easy.

Farther I understood from others, that here and there in Persia live several Christians, and that most of them are of the perswasion of Prester-John, whom they call Amma; and which way they are brought to it, I am thus informed, that formerly about twelve years agone, it did happen that the King of Persia made a league with Prester-John against the Turks, which came then very hard upon him, and gave him his hands so full, that he was forced to seek for help by strangers. Now when Prester-John thought it very inconvenient for him to make a league with a King that was not of his religion, he sent him a message again, that he could make no league with him, except the chiefest of the articles were, that he and his subjects would receive his religion, then he would not only do him all friendship that in him lay, but also assist him with all his might and power, which at length was agreed upon. Whereupon he did send one of his patriarchs and some of his priests, which in process of time had this effect, that now even at this day, there are above twenty towns in Persia where the most of the inhabitants are addicted to the religion of Prester-John. They have also as I was told, several books of the holy scripture, and chiefly among the rest, some of the epistles of St Thomas, which they call Ærtisch. And besides that, their patriarch hath brought it to that pass, that they are no more so zealous in their superstitions; and are of opinion that circumcision is not necessary, and that so much the rather, because their enemies the Turks and Jews have it. And for the same reason they do not abhor the forbidden beasts, but eat pork, &c. nor refuse to drink wine, and that as before said, because their adversaries are forbid it by their law. So that the Christian faith doth in Persia encrease daily more and more, and they begin to be christened with fire, according to their fashion, and in the name of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whom they notwithstanding, according to their opinion, rather believe to be a creature, than the Third Person of the Trinity, and that he doth only proceed[151] from the Father and not from the Son. But that those that are Christians may be discerned, they wear a blue cross on the inside of their left leg a little above the knee. They also administer the sacrament of the holy supper or communion, and give it as well to the young as to the old ones in both kinds; but before they go to it, they must have their feet washed, wherefore there are little rivulets led through the churches, where they sit down, and some of the chiefest of the town come to them and wash their feet, and when that is done, they give unto one another a kiss of love; then they read the words of Christ’s institution, and so go to receive it; they do not come to confession before: And they endure no images in their churches, but instead of them, they make use of harps, pipes and other instruments, wherewith they make music, but chiefly at the King’s court, at Smarcand (where his best Musicians are) which town, as they say, was built by Sem the son of Noah, and called after his name. What else is to be said concerning the points of their religion, shall be hereafter mentioned in the chapter of the Abissines.

Farther I was informed at my return, that after the decease of Gamach the King of Persia; that had three sons and one daughter (who was soon married to one of the chiefest of the council at court) whereof the eldest called Alschi was beheaded, because he did endeavour to take away his father’s crown, the other two are still in being; the youngest of them Balthasar liveth in Parsid a peculiar province and town in Persia, which lieth on the borders of the Indies; and the middlemost, called Ismael, was lately, after his father’s decease, elected King, almost at the same time when the now reigning Turkish Emperor Amurathes came to the crown. This is still young, and of a tall and slim body, but very manly, and full of courage, and well skill’d in all warlike exercises, so that he dare before any of his courtiers ride wild and unbroken horse, by them called Æcaik, which are not easily mastered. They are brought to him a great way off out of the eastern parts; they are as I am informed, of an ashen colour, only some have white legs; in these and other exercises he hath shown his manliness from his infancy. But when he did encrease[152] in age and in strength, the anger and displeasure he bore against the Turks did increase also, and to that degree, that he resolved, during his father’s life, to be revenged of them for the wrong they had done to his ancestors. Wherefore a little while agone, he brought together a great many men in the frontier places to surprize the town of Bagdet unawares, being one of the chiefest that formerly had belonged to his ancestors, together with the whole country, wherein the new Kings of Persia when they first come to the government are used to be crowned. When he was thus prepared for the onsent, and nothing was wanting, some traitors ran away from his troops and acquainted the Bashaw of Bagdet with his design, so the Bashaw was forced to arm himself with all speed as well as he could, that he might be able to oppose him in his designs. But when the King’s son would have put his intention into execution, the Bashaw fell upon him unawares with such a number and strength, that he could not only attempt nothing, but was beaten, and he himself taken prisoner. Besides this, the Grand Turk would have had him to be beheaded, if his father had not with great earnestness taken his part, and given him for his ransom the town Orbs in Mesopotamia. After this, the old King had enough to do to keep his son in safe custody, that he might not begin new alarms and wars against the Turks.

Before I began my voyage in March, in the year 74; certain news came to Aleppo that 25000 Turks were killed on the confines of Persia and Arabia; but in what place this battle was fought, and which way it was done I could not learn (for if they suffer any damage, they always keep it very close and secret) nor any ways here: Wherefore the Turks at that time were a great deal harder towards the Christians, so that many suffered for their misfortunes sake: But if they had obtained the victory, as well as not, they would not have been so silent, but would have spread it abroad, and have related it to others that did not ask them, with high and big words. So great an opinion have the Turks of themselves, that they really believe there is no other nation that can conquer the world so as they, although[153] they are not be compared with the Persians, neither for strength, manliness, nor shape; so therefore they could effect but very little against others, if it were not for their great number, wherewith they over power them. And to speak only of the inhabitants of this town, there are so many sick and lame people in it, that you would admire to see so many lame and limping ones in the streets; yet the King of Persia cannot hold out the war at length, nor keep a war at a great distance, for his revenue is not so great as to make sufficient provision for his officers and soldiers, &c. to pay them as well in time of peace as of war: For his subjects are freed from all taxes and impositions, according to their ancient privileges and customs. They never arm themselves for a defence, but when they are called together by their King, to defend and protect their country, house or land, wife and children, against the assault of an enemy.

When I was thus enquiring from one or other, and endeavouring to inform myself and learn whether it were more commodious for us two to go by water to Ormutz, or by land through Persia into the Indies, and we thought of nothing else but to begin our voyage daily to go farther; I was call’d on a sudden by a letter to come away for Aleppo immediately, which troubled me very much, and that the more when I considered, that I was past the wilderness and come into the fruitful eastern countries, which would have been very well worth seeing. So after I had considered a while, I agreed with my comrade that he should go on with the voyage in hand, and that I, because besides the letter, I had others no smaller hindrances, would go back again. So I fitted him out for his voyage with all necessaries, so that two days after, he went with other merchants into the ship for Balsara. Not long after, I had a very mournful message, or account, that the ship, wherein he went from Balsara to Ormutz, was perished in a great storm near the Island Baccharis in the Persian sea, where they find good store of oriental pearls, and that he and several other merchants, and rich merchants sons from Aleppo were drowned. At the same time I might have returned back again with a[154] great caravan to Aleppo but because they took the straightest way through great and sandy desarts, which lasted for fifty days journey or thereabouts, where we had but two places to pay custom in, where we could buy provision, as water and other necessaries, I resolved within myself to go by more fruitful places, and famous towns (although I went about) where I might see and learn something more; so I did stay in the great Camp longer until I met with some companions. In the mean time, while I stayed there, I made my self acquainted with an eminent Merchant, that lived in Aleppo, and had been several times in the Indies; who told me, that the Jesuits had begun to set up a very severe inquisition in the Indies; chiefly in Goa, where they observed diligently those that did not take off their hats to the images (which were set up in several streets of the town) that they might put them into prison, which he did very much dislike, believing it to be very great idolatry.

After he had said this, he began to talk farther to me concerning religion, and chiefly of the articles of our Christian faith; and made me immediately (when he began to be sensible that I was of the same) so fine a confession of his Christian faith, so plainly and with such grounds of scripture, that I was astonished, for I could never have believed I could have met with the fellow of him in these countries. So he began to have a great love for me, and desired me to go along with him, and to stay with him in his house, until I had an opportunity to go farther, or that I might make him a companion in his voyage into the Indies, that during those travels he would shew me all kindnesses he could; nay, be as careful of me, as if I were his own son. And after he understood that I was a Physician, he proferred of his own accord to recommend me to the Bashaw, who was then sick, and his very good friend, to be his Physician. But I having understood before, that others that had done the same, had been but very ill rewarded for the pains and care they had taken, and chiefly by those they did cure; I would not undertake it, fearing I should have the same measure, and instead of a reward have my liberty taken away from me, wherefore I thanked him for his kindness.[155] Had it not been for this, I should have accepted of it, notwithstanding that they have no Apothecaries shops that are any thing provided, but I must have bought the ingredients from one shop-keeper or other and so collected them from several places, for I could hardly find any thing by them, saving some strange sort of turpentine nuts, whereof they have abundance, and they are as good, as Pistachios; wherefore the inhabitants keep them by them, and eat them as we eat small nuts in our country. I have eaten several of them, and found them of a saltish taste and of a drying quality. These are called by the Arabians, Botn, and by the Persians, Terbaick. I have chiefly seen two kinds of them, the greater and the less, and so the Arabians distinguish them into Botnquibir and Sougier. The bigger is in shape pretty like unto the pistach nut, only it is a little rounder and shorter; the lesser is with it’s hard shell of the bigness of a pea, and are shaped like unto an hart, or the Dora, that is, the Indian-Hart. A great many of them grow in Agemia, Persia, Mesopotamia and Armenia, &c. and grow together in clusters like Grapes as the Pistachios do, or rather the Berries of our Turpentine-Trees, for which they ought to be taken; chiefly, because the trees whereon they grow, are in their long leaves pretty like unto the Turpentine-Tree whereby they are easily distinguished from the Pistachio-Tree which hath roundish ones. This being so, I take the little one for the Bell, and the great one for the Fael of Serapio, Avicenna and Rhasis, which (as authors say) grow chiefly in the Indies: And this the rather, because authors attribute the same virtue and operation to them. So may according to this, chiefly the great nuts Fael be taken for the fruit of the Indian Turpentine-Tree, whereof Theophrastus in his fourth book and chapter five, maketh mention; all which would be too tedious to be related here at large. Besides these nuts, the before-mentioned authors (chiefly Serapio in his 251st chapter) makes still mention of another sort of fruit, called by him Sel, and by Avicenna, Scal, which are not in hard shells, but as I saw them, quite bare, of the bigness of a Pistachio-nut, and of the colour of the kernel of our Wall-nut; they have a pretty bitterish taste, and[156] sensibly sharp. I did find none of them in these parts by the shop-keepers, but had it only after that in the monastery of the Minorites in Jerusalem, of one of their order, who told me also that they did grow in these countries. Of coloquints, of white gourd apples, still known to the people by the old name Handhal, there grow so many hereabout, that they send them to Aleppo, and from thence into our countries; and also the delicate round Cyperus root, by the inhabitants called Soëdt, whereof one may find great quantities growing in mossy and wet grounds. I did also find by the shop-keepers, the white seed of Machaleb, which are in hard shells, which are long and pointed, and covered without with a tender skin, like unto the Pistachio-nut. A great quantity of them are carried from thence into Syria, and used to perfume soap-balls. The trees whereon they grow I did not see, yet, as I am informed, they grow hereabouts, but chiefly on the mountains that are by the way to Persia. They are still to this day by the inhabitants, as by Serapio, call’d Nahandt. But although there are several sorts of them, yet they all boil them (after they have been steep’d for some hours in water, to get off the thin shells, as we do with Almonds) in milk or wine into a pap, and put sugar or honey to it, chiefly to the white ones to take away their bitterness. I found farther a strange gum in great pieces, somewhat like unto Frankincense, or Ammoniacum, which the inhabitants chew all day long instead of Mastich, and they attribute the same virtues to it. Wherefore great quantities thereof are brought thither (chiefly from Persia) which they call Taxa, as I am informed from the Tree Tax, which are very like unto Cypresses in shew and bigness, only their roots are not so long, wherefore they are the easier over-turned by the wind. According to this, I remember of the Trees Thuja, whereof Theophrastus maketh mention in book v. chap. 5. and of Thya of Pliny. I also saw without the Batzars or Exchanges, very high and big Caper-trees; and here and there in the fields a peculiar sort of red-grass, like unto that of Babylon, according to the description of Dioscorides, and hath still retained it’s ancient Arabian name Negil among the inhabitants. This hath long fibrous and[157] yellowish roots, with many joynts, and puts out by them yearly several buds, which grow into hard leaves, which are long and pointed, and at each side very sharp and cutting, like unto them of the red-grass; between them come out small stalks or holms, each whereof hath a peculiar ear at the top coming out of it’s grass sheath, which is long, thin, and it’s seeds grow in two rows, between small leaves, like unto the wild Galengal. This doth not only grow hereabouts, but also in several other places and provinces, where the ground is sandy, as Susiana, Persia, &c. in great quantity, and because it is by reason of it’s sharpness and cutting, very pernicious to beasts, as to bullocks, horses, &c. so that they die of it, therefore they have or keep the fewer of them, but instead thereof they keep buffles (which can feed upon it easier than other beasts) to eat this grass, which maketh the buffle very cheap in these countries, for I have seen one buy three of them for eight ducats (which is in our money about 48 Shillings) that was bigger than an Hungarian bullock. Thus much I had to relate of Bagdat, it’s situation, trade, and strange plants, so much as I could find and see at that improper time.

Being that I expected daily company to go with me to Aleppo again, by the way of several towns, and not straight through the sandy wildernesses, a Persian that I got acquainted withal in the mean while did inform me, that the Sophi, King of Persia, had several unicorns at Samarcand, which he kept there; and also in two islands Alc and Tylos, which lay from Samarcand nine days journey farther towards the east, near Spaam, some Griffins (by them called Alera) which were sent him out of Africa from Prester-John. They are a great deal bigger and higher, have a red coloured head, a bearded bill, and a neck over-grown with feathers, a thick body, black wings like unto an eagle, and a long tail like a lion, and feet like a dragon, they are very eager for flesh; while they are yet young, the King taketh them along with him, and goeth often thither for sport and pleasures sake; but as they grow up and strong, he hath them chained about their necks very[158] strongly. I did believe this the sooner[3], because he could also tell me what trees and fruit grow there, and chiefly those whereof Theophrastus maketh mention, and out of him Pliny. He also gave me an account besides these of others that grow out of Persia in several places, as of the tree Palla, which Theophrastus and Pliny mention, which the wise men did eat in the eastern countries, and of the Musa of the Arabians, whereof the former bear delicate sweet-tasted, and very wholesome fruit, by them called Wac, which are round, reddish, and as big as the Indian Melons. But whether this be the noble fruit Mangas, (whereof Clusius maketh mention in his History of Indian Plants, which for goodness sake is carried over sea into Persia) I leave to the learned to decide. But the Musa (which is as aforesaid, also common in Syria) beareth a great deal smaller fruit, which is smooth, yellowish, and bended almost like unto citruls in shape. These are also of a sweetish taste, and therefore the pleasanter to eat; but are very unwholesome, so that Alexander the Great was forced to forbid his soldiers to eat of them. The same Persian, did also inform me of the poisonous fruit Persea, which is still known to them by the name of Sepha; which they esteem very little; and also the Peaches (called Het) which are not so poisonous (as some say) as the above-mentioned; for they esteem the kernels thereof to be good, wholesome physic. But yet that they are not esteemed by them, the chief reason is, that they perswade themselves, that Nimrod (who was a great Magician or Necromancer) poisoned them by his black-art, and that since that time, they could not be eaten; wherefore they have not been esteemed ever since: This I thought convenient to mention, rather[159] for the sake of those, that have a mind to travel, that if one or more of them should go into these countries, they might have occasion to make a more accurate enquiry after these things.

### CHAP. IX.

Which way I came in my return from Bagdat through Assyria, the confines of Persia, and the province of the Curters, to the town Carcuch, Capril, &c. and at length to the river Tygris, to Mossel, that famous town, which was formerly call’d Nineveh.

When hinder’d in my travels, for several weighty reasons, I was forced to go back again; I look’d up my goods, as I was advised by my good friend the Christian, whereof I made mention here before, and fitted myself for my journey. I got for my companions three Jews, one whereof came down the Euphrates with me, the others came from Ormutz, for I could get no others, to travel with me to Aleppo. We set out on the sixteenth of December in the year 1574, for Carcuch distant six days journey, in the confines of Media, on the other side of the river Tygris, which is still call’d by them in their language Hidekel. By the way we first saw some well-till’d fields, and above us on the river Tygris some villages, so that I could not but think I should meet with a country that had plenty of corn, must and honey, &c. as it was commended by the Arch-koob-bearer of the King of Assyria, and compared even with the Land of Promise, but the farther we went, the greater grew the wildernesses, so that we were forced to lodge all night in the fields.

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The next morning there appeared a great way off more little villages belonging to the King of Persia: But we went on through the desarts, and my fellow-travellers told me that they extend themselves to Persia and Media, where we lost our way, and came in the evening into a bog which hindered us so much, that I, because their Sabbath began, whereon according to their laws they must not travel, was forced to stay there with them all night long in it, and also the next day, in great showers of rain, not without great inconveniency and trouble. During our staying there I look’d about me for some plants; but found none, because they did but first begin to sprout; but in the moist places some wild Galengal with great round roots, by the inhabitants call’d Soëdt, and by both Latins and Grecians, Cyperus.

The nineteenth day, after we were not without trouble, got out of the mire, our way extended itself still farther thro’ desolate places and desarts. I thought of Julian that impious Roman Emperor, and of his army, which when it went against the Persians, and was very numerous, over the river Tygris near to Ctesiphon, he was by an ancient Persian that was a prisoner, decoy’d into these desarts, where he was beaten and routed by the Persians. In this great fight when the Emperor himself was mortally wounded, he took up, as Nicephorus and Eusebius say, a handful of blood and flung into the air, yielded the victory and said, Then Galilean (so he call’d Christ, in whom he at first believed, and afterwards deny’d and persecuted) thou hast beaten and conquer’d me. After we had lived for several days very hardly in the desarts, and spent our time in misery, we came on the twentieth by Scherb, a village over an ascent, into another more fruitful and well till’d country, situated on the confines of Persia, and for the most part inhabited by them, which we could conjecture by the common language. Now, though travelling through the confines uses commonly to be very dangerous, yet, I thank God, we met with none, so that we without any stop or hindrance reach’d that night, the twenty first of December, to Schilb, a curious[161] village, where we rested all night and refresh’d ourselves.

From thence we went on through large and fruitful vallies, but I found nothing (for it was but just at the beginning of ploughing time) that was worthy to be mention’d, for the plants did but just begin to sprout; we had by the way several villages, and so we had better opportunity to buy provision. The twenty third at night we came to one where we could buy near one hundred eggs for two pence.

The next day we got up early again, and saw before us the high mountain Tauri, all covered with snow (which extended itself a great way from north and west to the eastward) at a great distance. We went on a-pace, and advanced to Tauk early in good time, and before their Sabbath began again. This town is not very strong and lieth on a plain. We went into a camp without it, and rested there all the Sabbath. After Sun-set, when it began to grow dark, they desired of me to light a candle. I remembred then immediately, that they could not do it themselves, being forbid by law, as you may find in the thirty fifth chapter of Exodus, where you may see that they must kindle no fire in any of their habitations, wherefore they furnish themselves the day before with all sorts of provisions and necessaries, that they may not need to do any labour on the Sabbath, and yet may not want. When these Jews say their prayers, they use the same ceremonies as the Christians and Heathens in the eastern parts do: For first they lift up their hands, then they bow down forwards with their whole body, and at last they kneel down and kiss the ground. These Jews bragged continually of their Patriarchs, and made mention of the laws; but of the ten commandments they knew nothing, wherefore I took an occasion to repeat them before them in the Portugal language, which is very much spoke in the Indies, as well as I could, and they did admire when they heard them, how I came to know them. But when I began to speak of Christ and his offices, they burst out into such blasphemies, that I was glad to say no more, but hold my tongue.

Not far off from Tauk, we saw a very strong castle,[162] near unto a wood, that is guarded by a Turkish garrison: This is situated in the province of the Curters, which beginneth there, and lieth between Media and Mesopotamia, all along the river Tygris and reacheth to Armenia. These Curters, which are almost all Nestorians, speak a peculiar language, which was unknown to my fellow-travellers, wherefore they could not speak to them in the Persian nor Turkish language, which is spoke all along from Bagdat through Assyria, in the confines of two potent monarchs, to that place. We were therefore forced to desire others that understood both languages, to be our interpreters through the country of the Curters. But whether this language did run upon that of their neighbours the Medians or no, I could not certainly learn; but yet I was inform’d that the Parthians, Medes, and Persians, as peculiar nations, had their peculiar languages, as histories tell us, and we may also perfectly see in the Acts of the Apostles the second chapter and the eight verse, where it is thus written: And how hear we every man in our own tongue, wherein we were born? Parthians and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, &c. All which people almost are subject unto the Sophi, the mighty King of Persia. The before-mention’d Curters were formerly call’d Carduchi, and afterwards also Cardueni (as chiefly Xenophon testifieth) have had their peculiar policy and government. But after many changes and wars, they are at length subdued and brought under the dominion of the Turkish Emperor, to whom they are still subject to this day, and he hath every where his garrisons in opposition to the Sophi. But what is farther to be said of them, chiefly concerning their religion, shall be hereafter mention’d, when I shall give you an account among other Christians, of those that live in the temple of mount Calvaria in Jerusalem.

After the Sabbath of the Jews, my companions, was over, we went on again, and came the twenty sixth of December to Carcuck, a glorious fine city lying in a plain, in a very fertile country; at four miles distance is another that lieth on an ascent, whither we also travell’d, my companions having business in both of them, and so we spent two days in them before we were ready to go on again.

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The twenty ninth we travell’d through large and dry heaths, and came at night to some tents, which were made of hair or hair-cloath, wrought out of goats and asses hair, and fix’d in such an order, that they made streets and allies like unto a market-town. In one of these we went to lodge with these poor people, (that were white Moors, and like unto the Gypsuns in their shape and figure) and to stay there all night long. But whether these people are subject to the Turkish Emperor, or to the King of Persia, or to any other, I could not find out by their cloaths, because they all wear the same hereabouts, nor could I discern any thing by their language. To us came a little after some more travellers, so that we had hardly room to lie down in. These people were very diligent and busy to get us some meat and drink, for the husband went soon out of doors to gather dry boughs and stalks of herbs, which I could not at that time discern what they were, and brought them to us to boil or dress some meat with them. The woman was not idle neither, but brought us milk and eggs to eat, so that we wanted for nothing; she made also some dough for cakes, which were about a finger thick, and about the bigness of a trencher (as is usual to do in the wilderness, and sometimes in towns also) she laid them on hot stones and kept them a turning, and at length she flung the ashes and embers over them, and so bak’d them thoroughly. They were very good to eat, and very savory. This way of baking cakes is not new, but hath been very usual among the ancients, so we find in Scripture mention made of bread bak’d among the ashes; the Romans call’d it, Panes Subcineritios; and so we read in Genesis the eighteenth chapter, of cakes made upon the hearth, which Sarah made in haste when the three men came to see Abraham.

The thirtieth we went from thence, and about noon we came to a town call’d Presta, which is chiefly towards the river whereon it lieth, very well fortify’d, but what the inhabitants call that river, I do not remember, but according to it’s situation it must be that which Ptolomy call’d Gorgus, which runs below into the Tyger. In this place they make floats, which although they are not very big, nor have much wood in[164] them, yet they have abundance of bucks and goats skins blown up, hung or fixed underneath the bottom, without doubt, by reason that they may load the more upon them, and also because the river is rapid, that they may have the less fear or danger. On these floats they carry several sorts of merchandizes, but chiefly fruit, viz. Figs, Almonds, Cibebs, Nuts, Corn, Wine, Soap, &c. a great part whereof goeth farther into the Indies.

The last day of December we travell’d on, and came through well till’d fields about night into the town Harpel, which is pretty large, but very pitifully built, and miserably surrounded with walls, so that it might easily be taken without any great strength or loss; there we rested again the next day being the Sabbath, and on the same day fell New-Years-Day. In the mean time I understood that the Turkish Sangiack did a few days ago condemn and put to execution eight great malefactors, which made it their business to rob and to commit murder up and down on the high-way, for there are a great many of these rogues in this province, chiefly on the borders of Armenia, which are very mountainous, and maketh travelling very dangerous. The relations and friends of these murderers and robbers did take this very ill, that the Sangiack should execute them, and were resolved to be revenged of him one way or other. In order thereunto they combined and agreed all together, and had every thing ready, and only staid for the word to fall upon him, which would have been done accordingly, if he had not had good intelligence of this their intention, wherefore he went away incognito for Constantinople, to complain to the Turkish Emperor of this their unjust proceedings, and what they must expect for this, they will know in a short time. This Sangiack, when he found necessity of making his escape, and found that he wanted money, which is very seldom, he took up from an Armenian Merchant, that was very rich, and was arrived there to buy several merchandizes, chiefly Gauls, whereof grow many in these parts, 300 ducats, which put the Merchant into great danger; for when these rebellious people came to understand it, they took it very ill of him, and threaten’d him very much, so that he was[165] forced to stay some days longer for more company, that so he might go the safer.

After we had joined him, we went from thence on the fifth of January in a very handsome number, for the Merchant alone had about fifty camels and asses, which were only loaden with Gauls, with him, to carry to Carahemit, where he lived, and to send from thence to Aleppo, where they are bought by our Merchants, to be sent into our country. So we travell’d all day long and also half the night, without eating or drinking, very fast, and began to rest about midnight. After we had for the remaining part of the night hardly refreshed our beasts and ourselves with eating and drinking a little, we broke up again before day-light, to go on in our way. When we were gone a good way through fruitful and pleasant vallies, we came betimes to another river by Ptolomy call’d Caprus, which although it is not very broad, yet it is very deep, so that we had much to do to get through, which I found not without a great detriment to my plants, which I carry’d on horse-back before me.

Soon after noon a great way off before us, appear’d a great market-town, Carcuschey, where we arrived by night, and fix’d our camp without and pretty near to it. This is quite inhabited by Armenians, which we could presently find by the alteration of the language and their habit. They received us very willingly, and let us want for nothing. After we had staid with them till night, and refresh’d ourselves and our beasts, we broke up again immediately and travell’d all night, which was so dark, that we heard several caravans that met us, but could not see them, much less know how strong they were, or from whence they came. At break of day we came to another much larger river, by the inhabitants call’d Kling, if I do not mistake, and by Ptolomy, Licus, which hindred us very much in our day’s journey; for the river being very broad, at least a long mile, it was very hard to hit exactly the right ford, and not without great danger, which the Curters knew very well, so that we were also in great fear of them. But after some were found in our company that had often forded that river formerly, we ventured it, went in, and got over, thanks[166] be to God, very safe, only one ass which went over below us, where the stream went stronger, was drown’d, so that we arriv’d very early on the seventh of January, to the Tygris again, and went into the famous city Mossel, that lieth on this side of the river, over a bridge made of boats. This is situated in the country of the Curters, and so we were forced still to keep our interpreter. It belongeth to the Turkish Emperor, as do all the rest hereabouts. There are some very good buildings and streets in it, and it is pretty large; but very ill provided with walls and ditches, as I did observe from the top of our camp which extended to it. Besides this, I also saw just without the town a little hill, that was almost quite dug through, and inhabited by poor people, where I saw them several times creep in and out as pismires in ant-hills. In this place and thereabouts stood formerly the potent town of Nineveh, built by Ashur, which was the metropolis of Assyria, under the Monarch of the first monarchy, to the time of Sennacherib and his sons, and was about three days journey in length. So we read that the Prophet Jonas, when at the command of God, he preach’d repentance to them, did go into it one day’s journey, which the people did hearken willingly unto, and did amend their lives, but they did not long remain penitent, but turn’d to their former iniquity again, wherefore their destruction and ruin was prognosticated to them by the Prophets Nahum and Zephania, and also by the pious Tobias, that did live there again, which did also not long after follow. Yet was it re-built again afterwards, and did suffer very much upon changes of governments, until at length Tamerlane came and took it by storm, burnt it, and reduced it to that degree, that afterwards in the same place grew Beans and Colocasia, &c. So that at this time there is nothing of any antiquities to be seen as in old Babylon, save only the fort that lieth upon the hill, and some few villages, which as the inhabitants say, did also belong to it in former days. This town lieth on the confines of Armenia, in a large plain, where they sow the greatest part of their corn, on the other side of the river; for on this side in Mesopotamia it is so sandy and dry, that you would think you were in the middle of the desarts of Arabia. Yet there[167] is a very large deposition of merchandizes, because of the river; wherefore several goods and fruits are brought thither from the adjacent countries, both by land and water, to ship them for Bagdat. Among the rest I saw abundance of small and great Turpentine-nuts, by the inhabitants call’d, as above-said, Bont-quiber and Sougier; and also another sort of Manna as big as a double fist, which is very common here, and is brought from Armenia, as they told me. It is of a brown colour, a great deal bigger and firmer, and not so sweet as that of Calabria, yet very good and pleasant to eat. Within it are several red grains, so small that one taketh no notice of them when one eats it. It looseneth the body very well, but not so much as ours, wherefore the inhabitants eat great pieces thereof in the morning, as the country-men on the mountains of Algaw eat cheese. But whether the Arabians make mention thereof, if it be not the Manna Alhagiezi, whereof Avicenna in his second book, the second treatise, and the 758th chapter maketh mention, I know not neither what it is to be reputed. The town Mossel, is as abovesaid, for the greatest part inhabited by Nestorians, which pretend to be Christians, but in reality they are worse than any other nations whatsoever, for they do almost nothing else, but rob on the high-ways, and fall upon travellers and kill them: therefore being that the roads chiefly to Zibin (to which we had five days journey, and for the most part through sandy wildernesses) are very dangerous, we staid some days longer, expecting more company that we might go the surer.

[168]

### CHAP. X.

Which way we went through Mesopotamia by the way of Zibin and Orpha, to Bir, not without a great deal of danger; and afterwards how we passed the great river Euphrates, and came at last into Syria by Nisib, to the famous town of Aleppo.

After our journey had been deferr’d for four days, we broke up on the eleventh of January several hundred strong, and went on for the whole day without eating, with all speed until the sun-set at night, when we encamp’d on an ascent near a small village, to keep our beasts and goods safe, and to refresh ourselves and them. We watch’d all night long, and went continually three and three together, round about our camp by turns.

The next day we proceeded on again in our journey with all speed, rather for a good fountain or spring’s sake, as they do in these countries in the vast desarts, than to reach a good inn, where we arrived late at night, and encamp’d near it, to stay all night to rest. A little after when we were at supper, some of the Curters came to us into our camp, spoke to us kindly, and ask’d us whether we did want any thing that they could help us to, but we soon perceived them to be spies, that were sent by their companions, to see what strength we were of. But when they perceived that we were not pleased with them, they did not stay but went away, and we composed ourselves to rest, but kept a good guard as we had done the night before. About midnight when we were in our first sleep, our watch-men perceived a great number of the Curters to approach, wherefore they awak’d us with a great shouting to alarm us the sooner,[169] and to bring us into good order, and to frighten our enemies, and to drive them away. But they did not only not mind us, but made all haste they could up to us, and that so near that we could see them, although it was dark, before our camp, by their heads. But when they found us in a good order and condition to oppose them, and did hear that our gunners and archers, which were ready to let fly at them, call’d with a loud voice to them, tahal, tahal Harami, that is, come hither, come hither you thieves, &c. they halted for a little while and were so afraid of us, that they turn’d their backs and run away. Afterwards when we fear’d nor expected their assault any more, they came quickly again a second time, in a far greater number than before. They led before them one camel and several horses, which in the dark we could only discern by their heads looking against the sky, in their hands, without doubt, that we might look upon them as travellers, or else that we might not be able to discern their number. But notwithstanding all this their first assault was still in fresh memory, wherefore we did not tarry, but drew soon up in our former order again, wherein I was the left hand man in the first rank again, with my scymeter drawn, and had before armed my breast with several sheets of paper, that I had brought with me to dry my plants in, expecting their assault every moment. But when they made a halt again, fearing their skin as much as we did ours, and did neither shout nor move up towards us, one of ours provok’d them, and did shoot at the camel, and did hit it so that it gave a sign thereof, but the rest forbore to fire. So they staid a little while, and then went off a second time.

So we kept awake all the rest of the night, and kept a good watch, and went on our journey again early the next morning about break of the day; and came again to wide and dry heaths, where we saw neither men nor beasts, and so we went on till noon, where we encamp’d in a large place, which was surrounded with walls and ditches pretty well, just like unto a fortress, whereof there are several in these dangerous places to be seen. When we staid there, two Curters came again to us into our camp, and spoke to us, pretending that they came[170] to demand the toll that was due there, it being their place: But our Merchants soon perceived, that they were not in a right cause, wherefore they would allow them nothing, which put these two into such a passion, that they drew their swords, and would have at us; but our friends did not stay idle neither, but took their swords away, and laid on with dry blows at them, and so flung them out of our camp. After this hubbub was over we dined, and that the rather that we might not be too much weaken’d by our hard travelling, and so be the less able to resist these robbers, for want of strength if they should fall upon us, which we were not wont to do before night, chiefly in great desarts, for there we used to get up presently after midnight, and travel all day long with all speed without eating, which I had often experimented before; wherefore I used to provide myself always with bread, and when I had a mind to eat it, I did either stay behind or go before; for no body eats openly by the way in the sight of others, except he has a mind to run a hazard, because that most of them are very hungry, and so eager at it, that they will assault one another for it, and take it away from their very mouths. After we had refresh’d ourselves and fed our beasts, which useth to be done also but once a day, we broke up with our caravan, and went on again. We quickly saw some mountains before us, where, when we approach’d them towards the evening, there appear’d sometimes, on a high one, that before the rest lieth nearer to the plain, some of them, so that we might very well presume, that there was more of them behind in Ambuscado, which also proved very true: For no sooner were we pass’d it, but before we went up the hill, they came out from behind the mountain, in great troops on horseback, which immediately drew up into order in the fields, in two squadrons, three and three in a rank, to the number of about three hundred, almost as many as we were. They exercised their horses, which were very lank, very swiftly, turn’d sometimes on one, and then on the other hand, and come at length to us within a bow’s shot. They had most of them darts, which they play’d withal in their full speed, sometimes holding it downwards as if they would run through a deer, which was a pleasant but[171] very dangerous sight to us. When they shew’d themselves so as if they would fall upon us instantly, we drew our caravan close together, in order to resist them. Wherefore we stood still, and tied our beasts together, and bound the fore-feet of each of them, that they could not stir; behind them stood our mockery, with their bows, and all those that were not well provided with arms and horses, either to shoot at the enemy, or else in case of necessity, if they should come too near us, to sally out, and cut off their horses with our scymeters. Near unto us our horses were drawn up into a troop, ready for their assault, to venture their success. After a whole hours delay we sent at length two of our company to them, and they sent also two of theirs to meet them to parley together; but which way they made up an agreement I know not, but they prevailed so much with them, that soon after they left us, and rode away, and we went on in our journey. After this we kept our caravan, (that is so much to say as a great many people, with loaden camels, asses, and horses) in far better order than we had done before, and came that same day a good way, to a small village, where we encamped and stay’d all night. We found no wood thereabouts, wherefore we made shift with bread instead of other victuals, and were very glad, we had it. In the mean time the inhabitants came to us, to gather the dung of our beasts as they do in several other places, chiefly in the desarts of Arabia, to burn it instead of wood, which they do after the following manner.

They make in their tents or houses a hole about a foot and half deep, wherein they put their earthen pipkins or pots, with the meat in them closed up, so that they are in the half above the middle, three fourth parts thereof they lay about with stones, and the fourth part is left open, through which they fling in their dry’d dung, and also sometimes small twigs and straws, when they can have them, which burn immediately and give so great a heat, that the pot groweth so hot as if it stood in the middle of a lighted coal-heap, so that they boil their meat with a little fire, quicker than we do ours with a great one on our hearths; so that these poor people must make very hard shift, and do sometimes as the Israelites[172] did in the siege of Jerusalem, where they also in their greatest necessity did boil their meat with dung of men and beasts, as you may read in the 4th chapter of Ezekiel. This night, and several others before, we passed more with watching than with sleeping, so that sometimes we contemplated the constellations of the skies, which are very much observed by these nations, but chiefly by the Arabians, which lodge always in the open air, and have no shelter, so that by the stars they know the hour of the night, and when it is time for them to break up. They care not for beds, but rather have cloaks or tapestry wherein they wrap themselves up and keep themselves warm, so that no frost nor rain, nor dew can hurt them.

The next morning we broke up (that we might not expose ourselves any farther) only after day-light, and travelled all day long without any molestation or hinderance a long way after several rough mountains: and also the next day through sandy desarts, which were deep and hindred our going on very much. When it began to be night, our beasts were almost ready to lie down under their burthens in the sand, which was very tiresome to us, and that the rather, because we saw the town Zibin far off before us, at four miles distance, but at length we got out of this bad road, into green meadows, to very clear springs, which run over in several places to water them: so that we began to make more speed, and came the same night yet very late into the town. It is a fine place subject unto the Turkish Emperor not very big, lying on ascent, very well surrounded and fortified with walls and ditches. It is full of conduits or springs, but chiefly in the great Camp, where we rested for five days to stay for more company. There live abundance of Armenians in it, for it lieth in the confines of the greater Armenia, and so we were no more in so great danger as we were in the country of the Curters. During my staying there, the abovementioned rich Armenian Merchant, and also an eminent Turkish gentleman (which were very kind to me upon the road) desired me several times (having heard from the Jews that I was a Physician) that I would be pleased to go along with them to Carahemit, which town was four days distant at the[173] other side of the Tygris, to cure some of their relations that were not well, they proffered me good entertainment, and to recommend me to the young Bashaw son of Mahomet Bashaw, who was also sick at that time, and to bring me into good business; which I would have done with all my heart, and nothing could have pleased me better, than to have served the Armenian for his kindness. Yet because I was sent for to come to Aleppo, and could not but be as good as my word, wherein I had also no small interest, I was obliged to leave that journey, and to strive with all speed and diligence to get thither. Now as this Bashaw is among the rest (except the Visir-Bashaws, whereof there are four or five, which are always at court about the Turkish Emperor, as being his Privy Council) the chiefest in Turky, so he hath larger and more fruitful territories than he of Bagdet, or any other, to govern, viz. Assyria, Mesopotamia, and a large part of the greater Armenia, and of the province of the Curters, &c. all which border upon the dominions of the Sophi King of Persia.

After we had refreshed our selves during this time, very well, and other companies had joined us, we broke up on the 20th towards night, and went away. By the way we saw several plough’d fields and villages, and we could speak better with the people, for they understood the Armenian, Turkish, or Arabian languages, which are generally used in these countries. So our travels went on with great speed, so that we reached on the 21st late, the town of Hochan, where the Jews rested and kept their Sabbath. Here we received the news that Solyman the Turkish Emperor was deceased.

The 23d we got up early again, and went the next way to Orpha, another town, to which we had five days journey. From thence, the nearer we came to the mount Tauri, which separateth Armenia from Mesopotamia, towards the south, the worse grew the roads, which we found very sufficiently the next day, for when we came farther into the mountains, the ways were so full of stones that we were hindered very much. Going thus on, after it had snowed a little, which I have never seen but twice in these countries, it happened,[174] that one of the Jews horses which was empty, was frightened at something, and flung itself over and over. The Jew hearing this noise, looked back, and seeing me stand by it, he grew angry with me, as if I had done it, and began to handle his bow and arrows to shoot at me, when I found him in earnest, and remembered how I lost my wine in the ship, when we went down the river, I did not delay, but went to hinder him, took him by his leg, and flung him off his horse, before he could take his aim at me; so we fell a boxing one another so long, until at length I tripped up his heels. When the other two saw that we spoiled thus the figure of the snow, and that I was too hard for him, and had given him several hard blows, they came immediately to separate us, and to make peace again between us; I seeing that they did not come to wrong me, and also considering that we were to travel together still farther, took their council, and was friends with him again, and so we went on in our way. At night we came to another village again, in a narrow valley lying at the bottom of a great ascent, near which we found a great stable wherein we went; this was cut quite into the hill, and so was that wherein we loged the night before, so that you could see nothing of if, but only the entrance, for they are commonly so in these hilly countries under ground, that the caravans may safely rest there and defend themselves from cold in the winter. This stable (being 25 paces long and 20 broad, and all through equally high) was cut out of a rock. About midnight, when we were in our first sleep, one of the Grand Signior’s Chiaus, or Chamber messengers, knocked at the door of the stable, who was come back from Bagdet in six days to this place, to look about for some fresh horses, because he had tired his own, and could not have others by the way, as in our country where posts are ordered. So he went in, took away from one Mockeri or Carrier, three pack horses, and two more from the Jew, that I had contention with before, for these messengers of the chamber have great privileges, and in case of necessity, where-ever they see horses in city or country, they may take them leaving theirs in the room thereof:[175] They value one no more than another, except Merchants and strangers, whom they excuse before others to incourage trade; those that they come to, must deliver up their horses without any reluctancy, except they have a mind to be soundly bang’d, as one of our friends was that did not open the gates immediately, or else to fare worse. When this Chiaus believed he had got very good horses, he soon found his mistake, for the Jew’s horses had galled backs, wherefore he let him have them again for a small recompence, which was a child’s coat made of delicate Indian stuff. When our journey was thus stopp’d, chiefly because of the Mockeri, or Carrier, until he could procure himself other horses in the room thereof, at least for that day; we rose the earlier the next day, and traversed several rough mountains, and went through narrow vallies that day, until at night we came to a village inhabited by Armenians. These are good hearted Christians, which have great compassion on their fellow Christians, and love to entertain and to be kind to strangers, which I have very often experienced, but chiefly in this village, where one of the Armenians took me and the Jews into his house, and would fain have kept us also the next day. Being at leisure, I would fain have conferred and discoursed with him concerning our Christian faith, and so was he willing; but being that we could not understand one another, and the Jews were in this case by no means proper interpreters, we were forced to have patience by silence, and to look at one another. About that time they kept Lent, which I could perceive by their small sort of diet, for they did eat nothing but leguminous food and bread and water. After he had set before us some boiled eggs at night, and I being hungry, fell on them, not imagining that they kept such strictness and difference in their diet, he admired that I did not refuse to eat the eggs, and asked me by one of the Jews, whether I did not know that it was not allowed to Christians to eat eggs and the like victuals in Lent; at this I would fain have answered him, that it became Christians to keep Lent rather with soberness and abstinency, than with distinctions and differences of foods. But I not understanding the language, only[176] answered him briefly, that our Lent was not yet begun, nor would until three weeks hence begin, which did content him presently.

The 28th we went on our journey again, and came right among the high mountains, which were very rough, and full of bushes; we got out of them before night, and lodged our selves in the next village, which lieth on an ascent in the plain, where we also staid the next day being the Sabbath. By the way, when the Jews were in fear of having their horses taken away, as was done some days before, they often gave them to me to lead them, as if they were mine, hoping to carry them off the easier, so that although they were my guides, yet I was their safe-guard.

After we had past the great and rough mountains, and were come into a very fruitful valley, which extendeth itself for a small days journey to Orpha, there appeared presently on each side several villages, and afterwards, the costly city against us with the castle situated on the hill, very pleasantly. Into this we got on the thirtieth at night very early, and went to lodge in the large and very well built camp, and staid there for 3 or 4 days. This town is very pleasant, pretty big with fortifications well provided. It was formerly, together with the whole country, belonging to the Kings of Persia, but now it is as well as the greatest part of the country, brought under the subjection of the Turkish Emperor. Orpha is a town of very good trade; they deal in tapestry of several sorts, some whereof are made there, and sent out to us; there is also a great deposition of merchandizes, which are brought thither from Aleppo, Damascus, Constantinople, and other places, to go to Carahemit, five days journey distant from hence, and so to be carried farther into Media, Persia, the Indies, &c. yet all these goods are brought thither in caravans by land, because there is no navigable river belonging to it. Some say that this town was anciently called Haran and Charras, from whence the Patriarch Abraham departed with his wife Sarah, and his brother’s son Lot, according to the command of God, Gen. chap. xii. and went forth to go into the land of Canaan which the Lord had promised to give him, and[177] there is a plentiful well still to this day called Abraham’s well, where the servant of Abraham, whom he sent into Mesopotamia to the town of Nahor, to fetch a wife for his son Isaac, from his own kindred, did first see Rebecca, when she gave him and his camels some water to drink out of this well. And so did afterwards the Patriarch Jacob when he fled from his brother Esau at this same well, make himself known to Rachel the daughter of Laban his mother’s brother, when he removed the stone from the head of the well, and so let her sheep drink. The water of this fountain hath a more whitish troubledness than others. I have drunk of it several times out of the conduit that runs from thence into the middle of the great camp, and it hath a peculiar pleasantness, and a pleasant sweetness in it’s taste. To the same did also come the son of the pious Tobias, conducted by the angel Raphael, whom his father sent to Rages, now called Edessa, as is above-mentioned, to call in a debt from Gabel, as you may read in the 11th chapter of his book, when they returned by the way of Haran, which is half way to Nineveh.

After the Jews had done their business there with good success, we went on in our travels again, and came again into the high and rough mountains, where we spent also the next day with great trouble and hardship, until we came again to the great river Euphrates into the town Bir, whereof I have made mention before. And although we had no more but two half days journey to Aleppo, yet the Jews, my fellow travellers, had business in the famous town Nisib, which is situated on this side the river on the borders of the lesser Armenia, so that we were bound to go thither; so we put out again on the 6th of February after their sabbath, and went through very fruitful and well cultivated corn fields to Andeb, towards evening. It is a pretty big town, but not very strong. It lieth on two small hills very pleasantly, so that you may see it plainly and distinctly, as soon as you come from out of the valley by the lake into the fields. Yet notwithstanding that it is so pleasantly situated, and looketh so stately at a distance, it is but pitifully built when you come within it. In[178] former ages this town hath been several times besieged by the Kings of Persia, by whom it was taken at last, and kept so long, until the Roman Emperor Galienus Odenatus Palmyrenus, took it from King Sapor, together with the town Orpha, and laid it to the Roman empire again. But in these our times, to our grief, it is brought again, together with all the country, under the Ottoman slavery. The inhabitants have very little trade, they live for the most part upon their estates, by cultivating their grounds, and chiefly from the fruits of vineyards and orchards, which are planted with pomegranates and figs, &c. so thick (that from the great quantity of trees they may have the more fruit) that you would at a distance, rather take them to be woods of wild trees, than of fruitful ones. So they send yearly many sorts of fruits, but chiefly Cibebs, into the eastern countries, by great caravans, whereof I have met many. After we had staid here, and I had lost a whole day, for their business sake, we broke up again directly for Aleppo, and having passed for several miles through rough, bad, hilly ways, we came at length into a plain, delicate and fruitful country, so fruitful of wine and corn, that on all my journey I have seen none like unto it. This did almost extend itself to Aleppo, where we arrived early, with the help of the Almighty God, in very good health, on the 10th day of February. At my arrival, because my comrade Hans Ulrich Krafft, with the rest, were not there, then present, presently some French Merchants, which I had cured of several distempers before my departure, came to me, and carried me home with him, desiring me to live with them until my business, which caused me to come back, were done, wherein really they did me a very great kindness. For I having very well torn my cloaths, which never came from my back in half a year’s time, I had there an opportunity to rest myself and to procure myself some new ones. I thank the Almighty God for his many mercies and favours bestowed on me, and the assistance he graciously afforded me in this voyage, returning him praise, honour and glory, &c.

[179]

### CHAP. XI.

Of the Turkish Physicians and Apothecaries; of my comrade Hans Ulrich Krafft of Ulm’s hard Imprisonment. Of the great danger that I was in, in the towns of Aleppo and Tripoli. Of the murdering of some Merchants, and what else did happen when I was there.

At my return to Aleppo, where my business obliged me to stay a while, I came to understand, that during my absence, several Italians and French-men were in their sickness but very slightly served by the Jews their Physicians; wherefore I did not only soon recover my former acquaintance and practice by them, but might have also stept into great business with the Turks; for I was presently so well known, that I had much to do to excuse my self with discretion to get off of them, that I might escape their anger and displeasure, which I must have got, if I had served them never so faithfully, which I knew several had before me found by experience. Wherefore at the instance of several good friends, I only cured two great persons, whereof one was a Georgian, and at that time Sangiack of Jerusalem, which were very well pleased with me, and requited me accordingly. The Physicians generally in these parts, agree before hand for the cure with their patients for a certainty, according to the condition of the patient and his distemper, and have security for their money, but yet it is not paid to them before the patient is cured. They have a great many Physicians, but they are very unskilful, chiefly the Turks, which know none but their own language, and so cannot read the authors of Physick that have writ in another language as the Jews can. But seeing that the Jews are very much addicted to covetousness, they endeavour rather to promote their own interest than that of their[180] patients; so that the Turks are but slightly provided with Physicians, and therefore rather die like flies, than take advice of their Physicians, chiefly of the Jews, which are not contented with a small reward; to this add also that the Turks never put any confidence in the Jews, and esteem their counsel but little; and besides, they believe that God hath already pre-ordained every one his death, so that he that is born to be drown’d cannot be hang’d. And besides all this, the Jews do not stick close to them in time of necessity, but fly presently, and first of all in time of sickness (which certainly happens once in seven years, if not in five or sooner) just like hirelings, as they have sufficiently experienced in the last plague in the year 72, with the loss of several persons of worth and quality; chiefly among the rest a Turkish Pay-Master, by them called Daftedar, and another eminent Turk, and their own sons, which both of them (although this proferr’d to lay 3000 duckets, and the other 10000 into the hands of a third person) yet were neglected and left by their Physicians and died. It is very much in use among them, that if any body doth find himself not well, another puts his arms cross before him, and so graspeth him about his back, and lifteth him up, and sets him down again, and shaketh him several times, just as they use to do sacks with corn, to make them lie the closer, and to hold the more. As the Physicians are, so are also the Apothecaries, where you find nothing of any great compositions, nor purging electuaries, as Elect. Diacatholicon, Diaphœnicon, &c. although they have the best ingredients thereof, for we have them all sent from them, except they be sent to them from Marseilles or Venice, &c. If you have occasion for any herbs, roots, or seeds, &c. you must go yourself, not without great trouble and loss of time, and find them either in the fields, or else at the Grocers and other shop-keepers. Among the rest of the things they had, I soon knew the Rob Ribes by it’s antient name and pleasent sourish taste, whereof they make a great quantity in this place, and send it farther into other countries, but chiefly to the Turkish Emperor; wherefore in the Easter week they had already gathered several sacks full of the[181] stalks of the true Ribes of the Arabians, (which are hairy almost, two foot long, and of the thickness of an inch, of a greenish colour, and underneath, as also Serapio mentioneth, reddish) from the mount Libanus, and brought it to the Cadi to make Rob of it for him. I saw them lie in his court-yard, and several of them were given me to taste, and to take away with me. What herbs I found at my return else, because there are but a few of them, therefore I have put them among the rest here above in a peculiar chapter. I saw there several strange birds, and among others, some of a delicate green and blue colour, which were about the bigness of our nut-crackers, by them called Sucuruck, and by others Alsecrach. I also found their Alhabari, which are not unlike our Peacocks, and almost as big, and could not fly much. Of four footed beasts, I saw several, and among them some civet cats, which were brought thither in caravans from remote parts, and the Indies. In the Fundique of the Consul of the Venetians, I saw a very sharp sighted one like unto a Lynx, exactly of the shape of a cat, so that it was not easily distinguished from it, save only in it’s bigness, for it is much higher and slimmer. This is a very wild and fierce beast, so that his keeper himself was afraid of it. It once got loose, and got through the yard below into an Apothecaries shop, wherein he had just then put a great many glasses that were sent him from Venice, whereof it broke the greatest part before it could be taken again. When I was there, a young Rhinoceros was carried through the town to Constantinople. It came from the most eastern parts, and had killed above 20 men before they could take it. They also lead daily some Lions about the town in small chains, which have small bells before, that every body may take the sooner notice of them; they are so tame, that their keepers sometimes wrestle with them in open places, neither do they easily grow wild, except they should see sheep, then their keepers have enough to do to keep them off and to appease them. Without in the fields in high and bushy places, are sometimes found Camelions, which are somewhat bigger than our green Lizards, but a great deal leaner and higher upon their legs; they walk very[182] slowly and lazily, they live a great while without meat like the Serpents, and are a very ugly creature. If we put it upon a coloured, red, yellow, or black cloth, it hath by degrees changed it’s natural green colour into the same that the cloth was of.

Having ended my business I had, and in the mean time received a letter from my comrades that were at Tripoli, I parted from thence according to their desire, and came on the 5th of May, Anno 75, to them in Tripoli. After some days, arrived also with some goods, one of their chiefest Carriers, which they call Mockeri, which swore to me by his head, that is, he affirmed upon his faith and reputation, that the Sub-Bashaw of Aleppo, when he was departing from thence, had sent his Bailiffs to my lodging to apprehend me, and to fling me into the publick Turkish gaol, because they were very well assured that when I was on the hills (where they had seen me look for plants) I had observed the situation of the town, and all the country very diligently, that I might, when I should have an opportunity, betray them to their enemies, and shew them the best way to take it. But all this was contrived that they might have an opportunity to take an Avaria on me, as the Merchants call it there in these countries, that is to say, they would accuse me falsly to make me punishable, that they might get a sum of money out of me. And the Carrier also really believed, for as much as he heard of them, that they would not have let me come off for less than 200 Saraffi or ducats, one whereof maketh two of their gilders. Thanks be to our Lord God, who hath delivered me from their unjust accusations and contrivances, and brought me safe to this place. At my arrival at Tripoli, when I expected to live securely and quietly, and thought that I was passed all danger, I fell, notwithstanding all this into another; for when my comrades, and with them also Hans Ulrich Krafft (yet without any transgression) were flung into the Turkish gaol, by the contrivances of some Turks, the same rogues had also a mind to contrive something against me, to bring me in also. But the French Vice-Consul, Andrew Bianchi, who was my very good patron, took my part, insomuch[183] that he did recover my liberty by the Turks, in spite of my accusers, and not only got me licence to walk freely without molestation in and about the city where-ever I pleased, but did also procure me a free and safe access to my comrades, to see them in prison as often as I pleased. Into the prison wherein they were kept, I must always go through three small and low doors, which the keepers did always very freely and without any grumbling open unto me, to go in or out, and sometimes I have staid there all night with them. I was always in very great hopes that God Almighty would have ordered it so, that their adversaries might have agreed with them, so that I and my dear friend, whom I loved as my own brother, Hans Ulrich Krafft, might have been returned home again with joy. But it pleased God to order it otherways, for the differences grew the longer the more difficult, and were so long produced, that these young gentlemen, particularly Hans Ulrich, was kept there in this hard imprisonment very near three years. To tell all that he suffered and indured there, would be too long here; only this I cannot omit to tell you, that he did endure and conquer all these troubles and adversities (as I did see myself) with such a courage, patience and good conduct, that notwithstanding all these, although he was almost left quite comfortless, he was rather fit to comfort others than to be comforted. When I went thus in and out to them, I observed very well that the Turks have very great compassion on poor distressed prisoners, and are very free to give them alms; and a man used to come in daily with bread or boiled meat, as rice, and other sorts of boiled corn, chiefly on feast days after the afternoons lecture was over, and when he distributed them, he did also always as he went by, fling in for each of them a little loaf (very like unto them they bake in lent in our country) into their apartment before them upon the ground, wherewith they must make shift, except they could live on their own means, or get something by their hand labour, whereof there was a good many that did, to maintain themselves. These alms, the Turks give rather freely, without being ask’d[184] for it, for they believe that God is better pleased with that which they give freely, than that which is begged of them. Wherefore they have very few or no beggars in their towns, which beg alms as they do in our country. During my stay at Tripoli, I did at the request of the Consul, live in his Fundique, who entertained me very honourably, that I might give attendance; and if any of the Merchants or Seamen should happen to be sick, I might use my best endeavour to cure them. So I did in the space of three months cure only in our Fundique, above forty men of all sorts of distempers, viz. malignant fevers, violent gripings of the guts, &c. which generally befell them that were lately arrived, and were not yet acquainted with the air and diet of the country. There happened in these days, a miserable cruel case, that some (among whom were five Italians and one Frenchman) did arrive at Tripoli, which made themselves soon ready to go from thence farther to Aleppo, with their merchandizes to sell there. Upon the road they left their caravan too far behind them, and met with some horsemen which spoke to them, and desired them that they would halt at the command of their master the Sub-Bashaw, and dismount, and go into the next camp (which I found very desolate and ruined when I went by formerly) to stay there until he came to them, which would not be long, for he had something to say to them; the Merchants obeyed them readily, fearing that if they should not, they would be punished severely by the Sub-Bashaw for their disobedience. After they were gone into the camp, the murderers immediately fell upon them, shooting and striking at them, until they killed them all at last, then they buried them in the ground, mounted their horses and rode away. After these murderers thought they were very secure, one of these rogues, which were said to be Arabians, met one of the Mockeri, or Carriers, of the same caravan, he knew the horse immediately, and perceiving it to be bloody, his heart gave him that it was not right, wherefore he made haste up to him, and thrust his bended bayonet into his side, and took him prisoner, and carried him to Aleppo, where he was, as I did hear afterwards, having confessed the fact when he was upon the torture, executed[185] for it. They did also seek for the rest, but did apprehend none of them in the time of my staying. The Sultan else taketh great care to keep the roads safe and free from highwaymen, that trading may go on without hindrance. Yet sometimes there are some of the great ones, and men of note, that put others upon it for gain’s sake, so that one must be very careful in these countries. It is not long ago when we had news, that not far off the Christians had taken some ships from the Turks and carried them off, and also formerly in the beginning of July of the last year, they lost some more, and as, I am informed, among them were four great ones, three fly-boats, and two other that were taken by six gallies of the Christians, which made the Turks mightily discontented; wherefore the Emperor sends out many gallies into several places, chiefly to Rhodes, to cross the seas up and down to keep them clear from pirates, and to hinder them from making incursions or descents upon him. These come sometimes into this port, but our Merchants and the Masters of our ships do not care for their arrival, for they are forced to present them with cloths, woollen cloaths, money, &c. if they will remain in favour with them.

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### CHAP. XII.

Of the large and high mount of Libanus, it’s inhabitants and strange plants that are found there.

When I staid with the Consul at Tripoli, and had not a few of his in cure in his Fundique, some others of other nations did sometimes between whiles desire my assistance and advice, and among the rest an eminent Patriarch of the Maronites, which reckon themselves to be Christians, and are called so from the heretick Maro to this day. This did live in the mount of Libanus, and was carried down, although he had a whole day’s journey to Tripoli, and was afflicted with that painful distemper the gout very severely, to be cured by me. After some days, when he was pretty well recovered again, so that he intended to return home; he spoke to some of us in our Fundique, that we would be pleased to conduct him up the hill home again; which was agreed unto very readily, considering that this mountain is the most famous in all the country of Syria, whereof the holy Scripture maketh several times mention, speaking of it’s great heighth and famous rivers (of which Jordan is one), of it’s sweet smelling plants, and pleasantly tasted fruits; and also because there is a great many strange plants to be found. So we rode along with the Patriarch (who had no little reason to be afraid of the Turks clandestine assault) with all possible diligence, and came immediately from the town upon the heights of the promontories of the mount Libanus, which were very fruitful at the top, and had many pleasant plain fields, which extended themselves for three leagues to the high mount, so that this was a very pleasant road, where we saw sometimes on[187] one side delicate vineyards, then on the other, fruitful fields sowed with barley, white Indian millet, &c. After this we came to pleasant woods, where sweet singing birds let themselves be heard, and recreated us; sometimes we saw some hares and some deer, so that we could not but fancy that we went through thick and dark woods. When we came out of them, and were very near unto the mountain, there lay some small villages before it, and we went to one of them, and very near unto it, in a green shady place, we sat down, and refreshed our selves with some victuals, which we had taken along with us before we began to go up the mountain.

The Patriarch was very merry with us, and presented us with some Venice bottles of his wine, whereof we drank a good deal, for it was so pleasant that I must confess that I never in all my life drank any like it. Soon after we broke up again, with an intention to reach his monastery that night, called Our Lady’s, which lieth on the middle of the mountain as we travelled towards the top thereof; in the beginning we came into a narrow and rough valley, which had on both sides very steep walls, wherewith it was inclosed of a vast height, chiefly at our left hand, and yet towards the top, there were several caves within them, wherein Christians live, whereof we saw a great many that appeared so near to the edges as they went about, that we that travelled underneath, had much to do to keep us from being giddy. In that place (where from the height one may plainly see the whole neighbourhood to the very seas, as if it was a Specula, such as the ancients used to have) is always a strong watch kept by the inhabitants of these mountains (because they are not under the jurisdiction of the Turks, as others are, nor in any league with them) to hinder the Turks from making incursions upon them. When we went farther, and got over some little hills, we came out of this narrow place into wide meadows, pastures, corn fields, and to some fruitful vineyards; then again into narrow and deep rocky roads where we had enough to do to climb over; and afterwards again into pleasant groves, by delightful rivulets that arose from springs that made so sweet a[188] noise, that those mountains are therefore admired and commended, chiefly by King Solomon in the 4th chapter of his Song, verse 15. in comparison, where he mentioneth the streams from Lebanon, which make Damascus one of the most pleasant and delicious places in the world.

On this mount grow here and there, besides ordinary trees and bushes, thick shrubby vines, Zizipha alba & ratila, Poplars, two kinds of Dwarf-cedars with pointed and obtuse leaves, Eupatorium Mesuæ, Absinthium Ponticum, Elæagni Math. by the inhabitants called Seisesun; and wild horn beams, a peculiar sort of willows, Phyllireas, Styrax-trees, the fragrant Gum whereof is to be found in apothecaries shops; but chiefly, and in the greatest number were the Maple-trees, which are large, big, high, and expand themselves very much with their branches. After we had rested ourselves, and were a little refreshed underneath these, our labour began again, to climb up these high and steep steps. When we were thus a climbing, some country people, that we saw up so high before, came out of their caves down to us, with mugs full of wine, which they presented first to their master the Patriarch that was on horseback, receiving him with a great deal of reverence (bowing themselves down to his feet) and loving kindness, and afterwards they did detain us also, and presented each of us with a mug of wine to bid us welcome, which I and the rest received very willingly, but having pretty well heated myself with going, I at that time loved spring water with bread dipt in it very well, I only tasted a little of it. After we were got up these stairs, a great many more came running to present their master with chickens, pullets and other poultry, which his man took and carried up with them. Then the ways were pretty good and much straighter, so that we went on apace, until at length we came to the monastery, which we could not see before we came just upon it. Just before it without is a most incomparable copious spring, that floweth with delicate water, which is worthy to be often visited.

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This monastry, which is not extraordinary built, lieth towards the left, almost in the middle of the mountain, under a great rock, which doth so cover and preserve it, that it cannot easily receive any harm from above. At our arrival the Monks came immediately, whereof I saw no more than ten, and received us very kindly, and shew’d us presently our lodging, which because they had no chambers to spare, was an arch’d chapel, that we might know whither to repair: Yet we kept more upon the top of the house, which was like others, cover’d with plaister, which was the delicatest and pleasantest place of all the buildings, where we could see the situation of the snowy hill towards the east above the Cedars, which was a very pleasant sight, and also below us several other hills, whereon they feed their cattle, together with the deep and dark valley: and, the monastry being but small, so that they had not much room in it, we also supp’d there in the open air with the Patriarch and some of his Fraternity, on a long table. They treated us very well, and gave us some white wine to drink, which was better than that we drunk on the hill, in Venice glasses, the like whereof is not to be found, neither in Candia nor Cyprus. But they feed, according to their order, only upon plain food as beans, and French beans, and the like leguminous fruit, &c. At night when they conducted us to our lodging to go to rest, they shew’d us instead of beds some straw mats and tapestry, spread upon the ground in their church on which we were to lie, and so we did and rested that night. In the morning they came very early before break of day into the church, when we were still very sleepy, to do their office, and began immediately to ring two bells, which made underneath the rock such a resounding noise, that it stupify’d us, and made us (chiefly because some of us had heard none in two years time, and were full of sleep and but half awake) so dull, that we did not for a good while know where we were, until we came a little to ourselves again. Afterwards I heard them with attention for a good while, and did look into their books which were written with Arabian letters; but what religion they were of, I shall[190] tell you hereafter, when I shall make mention of other Christians.

At break of day we made ourselves ready to go farther up the hill, to the height thereof where the Cedars stand, to see them, so that we might come to the monastery again. Along with us went two Monks to shew us the way; they conducted us back again to the rich springs of water, to the stairs, which were very rough, and so steep that we were often forced to hold ourselves by the bushes, which we could reach at both sides; but chiefly when we turned on a sudden, of which turnings they had very many. So we got up higher and higher, with a great deal of labour, until we came to a little chapel standing just at the top of the stairs on the hill. Near to this chapel is a small village, which we went through, and saw spacious fields well cultivated, so that the inhabitants of these mountains, could have no want of corn, wine, flesh or oyl, &c. although their neighbours should not supply them for years with any thing; and besides, their lands are so well secured on the height, and so lock’d up, as if they were surrounded with high walls and deep ditches; and moreover they are a very stout and warlike people, very well provided with bows and guns, &c. so that their neighbours cannot easily hurt nor do any mischief to them; and they are also soon alarm’d, which we found, when these two Monks did immediately raise twelve men well arm’d, in the farthermost village towards the snowy hill, to conduct us safe up to the Cedars of the highest mount, that their neighbours the Trusci might not hurt us. But as I understood afterwards the Trusci are in confederacy with the inhabitants of mount Libanus, so that they need not to fear any harm from them. But they rather did it to frighten us, to get a good recompence from us that they might rejoice, and treat us the better, as Christians, on our return. So these twelve went before us and conducted us up to another, but very barren and rough plain, where we found ourselves to be upon the highest point of the mountain, and saw nothing higher but only a small hill before us, all cover’d over with snow, at the bottom whereof the high Cedar-trees were standing,[191] some whereof King Solomon ordered to be cut down to be employ’d for the use of the building of the temple of Jerusalem. And although this hill hath in former ages been quite cover’d over with Cedars, yet they are since so decreased, that I could tell no more but twenty four, that stood round about in a circle, and two others, the branches whereof are quite decay’d with age. I also went about in this place to look out for some young ones, but could find none at all. These trees are green all the year long, have strong stems that are several fathoms about, and are as high as our Fir-trees. They have very large twigs that bend the tree, and make it lean that way, which somewhat spoileth their straightness. Branches grow up straight, as also do the cones thereof, which are large and round, and extend themselves a great length, in so delicate and pleasant order and evenness, as if they were trimm’d, and made even with a great deal of diligence, so that at a distance, you may see the tops of them very even to one another. So that one may immediately see at a great distance, a great difference between these and other Fir-trees. They are else very like unto the Larch-trees chiefly in their leaves, which are small, and all close together, but stand farther asunder upon small brown shoots, which in their length and bigness are like unto them of the Muscus terrestris.

After we had rested awhile underneath the Cedars, and began to be coldish in this windy, snowy, and cold place, we began to return to the monastry again. By the way I saw about the river three sorts of Tragacantha, one whereof I took according to it’s shape to be that of the learned Carolus Clusius, which is very like unto the true Tragacantha. The second is somewhat lower than the first, else it is very like unto it, only it beareth yellow flowers, each whereof groweth by itself in round yellowish bags, and several of them stand one above the other on long stalks. The third is almost of the same height, and hath more brown colour’d strong stalks, with white woolly heads of Poterius, whereon you see purple coloured flowers. I found also by them another plant, which to be brief, considering it’s brown colour’d flexible twigs, and longish fat leaves, is very[192] like unto the Chamælea, of a very sharp taste, I think to be the first kind of Sanamunda of Carolus Clusius. Besides these I saw hereabouts two thorny shrubs, one whereof was, with it’s red colour’d grapes (setting the leaves aside as far as I remember) very like unto our Oxyacantha. The other, which was full of thorns, and had small red purple colour’d flowers, was like unto the first kind of Scorpius of Carolus Clusius. Among the bushes I saw the Scorzonera with yellow flowers, and also a pretty sort of Tulips with yellow stripes, and not far from it the true Ribes of the Arabians, which I found in autumn at an ill time, without flowers or seeds, only with two leaves, as if it was just sprung up. The leaves thereof are rough and round, as big very near as those of Petasites, call’d Butterburn in our language, which grow upon short yet thick stalks, which are also full of a pleasant sowrish juice, as well as their stalks, whereof chiefly the true Rob Ribes is prepared, as I have seen it myself, and Serapio testifieth. This loveth moist grounds, hath a strong brown colour’d root, which is pretty long, wrinkly, bended, and of a very unpleasant taste. On the height of the mount I saw more plants, some whereof I had not time to mind, and others that are not yet known, wherefore I omit, for shortness sake, to say more of them.

The mountain is very high, so that it may be seen in Cyprus about 200 Italian miles off; wherefore the day breaketh later at Tripoli, and, not until the morning sun appeareth before it: And moreover you find there snow all summer long, which they bring down from the mountains, into the Batzars or Exchanges to sell, to cool their drink with it, chiefly in the dog-days, and fling it in by handfuls. Yet when we were at the top, we could not see far about, being hindered by some hills.

After we were come down from the mountains into the little village again, our conductors brought us into a pleasant garden where their wives came to us, who brought to us several yet strange sorts of milk-meats to eat, and very good wine to drink; so we sat down in the grass according to their fashion, to eat and drink, and to make merry, and spoke to them in the common Arabian country language, and what we could not[193] speak out, we made them understand by signs. After we had dined, we return’d them many thanks, for all their kindnesses and good cheer, and so we went away. By the way we saw more plants, viz. the Alyssum of Dioscorides; a delicate kind of Cynoglossum. And also near the stairs some wild Fir-trees, Polium Montanum, Marrubium Creticum Lobelii, as I judged according to it’s shape. A delicate yellow Jacea with scaly heads, and prickles like unto the Spina Solstitialis, which is low, yet it hath a long and strong root, cover’d with a gray and hairy rind, like unto the Victorialis, the leaves are jagg’d or laciniated, of an ashen colour and hairy, as also the two before-mention’d; and another kind of Jacea, with purple colour’d flowers, which is very like unto the yellow one of Lobelius (which I have also found in Provence in France near Aix) saving only the prickles that are about the heads. Just before we came quite down, I found two kinds of Linaria, one whereof, that is of a pretty bitter taste, puts forth long and slender stalks from the root, closely surrounded with a great number of Linaria leaves, and hath at top one, two, or three long scaly heads, from whence issue small purple colour’d flowers; the other groweth also in leaves and stalks almost like unto the first, only they are smaller and tenderer, and hath quite to the top abundance of light and small purple colour’d flowers round about it as the blue one of our gardens. At length after a long travelling and climbing, we came just when the night broke in, down to the monastry again; after supper we went strait to rest, that we might be up early again to go for Tripoli. After break of the day when we had taken our leave of the Patriarch and his brethren, and made ourselves ready for our journey, we came strait away. By the way we saw several of Arbores Judæ, with their red colour’d husks; and also in the rock a fine Gnaphalium, with ash-colour’d roundish mouse-ear leaves, and snow white double flowers. As we went on, and were almost come to the house that stood upon the height, whereof we made mention before, these inhabitants came down again, got before us, stopt us, and would not let us pass until we had drank with them. Then we went on again, and I found in the deep and dark valley[194] the right Medium Dioscoridis, and Mindium Rhasis, which I did spie immediately among the bushes, by it’s height and spacious purple colour’d flower. This plant is very like unto the Viola Mariana, of the learned Rempert Dodonus, very stately, so that no great difference can be found but only in the leaves, which in this are more carved, like unto those of Plantain, and in the flowers which are more open, and spread themselves with their long and narrow leaves, whereof each hath eight, into a round circle; the seeds I saw not because they were not yet ripe, yet I found a greater austerity in the root than in the seed vessels. Not far off, I also saw in the valley a strange plant, which was of the height of a cubit, and had whitish and wolly leaves, like unto our Mullein, only they are less, and grow quite to the stalk, as those of Tabaco, or of Hyosciamus Peruvianus of Rempert Dodon., at the top thereof grow fine purple colour’d and white double flowers which stand close together, as those of the yellow Amaranth, or in the little Auricula Muris of Fuchsius, so that according to all this, having also fragrant roots, and like unto those of black Hellebore, which broke, because I pull’d it up in haste, as I judged by that part thereof which still was left to them, I clearly take it to be the true Baccharis of Dioscor. In the valley farther down towards the water, grew also the Oleander, and the Apocynum Repens, which climbeth upon the trees that stand nigh it, and covereth them so that it hangeth down again at the sides, like the Ephedra of Pliny. After we came out before the mountain, there appeareth the Italian Spondylium, Visnagia, &c. there we went into the next village, and look’d after the victuals we had left, to refresh ourselves. When we came from thence I found the black Chamælion with it’s handsome blue colour’d tops; Origanum, Onites, Lycium call’d also Zaroa by the inhabitants; the second Acacia with trefoil leaves, and when we came near to Tripoli, to the old and high rivulet, between the mountains, I found the second Tragoriganum of Carol. Clusius, Ceterach and low St John’s Wort, a fine Chamædrys, &c. but above all, a thorn-bush, about the hight of a cubit, very thick of twigs and stalks, so that some of them lie on the ground; the[195] stalks, whereof many grow out of a root of a drying quality, and somewhat bitter, are surrounded with a tender gray rind, underneath which is another reddish one to be found. It’s long tender leaves that grow one against the other, which are of the colour of ashes underneath, and green above, are very like unto the leaves of our Sanguisorba; between them at the top or the crown sprout out many thorns, the biggest whereof divide themselves at the top into other less ones in very good order, so that some point down, and some upwards, and others towards the sides, and some thereof sprout out farther before the rest, which sprout out early in the spring, and bear small greenish colour’d starry flowers; from underneath them grow out small soft berries of a whitish colour, and some reddish, which are so close together, and stand in their ranks, at the top whereof the flower is still plainly to be seen, like unto our currans. The seeds thereof I have raised in the famous garden of the generous and eminent Hans Heinrich Herwarts, Alderman of this place, very easily, and they grew up until they were ready to blow; but as other outlandish plants do seldom endure our climate, so did this also die the next winter; it is call’d by the inhabitants Bellen, but I am of opinion according to it’s shape, for of it’s virtue and use I can say nothing, because I never try’d it, that it is the Hippophië of Dioscor. so long until others give me a better instruction. Not far from hence I found on the height, near to the town in a rough place, another fine plant, not unlike unto our Gingidium, only that it hath less fenil leaves and beareth a roundish seed, with many smooth wings hanging round about it, which close themselves almost into a knot together, with it’s tender leaves, which sprout out underneath the crown, like unto the black coriander; which induced me to inquire after it more narrowly what to call it, and being I found that it had a small white root, tender leaves, and a bitterer taste than our wild parsnip, and also in the middle of the crown a blewish knob, I cannot judge it but to be the true Gingidium of Dioscor. From thence we soon went down the stairs again, and came by some Turkish burying places, and some wild figg-trees, by[196] them call’d Mumeitz, whereof a great many are growing in these grounds, into the town of Tripoli.

Soon after an honest and skilful Botanist to whom I came to enquire after plants, told me that a great many more were to be found thereabouts. Wherefore I went out again to look for them, and to get them also. So I found first upon the height near the vineyards a Cassia Monspeliensium, which he call’d Mackmudi and Macmisi, and the berries thereof Habel Mickeness. But whether this is to be taken for the Avacsium Rhasis, or no, I cannot certainly affirm. This is so common in these places that they make brooms of it’s twigs. Moreover I found in the vineyards another stately, fine and strange plant, which was about two cubits high, and had whitish, woolly, and long, sharp pointed leaves, which are set round with small prickles about the edges, and had on each side towards the stalk little ears, as our sorrel and spinage have; it is of a bitter taste, and at top thereof on long stalks grow many smooth hands which in their bigness and flowers are very like unto the yellow Jacea.

But that I may not be too tedious, it being not my intention to treat here of every one at length, I will mention but one more before I conclude, which I found just at the spouts where in rainy weather the water runs down from the mount Libanus; which is the true white Beheen of the Arabians, and is still to this day call’d Behmen-ahied, as the red is call’d Behmen-ackmar, which also doth not stand far off, as my friend, that experienced Botanist, hath informed me. But because I was daily ready to go on ship board, to come home again, I had not time to obtain it; this was at that time almost decay’d, yet I found still some green leaves, about it, so that by all appearance it doth endure the winter, and so shoots out in new by degrees, which grow up yearly again instead of the old ones, these put forth long, great and pointed leaves, as big, sharp and as thick as a leaf of a pear-tree; they have partly underneath on the stalks four much less, which stand two and two against one another; and one also finds out a few of them on round stalks, many whereof grow out of the same root, about the height of a cubit,[197] where the uppermost stick quite close to it, as you may see on the Smyrnum Creticum; on the top it puts forth oblong scaly yellow buttons, each of them on their peculiar stalk from whence issue flowers of the same colour; it hath a very long root, which at the top shoots out great branches, that grow so thick, that in time they may be separated and transplanted; but else they have but very few fibres, so that they rather are smooth, and also almost as tough and pliable as liquorish root, to which it is very like in it’s bigness and colour, only it is somewhat whiter, and not so strait. But why Avicenna maketh mention also of it’s wrinckles, I am of opinion that he rather speaketh of the greater sort, which is more wrinkly and rougher, and also for above a span long, seem to be shrunk of age and turn’d woody, or decay’d and dry’d up, although within they are still juicy, limber, and have kept their natural colour. I was also inform’d of others, viz. of the Costus Syriacus, which they still know by the name of Chast, and is found about Antiochia: And not far off from thence is also found the Nux vomica as some esteem them, by the inhabitants call’d Cutschula; which together with a great many other famous ones I might have obtained, if I could have had a true, faithful and experienced guide; but for want of such a one, and also because I could stay no longer, I was forced to leave them behind, to be hereafter found out by such that shall undertake the like journeys.

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### CHAP. XIII.

Cunning and deceitful stratagems of the Grand Turk against the inhabitants of mount Libanus, the Trusci, and Maronites: And how he made war with them, and what damage they sustained by it.

Having here before made mention of the Maronites and Trusci their neighbours and allies, I cannot but must also go farther, and briefly relate, how the Turk did make war against them, (as to whom they are not yet quite subjected) during the time of my staying in these countries. But from whence this war did first arise, and had it’s beginning, I was thus inform’d, that it broke out about one of their governours, which lived then for a little time at Damascus. For when the Grand Signior observed that these people did daily grow in number and strength, he consider’d that if he should let them go on so, and neglect to curb them in time, they might probably after a while grow too potent for him; wherefore he thought it requisite to study and make it his business to find out ways and means to subdue them, and to reduce them under his power. In order thereunto, he apprehended the governour that lived then in Damascus, and put him into prison, and at length took away his life unjustly, under pretence as if he had endeavour’d to raise a rebellion; not doubting but that when he had removed their head, he might the easier subdue and reduce the people. But when the Trusci and Maronites understood this cruel and abominable fact, not without grief and trouble, they were not only not at all discouraged from resisting so great and formidable an enemy, but rather took new courage that was promoted by the great anger this[199] detestable fact put them into, so that they united themselves the firmer, and did unanimously resolve to oppose him with all their might and power, and to stand by their antient liberty; and accordingly they began immediately to arm themselves, to fortify their villages, and chiefly their passes, and to provide themselves with guns, bows, and arrows, and all other things necessary for their defence, so that in case of necessity they might be ready to resist their enemies, being such a kind that kept neither faith nor promise, which they had often experienced to their great grief and losses. So that in all probability it was like to be a war, which also broke out with great violence within a little time after. But because I went for Bagdat at the same time, where in former years the potent Caliphi did reside, I did hear no more of it in all my journey until at my return, when my comrade Hans Ulrich Krafft of Ulm, then prisoner in Tripoli, did relate it to me, so as it was reported to him by credible hands; who told me that the Trusci are very numerous, that they were divided into several regiments, of several colours, and that those that live in the middle of the high mountains were the most numerous of them all, that they live in a country that is very well secured and surrounded, so that they need not, nor will not be subject either to the Turks or any other potentate. They are warlike people, for the generality good gunners, that make their own guns and any other sorts of arms, &c. they have plenty of corn, oil, wine, good meat and good fruit, so that they need not any assistance of strangers. They chiefly deal in silk, whereof they wind (from silkworms) about one hundred rotulas in a year (which is about 450 C. weight) to send from thence into other countries. These have their white colours, and their confederates that live on the outward hill towards the sea, at Baruti near Tripoli, have red ones, and have also their colonel whom they call Ermin Mackfur, who also those that belong unto the white colours acknowledge to be theirs, as well as their own, who was lately murder’d. This because he could not entrench himself as well as the other Trusci on the hill, agreed with the Great Sultan, and made peace upon this account, that if he would let him live peaceably and quietly, he[200] would help him to protect the country, and pay unto him yearly the accustom’d tribute, but if the Grand Signior would not be pleased with this proffer, he would join and assist them. The Emperor accepted of this, and did not only make this Ermin Mackfur Lord of all Baruti and Scide, call’d Sidon, but did also procure him a great and plentiful yearly revenue out of these countries; thinking thus to oblige him, to help him with his Trusci to subdue the others, not doubting but that he might easily overcome these, when once the other on the mountains were kill’d. But they would not get up the hill, but did profer to the Turks, that if their men and the Moors should go up, they would be ready in the valley about Baruti, to cut off all that should fall into their hands. This answer they gave to the Sultan, only for fashion’s sake, for no Truscus killeth the other. When the Sultan saw that they would not bite one another, and that he was not like to obtain any great matter from the Colonel, he did notwithstanding send up the Bashaw of Damascus with six other Bashaws and seventeen Sangiacks, about 200,000 strong, both foot and horse well arm’d, to subdue the before mention’d Trusci which were about 60,000 strong, to burn, demolish and destroy their towns, villages, houses and plantations. After they were come up to the ascent two days journey from Damascus, they found the roads so steep that no body could pass them on horseback, for there was nothing to be seen but rough and sharp pointed rocks. So they agreed to dismount, and to go up to them on foot, and so they took presently six or seven villages, whereof there is said to be twenty seven in all, but they found nothing in them but some women and children and very few men (the rest were got upon the hills where they had entrench’d themselves) which were all cut in pieces, and the villages burnt.

The Turks and Moors thought themselves obliged, according to their Emperors command to go on farther, so they endeavour’d and got up higher, but could not do any more harm to the Trusci, being hinder’d by the bad ways; but on the contrary the Trusci met them sometimes and poured their shot upon them from all sides, before they were aware of it, so that they were but in[201] an ill condition. Then when the Turks would pursue these men, they were too quick for them, as being born and bred in these mountains; so they did only laugh at them, and bid them kiss their breeches; so the Turks, partly for want of provision, partly being tired by the steep roads, were sometimes forced, not without great damage and loss of their men, to retire again to take better measures. Sometimes also the Trusci would stand between the rocks cover’d and when they found any of their enemies appear, chiefly those that endeavour’d to climb up the rocks, they would all of a sudden shoot among them as among a flock of pigeons, so that many of them did precipitate themselves and broke their necks. They would also sometimes decoy the Turks into a good road and after eight or ten thousand of them were passed, they would with six thousand Trusci fall in the rear of them, to drive them up higher, where others soon did appear that came down upon them; so they surrounded them sometimes and received them so warmly, that but very few of them came back again to tell what was become of the rest. After this war had continued for about two months, the Bashaw at last was forced to make a shameful retreat with the remainder of his forces, and that so much the sooner because the winter began to approach, so that it was impossible to endure the frost and snow, which occasion’d many to die, and the chiefest of them came home sick.

The Trusci pretend to be Christians, and the posterity of those that some years ago by might and strength recover’d the Holy Land; so that still to this day they have a great affection for Christians, which those that travel among them to buy silks can testify, whom they treat and entertain very civilly with good meat and good wine, yet refuse to take any money for it; and say, that what God hath given them they are bound to distribute among us Christians. But they hate Mahometans and Jews, and keep very good intelligence with the Christians of this country. Yet they themselves are neither Christians, Turks, Moors nor Jews; for they do not go to mass, nor any other publick worship of God; they cry out sometimes to heaven that God would be pleased to protect them. They also believe according to the opinion[202] of Pythagoras, that the souls of the deceased according to their merits, transmigrate from one body into another; that the soul of a pious man goeth into a new born child, and that of an ill man into the body of a dog or other wild beast; chiefly if he hath lived very ill. As they believe so they live also. Among them they marry to their nearest relations, the brother to his sister, the son to his mother, the father to the daughter, and they lie all together a night, but they will not marry into a strange family. The father or the mother says, seeing that God hath given me this child as a seed unto me, why should I throw it away upon a stranger; or else, I have a garden, and God giveth me flowers in it, is it not reasonable that I should enjoy them rather than a stranger? &c. they make use of a great many of these and the like expressions. They also keep a yearly feast with their wives which then they change one with the other as they please. Else they are not given to stealing, killing or any such like crimes, because they want for nothing, but if any be taken that hath transgressed he is executed immediately. So they live in peace together, and care not for any other Monarch.

End of the second Part.

[203]

Dr Leonhart Rauwolff’s
TRAVELS
into the
Eastern Countries.

Wherein is chiefly treated of the Land of Promise, the city of Jerusalem, and also of several opinions, beliefs and Errors of the Turks and Christians.

## PART. III.

### CHAP. I.

A short description of his departure from Tripoli, a town of Phœnicia in Syria, and how he went from thence to Joppa.

After my return to Tripoli, when I found myself near to the confines of Canaan, the land of promise, promised and given to the Israelites by the Lord of Zebaoth, and considered, that our long before promised Messias, Lord and Saviour of the Gentiles was there, according to the[204] prophecies of the prophets born in Bethlehem of the virgin Mary, and by the Jews suffered the shameful death of crucifixion at Jerusalem on the mount of Calvaria, and afterwards was laid in the new tomb of Joseph of Arimathea, that was cut out of a rock, &c. I found in me a great desire to see these and other the like holy places: Not that I thought still to find there Christ our Lord, as the two young men Peter and John and the three Maries did, but to exercise my outward senses in the contemplation thereof, that I might the more fervently consider with my inward ones his bitter passion, death, resurrection and ascension, and to appropriate to myself, and to apprehend the better, and to make my own, by faith and firm confidence, Christ our Lord himself together with his heavenly gifts and treasures, as he has manifested himself in the holy scriptures; wherefore I was fully resolved to look out for fellow travellers to accompany me in this journey before I returned home again. I staid not long in quest of company, but quickly met four Pilgrims that came out of the Low Countries that had the same intention; there also came to us a Grecian Monk of the order of the Carmelites whom I knew before when he lived with his master, that I cured of a very dangerous distemper, and desired to go in company with us. So we agreed together, and bespoke a small Turkish vessel with eight oars, by them called Caramusala whereof there were many in the harbour, that wait constantly for travellers, goods and provision, to be carried into the neighbouring towns and provinces, viz. to Antiochia, Caramania, anciently called Cilicia, Cyprus, Baruthi, Caramania, or quite into Egypt. We bought some biskets, cibets, eggs, cheese, pompions, which the Arabians call Batticas, Margeropfel, oranges, good wine, &c. which we had occasion of for our journey, of which as much as would last us eight days; for the ship-masters do not willingly land, chiefly with Pilgrims, because of the great customs the roguish Turks demand unjustly from us Christians every where, until we arrive at our designed stations.

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After we had thus fitted ourselves, and got a good wind, we went aboard the ship on the seventh of September, in the year 1575, and put off, and came before night to the point Capugio, to the village Aniffe, anciently called Neuphrus, which was in former ages very well fortified, as still appeareth by some remainders to this day. This village is pretty big, but every where open, that one might easily take it with a handful of men; it is situated on the foot of mount Libanus, which is very high there, and reacheth unto the sea. It is chiefly inhabited by Maronites, as are also many more villages of this mountain, chiefly those that lie in vallies towards Aleppo, where I have inned many times when I went through it, and was very kindly received; they keep very good wine by them, which the Turks know very well, and come there very often for it, altho they are forbidden (by the laws of their Mahometan Koran) to satisfy their desire. These Maronites are Christians, and speak the Arabian language, and have their Patriarchs, which are first chosen by the people, and then confirmed by the Pope. After we had went on from thence very well all night long, all along the steep mountainous shore, and had made the utmost point of the promontory of Baruthi, we saw in the morning a far off, that famous town lying behind it, where formerly great commerce has been drove, well fortified with strong towers towards the sea, and surrounded with fruitful orchards and vineyards. In this, and also in more adjacent towns and villages, live a very warlike people, called Trusci, very nimble and expert in shooting with guns and bows, and call themselves the posterity of the ancient Frenchmen, which took and possessed many years agone, under Godfrid and Baldwin, Jerusalem, and all the Land of Promise. They are still a free people to this day, and not subject unto the Great Sultan as others are; wherefore he hath many times attempted to bring them under his yoak. And in order thereunto he did send in the year 1574 last past, a great army consisting of two hundred thousand horse and foot to subdue them; but what harm he did them I have already mentioned in the preceding part of this Journal. They are very willing to accommodate[206] and serve outlandish Christians, as Germans, Frenchmen and Italians, whereof they make no difference, and to take them up into their habitations, and to shew them all civility and kindness; nay, and what is more, to assist them according to their utmost power against the common enemy of Christendom, as we have formerly found indeed before Cyprus was taken by the Turks; for after they were informed that some Italian gallies were to arrive to make an incursion into the adjacent towns and places, chiefly to plunder Tripoli, they raised seven thousand men very well armed to help them, and to come to their assistance, some of which did then appear and shew themselves on the frontiers; but finding that their gallies did not arrive, they also returned home again, and left their design unaccomplished. The Trusci have a head called Ermin Mackfur, that is, a judicious man, and a very experienced soldier, whom they acknowledge to be their supreme governor, and are obedient to him; he liveth in a castle on the bottom of the mountain not far from the town we went by; he taketh great pains, chiefly now after the Turkish war, and maketh great provision to keep the country in peace and security. He also keepeth good correspondence with the neighbouring people, chiefly the Maronites, that have lived long before in these mountains, with whom he hath lately renewed the old confederacy again, as I know very well, and their Patriarch himself was with him, before I was called to cure him of his distemper. He also leaveth no stone unturned to get in with others, and to make them his confederates; so that he hath already secured to himself the Syrians, which are also Christians, yet not without gross errors, by paying to them a yearly pension. These speak also Arabick, and are very like unto them in shape, manners, fashion and cloaths; and I found two of them among our seamen, that confirmed this to me.

After we had gone on a great while, and were passed by the point of the promontary of Barnti, which extendeth itself far into the sea, our ship-master, who was a Turk, and understood the Arabian language, shewed me a village lying beyond it, called Burgi, and told me, that that was also inhabited altogether by Harani Quibir,[207] that is, great robbers and murtherers, as they always call these people. But I being better informed beforehand, I prayed by myself that God would be pleased to let the poor slaves that live in hard servitude under the Turks, who were these they call Harani; and I do not at all question, but they would soon take their refuge to them to make themselves free of their servitude, as those might easily do, that live about these countries in Syria.

We saw also upon the shoar some ancient towers, and among them chiefly two, which are renewed again, wherein the Trusci keep watches to observe the pirates, but the others whereof there are a great many not above a league distant from one another, are for the greatest part by age decayed. Some say that they were formerly built by the potent Emperors, that if any nation should rise up in rebellion, they might immediately give notice thereof to Constantinople. These gave notice, before guns were invented, in the night by a flaming fire, and by day-time by a great smoak. And they still keep to this in many places, altho’ guns are now invented.

In the afternoon we were becalmed, and so our journey went on but slowly, we saw late at night a small village called Carniola upon the height: and soon after at the foot of the high mount of Libanus, southward of the city of Sidon, by the inhabitants still called Scida, which is not very great, but as far as I could see, very well built, and defended by two castles, one whereof is situated towards the north on a high rock, the other on a little hill. Those that are going to Saphet, which is a day’s journey distant from it, land there. Before we could reach it, night befel us, and brought contrary winds, which hindered us so much, that we could hardly reach the glorious and rich town of Tyrus, now by the inhabitants called Sur, which lieth in a manner close to it, until the next morning. This is still pretty large, and lieth on a rock in the sea, about five hundred paces distant from the shoar of Phœnicia. In former ages Alexander the Great did besiege it for seven months, and during the siege he filled up the[208] streight of the sea, and did join it to the continent, and after he had taken it, he laid it into ashes, so that punishment was inflicted on the inhabitants which the Prophet Esaias denounced against them four hundred years before.

On the confines of Tirus and Sidon, that Cananean woman came to Christ on behalf of her daughter that was possessed of an unclean spirit, whereof the Lord, seeing her faith, did deliver her immediately.

Just before it, we heard a great noise of large running springs, which rise within the country with so great a vehemency, that they drive several mills. Within a large distance from thence, we saw a very fine new house called Nacora.

Two miles farther near mount Saron within, southward, we saw a large village called Sib, without it in the sea round about were several banks and rocks, behind which we hid ourselves, the wind being contrary, and staid for a more favourable one; in the mean while, some of our men got out among the rocks to catch fish, and to find oisters, where they also gathered so much sea-salt, that they filled up a great sack with it.

Between this and mount Carmelo, which are eight leagues distant, and run out a great way into the seas, lieth almost in the middle thereof, as it were in a half moon, the famous town of Acon, anciently called Ptolemais, on a high rocky shoar, which some years ago, when Baldewin, the brother of Gotefrid, first, and Guidon after him, did possess themselves of the Holy Land, was not without great loss of many men taken by them, from Saladine King of the Saracens in Ægypt, which had (after some obtained victories) surrendered itself again a second time, after a long siege. This town hath very good fields of a fertile soil about it, and is at this time, together with the Land of Promise and others, (to the great grief of the Christians) subjected under the yoak and slavery of the Turkish Emperor.

The next day the wind favouring us, we hoisted up our sails, and got out at sea, with less danger to get before the point of the mountain, but our design was frustrated;[209] for about noon a contrary wind arose, which did not only hinder us in our course, but violently drove us back again, so that we were forced to have recourse to our old shelter behind the rocks again. After midnight when it began to be calm, and another wind arose, we put out two hours before break of day, and went along the shore towards the town Hayphe, formerly call’d Caypha or Porphyria, four leagues beyond Acon, lying just within mount Carmel, where on the evening when we came very near it, several frigats came out of all sides to surround us. As soon as the master of our ship perceived them, he did not like it, wherefore he let fall his sails, and exhorted his men to ply their oars to get clear of them. When they saw they could not reach us, they left their design and went back; but we landed without on that mount Carmelo, to put out again in the night. This mountain is very high and famous in Scripture; for we read in the third book of the Kings, and the eighteenth chapter, that the holy Prophet Elias call’d before him upon the hill the people of Israel, the four hundred and fifty of Baal’s priests, and the four hundred of Hayns, to chide them for their idolatery; where also God heard him, and consumed his sacrifice by fire that came down from Heaven; but the priests of Baal were not only not heard by their idols, but kill’d as idolaters near the river Kison; and also in the fifth of the epistle of James; that after the Heavens had been lock’d up for the space of three years and an half, Elias did pray to God on this mount, and the Lord heard him, and let rain fall down upon the dry and barren earth. From this mountain, the (presumed) holy order of the Carmelites taketh it’s name, which was first there endowed with several privileges by Pope Innocent the third, and Albert the Patriarch of Jerusalem, in the year 1205; and afterwards when they were encreased to a great number, under pretence of greater holiness, confirmed by the name of The Brothers of our Lady, by Pope Honorius the third, in the year 1226. These pretend to be the followers of the doctrine of Cyrillus, wear daily black girded coats, and over them, when they say mass, white Monks habits. Some years ago without doubt, have a great many of this order lived hereabouts, as still to this day doth appear,[210] by their cloisters and churches, which by age are so mightily decay’d, that they are left deserted and uninhabited. This mountain is also round about towards the sea-coast very bare and rough, that we may very well say with the holy Prophet Amos, That the pastures of the herdsmen shall look miserably, and the top of the mountain dry up.

The town Hayphe lieth at the bottom of the mount Carmelo, is pretty large but very ill built, and the houses are so decay’d, that half of it is not fit to be inhabited. Salidinus, King of the Saracens, who in his time carry’d on long and heavy wars against the Christians, and was almost hardly able to resist them, caused the walls of it, and also that of Cæsarea in Palestina, and others of less strength, to be pull’d down, that his enemies might not find any place of reception against him.

Out of this port, as we were afterwards inform’d, was a little time before taken away a pretty large and richly loaden ship by some pirates, which vexed the inhabitants very much, and being that the Christians chiefly were much suspected by them, they had a great desire to revenge it upon them again; so that we, had not our master been very honest, should have suffered for the loss they had sustain’d.

After we had lain there at anchor till after midnight, not without danger, as you may imagine, our master made haste to get out to sea, although it was very calm, in hopes to get good weather. After they had wrought very hard, a good wind arose behind us towards the morning, and drove us along, so that we got soon about, and pass’d the point of the mountain, and saw the country on the other side, which was above on the height so pleasant, green and shady, that there in a village resides a Turkish Sangiack for pleasure’s sake.

Nor far from thence lieth the castle of the Pilgrims in the sea, by the inhabitants call’d Altlit, where most of them touch that take their way through Galilæa and Nazareth to Jerusalem. This hath been in former ages so well fortify’d with walls and bastions, that it was thought to be impregnable; but now it is on two sides towards the sea so demolish’d and destroy’d, that one may very reasonably guess, that it hath been formerly taken by storm.

[211]

The wind still encreasing more and more, we went on with such a swiftness, that although two little ships pursued us towards morning, yet they were forced to leave us, and so we soon passed the castle, and came towards Dor, three leagues distance from thence; it lieth near mount Carmel in the country of Phœnecia, as Josephus testifieth; and it is so decay’d that there is nothing more extant than a large and high tower, which the inhabitants still call Dortaite. In this country when the Jews took Canaan the Land of Promise, they let the inhabitants remain, as you may read in the first chapter of the Judges.

At a leagues distance from thence, you see the ancient and famous town Cæsaria of Palestine, situated by the sea on a high bank, which King Herod did renew; and call’d it after the Emperor Cæsarea, which still to this day, among the Turks and Moors, retaineth it’s ancient name Kæsarie. In this town did live the pious centurian Cornelius, who was baptized there with his whole family by Peter the Apostle, who was call’d thither from the town Joppe. There did also live Philip the Evangelist, one of the seven Deacons, into whose house the holy Apostle Paul did go, and staid there some days; where also the Prophet Agabus did foretel him, That he was to be made a prisoner at Jerusalem. Now although this town in those days was very well built, as one may still see by the important and stately antiquities that are still remaining there, yet now in our times it is in walls and buildings so mightily decay’d, that it is hardly fit to be inhabited, much less to be defended, or to make any resistance. And for all that it is still pretty large, but so lonesome and so depopulated, that we could hardly see any body in the large and broad streets thereof as we passed by.

For some leagues before, or about it, I saw nothing remarkable, only a Turkish Mosque, or church, in the height upon a hilly shore, where they meet to worship Mahomet.

When the evening broke in, we had still ten leagues to sail to the port or harbour of Joppe, where the pilgrims use to go ashore to travel by land to Jerusalem, yet the wind drove us on with such a force, that we got into it two hours after sun-set.

[212]

### CHAP. II.

A short relation of my travels by land from the harbour of Joppe, to the city of Jerusalem.

In the morning early as soon as the day did appear, which was the thirteenth day of September 1575, we got on shore, and dispatch’d immediately some to the town of Rama, two leagues distant from thence, to get us a safe conduct or pass, from the Sangiack, and to bring along with them some Mockeri, or ass-driving carriers, to provide us carriage to Jerusalem. In the mean while we stay’d upon the high rocky shore, where the town Joppe did stand formerly, which at this time was so demolish’d that there was not one house to be found, where the pilgrims at their arrival could shelter themselves, save only three large vaults, which went very deep into the hill, and extended themselves towards the sea. Into these are sometimes the Pilgrims let in, but being that at that time, a great deal of corn was laid up there, whereunto they still daily added, on purpose to supply Constantinople during the scarcity, it was forbidden that any body should be let in.

The town Joppe, by the inhabitants call’d Japha, is by it’s old name very well known to us, by the books of the Prophets and Apostles, &c. where we read, That the Prophet Jonas, when the Lord bid him to preach to the Ninevites desolation and destruction, for fear did retire thither, and there took ship, where he was thrown out into the seas in the great storm and tempest, and swallow’d up by a great fish; and after he had been there for three days and nights he was vomited out again. And we read also in the Acts of the Apostles, in the ninth and tenth chapter, from Peter the Apostle, That he lay, or tarry’d, for a while[213] at the house of Simon the Tanner, where he raised the sister Tabitha from the dead, &c.

Joppe at that time was very well built and fortify’d, which doth appear, because a good many of the Jews did, at the time of the desolation of Jerusalem, retire thither, to defend themselves against the might of the Romans, although it was but in vain; for being that the time of the punishment, that was to befall them, was at hand, the city therefore was two several times one after another, besieged and taken, and demolish’d, and as Josephus testifieth, about 12600 Jews were kill’d in it. We also read, That after the time of Gotfrid de Boullion, when the Christians lost again the Land of Promise, that then this town was also retaken again by the infidels, and razed to the foundations; so that now there are no antiquities at all to be seen. And I should have doubted very much whether there did ever stand such a town there, had I not seen some large pieces of the ancient town walls still remaining, which are so near to the sea, that there is hardly room to go at the outside of them.

Hard by this I suppose was the habitation of Simon the Tanner, where Peter sojourn’d, because the Evangelist St Luke saith, That it was near to the sea shore.

Above it on the height stand two towers, where some watchmen attend to look after the vaults and ships in the harbour, that they may not be assaulted by the pirates; this harbour, although it is surrounded with rocks and banks, yet it is but very slightly secured, and very narrow and shallow, so that ships of any great bulk or heavy laden, cannot ride in it.

Near to them groweth the Hemerocallis, which I have also found about Montpelier and Aigemort near to the sea. And also in the adjacent moist and mashy meadows, I found a delicate kind of Limonium which hath about ten or twelve Aspleniun or Cetarach leaves on both sides; these proceed from a long root of a brown colour without, and red within; between them sprout out two three-square stalks, about a cubit high, with a great many joints, that have three long small leaves, and are adorn’d at the top with beautiful and stately blue and[214] purple colour’d flowers; they are of a drying nature, and the inhabitants use to eat them in sallads.

Presently after dinner our men return’d, and brought along with them the pass and the carriers; our master of the ship left some of the crew in his Caramusala to look after it in our absence; we mounted and went away, and came soon into the plain fields where Jonathas, slew Apollonius the Captain, as is said in the first of Maccabees the tenth chapter.

Soon after we saw a pleasant village call’d Jasura, and when we came a little nearer, a camp of a great Turkish Lord, who sent (as soon as he espy’d us on the road, and found that we were pilgrims) some of his men to us, to call us before him, and also to tell us, That he was one of them to whom the Grand Sultan had given charge of the Temple and the mount Calvaria, with strict order to let no Pilgrim in before they had paid a certain sum of money. So we went along with them, and appeared before him in his tent, put our right hand on our breast, bended ourselves forwards, and made him, according to their custom, his compliments. After he had look’d upon us for a great while, he bid his men to receive the money of us; so each of us paid him nine ducats that had their full weight, except the Grecian who paid only five, and at their request we staid with them all night, because their master intended to send a Janizary with us the next day, to let us into the temple. This Lord, who was an Eunuch, had a great many offices; for in these countries they are by the great ones, as Bashaws, Sangiacks, Cadees, &c. so much esteem’d, that in their absence they make them stewards over all their goods and chattels, wives and children, &c.

At that time he was there to gather great quantity of corn from these fruitful countries, it being harvest time, and to send it from thence to Joppe, to go by sea for Constantinople.

After midnight we mounted again, and came early in the morning to the town Rama, and went into the house of the pilgrims, which Philip Duke of Burgundy bought, and gave it to the Pilgrims as their inn. This is very large, and hath a great many arched[215] chambers within, and a fine well; within the inner court is a pretty large place, all grown over with green Aloës, the juice whereof is brought over to us in large pieces, from the eastern countries, and is very useful in many tedious distempers; Nicodemus did also bring with him, together with myrrh, to the quantity of one hundred pounds, to the grave of Christ our Lord, to bury his body decently according to the Jewish fashion, as you may read in the nineteenth chapter of St John. Here we staid almost three days, and had all along enough to do to agree with the Cadi, Subashaw, Clerks, Janizaries and Paityfs, &c. about our free passage; so unjust, malicious, and infidel a people are they, that one would hardly believe it.

The town is situated on an ascent in plain fields, as is before said, which extend themselves for two leagues to the hill of the city of Jerusalem. These fields are very fruitful, and very well till’d and sown with corn, cotton, and Indian millet. Hereabouts do also grow Indian muskmelions in great quantity, by the Arabians call’d Batiere, which are very pleasant and well tasted, chiefly those that are red within; so that in all my travels I hardly met with the like.

The town is pretty large, but very open like unto a village, very pitifully built, where one may still see here and there some signs of old building.

From thence northwards within half a league lieth the town Diospolis, formerly call’d Lidda, where Peter did visit the Saints, and cured one named Æneas, that had had a palsie for eight years. Nothing else is to be seen there, but the church of St George, whom the Turks chiefly honour, as a Knight and Hero, before all other Saints. After they had quite tired us, during this time, with their continual impertinencies, we agreed with them, and went away early in the morning, and came in good time over the plain, to the mountain of the city of Jerusalem, to which we had still four leagues to travel. By the way there appeared presently on the mountains several Arabians, and ran before us in great clusters to cut us off in our way, with such violence, that we were almost forced to come to our defence, and to push our way through them by force; for our Janizaries[216] had already flung their iron club into the backside of one of them, and had almost spoil’d him. When they found us to be in earnest, they took something to drink of us and let us alone. So we must, before we arrived at the old destroy’d and ruinated Jerusalem (where there is no joy nor hopes to get any thing, as is in the Heavenly one) soon one after another pay them, just like boys that have lost their game and run the gauntlet.

After we had endured all these brushes we went on, and came to the middle of the way of the mountains, where it was very rough and stony, into a small village call’d Anatoth, lying on a height, where we rested a little, and water’d our beasts at a very rich spring, that runs through it by an ancient little church down the hill; this is situated (as Josephus writes in his tenth book and tenth chapter of his Antiquities, or Ancient History) within twenty furlongs of Jerusalem. There was born the holy Prophet Jeremiah, as you may see in his first chapter; and it is also call’d by Esaiah a pitiful village, which, together with the town Rama, did formerly belong to the inheritance of the children of Benjamin. Thither went also Abiathar, when King Salomon did depose or exclude him from his priesthood, to live on his own ground. A little before it they shew’d us at the top of the height of Silo, of mount Ephraim, some relicts of the grave of the Holy Prophet Samuel, where we could look about for several leagues round, which was of Ramatha, or Arimathea, as also Joseph the Just, who helped to take Christ down from the cross, and did put him into his own new grave. The town was underneath the mountain where the Prophet Samuel was buried at first, but carry’d up to Silo, after the town was taken.

Just when you come to Jerusalem, Nicopolis lieth on the left hand upon the height, formerly call’d Emmaus, from Jerusalem threescore furlongs distant, as the Scripture telleth us; whither Christ did accompany the two disciples, and explained the Scriptures to them, and at last made himself known to them. We left it and went up to Jerusalem, which is now call’d Gotz by the Arabians and Turks. The road is very rough and rocky; so that we saw very little, but on each side in the valleys many delicate large olive-trees, and some few vineyards.

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The city lieth on the height of the mountains, as the 125th Psalm testifieth. It is not to be seen, until you come over the bare and rough mountains intercepting the prospect of it on this side.

Just before it without on the top of mount Gihon, are to be seen still some antiquities of the town Helia, which Adrian the Emperor built after the desolation of Jerusalem, and called it after his own name Helia. This was first taken by Cosroë, King of Persia, in the time of the Emperor Heraclius who did overcome him again, and afterwards by Homar the third King of the Saracens, who demolish’d it; afterwards it was more contracted, and somewhat built again in it’s old place. In these days it is, as well as all that country, under the dominion of the Turkish Emperor.

Before it we dismounted, for no outlandish man hath permission to ride into their towns, and went under the gate Hebron, to stay there for the Father Guardian, to whom we had by one of our carriers given notice of our arrival, and also desired him to get us license from the Sangiack to come in. In the mean time some Mendicant Friars came out of the monastry, and received us very kindly. Soon after the Ermin came also riding with his clerk, and ask’d us from whence we came, how many there were of us, and what our names were. And after they had written it down, and every one had paid him his due, to have safe conduct to see the holy places, the Ermin promised it us, and put his right hand upon his head, which is the fashion in these countries, and bended forwards to let us know that we might confide in his promise. Then they let us pass, and the Friars conducted us in, towards the left hand, through some small streets or lanes into the monastry, which is behind on the town-wall towards the west.

This although it is not large and spacious, yet is it very handsome and strong built; we went into lodge there as all Pilgrims do that come there, where Father Jeremy of Brixen, a brother of the order of the Minorites of St Francis, a Guardian of the holy mount Zion, who had been president of this monastry of Jerusalem, and of the other of Bethlehem for eighteen years together, received us very kindly. There are but very[218] few Monks in it, and they are of all sorts of nations, as Italians, Spaniards, French, and Germans, yet of the last named I found not one when I arrived there. These lead the Pilgrims about, together with an interpreter or Truschemant, that understands the Arabian and Turkish language, and shew them the holy places as well within as without the city. But before we went out the Father Guardian admonish’d us, that we must have a care, and not go to the graves of the heathens, which are almost throughout Turkey without the towns near to the highways; for if one or more should, before he was aware of it, which may easily happen, go to them, the Turks would be very much offended at it, partly because they take any one that is not circumcised to be unclean, and so they fear that they might make them also unclean; partly because they are very jealous of their wives, wherefore they permit them not easily to walk or appear in the open street, except they have a mind to go into the bath or bagnio, or to visit the graves of their deceased parents or relations; and where women are present, every one had best to come away, to avoid danger.

After he had said this he went on, saying, That if any should be among us, that were come over the sea, hither, that could not bring very good proof, that they did appear before his Holiness the Pope at Rome, and were there absolved by him, that such were in his Holiness’s excommunication, and therefore could not be admitted to see those holy places, much less obtain the indulgences, which in former ages had been left with them, out of great kindness of the Popes, to be distributed among the Pilgrims, wherefore he desired, that every one might shew him their certificates. All these points he used to propound to every one that cometh there, in course, as I had heard before of several that had been there formerly; that they were very glad to see Pilgrims arrive, and that they used to shew the holy places to them also that bring no recommendation from his Holiness the Pope, hoping that they will recompense them at their departure. Wherefore I did not much mind this excommunication, but let that remain in it’s ancient credit; but my comrades,[219] two whereof were Priests that used to say mass, were very much astonish’d at it, and full of trouble, that they should be under his Holiness’s excommunication before they were aware of it; wherefore they began to excuse themselves, and said, That they did not know any thing of it, neither had they had any opportunity in their travels to come to Rome; but although this had been omitted before their arrival, yet they would certainly do it as they went back. Notwithstanding all this the Guardian seem’d to be very earnest, and made shew as if he could not absolve them; yet at last, after he had long enough kept them in this fear, he began to declare, that he had also received full power from his Holiness, and the whole Roman Catholic church, to absolve all those that did not bring any certificates. And so at last absolved us in the cloisters of his monastry in Latin with these words: I absolve you of all your sins in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. And with this he concluded his speech.

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### CHAP. III.

A plain description of the city of Jerusalem, as it was to be seen in our time; and of the adjacent countries.

The glorious and kingly city of Jerusalem (which formerly the Saracens called Kurzitadon, but now is named Chutz by the inhabitants) is still situated in the old place, in the middle of Judea on the high mountains, and as the head is extolled above the rest; which may be concluded, partly because from thence you may see all the country as from a center, partly also because the springs rise here, and so run down, as from a higher place, every way and to every part thereof; as the holy Prophet Ezekiel doth testify in his fourteenth chapter, where he saith; That at that time fresh streams shall flow from Jerusalem, half thereof to the sea toward the east, and the other half towards the farthest sea. There are also many other places of Scripture that[4][221] testify the high situation of Jerusalem, as in the eighth chapter of the Acts, verse 26. where the angel of the Lord spake unto Phillip, saying, Arise and go towards the south, unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem unto Gaza, &c. And in the tenth chapter of St Mark, and the thirty-second verse, And they were in the way going up to Jerusalem. And the tenth chapter of St Luke, verse 30. A certain man went down from Jerusalem to Jericho. And verse 31. And by chance there came down a certain priest that way, &c.

The situation of Jericho, together with the great plains thereabout, through which the river Jordan runs from the north towards the south, together with the Dead-sea, where formerly Sodom and Gomorrah stood, you see from the town, over a barren hill below, so plainly, that one would think we might go thither with ease in three hours, and yet it would require a whole day’s journey. Beyond the river that separateth Arabia from Judæa, lie the high hills Abarim and Nebo, over-against Jericho, whence Moses, (as is said, Deuteronomy the 32d and 34th chapters) had a full prospect of the land of Canaan, promised to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; one may see them thence so plainly, as also the mount Seir, which toucheth them beyond the Dead-sea in the land of the Moabites and Ammonites, that one would also think they were very near.

They bring yearly a vast quantity of sheep to Jerusalem from off the mountains, which feeding upon the fragrant, delicate and hearty herbs that grow there, have meat that tastes very pleasantly, the tails thereof are very fat, above half a span thick, and one and a half broad and long. The Levetical Priest (as we read in Leviticus the ninth chapter, and other places) used to burn this together with all the fat of the entrails, and the two kidneys for a sin-offering.

There are also goats, with hanging ears almost two foot long. And therefore some Arabians, called Balduini, keep in the desarts, that have no certain abode, but lie continually in the fields, and go from country to country in great numbers, wheresoever they find good pasture for their beasts and camels. I have met with[222] many of them in my travels, and have some time staid with them all night in their tents, they are commonly soldiers armed usually with bows and long pikes made of cane, as the other Arabians, and because of their nimbleness and courage they are very much preferred before the rest.

This Holy Land (which, according to the promise made to the Patriarchs, was for many years in the possession of the Israelites) was, as you read in Deuteronomy chap. viii. a most fruitful and rich country, abounding with corn, fruits, wine, and all that is required to the maintenance of man’s life. So the Lord himself saith, That he will give them a land, that still floweth with milk and honey. For it hath rich valleys, hills, fields and gardens, richly adorned with fountains and trees, so that it was very well chosen to be the worldly Paradise, wherein Adam and Eve did live, honour and serve God. Now as the land in it’s goodness surpassed other lands, so did Jerusalem excel all other cities in building, glory, fortification, and number of inhabitants. Moreover God visited the Israelites from the beginning, and had a house built in this city for himself, which he chose before all others to sanctify his name there. And above all this he provided them with High Priests, Kings and Prophets, until God the Father did send his only begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ in the flesh, to reveal to them his will with teaching and miracles.

But when they would not acknowledge his merciful visitation, nor receive his messengers, but did rather abuse, ridicule, and kill them, rejected the Lord of Glory himself, and adhered to, and adored strange Gods and served them; God did reject and disperse them among the heathens, burnt and destroyed their city and temple, and reduced their fruitful country into barren desarts and a desolate wilderness, and so the punishment came upon them, which the holy Prophet Esaiah did foretel them in the thirteenth chapter, and ninth verse, saying, Behold the day of the Lord cometh, cruel both with wrath and fierce anger, to lay the land desolate; and he shall destroy the sinners thereof out of it. And further in the twenty-fifth chapter, and second verse, Thou hast made[223] of a city a heap; of a defenced city a ruin; a place of strangers to be no city, it shall never be built. And Daniel also maketh mention of this in his ninth chapter, &c. This ought to serve us and all men as an example of the fervent anger of God, to be a warning to us for ever. For if of the glorious city of Jerusalem, which God had chosen before others, and of it’s vast buildings that made her famous before her desolation, there is at this day nothing at all to be seen, so that one might very well doubt whether it ever stood there, were it not for some holy places and it’s situation, that give us demonstration thereof. If I say this worldly Jerusalem, because of it’s unbelieving inhabitants, that would not acknowledge the Blessed Messias, nor adhere to his doctrine to their salvation, is quite rooted out; and instead thereof, the way of the heavenly Jerusalem opened to us heathens by the holy apostles: How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation? This way to our Lord Christ, hath for many years past been shewed us sincerely by the ministers of the holy word of God, but we do not only not much care for it, but seek rather other by-ways, that lead us to idolatry, sin and vices, nay, to our utter ruin. Wherefore it is to be feared, that if we do not repent in time, and return to God again, that he will come upon us with his wrath (as he hath already begun) and deliver us up into the hands of our adversaries, that we may fall by their swords (as Ezekiel doth threaten us in his thirty-ninth chapter) and to punish us according to the deserts of our sins. Wherefore we ought to lay to heart the terrible example of the Jews, and turn from our evil ways, that we may avoid the punishments that befel them. We see that those who were formerly the people of God, are now come to be so blind, and full of errors, and of so depraved a life, that there is hardly any like them to be found even among the infidels and impious. Wherefore they are by all men despised and hated, chiefly by the Turks (who hate them more than any other nation) so that they would not let them live among them, if the Turkish Emperor had not for a great sum of money given them a peculiar freedom. And besides[224] all this, now-a-days, their towns and countries are inhabited by Turks, Moors, and Arabians, that do not love to till or cultivate the ground, but will rather starve than take pains to get a good livelihood by their hand-labour. And although the country about Jerusalem is very rocky, rough, stony, and ill managed, yet notwithstanding they will not endeavour to mend and improve it, but find out the fruitful lands that are here and there, and over-run the country like grashoppers, so that you may observe it yearly to decay more and more. Seeing then that there is but little tillage about the city, therefore the product of the earth there is but very small, so that they must have almost all necessaries brought them from other places.

The town of Jerusalem which is still pretty large; but very ill built, hath within it’s wall, which the Turkish Emperor caused to be built about twenty years ago, large places that lie desolated, and are so full of stones and rocks, that one can hardly walk in them. The gardens (even those that are within the city, and are but ill managed) are surrounded with mud walls, not above four foot high, so that one may climb over them without any difficulty. These are washed down again by rain in a very little time, so that they want mending continually.

Their habitations are also little and low, have clay walls, and many of them are decayed, some lie quite in a heap. The churches of the two Apostles, that of St John and St Peter, are in the same condition, as also the prison where St Peter was kept, the habitation of Veronica, which the Cordeliers shew us for them, and a great many places more. In some streets chiefly near to their Batzar, or exchange, are very old vaults, part whereof are decayed and broken, part filled up with dust, which runs out into the streets; wherefore (chiefly in the summer) the dust lieth so thick in them, that you may see every step in it, as in snow or sand.

All which sheweth, that the Turks destroy or ruin more than they build; wherefore they are deservedly called Turks, that is to say, destroyers. The present town, as to the extent of it’s walls, is not much less[225] than the old one was, wherefore one should admire, considering how it is built now, how it was possible it should hold so many people as it is said were in it at the time of it’s desolation, viz. a million of men, or as Josephus and Eusebius say, three millions. Jerusalem was formerly surrounded with very steep cliffs, deep ditches and vallies, chiefly on three sides towards the south, east and west, so that one could not easily get up to it but only on the north side, where the town was low, lying in a plain; therefore did Titus first attack it in a place near the village called Scapas, seven miles distant from it, and afterward advanced and took it; which the holy Prophet Jeremiah did foretel many years before, in the first chapter and twelfth verse, saying, Out of the north an evil shall break forth upon all the inhabitants of the land.

These ditches and vallies are now quite filled up with the ruins of the broken walls and buildings, so that one may go into the town, as into an open village, without any hinderance or pain. But when the Grand Signior, after he had taken it, saw that the town was open, and that the Christian Pilgrims came thither in great numbers from all places and countries, he feared that they might make themselves masters of it again, as they had done some years agone, wherefore he ordered it to be surrounded again with new walls, which although they are very high, yet they are so thin and slight, that they are not able to withstand the least violence. But as the town was anciently built four square, so it is now built more round, chiefly towards mount Calvaria, which formerly was without the town, but now is walled in; so that you may still see two corners, one whereof is towards Galilee, where the gate of that corner is which is still open, and almost one of the handsomest, through which you go to Nazareth, distant three days journey; as also to Cæsarea Philippi, which is now called Balbec, where still are to be seen some very fine antiquities; and also towards Damascus, which is six days journey distant from Jerusalem, and from thence six days journey more to Aleppo, the greatest town for trade in all Syria. Jeremiah[226] maketh mention of this gate in his 31st chapter and the 38th verse. Behold the days come saith the Lord, that the city shall be built to the Lord, from the town of Hananeel unto the gate of the corner. And also Zacharias, in his 14th chapter, and in the 2d book of Chronicles, the 26th chapter, and 9th verse: It is said Uzzia built towers in Jerusalem at the corner gate, and at the valley gate, &c. The second corner mount Zion maketh, where it doth end toward the south, whereon, as also on the mount Moria, the city is rising towards the north. The old city had twelve gates, as you read in the Revelation. The 1st, the Fish-gate, which was also called the gate of Hebron, because the road of Hebron went through it, which is about seven or eight hours walking distant from it. 2. The Old-Gate. 3. The Prison Gate, whereof Nehemiah maketh mention in his 12th chapter, through which our Saviour Christ carried his cross. 4. Rayn-Gate. 5. The Gate of Ephraim, before which St Stephen was stoned to death, as you may read in the 2d book of the Ecclesiastical History in the 1st chapter. 6. The Gate of Benjamin, where the holy Prophet Jeremiah was taken and imprisoned, as he saith himself in the 37th chapter. 7. Corner-Gate. 8. Horse-Gate. 9. Valley-Gate, thro’ which they went into the valley of Josaphat. 10. Dung-Gate, through which the water carried out all the soil into the valley of Josaphat; and about this river is still to this day a great stink. 11. Sheep-Gate. 12. Fountain-Gate, which is now walled up. The Prophet Nehemiah maketh mention of them in his 3d, 8th, and 12th chapter, so that it is not needful to say any more. These gates are so mightily decayed, that there is not to be seen the least of the old buildings. The Turks have instead of them, built others in the new raised wall, but yet not half so many in number, whereof some (according as the town is inlarged in some places, and contracted in others) are displaced; others are erected again in the same places, according to the old streets, viz. 1. The Fish-Gate, which is still standing towards the west behind mount Sion, and over-against[227] mount Gihon, as you may conclude out of the words of the 2d book of Chronicles in the 33d chapter and 14th verse. Manasses built a wall without the city of David, on the west side of Gihon, in the valley, even to the entring in at the Fish-Gate. This gate hath it’s name, because they brought many fishes from the sea side through this gate into the city. So is also still standing, on the outside of the valley Tiropæon(which distinguished the two mounts, Sion, and the temple mount called Moriah) the gate of the fountain, which hath it’s name because it leadeth towards the fountain of Siloah, which Nehemiah his 2d chapter, verse 14. calleth the King’s Pool. Through this was our dear Lord Christ, the true promised Siloah, brought a prisoner bound from the mount of Olives over the brook Kidron, into the house of Hannas and Caiphas in the upper town, as we read in the 12th chapter, verse 37, that by the Fountain-Gate they went up to the city of David. The same way also the two disciples, Peter and John, were sent to bespeak the paschal lamb by Christ, where they met the man with the pitcher of water.

The Sheep, or Beast-Gate, is also still standing by Moriah, the mountain of the temple, which the Turks have taken to themselves, and have built on it a Turkish mosque, or temple, because that God Almighty hath done many and great miracles on this mount; and besides Mahomet did find himself again on this mount, after he had been carried up (as his lying writings tell us) through the heavens before God by the angel Gabriel. Wherefore they take this mount to be holy, so that none that is not circumcised and so unclean, dare approach or come near it, nor take the nearest way without over the height of the mount as Nehemiah did, as you may see in the before quoted place; so that the Christians must take a farther way about, and from the gate Siloah, go below through the valley of the brook Cedron, between this and the mount of Olives to the Beast-Gate, which hath it’s name because the beasts that were to be offerr’d in the temple were driven through it.

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Near the gate you see still the sheep pond, which is large and deep, yet hath but little water in it, wherein the Nathineens used to wash the beasts, and then to give them to the priests. And also immediately within towards the north, a conduit, which was the pool by St John the Evangelist (in the 2d verse of his 5th chapter) called Bathesda, erected by King Ezechia; that had five porches, wherein lay a great multitude of impotent folk, that waited for the moving of the water. Through this gate is the straight way over the brook Cedron, by the mount of Olives toward Bethania, down to Jericho on the river Jordan, into the valley of Josaphat, wherefore this also, being nearer now in these days, is called the Valley-Gate.

There is also still the Corner-Gate in it’s old place, where the north and east walls meet on large and high rocks, and is called still by some the gate of Napthali.

This I thought convenient to say of the city of Jerusalem in the general of it’s buildings, fruitfulness, and adjacent countries; what famous and holy places are within and without the city, thereof I intend to treat in particular.

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### CHAP. IV.

Of Mount Sion, and it’s Holy Places.

Mount Sion, very famous in holy Scripture, hath round about it steep sides, high rocks, deep ditches and vallies, so that it is not easy to climb up to it, only on one side towards the north, where it buts upon the lower town, so that the castle and town of David situated on it, was very strong, and almost invincible, as you may read in the 48th Psalm, verse 2. The joy of the whole earth is mount Sion, on the sides of the north, the city of the great King. God is known in her places for a refuge, for the Kings were assembled, &c. Seeing then that the castle, and the upper town Millo was so well fortified with towers and walls, that it was not easily to be taken, the Jebusites, after that Canaan the whole Land of Promise, together with the town of Jerusalem was taken, did defend themselves in it against the whole force of Israel for a long time, although they often attempted to take it, and called the town of Jerusalem after their name Jebus, until the kingly Prophet David came, who took it by force; and after he had rebuilt the upper town, and joined the castle with it into one building, and surrounded it with walls, he called it after his own name, The city of David, and kept his court there, and gave also lodgings to his hero’s and officers, whereof Uriah was one, who had his lodgings near to the King’s palace, wherein the King walking on the roof of his house, saw the fair Bathsheba his wife, and committed adultery with her.

These their habitations, as they are still built in these days, have instead of thatch or tiles, plaistered roofs, so that one may walk on them, as you may see here, that King David walked on it. And also in the second chapter of the book of Joshua, where is said, That when the two spies sent into the Land of Promise[230] to Jericho, came into Rahab’s house, and the King sent to search after them, they went at her request up to the roof of the house, where she hid them with the stalks of flax, which she had laid in order upon the roof. But seeing there is nothing so strong in this world that is not transitory, therefore is also this worldly mount Zion, together with it’s strong building and fortification (which was rather a type of the true rock in Zion, Christ our Lord, and his heavenly kingdom and holy church that was built thereon) so ruined and desolated, that the greatest and highest part thereof before the town, except a Turkish mosque, some tile houses and a few acres of it, lieth quite a desart, covered with rocks and stones. So it is come to pass, what Micah in his third chapter and the twelfth verse predicted: ‘Therefore shall Zion for your sake be plowed as a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps, and the mountain of the house, as the high places of the forest.’ And Jeremiah in his Lamentations, chap. 5. verse 18. saith, ‘The mountain of Zion which is desolate, the foxes walk upon it.’ And Isaiah in his thirty-second chapter, verse 14. ‘The palaces shall be forsaken, the multitude of the city shall be left, the forts and towns shall be dens for ever, a joy of wild asses, a pasture of flocks.’

The great castle of the Turks is situated at the top of the inward part of the mount, towards the west side near the Fish-Gate, which is also newly built, and very well surrounded with walls and ditches; under the gate are several great guns to frighten the Christians that come thither in great flocks, chiefly against great feasts from all nations, Armenians, Georgians, Abyssins, Latinists, &c. for they fear that else the town might be taken from them again.

Within the fort near the Fish-Gate, is still a strong high tower, built up with great free-stone, which is quite black through age; wherefore some say, that it did anciently belong to the fort, and was built by one of the Kings of Juda.

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So much I thought convenient to mention of mount Zion, concerning other famous places that are to be seen upon and about it, I will only mention the chiefest thereof.

First, As you go out of the New-Gate of mount Zion, there is a long street wherein on the left hand is an ancient church, of the holy Apostle James the Greater, brother of John, which Helena the mother of Constantine the Emperor, as also many more did build on the market place of the upper city where he was beheaded. The Armenians that have possession thereof, did conduct us into it, shewed us the building, and the place where the holy Apostle was beheaded with the sword (as you read in the Acts of the Apostles, the twelfth chapter) by order of Herod Agrippa, to whom he was delivered out of spite, as a seditious person, by the High Priest Abiathar.

Then we came to the place of the habitation of Hannas, whereto Christ our Lord was first of all brought a prisoner and bound, or fetter’d, wherein was nothing observable, only a large court, and in it an old chapel, called the Angels, which we soon left, and went out of the gate of mount Zion to the habitation of Caiaphas, where we saw an orange tree planted in the place where the holy apostle Peter did warm himself when he denied our Saviour the third time; farther within a chapel, called St Salvators, where, in former ages was the place of the High Priest, where Christ was severely accused by Caiaphas, and by his servants mocked, spit upon, and beaten; wherein is an altar, whereon the great stone of the grave still lieth, that stopped the door of the sepulchre, which is very like unto the rock of the grave in it’s breaking. That the habitation of the High Priest was in the upper city, Josephus does testify in the seventeenth chapter of his second book of the Desolation of Jerusalem, where he saith thus: ‘When the rebellious Jews, that had the lower town in possession with the temple, did undertake to possess themselves also of the upper town, they did assault it with all might and power, and at last take it; then they drove out the soldiers, which had the chief priests and men[232] in power with them, out of the upper town, set the habitation of Ananias the High Priest on fire and burnt it.’

Before this, on the top of the mount, stands on the plain a large church, which the Franciscan monks had not long ago in possession, and lived in it, wherefore their father did call himself a Guardian of the holy mount Zion. But after that the Turks did about twenty years agon possess themselves of it, and kept it to themselves, and made a Mahometan mosque of it; the monks were forced to fly, and take the habitation where they now live instead thereof.

Of this church or mosque, we saw only the outside of the habitation of Caiaphas, for no Christian is allowed to go into it. It was built many years agone by Helena, mother of Constantine the Emperor, as Nicephorus testifieth in the thirtieth chapter of his eighth book; wherein is also included the habitation the Disciples were lock’d up in for fear of the Jews; and also the paved dining room, or hall, wherein Christ with his Disciples did eat the Passover; where he also washed their feet, and sent the Holy Ghost after his ascension to them; where also James[5] the Lesser was elected Overseer, and first Bishop of Jerusalem. In this temple, which is above a thousand paces distant from Golgotha, or the place of a skull, was, for some time kept the stone pillar, whereto Christ our Lord and Saviour was tied and whipped. Near unto this, in the place of the palace of Caiaphas, the same Queen Helena ordered a church to be built for the holy Apostle Peter, and many more, whereof mention is made at large in the above quoted place.

This mount extendeth itself towards the south, out before the city, and hath on the other side where it is highest, other higher ones about it, distinguished with ditches and vallies, viz. towards the west mount Gihon,[233] at the bottom whereof Solomon was anointed King by the Priest Zadock and the Prophet Nathan, as we read in the first chapter of the first book of Kings; upon this, at the top towards the road of Bethlehem, lieth the field of blood, in their language called Hakeldemas, that was bought for thirty silver pieces to bury the pilgrims there, where you see still to this day here and there large and deep holes, and one among the rest very big, wherein are still to be seen several whole bodies lying by one another.

A deep valley separates this mount from mount Zion, which beginneth at the Fish-Gate, and goeth down to the brook Cedron; in it is a conduit by the upper pool called Asuia in the third chapter of Nehemiah, which is pretty large, yet without any water, which receiveth it’s water from the high spring of Gihon, this was covered by King Hezekias, and laid down to the town of David, as we read in the second book of Chronicles, chap. 32. The holy Prophet Isaiah, chap. 7. verse 3. mentioneth it, when the Lord saith to him; ‘Go forth now to meet Ahaz, thou and Shearjashub thy son, at the end of the conduit of the upper pool, in the path of the fullers field, &c.’ And in the fourth book of Kings, in the eighteenth chapter, verse seventeen: ‘The King of Assyria sent a great host against Jerusalem, and when they were come up, they came and stood by the conduit of the upper pool, which is in the high way of the Fullers field.’

Before mount Zion, towards the south, at the other side of the rivulet Kidron, lieth the mount of Transgression, in the fourth book of Kings, chap. 23. called Mashith; between this and mount Olivet is a valley, through which goeth down the road by Bethania to Jericho, &c. This is higher and steeper than any hereabout. There you see still some old walls of the habitation wherein the concubines of Solomon did live, after whom the King ran in his old age; and they did so possess him, that they turned his heart from God Almighty after their gods, and so he did that that did not please the Lord God, as you may read in the first book of Kings, chap. 11. verse 4.

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Underneath the mount was the valley Benhinnom, wherein the Kings of Jerusalem did build a temple to the idol Moloch, and did worship him, viz. Solomon, Ahaz, Manasseh, &c. whereof we read in several places in the holy Scripture, Levit. 18. 21. ‘Thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass through the fire to Moloch.’ And also Jerem. 7. 30. ‘And they have set their abominations in the house which is called by my name to pollute it. And they have built the high places of Tophet, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters in the fire, which I commanded them not, neither came it into my heart, therefore behold, the days come saith the Lord, that it shall no more be called Tophet, nor the valley of the son of Hinnom, but the valley of slaughter; for they shall bury in Tophet till there be no place.’ And also 2 Chron. 18. 2. ‘Ahaz made molten images for Baalim, and burnt incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his children in the fire after the abominations of the heathen.’ The holy Prophet Amos doth also make mention of these abominable idolatries in his fifth chapter; which St Luke in the seventh chapter, verse the forty third, of the Acts doth thus explain: ‘Ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch, and the star of your god Remphan, &c.’ which the holy Prophet calleth Sicchuth and Chiun: But the heathen called them Jupiter and Saturn, the Devourer of children, and so he is also painted. This statue was hollow within, of cast brass, whereinto they did put the children, and burnt them alive, and did believe they served God in it, as Abraham when he would sacrifice his son Isaac; they had also kettle drums and other musical instruments which they played on, that the parents might not hear their children cry; wherefore Christ gave unto hell itself, and it’s perpetual flames, the name of the valley Benhinnom, calling it Gehenna; to give us warning and exhortation, that we hate false and abominable idolatries, introduced contrary to his command, worse than the devil himself.

Besides this, there is little else seen hereabout, only above on the steepest and highest part of the mount many little tents and habitations, as if they hung at[235] it, which in these times are not inhabited either by Turks or Moors; in the valley you see the rivulet Kidron, where over they brought our Lord Christ bound as a prisoner, from mount Olivet; this proceedeth only from rain water near to the place Gethsemane, and runs without by the town from south to west. Beside this brook did King Asa burn the images of Priapus as Josias and Hezekiah the idols of Baal, all incenses and uncleannesses that are found in the temple of the Lord.

Farther towards the east you see from the top of mount Zion the fountain and pool of Siloah below in the valley, call’d by Josephus Tiropæon, which divideth this and the temple mount, and becometh to be very narrow between them, and extendeth itself from the rivulet Kidron towards the north to the place of skulls, where it groweth so large again, that the lower town of Jerusalem, (by Isaiah in his tenth, and Zachariah in his ninth chapter, call’d The Daughter of Zion and Jerusalem) was situated therein. Out of which near to the gate of the fountain of Siloah, which is now wall’d up, the way goeth up to the gate of Zion into the upper town, thro’ which two our Lord Christ was brought a prisoner to the houses of Hannas and Caiphas.

This valley hath been since the desolation so fill’d up, that no depth at all appeareth in our days; but only without the fountain-gate by the fountain Siloah, that is very rich of water, where is still the pool wherein the blind man wash’d his eyes, that were anointed with clay and spittle, St John ix. 6. according to the command of our Lord, and did see.

Just by it are still the two hills whereof Josephus maketh mention, with a very steep cliff, very rocky on both sides, one whereof towards the east, call’d the rock of the pidgeons, hath a great cave, out of which the fountain springs, and runs off immediately below through a channel, that goeth so strait and smooth through the rock, as if it had been made on purpose.

Near to the fountain and gate of Siloah, stood the tower of Siloah, that killed eighteen men, as we read in St Luke, chap. xiii.

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Without between the fountain and stream of Kidron, they shew a great mulberry-tree, fenced in below; this stands in the place where the holy Prophet Isaias was buried, whom the King Manasse ordered to be cut in pieces with a wooden saw, as being an Heretick.

This may suffice of mount Zion, it’s situation and some adjacent places.

As we went about, and came to one of the places, the Monks did shew the Pilgrims in each of them, the number of the years for the pardons laid there by his Holiness, as in some seven years and seven indulgences; but in some others, as in the place where the Holy Ghost was sent, where Christ did eat the Passover with his disciples, and wash’d their feet, and where he at several times appeared when the doors were shut; and where also, as Nicephorus saith, the Virgin Mary, after the resurrection of Christ her dear child, did dwell for fourteen years, &c. full absolution and indulgences from all sins and facts for ever.

Now that all those that come there, may receive it more worthily, the monks exhort them to kneel down before every of such places, and to pray the Lord’s Prayer and Ave Maria with devotion; and that when they have done so, they need not to doubt, but that they have fully received the absolution that was given for that place by his Holiness. After they had thus pray’d in several places, some of our company rejoiced mightily, and confessed, that after it they were holy, and so innocent, that if they should die then, they were secure, that their soul should go immediately out of their mouth into heaven, and eternal life. To this I answer’d them: That I expected remission of sin no other ways but only in the name and for the merits, of our Lord Jesus Christ; and that I had not undertaken this pilgrimage as they did, to get any thing by it as by a good work; nor to visit stone and wood to obtain indulgence; or with opinion to come here nearer to Christ; because all these things are directly contrary to Scripture. As the Lord himself saith: ‘Time will come that you shall neither on this mount nor at Jerusalem worship the Father.’ And he[237] also forewarneth us of those that say: ‘Lo Christ is here, Christ is there, he is in the desarts, he is in the chamber;’ that we should not believe them, nor go out, but rather confide on his promise, that he will be with us, to the end of the world; and where two or three are met together in his name that he will be in the middle of them. Wherefore our dear Lord Christ hath no need, because he is himself present with them that believe in him, of any Vicegerent, that should on earth usurp such power, and take such honour and glory to himself, as to give indulgence at his pleasure; because all these things belong only to God. When I saw, that they did not much mind this my discourse, I let them alone in their opinions, but yet I saw here and there all these places, and considered by myself what our Lord Christ had, by his bitter sufferings and death, by his glorious resurrection and ascension, procured us from his Heavenly Father. When the Pilgrims came to one of the above-mention’d places of mount Zion, and had said their prayers, they went into it, and contemplated it, fell down again before it, and kissed it with great submission and devotion; pull’d out several pieces, viz. beads and rosaries turned of the wood of the trees of the mount of Olives, some wrought points, laces, &c. tied together in bundles, to touch the holy place with it; they also knock’d off in some places (where they might) some small pieces, to take them along with them as consecrated sanctuaries, to distribute them among their friends at their return.

All the while that they were thus busy, I consider’d rather standing behind, what our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ had suffered for us in these places, how he had humbled himself, and came down to us miserable sinners, to help us, and to extol us that were fall’n, and to make us free of the heavy burthen of our sins; how he was led before the seat of judicature of Caiphas, that we might not be led before the severe Judgment-seat of the Almighty God; that he suffer’d himself to be led captive and bound, to deliver us from the bands of the devil and death, and to save us from the jaws of hell; and as Esaias saith in his fifty third chapter vers. 5. ‘He was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised[238] for our iniquities, the chastisement of our peace was upon him, and with his stripes we are heal’d.’ But that our dear Lord Christ was delivered to the high Priest, and Scribes, &c. for our sakes, and that he was obedient to his Heavenly Father, unto death, even the death of the cross, to deliver us from the curse of God and eternal death. And to make us certain, that he had procured these his unspeakable benefits and heavenly treasures for us, and that we really should be partakers thereof; before his passion he did institute his holy Supper upon the mount, in the large upper room, wherein he doth not only communicate them to us, but giveth us also (if we receive the holy broken bread, and the blessed cup with true faith according to the institution) his real body and blood, to feed us to eternal life; where we then shall sit with our Lord Christ, and all the elected ones (after this life) as coheirs in the high upper room of his Heavenly Father, at his table, to eat and drink it with him anew. And that we might heartily comfort ourselves with these his unspeakable benefits, he also, after his ascension, sent us on the day of Pentecost his Holy Ghost, the Spirit of Truth, to incline our hearts, to believe steadfastly all that he hath promised us in his holy Word and Sacraments. So the sending of the Holy Ghost, which was long before predicted by the holy Prophets was fulfill’d on this mount; whereof we read in several places of the holy Scripture, viz. Joel ii. 28. ‘And it shall come to pass afterwards that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh, &c. For on mount Zion and in Jerusalem, must be a deliverance according to the promise of the Lord.’ And Isaiah ii. 3. ‘Come ye and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, &c. For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem.’ So that the preaching of Christ’s holy Gospel, and his kingdom did begin from Zion and Jerusalem, and was afterwards spread abroad by his holy Apostles throughout the whole world.

‘Grant then, O our dear Lord Christ, unto us, thy Holy Ghost; that he may keep us in the knowledge of thy holy Word, and that he may so strengthen and comfort us in it, that we may freely and without[239] any fear confess it before the face of our enemies and adversaries; and if they offend and prosecute us, that we may overcome our crosses and persecutions with patience; that thy honour may be advanced, and our constancy appear. Grant us also that he may plant these thy graces in our hearts, that we may comfort ourselves with the hope and expectation of those treasures which thou hast by thy death and passion merited and purchased for us. So that we may abide in thy Tabernacle, and dwell in thy holy Hill for ever, Amen.’ Psalm xv. 1.

### CHAP. V.

Of the mount Moria and the glorious temple of Solomon.

Within the city near, to mount Zion lieth another call’d Moria, divided from it by the valley of Tiropæon, which is now fill’d up and made even with the top, as I have said before, that hereabouts is hardly any depth or unevenness to be seen. This as well as the other meets with the rivulet or brook of Kidron towards the north, and on both of them the town lieth on the sides or descent. This is very famous in the holy Scripture, as you read Genesis xxii, That the pious Patriarch Abraham was ready to offer his son Isaac on this hill, for a burnt-offering to the Lord; whereon Melchisedec the first founder and King of the town Salem, and Priest of the Almighty God, did first build a temple, and therefore named the city Jerusalem. So we read in the second book of Chronicles, chap. iii. That on the same holy mount King Solomon did begin to build a house for the Lord, at Jerusalem, many years afterwards. This was formerly very high, surrounded with deep ditches and cliffs, so that it would make a man giddy to look down from the top into the depth. Wherefore Pompey and Titus took a great deal of pains before they could get upon it, to take and destroy that glorious and well-built temple, which was in the last desolation, as well as before in the first burnt by Nabuchodonosor, demolish’d and razed to the foundations, as Christ foretold them, Mark xiii. ‘That there[240] should not be left one stone upon another that should not be thrown down, because they did not acknowledge the gracious time of their visitation.’

And that all hopes might be taken away from the Jews to return and to build the temple again, to re-establish their worship; Hadrian the Emperor to prevent all, order’d, in the year of Christ 134, all to be broken down that was left, and to root it up, to demolish all heights, to fill all ditches, to level cliffs, and to make the ground even all over; he did also alter the name and religion of the inhabitants, and instead thereof introduced the heathenish idolatry. In the place of the grave of Christ he built a temple for the idol Jupiter; on mount Calvaria another for the idol Venus; and another at Bethlehem to the idol Adonis; and at last in the place where formerly in the temple of Solomon did stand the Sanctum Sanctorum, he erected his own image on a high column for his memory, which was still standing, in Hieronymus’s time. The height of this mount cannot be observed any where else now than without by the fountain Siloah, and in the valley of Benhinnom, and so it did remain desolate to the times of the great Emperor Constantine.

After that when the Jews undertook to re-build the temple at the charge of Julian the Apostate, who would make Christ a liar, the Lord having said that their house should be left unbuilt, a great earthquake (when they had open’d the ground to lay the foundation) did move and shake the whole place to that degree, that every thing was turn’d upside down, and abundance of Jews did perish in it. But when the Jews did not matter this, but endeavour’d to go on with the work in hand, the next day flames of fire broke out of the ground, and fiery beams struck down from Heaven, which destroy’d more than the earthquake, and burnt all their tools, viz. saws, axes, shovels, hammers, &c. When the Jews would not leave their error for all this, the night following some small glittering crosses like stars fell down upon their cloaths, which they could not wash off the next morning, nor get out by any means; and an earthquake and such a violent hurricane came upon it, that it dissipated all their mortar and other materials into[241] the air, so that frightened and full of fear, they were forced to confess, that Christ, whom their ancestors crucified, was the true and only Lord and God.

Seeing that the temple, together with the mount it stood upon, are razed and desolated, so that one can hardly now discern what they have been anciently, every one that goeth by, because the Lord did not favour his own house, where his name was sanctify’d, hath reason to be astonish’d at it, and to call to mind the strange anger of God against those that leave the Lord their God, and adhere to other gods, serve and adore them.

Now a-days the Turks have taken possession of this mount, and all the ground whereon Solomon’s temple did stand, and have built a Mahometan Mosque on it; which Homar the third after the great Imposter Mahomet built when he had taken the holy land and the city of Jerusalem. This is not very large nor high, but fine and cover’d with lead, hath a great court-yard about it, paved with white marble, and here and there orange and date-trees are planted in it, which is very pleasant; about the sides thereof are some high towers and gates, one whereof is vastly bigger than any of the rest, which is near to their Batzar or exchange, which is very old, high, and hath very good workmanship in it, wherefore the Franciscan Monks shew it instead of the gate of Solomon’s temple, before which lay the man that was lame from his mother’s womb, that begg’d alms from Peter and John, to whom Peter said: ‘Silver and gold I have none, but such as I have give I thee: In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise up and walk.’

At the end of the gate of this yard, as commonly in all their church-porches, hung some lamps. I could have willingly gone in before them, to see the rock and fountain, whereof Ezek. in his forty seventh chapter maketh mention, together with the inward building, but because according to their Mahometan laws, all those that are not circumcised are accounted to be unclean, therefore going into their churches is forbid to Christians: if any one is catch’d within, he is in danger of his life, or else he must deny his faith, and be made a Mamaluck or Renegado.

In this court-yard is still another gate, call’d the Golden Gate by the Franciscans, but because it stands just over[242] against the mount of Olives, therefore it is to be taken to be the gate Sur, or rather, as Nehemiah iii. Ezek. xlvii. and 2 Chron. xxxi. say, for the gate of the stairs, which Semia, the son of Sahamia, the keeper of them did build; thro’ which our Lord Christ did go into the temple on Palm-day, to drive out the buyers and sellers. Now altho’ this is wall’d up in the new town wall, so that you cannot go either out or in; yet considering it’s ancient arches, it looketh rather like a church than a town-gate.

In the middle of the yard stands a Turkish Mosque or temple, call’d the Rock; this is esteem’d very much by the Turks, and next to those of Mecca and Medina reputed to be the most holy. Because God Almighty hath wrought many great miracles there; and that there Mahomet, as they falsly write of him in their books, call’d by God to be the last and greatest Prophet, did ride from Mecca to that of the holy Rock of the temple of Jerusalem, which is forty days journey, on a very swift beast call’d Elmparae, conducted thither by the Angel Gabriel, who at his arrival did help him off of his beast, ty’d it up, and then led him by the hand into the temple, where he found many Prophets standing together in a circle, which God had resuscitated for his honour, and to receive him, and to acquaint him with new good tidings, and what God had prepared for him, (I suppose ever burning flames of fire): Among the rest he did also find Abraham, Moses, and Jesus the son of Mary, each of them presenting him, first Moses with a fatt of wine, Abraham with a fatt full of milk, and Jesus with a fatt of water. Then a voice spake to him from heaven saying ‘If thou chusest the fatt with wine, thou and thy people shall perish; if thou chusest the fatt with milk, thou shalt also perish; but if thou chusest the fatt of water, thou and thy people shall be saved eternally.’

These and many more insipid lies of their Mahomet, which are very ridiculous and silly fables, are believed to be as true as the Gospel by the Turks, Moors, and Arabians, &c. They also certainly believe (chiefly these that live at Jerusalem as the Pilgrims know) that on the last day their Mahomet is to come and seat himself on the rock of the temple of Moria, and Christ on the other side of the valley of Josaphat on the mount of Olives, over-against[243] him. Then when all the people of the earth shall appear before the Lord of Judicature, he shall ask Mahomet, who the rest are (meaning the Christians that have been under the yoak of the Turkish Emperor) then shall Mahomet answer and say, They are these that served me faithfully; whereupon Christ shall let them pass into Paradise and eternal felicity; which they believe to consist in gratifying fleshly lusts and desires, in eating and drinking, fine cloaths, costly jewels, gold, silver, pearls, pleasant spring gardens, beautiful and cleanly women. Therefore the temple is so highly esteem’d by the Turks and others of the same faith, and believed to be so holy, that they go into it on their bare feet with great devotion, and come twice a year thither in pilgrimage in great Caravans from all places, moved thereunto by the great zeal they have towards their Mahomet; but chiefly these Pilgrims that have been at Madina-Talnabi, and Mecca, that is three days journey farther, who return by the way of Jerusalem (which is now by them call’d Chutz) to say also their prayers there, and are of opinion that if they should do otherwise, than to come thither, their peregrination would not be acceptable to God. Amongst these are a good many Renegado Christians, that go with them to Mecca, to get by their devotion into greater preferment and wealth, wherefore they are esteem’d by them as holy and creditable ones, although they are full of knavery and roguery, as those that come from Mahomet’s own blood; they keep them very honourably, and pray for them as their victors, and endue them with great and peculiar privileges, so that their single witness is as valuable as three, four, six, or ten of others, according as they have been oftner in these places. And that every body may know them, they put upon their turbants on their heads, their Mahomet’s green colours, as those of their priests do, who esteem themselves to be his relations, who are only permitted, (as the Persians wear their red colour) to wear such turbants. Wherefore the Turks believe it to be a sin to cover those members, which nature hath made secret, with that colour which their Prophet did bear on his head. When the before-mention’d Renegado Christians are come to this degree, they are bought by every body for money, to bear witness before[244] the Cady, or any other Turkish magistrate, and that even in causes whereof they have not the least knowledge. So it happens daily, that those that give larger bribes to the magistrate, and do exceed their adversaries in number of witnesses, make their lost and foul cause good; and of this they make no conscience, because their Koran teacheth them, that God does not impute to them perjury, but only if they do not invoke him; so that it is full satisfaction, if they feed ten poor ones for this transgression, or if they cloath them, or if they redeem one prisoner; but if they are not substantial enough to do this, they fast three times. This is of a very ill consequence, because they are not afraid to be perjur’d and to cheat others. And although these and other the like sins, are very common amongst the Turks, viz. robbing, and to break their faith, &c. which are directly against God, yet for all that these (because they have lost all remembrance of confession, penitence or mending of their lives) exceed them in this by far. Besides all this they do not let the Christians know who or what they are, but rather study to their utmost power, to abuse and hurt them as often as they find an opportunity, nay they would not spare their very lives, if they dare do it for fear of the Turkish magistrates. In this they are very like unto the Abyssins, who in former ages were subject unto the Soldans of Ægypt, and did live on the south side of mount Libanus, who, as defenders and protectors of their own religion, were set out before other Saracens, to murder and kill clandestinely all those that did oppose their Mahometan laws and religion. But after the Turkish Emperor did beat the Soldan, and took his dominions from him, the fury of these assassinators was also soon quelled; for the great Turk doth not allow, in any of his provinces, of murthers, as the Saracenes did, but punish’d them severely, and keepeth very strict laws that no body may hurt the other; which you may conclude by this, that if one doth but fetch blood from the other in the least, he is not only mulcted in one or two ducats, but sometimes in forty, fifty, nay sometimes in a hundred, according to the heinousness of the crime, and the ability of the offender; and so he keepeth subjects in peace and quietness.

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Besides these Pilgrims that go to Mecca, there are many others in their great Caravans, that rather, like unto pedlers, endeavour to get thither with small charges, by the help of their Carvatschares, or Inns, and Hospitals, to make good profit there, by buying and selling, than out of devotion to wait on their Mahomet, and amongst them there are also sometimes Christians, but at their arrival they must not visit the holy places, much less touch them. Wherefore they buy before hand all sorts of merchandizes, chiefly at Cayro (from whence to Jerusalem it is ten days journey) to sell or swap them at Mecca, and other places. Which custom we need not think to be strange among the Turks, seeing that a great many are found among the Roman Pilgrims, that pretend to be good Christians, that go pilgrimages to Rome, St Jacob, Jerusalem, &c. not only to get his Holiness’s absolution and indulgences, but rather to make good profit of goods they buy for that purpose; or which is more, they pass over their estates during their absence, into the hands of others, to reap the benefit thereof with this condition, that if they return home from these places where they vow’d to go to, they shall have them restored again with great profit. Now as among all these Pilgrims, chiefly those that have been oftnest at Mecca are by the Turks in greatest esteem, and that green colour (which only belongeth to the Priests to wear) is the sooner allow’d them, whereby they may be known, as the brothers of St Jacob are known, by the scallop-shells. The fame it is also with their camels, for on the lower part of one of their fore-feet you may see as many small chains hung as they have been times there in Caravans, so that you also may soon discern them.

And that I may return to my purpose again; near to the Turkish Mosque of the holy Rock, is also another church, which by the Christians, when they were in possession of Jerusalem, was call’d the Virgin Mary’s church, which is very well built, rather bigger than the Turkish, and stands without towards the south on the place of the great porch of the Israelites, which is several times mention’d in the Scriptures Viz. Joh. x. Matth. xxi. where it is calleth the temple and porch[246] of Solomon, where Christ did preach, and drove out the buyers and sellers, &c. Underneath it is a great cave, so wide that some hundred horses may with ease be drawn up in battalia therein. This is also in the possession of the Turks, and the Christians dare no more come in here than in the other. By this prohibition viz. That the Mahometans shall admit into their churches or porches thereof no strangers which according to their laws are not cleansed and washed, you may easily see, that the Turks have taken many ceremonies and laws from the Jews, and according to their depraved understanding and mind, transcribed them into their Koran; so we see that anciently they have their circumcision, offerings, washings, fasts at certain times of the year, marrying more than one wife, not eating any thing that is unclean, or pork, or what is suffocated, not having bells, nor drinking wine, as the Levitical Priests must not do, derived from the Jews; but this last law concerning not drinking of wine, is not only not kept, for they drink thereof without mixture, let it be as strong as it can, more than any other nation. It being then true that they choose the fatt with wine presented them by Moses, as is before said, to their own ruin and destruction, wherefore I pray that God may fulfil their prophecy, Amen.

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### CHAP. VI.

Of the Saracens and Turkish religion, ceremonies, and hypocritical life, with a short hint how long time their reign shall last after Mahomet’s decease.

Seeing I have here above made mention, amongst the rest of the places and churches of Jerusalem, of the Turkish Mosques, and also of Mahomet their Prophet; I cannot but also relate something of their hypocritical and superstitious life and belief, as I have observed in my travels, and during my stay among them, chiefly something of their outward ceremonies, good works, wherewith they think to fulfil the laws, to cleanse themselves from their manifold sins and transgressions, and to obtain God’s mercy and love. Wherefore they strive that they may be found always busy in these good works, whereof they reckon the chiefest to be; alms, pilgrimage, fastings, to make offerings, to abstain from certain food or drinks, frequent washing, praying, upon which two last they look most of all, as the true means, by which, if they keep them diligently, they may be freed and absolved from their sins, according to the promises of their dear Prophet Mahomet. Such and the like have also the Jews had in the Old Testament, where without doubt their Prophet, being by his mother an Ishmaelite, had them also. But seeing that he also attributeth to these absolution and satisfaction for our sins, and also consequently salvation and everlasting life; therefore all those that follow and believe his doctrine, miss the only Mediator and Saviour Jesus Christ, of whom as well as of his holy word, they else have a good opinion, as appeareth by their Koran, in whom God the Almighty Father will only be known, invoked and adored. As St John saith Chap. v. 23. ‘He that honoureth not the Son, honoureth[248] not the Father that hath sent him.’ And chap. xiv. 9. where Jesus saith, ‘He that hath seen me hath seen the Father.’ And in Acts iv. 12. it is said, ‘There is no Salvation in any other, for there is no other name under Heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved.’ Wherefore although Mahomet doth greatly command and teach, that we must adore the only God, yet they do not know the true God, that will only be adored and honour’d in his beloved Son; and besides Mahomet will not allow that God hath a Son, and much less that Christ is the true God, in whom we shall believe. For in his diabolical and blasphemous mind and thoughts he hath this precaution, that if God should have a Son he might come to be disobedient unto him, as happeneth sometimes chiefly amongst them, to worldly Princes, which would expose all creatures in heaven, as well as on earth unto great danger. So he denieth the Deity of Christ and esteemeth him to be no more (as Arius doth) than a great Saint and meer Man. So he hath the same opinion with Macedonius, of the Holy Ghost, whom and Christ he sometimes maketh but one person. And so the Turks know no more, by the instruction of their cursed Prophet, of the true living God (that is one in his essence and three in person) than when they adored the fire, water and other elements, nay heaven and earth, (as also the Persians have done) before they come over to the Saracens, and adhered to the doctrine of their Mahomet. And besides they have no more comfort in our Lord Christ, than the Jews, because they do not believe that Jesus the Son of the Virgin Mary, and messenger of God, was crucify’d, dead and bury’d, but that another, that was very like him, suffer’d instead of him, because he was seated in Heaven (where into God received him, and that he was to return again at the end of the world) a great deal higher than that he could be so shamefully kill’d by the Jews that impious people; wherefore the Turks admire it very much, that so many Pilgrims of all nations, come to see the grave of Christ with so great a devotion, which is not his. And although the Turks prefer their Mahomet before Christ, and also do not believe right neither of his essence nor of his person, so that therefore all their worship, with what devotion[249] soever performed, is null and in vain, because it is not in Christ: Yet for all that they praise and esteem Christ very high, and extol him far beyond any man, as one that was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, and that hath here on earth carried on his doctrine, and confirm’d it with powerful miracles. Wherefore they esteem the books of Moses, and the other writings of the Prophets, but chiefly the four Evangelists, which they call the book Jugilis (and the books of Moses Thresit) as true and godly. And sometimes they pretend so fairly, that an ordinary Man that is not well instructed in the chief articles of Christianity, although there is so great a difference, might easily be seduced, and perswaded. Besides the Turks will not allow, neither to Jews, Moors, nor Christians, nay not to their own Nation, to say any thing ill of Christ, nor to curse him, but if any body should presume to do it, the soles of their feet are struck very severely with many blows, and he is fined besides according to his ability. So their Prophet Mahomet commends the holy Scripture very much, and saith, that it containeth truth and happiness.

If they would but often look into it (as their Koran teacheth them in several places) to read in it, and mend their lives according to it, they might easily be brought to the right way again; but he himself doth not stand by his words, but falleth off again from them afterwards, and speaketh quite otherways of the holy Scripture, and that so differing, that he quite contradicts himself. For as he did commend it before, so now he discommendeth it again, when he saith, that it hath been (because it is too difficult to be kept) long since quite out of doors, chiefly in those parts where is written, that we must do good to our enemies; leave all for his sake; love God with all our heart, &c. and our neighbour as our own self. And that therefore he, Mahomet, was peculiarly and purposely chosen by God Almighty, to bring down with him the Koran, and communicate it to the world (that was then drown’d in lusts, sin and vices) to reform and bring it to rights again. Besides this, he knew very well how to disguise his tricks, and how to behave himself in his life and[250] conversation, devoutly and discreetly towards the people, and how to blind them under this pretence, that they did believe him, and receive him the sooner to be a great Prophet and Messenger from God. When he found that he had got a good party, and a great many adherents that impowered him, he studied daily more and more to order his laws so, that they might be acceptable and pleasing to all the world. And thus he got in a great many places such a fame, that, to our grief in these times, he hath seduced and possessed a great part of the world with his erroneous and poisonous doctrine, the Turks closely adhering to this doctrine, therefore their hearts are so blinded with darkness, that they cannot have any true knowledge, either of God the Father, or the Son, or the Holy Ghost, and so they miss of the right way that would bring them to the knowledge, and acknowledgment of their sins, and consequently to the remission thereof, and so make them children of God, and heirs of life everlasting. But on the contrary, they remain impenitent, and persist in their sinful life with such a confidence and security, that they know not when they commit sins; as to take a man’s property and goods away by force; to destroy his house and lands; to undermine his life and livelihood; and also, to contaminate themselves with uncleanness, whoredom, sodomy; not to keep an oath that hath been taken, to revenge themselves, from whence results, envy, hatred, anger, contention, murder, &c. as we hear, what injustice and violence the Grand Signior committeth daily upon our brethren and sisters, that border upon his dominions; which we need not to wonder at, because, if they fall out amongst themselves, they try all unjust means to revenge themselves. Wherefore they accuse their adversaries often falsly (because they dare not offer any violence) before their Judges, and so bring them to damage, trouble and pains. But when they have committed one of these, or the like facts, and have a mind to free themselves of it, or to be absolved, they go after their own invented devotion, to good works, alms, prayers, fasting, redeeming of captives, &c. to make satisfaction to God for their committed sins, as their Koran teacheth them. And so they lead a life of good[251] outward conversation, and are very diligent in their devotion, chiefly in going to their prayers at the five customary hours of the day, when they leave their work and go to church. And seeing that in these countries they have neither clocks nor watches to tell them the time of the day and prayers, instead of them they have their priests (called Meitzen by them) on the steeples, which are ordered to cry out the hours with a loud voice, that you may hear them as far almost as the ringing of a bell, even throughout the whole town. The first hour of prayers is an hour and half before day-light: The second is about noon: The third (which the Arabians call Latzera) is about three o’Clock in the afternoon: The fourth is at sun-set; and the fifth when after the sun is down, the twilight, or whitishness of the skies is gone, and the stars appear clearly. Sometimes two of these priests sing together, which is common in great towns, and they sing almost as with us they sing a ballad, so that while the one is singing, the other may fetch his breath; and so they sing by turns, until the song is at an end. When I came first into these countries, and hear’d them sing about that time in the morning, I believed the Turks did it that they might brisk themselves up to go to work, until I heard them do the same at other hours in the day time, and understood they were their priests. So they sing about five o’clock at night very well, and sometimes something longer, because of the sick that live near, which desire it of them, to make them cheerful, and to have a good heart, which we need not to wonder at, for their clergy (which are not wiser, or more learned than the laymen) know not how to comfort them, or to make them joyful, much less how to give good and wholesome instruction out of the word of God (although they believe it to be true) how to obtain forgiveness of sin, and God’s mercy, love, or commiseration, but think it to be sufficient, if they admonish them that lie a dying to think of God, and to pray to him that he may have mercy upon them; and afterwards to wash their body to cleanse them quite from all sins, according to the law of their Mahomet, which they highly esteem, and that the rather, because they serve not only the living,[252] but also the dead; wherefore the Turks wash themselves daily, chiefly at the hours of their prayer, when they are a going to church, and that very carefully and diligently, viz. Their hands, privy members, head, neck, feet, nay the whole body, according as they are contaminated or become unclean. So in consideration of their sins, they have three sorts of washing; whereof one is that of the whole body, which those must make use of that are not married, and contaminate themselves with concubines; wherefore the baths are kept continually in an equal heat, and are open to any body both by day and night, that those that have occasion to wash their whole body, may not be hindered in their devotion, but soon go to church again. The second is performed on the organs of the five senses, and the head, to cleanse them from all spots and blemishes, which are contracted by ill thought and frivolous and unseemly discourses; wherefore there are several cisterns here and there, but chiefly in their churches and chapels, where they wash themselves first, that being clean, they may be worthy to come to church to prayers, for if they should omit it, they believe that their prayers would not be acceptable to God, and so he would not hear them. So they begin first with washing of their hands, then they lift up the water with the hollow of their hands, and so let it run down to their elbow; then they wash their mouth, nose, eyes, ears, head, neck, and at last their feet, and speak some peculiar words with it. When they have no water, which often happeneth in large desarts in Arabia, they are allowed by their laws instead thereof, to rub these members over with sand. But that they may not be hindered by their cloaths from coming to these members, they wear such ones that have wide sleeves, no gatherings about their neck, nor have any strings about their drawers. The third sort is also esteemed to be very necessary, and is made use of as often as they empty their body by stool or urine, or belching, and so they wash themselves squatting down before the cisterns, publickly without shame, both before and behind, in the sight of every body. According to what hath been said, we see that they mind only the outward cleansing[253] of their body, and so they look also upon the outward circumcision, rather than to think how they ought, according to God’s commands, to cleanse themselves from their inward leprosy, by the bath of regeneration, and to circumcise their hearts by an inward spiritual circumcision, whereof they know nothing. When their clergymen have cried out the hours from the steeples to the Batzars, or Exchanges, &c. and the Turks have washed and cleansed themselves, they go into their chapels, which are in the middle of their great Camps, or Carvatschars, where I could see it best, because I durst not go into their mosques. After they have left their shoes at the gate, they do not turn nor look back for one another to speak, but go strait forwards, until they come to their places where they stand still, and look upon their priest that is before them, and mind him when he beginneth the prayers, that they may say it after him, and imitate his ceremonies or means, whereof he maketh use, as the lifting up his hands, stroking over his forehead, bending his whole body forwards, falling down upon his knees, kissing the earth; and at length when the Leila hillalla beginneth, turning their heads from one side to the other, whereby they give a hint, that they are in peace and good will with God and their neighbours. While they are in their holy places, you shall hear none of them sneeze, cough, hawk or spit, for they are of opinion, that if they should do so, God would not hear their prayers so effectually, because they should not be perfectly clean. They have no set form of their prayers, and pray generally for good fortune and other worldly welfare; for victory for their Emperor; that God may send great divisions amongst us Christians, that so they may have a better opportunity to fall upon us, and to beat us. They suffer no images in their temples or chapels, and are only for adoring the true and only God, Creator of heaven and earth; and so instead of them, they have pictures of fine plants or flowers, viz. of roses, &c. and writings of their Prophet Mahomet; and so you find on their gold and silver coins no pictures or images of their Emperors, as upon ours, but only the names of them, or of the towns where they are stamped, in Arabian letters,[254] (which are common to both nations) together with the date of the year, which they begin from the time when Mahomet fled into the desarts, which for that reason they call the year of Hegira, where he got a great number of adherents, and was made by them a King; this was done in the year of Christ 622. After they have ended their prayers, they begin to talk to one another, and so every one of them goeth home to work again; and they are allowed on their feast days (which they keep on Friday, as we do on Sunday, and the Jews on Saturday) to open their shops again after prayers, and to go work, because they say that idleness may the easier draw them into sins. So one may easily know by their shops, according as they are opened or shut up on these three days, whether they belong to Christians, Turks, or Jews; besides, none of these forceth one to observe the others holydays, and so they live peaceably and quietly together. Before the Turks holiday beginneth, they light on Thursday night before, as soon as it beginneth to be dark, upon their high steeples, many lamps, whereof they hang without on the galleries round about, three rows one above the other, so that as you look upon them in the night, they look like unto a threefold garland; they let them burn so long until they go out of themselves one after the other. The same lamps they also light every night during their Lent, which beginneth in their month Romadan, so called by the Arabians, and doth last all that month long. Their year consisteth of twelve months, which they account by the moon-lights; so that their months do not agree with ours, (for theirs have not, one with the other, above twenty-nine or thirty days) and consequently their years want between ten or eleven days of ours, so that their Lent falleth at an uncertain time, sometimes in the spring, and sometimes in the summer, &c. so in my time it began in December, and ended in January. During all this time they are very devout, and strive to be at the prayers and duties; for if any body should die in Lent time, that had used not to frequent them, they would look upon him as a lost and damned man, and doubt whether they should bury him or no. During their Lent, they eat nothing before night; when the[255] stars appear, then every one goeth home to eat, or else in the great Batzars to a cook’s shop, to buy victuals, where all night long is so great a throng of poor people, that have nothing to eat at home, that they lift one another almost up; there you see one eating, another drinking, another crying out, others quarrelling, which causeth such a crowd and noise, as is enough to make one deaf and giddy. When Lent is at an end, then they begin their Easter feast (which they call Ulubaira) which they keep with great solemnity for three days, salute one another very kindly, and with one the other all health and happiness, as we do on new year’s day: They also seek all sorts of pastime, chiefly the Janizaries, which in great places erect gibbets three fathoms high, to the top whereof they tie strong ropes, almost like as the children do in our country, where they swing others for a small recompence; when any body sits in it, two stand ready with a broad string, one on each side, which they fling before him, and fling him backwards with it, and so set him a swinging. Others run before the people that are walking, and sprinkle them with sweet smelling water, to get a little spell of money out of them, chiefly the Christians, which they will not easily leave before they have satisfied them; wherefore they are necessitated to stay at home on these days. Not long after, they keep another peculiar feast, called Chairbairam where they also use all sorts of gesticulations, which were too long to relate here; they do not fast on those days, but they sacrifice young steers and wethers, &c. cut them into small pieces, to distribute them among the people, for the honour of Abraham, because he did obey God, and would have sacrificed his son Isaac to him: At this abundance of heathens congregate themselves in certain places before the towns, to go in pilgrimage to Medina-Talnabi, Mecca, and Jerusalem, for love to Mahomet. Amongst them many are found, that are recovered again from dangerous distempers, or delivered from great dangers, and then did make a vow, either to go on pilgrimage to one of these places, or else to kill such a number of beasts to distribute among the poor as an alms.

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According to what I have said before, that they compute their months more by the moon-light, and so account twelve of them to a year; they observe mightily the change of the moon, chiefly the new moon, to see it again. Wherefore at that time they go often in great numbers out, unto the next hill, to observe it the better, after sun-set. He that seeth it first sheweth it with great rejoycing to his companions. In their prognostications they also mind the moon’s light, and according to that, they make their account, to know then if any thing shall happen. They have also (as some of them have told me) a peculiar book, which they keep very close to themselves, wherein is briefly written, what shall happen to them every year, whether it be good or bad: This beginneth in the same year with their Prophet Mahomet, and continueth for 1000 years, when this is at an end they have nothing more of that nature worth any thing.

And being they go no farther, some will deduce or conclude from thence, that their reign will soon have an end, when those years are passed. Wherefore they fear the Christians very much, and confess themselves, that they expect to suffer a great blow from the Christians: And this one may see or conclude from hence, for on their holidays in the morning about nine of the clock, they shut up the gates of the towns, great champs, and other publick habitations, as I found at Aleppo, so that many times I could not get either out or in until they opened them again, for they fear at that time to be assassinated by the Christians.

Being then that their term of years is near expired, for when I lived in these places in the year 1575, they writ 982 of this same term, so that there was not quite 18 years more to come. Now if we compare these 1000 years with those whereof John the Evangelist and Apostle, maketh mention in his Revelations, chap. xx. 7, saying, ‘When the thousand years are expired Satan shall be loosed out of prison. And shall go out to deceive the nations which are in the four quarters of the earth, Gog and Magog to gather them together to battle’ (as also is written in this same book of Revelations in chap. ix. and by the holy Prophet Ezekiel,[257] in chap. xxxviii. xxxix.) ‘The number of whom is as the sand of the sea, &c.’ We find not only that they may also be interpreted and applied to the Turks and their adherents, but also that they have begun their reign almost at the same time when Mahomet and the Antichrist should appear, about the year 666 as we read in the 13th chapter and the last verse of St John in his Revelation. And besides, it looketh in these miserable times (when it seems as if every thing would turn topsy turvy) that these years are passed, and that Satan is loosed, as if our dear Lord God would make an end of this malicious world. Add, that some learned Mathematicians do prognosticate that at these times, but chiefly in the year 1588. great alterations will be in all the parts of the world. When we add to this date the 42 months, or 1260 days, or three years and a half, whereof the Prophet Daniel, and also the holy Evangelist and Apostle John in his Revelation makes mention, the 18 years that are still wanting of the 1000 years of their Mahomet (as is above said) will be compleated, so that these two years numbers do very well again agree together.

God the Almighty preserve us in all adversities, that we may persevere in the acknowledged truth of his Holy Gospel, and send us penitent hearts, that we may be sensible of his merciful visitations, and also overcome the two last woes that are not quite over, with patience. Amen.

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### CHAP. VII.

Of Mount Bethzetha, and the two Houses of Pilate and Herod.

From the temple mount towards the north, you come presently towards the house of judicature, where Pontius Pilate did live, and condemn innocent Lord Christ, to that heinous death of the cross. But because the house hath been since surrounded with high walls, we saw in the court (where the Soldiers did clothe our Lord Christ with the purple cloak, and put upon his head the crown of thorns, and afterwards did spit upon him, and mock, beat and whip him) nothing remarkable, but only without a very old and high arch, like unto an arched bridge. This is almost black with age, and so artificially erected, that one can hardly find any juncture, where the stones are put together. This was the High Place, as it is said, before the Judgment Hall, whereon the condemned men use to be exposed to the sight of the people, because the Jews durst not go into the House of Judicature at their high feasts, as Easter and Whitsuntide (as you may read in St John, chap. xviii.) that they might not make themselves unclean, but eat of the Paschal Lamb: Wherefore Pilate did several times go out to the people to shew them our Lord Christ, and sit down in the Judgment seat, in a place that is called the Pavement, but in the Hebrew Gabbatha, as you read in St John, chap. xix. ver. 13. This arch is open at the top in the middle, and hath two other small arches about the wideness of an ordinary door one by the other supported by a marble column, in one of them stood Christ with his crown of thorns on, and Pontius Pilate in the other, when he said to the people, Behold the man.

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Hard by at the other side of the arch, on the right hand, on an ascent, they shew the habitation of King Herod, which is still very fine, and gloriously built of marble. Wherefore, although it is not the same, which hath been burnt long agone by the Jews, and afterwards rooted out by the Romans, yet it is built in the same place, where the King’s palace did stand, on the height of mount Bethzetha, as Josephus testifieth, from the north over against the temple, and the fort Antonia, where our dear Lord Christ was mocked and abused by Herod and his servants, and had a white garment put upon him, and so was sent back again to Pilate. In these habitations, chiefly those of Pilate, are still to this day, Turkish magistrates, Sangiacks, Cadis, and Soubashaws dwelling, that keep courts of judicature there; and therefore nobody is admitted to come in before he hath gratified the master and servants. These magistrates are very severe, and punish their subjects for no great matter, either in their body or purse, or with a certain number of stripes, which they give with straps of rough neats leather upon the soles of their feet, fewer or more, in proportion to their committed crimes more or less; which sort of punishment is very common to all eastern countries. This sort of punishment is very ancient, and mention thereof is made in Deuteronomy chap. xxv. ver. 2. ‘And it shall be, if the wicked man be worthy to be beaten, that the judge shall cause him to lie down, and to be beaten before his face, according to his fault by a certain number, forty stripes he may give him and not exceed; least if he should exceed, and beat him above these with many stripes, then thy brother should seem vile unto thee.’ So the holy Apostle St Paul hath received them several times, whereof he maketh mention in II. Corinthians chap. xi. ver. 23. where he saith, ‘I am in labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths often. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one.’

When we came back from these habitations, we saw some more remarkable places, which are usually shewn unto pilgrims, some whereof are mentioned in Scripture,[260] viz. the iron gate, through which the angel of the Lord did conduct St Peter out of prison: The habitation of Mary the mother of St John, where the holy Apostle Peter did knock at the door: The temple of St John the Evangelist, whereof the Knights of the order of St John call themselves, and several others, which are for the most part fallen down, and lie in ruins. But because in these times, it is uncertain in what condition they were then, I also omit to say any more of them. After we had seen these two places with their habitations; we returned back again at night, according to the appointment of the father Guardian, to go with us into the temple of mount Calvaria.

### CHAP. VIII.

Of the Mount Calvaria, and the Holy Grave of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.

On the 27th of September in the year 1575 after dinner, the father Guardian did send to the other Lords of the temple, to let us into the temple of mount Calvaria, which the Turks keep always locked up. But we and some other friars in their own habit, went with their father Guardian to the temple of the mount, which first of all the pious Queen Hellen, mother of the great Emperor Constantine (after she had destroyed the temple of Venus that was built upon the place of the grave) did build, as she did also build several churches in several places, viz. That at Bethlehem, where Christ was born: That of the holy Apostle James the Great, in the place of the upper town where he was beheaded: And another on the mount of Olives, where Christ did ascend into heaven: As also another at Bethania, where Christ did raise Lazarus his dear friend from the dead, and in many other places, at Nazareth, and on the mount Thabor, &c. But when afterward the city of Jerusalem was many times besieged, and at length[261] taken from the Christians, by the unbelieving Saracens, Hequen that malicious King of Ægypt, did in the year of Christ 1011, demolish these churches, and so they remained until after his decease his son Daber came to the government, who afterwards in the year 37. did give leave to Constantine the Emperor of Constantinople (when he renewed with him their old correspondency) to rebuild it again at his own cost and charges. In these our times, when it remaineth in the possession of the Turks, free egress and regress is quite denied to the Christian Pilgrims that come to see the holy places: For when they saw that many Christians came yearly thither from all places, viz. From Armenia, Æthiopia, Syria, Ægypt, Greece, Italy, nay from all places of Europe, they have put a certain sum of money (according as they are near, or farther off, under his dominions or not) to be paid by them, to be admitted. For some pay two or three seckins or ducats, others four and five; but we that are outlandish, as Italians, Frenchmen, and Germans (as well knowing we do not spare for money) must pay nine seckins a piece, and that without any remission, must be paid in weighty Turkish or Venetian ducats: And they keep the temple locked up close, until every one of them has paid their due: By these means the Grand Signior hath acquired himself a considerable yearly revenue, which amounts to several thousand ducats yearly. But yet it is now-a-days nothing near to what it hath been formerly, when all was under Popish darkness, and the Pilgrims used to flock thither in great numbers. For since in our time, by the Grace of God, the holy Gospel hath been brought to light again, and began to be preached, (which sheweth us a far nearer and better way to find Christ, and to have true and full pardon and remission of our sins) so that daily more come to the knowledge of the truth, and return to the Lord, his revenues decrease as much as the number of the Pilgrims that used to resort thither.

When we came pretty near to the temple, and expected to have seen mount Calvaria, the Franciscans told us, that this mount, together with the holy grave, and the garden (wherein Christ did first appear unto[262] Mary Magdalen) were intirely taken into the temple, so that no heigth at all was to be seen without.

Just when we came into the court of the temple there appeared an old heathenish prison, wherein are prisoners kept to this day, near which did stand the Prison-gate (whereof we saw still some part of the wall up in the wall of the church) through which Christ did carry his cross to the place of sculls, which in former days was without the town, as you may clearly see in St Mark, chap. xvii. 20. where he writes: ‘And they led him out to crucify him.’ And in Hebrews, chap. xiii. 12. where it is plainly writ, that ‘Christ suffered without the gate.’ But when afterwards the Emperor Adrian did rebuild and enlarge the desolated town, he did also surround with a wall the place where our Lord Jesus Christ did suffer, which was without towards the north-west, beyond the mount Moria, so that now it is situated almost in the middle of the city of Jerusalem, and because of this inlargement he call’d the town after his sir-name Helia.

We staying a great while at the gate, before they did open it unto us, several Oriential Christians, to wit, Greeks, Jacobites, Armenians, &c. came to us to visit their Priests, and to perform their devotion in it, so that about three-score went in with us.

The building of the temple is very large, of strong walls, and so thick, that it taketh away the Light within: it is richly covered with grey marble within and without, and supported by some marble pillars about a fathom and a half thick, so strongly, that one may conclude from thence, that neither labour nor costs were spared in it’s building. Yet the Turks, (notwithstanding the holy places and the costliness of the building) have in some places spoiled and demolished some part of the walls thereof, so that now they are no more like to the old ones that were before, and besides (as the Guardian told us) half of it is hardly remaining. Yet it is still very large, and so well closed up again, that one can hardly perceive the loss thereof.

As we went through, we passed by the grave of Christ, in a glorious large chapel, called our Ladies, which the Franciscans have in possession, and is hung[263] with tapestry very well wrought. Within it is a great altar, on each side whereof is to be seen a nick, artificially made of white marble, the windows whereof are very well guarded with iron bars: In that towards the left hand is kept a piece of the column whereon Christ was whip’d; it is of a reddish colour, three spans long, and four over. In the other on the right there is a small crucifix, in the middle whereof is in-laid a small piece of the true cross of Christ.

From thence we went farther into the vestry; which hath several large rooms, where we staid until the Franciscans had put on their usual habits to go their rounds with us, and to shew us the holy places with the usual ceremonies. When they had made themselves ready we came out again into the church, and left the chancel of the Græcians, that is in the middle, and the holy grave upon our right hand, and went to the left to another chapel, whereby the Græcians have an altar without, by which, in the marble floor, are two holes to be seen, wherein they pretend that Christ was detained prisoner until they had fixed the cross for him on the place of the sculls. This chapel is within very deep, and so dark, that when you go into it you believe that you go into a cave, where the Romanists believe (as I understood by a French man of their convent, who was in a Priest’s habit, and as we went about, standing before the altar, did tell us, what they had done to Christ our Lord, in every place) that they did detain Christ (as in a place where-into they threw their dust) to mock him, until his cross was got ready for him.

Just by the chapel behind the chancel they shew on a high arch another place, where the soldiers did share Christ’s cloaths amongst them, and cast lots for his coat.

Somewhat farther about they shew a pair of stairs of twenty nine steps, which we descended, and came into a great chapel of Queen Helen, situated underneath mount Calvaria, wherein is still towards the right hand of the altar, a glorious and beautiful high seat of marble whereon the Queen used to sit, when she had a mind to overlook the workmen, to see whether they went on[264] right; for she loved building mightily, as appeareth still to this day by the number of her mighty buildings. Behind this seat are eleven steps, which go farther down mount Calvaria, where the cistern hath been, wherein Queen Helen found the cross of Christ.

Underneath on the altar, ’tis true, there stands one, but it is new, and therefore to be supposed, to be put there of late years. At the bottom of the stairs do also appear very plainly the crack’d rocks, as it is mentioned in Scripture: And the rocks rent. And these rents or cracks are a foot wide, and so deep as to reach from the top to the bottom of the rocky mount of Calvaria.

When we came up into the church again, they shewed us at the bottom of mount Calvaria, a chapel that was locked up, and in it underneath the altar a large blackish stone with some reddish spots upon it, in the shape of a piece of a pillar, which was brought thither from Pilate’s house of Judicature, whereon our Lord did sit, when the soldiers did put the crown of thorns on his holy head, and did salute him as a King with their knees bended, and did also mock him, spit in his face, and whip him. This crown was twisted out of thorns, called by the Arabians, Nausegi and Athausegi; and by the Græcians and Latanists, which have kept the same name, Rhamus, whereof there are three sorts, the first of which is the true one (which is also common in France and Italy) which doth not only grow without, but also within the town of Jerusalem plentifully; this puts out early in the spring, into long, thin and pliable twigs, with a great many long and strong prickles. Just by it cometh out above from the chancel of the Græcians, a path up to mount Calvaria, which they forced from the Georgians, as they did before from the Armenians, by giving money to the Turks; which is very common in these countries; for if one hath any business to be done by the Turks, it cannot be easier obtained, than if you bribe them more than your adversary, wherefore it happeneth very often that such places are taken away from one nation, and given to the other.

Underneath this way or gallery you ascend nineteen steps to go up to the mount Calvaria, where we saw[265] two chapels one behind the other, which were open, and had a very delicate floor, artificially inlaid with flowers of several colours, the like whereof is hardly to be seen any where else.

At the top of the stairs we left our shoes, and went in, and attended the Priest, who did also there, as he had done in other places before, give us a short account of what had been done to our Lord Jesus Christ in these places, viz. that in the hindmost chapel his hands and feet had been extended, and sharp nails drove through them, and so with a great deal of indignation he was fixed to the cross. And that in the foremost our Lord Christ did hang on the cross between the two malefactors, where there was still to be seen the hole wherein the cross of our Lord did stand. He also briefly repeated to us the seven words which he did say when he was upon the cross; and for a conclusion he told us, that his holiness the Pope had laid there indulgences for ever, for all sins and transgressions, to be distributed among the pilgrims.

When we had done we went farther into the chapel, and saw first a place two cubits high, which was also covered with fine ashen-coloured marble, watered with blue, in the middle whereof was a round hole about a span over, and was lined with tin, wherein did stand the cross of our Lord Christ, which is so closely tipped and lined, that the pilgrims can take neither much nor little of this, nor any other place, as the holy grave, or Bethelem where Christ was born, &c. Wherefore notwithstanding the pretence of the Franciscans, that in their Agnus Dei’s and crucifixes are little pieces of the fore-mentioned places, it is all false and nothing of truth in it, which they must confess themselves, it being all covered with marble. Near to this hole, both to the right and left, where the crosses of the two thieves did stand, in the room of them two others are erected, where hard by that on the left at the inside, is to be seen a long and large fissure in the rock of the mount, which the Queen left on purpose open in the marble pavement, so that you may very plainly see it, and it goeth down very deep, as I have told you before.

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When we came down again from the mount, and come out behind the chancel towards the gate of the great church, there lieth in the pavement a fine and large marble, which is surrounded, or taken in, with iron barrs in the same place, where Joseph and Nicodemus, the two disciples of Christ, did wrap up the body of Christ, after it was taken down, in linnen with spices.

From thence as we went farther towards the grave of our Lord Christ, we left below towards the left on the place of sculls, another chapel, wherein are the graves of some Christian Kings, viz. Gottofredi, and Baldewin, &c. which took the Land of Promise by force from the Infidels, and came towards the right by the chancel of the Greeks into a great round and high building of the holy grave, which butts upon the church, and is below towards it, it standing upon very strong double marble pillars, quite open: it is covered with lead, and hath at the top a great window, where the light falleth in, which is four fathom square, where underneath is the holy grave of our Lord Jesus Christ under the open sky, so that at all times, both rain, dew and snow fall upon it.

Before the passage into the Sepulchre is a small chapel, wherein is nothing of any moment to be seen, but a square stone, just before the door of the grave; this is of the true rock of the grave, about eight inches thick, whereon (as some say) the Angel of the Lord, that rolled back the stone from the door, did sit. This was also useful and did serve to keep the great grave-stone, that was before the door of the grave (which is hardly three foot high) steady, that it might not give backwards. That the door was but low, and that the stone did lean before it, you may sufficiently see out of the holy Evangelist St Luke, chap. xxiv. 12. when he saith: ‘Then arose Peter, and ran unto the Sepulchre, and stooping down, &c.’ And also in St John, chap. xx. 11. where you read: ‘But Mary stood without at the Sepulchre weeping: and as she wept, she stooped down, and looked into the Sepulchre.’ And also the holy Apostle and Evangelist St John came before Peter to the Sepulchre, and looked into it, and saw the linnen[267] cloaths, but did not go in himself. And we read also of the door of the Sepulchre, and that the great stone before it used to be rolled. When you will go into the door you must stoop very much, and rather creep than go into it. The Sepulchre within is even with the floor of the chapel, and of the whole church, and is so large, that four persons may stand very easily by one another.

After the Priest had ended his speech which he made in the Sepulchre, of the Resurrection of Christ, which we heard without in the chapel, and had also proclaimed the Pope’s indulgences for ever, we went in also, and looked upon the rock whereout the Sepulchre was cut, and found it underneath on the right hand (altho’ it had been very much torn by the Infidels) still in very good order, so that we could discern it still distinctly, where now the monks have made an altar, and covered it with a large fair marble. Over it hung about twenty lamps, which made the Sepulchre (which else is very dark) very light; one whereof belongeth to the Catholic King of Spain, another to the Christian King of France, and others to other Princes; they look very carefully after them, because they bring them in a considerable revenue yearly. The holy Sepulchre is lined within and without with grey marble, and chiefly without some adorned with carved columns that stand between it.

On the outside of the door of the Sepulchre doth hang a fine golden piece, wherein our Lord Christ is very artificially wrought, as he did appear after his Resurrection unto Mary Magdalen first, and afterwards also to the women: At the top of the Sepulchre is also a small round steeple, which is covered with lead, and upheld with six double marble columns: Besides this there is at the back of the Sepulchre another plain chapel, wherein the Jacobites, as I was informed, perform their Devotion.

More at the left hand, as we went out of the Sepulchre again, near to it in the pavement, are two large circles, rarely inlaid of Mosaic work, in the middle whereof are two round stones of marble, one whereof is white, and the other red, lying in the same place of the garden, where Mary Magdalen turned about, and[268] took our Lord Jesus Christ to be the Gardener. Thus much I thought convenient to relate of these places that are shewn in the circuit.

When I found myself to be in those places where our dear Lord Christ did walk about, teach, and by his passion, death, resurrection and ascension work our redemption, and procure and purchase our salvation, from his heavenly father again, I did remember and rejoice at these incomparable benefits, and merciful treasures with all my heart; for it cannot otherwise be, but that every true Christian, that is upon this mount of Calvaria, and thinks there of the cross of Christ, and in the Sepulchre of his glorious resurrection, must find great passions within his breast; as you also read in the last chapter of St Matthew, vers. 8. of the women, where you find these words: ‘And they departed quickly from the sepulchre, with fear and great joy.’ This I found also in my heart and mind, so that it was, as if I saw our Lord Jesus Christ the Son of the Almighty God, to humble himself, and to become obedient to his heavenly Father, even to death, nay, to the death of the cross, to bring us miserable sinful men to rights again, and to deliver us clearly from all debts and punishments, and so to procure us the only and true indulgences.

After we had seen mount Calvaria, the Sepulchre of Christ our Lord, and other places, we went into the vestiary again to eat our supper.

After supper they led us up into the gallery, which is in the round building over-against the holy Sepulchre, to stay there all night; but some of the eastern Christians sung below in the church, others did grumble together, and play’d with their sweet-sounding cymbals, (which were made of pure metal about the bigness of a large wallnut-shell) so pleasant tunes or musick, that I rather look’d on them, and minded their musick than slept.

The next morning my comrades, after they had been at confession, and received the Sacrament upon mount Calvaria, came to me into the church again, with an intention to go round once more. So we saw the holy places once more, and at last also the chapel, which we left the day before at the foot of the hill on our left hand belonging to the Grecians; they let us in very willingly,[269] because of our chaplain, who was also a Grecian, and shew’d us in it, at the farthest part where it was pretty dark, a large and deep crack of the rock; afterwards also on each side some fine and high tombs of some Kings, viz. that of Gottefrid de Boulion, and others, which were for some time possessed of the Land of Promise; these stand on delicate columns, cut out of curious grey marble, whereon are some epitaphs, which I thought to set down here underneath, together with a short relation when they did take the Land of Promise, and the famous city of Jerusalem, how long they were possessed of it, and how many Kings did succeed one another in it.

#### Plants observed by Monsieur Belon, to grow about some of the holy Places.

##### Near Jerusalem on the Mounts, Hills, and Valleys.

Adrachne seu Arbutus folio non serrato, Picea, Aria, Ilex cocci-glandifera, Terebinthus, Lentiscus, several sorts of Cistus, Capparis Spinosa, Paliurus or Christ’s Thorn, Fig-trees, Olives, Almonds, a sort of wild Peach, Jujubes or Zizyphus, Esculus or Dwarf-oak, Alaternus, white Mulberry for the Silk-worms, the inhabitants trading a little in Silk and Kermes, which they gather from a Holm-oak: Sesamum, Gossipium seu Xylon, Thymbra, Marum, Origanum Heracleoticum, Tragoriganum, Salvia, Stachys, Ruta Sylv., Trifolium Asphaltites; a rare sort of Hyosciamus on the walls of Jerusalem; Azadarach Arbor in Palestinâ secundum D. Monconny.

##### Between Mount Sinai, Mount Oreb and Suez.

Oenoplia a sort of Zizyphus; Arbor Lanigera or Cotton-tree; Glans seu Nux Unguentaria, call’d Balanus Mirepsica, Alcanna a Species of Ligustrum, of great use and sale for dying and colouring; Senna, Rose of Jericho, or Hiericho a sort of Thlaspi, Colocynthis, Ambrosia, or Oak of Cappadocia.

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#### Some Plants mention’d by Breynius, and taken out of Rauwolff’s Hort. Sic. or else found in those Countries where Rauwolff travell’d.

Acaciæ similis Mesopotamica minutissimis foliis, siliquâ integrâ contortâ, crassâ, & obtusâ; sive siliqua Nabathæa nobis.

Azadirachta foliis ramosis majoribus Syriaca sive vulgaris flore cæruleo maj. Perlato falso Sycomorus Italorum. Bellon. Astergir. Rhasis, & incolis Zenselacht Rauwolff.

Horminum Syriacum, tomentosum, foliis Coronopi, sive profundè laciniatis Breyn. Horminum rarum foliis laciniatis Rauwolff. in Herbar. vivo.

Lapathum Rotundifolium montis Libani, semine maximo Breyn. Ribes Arabum Rauwolff.

Lycium Buxi foliis angustioribus Syriacum Breyn. Lycium Dioscoridis Rauwolff. in Herbar. Hadhad Arabibus, & Zaroa incolis montis Libani, ejusdem. In Syriâ & Palestinâ observavit Rauwolffius.

Lycium Buxi foliis rotundioribus Syriacum vel Persicum Breyn. Hoc Lycium apud Rauwolffium cum priore confunditur.

Marrubium villosum Syriacum, sive montis Libani Breyn.

Melanthium Syriacum minus frutescens latifolium, Rutæ flore, fructu tricapsulari, Breyn. Ruta vocata Harmala J. B.

Melilotus minima Syriaca. Nephel sive Naphal, Ibenbaithar & Malasesæ.

Plantago angustifolia minor lanugonisa Syriaca & Cretica, pediculis & capitulis maturitate ad terram inflexis Breyn. Leontopodium Alpin. Exot. Leontopodium Creticum C. B.

Plantago angustifolia peniculis Lagopi C. B. Plantago quinquenervia cum globulis albis pilosis J. B. Catananche Dioscoridis Rauwolff. in Herbario vivo.

Satureia frutescens Arabica folio fimbriato hirsuto Breyn. Sathar Arabum Rauwolff.

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Tithymalus (vel Tithymalo affinis) aphyllos dictus major latifolius, flore sanguineo aviculæ capitulum repræsentante Breyn. An Planta lactaria Xabra & Cammaronum Rhasis Rauwolff.

Jacea maxima Hierosolymitana Alpin. Exot.

Marum Syriacum foliis incisis.

### CHAP. IX.

Here follow some Epitaphs of the Christian Kings of Jerusalem, together with a short Relation of their reigns and mighty deeds.

In the year of our Lord Christ 1096, when Henry the fourth was Emperor of the west, and Alexius the Grecian Emperor at Constantinople in the east, Pope Urban the second call’d a council at Claremont in France, where they consulted together which way the Land of Promise might be deliver’d again from the hands of the Infidels. Where it was concluded and agreed upon, to take the field in common, and for their general they chose Gottefrid de Boulion, Count of Bononia in France. Along with him went many Princes, Counts and Noblemen, viz. Baldwin and Eustachius his brethren, and many more, and brought together an army of six hundred thousand foot, and one hundred thousand horse; so they went in several parties through Hungaria, Greece, &c. till they had passed the Hellespont, and came into Asia the Less, now call’d Natolia, and belonging to the Turks, where they joined again, and took some towns, to wit, Nicea, Tarsis, and also Antiochia situated in Cælosyria. Yet in these actions were a great many Christians slain by the way, others were taken prisoners, some were starved, a great many dy’d of sicknesses, that came by changing of the air in these hot countries; so that in three years time, for so long dured this march, there were hardly forty thousand men (as some write) left, of the afore-named sum that did arrive in the Land of Promise. These[272] went with their master and general Gottefrid de Boulion before the city of Jerusalem, wherein were a great number of the infidels, to defend it; yet they surrounded the city, and took it in a little time, and kill’d a great number of them. When they had taken the town on the fifteenth day of July, in the year 1099, and had reduced it, they laid down their armors and arms, and went to visit the holy Sepulchre with great devotion, and chose there unanimously their general King of Jerusalem, who at their request undertook the government, would not be call’d King, nor crown’d with a golden crown in that place, where our Saviour that Arch-King had worn one of thorns. After he had obtained this victory, he also subdued some adjacent towns, viz. Joppe call’d Jaffa, Porphria situated at the foot of mount Carmel, the Arabians and Turks call’d Hayphe, Tiberias and the confines of Galilea. He also overcame with a handful of his men, the Captain of the Sultan, who had a great number of men with him, and kill’d above thirty thousand of them. But as nothing is lasting in human affairs, he dy’d in the eleventh month of his reign, and was bury’d in the above-mention’d chapel, and upon his tomb-stone is still to be read this following epitaph.

Hic jacet inclitus dux Gottefridus de Boulion, qui totam istam terram acquisivit cultui Christiano: cujus anima regnet cum Christo. Amen.

After his decease the Christians unanimously chose his brother Baldewin King of Jerusalem in his place; he overcame with a small number of men the King of Egypt, that was twenty two thousand strong, and kill’d the greatest part of his men. And when he dy’d in the eighteenth year of his reign, they chose his cousin Baldewin of Burgo, the second of that name, King. This was a great warrior, and did many heroick deeds with few men against the Heathens; he overcame and took prisoner Gatzim the Turkish Prince of the Lesser Asia, with a great number of men; but soon after in the fifth year of his reign, he was beaten in a battle by the King of the Parthians, and carry’d away prisoner. In the mean time the Venetians and Genoese came with two hundred[273] and seventy ships, and dispersed and beat the Armada of the Saracens, and sunk many of their ships and took also the strong town of Tyrus, so that both by sea and land there was abundance of blood shed. When the enemies saw this, that they set the King at liberty again in the eighteenth month of his imprisonment, for a sum of money; after that he did execute in the six following years of his reign, in order to an enlargement of his kingdom, many glorious and famous deeds. He overthrew the King of the Ascalonites, who was assisted by the Egyptians, and fell upon Jerusalem in one single battle, and also beat the King of Damascus in three several ones, as you may see by his epitaph here underneath written:

Rex Baldewinus, Judas alter Machabæus,
Spes patriæ, vigor ecclesiæ, virtus utriusque
Quem formidabant, cui dona, tributa ferebant
Cedar, & Ægyptus, Dan, & homicida Damascus
Proh, dolor, in modico clauditur hic tumulo.

In the year 1131, the crown was presented to Fulcon, count of Andegavia, and son-in-law to the before-said Baldewin, who also obtain’d several victories against the Persians and Turks. But in his time there arose some differences among the Christians, and some conspiracies, which proved afterwards very disadvantageous to him; he lost also Edessa, a city in Mesopotamia, which King Baldewin the first had conquer’d before, which the Turks took by force from him. This King left two sons, Baldewin and Alamric, and after he had reigned eleven years, he fell dead when he hunted a hare on full speed. After him his Son Baldewin the third was crown’d, who also dy’d in the twenty fourth year of his reign, after he had fought several battles, and taken some towns. Then his brother Alamric came to the crown, who was a great warrior, so that he was very fit for this dignity, he obtain’d many victories against Sultan Saladin. But afterwards when the scales were turn’d, he dy’d also after his return from Egypt in the year 1178, his son Baldewin the fourth, and the seventh King, undertook the government of the Kingdom in the thirteenth year of his reign.[274] This, although he was leprous, yet he manag’d his business very well, and defended his dominions courageously and gloriously against the infidels. And because he would not be marry’d by reason of his distemper, therefore he marry’d his sister Sibylla to a Marquis of Monteferrato, call’d William. She was brought to bed in the first year of a son, and call’d him after his uncle Baldewin. But when William dy’d, he marry’d her again to Guido of Lusignan, Count of Joppe; with this condition, that after his decease he should rule the kingdom for his son-in-law, and be his guardian so long until he came at age. But he behaving himself very ill in the mean while, the King grew so angry with him, that he would by no means suffer him to live in his dominions, and order’d another to fill up his place, one Raymond, a Count of Tripoli. Soon after the King dy’d before his son was quite twenty years old, and was also bury’d in the temple of the holy Sepulchre. Within eight months after, did also die the true heir of the crown, the son of Sibylla his sister, and was also bury’d by the other Kings; so that we find still on three several tomb-stones that stand close one behind the other, viz.

Septimus in tumulo puer hic regnum tumulatus
Est, Baldewinus regum de sanguine natus.
Quem tulit è mundo sors primæ conditionis
Ut Paradysiacæ loca possideat regionis.

So by the incitation of his mother, Guido was proclaim’d the last King.

Raymund the Count of Tripoli, was extremely disgusted at this election, being that the Kingdom was already recommended to him, wherefore he resolved to go to war with him, and that he might be strong enough for him, he made a league with Sultan Saladin, to his own grief and ruin; for when the Sultan saw these differences between them two, he raised suddenly a great army, and took Jerusalem, and the whole country by force of arms. So the kingdom of Jerusalem, after the Christians had been possessed of it eighty eight years and nineteen days, was re-taken again by the infidels, not without great loss and damage.

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Not long after, the infidels did pull down the walls of the city, turn’d the churches into stables, saving the temple of Solomon, and spoiled the holy Sepulchre of our Lord Christ, which in all the other wars did still remain intire, so that only one side of the rock thereof is now to be seen. This was done by the infidels on purpose to shew us the foolish zeal we have to conquer and visit the holy grave and city, as if Christ were still in it. This and other places had been quite demolish’d also, had it not been for the eastern Christians, the Armenians, Syrians, &c. which did stop their fury, by giving of them a great sum of money, and so redeem’d it.

### CHAP. X.

A common account of several sorts of Christians, but chiefly of them that are always to be found in the temple of mount Calvaria; and also how these, and many other strangers, are treated by the Turkish Emperor (as by their chief head, to whom they generally are subjected) and his officers.

In the temple of mount Calvaria live Christians of several nations; as Latins or Italians, Abyssins, Græcians, Armenians, Georgians, Nestorians, Syrians, Jacobites, &c. which for the most part are Priests and Friers, who are of so different opinions in many articles of faith, that many of them might sooner be reckon’d amongst the superstitious and hereticks than Christians; wherefore each of them have their peculiar habitation and chapel, that they may perform their devotion undisturbed by one another. The Turkish Emperor also lets them alone, and doth not at all trouble them for their religion, nor endeavour to bring them over to the Mahometan religion and Koran; and is very well contented to receive his yearly tribute, which is exactly demanded as it cometh to be due. I have seen many of them in the temple to go up[276] and down in their peculiar habit, and once I did attend at their devotion, so that I easily passed away the times that the Turks kept us locked up in it.

Their Pilgrims resort thither yearly, chiefly against the great feasts or the holy days, in great numbers to see the holy places, not only from the eastern, but also from the western countries: Those that are under the subjection of the Sultan, which they are almost all of them (except the Latins and Abyssins) must pay him yearly the fourth part of all their revenues: He that hath four Olive, Almond, or Quince-trees, must yield one of them to be the Emperors. So in their harvest, every fourth sheaf is also his; their harvest beginneth in the beginning of April, and endeth in May, as you may see, Deut. chap. xvi. 9. ‘Seven weeks (that is from Easter to Whitsunday) shalt thou number unto thee: begin to number the seven weeks from such time as thou beginnest to put the sickle to the corn.’ Besides this imposition, they have another; that is, They must pay yearly for every head that is male, the poor as well as the rich, one ducat, and sometimes two, chiefly when the Sultan intendeth to go to war with the Christians; then he beginneth to lay these taxes upon them a year before-hand, and hath it gather’d in. He that hath not wherewithal to pay it, is forced either to sell one or the other of his children to perpetual slavery, or else to give one of them to the Grand Turk, according to his liking to be his own for ever: And what is more, he sendeth every fourth or fifth year through all his dominions his Emissaries, viz. Wallachia, Servia, Bosnia, Albania, Colchid, &c. to fetch away every third son of his Christian subjects, and they always chuse that which they like best; and so they bring together a great number, and call them Azanoglans, and give them to the Janizaries to be their servants. These have in some chief places their exercises from their infancy, that in time they may be fit to be made Officers and Commanders in time of war. In this the Turks exercise great cruelty and pride, they spare no body, for if a Christian doth possess some small matter of riches, he must either keep it very privately, or else with a great deal of discretion say, That it is all belonging to his Emperor and him. So if the Grand Signior hath occasion[277] for any thing of theirs whatsoever, it must be granted him without any refusal: But what a trouble and heart-breaking this must be to the poor parents, not only to have their children which are free by nature, forced to such a brutal way of life and education, but, what is more, taken away from baptism to circumcision, from the Christian congregation and faith, into a severe slavery and superstition, wherein they are brought from their duty to their parents, into a mortal enmity against them and their other relations, every Christian may with himself consider.

The Turks, where there is choice, take them that are single and young, because, they being still infirm, and but slightly grounded in their faith, they are the sooner seduced, chiefly if they are instructed in their Mahometan laws, and educated therein for a while, for then they soon forget their own faith, and grow in theirs, and so as they grow up in years, they also grow in their malice, and become to be worse than they themselves, as daily experience doth sufficiently testify.

Of the same stamp are also the Christians, that after they have been taken prisoners in the war, turn Mamalucks (which they call in their language Haracs) and are circumcised. These are free from all imposition as well as the Turks, save only the tenth, but dare not go away without their master’s leave, upon pain of death; if they are taken, they are according to their law, without any tryal, sentenced and condemned to be burnt. And these also are confirm’d and obdurated in their impious and base life, that they forget God and themselves, never think of coming home again to hear the Gospel preached, or to see their friends and relations again. Yet the prisoners are not so very much pressed by the Turks to deny their faith and turn, except there should be found one or more great persons among them, for such they always use to press more, and endeavour to turn them one way or other, and promise them great preferment if they will declare for their religion; for they are in hopes, that if they could persuade them, a great many more of the little ones would also come over with them. If such are persuaded by them and turn, they are entertained by the Turks very honourably,[278] and called Tscheleby, that is gentlemen, and endued with great revenues, but yet they do not easily confide in them, or put any trust into their hands, and do not esteem such inconstant and faltering men in their heart, although they carry themselves very friendly before their faces, for they make account, That he that will easily deny his religion, will also betray his Prince and country if occasion should serve. I have known in these countries some slaves, whom their masters that bought them as their servants, did very much press to be circumcised, but when they did mightily resist, and excuse themselves, and say, That they could not admit thereof with a safe conscience, and if by force, they should take away their prepuce and circumcise them, that notwithstanding all that, they could not circumcise their hearts, and therefore they desired them not to trouble themselves any farther with them, they were for all that ready and willing to serve them honestly and faithfully to the utmost of their power: So their masters have been satisfied with this answer, and have pressed them no more. But if it should happen that a Christian should be taken in one of their Mosques (for they, as unclean men, are forbid to come there) or should dispute with them, or speak ill of their Prophet Mahomet and his laws, or should pronounce these words, which are almost written every where in their churches, and underneath their gates, in their Arabian language, Leila hillalla Mahammet rasur alla; that is to say, O God, only God, and Mahomet a Prophet of God, he must (because they are an epitome of their religion, confession, belief and laws) suffer himself to be circumcised, or else lose his life. For being that Mahomet did defend his false doctrine described in the Koran, rather with the sword than with reason and true grounds, that it might not be discovered, and so his adherents leave him. Mahomet to prevent this, by the devil’s inspiration, hath strengthen’d it with strong points and articles, viz. That no body shall discourse or dispute with any Sectaries whatsoever, much less believe them, or read their books, as such wherein is no ground to be found, because all that is good and true in the old Testament, testified by the Jews, and in the new one, by the Christians, is by him taken out and[279] transcribed into his Koran, and therefore it must be believed and kept as the word of God, without any scruple or search; and he that speaketh or writeth against it, must fall by the sword, and besides be damned for ever.

Who doth not see that this subtile Mahomet did this, that any body that he gets once into his snares, or that falls into his net, might be so entangled, that he must be forced to keep there to perish and to be damned for ever; notwithstanding all his sweet promises of great privileges, salaries, and permission of sodomitish sins, robbing, burning, perjury, &c. which transgressions they regard but very little, seeing that according to their Prophet’s promise, if they pray but often, and wash themselves often, they do not only not hurt them, but by continual usage of the before-mentioned means, they become to be cleaner than we Christians from our sins, in the bath of regeneration. To these traditions of Mahomet, the Turks and Moors stick so close, and believe them implicitly, according to the commands of Mahomet; so that one, although he be of another opinion, because they will hear no contradiction nor objection, is forced to hold his tongue and say nothing. And in case you should ask them why they are forbid to eat pork, or drink wine? they answer and say, That their Parents did so before them, partly because they are unclean, and partly because they are forbid it in their Koran; or else that if they should over-fill themselves with it, so that they should bring it up again, it might contaminate their cloaths, and so they should commit a great rusticity; so that they know not how to give any reason concerning their religion. Wherefore their law ought to be called or reputed cruel, and a tyrannical one, that is rather upheld by the sword than by reason and justice; which also appeareth from thence, that they carry a naked scymiter before the noblemens sons, when they carry them about the streets in order to be circumcised; and also their Priests, chiefly those that are called Antippi, after prayers and sermon, shew unto the people from a high place, a burning torch in one hand, and a naked scymiter in the other, to encourage their own adherents, and to frighten those that are of a contrary opinion; and so Mahomet pretends to his adherents, that God hath bidden him to conquer all[280] other nations by the sword, until they confess that there is no other God besides God, and Mahomet his Prophet; or else agree to pay him yearly tribute, and to be his obedient subjects; if they follow his directions, his laws will endure so long as they defend them by the sword. Now how strictly they have hitherto prosecuted these his commandments, the inhabitants of the eastern countries have formerly, to their grief, sufficiently experienced, viz. Asia, Syria, the Land of Promise, Ægypt, Thracia, Greece, &c. which they have not only conquered, and to their own great improvement subdued, but have also infected them with their poisonous doctrine to such a degree, that in these our times there are but very few to be found in those parts, that do adhere unto the true religion.

It being so then, that God Almighty hath visited them with these great punishments, by reason of their manifold sins and ingratitude, for his holy and sacred word, and that we also are guilty of these and the like sins and vices, we cannot wonder that the Almighty and Just God, should, according to our demerits, send also such a horrid tyrant against us, to terrify us very much, and come so near to us, that we must expect every moment (except we amend) the like punishments and executions. And so we hear daily, to our grief, that this potent tyrant is continually at work, and taketh one strong town after another; and what is more, they take often in their excursions, a great number of our brethren and sisters, part whereof they murder barbarously, others they carry away into perpetual slavery. When they have obtained a victory, and have got booty, there is ready, and at hand, several Sutlers, that drive a great trade by buying and selling poor prisoners; these buy them of the Soldiers, chain them (after they have given the Grand Turk the tenths thereof, according to his choice and pleasure) together with long chains, and so drive them away miserably, as if they were beasts, to the chief trading towns, to sell them with profit again to others, that come thither from foreign countries. There you find weekly, in their Batzars or Exchanges, many prisoners of several nations, viz. Christians, Moors, Arabians, Indians, Abyssins, and amongst them young[281] and old, men and women, some whereof are white, and others black; thither come the chapmen and cheapen them; they have liberty to look upon their naked bodies, as if they were beasts, and to feel them, whether they are sound in their limbs, or whether they have any defect, which they always fear. If they like their bargain, the buyers take them home with them into their small habitations or tents, and put them (chiefly those that are given to idleness, and have learned no trade) to any sort of hard labour, and all that they get so belongeth to their master, who disposeth of it as he pleaseth. Wherefore those that keep many men and maids, esteem themselves richer for it; and sometimes they marry them together, and when they beget children, they are slaves as well as themselves, and he hath power to educate them, and to dispose of them as he pleaseth. Wherefore the Christians (that to their temporal punishment, they may not also acquire eternal ones, for their childrens sake) in these countries do seldom marry, but rather study how to make their escape, if they are not hindered for want of that language, and by unskilfulness of the roads; or else they go with their master before a Justice, in their language called Cadi, and there buy their liberty for a sum of money, or else agree with him for a certain time, and so make a contract with him concerning their liberty, which commonly those do that intend to persevere in their Christian religion, or undertake to get something by their handy-work, that when the time is past, or the money paid, the Justice may, according to the instrument before made by him at their request, declare him free, and give him a pass, to shew upon the road, that he may not be molested. Other ways to get their liberty there are but very few, except their master should happen to dye, which commonly in their last will, declare that their bought servants, after the opening of it, shall have their liberty. Sometimes it happens, that from others they buy false letters (which are soon found out in these countries) and so by the help of them get away clandestinely.

But yet that but a few slaves come from thence to us again, the chief reason is not, as many think, because the[282] Turks press them to change their religion; for although they sometimes threaten them, as they use to do, or treat them somewhat more hardly than is usual in their servitude, as Christians also do very often, but rather their secure and impenitent life which they lead, forgetting God and his holy Word to that degree, that they know not how to give an account of their Christian faith and religion; nay, (what is more) they know not the difference between these two religions, which are so vastly differing, although they would, if they did know it, rather suffer death than be seduced from the true religion, and precipitate the soul, together with the body, into damnation. When then the knowledge of the truth is gone, and faith almost, if not quite extinguish’d, so that there is but little hope left of their salvation, they daily forsake their religion as fast as worm-eaten fruit falls from the tree; begin to think how to compensate their bodily suffering, they may lay up and get money by robbing and burning, and so get privileges, to live according to their own will and pleasure, like beasts in daily uncleanness; and when they are harden’d in it, they come at last to such a degree of sottishness and brutality, that (as St Peter saith) they believe the chief good of this world to consist in voluptuousness, wherein they perish at length, and must expect the wages of unrighteousness with the rest.

When the Turks have conquered one or more (which they discern at first by their fore-finger, which those that have a mind to turn use to shew to them first, as a token, by lifting of it up over their heads, chiefly in their Mosques) they rejoyce in them mightily, and are clearly of opinion, That this their work is precious and good before God, and that their religion is confirmed and upheld by the assenting of many; wherefore they soon meet together to confirm these turn-coats with their usual ceremonies, and so to make them true Turks. First they lay before them a cross, whereon they must trample three times, spit upon it, and repeat every time some words after them taken out of the Koran; so the Christians that will be made Turks pronounce them after them. When this is done, three of them are ready with their bows, and shoot together up, and give them[283] before the arrows fall down again Turkish names: then (if they be men) they set them up upon high horses, put them on their best cloaths, and dress them neatly, and so lead them for two days together through all the streets, that every body may see them, and know them to be such as do adhere to their religion, and so to be free to walk and deal among them without any hinderance. If they are of an higher degree, and of great authority, sometimes ride along with them some Turkish gentlemen of quality, in their best dress, accompanied by many Janizaries, who fire here and there in the streets for joy, but chiefly in those places where they spy Christians. They have with them all sorts of musical instruments, viz. The drums, great drums, and little drums, (which they beat at the same time both above and below) hautboys, and others: They also carry in this their procession long streamers upon long poles, almost like unto them that we see in the cross-walks in our Frieries; and besides, the rabble that run before and behind make such a noise, that one cannot hear the other. When all this is over, they circumcise them at last on the third day, and then they reckon such an one to be a true Musulman, that is, a circumcised one, who hath leave to go to their Mosques without being hindered, to buy their books and writings, and to read them, which must not be sold to others that are not of their religion, upon pain of great punishment, that they may not come into unclean hands, or to be trod upon as writings of no worth.

Their Jews, whereof there are a great many among them, and are called by them Choifut or Choifoutler, excel ours in cheating and cozening by far, and there is no doubt but they would oftentimes renounce their religion to make profit: But the Turks envy them more than we Christians, they do not trust them, they reckon them not worthy to eat with them as they do with us Christians, nor marry with them; much less will they receive them as any thing related to their religion, except it be, that before for some days they have frequented the Christian churches, and there are baptized, and have often eaten pork, that unclean meat, that is also forbidden unto them. When they have done[284] thus, they proceed with them after the same manner as is before-said.

Concerning the Christians that live among the Turks, as the Surians, Armenians, &c. they have here and there in great trading cities, their peculiar streets which they inhabit, and they are commonly without in the suburbs; and thereabout are also small and low churches, where they perform their devotions. When they begin to be decayed of age, or are burnt by fire, or destroyed in war time, if they will have them built up again, they must have leave first of the Turkish magistrate, and lay down a good sum of money, which grants nothing except you grease them well.

The Turks (to save charges) suffer no bells nor clocks, neither in their own nor other temples, nor will they give leave to the Christians to ring to church with them, so that all day long you neither hear a bell toll, nor a clock strike. Instead thereof, the Turks have, according to their Koran, their five hours set, which their Priests call out from the high steeples, and in the exchanges, with a loud voice, and with stopped ears, and cry, Alla Haickbar, that is, God is true; and then, Leila hillalla, Mahammet rasur alla; each of them he repeats twice, to call the people to their devotions. But the Christians have a servant, that at the hours of prayers and sermon goeth about with a strong cudgel, and striketh, in every street, on one or more doors made strong for that purpose, as if it were upon an anvil, several times, which resounds through all the street.

When the Christians pray, they observe almost the same ceremonies with the Turks, Persians and Arabians, &c. they turn themselves towards the south, they speak low in the beginning, lift up their hands, bend their heads and whole bodies downwards; then they fall down upon their knees, kiss the earth several times, and pray with great devotion; which custom the Jews keep also, and that without doubt, because the Patriarchs used the same in their prayers, as we read in Genesis chap. xvii. verse 3. and 17. ‘And Abraham fell on his face:[285] Exod. xvii. 11. When Moses held up his hands Israel prevailed:’ And in 1 Kings xviii. 42. is said, ‘And Elijah went up to the top of Carmel, and he cast himself down upon the earth, and put his face between his knees:’ And also Nehemiah viii. 6. ‘And all the people answered, Amen, Amen, with lifting up their hands; and they bowed they heads and worshipped the Lord with their faces to the ground.’ So did Christ himself, lying on his face, vehemently pray the third time. If we Christians did but mind the fervency and zeal of the heathens and superstitious in their prayers, we should see what reason we have to awake from our laziness and coldness in our prayers, and to pray with earnestness. There live in Turky so many Christians, that they inhabit the greatest part of that country; wherefore considering their great number (to speak according to all human probability) it would be an easy matter to subdue the Turks without the assistance of any outlandish power, and to drive them out of their own countries, did not God Almighty, who visiteth us for our manifold sins, set them over us as a punishment: For although the Turkish Emperor sets his Beglerbys and Bashaws, as great and mighty lords here and there over great provinces and countries, to rule them with great zeal and severity, and to order all business according to his pleasure, so that among so great a number of people, and considering their severe reign and government (where small transgressions are vigorously punished) there is not easily to be feared an insurrection; yet he could not be half so strong, without the help of the Christians that live amongst his people, nor be able to bring together such mighty and numerous armies of good and experienced soldiers.

The Christians, for the most part, wear as well as the Turks long cloaths, and gird their loins with fine and soft rollers, some of silk, and others made of cotton; in them they keep still to this day their money, chiefly the poor, as some with us, that have no pockets, do in their handkerchiefs, tied up in a strong knot; the same without doubt did the ancients wear, as the words of Christ our Saviour, Matth. x. 9. give us to understand, where he speaketh to his disciples, and sends them into[286] the world, saying, Provide neither gold nor silver, nor brass in your purses. (In the German bible, we read girdles.) With such a one, without doubt, the Prophet Agabus did tie the hands of the Apostle Paul in Cesarea in the house of Philip, when he would make him to understand, that the Jews at Jerusalem would take and tie him, and at length deliver him up into the hands of the heathens, as you may read in Acts xxi. Now altho’ the Christians go as well as the Turks in long cloaths, so that that way they are hardly to be distinguished from one another; yet they are distinguished by the peculiar colours of their turbants, which they wear; for the Turks wear white ones, as also do the Arabians and Persians, only these put behind to it a red coloured cloth, and the others make it up in another form, and let one of the ends hang down behind to defend their naked necks from the excessive heat of the sun. But the uncircumcised that have a differing religion, are not allowed to wear a white one, unless another colour be mixed with it, much less a green one; which colour being their Mahomet’s, and esteemed to be holy, is not allowed to be worn by any body, neither Turks nor Christians, (except to their Priests and some Pilgrims that have been on pilgrimage to Mecca) neither in turbants nor other cloaths. So the Armenians have blue, the Nestorians flesh coloured, the Grecians, Maronites, Surians, and others have white ones with blue lists wrought into them. But the Jews have yellow ones, as they have in our country yellow bonnets; yet when they have a mind to travel afar off, as into Mesopotamia, Assyria, Persia, or into the Indies, &c. (seeing that the Turks hate them, that so they may travel the securer, and with little charges) they put on white ones by the way, and pretend to be Tschelebys, or noblemen, nay, sometimes messengers of the Cambre, which they may easily do, because they understand the languages, yet not without great danger. But they stay not long in a place, that they may not come to be known.

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There are also some Jewish Physicians, which instead of the yellow turbants, wear red high hats of scarlet, they exceed in number the Turkish ones, that go cloathed like the common people. They are commonly more able and learned, because they can read the physical books of Galen and Avicenna, &c. in their original languages Greek and Arabick; which they generally understand. But for the Latin tongue, very few of them understand that, neither have they any good books in it, but what they have received in the taking the island Cyprus.

So much of the Christians in general. But because I have made mention of Christians of several nations, that inhabit the temple of mount Calvaria, what places in and without the town of Jerusalem each of them are possessed of, and with what errors in religion they are contaminated, I cannot but relate in particular of each of them, as much as I could understand and learn in that little time.

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### CHAP. XI.

Of the Greeks.

As the ancient Greeks in former days did excel almost all other nations in wisdom and understanding, and used to have their children instructed at home in their own universities in all manner of learning; so in our times we find the contrary; for in all Greece there is not one university to be found, where such discipline and learning flourishes as did anciently; just so is the desire of learning, and instructing their children extinguished in them. They take greater delight in idle discourses, and rather love idleness, which they have learned very well, since they truckle under the Turkish yoke. ’Tis true, they write the Greek language, but which is as corrupt and different from the ancient, as the Italian is from the Latin. The Turks despise them for their laziness and cowardise, and on the contrary they love the Germans, French and Italians, and praise them, saying, That they are stout and courageous soldiers; they call them all by the same name Franci, because the divisions of our country are unknown to most of them.

In former ages they had here and there in large and eminent towns, instead of the Pope (whom they will not obey, nor be subject unto) their Patriarch, Archbishops and Bishops, whereof some are still kept up; but after the Turks did take and possess themselves of their country, there is fewer of them in number, and they have smaller revenues.

Without their country, they have in great trading Cities, as Cairo, Aleppo, Antiochia of Syria, Venice, &c. their peculiar churches, and chiefly in some holy places in the Land of Promise. As at Jerusalem the temple of mount Calvaria, the place of Skulls, whereon Christ was crucified; and also the beautiful chancel that is in[289] the middle of the church; wherein is a round hole about a span over in a stone, which is, as they pretend, the middle of the earth, according to the words of the kingly prophet David, when he says: ‘God, who now is my King from the beginning, has wrought our selves on the middle of the earth.’ Besides these, they have another called the Holy Cross, about an English Mile out of town, which, as they pretend, is built on the same place where the tree did grow whereof they made the cross of Christ. Besides this, they have a great many more which I reckon unnecessary to mention here.

Some of their church doors are so low, that you must stoop when you will go through them.

They believe that the Holy Ghost doth proceed only from the Father, and not from the Son. They keep yearly two great fasts, and they eat flesh upon the sabbath, or saturday, at pleasure; they sing the mass in their own language, that every body may understand it. In their churches they suffer no embossed work, nor carved images, but have plain pictures on boards, or on the walls. They do not believe in Purgatory, as the Papists there, called Latini, do; nor that our praying, fasting or offering for the dead can do them any good. And they are mightily displeased, that the Roman priests do not, according to the plain words of St Paul, marry as well as they, nor give the Lord’s Holy Supper in both kinds, as our Lord himself did institute it. Wherefore they condemn such errors of the Popish church, and excommunicate the Pope and his adherents on the Holy Friday yearly. And because they reckon them to be superstitious, they will not permit them to say mass upon their altars; but if they should do it, they accuse them before the Turkish magistrates.

So it happened when I first came over, that they were very angry with a Papist that had said mass upon their altar, and so had profaned it, wherefore they did immediately consecrate the altar again, and had the Priest before the Cadi: and they brought it so far, that he was mulcted five hundred ducats, to pay in a short time. When he thought that the punishment was greater than the tresspass or transgression, he did seek for[290] help at Aleppo and Tripoli, by the French and Italian Consul, but did obtain no great matter, so that he was still in election to pay the forfeiture.

### CHAP. XII.

Of the Surians that esteem themselves to be Christians.

Among the eastern Christians, we also find them that are called Surians, whereof there is a great many, but chiefly in Syria. They have like unto the Jews in several towns their peculiar churches. In Jerusalem they live in the church of St Mark, which stands in the place, where the house stood formerly, at the door whereof St Peter the apostle did knock when the angel had delivered him out of prison.

In their religion they follow for the greatest part the Greeks; they administer the Sacrament in leavened bread; and they say their masses like unto them in the vulgar Arabian tongue. They are a sort of poor naked, covetous, and helpless people; their gowns reach only to their knees, as those of the Maronites, some whereof are wrought of coarse goats hair, striped black and white, such as the Arabians make use of commonly, and almost alike unto their Mescha, which they use for sacks and tents, and they wear nothing underneath them, but shirts without neckbands, as is usual in all the eastern countries, they wear high shoes, which serve them for stockings and breeches also, being tied up with straps. They are subject unto the Turks, who make use of them as labourers both by water and land. They also mind their trade more than their religion; wherefore having lived so long among the Turks, they have already assumed their customs and manners in temporal and spiritual affairs, and are thereby become so confident and secure, that now-a-days the difference[291] between these two religions are esteemed by them to be small and frivolous. If a Christian hath to deal with them, and desireth, to buy something of them, either Opium, Scammony, or any other the like drug, which they commonly falsify, he must look to himself as if he had to deal with Jews.

### CHAP. XIII.

Of the Georgians.

Near unto the glorious city of Trapozinta, situated on the Euxine sea, beginneth the country of the Georgians, and buts toward the south upon Armenia. These are very civil and simple people, but yet strong and brave warriors; they esteem and honour among other saints, but chiefly for warlike businesses, as their patron, the Knight St George, from whom they take their denomination. Their Merchants come very often in great caravans to Aleppo, and are, according to all appearance, in their shape and posture like unto the Persians, only that these are more whitish, and the others more tawny and browner: they wear also like them, short flying coats, and long and wide drawers, &c. They have, as the rest, their Patriarchs and Bishops, who, altho’ they are differing and dissenting in some points; yet for the most part they follow the doctrine and errors of the Grecians, and so they have and use the same writings and offices. Their priests are, as well as those of the Armenians, allowed to be married; but yet if either of them should happen to die, they must not marry again. In Jerusalem they are also possessed of their peculiar places, wherein they sing and exercise the offices, and chiefly of one in the church of mount Calvaria, in the place near the sepulchre of our Lord Christ, where he did first appear unto Mary Magdalen in the similitude of a Gardener after his resurrection.

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### CHAP. XIV.

Of the Armenians and their religion.

The Armenians possess a large country, which is chiefly divided into two parts, viz. The lesser Armenia, which is now subject to the Turks, and the greater, now called Turco-Mannia by some, which is partly belonging to the Sophy King of Persia. In it arise two great rivers, the Euphrates and the Tygris, which run a great way toward the south, mix together below Bagadet, and at length fall into the Persian gulf, by the town Balsora or Batzera. They are pious and honest people, innocent, but very zealous in their religion, and receive strangers readily that come to them, and give them lodging, as I have often found it in my travels. They are also very much inclined to help and assist the poor slaves that are under Turkish confinement, and ready to help them out. Their Merchants, whereof there are many amongst them, are dispersed not only over all Turky, but also Persia, the Indies, and many other countries; wherefore they have in all chief towns of trading, as Antiochia, Aleppo, situated in Cœlosyria, Orpha, &c. their peculiar warehouses and churches; and also in Jerusalem (whither they go in great numbers) the beautiful church of St Jacob the Greater; and also below near to the place of Skulls, another chapel locked up, &c. and have commonly before their chancels large hangings, behind which the priests keep separated from the people.

These, although they agree in very many points and articles exactly with those of the reformed religion, yet notwithstanding they have some errors worth to be rejected, and some scandalous customs besides. So you may see them here and there cry over the graves of their deceased friends; for to give them visits, they go out in the morning early, the greater part of them old[293] women, and there they make such mourning and howling, that the travellers that come by (for their graves or burying places, are generally out of town near the highways) may hear them a great way off. There you shall see them sit, some folding their hands over their heads, and looking mournfully; others fetching great sighs, beating on their breasts; others spreading themselves over the graves, as if they would embrace their friends and take them in their arms. In the mean while, their priests go about among them reading and praying, and sometimes they speak to some of them. When they have done mourning thus, and cast sorrows from their hearts sufficiently, they sit down together, eat, drink, and be merry.

They do not at all esteem the Popes of Rome, but have their own prelates, which they honour with great and peculiar reverence; neither do they believe any indulgences, nor purgatory.

Their priests go in plain habits; they have wives as well as their laymen; they let their hair and beards grow; they keep on Easter-day a great feast, and soon after beginneth their Lent, which they keep strictly, and therein, as also on Wednesday and Friday all the year round, they eat neither eggs nor flesh, nor any thing else that ever had life in it, only Saturday and Sundays they are allowed them, to refresh themselves; other feasts and holydays they do not keep any at all. In all these points, they rather agree with the Abyssins than the Romans; and also in these following, viz. That they eat not of unclean meats that are forbidden in the Old Testament; they admit to the communion young and old without distinction; they baptize their children in the name of the Holy Trinity; they believe the articles of our Christian faith; they preach, sing, pray, and perform all their devotion in the vulgar tongue, that every one may understand it; they use for the interpretation of the word of God, the writings of John Chrysostom, and Gregory Nazianzen; they dare not, no more than all the other nations that live amongst the Turks, except the Maronites, make use of any clocks, to call people to church, in place whereof they have strong wooden tables, or some house doors prepared,[294] several in each street, whereon they strike several strokes with a great cudgel, and so call people to church.

### CHAP. XV.

Of the Nestorians.

Towards the east, are other people which esteem themselves Christians, and among the rest, chiefly the Nestorians called after the Heretic Nestorius, who was a Bishop at Constantinople. Some of their priests live upon the mount Calvaria in the temple, and there are a great many adherents to this sect, most of them living in Mesopotamia, Chaldea and Assyria, but chiefly in the mountainous country of the Curtans, called Carduci by Ptolomy, which they almost quite possess, and have poisoned with their base and obnoxious error, as if it were by an infectious air; for in passing through, I have found many of them in their cities, as Hapril, Carcuck, Mosel, formerly called Nineveh. They are strong and warlike people, but full of vices, and from their infancy given to robbing. They inhabit towards north and east, as is before said, upon the Armenians and Medes; and they are a very ancient people, whereof chiefly Xenophon maketh mention under the name of Carducci, and are called to this day Curters. They speak their peculiar language, which neither the Arabians, Armenians, nor Turks do understand; they are of a brownish colour, like unto the Surians and Maronites, and wear the same cloth or habiliments that one cannot readily discern or distinguish one from the other, save only by their flesh coloured lists in their turbants. The Grand Signior is their head, whom they obey, and they are kept and respected very well by the Turks, partly that he may not give them occasion for an insurrection, because they are upon the borders, and partly because Mahomet hath charged them to be kind to them before others, and that the[295] rather, because he had a frier of their sect called Sergius for his tutor, who did baptize him, and counselled and assisted him to make such laws, and to give them to his adherents; and so you may still see, that they agree more than any other sect with the Saracens. For whereas they believe, that in Christ, according to his two natures, are two distinct persons, one of the Godhead, the other of the Manhood. They will not allow, any more than Mahomet, the Virgin Mary to be the mother of God, but the mother of Christ, according to his human nature. They have a Prelate instead of the Pope, whom they call Jacelich. They bless and give the Sacrament as the Surians do, and use in their spiritual services the Chaldean language, else they speak the common of their provinces, viz. in their own country, as is abovesaid, their own language; in Chaldea and Mesopotamia, commonly the Arabian and Saracen language. So in Assyria beyond the river Tygris, where the two mighty Princes the Turk and the King of Persia do border upon one another, the language of the Turks, Persians and Medes, although they are quite differing. These and other languages the holy Apostles did understand, and in them they did speak on the day of Pentecost, when they received the Holy Ghost, as you may read in Acts ii. verse 5. where it is thus written: ‘And there were dwelling at Jerusalem, Jews, devout men out of every nation under heaven, each whereof heard the Apostles speak in his own language wherein he was born, as that of the Parthians, Medes, Elamites, or Persians, that of those also that live in Mesopotamia and Judea, &c.’ This sect was rejected and condemned in the council of Ephesus.

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### CHAP. XVI.

Of the Jacobites called Golti.

In the temple of mount Calvaria also live, in the chapel behind the Sepulchre of Christ, another sort, that boast to be Christians, call’d Jacobites, after Jacob the Heretic, who was a pupil of the Patriarch of Alexandria. They pretend to have been first converted to the Christian Religion by the holy Evangelist and Apostle Matthew; but they did not adhere to it, but fell afterwards into a great many errors, so that in our time they are divided into other sects and orders. For some have assumed the order of St Macharius, who with Eutichius did own or believe no more but one nature in Christ; others that of St Anthony, who was an Eremite in the year of our Lord Christ 324, in Egypt. Others have their male children circumcised; but others, and the greater part, have their children baptized with fire, and have crosses made on their foreheads or temples, according to the words of St John the Baptist in the third chapter of St Matthew v. 11. He that cometh after me, shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire. They live chiefly in Egypt, and in other adjacent places. They are generally subject unto the Turkish Sultan, and speak the vulgar Arabian language, and agree in most points, partly with the Abyssins, and partly with the Surians. We saw many of their wives go about in the temple, they wear hats near a span high, which at top have a broad brim like unto our bonnets, else they are habited like unto the Surians. This Heresy was rejected and condemn’d in the Chalcedonian council.

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### CHAP. XVII.

Of the Abyssins, Priest John called Lederwick, subject unto the King of the Moors.

These live at Jerusalem in the temple of mount Calvaria, just by the church door towards the left, and have through their lodging a peculiar way, so that without hindrance, according to their pleasure they may go in and out; and pretend that their King hath made a peculiar agreement to let his subjects have free egress and regress. According to all appearance they are a naked people, yet for all that they may be rich and able; they are of a dark brown colour. When we spoke to them by an interpreter, they shew’d themselves very kind and friendly, and always did give with a great deal of discretion such answers to our questions, that one might easily conclude that they were of good understanding, and well instructed and grounded in their religion. To their King is given, in the beginning of his reign, the sirname of David, which else are call’d Lederwick, and by the Persians, Amma, to shew and to make known by it, that they are derived from the kingly race and stem of David and Solomon; and to prove this, they alledge the history of the Queen of Sheba, call’d Merquerda, who, as we read in Scripture, came from rich Arabia, with many camels laden with gold, spices, and precious stones, to Jerusalem, to see the great wisdom and glory of Solomon, whereof she had heard much. When she had been there a good while, and in the mean time was got with child by Solomon, and brought him a son into the world call’d Meytich, she left him at Jerusalem, but she return’d into her own country again. Many years after, when the son was grown up, and came to his understanding, his father,[298] seeing he had more sons, was persuaded to send him home to his mother, who had a greater kingdom than he. So he did dispatch him, and sent along with him the chiefest of his courtiers, and sent him away with a great train, as did become a King. When he was come into his kingdom, he entertained these lords and gentlemen very honourably, and promoted them before all others to the highest and best places, that they might the willinger stay with him. But all this would not prevail with them, but they grew daily more tired, and unwilling to stay longer in these strange and unaccostum’d countries; and this encreased daily more and more, and at length to that height, that they resolved that, if the King would not give them free leave, they would endeavour to make their escape clandestinly against the King’s will to Jerusalem in Judea. When this their design came before the King he was very angry, and order’d immediately, that a mark should be burnt on their foreheads, that every body might know them; and issued a proclamation. That all his subjects might watch them, and if any of them, that were a going away should be taken, they should detain them, and send them to him again. Now as at this time the marks did begin, and then those had them that were of a great race, so they are retained by their posterity to this very day, as we still see in these times, that their nobility have them on their foreheads towards the right; yet not all, for there are some that wear them rather upon their shields and arms, &c. These marks are not all alike, for in some you see a bear, a dragon’s head, &c. in others a lyon, a wolf, or three crossed arrows, &c. because every one hath that made that they give in their coats of arms; they colour it with an oil which they call Achalcinte, and is brought to them from Greece. Besides this custom, they still keep in many things to the ancient ones of the Jews, for they keep the Sabbath for their peculiar holiday; and also they do not eat all sorts of flesh, nor any of them that are forbid as unclean in the Old Testament; they pretend that the holy Apostle Philip hath, when he travell’d with the Chamberlain of Candaces Queen of[299] the Moors to Gaza, and converted him there, allow’d them this and other things, being born Jews. Circumcision they believe unnecessary, and that it can neither profit nor hurt a Christian. And again, Baptism they believe to be necessary, wherefore through all his large dominions they bring their children to it on the third day, and baptize them yet with fire, in the name of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, whom they believe to proceed only from the Father, and not from the Son, according to the words of St Matthew, chap. iii, vers. 11. He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire. They take the oil of Achalcinte, dip a stick into it, and lay frankincense upon it, and set it on fire; and so they let some drops fall down, which do not hurt the children, being mix’d with the oil; and at last they make a cross with it upon the left side of their forehead near unto the temple.

They begin their Lent about Easter, as the Armenians, wherein the lay-men eat nothing else but fruit, herbs, and pulse; but their Priest generally nothing but bread and water, and so they do every Wednesday and Fryday throughout all the year. They marry also according to the words of St Paul, that a Priest shall be a husband of one wife; they give the Lord’s Supper to young and old alike in leaven’d bread in both kinds; and they confess their sins like unto the Jacobites, to no body but only God. The Portuguese that go to the Indies know them very well, and love them for being good soldiers, and are glad if they will live among them, and go out and in with them.

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### CHAP. XVIII.

Of the MARONITES.

Besides all these there is also a sort of Christians, who first after Maro the Heretic were call’d Maronites; who believed that there is but one Nature, Understanding, and Work in Christ, according to the opinion of Macharius the Heretic, whom he followeth diligently; but since they have by degrees left this, and are return’d to the Popish religion again. And although they are still of it, yet they give the Sacrament in both kinds to the lay-men, as almost all other nations do, according to the words of the institution of our Lord Christ. In all other points they follow the Roman religion more than any other nation. Their Priests wear over their cloaths black hair vestments. They live for the most part in Syria, but chiefly upon the promontory of mount Libanus, whereupon they have a monastery within a day’s journey of Tripoli, call’d Our Lady’s, which is situated underneath a large rock, wherein their Patriarch dwelleth, whom they respect very much, and kiss his hands with their knees bended, &c. whereof I have made mention here before. The Patriarchs are still to this day chosen by the commons, and afterwards confirmed by the Pope; and so this (when he after the decease of his predecessor, came into a dispute with one of his competitors concerning the election) did presently, unknown to his adversary, go to Rome, and so obtained in person the patriarchal sea from the Pope.

The common people are in their shape and habits so like unto the Surians, and their neighbours the Arabians, that except by their turbants none can know them from each other. They are a couragious and war-like people, very well provided with guns and other arms, as well as their confederates the Trusci; and because they are not subject, nor pay any contribution[301] unto the Turkish Sultan, therefore they still keep their bells and other privileges.

They speak the Arabian language, and their books are also written (as many as I could see of them in their churches) with Arabian characters or letters, which they always kiss with great reverence when they take them up, or lay them down, according to the custom of all other eastern people or nations, as well Heathens as Christians.

They keep a very severe order, and never eat flesh, and on their fasts neither butter nor eggs, but live upon fruits, as beans, peas, French-beans, and such other common victuals. But yet if any Merchants, or Pilgrims, come from Tripoli, or any other places, they let them want neither for meat nor drink; nay, they shew themselves to every body so benevolent (as I have found it three several times) and civil, that one would wish to stay some time with them. These live not continually in the temple of mount Calvaria, but go often thither on pilgrimages.

### CHAP. XIX.

Of the Latinists or Papists.

The Latinists or Papists, living at Jerusalem in the often before-named temple, are Friers of the order of the Lesser Franciscans; they chiefly possess the holy Sepulchre of our Lord Jesus Christ, which they keep in very good order, and read their Hora’s diligently, wherefore their father stileth himself Guardian of the holy Sepulchre and mount Sion. Besides this, they are possessed of more holy places, as at Bethlehem the stable wherein our dear Lord Christ did lie in the manger with the Ox and the Ass; in the mountains of Judea, the temple of St John the Baptist; in Bethania, the Sepulchre wherein Lazarus had lain four days when Christ raised him from the dead, and here and there many others. These, as all know, are dispersed in a great many places and kingdoms; nay, almost thro’ all the world.[302] Their head is the Pope of Rome, who pretends to be the Vicegerent of Christ, and taketh upon himself so much power, as to prescribe to all men laws according to his own pleasure, which Christendom finds every day to it’s great grief. Wherefore in the mean while they are grown into so many divisions, idolatry, and ceremonies, that they quite out-do all the before-named nations. But being that they are in these our times so very well described, that, thanks to God, they are very well known to every body, therefore I forbear to write more of them, and will only before I conclude, make mention of these brethren that live at Jerusalem, only in a few points, and say that these that live in the monastery at Jerusalem are about twenty in number more or less, according as they go and come, and among them are Spaniards, Italians, French-men and Germans, &c. that commonly are sent thither by Kings and Princes; but being that they have more churches and places in and without Jerusalem to provide for, their Father Guardian distributeth them, sends some to Bethlehem to look after the manger of Christ, others upon the hills of Judea; to the mount of Olives, and towards Bethania, &c. but before all others, always two and two into the temple of mount Calvaria, to stay there for fourteen days together. But being that the temple is always lock’d up, that the Priests that are within it may not want for food, as well as others that are with them, therefore three holes, one bigger than the other, are made in the great door of the church, that thro’ them all necessaries of meat and drink may be convey’d to them. Those that are thus lock’d up in the temple, do but look diligently after the holy Sepulchre, and read their Hora’s, with singing and praying, and to look after the lamps; but chiefly those that hang in the Sepulchre of Christ to illuminate it. There are about twenty of these lamps, one better and clearer than the other; they belong for the most part to great persons, as Kings and Princes, whereof they have their yearly revenue, that is sent them by their brethren; but chiefly from Italy and the Italian Princes, and the most Catholic King of Spain. But from Germany, England, and also now Cyprus the isle since it hath been taken by the Turks, they complain they have nothing as they had in former ages; and the most[303] Christian King of France, doth also already begin to forget them, which they have found some years since; and the number of the Pilgrims doth also decrease, which formerly used to flock thither in great numbers, and sometimes to reward them, besides meat and drink, very nobly, which they find very prejudicial to them, seeing they have no revenues of any other lands or the like.

They receive the Pilgrims, that come in to them, very kindly, and treat them very well with meat and drink, and shew them all the holy places, and keep them so long until they have seen every thing to their satisfaction, and are willing to depart.

They are but very meanly cloathed, like unto poor Mendicants; they live very privately, and keep their concerns very close, because of the Arabian horse-men or Beduins, that fall upon them daily, and ravage these countries continually, wherefore they are in great danger. When they come, you must at least give them meat and drink, if not other booty, as I saw my own self at Bethlehem when I first arrived there, that twelve horse-men, with guns, arrows, and darts, very well armed, came to the gates of the temple, and they were forced to satisfy them, before they would leave them, and to give them good words besides. So that they are not only sufficiently plagued by them, but also by the Sangiacks and Cadis, the Turkish magistrates at Jerusalem, who have continually their eyes over them that are well to pass; for covetousness is so great with them, that if they can but hear of one that hath money, they study night and day, how (if possible they can) they may right or wrong make him punishable. So they lately accused the Eastern Christians falsly, and punish’d them in some hundred ducats; whereat the Bashaw of Damascus, under whose command Jerusalem is, did wink, in hopes to have a great snack out of it.

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### CHAP. XX.

Of the Knights of the temple of Jerusalem, the Order of the Johannites.

Having made mention of these, I remember still another Order, that is, the Johannites, or Knights Templars of Jerusalem, which did first begin in the reign of Baldewin de Burgo, the second of that name, and the third King of Jerusalem. This Order is more secular than divine, and therefore quite differing from all the rest, for they need not to say Mass, nor perform any other devotion; but when they have heard Mass, and said so many Pater-Nosters and Ave-Marias, they have sufficiently discharged their office. This Order was first invented by his Holiness the Pope to that end, and endow’d with many privileges, that they might resist and oppose the Turks, and that all Infidels and Heretics might by them and their adherents, by force of arms, be driven and routed out of the Roman empire. And that he might promote this design of his more earnestly, he took in those chiefly that were well born, and had great revenues (as Princes, Counts, and other Noblemen). So it hath often happen’d formerly, chiefly when Popery was in a flourishing condition, that along with the Pilgrims, that had a mind to see the holy places, and to go to the Land of Promise, many persons of quality came, moved thereunto out of great zeal, together with them, to see them also, and to take upon them the order of that Knighthood, in the Sepulchre of our Lord Christ, as the proper place for that purpose. And besides that, other considerations there were which moved them to it, viz. The high title, and the authority of the place, and great privileges, whereby they hoped to be still preferr’d to greater dignities. Now as every one of them had laid before them to consider these points and articles, which every one must promise and take an oath[305] to keep them strictly, some great and potent men found it so severe and hard, as you may see by that what followeth, that they were not only astonish’d at it, but refused openly to take it upon them. But what is laid before them that are made Knights, and also what ceremonies are used in it, I thought convenient to mention here briefly.

If there be one or more of them ready for it, that have at the instance of the Guardian, according to the ancient custom, been at confession, and also received the Sacrament, sub una Specie, under one species, on mount Calvaria, they are with great ceremonies conducted from thence into the holy Sepulchre, whither are also convey’d some other things that belong thereunto, viz. A fine book, a sword richly tipp’d with gold, with a red velvet girdle, a chain weighing about a hundred Hungarian ducats, whereon hangeth a golden cross of this form and shape, a pair of spurs with red velvet straps, which are laid down one by another upon the altar of the Sepulchre. As soon as the Gentleman cometh into it, they begin immediately to say Mass, and after that they sing without some Latin Psalms. In the mean while the Gentleman lieth down upon his knees in the Sepulchre before the Guardian, until the Friers have done singing. Then the Guardian bids all that stand about, to say Our Father and an Ave-Maria, in behalf of the Gentleman that is to be knighted. When this is done, he admonish’d the Gentleman, before he taketh the oath, to consider upon what condition he is admitted there; when this is done, he bids the standers-by pray for him once more, and then admonisheth the Gentleman again, and telleth him also, that hereafter he must be in all things subject and obedient to the Roman church; that he must fight and resist the Turks and Lutherans as Enemies and Heretics, so long as his blood and heart is warm. Then the Guardian asketh him farther, whether he doth receive all these points, (as they are written word by word in that book, and order’d by his Holiness the Pope, and subscribed by his own hand) and whether he will swear by the holy Sepulchre to keep them.[306] Whereupon he consents to it presently, and promiseth with great eagerness and joy to keep it with all his heart, and thanketh God that he hath made him worthy of this blessing, and for having made him capable of it. After this the Monks begin again a long song; and then the Guardian taketh up the three pieces, the chain, sword and spurs, and puts them on him, and so adorneth him as beginning Knight. At last he taketh also the book, and puts it before him, and telleth him once more what he is about, and what he is going to swear. When he hath understood it, he kneeleth down again, and puts out his two fingers, which the Guardian puts upon the red cross in the book, and readeth to him the oath; the contents whereof are these:

First, That upon his conscience he do swear there to these following words, Not with a false heart, but that he doth confess out of zeal, with great eagerness, and with a clean heart, and also swear by God’s Omnipotence, the See of Rome, and his Holiness the Pope, that he is a good Catholic, educated in that religion from his infancy to that present hour; and that he never will go from it so long as he liveth, but will always defend and protect the Roman church against the Lutheran, and their adherents, with words and deeds, so long as his heart is warm; and that he will never be in a place where any evil is taught, or spoke of his Holiness the Pope. Secondly, That he doth swear by God’s Omnipotence, and the Pope at Rome, and the Cross of Jerusalem, that he is a nobleman in the fifth generation, both by Father and Mother. Thirdly, He sweareth also, that he hath so good income that he need not to follow merchandizing, or any other trade, nor to borrow money, or to ask others for help, but that he hath so much that he can live upon his revenues, and keep three horses besides from year to year, for the service of the church of Rome; nay, if necessity should urge, and others should rise against the Roman church to molest it, that he will then always be willing and ready, besides the three horses, to assist her with all his utmost power. He must also promise that he will so long as he shall live, diligently attend at Mass, and hear four or five every day, and also that he will keep the fasts zealously, and eat neither flesh, nor butter, nor cheese, nor eggs, on them;[307] and also that he will confess and receive the Sacrament once a month, or every six weeks at farthest, and send his family at least once a year in Lent-time to do the same. And also that he will not forget, to the honour and encrease of the said church, to remember her in his last will; that he will protect and provide for the widows and fatherless; that he will maintain the Friers and Nuns, and their monasteries; and if by the Seculars any thing should be taken away from them, that he will not conceal it, but endeavour to the utmost of his power, as if it were his own, to recover it again. That he will assist those that would willingly turn Roman Catholics, and endeavour to bring them over; but that he will keep none in his service, nor any ways assist them that do not firmly adhere unto it. Then there is also inserted, That he will say forty nine Pater-Nosters and as many Ave-Marias every day, and visit his Holiness the Pope once a year, and come into the seven church processions and perform his office; and also assist at the Sacraments and other ceremonies with due reverence; and also respect and honour the holy water. At length, to conclude, he is forbid to talk idly, to be drunk, to live loosely, and to commit sodomy, that he, being knighted, may not lead a disorderly life, and give to others ill example.

When then the Guardian hath read the oaths that are written upon parchment out of the book, the Chevallier kneeleth down again, and when he bendeth his face down, and leaneth with both his arms on the book, which lieth on the altar-stone of the Sepulchre, the Guardian bids the Friers and Monks again to pray; then he draweth out the sword, and maketh with the flat side of it three crosses upon his head and shoulders, saying: At the command of God, and the See of Rome, and for the encrease of the church of Rome, I create you N. N. now a member of the Roman church, a Knight, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. And farther he adds: That in the room of his Holiness the Pope of Rome, he doth absolve him of all his sins; and that he doth also give him leave, and command him, by the oath he hath taken to his Holiness the Pope, to wear the usual red cross, as a sign whereby he may be known, publickly in his coat of arms, and on his cloaths. Also if he[308] please, to put him in mind, as often as he shall look upon it, what he hath sworn, and to keep it the firmer. When all this is over, and they have pray’d again, the Guardian wisheth him joy of his Knighthood, and rejoyceth with the whole convent that he is come to this acknowledgement, and is become a true member of the Roman Catholic church: that he and all his brethren will always pray for his long life, and that God may keep him in health, to the comfort of the See of Rome. Immediately approach to him all the Monks, while he is still standing in his ornaments, and call him Brother; and when they have also wish’d him joy one after the other, the Guardian beginneth the Te Deum, &c. and then he taketh all the ornaments away again from him. Afterwards he leadeth him about with the Vicar in procession to the holy places, to invest him also in every one of them; when that is done they go to dinner.

Altho’ in former years every body was not presently admitted (as you may see by what hath been here before-said) except he were a Nobleman for several generations; yet in our time it is come to that pass, that they admit every body to it without any strict examination, that can pay the money, which amounts to eleven or twelve ducats. Nay, every Pilgrim that doth intend to take upon him that Knighthood, doth pray and persuade his companions by the way that they would do the same, that he may in case of necessity still have some friends to assist him, for his Holiness wants champions, because he taketh upon him the Civil Government as well as the Ecclesiastick, that when they can defend and prove their religion no longer by Scripture, they may defend and uphold it by power and strength of arms. Now as the Guardian, according to ancient custom, gives attestates to every Pilgrim concerning their pilgrimage, under his great Seal, that they may have it to shew, so he giveth also one to the Knight of the Order of St John of Jerusalem, and bids them to carry the letter themselves in person to Rome, to shew it to the Pope. This is sufficient of the temple of mount Calvaria, and it’s holy places, and the Christians that are dwelling there, of their chapels, and of their errors.

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### CHAP. XXI.

A short description of some Places, Hills, Valleys, &c. that lye near and about Jerusalem. Of the mount of Olives, and it’s holy places.

I having hitherto briefly described the situation of Jerusalem, and also related what buildings and holy places are still in being, and to be seen there, after it hath sustain’d so many wars, assaults and desolations, I cannot but speak of some adjacent places before I conclude. And so I begin with the mount of Olives, which lieth towards the east before the Temple-hill, over-against the Sheeps-gate, on the other side of the brook of Cedron, as the holy Prophet Zachariah xiv. 4. testifieth, when he saith, ‘And his feet shall stand in that day upon the mount of Olives, which is before Jerusalem on the east.’ This mount is about a quarter of a league, or as St Luke saith, A Sabbath day’s journey, distant from Jerusalem, pretty high, rough and stony, full of pleasant Olive-trees, from whence it hath it’s name, and also others; as Fig-trees, Lemon, and Orange, and Citron, and Siliqua-trees, by the inhabitants call’d Charnubi, Turpentine-trees, and Palm-trees; the like I have seen but few, &c. There are also some good herbs, viz. a strange Origanum, Tragoriganum, Roman Mother of Time, Spicanardi and a peculiar sort of Coniza, &c.

At the foot of the mount they shew us first a great church, between the rivulet Cedron and the valley of Josaphat, which was so cover’d with earth, that you could see nothing of it but the entry, and before it without a large place three steps deep. This church was build by Queen Helena, mother of Constantine the Emperor, and call’d, the Sepulchre of our Lady the Mother of God; to go into it, you must go down forty four steps. Within it towards the right, there is a small[310] chapel, where they say our Lady was buried; and therefore, by the benevolence of the Pope, there is distributed and given to the Pilgrims, full forgiveness of all transgressions and punishments for ever. Some are of opinion, that this church did formerly stand even with the ground, and that after the devastation of Jerusalem, when part of the valley of Josaphat was fill’d up, it was cover’d thus over. This church stands (as Nicephorus saith in his eighth book and the thirtieth chapter) on that place where the village Gethsemane stood, whereby the garden was whither our dear Lord Christ did, just before his passion, go with his eleven disciples, after he had eaten the Paschal Lamb with them, and given thanks, according to his usual custom, over the rivulet Cedron, to regain us that which was formerly lost by our ancestors in the garden. There he left his eight disciples, while he went to pray, as the Scripture tells us; when he took with him Peter, James and John, the two sons of Zebedeus, and began to mourn, to quake, and to tremble, and said to them, ‘My soul is sorrowful unto death, stay here, watch with me, and pray that you enter not into temptation;’ and he withdrew from them about a stones cast, where he kneeled down, fell three times on his face, and pray’d to his heavenly Father, where he wrestled with death, and sweat a bloody sweat, so that an angel must come down from heaven at last to comfort him. This place is underneath a great rock that hangeth over a great cave, just at the entry of the valley of Josaphat.

This valley is still, where it cometh down from the mount of Olives, pretty deep, and is call’d by the holy Prophet Joel, chap. iii. 14, the valley of Judgment; which words of Joel give us to understand, that the Lord, as he was (when he first came upon the earth) in this valley taken prisoner, bound and carry’d away to the place of his bitter suffering, crucifixion and dying, so he shall in his second and glorious coming, appear in this valley of Judgment again to judge all people of the whole earth, &c. that then the impious shall see whom they have pierced. Zacharias speaks also of it in the above-mention’d place.

As you go from thence to the mount of Olives, you see below towards your left hand, near unto the bridge of the river Cedron, an old square building like unto a[311] steeple. This altho’ it is believed to this day not only by Christians, but also by Turks and Moors, to be the grave of Absalom, as you shall see them sling stones into it as they go by, to revenge his undutifulness shewn to his father King David, yet notwithstanding he was not bury’d there, as we read in the second book of Samuel xviii. 17. ‘And they took Absalom and cast him into a great pit in the wood, and laid a very great heap of stones upon him.’ Yet for all this, when Absalom was alive (as you may farther read in the before-mention’d chapter) he erected a column in the king’s dale, for he said, ‘I have no son, therefore this shall be for a remembrance of my name,’ and call’d this pillar after his name; and it is still call’d to this day Absalom’s place. Of this pillar writes also Josephus in the seventh book of his Antiquities and the tenth chapter, saying, And Absalom did erect a kingly column of marble in the valley (Genes. xiv. it is call’d the King’s valley) that is two furlongs from Jerusalem. Just by this pillar beginneth a very steep foot-path, which parts a little above it into two, one whereof goeth southward, at the bottom of the mount of Olives towards Bethania and Jericho, &c. down thro’ the valley that is made by this and the other part of the hill, call’d Mashit in the fourth of Kings, chap. xxiii. but the other goeth over the height of the mount of Olives out by Bethania to the house of Mary and Martha. A little higher on this hill did our Saviour sit, over-against the temple, when he foretold his disciples that shewed him the glorious buildings thereof, ‘That not one stone should remain upon another that should not be thrown down;’ and did also tell them at length, the terrible and prodigious signs, that should come to pass before the desolation of Jerusalem, and the end of the world. To this day we still see into the Turkish mosque, with it’s large paved court-yard, over the walls thereof so perfectly, that you may distinguish almost the persons that walk there. From thence, when you go up to the hill, which is very steep and rough, there is a large plain, from whence our dear Lord Jesus Christ was taken up, and ascended into Heaven, as you may see by the words of the holy Evangelist St Luke, in his first chapter of the Acts, vers. 9. where he saith, ‘And he was taken up, and a cloud received[312] him out of their sight,’ and verse 12. ‘Then return’d they unto Jerusalem from the mount call’d Olivet, which is from Jerusalem a Sabbath-day’s journey.’ On this place, as Nicephorus mentioneth, did Queen Helena also afterwards build a stately church, which now is so decay’d, that there is no more to be seen of it but a new built chapel in a large yard surrounded with a wall. Just by it on a hill of the mount towards the north and Galilea, there is an old and decay’d building, which was formerly (as my guide inform’d me) an inn for the Galileans, where commonly did take up those that went to Jerusalem from Galilea. Wherefore they are of opinion, that some of them were there in the time of Christ, that also were spectators of his glorious ascension, as it doth appear by the words of the two Angels, that spoke to them, and said, ‘You men of Galilea, why stand you here gazing up into heaven, &c.’ But if you duely consider these words, you will find, as you read it in the Acts ii. 7. that the Apostles themselves were these Galileans, where it is written: ‘Behold, are not all those which speak Galileans? and how hear we every man in our own tongue, &c.’ So did also the holy Angels speak to the Apostles after the same manner, and call’d them Galileans, rather to bring them, as Elders of the Christian church, off their worldly thoughts, which they had conceived in their hearts, of the restoring of the worldly regiment or kingdom again, which they should have left, and instead thereof look’d upon the heavenly kingdom, whereinto Christ was ascended, into the kingdom of God, whereinto they were received as members, which is a more spiritual kingdom, that doth not consist in outward things, eating and drinking, &c., but in a clean and faithful heart. After this they ought to strive, and to make it their only business, that it may be notify’d to all men, and be spread abroad all the world over.

From the top of the mountain, you have a prospect over all the holy land, towards the north over the valley Josaphat, which is just at the bottom of the hill, into the country of Galilea; towards the east, over some naked mountains, down into a large field which extends itself to the Dead Sea, that is, as Josephus mentioneth, twenty nine leagues long, and fifteen broad, whereof the Scripture[313] maketh mention, chiefly the books of Macchabees, and in the second of Samuel, chap. xv. where it is written, That when King David did fly from his son Absolon, he tarry’d in the plain fields until he had intelligence of him. In these is still remaining the pillar of salt that Lot’s wife was turn’d into, when she, against the command of God, turn’d to look back to the city. The famous Historiographer Flavius Josephus did in his time see it in his own person; and the Pilgrims visit it to this day, and beat off of it some small pieces, as they do every where, chiefly in holy places, and yet it is found still whole, and without any defect; which did put some Pilgrims, that went to the Dead Sea, into great admiration. Now that they might be certain and be assured of the truth of the common assertion, That whatsoever was broken off of this pillar, was always found whole again; they did, chiefly one of them, (as I was informed by one that had been there before) knock off a whole hand, and took it away with them. Now after they had been at the end of their journey, and came back again, and went to look for it on purpose, they found it whole again, and exactly like unto the old one as it had been before. Farther beyond the plain fields, at the other side of Jordan that runs thro’ it, there appear the Arabian mountains, that were inhabited by Ruben, Gad, and half the Tribe of Manasse; they are very high, and afford very good pasture for the cattle; some among them were much noted and famous of old, as the mountain of Seir beyond the Dead Sea, mount Garizim and Ebal, whereof is made mention in Deuteronomy chap. xxvii. and also chap. xxxii. of mount Abarim, Nebo, and the point of Pisgah, situated in the land of the Moabites, over-against Jericho, which together with all the adjacent places are very well seen; as well as towards the west the rivulet Cedron, and the situation and largeness of the city of Jerusalem. After we had look’d about sufficiently, we went down to the place of the village Bethphage, which is at the other side on the ascent of mount Olivet, and belongeth to the Priests of Jerusalem; this is so ruin’d, that now-a-days there is nothing left of it save only a few foundation-walls. Into this did Christ send his disciples, to loosen the she-ass and the colt which was ty’d to the door in the road, and to bring them to[314] him, whereon our Lord Christ also did ride to Jerusalem five days before he suffered, being the true Saviour.

Before it the mount is pretty plain, and is very rough and rocky, wherein Bethania lieth on the right hand upon one ascent, of the other part of mount Olivet, as is before said, but the village of Mary and Martha (whereof you read in the Gospel of St John, chap. xi.) is farther out by the beginning of the road towards Jericho, which is still very dangerous, because of the Arabian vagabonds. In these habitations did our dear Saviour oftentimes take up his lodgings with them; and in the same did Mary the sister of Lazarus, and Martha anoint the feet of our Lord Christ with a precious ointment of Nard, and dry them again with her hair; in our days they are quite desolated, and nothing left thereof but ruins. Near it as you come back again to Bethania, in the plain lieth a large stone, where also you may see the above-mention’d places very plain; where they say that Martha did meet the Lord, when he came up the steps, and rested on the mount, and talked with him of the resurrection of her brother, before her sister Mary did know any thing of the arrival of the Lord. Wherefore she went back again into their village, to call her sister Mary secretly, who, when she heard that our Lord Christ was near at hand, did hasten and went to him, for he was not yet come into the village, and fell down at his feet, and said weeping, ‘Lord, if thou hadst been here, my brother had not dy’d;’ then he groaned in his spirit, and enquired presently after the place where Lazarus his dear friend was laid, and went with them to it to Bethania that village, distant a league, (about an hours going,) or as the Scripture saith: about fifteen furlongs from Jerusalem on an ascent; wherein was a small chapel, and underneath it a deep cover’d cave, wherein Lazarus had lain four days, as you may also see in the before quoted chapter, where it is in the thirty eighth verse said: ‘It was a cave, and a stone lay upon it.’ When the Franciscan Friers would go to the grave of Lazarus, they were forced to go through this village, and a great concourse of the poor inhabitants used to flock about them, and did surround them, and detained them till they gave them something to be distributed amongst them; that they might evade this trouble,[315] and not be necessitated to go thro’ this village, when they go to the grave, they have made behind at the other side on the height another avenue, but they do not escape the Mobile for all that, for they meet them notwithstanding, chiefly, if they know or have intelligence, that any Pilgrims came along with them to see the grave; so we did find it, for they came and kept us lock’d up in it so long, till we had given them so much as did satisfy them. As you come out again from Bethania towards Jerusalem, the Friers shew an old building, where Simon the Leper did dwell, in which when Christ was at the table, Mary the sister of Lazarus did come, and did break again, yet several days after, a glass of precious unguent of Nard over his head, which fill’d the whole house with a fragrant scent; which pleased Christ so well, that he took her part against his disciples, and commended her proceedings so highly, that it is recorded to her perpetual memory. From thence if you come nearer into the valley between thee mounts of Olives, there is still to be seen several fig-trees whereabouts Christ did curse one of that kind, because he found no fruit thereon when he was hungry. Just at the coming out of the valley near unto the steps of mount Olivet, you see the city again, but chiefly the mount of the temple and gate where you go up, walled up in the new wall. From this valley, when our Lord Christ came in sight, and came down the mount Olivet, the people, as he came riding along, cry’d, saying, ‘Hosanna, to the Son of David, &c.’ and a little after when he came nearer unto it, he lamented with tears also their future misery, and the terrible destruction of the town, and went in from thence towards the golden gate into the temple and drove out the buyers and sellers.

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### CHAP. XXII.

Of the Bethlehem, the mountains of Judea, and their famous places. Where also is made mention of my returning back from Jerusalem to Tripoli.

Bethlehem, formerly called Ephrata, is situated towards the south, twenty furlongs, or a German mile distant from Jerusalem. The nearest way to it, you go through the gate of Hebron, and come to the right by the upper mote, and the bloody field, up the steps over mount Gihon, where just before you see a cistern with good fresh water near the path, made of white stones, and well prepared; near which the star did appear again unto the three wise men of the eastern countries, and led them into Bethlehem. Near it there groweth a Turpentine-tree larger and higher than any that ever I saw elsewhere in my life. Farther, about half way, you pass over a hill, at the top whereof you may see both towns, Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Before you is a large valley, which, altho’ it be rocky, yet it is fruitful both of corn and wine. In it, towards the right hand near the road, is an acre called the Cicer field, which had it’s name (as I was informed) from the following transaction. It is said, that when Christ went by at a certain time, and saw a man that was sowing Cicers, he did speak to him kindly, and asked him what he was a sowing there, the man answered scornfully, and said, He sowed small stones. Then let it be, said our Lord, that thou reap the same seed thou sowest. So they say, that at harvest time, he found instead of the Cicer-pease, nothing but small pebbles in shape, and colour and bigness, like unto them exactly. Now whether there be any thing of truth in it or no I cannot affirm; but this I must say, that there are to this day, such stones found in[317] this field. For, as we went by, some of us went into it, and did gather a great many of them that were in bigness, shape and colour, so like unto these Cicers (by the Arabians called Ommos, and in Latin, Cicer arietinum) that we could hardly distinguish them from natural ones.

Hard by it, you shall see still some old ruins of old stones, where first Abraham the Patriarch did build a tent as you read in Genesis xii. 8. And he removed from thence unto a mountain on the east of Bethel, and pitched his tent, having Bethel on the west, and Hai on the east. Senacherib, the King of Assyria, when he went before Jerusalem, did come into this valley with all his might and power; and had by the angel of the Lord in one nights time, one hundred and eighty-five thousand men slain; and still to this day, there are two great holes to be seen, wherein they flung the dead bodies; one whereof is hard by the road towards Bethlehem, the other towards the right hand over-against old Bethel; which town fell to the children of Benjamin, and is called still to this day Bethisella, and is situated half a league farther towards the west, at the foot of the hill, in a very fruitful country. There did Jacob the Patriarch when he fled from his brother Esau, see in his sleep the ladder which reached up into heaven, whereon the holy angels ascended and descended, wherefore he erected there a stone for a mark, and called the place Bethel, which was called Luz before, as you may read in Genesis xxviii. As you come nearer to Bethlehem, you see the grave of Rachel at your right hand near the road, which Jacob did erect there, when his wife died in labour with Benjamin, as you read in Genesis xxxv. 16. ‘And they journeyed from Bethel, and there was but a little way to come to Ephrath:’ and verse 18. ‘And it came to pass as her soul was in departing (for she died) that she called his name Benoni; but his father called him Benjamin; and Rachel died, and was buried in the way Ephrath, which is Bethlehem. And Jacob set a pillar upon her grave; that is the pillar of Rachel’s grave unto this day.’ Before you come quite thither, there is just by without it, on the left, a good rich cistern, which[318] is deep and wide. Wherefore the people that go to dip water, are provided with small leathern buckets and a line, as is usual in these countries; and so the Merchants that go in carravans through great desarts into far countries, provide themselves also with these, because in these countries you find more cisterns or wells, than springs that lie high. This was formerly under the gates of Bethlehem, whereof King David longed to drink; wherefore his three champions did break into the camp of the Philistines, and did dip some water out of the well, and brought it to the King; but the King would not drink of it for certain reasons, as you may read in Samuel chap. xxiii, and in I. Chronicles chap. xii. From thence we went by the path of the mount into Bethlehem the town of David, where he was born and anointed King by the Prophet Samuel; it lieth upon an ascent, it’s buildings, town walls and towers are so decayed, that now it is quite open, and nothing at all to be seen, except the well and monastery, but ruined cottages.

Just without Bethlehem, at the other side of the path, towards the east, for formerly the town reached so far, they shew still the stable under a large rock, wherein Jesus Christ, the promised Messias, God and Man, was born of the immaculate Virgin Mary, and laid in a manger. Of his coming, and the place where he should be born, the holy prophet Micah long before prophesied in his fifth chapter, and second verse, saying: ‘But thou Bethlehem Ephrata, though thou be little among the thousands of Juda, yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me, that is to be ruler in Israel; whose goings forth have been from of old, from everlasting.’ On that place hath Helena, mother of Constantine the Great, also build a stately church; but since it is so ruined and demolished, that hardly half of it is left, as one may see by the old walls of the foundation, and other places and arches that are still left without; yet that part that still remaineth standing, is very large, covered with lead at top, and is so glorious a building, that one shall hardly find a better any where. For within it is paved with white marble all over, and upheld with a great many large and high marble pillars,[319] each whereof is about nine spans in diameter; I told about fifty of them, they stand without before the chancel (and underneath them is the place of the holy and joyful birth of our Lord Jesus Christ) in four rows one behind the other, and so give a glorious ornament to the whole church. There are also to be seen on the arches and the walls about, some fine histories taken out of the Old Testament, made in Mosaick work, laid in with colours very artificially; and are still so plain to be seen and discerned, as if they were made but the other day. The cave wherein Christ was born, hath without, on each side of the chancel, underneath which is a peculiar way into it, one against the other, the doors thereof are commonly locked up, because behind the church, there is still another, through which they generally go down into it; therein is below at the right hand still another less one, going down two steps more, which is the true stable, wherein our Saviour Jesus Christ did lie in the manger between the ox and ass; so there is still in the same place made a marble one very well wrought. Without before it we put off our shoes, and went in with the father Guardian into the holy place. Where, when I considered the joyful birth of our Lord Jesus Christ; where he, as the true long before promised Messias and Saviour was born; I was affected, as if I saw the child wrapt up in swadling cloaths, and lying in the manger, disguised in our mortal flesh and blood, yet without sin, that we as children of wrath and eternal damnation, might be received again by God his Heavenly Father, as his children unto everlasting salvation; that did humble himself so low, as to be born in a dark stable in the miserablest poverty, that he might bring us out from the filth and mire of sin wherein we lay, into the parlour of his Heavenly Father. ‘Seeing then, my dear Lord Jesus Christ, that thou art come to us into the world, as the true light, to make of us, that were children of darkness and eternal damnation, children of light and eternal salvation and felicity; I return unto thee, O Lord, for these thy unspeakable benefits, eternal praises, and seeing that thou hast assumed our flesh and blood, and hast also caused these thy merits and benefits[320] to be by thy holy angels proffered to me; therefore I pray thee let me come to thee with the poor shepherds, and see thy saving incarnation, give me and us all thy grace and holy spirit, that we may comfort our selves with this thy blessed birth, against our sinful and impure one, constantly and without cessation, that we may rejoice in it, in good and bad times, in tribulations and adversities, in prosperous success and ill fortune, in the time of this temporal life, heartily, until at length we shall, in the life to come, see thee with all the elected ones, face to face, to all eternity.’ Amen.

This cave is underneath about the walls, lined with long tables of grey marble, adorned with blue, artificially laid in; the rock that cometh out over the stable only excepted. Just by the furthermost entry of the fine chapel there are others, in one whereof St Jerom did live, and did translate the Bible out of the Hebrew and Chaldean languages into the Latin. In another near it, lieth buried the noble pious Roman lady Paula, with her daughter Eustachia. Who, after the decease of her husband, went thither to St Jerom, where she led all the rest of her days in Christian piety, until at length she died in the Lord. From thence we came up again into the church, wherein without close to the chancel each side, were to be seen two altars, covered with good large marble; on one thereof on the left, the father Guardian did shew me the effigies of the old Simeon, holding the child Jesus in his arms, and in the manger still another, with this admonition. ‘That from hence we may see, conclude and learn, that it is not culpable at all to have images, seeing that nature itself alloweth so much unto stones, that images may grow in them. Wherefore they are not only not to be forbidden, but rather to be honoured.’ What every Christian ought to think of this, being quite contrary to the holy Scripture, every child that hath but begun to learn the Catechism, can easily and sufficiently decide. The Franciscan monks have near the church, a large and pleasant habitation, and also by it great gardens (rich of fine plants and good fruits) defended round about with high walls, against the incursions[321] of the Arabians, which they make daily. Bethlehem lieth high, surrounded by the hills of Judæa, as you may see by the words of Jeremiah, chap. xxxi. verse 15. where he doth prophecy the murdering of the children, which cruel tyranny Herod Ascalonit did a great while after in Christ’s time execute, the words are these: ‘Thus saith the Lord, a voice was heard in Ramah, lamentation and bitter weeping: Rachel weeping for her children, refused to be comforted for her children because they were not.’ In this monastery, because it lieth at the top of the path, you see with pleasure, as well as on mount Olivet, the confines of Jericho, and the Dead Sea, and the mountains of Arabia, but chiefly within the space of a league and a half towards the south, a great and high hill, which extends itself much farther than the rest; whereupon, in former years, the strong and mighty castle of Theckoa was built, whereof the holy Prophet Jeremias maketh mention in his sixth chapter, and also Amos (who did prophecy there) in his first chapter. The Christians had this in possession a great while, and did keep it against the Infidels and Heathens for above thirty years after Jerusalem and the Holy Land were taken; for they had corn, wine, water, and other necessaries, abundantly of their own growing, so that they might have kept it longer, if a great contagious distemper had not got among them, which did increase to that degree, that they were forced to leave it, and to retire to more healthy places. When the Heathens did understand that the Christians were marched off, they fell into the castle with a great multitude, tore it all to pieces, and did demolish it to the very ground, so that now one cannot discern that such a one did stand there before. But this lost troop of the Christians, did at length settle themselves on mount Libanus, and began to inhabit it, where they are still remaining in our times, and call themselves (as I have told you before) Trusci. About Bethlehem, there are some valleys very well tilled with corn and vines, and among the rest a very pleasant and fruitful one that beginneth immediately by the church and fountain, and runs down towards Jericho and Jordan. This is below[322] pretty wide, full of Olive and Fig-trees, it also bringeth forth some comfortable herbs, viz. some strange Origanums, Tragoriganum, Roman Serpillum, which the Arabians call Sathar, Absinthium Santonicum, which groweth every where in the Holy Land, this hath small ash coloured leaves, very like unto them of ours, and many small stalks full of small yellowish seeds, it is of an unpleasant smell, very bitter, with a saltish sharpness, wherefore it is reputed to be the Scheba of the Arabians; from whence our Wormseed cometh.

In this valley were the shepherds, to whom the angels of the Lord did appear, and declared to them the saving birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, saying, ‘Behold I bring you good tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people; for unto you is born this day, in the city of David, a Saviour, which is Christ the Lord, &c. and suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host, praising God, and saying: Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.’ In that place, which is about half a league below Bethlehem, is still a church, which also Queen Helena did build, as Nicephorus testifieth in the thirtieth chapter of his eighth book, this is for the greatest part fallen in, so that nothing more but a small arch is to be seen of it. Hard by it did stand the tower Ader, as St Jerom writes, whereby Israel did erect a tent, (as you may read in Genesis:) and looked after the sheep with his twelve sons. This is in our time so demolished, that it lieth quite in ruins. Beyond it, in another valley, not far from Bethlehem, they shew still to this day a large orchard full of Citron, Lemon, Orange, Pomegranate, and Fig-trees, and many others; which King Solomon did plant in his days, with ponds, canals, and other water works, very pleasantly prepared; as he saith himself in Eccles. chap. ii. verse 5. ‘I made me gardens and orchards, and I planted trees in them of all kind of fruits; I made me pools of water, to water therewith the wood that bringeth forth trees.’ This is still in our time full of good and fruitful trees, wherefore it is worthy to be seen for their sakes, and also for the ditches sake that are still there. Wherefore I really believe it[323] to be that same whereof Josephus maketh mention in his eighth book of the Jewish Antiquities, and the seventh chapter; saying, ‘And the King rode in a chariot, cloathed in white, and it was his custom to ride early in the morning to a place called Hetten, a hundred furlongs from Jerusalem, where he had a garden with water pools and works very pleasant, and rich. Thither went the King for his pleasure; and did always use great diligence and consideration in all things, and took delight to see every thing neat and handsome.’ &c. After we had seen the chiefest places within and without, near and afar off Bethlehem, we returned to Jerusalem again by another way, that was near as far again about, and went over the mountains of Judea, which have first as you come from thence very good and fruitful valleys, full of vines and corn, but the nearer you come to Jerusalem, the higher and rougher are the mountains. In this way, half a league from Nebeleschol, the friers shewed us a well very rich of water, just by the road that goeth down to Gaza, this runneth into a small rivulet, wherein the holy Apostle Phillip did baptize Candaces chamberlain to the Queen of Ethiopia; by it, is nothing else to be seen but a small church and a fish pond. From thence we came over high, rough and steep hills into the deserts, where St John the Baptist did lead his life in his young age, there is nothing to be seen but a very ancient chapel, and hard by it a delicate spring on the top of the hill, where we went up to refresh ourselves a little, with eating and drinking of what we had taken along with us. About the roads grow many trees, by the inhabitants called Charnubi, the fruit whereof is called St John’s Bread in our country, and is brought to us in great plenty. From thence we had still a very rough and hilly way to the church and habitation of Zachary, whither the Virgin Mary did come (climbing over the hills) to give Elizabeth a visit, &c. Before it, a league distance nearer to the town, at the end of the valley Raphaim (whereof the holy Scripture maketh often mention, viz. in Joshua xv. and xviii. and in I Chronicles chap. xii.) stands in a very pleasant and fruitful place, the church of St John the Baptist; and by it, before[324] you come quite to it, falleth down the spring of Nephthaah, that is very rich of water. This church is very ancient, but yet pretty well built, and hath on the left hand as you go in, a deep and hidden cave, wherein Elizabeth did hide herself with John her child, that it might not be slain with the children of Bethlehem by the servants of Herod, whereof you may read more in the Proto-Evangelium of St Jacob, where it is thus written: ‘When Elizabeth did hear, that among the rest of the innocents which Herod had commanded to be killed, her son John was also searched for, she did climb up the hills, and looked about her where she might hide him; but when she saw no place there where she could preserve him, she sighed, and cried out with a loud voice, saying: O ye hills of Gad, take both the mother and the child; for she could not ascend them; the hill did open itself instantly, and took them into it, &c.’ But how afterwards Herod did search for John, and how he did threaten and exhort his father Zachary to tell him where his son was, and also how his servants did kill Zachary (not being satisfied with his answer) for it in the porch of the temple is at length related in the books of the martyrs of the learned and reverend Ludowich Rabus. As you come from the beforementioned church, nearer to the town of Jerusalem, there is still seen a large pillar, that is of great antiquity, and lieth very high between the mountains on a high hill, five furlongs off of Jerusalem, wherefore some take it to be ruins of the fortification of Betzura; but as far one can understand by the books of Maccabees, that is situated more towards the east behind mount Olivet. Just before it, within, stands in the valley (that is full of pleasant Olive-trees) a very old, yet well built church, called the Holy Cross, whereof some Greek friers are possessed; they pretend, that in that place the tree did stand, that was made use of for the cross of Christ: this we did soon leave, and went over a small height through the gate of Hebron again into Jerusalem, and made ourselves ready to return the next day again to Joppe towards our ship. And so we rewarded the father Guardian, their interpreter, and others that had conducted us,[325] for their faithfulness and services done us according to our ability, to their full content and satisfaction, wherefore the father Guardian did freely give to each of us a certificate under his usual seal, that we had seen all the holy places which were named in it. This done, we went away, and came the next day to Rama towards Joppe. By the way, I found some Lentiscus’s, from whence the Mastich cometh, Arbutus, Ilex, and a strange sort of Willows, by the inhabitants called Sassaf, but by Theophrastus, Elæagnus, some Olive-trees, Palm-trees, white Mulberry-trees, Sumach-trees, and Styrax, from which cometh a sweet smelling Gum, called by the same name, that is brought from thence into our country; Spartium, Lycium, which is a strange shrub, and the juice thereof retaineth the same name, and is found sometimes in our Apothecaries shops; the King and Prophet David maketh mention thereof, under the Hebrew name Hadhadd, by which also the Arabians call it, their speech running much upon the Hebrew. Hereabout grow also very many fruits (called Siliquæ by the Latins, and κερατιὰ and κερατονία by the Greeks, but by the inhabitants Charnubi) whereof many are brought out to us, and are very well known by the name of St John’s Bread. These are so common in these countries, that they esteem them less than we do the worst fruit we have, wherefore they give them to the cattle to eat. Wherefore it is probable, that the prodigal son desired to fill his belly with these fruits, which, as it appeareth by the Greek text, the hogs did eat, and yet could not have enough of them to satisfy his hunger. Besides these, I found also by the way many Turpentine-trees, by the inhabitants called Botin and Albotin, which are very common in France, chiefly about Montpelier, they have small green kernels, that are of a reddish colour, and hollow within, and are oftentimes basely sold and used by the Apothecaries for the true Carpabalsamum; for these and others abovementioned, as we read in Nehemiah, chap. viii. the Israelites did take bows, and made themselves tents of them to live in, during their great feast of Tabernacles. I saw also chiefly between Rama and Joppa some white Barberry-trees, which I took first for Paliurus, the third[326] kind of Rhamnus, unto which they are very like, except the fruits whereby I did discern them first, and besides, they are much higher, and their branches covered with a white bark. Now although they are not to be taken for the same, yet they are very like unto the second Paliurus, whereof Theophrastus maketh mention in the fourth chapter, and the fourth verse. Among the corn, I did find a strange Origanum, Serpillum; Smilax aspera, Triones of Theophrastus, whereof I have made mention above.

After we had made our selves quite ready to sail for Tripolis, whither we had about forty German miles, we went aboard the ship, and set sail with a fair wind. But this did not last long, for, as soon as we were out at sea, there arose one that was so contrary to us, that we hardly reached the confines of Tirus and Sidon the fourth day, where we arrived in our former voyage at night, as I have said before. I saw nothing of any buildings on the shoar, but some small houses in the place where formerly the town Sarepta did stand, which (as you may read in St Luke, chap. iv. and in III Kings, chap. xvii.) was situated near unto Sidon, or as Josephus writes in his eighth of the Jewish Antiquities, chap. xiii. between Tyrus and Sydon, in the country of Phœnicia, wherein the holy prophet Elias, during the great scarcity, did live a great while with a widow, and did restore her dead son to life again.

Departing thence, the night befel us before we gat overagainst Sidon, but we went so near the town, that we could see the houses, and some rocks butting upon them by moon-light. From thence, the nearer we came to Tripolis, the more the wind was for us, so that we arrived there on the first of October in the year 1575, in very good health and condition. Wherefore I give eternal thanks, glory and praise unto the Almighty God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen.

[327]

### CHAP. XXIII.

How I took ship at Tripolis in Syria, and sail’d back from thence to Venice, and travell’d home again to my own relations at Augspurg.

At my arrival at Tripolis, when I hoped that something might have been done for the good of Hans Ulrich Krafft, whom I left in prison behind, as is above mention’d, towards his deliverance; that we, seeing we came out together, might have remained together a while longer, and have ended our journey to our content, I found there was not only nothing done to the purpose, but his cause came to be worse and worse, so that it was even or odd whether I should not have been cast into prison also, and beaten severely to boot. When thus he was detain’d in prison, I receiv’d a letter and command, as well from his adversary, as from my own friends, desiring me to take the cause in hand earnestly, to bring them both to an accommodation; and that if I would do so, I should do him greater service, than if I should stay a whole year longer at Tripoli, expecting his deliverance. Now altho’ many means were used after my departure, for his liberty, yet they proved all fruitless, unsuccessful and vain, so that he was forced to spend three intire years miserably in this severe Turkish imprisonment, until at length he was miraculously deliver’d. Wherefore I got everything ready for my departure, and went aboard the ship called the St Matthew, on the day of St Leonhard, being the sixth day of November in the year 1575, having first taken my leave of the above-mention’d my dear friend Hans Ulrich Krafft, whom I loved as my own brother, and the next day we put out, having a very good wind. So our navigation proceeded in the beginning very successfully, and we discover’d on the third day early the great island of Cyprus. But when we approach’d unto it, a hurricane arose suddenly, and blew so fiercely upon us, that it wound[328] our great sail round about our main mast, so that it was a wonder to me, that it did not bring it by the board, or (as it would if the seamen had not struck it down immediately) turn the ship over, and sink her. These winds arise from a wind that is call’d by the Greeks, Typhon; and Pliny calleth it Vertex and Vortex; but as dangerous as they are, as they arise suddenly, so quickly they are laid again also. The seamen pretend, that one shall sooner perceive them in the ship below, because they come up from the depth of the sea, than above deck. After this had continued about a quarter of an hour it was quite over, so that it was perfectly calm, and the sea very quiet. So our seamen hoisted up their sail again, and steered towards the Capo del Græco, with an intention to run in still before sun-set into the harbour of the metropolis call’d Famagusta; but before we were aware of it, another wind arose that did send us back again, so we stood out at sea, and went on with it so well, that we passed the island that is one hundred and sixty Italian miles long. Not long after the wind did change, and it came to be foul weather, and so contrary to us, that we went on but very slowly, and we were forced to drive upon the sea only for several days, until at length we came before the land of Pamphylia and Lycia, which came in sight now and then, nearer to the island of Rhodes; then arose a northerly wind that helped us into our true road again, and blew so fresh, that in a few hours we went by that mountainous island Scarpanthus, and afterwards by Solomon’s point of the isle of Candia out towards the south, which is forty leagues farther; and we had been almost quite thrown over into Africa, if we had not sheltered ourselves under the next mountains, so we got clear of the noise and turbulency of the wind and sea; but instead of that our ship came so near unto the shoar of Candia, that we feared every moment to have been shipwreck’d, which had certainly befallen us, if our Nacchier, that managed the sails, with his seamen (who wrought very hard, until they brought the ship out at sea again) had not for two days and nights done their utmost endeavour. When we kept thus out at sea, foul weather befel us again, and contrary and rough winds blew afresh, so that it was very[329] dangerous sailing; wherefore our master as well as the men thought it best to get into an harbour; but finding that it was very dangerous to get in there, they went back again to the island Calderon, which lieth not above a German mile from Candia, to land there, and to stay for better weather. This island is small, and so rough and sandy within, that it cannot be inhabited; but yet being full of bushes, those of Candy, turn, chiefly in the summer, their cattel into it. Here I found a kind of Mandrake with blew flowers in great quantity, and also very many Oxycedri like unto our Juniper bushes, which are almost as high as our Pine-trees. When we, during this hard weather, were in this island Calderon for shelter, we saw sometimes clouds in the shape of a pillar, that came down from the skies to the next mountain, and so extended themselves sloping down into the next sea. Pliny makes mention also of them in his forty ninth chapter of the second book. When this did touch the sea, it begun to suck, as it were, thro’ a spout so fiercely, that the water began to move in that place, as if it were in a storm, so that we could not only hear the noise, but also see the great motion thereof. In the beginning it was pretty clear, but the longer it remained there the darker it grew, until at length it arose up again and ascended into the skies like unto a thick cloud. Wherefore it may very well be, that sometimes worms, frogs, fungusses, snails, muscles, &c. may fall down with the rain, chiefly in those places that are near to the sea; for I have myself seen it many times in my travels between Bononia and Florence on the high mountains, where I have found several of them. When the wind blew fair for us again, and we had sufficiently provided ourselves with wood and fresh water, we hoisted up our sails again and came away; and at length, not without great labour and changing of the wind, we got out before the island of Candy, which is about two hundred and fifty Italian leagues long, into the open sea, with an intention to go strait away for Venice. In the mean time one of our seamen did catch on a hook, that he had baited with some meat, a large fish, by the Latins call’d Lamia, but this fish being of some hundred weight in bulk, he brought him upon the hook by degrees to the[330] ship, then they fastened a rope about his gills, and so drew him up very safely. When they did cut it open to salt it, I found that it’s bones were but very small, and not harder than a cartilage. They gave us now and then some of it to eat, but it was so much salted, that we could not eat it, so that at last they were forced to leave it. Soon after one of the Pilgrims, that was a Priest at Lille in Flanders, got a bloody flux so violently, that he was in danger of his life, so I took care of him, and gave him what physic I had by me in the ship. When we came to the island of Cerygo, else call’d Cithera, belonging to the Venetians, lying near to the Morea, (from whence Paris took away the Queen of King Menelaus, and carry’d her to Troy) upon a sudden a hurricane arose towards night with blowing, thundering and lightening, so that we at several times did despair of our lives. For when the waves swelled as big as large rocks, and pressed very hard upon our ship, so that they did fling it now on this, and then on the other side again, with great violence; so that not only our goods, arms, trunks, and boxes were tumbled up and down in the ship, but that also we were forced to take great care of ourselves during this tempest, that we might not tumble over board, of which we were in great danger. But how terribly soever this looked in the dark night, yet it still increased; for in a little while after the place that held the cannon shot that were near unto the steerage, where I had my cabin, broke open, so that the balls ran up and down over all the ship according as she rolled. Soon after the beating of the waves knock’d off the garland that was behind at the outside of the ship, and left some nails about a finger thick, that held it in the wood, with such a power, that one might hear it almost all over the ship. After all this the great sail was also torn off and fell down into the sea, so that we thought no less than that we were all lost; for then the ship was wholly left to the mercy of the roaring waves, that flung her, and tossed her about like a football from place to place, (which you may deduce from thence, that the Guardian that held himself fast by the main mast upon the deck, was sometimes above a man’s depth under water) so that every moment we expected to be overturned, and drown’d. Yet in all this calamity,[331] we did not give over all, but did what we could for our safety, seeing that we could not do what we would, we stood together and pulled the sail out again, yet we did not all pull together, for it was so dark that we could not see one another but when it lightened, and in the place of the torn one we put up another new one; for generally in such ships they are provided with two sails, and also with two masts and rudders. After the seamen had put on the new sail, not without great labour, difficulty and danger, they fell down upon their knees, and began to pray to their intercessors and patrons, which every one chused for himself, by their names, some to Peter, others to St Paul, others to the holy Virgin Mary, but chiefly and before all the rest to St Nicholas, who in the like imminent dangers, necessities and calamities, hath oftenest before all the rest shew’d himself by sundry tokens, according to their opinion, ready to assist and to help, so that they might be sure of his help, and so comfort themselves with a certain deliverance.

After they had said their prayers, they let me understand that they had seen three burning candles on the top of the main mast, wherefore some of them for joy vowed solemnly to go a Pilgrimage to certain Holy Places, or else to give a certain Sum to one of their churches. This tempestuous weather held on all the night long and also for a great part of the next day, so that the seamen prayed three several times; I cannot justly tell whether I was more astonished at their prayers or at the tempestuousness of the sea, but chiefly when I understood, that they sought, without Christ our true Saviour and Helper, in this great danger to others, and such that did not only know nothing of us, as we may see by the words of Esaiah, when he saith, Abraham knoweth nothing of us, and Israel doth not know us; but that they also (if they had been still alive) would have directed us themselves to the true and only Mediator Jesus Christ. And so we read, That the virgin Mary her self did not know what was become of her Son, until she found him sitting amongst the teachers in the temple of Jerusalem: and also at the wedding of Cana in Galilea, she did direct the servants (that told her that they wanted wine) herself to her son our Lord Christ, (that they might not look upon her any[332] more) when she saith to them, What he bids you so do. Seeing then that the saints will not receive such honour that only belongs unto the Lord, and on the contrary, the Lord bids us come to him, I turned from them all to Christ (when our ship was almost quite covered over with the waves) to awake the Lord as his Disciples did when he was asleep, saying, Lord help us or else we perish; and with the Apostle St Peter, O Lord save and deliver us, let us not sink down quite, but draw us out from the depth of the sea, and preserve us graciously in this great danger. This tempest made our seamen so distracted, that they did hardly know whether, and how far the weather had drove us out of our way, until we came quite about the Morea, and saw the Island Zant (formerly called Zacynthus). This we left on our right, and did go strait forwards to the next Island of Cephalonia. This is about 250 leagues distant from Candy, and doth belong as well as Zant, to the Venetians, and had over against us a fine large and strong port called Argostala, before which it was 14 days before we arrived: towards the left, a ship (being under full sail before a strong wind and missing the entry) was staved all in pieces. Into this we got (the Lord be thanked) safe, and remained there for some days to refresh ourselves. Just behind this island is the channel Viscardo, wherein the great Armada of the Christians did ride against the Turkish ones, until at length it came to a fight before it, where the Christians obtained a glorious victory. After we found our selves in a safer and quieter place than we were before, and did hope quickly to get good bread also, instead of our old black and worm-eaten biskets (which had been loaden in Spain a great while agone, wherewith we had made shift a good while) some of us went the next morning into the next village (which was pretty large) to buy some. But we did miss our aim very much; for being that the inhabitants continually and hourly feared that the Turks, whose Armada was not far off, would make a descent, upon them, therefore they conveyed all the goods they had into the castle, that we could see lye very high beyond the great harbour, and had kept no more but what was necessary for their daily use; so that no provision at all was to be had or found: And they had so little bread,[333] that we went about in the village from house to house and could hardly get for money as much bread as would serve us for our dinner. But as for wine they let us have what we would, which was red, and very good, which the Merchants knew very well, wherefore they bought a considerable quantity thereof, to carry to Venice, and so did our ship’s master also. We also found many small grapes growing there, on the vines, as many as I saw of them, are rather less and lower than ours in our vineyards. During this our tarrying, our pilot being sick, so that he was not able to direct the ship any farther according to the compass, our master strove to get another, and that the rather, because the Adriatick sea, whereinto we expected to come daily, is very dangerous, because of it’s narrowness, plenty of islands, and hidden rocks, to navigate. So we got a Greek, and after the weather began to be fairer, we put out to sea again. But this did not continue long, for when we came a little out of the harbour, we had other winds upon the sea, that were rather contrary to us, and hindered us so very much in our navigation, that after many days we arrived only before the fort of Corfu, otherwise call’d Corsica, which we could hardly see in that misty and foggy weather, not without great pains and labour. This ill weather, with the contrary wind, lasted very long, and encreased more and more, the wind continuing high; so that we had almost been cast over into Apulia against our intention, chiefly between Cataxo and Ragusa, which Ptolemy called Epidaurus, had we not quickly made the island of Meleda. So we spent our time in this navigation, not only in hard and contrary winds, with great pains and labour, but were besides obliged to be above deck, because she was filled up with goods all within to the weight of above twelve thousand centners, where we endured great cold, and must remain there in all the rain and storms.

After this we went into a small channel between this and another island, where we lay at anchor all night; early in the morning we saw a galley coming from the sea upon us. As soon as we saw her, before we could well discern her, because of the too great distance, we made all ready for our defence to resist her; but when she came nearer to us, and we found by her flags that she[334] was our friend, we were at rest again, and discharged, when she went by us, three great guns to salute her according to the usual custom of the sea. When she was past by, we weighed our anchor also, and sailed to Curtzola, another island and town, towards Dalmatia, call’d Corcyra nigra, which is very strong, and formerly did belong to Ragusa, but now it is subjected to the Venetians. This we left on the left hand, and went towards another, now call’d Liesana, by Ptolomy call’d Pharia, which lay about fifty leagues nearer to us. This we did soon make, and arrived in the port on Christmass-eve, which is close by the town, so that one can look very pleasantly into the wide open place. In the morning early at the breaking of the day, those in the town discharged some great guns for joy, which were in the next church standing near to the harbour, according to their ancient custom on such great holy-days. When these had begun, those also that were upon the castle, which is very strong, and lieth close to the town walls up very high, did discharge some; after them, those also that were upon the six gallies, that arrived in the harbour after us, did the same; at length it came also to our turn, that lay at anchor in the harbour, as well the little as the great ones, whereof there was a great many; there it began to bounce and crackle, for in our ship we had sixteen great ones, and it made such a noise in the harbour, that one would have thought all the buildings fell over one another. This shooting also occasioned so great and thick a smoak, that we could hardly see one another. After dinner we went ashore to buy good new bread, instead of our worm-eaten biskets, whereof, God be thanked, we found enough, which did refresh us very much. In this time the Priest that was dangerously ill of the bloody flux, was so well recover’d of it, that he with his comrades went over to Ancona, to go from thence to Rome. After we had rode at anchor in this harbour for four days, by reason of bad weather, we weighed at length, and came away to the ancient and famous town Zara, by Ptolomy call’d Jadera, which is thought to be one hundred and fifty leagues. Between Liesana and Zara there lie abundance of small islands, where a great many pirates shelter themselves, that are call’d by a peculiar name Scacki. These sleep in the[335] day time, and are here and there on high places, to take notice of the ships that go up and down, that they may fall upon them in the night, and take them at a disadvantage, so that it is very dangerous to ride there; and that so much the more, because the sea is hereabouts very narrow, by reason of the many islands that lie in it, wherefore the pilots must daily take care to get in good time into a port, where they may ride securely all night; nay, sometimes even the ships in the harbours are not secure from these Scacki or pirates, for so it happened that we were once in a port at anchor in our voyage, which although it was very well secured and strong, yet we were not secure there from the Scacki’s; as it had happened in this same harbour but a year before, to a ship called Cantarena, (which the Scacki did get into by night,) which came off greatly by the loss, so that they had great occasion to remember it; wherefore we divided ourselves into four parts, and so kept watch by turns all night long. While we thus kept watching, we saw them several times come in small boats, as if they were fisher-men, yet as I am informed, there are often forty, fifty and sixty men that lie hid in these small boats, and watch their opportunity to get near to the great ships, to board them, and enter upon them. Wherefore as soon as we saw that they would come to us, we cry’d out: Fuoco, fuoco, that is to say, Fire, to shoot off the guns at them; when they heard this, they presently answer’d: Amici, amici; that is to say, we are friends, and so they went away again. Now when we believed that we were escaped all danger, we got into a greater one by the oversight of our pilot; for when he had order to go to Zara, he did not obey this command, fearing that our ship-master would put him out there because of his ill behaviour, and take another in his room, wherefore that he might stay longer with us, he steered for the islands of Vergetes, thinking that because he could get over with gallies (whom he had all along generally served) he might also get over with a merchant-man (that was heavy laden, and so drew more water) safe and without any danger. But this did not succeed well, for when we sailed along between the islands, we lost the depth of water by degrees, and at last struck with a great cracking, so that[336] we could expect nothing but shipwreck, which would of necessity have followed, if our rudder had not remained whole in this striking, and lifted up the poop of the ship, and so shoved the fore-part sidewards into the depth; to which success the swelling sails did not also contribute a little. So did God, our dear Lord, miraculously send that the ship, chiefly by the help of the rudder, which was at least three spans deeper in the water than the ship, got off and went on her way. Having escaped again this great misery and danger, we landed in another island, that was not far off; over-against which, on the side of Dalmatia, lieth the village Mortera, between two famous towns, viz. Zara and Sebernis, by Ptolemy called Ficum, on a mountain of this island, behind which lieth a good village, you may pleasantly see the whole situation, together with the confines of the Turks, very plainly; in this village we took up and lodged in it, until our sloop, that we had sent out to Zara for another and more expert pilot, came back again.

As soon as they arrived with the new pilot, we broke up again, embarked and sailed for Venice, whither we had about two hundred and fifty Italian leagues. When we came out before the castle of St Michael, which lieth in the sea over-against Zara on a high mountain, a north wind arose, with such a tempestuousness, that it had almost cast us towards Italy, had not our pilot (who knew the shores, and landing of ships, better than the former) done his best, and landed presently, which could not be done but with great might and labour, for we were bound to go against the wind, yet we accomplish’d it; which you may easily guess, for of those six gallies that met us in Liesena, but two could make our harbour (because they were not strong enough for the wind, altho’ they used their utmost force in rowing) the rest were forced to go back again, and shelter themselves behind the outward islands.

Into the same harbour was also just before us run in, to shun the ill weather, a yatcht, that had about eleven men on board; they did pump out the water that was run in, and dry their sails upon the land, by which we did conjecture that they also had not been in small danger. We did send some of our men on board of them to know who they were; and they answered us, That they had[337] letters from the Great Sultan, to their masters the Venetians, concerning a peace that was agreed upon, which their envoy at Constantinople had sent by land to Cattaro, one of their towns, where they were delivered up to them, to carry them to Venice with all possible speed. After this great storm was over, we went on again in our voyage. By the way I saw nothing worth mentioning, but now and then a village, where sometimes, if convenient, we landed, and staid there all night. In one of them, I found a great deal of saffron, which was very like unto that of Vienna, both in look and goodness. So at length we came to the large and very-deep Gulph, Carnaro, by which within lieth the town Segna, where the Windy-country endeth, and the Hister-land beginneth. This Gulph is about an hundred miles long, and thirty broad, so that in clear weather one may see very well over it, but it is very dangerous to sail over it, and because of it’s great motion, it is easily discern’d from the sea from without; over this we came, God be thanked, very well, and landed at Rovigna, a small town situated on a high rock. This belongeth, as well as others thereabout, as Pola, Parentza, &c. to the Venetians, from whence to Venice we have still about an hundred miles. But being that it is very dangerous to go from thence with large and loaden ships to Venice, therefore that republic doth keep there always several experienced pilots (to prevent farther mischief) that do nothing else but conduct the ships that arrive in Histria safely thither. And these do not easily put off, unless they have very good mild and clear weather; which was the occasion that our ship did tarry there; so that we all, except the seamen which we left in the ship behind, went into a barge on the fourteenth day of January late, and went all night long to Venice, where we all safely arrived the fifteenth of the same month about noon.

At my arrival I met with some very good friends and acquaintance, with whom I stay’d for several days, to refresh and rest myself after the great hardships I had endur’d, and dangers I had passed. After they had made me very welcome, and shewn unto me all kindness and civility, and I had rested myself sufficiently, I resolved to travel with a Venetian post into Germany again; so[338] we travell’d together from thence to Treviso, Trent, Botzan, Inspruck, Amberga, &c. (whereabouts I found my cousin Hans Widholtz, and George Hindermayer Botzen riding by him, who kept me all that night with them in their inn) so at length I arrived on the twelft day of February 1576, at Augsburg, my dear native country, to the great rejoycing of my dear parents and relations, which I found all in indifferent good health. I thank the Almighty, merciful and good God, that is one in his Essence, and three in Person, for all his mercies he hath bestow’d upon me, in all my great dangers and necessities, both by sea and land, for his dear Son Jesus Christ’s sake. Praise, glory, and thanks be unto him, for ever and ever. Amen.

End of Dr Rauwolff’s Travels.

[339]

A
COLLECTION
OF CURIOUS
Travels and Voyages.

VOL. II.

CONTAINING
OBSERVATIONS
MADE
By several Learned and Famous MEN,
In their Journeys thro’ the Levant.

VIZ.
The ISLE of Candy, Greece,
Ægypt, Asia minor, &c.

By Mons. Belon, Prosper Alpinus, Dr Huntingdon, Mr Vernon, Sir George Wheeler, Dr Smith, Mr Greaves, Father Vansleb, and others.

To which are added,
Two Itineraries to Mecca, and into Æthiopia.

[340]

[341]

A
COLLECTION
OF CURIOUS
Travels and Voyages.

## VOL. II.

### CHAP. I.

Mr Belon’s remarks in the island of Crete or Candy.

The roots of mount Ida, call’d now by the natives Psiloriti, extend to both the shores of the island; when I was at the top, I not only saw under me all Candy, but some adjacent islands, as Milo, Cerigo, &c. The snow lies all the year long on this hill, whilst the plains underneath are extreamly scorch’d, and burnt up; it is so cold, that the shepherds cannot inhabit it in the summer-time, but are[342] forced every night to descend, and leave their flocks of goats and sheep feeding. This mountain on one side, abounds with pleasant springs, woods, many sorts of trees, shrubs, and herbs, as Maples, Ilices or Holm-oaks, Arbutus and Adrachne, Alaterni, Cisti Labdaniferi, Firrs, Cypress, Chamælea, Thymelea, Oxycedrus, Nerion or Oleander with a white flower, Olive-trees, Vines, many Legumes and Pulse.

Near round this famous mountain Ida are found Salvia Pomifera, which is carry’d to all the markets, Caper-shrubs, Mandragora Mas & fœmina, two kinds of Pæony with a white flower, Tragium seu Androsæmum fœtidum, Leontepetalum, Melilotus vera Odorata, Trifolium Mœnianthe (perhaps our Palustre) Heliocryson, which grows so thick as to cover and shelter the hares; Stæchas Citrina, two kinds of Tragacanth, which yield no gum in this island; Staphis agria, common up and down; Coris, a sort of Hypericum, with leaves like Heath or Tamarisks, grows plentifully, the root hath an unpleasant taste, and vomited me. The Anagyris stinks so upon the roads, that it causes the head-ach, and scarce any animal will touch it. Tithymalus Dendroides, Thapsia, Ferula, Libanotis, and Seseli abound. Agriomelea frutex, a sort of Sorbus or Cotonaster; a fourth species of Aristolochia different from those three describ’d by the ancients; it scandent like a Smilax. The Coccus Baphica or Kermes is found plentifully here upon an Ilex, the shepherds and boys gather it in June, separate the red animalcules from the vesicle or excrescence by sieves, and form them into balls very gently for sale, for if they are squeezed or press’d, they dissolve, and the colour perishes. The Dictamnus grows only between the fissures of the rocks, but the Pseudo dictamus in other places. Lotus Arbor, Zizyphus or Jujube, Scolymnus Chrisanthemos, call’d commonly Ascolimbros, whose milky root and young leaves make a common dish, Tithymalus Myrsinites and Paralius in the mountainous and maritime places, as also a Gnaphalium candicans littoream, and a wild Brassica, Chamæsyce and Soldanella, a Dracunculus with an Ivy-leaf; the Halimus makes their common hedges up and down the island, the tops are edulous; Agnus Castus, Sedum fruticescens, Thymum legitimum,[343] which last serves them for common fuel; the Thymbra or Satureia vulgaris, all loaded with Epithymum or Didder; the Tribulus Terrestris is very noxious to their fields, and Pulse; Scammonea or Schammony in hilly places, Sesamum and Xylon, or Cotton, are sown in April; Pitch is boyl’d out of the Pines on the mountains. There is none of our Asparagus, but instead of it two prickly kinds, call’d Corruda and Politricha. Ten varieties of wild Anemone’s. There is a sort of Artichoak, call’d by the shepherds Agriocinara, whose turbinated root is sold by many Druggists for the Costus Indicus, the tops are eaten, the flower is white, sometimes purple. There is a sort of Carline thistle, call’d Chamœlion Albus, whose odorate root sweats out a Gum which the women in Candy chew, as they in Scio do Mastich, or they in Lemnos the Gum of a Condrilla. Two sorts of Acanthus, one soft, the other prickly. The inhabitants have not left off the old manner of preserving the tops of an Anonis, as also the tender shoots of an Eryngium. The island affords three kinds of Origanum, a sort of Squill or Sea-onion, Orobus, Securidaca, and many other legumes. It abounds with Terebinths and Mastich-trees, Laurels, Styrax, and arborescent Ricinus, or Palma-Christi; Aspalathus, and a Genisto spartium call’d Echinopoda.

The Ibex, or Steinbock, a swift nimble animal, whose horns are heavy and long for the bulk of the creature, frequents the rocky mountains; there is also the Strepsiceros, a sort of Gazella.

The bird call’d Merops and Apiastrum, or Beeater, a sort of Woodpecker, is common in the island, catches Bees, and feeds on them in the air. The Attagen and Francolino, as also a white large Partridge, frequent the mountains; Eagles, Vultures, and Falcons build on the rocks.

The fish call’d Scarus, which I never observed in the Euxine, Propontis, or any other part of the Mediterranean-sea, is common on the coasts of Candy, and is generally taken at the same season that the inhabitants rake and gather their sweet Labdanum, or Ladanum; the only bait for this fish is made of the leaves of a Phaseolus, which they swallow very greedily.

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I observed only three kinds of Serpents in this island, the first is call’d by the country people Ophis; the second Ochendra; the third Tephloti; but none of these is venemous; I saw one bite and draw blood, but without any harm. Hence the ancients might say, that Crete nourish’d no poisonous animal.

The Phalangium is common up and down; it weaves webbs like other Spiders, to catch it’s prey, as Butterflies and Flies, and other insects. It lays about sixty eggs, carries and hatches them under it’s belly; it fights much with the Ichneumon Wasp.

The stone call’d Dactylus Idæus, or Belemnites, erroneously taken and sold for the Lapis Lyncis, is plentiful on mount Ida.

The Vinum malvaticum, or Pramnium, as also the Moschatell, are made here, and transported up and down.

For a full catalogue of such vegetables as grow in the island of Candy, together with their synonymous names and places, the reader may be pleased to consult Mr Ray’s Collection of Exotic Catalogues, publish’d this year at London, and annex’d to the end of this Second Volume, amongst which the Cretic plants are all drawn together out of Bellonius, Honorio Belli, Alpinus, Pona, &c.

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### CHAP. II.

A Description of mount Athos, commonly call’d Monte Santo, by Mr Belon.

This famous mountain so celebrated by the ancients, stands in a peninsula or promontory of Macedonia, stretching out into the Ægæan-sea; it’s shadow reaches to Lemnos or Stalamine; it is inhabited only by monks, call’d Caloyers, who never marry, tho’ other priests of the Greek church do. These Caloyers abstain from all flesh, and even from sanguineous fishes in Lent-time; they live very hardly and severely; their ordinary dish is pickled Olives, not green like ours, but black and ripe, dry’d without pickle. There are about six thousand of these Monastics, that inhabit several places of this mountain, on which are seated twenty four large old monastries, encompassed with high and strong walls, for defence against pyrates and other robbers, tho’ they who spare nobody are kind and indulgent to the Caloyers.

In these monastries the ceremonies of the Greek church are most diligently and strictly observed, and these Caloyers or monks are the most reverenced of any belonging to that communion; the Turks themselves will often send them alms, being taken with the sanctity of their lives; and the monks who inhabit mount Sinai, mount Libanos, the desarts of St Anthony, Jerusalem, and other holy places, are always the more valued and respected, if they have lived before on mount Athos, which is in as great esteem and veneration amongst the Greeks as Rome among the Latins. This place is under the jurisdiction[346] of the Patriarch of Constantinople, who pays about twelve thousand ducats per Anum to the Grand Signior, upon the account of the Europæan Greek church. The Patriarchs of Alexandria, Damascus, Antioch, &c. give also their particular sums to the Turk, who gives liberty of religion to all that pay tribute.

Of these six thousand religious, or Caloyers of mount Athos, none lead idle lives, as most of the monks in other places do, but every one hath his daily employment; some labour with the ax, spade, and sickle, dress their vineyards, cut trees, build fishing-vessels; others carry sacks full of provision, bread, and onions; some spin and weave, their distaff being made of the Arundo Donax, and their spindle of the herb call’d Attractilis; some are Taylors, Bricklayers, and Carpenters; they are generally cloath’d like hermits.

This mountain is about three days journey long, and may be seen about thirty leagues off at sea; the monastries are at some distance; they give such provisions as they have gratis to all travellers whatsoever, as pickled or dry’d olives, raw onions, salted beans, bisket, salted fish, sometimes fresh, for they often go a fishing, their vessels or boats being cut without great difficulty out of the thick trunks of Plane-trees; their nets, for want of Cork, are supported with Gourds, as they are in the Propontis with the bark of Pines. The chief monastry is call’d Ageas Laura, and fronts the isle of Lemnos, it contains about three hundred Caloyers or Greek monks; those that look towards the continent of Macedonia, have all their peculiar names, and contain some two hundred, others one hundred and fifty Caloyers. Formerly there were good Greek manuscripts in these monastries, but now none at all, unless of Theology; no Poets, no Historians, no Philosophers, not one of the monks learned, of six thousand scarce above two or three know how to write or read, so degenerated and depress’d is the Greek nation at present; they use wax candles and lamps in their churches, as also statues, pictures and bells; they have no poultry, pigeons, or any other birds; nor sheep nor cows, nor goats; because they abstain from all flesh;[347] they hunt no game, tho’ there is great variety and plenty, only fish near the shore. I observed abundance of those birds, call’d Molliceps, a sort of Chaffinch, as also of the Torquilla, or Wrynecks. No people have the privilege of living on this mountain but these Caloyers.

Mount Athos abounds with many rare plants, but because many of them are already mentioned to grow near mound Ida in Candia; I shall industriously omit to name such of them in this place. I observed here the Apion (a sort of knobbed Spurge) which the Caloyers themselves know to be purgative. Hippoglossum or Horse-tongue, Veratrum nigrum, or black Hellebore, common in the valleys; Beach, Hornbean, Service, Oleaster, Myrtles, Oleander with a red flower, several Bindweeds running up to the high tops of the Plane-trees, which here vie in height with the Cedars of Libanus, or the Firs of Olympus.

There is a sort of Cantharides on this hill call’d Buprestis, of a yellowish colour, very fœtid, feeding on brambles, succory, nettle, conyza, and other herbs; if any beast swallow this insect, they swell and die. There is a sort of Cray-fish in the fresh rivulets, which the Caloyers eat raw, and I myself found the taste of them very sweet and pleasant; they do not crawl up from the sea, but breed in the streams above. There is a plant in the valleys call’d Elegia, perhaps a species of Arundo, whose branches serve instead of writing-pens, for neither the Turks nor Greeks know the use of quills.

The Caloyers brought us several things to eat, as rocket, roots of smallage, the bulbs of leeks, cucumbers, onions, garlic, which we eat without either oyl or vinegar; black olives, course bisket and wine; they also regaeld us with salted and dry’d fish, Sepia’s, Polypi, and Loligines, Crabbs, and other crustaceous and testaceous animals. These monks had rather die than eat flesh upon any occasion.

We ascended to the very top of mount Athos, where we could not long endure the cold; we saw from thence many adjacent provinces and islands, as Cassandria, Scyton, Lemnos, Thasson, Samothracen, Imbron, &c.[348] In our descent we observed Firrs, and Pitch-trees, which differ’d a little from those of mount Ida, for in these the cones adher’d so close to the branches, they would not separate; besides, these were very smooth, whereas the others were scabrous.

There being no haven under this mountain, the Caloyers are forced to draw their fishing-vessels ashore, and place them behind iron gates, lest the pyrates should set fire to them. They exchange their grapes, olives, figgs, onions, garlic, beans, and legumes with the mariners, who bring them some wheat; they have mills on the streams of the hill. They press an oil out of their Bay-berries, which they send into Wallachia, Bulgaria, and Servia, where it is sold. They take abundance of the long Oyster or Langouste.

The multitude of springs and streams, the variety of herbage and ever-greens, the woods and pleasant shoar, do all render mount Athos one of the most charming places in the world.

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### CHAP. III.

An account of a journey by land from mount Athos, to Constantinople; wherein the gold and silver mines of Macedonia, together with many antiquities and natural rarieties are described.

Leaving mount Athos, we travelled in two days to Saloniki, formerly called Thessalonica, and in two days more we reached Siderocapsa, the Chrysites of the ancients, where now the Turks, and many other nations work the rich ores, which afford yearly a very considerable treasure, and make the place much frequented and resorted to. ’Tis situated amongst the valleys, at the foot of high mountains, and yields monthly to the Grand Signior, for his share only, above 18000 gold ducats, and sometimes 30000 clear of all disbursements. There are about five or six hundred furnaces dispers’d up and down these mountains, which abound with great varieties of Pyrites, Marchasites, and other ores, which they work in a different manner from the Germans and Spaniards: Their furnaces and work-houses are all placed on the sides of rivulets, for all their bellows play with wheels turn’d by streams of water. The white foot of the chimneys is called Spodus and Pompholix, as it differs in colour, of which above ten pounds may be gathered every week. They separate the lead from the gold and silver by particular fusions, then the silver from the gold by Aqua fortis: Out of the gold, they coin their ducats, which are very flexible, and esteem’d the purest gold in the world, always clean and resplendent.

From these metallic mountains we saw mount Athos, and great part of Macedonia, which appear’d hilly. I observed here two serpents never seen before by me; the Greeks called them Sapidi or Sapiti, which[350] comes near to Seps, or Sips. The inhabitants of Syderocapsa gather abundance of the Rhus or Sumach, which they use in preparing their skins, and tanning their leather, which the Ægyptians do with the pods of their Acacia, the Natolians with the cups of the acorns of a dwarf Oak called Esculus, the Illyrians with a black Myrtle (perhaps the Rhus Myrtifolia), the French with Oak bark, the Lesbians and Phrygians with the bark of the Picea.

The workmen use several machines in working and drawing up the ores, according as the veins lie: These works employ above 6000 men.

In a lake near Syderocapsa, I took notice of several fishes, as one called Laros by the natives (because the Gulls feed much upon it) by the Latins Gania, by the French, Mouatte, by those of Diepe and Newport, Marue. Another called Claria, by those of Lyons, Lotte; by the Parisans, Barbotte. Also the Liparis, the Perch, young Mullets, &c.

In the adjacent country, there are fallow Deer, Buffalo’s, wild Boar, Goats, red Deer, and our roe Deer, Porcupines, Urchins, Wolfs, Foxes, Hares; the Chamois, or Rupicapra; the Tragelaphus different from the Hippelaphus.

Leaving Syderocapsa, we spent two days in getting to Cavalla, anciently called Boucephala, whereas we might have gone by sea in half a day: In this journey we saw the river Strymon, and on it Swans, and other birds like Pelicans: At the mouth of this river, are seen the remains of a place called by the natives Chrysopolis, tho’ Pliny puts it not far from Chalcedon. We saw Ceres the Cranon of the antients; afterwards Tricala, and so by the side of the mountain Despota, thro’ a great plain to Philippi, near which are many villages and several mines. We observed hereabouts Misseltoe on the Oak, as also in many other places of Macedonia, where they make birdlime. The ground is very much over-run with the Paliurus and Rhamnus.

The ruins of Philippi, are about two days journey from Trica or Tricala, and Philippi scarce three more from Philippolis. These were great roads in the time of the Roman empire, now heaps of rubbish, and sepulchres[351] of marble with inscriptions. The isle of Tasso is but six hours distant, and from thence this great quantity of white marble might have easily been fetch’d. The magnificence of Philippi may be guess’d at from the number of these noble monuments and inscriptions, from the fair amphitheatre still entire with it’s marble seats; ’Tis not oval, as those at Otricoli and Rome, but spherical, as those at Verona and Nismes: There are also Doric and Ionic pillars, with many statues belonging to the temple of Divus Claudius. At Cavalla, or Boucephala, there are still great cisterns of hardened Cement (as at Baiæ) and Aquæducts.

Departing from Cavalla, we pass’d by mount Hæmus, over the river Nesus, and came to Bouron on the salt lake of Bisto, near a moist plain, full of Cytisus, Halimus, &c. as about Philippi. Here are taken great quantity of Dace, or Dare, which they pickle as we do Herrings, as also smoak and dry them. The fishing on this lake is very considerable, for from hence they supply many distant places. About six hours from Bouron, we came to Commercina, where they sell great variety of provisions; from thence we went to Cypsella, where they make Alum by gently calcining the stone, and letting it dissolve afterwards in the air by the dews and rains, and then boiling and crystallizing the impregnated water. In this journey we saw many old Roman highways pav’d with great stones. We passed the Marisca, of old Hebrus, in a ferry, and came to Vire; here they wash some gold out of the sand, but are often forced to use Quicksilver in the separation. The water of Hebrus is very cold in the middle of summer, and the banks are set with Tamarisks; King’s-fishers build they nests in holes on the sides, they make them of the bones and scales of little fishes. The natives hereabout often leave their habitations to work in harvest time: Their sickles differ from ours, and their corn is not thresh’d but trodden with cattle. In this journey we found great variety and plenty of Jaspars and Chalcedony.

The Thracians and Macedonians gather all the galls or excrescences on the Turpentine-trees, which they sell at Prusa, for the dying of silks. This country abounds[352] much with Tortoises, for the Greeks never eat nor destroy them, unless they catch them in their gardens or plantations of Cotton and Sesamum.

We left the road of Gallipoli on the right, and came to Rodesto, the old Perinthus, from thence we left Heraclea on the left, and past Selibria, a days journey distant from Constantinople. The honey of Heraclea is said to be pernicious, perhaps because the country abounds with the Chamæleon niger (a sort of Carlina) to whose root adheres a very venomous excrescence called Ixia, which may affect the Bees that feed on that plant.

I found hereabouts a milky plant (perhaps an Apocynum) with the leaves and flower of a Nerion, or the purple Lysimachia.

Thrace is an open country without trees, like Picardy; the great plains are divided here and there with ridges and little hills: About three miles before we came to Constantinople, we pass’d two long wooden bridges that run over the salt marshes, upon which are many boats and mills, with eight wings or arms: On these lakes there is a great fishery, as also on the Propontis, for the Oriental People (as other nations of old) are more delighted with the fish diet than with that of quadrupeds or birds. This may be one reason why the books of the ancients treat more of fish than of fowl, or any other animals.

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### CHAP. IV.

The ways of fishing on the Propontis, the Bosphorus, and Hellespont; as also of the fishes taken. By M. Belon.

These seas abound extremely with fish that pass between the Euxine and Mediterranean, into which abundance of great fresh rivers empty themselves. The streights and shoars are full of little wood cottages (wherein the Fishermen watch and observe the several shoals) and great variety of nets, both loose and fastened to poles, of several figures, for the taking both of great and small frys: There is also the hook and bait-fishing up and down with long lines; the train and hand-nets, &c.

Besides all these ways, they practise another manner of fishing by lighted torches in dark calm nights, whereby they find the great fishes asleep, and strike them very silently with sharp tridents and hooked engines: This they find the most convenient for taking the greater sorts of fish, which often break their nets and lines.

The common fishes of these Streights are, the Tunny, and the Pelamis, Mackrel, Scads, Giltheads, Mullets, Gurnards, Sheath-fish, Sword-fish, the Dolphin, different from our Porpess, the Wolf-fish, Lampreys, the Muræna, Sphyrena, Melanurus, Salpa, Sargus, Mena, Atherina, Exocætus which serve for baits to catch Congers, Celerinus, Sardina, Polypus, Loligo, Erythrinus, &c.

The Garus, so common in the shops of Constantinople, is prepared here only out of the sanies, or, ichor of the salted intestines of the Mackrel and Scads. The red Cavear is not made of the eggs or roe of the Sturgeon, but out of the Cyprinus. (Q. Whether the author means the Bream or Carp.)

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### CHAP. V.

Of some Beasts and mechanic trades at Constantinople.

Near the Hippodromus at Constantinople, I observed some rare animals, which the Turkish Emperors are much delighted with, as the Onager, the Hystrix, the Lupus Cervarius, the Lynx, the Ponticus Mus, or Ermine, many rare Weasils and odd Cats.

The Turks not using the Printing Trade, they levigate and polish their writing paper in box frames, by rubbing it with the Chalcedony and Jaspar-stones, put at the end of sticks. They damask their cymeters with a blewish colour, by macerating Sal Armoniac and Verdigrease in vinegar, and steeping the blades in this mixture, often pouring fresh upon them, this acts upon the steel, and renders it of that colour upon polishing. They granulate leather for scabbards. In the Cutlers shops one sees great variety of Horns, Teeth, &c. as of Bufalo’s, Gazels, Morse-teeth, and other Tusks. They colour their linnen with great variety, and with many figures, which they cut in wood and there paint, afterwards stamp and press it upon the linnen, or silk, as in printing upon paper, they first polish their linnen or cottons with pastes of fine flower. The inhabitants on these Streights, gather abundance of a broad leaved Alga, which they mix with a fat earth, and so cover their houses with it: The current running so strong, casts out great variety of marine productions, as Alcyonium, or Arkeilli, Antipathos (a sort of Coralline.)

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### Mr Francis Vernon’s Letter, written to Mr Oldenburg, Jan. 10. 1675/6, giving a short account of some of his Observations in his travels from Venice through Istria, Dalmatia, Greece, and the Archipelago, to Smyrna, where this letter was written.

SIR,

I must beg your excuse for not having written to you in so long a space: The little rest I have had, and the great unsettledness of my condition is the reason. Neither have I now any great curiosities to impart to you; only some small circumstances of my journey I will run over.

From Venice I set out with those gallies which carried their Embassador that went for the Porte. We touch’d at most of the considerable towns of Istria and Dalmatia by the way. In Istria we saw Pola, an ancient Repuplic. There remains yet an amphitheatre entire; it is of two orders of Tuscan pillars, placed one over another, and the lower pillars stand on pedestals, which is not ordinary; for, commonly they have nothing but their bases to support them. There is, besides a temple dedicated to Rome and Augustus, a triumphal arch, built by a lady of the family of the Sergii, in honour of some of her kindred, which commanded in these countries; besides several inscriptions and ancient monuments, which are in divers parts of the town.

In Dalmatia I saw Zahara, which is now the metropolis of the country. It was anciently called Jadera. It is now very well fortified, being encompassed on three sides with the sea, and that part which is toward the land extremely advantaged by all the contrivances of art, having a castle and a rampart of very lofty bastions to guard it. I found here several ancient inscriptions, by me copied, which will not find room in the compass of a letter. We pass’d in sight of Zebenico, and saw three forts, which belong to the town, St Nicolo, St Gioanni,[356] and la fortezza Vecchia; but we went not ashore. That which is most worth seeing in Dalmatia, is Spalatro, where is Dioclesian’s palace, a vast and stupendious fabric, in which he made his residence when he retreated from the empire; it is as big as the whole town, for the whole town indeed is patch’d up out of it’s ruins, and is said by some to take it’s name from it. The building is massive; there is within it an entire temple of Jupiter, eight square, with noble porphyry pillars, and cornish, worth any body’s admiration. There is a court before it, adorned with Ægyptian pillars of that stone called Pyropoicilos, and a temple under it, now dedicated to St Lucia; and up and down the town several fragments of antiquity, with inscriptions and other things worth taking notice of.

Four miles from Spalatro is Salona, which shews the ruins of a great town. About as much farther from Salona, stands Clissa, upon a rocky hill, an eminent fortress of the Venetians, which is here the frontier against the Turk, from whence they repulsed him in their late wars with great honour. I was at Lesina, where is nothing very remarkable; but Blondi, that hath written our English History, was of it. Trau is ancient, and hath good marks of it’s being so. Here I spoke with Dr Stasileo, who put out that fragment of Petronius Arbiter, and I saw his manuscript.

I was in the Harbour of Ragusi, but not in the town, because we made no stay there. From hence we pass’d the gulph of Budua, and saw the mountains of Antivari, the plain of Durazzo and Apollonia, and came to Sassino a small island, from whence we could see the town of Valona, and the mountains Acroceraunii, which are very near, and are now called mountains of Chimæra.

I staid a fortnight in Corfu, and had time to view all that was considerable in the island, particularly the gardens of Alcinous, that is, the place where they are supposed to have been, now called Chrysida, a most delicious situation: The ancient port, now called Νεκροθάλατσα and several foundations of ancient fabrics. In Zante I was likewise a fortnight, where I saw but little of Antiquity: What is modern is very flourishing, and the island rich and plentiful.

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I went from Zante to Patras, a town in Achaja, of good note among the ancients. Near it is a great mountain, mentioned by Homer, by the name of Petra Olenia. In the town are several massive ruins, which few there know how to give any account of. There are the remains of a large church, dedicated to St Andrea, who, they say, was martyr’d there. This is the first town I saw on the continent of Greece. The plain about it is very fruitful, full of springs and rivulets; finely wooded with Olive-trees, Cypresses, Orange and Lemon-trees. The Citrons here are counted among the best of the Turkish empire, and are sent for presents to Constantinople. So are all their fruits in very good esteem.

In Athens I have spent two months. Next to Rome I judge it most worthy to be seen for antiquities of any I have yet been at. The temple of Minerva is as entire as the Rotunda. I was three times in it, and took all the dimentions with what exactness I could; but it is difficult, because the castle of Athens, in which it stands, is a garrison, and the Turks are jealous, and brutishly barbarous, if they take notice that any measures it. The length of the cella or body of the temple without side,

is | 168 | } | Feet English.
The breadth | 71 | }

The portico of the Doric order, which runs round it, hath eight pillars in front, seventeen on the sides; the length of the portico is 230 feet English. I have taken all the dimensions within, with those of the προναὸς and porticos; but they are too long for a letter. The fuste or shaft of the pillars is 19½ feet in circumference: The intercolumnium 1¼ of the diameter of the pillars. These measures you may rely on as exact to half a foot.

The temple of Theseus is likewise entire, but it is much less, though built after the same model. The length of it’s cella is but 73 feet, the breadth 26. The whole length of the portico, which goes round it 123 feet. ’Tis a Doric building, as is that of Minerva. Both of them are of white marble.

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About the cornish on the outside of the temple of Minerva is a basso relievo of men on horseback, others in chariots, and a whole procession of people going to a sacrifice, of very curious sculpture. On the front is the history of the birth of Minerva.

In the temple of Theseus, on the front within side the portico, at the west end, is the battel of the Centauri, and at the east end seems to be a continuation of that history: But there are several figures of women, which seem to be Pirithous’s bride, and those other ladies which were at the wedding. On the outside the portico, in the spaces between the Triglyphi, are several of the prowesses of Theseus, most in wrestling with several persons, in which he excelled: All his postures and looks are expressed with great art. Others are monsters, which he is made encountering with, as the bull of Marathon, the bear of Calydon, &c.

There is a temple of Hercules, a round fabric, only six feet diameter, but neat Architecture. The pillars are of the Corinthian order, which support an urchitrave and frise, wherein are done in relievo the labours of Hercules. The top is but one stone, wrought like a shield, with a flower on the outside, which riseth like a plume of feathers.

There is yet standing the tower of Andronicus Cirrhestes, which is an octogon, with the figures of eight winds, which are large, and of good workmanship; and the names of the winds remain legible in fair Greek characters, where a house, which is built against it on one side, does not hinder, as ἁπηλίωτης, ευρος, βορεας, σκιρων, ζεφυρος· Each wind placed against it’s quarter in the heavens: And the roof is made of little planks of marble, broad at bottom, and which meet all in a point at top, and make an obtuse parymid of 32 or 36 sides.

There is a delicate temple of the Conic order in the castle, whether of Pandrosus, or whom, I cannot tell, but the work was most fine, and all the ornaments most accurately engraven:

The length of this temple was | 67 | } | feet.
The breadth | 38 | }

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These pillars, which remain of a portico of the Emperor Adrian, are very stately and noble: They are of the Corinthian order, and above 52 feet in height, and 19½ in circumference: They are cannellate, and there are now standing seventeen of them, which part of their cornish on the top. The building to which they belonged, I measured the area of, as near as I could conjecture, and found it near a thousand feet in length, and about six hundred and eighty in breadth.

Without the town, the bridge over the Elissus hath three arches of solid stone work; the middlemost is near 20 feet broad. There is the stadium yet to be seen, whose length I measured, and found it 630 feet, near to what the precise measure of a stadium ought to be, viz. 625.

Towards the southern wall of the castle, there are the remains of the theatre of Bacchus, with the portico of Eumenes, which is near it; the semi-diameter, which is the right sine of the demi-circle which makes the theatre, is about 150 feet, the whole body of the scene 256. Monsieur de la Guilliotiere, in that book he hath written of Athens hath made a cut of a theatre, which he calls that of Bacchus, which is a meer fancy and invention of his own, nothing like the natural one, which by the plan he has drawn of the town, I judge he did not know. I give you this one hint, that you may not be deceived by that book, which is wide from truth, as will appear to any body who sees the reality, though to one who hath not seen it, it seems plausibly written. I have dwelt long on Athens, but yet have said nothing. This town alone deserves a whole book to discourse of it well, which now I have neither time nor room to do; but I have memorials by me of all I saw, which one day, if it please God, I may shew you.

Thebes is a large town, but I found few antiquities in it, excepting some inscriptions and fragments of the old wall, and one gate, which, they say, was left by Alexander, when he demolish’d the rest. It is about fifty miles distant from Athens, as I judge.

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Corinth is two days journey distant; the castle, or Ἀκροκόρινθος, is standing, which is very large. The main of the town is demolished, and the houses, which now are scatter’d, and a great distance from one another. So is Argos, which to go round would be about four or five miles, as the houses now stand; but if they stood together, they would scarce exceed a good village. Napolo della Rumilia is a large town, and full of inhabitants, and the Bashaw of the Morea resides there: It is but very few leagues distant from Argos.

Sparta is quite forsaken, and Mestra is the town which is inhabited, four miles distant from it: But one sees great ruins thereabout; almost all the walls, several towers and foundations of temples with pillars and chapiters demolished: A theatre pretty entire. It might have been anciently nigh five miles in compass, and about a quarter of a mile distant from the river Eurotus. The plain of Sparta and of Laconia is very fruitful; and long, and well watered. It will be about eighty miles in length, as I judge. The mountains on the west side of it very high, the highest I have yet seen in Greece; the Maniotes inhabit them. But the plain of Calamatta, which anciently was that of Messene, seems rather richer. Corone is very abundant in Olives. Navarrino, which is esteemed the ancient Pylos, hath a very strong castle, fortified by the Turks, and is the best port in all the Morea. Alpheus is much the best river, and the deepest, and with great reason extolled by all the ancient Poets, and chosen for the seat of the Olympic games, for it is very pleasant. The plains of Elis are very fine and large, fit for to breathe horses in, and for hunting, but not so fruitful as that of Argos and Messene, which are all riches. The best woods I saw in Peloponnesus, are those of Achaia, abounding with Pines and wild Pear, the Ilex and Esculus-trees, and, where there runs water with Plane-trees.

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Arcadia is a champain fine country, and full of cattle, but is all encompass’d with hills, which are very rough and unhewn. Lepanto is very pleasantly seated on the Gulph, which runs up as far as Corinth; and without the town, is one of the finest fountains I saw in Greece, very rich in veins of water, and shaded with huge Plane-trees, not inferior in any thing to the spring of Castalia on mount Parnassus, which runs through Delphos, except in this, that one was chosen by the Muses, and the other not; and poetical fancies have given immortality to the one, and never mentioned the other.

Delphos itself is very strangely situated on a rugged hill, to which you have an ascent of about two or three leagues, and yet that is not a quarter of the way to come up to the pique of Parnassus, on the side of which hill it stands: It seems very barren to the eye, but the fruits are very good, where there are any. The wines are excellent, and the plants and simples, which are found there, very fragrant, and of great efficacy.

About Lebadia, and all through Bæotia, the plains are very fertile, and make amends for the barrenness of the hills which encompass them: But in winter they are apt to be overflown for that reason, and to be turn’d into lakes, which renders the Bæotian air very thick, and so were their skulls too, if the ancients may be believed concerning them; though Pindar, who was one that sublimated poetry to it’s highest exaltation, and is much fancied and imitated in our age, as he was admired in his own, was born there: And Amphion, who was said to be so divine in his music, that he ravished the very stones, had skill enough to entice them to make up the walls of Thebes: So that not every thing that is born in a dull air is dull. These vales I found much planted with Cotton, Sesamum and Cummin, of which they make great profit, and a great trade at Thebes and Lebadia.

I went from Thebes into the island of Eubæa, or Negropont, and saw the Euripus, which ebbs and flows much after the nature of our tides, only the Moon, and sometimes Winds, make it irregular. The channel, which runs between the town and a castle which stands[362] in an island over against it, is about fifty feet broad; and there are three mills on it, which shew all the changes and varieties that happen in the current. Near the Euripus, and opposite to the town, they shew a port, which they say was Aulis, and it is not improbable, for it must be thereabouts, Between Negropont and Athens, is a high hill, called Ἀγιομακοῦρι, formerly very dangerous, but now guarded by Albaneses. It is part of mount Parnasse, and near it, on the left hand, lies mount Pentelicus, from whence the Athenians anciently fetch’d their stone, and now there is a convent of Caloyers there, one of the richest of all Greece.

In going from Athens by sea, I embarked in a port, which lies just by Munichia. That which they call Porto Pyræo, lies behind it a mile distant, which is a large port able to contain 500 vessels. There are the ruins of the town yet remaining, and of the walls, which joined it to the city of Athens. I sailed by Porto Phalero the ancient haven of Athens, which is rather a road than a port. I saw an island called Φλέβες, where the Athenians had anciently mines. I went ashore on the promontory of Sunium, to view the remains of the temple of Minerva, which stood on it. Hence I sailed among the isles of the Archipelago, Macronesia, Thermea, Serphanto, Siphanto, till I came to Melo. From Melo I sailed through the Cyclades to come hither. I pass’d by Andros, Tenos, Mycone, Delos: Nuxia and Paros I saw at a distance. We sailed near the northern cape of Scio, and the southern of Myteline or Lesbos, and so came into the gulph of Smyrna. Within this gulph stands Burlæ, near some small islands, which is judged to be the ancient, Clazomenæ: Foja, which is same with the ancient Phocæa. Near this, the river Hermus discharges itself into this gulph.

In this my journey, I had some misadventures. My companion, Sir Giles Eastcourt, died by the way. At sea I was plunder’d by the Serphiotes, where I lost all my letters, and yours among the rest, which you sent to my Lord Embassador at Constantinople, and Consul Rycaut, whom I find here a very civil and knowing gentleman, and am much obliged to him for his favours.

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I have been as curious as I could in taking the latitudes of some remarkable places: As I find them, I shall give them you.

| Gr. | M.
--- | --- | ---
Athens | 38 | 5
Corinth | 38 | 14
Sparta | 37 | 10
Corone | 37 | 2
Patras | 38 | 40
Delphos | 38 | 50
Thebes | 38 | 22
Negropont or Chalcis | 38 | 31

I desire you to present my humble services to the gentlemen of the Royal Society.

I am, &c.

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### Some plants observed by Sir George Wheeler, in his voyage to Greece and Asia minor.

In the Scoglio, or island of St Andre, on the shore of Istria, Scorpioides Limonii foliis, floribus luteis. Limonium reticulatum. Sideritis spinosa. Draba cærulea Cretica. Convolvulus rectus argenteis foliis. Polium Creticum, &c.

On the rocks near Pota in Istria: Cassia Poëtarum. Trifolium Saxatile hirsutissimum. Genista montana arborescens. Tordilium sive Seseli Creticum. Tragoriganum Creticum, vel potius Satureia hyberna nostras. Polium Rorismarini foliis. Salvia fruticosa. Abundance of Samphire, and a curious bulbose plant, crested with little flowers striped with white and cinnamon colour.

Near Mortaro, thirty miles from Zara: Planta lactescens Altheæ foliis; it was not blown, (it might either be a Tithymal, an Apocinum, or Campanula major lactescens Lobel.) Eryngium luteum monspeliense, &c.

On the great rock near Clissa: Aster verbasci foliis. Jacea incana seu argentea Alpin. in Exot. Lotus odoratus. Horminum creticum. Satureia citrii odore. Aster montanus folio odorato, forsan Aster montanus luteus glabro Salicis folio Bauhin. Libanotis Ferulæ facie. Linum flore luteo. Hieracium flore incarnato. Thlaspi Saxatile folio Poëtarum. Caucalis platyphylla Column. Caucalis magno flore & fructu. Planta Equiseti frutescentis facie, on the steeple and hard walls, (perhaps a species of Tithymal) it was without leaves, but full of joints, with abundance of yellow scaly knobs by pairs, between which issue forth three or four little Tetrapetalose flowers. Of this I saw an Arborescent one near Troy.

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On the mountain near Lesina, in the island Pharos: Aconitum Lycoctinum flore Delphinii, vel Napelli Species. Aloë in flower. Asphodelus minor Junci folio, fistulosâ non bulbosâ radice. Malva Romana rubra. Juneperus major seu oxycedrus. Genista Spartium Septimo Bauhini simile; the root is hot of a spicy taste. Pilosella major pilosissima, &c.

In the Island of Corfu: Thymus capitatus Dioscoridis. Lysimachia Hysopi folio. Scabiosa caule altissimo, flore nigrescente, fortè peregrina Bauhin. Cyperus grumineus miliaceus. Scammonea. Acarna flore patulo rubente. Centaurium major. album. Centaurium rubens Spicatum. Centaurium ramosum rubens. Centaurium ramosum album. Vitex flore cæruleo & albo. Consolida regalis fœtida. Glicyrrhiza. Pulegii Species erecto caule, latifolia, incana, & hirsuta. With many others mention’d before.

In the island of Zant: The Curran Grape. White and yellow Melons. A large thin-skinn’d Lemon without either seed or stone, as also the Curran Grapes are. Genista seu spartium foliis argenteis. Convolvulus Sagittariæ foliis. Prunella spinosa. Coris Matthioli. Gossipium seu Xylon. Glaux Dioscoridis. Cistus plantaginis folio. Cicer Creticum, &c.

In the isle of Cerigo: Dictamnus falsus. Chamædrys Alpina minima hirsuta. Thymi capitati secunda species foliis minoribus densius Stipatis. Salvia pomifera seu gallifera. Stæchas citrina. That species of Thyme is in Dr Plukenet’s Phytographia, Tab. 116. F. 4.

In the isle of Tenos or Tine: Limonium caule sinuato. Frutex Spinosus Jaceæ albæ capitulis. Stachys parva foliis argenteis. Genista spinosa floribus rubris.

Near the ruins of Troy: Quercus glande majore. Gossipium. Sesamum. Anguria. Tragacantha. Tartonreira Massiliensium seu Thymelæa incana Sericea, longifolia & latifolia. Pastinaca echinifera Colum. Jacea lutea capite spinoso. Papaver corniculatum flore tricolore. Pancratium in flower. Verbascum marinum laciniatis foliis.

Near Constantinople: Abrotanum humile flore Chamæmeli. Serpilli species foliis Satureiæ. Androsamum flore & thecâ omnium maximis. Guaiacum Patavinum.

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On mount Olympus, near Bursa or Prusa: Abies conis sursum spectantibus, foliis subtus argenteis. Cistus laurinis foliis. Aster montanus, Linariæ folio, flore flavo. Coris seu Hypericum foliis crispis. Hypericum foliis hirsutis, margine crinifero. Aster Conyzoides Gesn. Astragalus Matthiol. flore cæruleo. Pyrola frutescens Arbuti folio. Gentianella verna. Senecio incana pinguis. Cerinthe minor. Cistus argenteis foliis. Cymbalaria Italica. Calamintha montana præstantior. Elichryson sive Gnaphalium comâ aureâ. Gramen junceum Echinatum. Millefolium nobile odoratum. Hypericum seu Ascyron magno flore. Panax Heracleum. Gnaphalium repens. Herba Tuitia Auriculæ Affinis. Tragacantha. Helleborus niger. Ephedra seu Polygonum Scandens bacciferum; climbing up to the tops of the vast Plane-trees, according to Bellonius.

In our Journey to Mandragorai and Courougouli: Scordium lanuginosum sive Creticum. Alsine Lotoides seu Anthylloides, sive spergulæ facie C. B. Gingidum Hispanicum. Leucoium Alyssoides Clypeatum maj. C. B. Origanum Spicatum Montis Sipyli foliis glabris.

Near Thyatira: Spartium alterum Monospermum, Pseudospartium Hispanicum Aphyllon. A Thapsus minor longifolia; or rather a Sideritis or Stachis foliis Salviæ argenteis pilosis mollibus; which is the Panacea of the country people. Scabiosa argentea min.

About Smyrna: Two kinds of Jujubes or Ziziphus. Turpentine-trees, and Mastich-trees. Smyrnion Creticum. Origanum perenne lignosum odoratissimum. Several sorts of Olive-trees. Tamarisk and Ricinus, or Palma Christi.

Near the gulph of Lepanto: Tithymalus Spinosus. The Fust or yellow wood used to die with, call’d by the Greeks Chrisoxulo. Cedrus Lyciæ. Arisarum angustifolium. Lamium moschatum foliorum margine argentato.

About mount Parnassus, Athens, and other places of Attica or Achaja: Stachys viscoso flore luteo, odore Narcissi juncifolii. Petromarula Cretica or Rapunculus Pyramidalis altera. Sabina. Crocus Albus & Luteus. Poterion Plinii, smaller than Tragacanth. Polium Gnapholoides. Ilex Chermifera. Acacia Secunda Matthioli.[367] Anemones of all colours. Many Asters and Arisarums. Aristolochia Clematitis. Two Asphodils. Brassica frutescens. Borago variegata Cretica. Cneorum Matth. & Clusii, sive Thymelææ affinis facie externâ. Several Cisti. Jacea Moschata, with other knapweeds. Leontopetalum all over the plain of Athens. Oleander. Scilla. Scorzonera Cretica Asphodeli sistulosi facie, Galocorta Græcorum, it is the womens Cosmetic, and Milk-plant. Siliqua Edulis or Carob. Two Thymelæa’s, argentea & tomentosa. Tithymalus Spinosus. Equisetum frutescens Aphyllon (perhaps a sort of Tithymal) Lychnis frutescens: With many more, which we have either mention’d in other places, or else were doubtful of, as a kind of small silver-leaved Scabious, and a Dandelion or Hieracium, with Pilewort or small Colts-foot-leaves, with a root like so many Scorpions following one another. A sort of Medica lunatâ siliqua, or Loto affinis siliquis hirsutis circinatis. Astragalus argenteus or Syriacus.

Near Corinth and the Isthmus, Pinus Maritima with small cones. Cedrus Lycia vel Sabina baccifera. Ceratia or Siliqua Arbor. Lentiscus. Olea Sylv. Scabiosa argentea petræa. Aristolochiæ Clematitis species. Linaria latifolia valentina Clusii, the flowers beautiful with three colours. Androsemum umbelliferum. Scorzonera bulbosa. Arbutus folio non serrato, Comarea Dioscoridis Adrachne Theophrasti.

For these the reader may consult Mr Ray’s Collection of Exotic Catalogues, especially the Oriental one, where the synonymous names are added.

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### Historical Observations relating to Constantinople. By the reverend and learned Tho. Smith, D. D. Fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon. and of the Royal Society.

Constantinople, formerly Byzantium, was by Constantine the Great called so after his own Name[6], who being mightily pleased with the beautiful and advantageous situation of the place between two seas, and defended by narrow streights on both sides, removed the seat of the Empire hither, and laid the foundation of it’s future splendor and greatness. It was also by a special Edict or Law of the same Emperor[7], which he caused to be engraven on a marble pillar, placed near his own statue on horseback, in one of the piazza’s of his new-built city called Strategium, where the Souldiers used to muster as in the Campas Martius, called Second or New Rome, in emulation of old Rome, which he designed and endeavoured this should equal in all things. Accordingly he endowed it with the same Privileges and Immunities, and establish’d the same number of Magistrates, and Orders of People, and divided the whole extent of it into fourteen Precincts or Regions[8], according to the division of Rome. And the Greek writers were as elegant and extravagant in their commendations of it; but the usual title in their ordinary discourses and writings, when they had occasion to mention it without any flourish, was[369] ἡ βασιλεύουσα, or ἡ βασιλὶς, that is, the imperial city, to the same sense with that of Sidonius Apollinaris[9].

Salve scepturum columen, Regina orientis,
Orbis Roma tui.

The country about it was afterwards called Romania in a limitted and restrained sense, (for that Romania was anciently the same with Orbis Romanus, seems clear from Epiphanius[10]) and the people Ῥωμαῖοι. But I suppose this was not done till about the middle times of the empire, when it began to decline. The Greeks still retain this name: For if you ask any of the Greeks born upon the continent of Thrace what countryman he is, he answers forthwith, Ῥωμαῖος, Romios, for so they pronounce it. The Turks in like manner called a Greek Christian Urum Gaour, or the Roman Infidel, as they will call sometimes the Emperor of Germany, Urumler Padisha, or Emperor of the Romans. Hence it was that the latter Græcian Emperors stiled themselves βασιλεῖς Ῥωμαίων, Kings of the Romans, that is, such as were born in Romania, and the other countries, which made up the eastern division of the empire. Though perchance by this flourishing title they pretended a right to the government of the west; upon which vain presumption they assumed also the title of Κοσμοκράτορες, or Emperors of the World, as if they had been true successors of Augustus, and the western Emperors, usurpers; whom they called by way of contempt and indignation, Ῥῆγες, Reges, as Luitprandus[11] informs us in the account of his embassy to Nicephorus Phocas, and afforded the people of Italy no other title than that of Longobards or Lombards[12]. The present Greeks call all the western[370] Christians Λατῖνοι, or Φράγγοι, Latins or Franks, the Turks only making use of the latter, when they speak civilly of us, and calling Christendom Phrenkistan, in the present Greek Φραγγία. The Turks now as proudly call Constantinople, Alempena, or the refuge of the world; where indeed seems to be a medly of all or most nations of three parts of it, and of all religions, which are allowed to be publickly profest and exercised every where throughout the empire, except the Persian. For they look upon it as a corruption of, and deviation from the rules and doctrine of Mahomet, their great false Prophet, and therefore absolutely forbid it, as repugnant to, and destructive of the doctrine of life and salvation, as they speak. And accordingly they condemn with all imaginable fury the professors of it, who pretend to follow Ali, as sectaries and apostates, and entertain worse opinions of them, than of Christians, or Jews, or Infidels. The Persians are not behindhand with them in their hatred and disrespect, deriding them as gross and stupid, and looking upon them as little less than barbarous: Interest and zeal for their several tenents heightening their differences so much, that in time of war they destroy one anothers mosques. I remember, that there was a great discourse in Constantinople among the Turks, concerning an impudent hot-headed Persian, who publickly in the new mosque, built by the mother of the present Emperor, asserted that Ali was equal to Mahomet. But it seems he very luckily made his escape out of their hands, at which the priests and the more zealous Turks were very much scandalized.

The Greeks have twenty six churches within the walls of the city, besides six in Galata, of which I have given an account elsewhere. They have also two churches at Scutari, one at Kadikui or Chalcedon. So at Staurosis, Chingilkui, and several other villages upon the Asian shore of the Bosphorus, as at Beshictash, Ortakui, Chorouch chesme, which church is dedicated to St Michael the Archangel, Jenikui or Neochorion, Therapia, Bujukdere, and other villages on the European side. They have also a church at Haskui, where is their burying-place, and another near the Bagno, dedicated to St Parasceve. And at Tatoula about a mile from Pera,[371] upon a hill, which from the name of the church is thence called by the Greeks and Franks, St Demetrius’s hill. Next to the holy Virgin, St Demetrius and St George have most churches dedicated to them.

The Armenians have not, if I remember aright, above seven churches, they being few in number in companion of the Greeks.

The Jews may have in the city and places adjacent between twenty and thirty synagogues, this being the greatest shelter of that accursed and contemptible people in the Grand Signior’s dominions, next to Caire and Saloniki; and I believe there may be about twenty or thirty thousand families of them. They are of great use and service to the Turks, upon account of their brokage and merchandise, and industry in several mechanical trades. All these I look upon as natives, or slaves rather, each paying money for his head every year. The Jews indeed very wisely collect this tax among themselves, and according to an agreement made with the Tefterdar or Treasurer, pay a certain sum in gross for their whole nation residing there; by which piece of cunning they are great gainers, and spare the poor among them less able to pay, by a contribution of the rich to make up the sum. The English and Dutch Embassadors have their chapels in their palaces common to their respective nations.

The churches and chapels of the western Christians of the Roman communion in Galata, are,

St Peter’s, belonging to the Dominicans, where is the famous piece of Madonna di Constantinopoli, as the Italians call it, or of the Blessed Virgin holding the holy child Jesus in her arms; which they pretend to be drawn by the hand of St Luke, celebrated by some of the later ecclesiastical writers to have been a famous Painter. Out of respect to this idle tradition, the credulous and superstitious Latins and Greeks of the Roman communion shew great veneration to it, which otherwise hath little in it of proportion, art, or beauty to derive any reputation upon the designer, or upon his work.

St Francis, belonging to the Conventuali, Friers of the order of St Francis: The ground of this by the wise conduct and intercession of Cavaliere Molino, the Venetian Bailo, after the surrendry of Candia, upon the[372] peace made by the Republic with the Grand Signior, was procured to be restored, and a handsome church rebuilt, with the large contributions of money sent out of Christendom.

St Benedict, belonging to the Jesuits, where is a rich altar curiously adorn’d with several figures in Mosaic. This convent was purchased for them by their great benefactor, Henry the fourth of France.

St Mary, belonging to the Observantines or Zoccolanti, a branch of the order of St Francis, so called from their going in Zoccoli or wooden clogs.

The Capucines have a little chapel dedicated to St George, hard by the French Embassador’s palace.

St Ann, a chapel frequented by the Petrots.

St Paul and St Anthony were both taken away some years since from the Christians, and turned into mosques. The former of which is now known by the name of Arab Giamesi, or the mosque of the Arabians. Our interpreters mentioned also to me the church of St John, which the Turks have seized upon for their use, St George, which the Jews are possessed of, and St Sebastian, which was used to be visited chiefly on holy-days.

The north wind blows for the most part at Constantinople, which must be ascribed to it’s nearness to the Euxine sea, which bears that point from it. So that for want of a southwardly wind, ships have been forced to lie a month or two sometimes near the mouth of the Hellespont; this was taken notice of long since by Eunapias, in the life of Ædesius who ascribes the seldom blowing of the south wind to the situation of the mountains, whereas it is checked and overpowered by the exuberence of the vapours continually sent forth from the Black and Great Sea, as the Greeks call it in comparison of the Mediterranean. Vide ad finem Codini de Origin. Constantinopol. Edit. Paris. pag. 80.

The Hellespont is about forty miles in length, and at the castles of Sestos and Abydos the streight may be about three quarters of an English mile over, or less.

The length of the Propontis is about a hundred and fifty miles, both shores may be seen in the middle of it. In it are

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Cyzicus an island near the Asian shore, to which it is joined by two bridges. It still retains it’s ancient name Κυξικὸ, and is the seat of a Bishop, being inhabited by a considerable number of Greeks.

Proconnesus, not far from the former; now, as for some centuries past, called Marmora, from the excellent quarries of marble there found, the marmor Cyzenicum also being famous in the time of Pliny.

Besbycus, now called by the Greeks καλόλιμνο, or the good haven, not far from the entrance into the bay of Montanea to the north-and-by-east; the Turks call it Imramle.

There are several islands over against the bay of Nicomedia; formerly called Sinus Astacenus, according to Strabo, about six or seven leagues from Constantinople[13].

Prote, so called because they approach first to it, coming from Constantinople, to the south of this Prencipe and Pytis, which I take to be the same with Pyrgos, that lies inmost toward the bay: Chalcitis, in modern Greek, Chalce or Chalcis. Oxia and Platy to the north-west. I have expressed the Turkish names of the lesser and uninhabited islands elsewhere, which perchance were fantastically imposed by some Franks.

The Seraglio is at the extream point of the north-east angle of Constantinople, where formerly stood old Byzantium, within which, towards the haven is a stately Kiosk, or Summer-house, from whence the Grand Signior usually takes barge, when he passes into Asia, or diverts himself upon the Bosphorus, at which time the Bostangibashi, who hath the principal care of the Emperor’s palace, and hath the command of the Bosphorus, sits at the helm and steers.

The seven towers are at the south-east extremity.

The only suburbs are to the north-west, along the haven-side; for above the hill, where the three walls begin, lies an open champaign country, except that here and there at considerable distances farm-houses are Scattered.

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The haven runs in from the west, and so opens east.

At the east end of Galata is Tophana, where they cast their great guns.

Pera and Galata have about six gates to the seaward. The whole tract of ground was anciently, before the times of the Emperor Valentinian, who enclosed and fortified Galata with walls and towers, stiled Περαῖα πέραν τῆς πόλεως, on the other side of the city to the north; which is the reason of it’s name, seated on higher hills, and whose ascent is more steep and difficult.

Our modern Geographers, such as Mercator and Ortelius, who herein follow Ptolemy, place Constantinople in the latitude of 43 degrees and 5 minutes: the Arabian and Persian Astronomers, as Abulfeda, Nassir Eddin, Vlugh Beigh, and so the πρόχειροι κανόνες of Chrysococcas, translated out of the Persian tables, place it more northerly in 45°. But by later and better observation it is found, that they have erred in assigning the latitude of this city, as of several other places. To salve these differences, there is no just ground of pretence to say, that the Poles are moveable, and have changed their situation since their time; whereas it may be better imputed to their want of due care, or to their taking things upon trust, from the reports of Travellers and Seamen, not having been upon the places themselves; which certainly is to be said for Ptolemy, whose Observations, as to places more remote from Alexandria, are far from being accurate and true. The learned Mr John Greaves, as I find in a manuscript discourse, very worthy of being printed which he presented to the most reverend and renowned archbishop Usher, took the height of the Pole at Constantinople, with a brass sextant of above 4 feet radius, and found it to be but 41°:6′; but by the observation we made in our court-yard at Pera with a good quadrant, we found but 40°:58′ of north latitude.

There is no place between the Propontis and the walls of the city, except just at the Seraglio point, which may be two hundred paces in length, where they have raised on a platform a battery for great guns; but from the point to the end of the haven west, the space to the gates is unequal in some places about twenty paces broad, in others three or four times as many more.

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The distance between Constantinople and Chalcedon, upon the opposite Bithynian shore, may be about three or four miles.

In the walls are engraven the names of several Emperors, who reigned toward the declension of the Græcian empire, as Theophilus, Michael, Basilius Constantinus, Porphyrogenitus, by whose care, and at whose expence the several breaches caused in them, by the sea, or by earth-quakes, were repaired.

Kumkapi, or the sand-gate, lies toward the Propontis; this the Greeks call in their vulgar language Κονδοσκάλι, Contoscalium, or the little scale or landing-place. Here formerly was an Arsenal for gallies and other small vessels it being a convenient passage over sea. Over this gate was anciently engraven a curious inscription, still preserved in that excellent collection publish’d by Gruterus[14].

Jedicula Kapi, or the Gate of the seven towers, so called from it’s nearness to that Acropolis, is that, I guess, which the Greeks formerly called Χρυσῆ or the golden gate, and by some late Latin writers Chrysea, in Luitprandus, Carea, by a mistake either of the Transcriber or Printer, for Aurea, for so certainly it must be mended. Over this gate was this Inscription;

Hæc loca Theodosius decorat post fata Tyranni,
Aurea secla gerit, qui portam construit auro.

cited by Sirmond, in his notes upon Sidonius[15]. This gate is in the twelfth region, and was also called ὡραῖα from it’s beautiful and curious structure.

The gun-gate, formerly called Roman-gate, not because it leads towards the continent of Romania or Thrace, but from St Romanus[16] where the last Christian Emperor was killed at the assault which the Turks made to force their way into the city by it.

Near Adrianople-gate is a fair large mosque called Alibassa, upon a hill accounted the highest in the city.

The distance between tower and tower in the upper wall to the landward, may be about ninety of my paces; the space between that and the second wall about eighteen paces over.

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The place, where the Lyons, Leopards, and such like wild creatures are kept, (where I saw also several Jackals) was formerly, as the Greeks told me, a Christian church dedicated to Παναγία, or the Blessed Virgin, where this verse is still legible:

Κατὰ Σκυθῶν ἔπνευσας θερμὸν ἐν μάχαις.

There is no tide or running back of the water on any side of the Bosphorus, into the Black sea, as[17] some have imagined, whose mistake might possibly arise hence, that the wind being at north, and blowing hard, the current sets more violently at such times against the several headlands, jetting out into the channel, which admits of several turnings, and so the waters are forced back to some little distance: or else because when the south-wind freshens and grows boisterous, it makes a high rolling sea in the Propontis and Bosphorus, and being contrary to the current, gives a check to it, so that it becomes less sensible, and is easily stemmed. Where it is narrowed, the distance seems to the eye to be scarce a mile over from one shore to another; where broadest, not much above a mile and a half, unless where it runs into the deep bays, which by reason of their shallowness only harbour boats.

The channel certainly is natural, and not cut by art, as some have idly fancied, not considering how the Euxine sea should discharge itself otherwise of those great quantities of waters, poured into it by the Ister and Tanais, now called Don, and the other rivers, whereby it becomes less salt, even very sensibly to the taste, than several parts of the Mediterranean.

The fish, by a strange kind of instinct, pass in vast shoals twice a year, autumn and spring, through the Bosphorus, that is, out of one sea into another; of which the Greeks, who live several months of the year upon them, take great numbers, and supply the markets at[377] easie rates; the cormorants and other ravenous water-fowl, which the Turks will not suffer to be destroy’d, or otherwise molested, preying also upon them.

The weather in some months is very inconstant, great heats and colds happenning the same day upon the change of the wind.

The winters at Constantinople are sometimes extraordinary severe. I have heard it related by several old Greeks, as a thing most certain, that the Bosphorus was frozen over in the time of Achmed, and that a Hare was coursed over it. It happened thus; that upon a thaw, huge cakes of ice came floating down the Danube into the Black Sea, and were driven by the current into the Bosphorus, where, upon the return of the frost, they were fixed so hard, that it became passable. In the year 1669, there was ice in the haven, to the great amazement of the Turks; and some were so frighted at this unusual accident, that they look’d upon it as a dismal prodigy, and concluded that the world would be at an end that year. The Aguglia, or Obelisk, in the Hypodrome, is betwixt fifty and sixty foot high.

The historical pillars in basso relievo, raised in honour of the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius, may be in height about an hundred and forty seven feet.

Alexus Comnenus, lies buried in the patriarchal church against the wall, and his daughter Anna Comnena, the historian, who lived about the year of Christ 1117. They pretend to shew there, the relics of St Anastasia, who suffered martyrdom under the Emperor Valerianus, and of St Euphemia, virgin and martyr, who lost her life most gloriously for Christ’s holy religion at Chalcedon under Dioclesian.

In Sancta Sophia, there are pillars so great, that a man can scarce fathom them at twice. At the end of the gallery that joins the other two, each about thirty of my paces wide, there is a piece of transparent marble, two or three inches thick. In the north gallery, upon the pavement, is a reddish sort of a marble stone, brought, as the Turks and Christians relate, from Palestine, on which they fable, that the Blessed Virgin used to wash the linnen of our Saviour.

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I observed but one step from the body of the church to the Bema, or place where the altar formerly stood.

The great mosque at Chasim-bassa on Pera side to the west, was formerly a church dedicated to St Theodosia.

Gianghir, a mosque so called upon a hill at Fondaclee near Tophana.

In Constantinople there are several narrow streets of trade, closed up with sheds and penthouses, which I suppose were in use before the Greeks lost their empire, and are the same with the σκεπαστοὶ καὶ φρακτοὶ δρόμοι, in Chrysalaloras’s Epistle, p. 119. But besides these places, several trades have their distant quarters. The streets are raised for the most part on each side for the greater convenience.

Not far from Suleimania, is the house of the Aga, or General of the Janizaries, which so often changes it’s masters.

Pompey’s pillar, as the Franks erroneously call it, is of the Corinthian order, curiously wrought, about eighteen foot in height, and three in diameter.

Beshiktash, a village within three or four miles of Constantinople, towards the Bosphorus, where lies buried the famous pirate Ariadin, whom the Christian writers call Barbarossa, who built here a handsome mosque, having two rows of pillars at the entrance. The captain Bashaw usually, before he puts to sea with his Armada of gallies, visits the tomb of this fortunate robber, who had made several thousand Christians slaves, and makes his prayers at the neighbouring church for the good success of his expedition.

They reckon in the city above a hundred public baths, every street almost affording one. They are esteemed works of great piety and charity, there being a continual use of them, not only upon the account of religion, but of health and cleanliness: For their diet being for the most part hot spiced meats in the winter, and crude fruits in the summer; their liquor fountain water or coffee, to which we may add their lazy kind of life (for walking is never used by them for digestion, or otherwise in the way of diversion) frequent bathing becomes necessary.

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There are several receptacles of water under ground, and one particularly under the church of Sancta Sophia, as I was informed; but I did not think it worth my curiosity to descend into it. These were of great use to the poor Greeks in the last fatal siege; but the Turks are so secure, that they do not think that they deserve either cost or pains to keep the waters sweet, or the cisterns in repair.

The aqueducts, which answer to those glorious aqueducts near Pyrgos, and convey the water to the great cistern near Sultan Selim’s mosque, are in that part of Constantinople which lies between the mosque of Mahomet the Great and Shazade.

The Turks began to besiege Constantinople on the fifth of April, and took it the twenty-ninth of May, on Whitsun-tuesday morning, 1453, or as the Turks reckon in the year 857, of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet, the twenty-second day of the first Jomad.

The chapel where Ejub Sultan is interred, at whose head and feet I observed great wax candles, is inclosed with latten wire grates, for the better accommodation of such religious Turks, as come to pay their respect to the memory of this great Musulman Saint. In the middle of the area, there is raised a building sustained by excellent marble pillars, ascended by two several pair of stairs, where the new Emperor is inaugurated, and where he usually goes in Biram time.

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### An account of the city of Prusa in Bythinia, and a continuation of the historical observations relating to Constantinople; by the reverend and learned Tho. Smith, D. D. fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon. and of the Royal Society.

Montanea, formerly called Nicopolis, according to Bellonius, or rather Cios, the bay hence called Sinus Cianus, lies in the bottom of a bay about fourscore miles from Constantinople, and is the scale or landing place for Prusa, from which it may be about twelve miles; in the middle way to which, is the village Moussanpoula.

Prusa, now call’d by the Turks Bursia, the chief city of Bythinia, is seated at the foot partly, and partly upon the rising of the mount Olympus, which is one of the highest hills of the lesser Asia. It’s top is covered with snow for nine or ten months of the year, several streams of water flowing down the hill continually, accounted very unwholsome from the snow mixed with it. In the upper part of the city to the north-west, lies the Seraglio, which is walled round; but the Emperors not residing here since their acquists in Thrace, or scarce making visits to this imperial city, and none of their sons living here of late, according to the former policy of the Turkish Emperors, who did not permit their sons, when grown up, to be near them, but sent them to some honourable employment, accompanied with a Bashaw or Cadi, to instruct them in the arts of war and government; it lies now neglected and despoiled of all it’s ornaments.

In this part also are the sepulchres of Osman, the founder of the family which now reigns, and his son Urchan, who took the city, near a mosque, formerly a Christian church dedicated to St John, and where was formerly a convent of religious, built by Constantinus Iconomachus, where I saw the figure of a cross still remaining[381] upon the wall. Here hangs up a great drum of a vast bigness, such as they carry upon the backs of camels, and I suppose is one of those which they used in the taking of the place.

In the lower part, near the bottom of the hill, Norad II. the father of Mahomet the Great, lies buried; near whereunto was formerly the metropolitical church of the holy Apostles. The Bezesten, or exchange, seems to be much better and larger than the great one at Constantinople, as are the several Caravanserais built for the use and accommodation of Merchants and travellers; in one of which, the Rice-chane, I took up my quarters.

Without the city, toward the east, is the mosque and sepulchre of the Emperor Bajazid I. whom the Turks call Jilderim, or lightening, and the Greek writers λαίλαψ. Not far from hence, is the mosque of Mahomet I. and his sepulchre. Toward the west, upon the side of the hill, is the mosque of Morad I. whom they call Gazi, or the Conqueror, near which he lies buried. There are in the whole about 124 mosques, several of which were formerly Christian churches, and between fifty and sixty chanes. The castles built by Osman, when he besieged the city, are slighted and altogether unfortified, the one to the north, the other to the south-west.

At Checkerghe, about a mile and a half out of town, are the hot baths, much frequented both by Christians and Turks. They are made very convenient to bathe in, and are covered over, that they may be used in all weathers. Among others, there is a large round bason, where they usually divert themselves by swimming.

What opinions the Turks have of our Blessed Saviour, and the Christian religion, I shall briefly shew, as they lie dispersed in several chapters of the Koran, according to which they frame their discourse whensoever either zeal or curiosity puts them upon this topic; for Mahomet, upon his setting up to be the author of a new religion, finding such a considerable part of the world professing the doctrine of Christ, with all the mysteries of faith therein contained, was cast upon a necessity of saying something both concerning him and it. By[382] which it will appear how great the power of truth is above imposture and subtility, and that as the devils in the possessed confessed, though against their wills, Christ to be the son of God, so this Dæmoniac, in the midst of all his forgeries and lyes, and ridiculous and childish narratives, not being able to contradict the universal belief of the Christians of that, and the preceeding ages, founded on the history of the Gospel, hath been forced to give testimony to several particulars of it.

They confess then, that Christ was born of a pure spotless Virgin, the Virgin Mary, chosen by God, and sanctified above all the women in the world; and that the angel Gabriel was dispatched out of heaven, to acquaint her with the news of it. That such a kind of miraculous and supernatural birth never happened to any besides, and that Christ was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and that he wrought mighty miracles, for instance, that he cleansed lepers, gave sight to the blind, restored sick persons to their health, and raised the dead.

That he is a great Prophet, sent by God to convert men from the vanity and error of their false worship to the knowledge of the true God, to preach righteousness, and to correct and restore the imperfection and miscarriages of human nature; that he was of a most holy and examplary life; that he was the true Word of God, the Apostle, or Embassador of God; that his Gospel was revealed to him from heaven, and that he is in heaven standing nigh to the throne of God. They blaspheme indeed with a bruitishness and stupidity only befitting Turks, the mysteries of the Holy Trinity, and of the Divinity of our Blessed Saviour, and deny that he was put to death, and say, that another in his shape was crucified by the Jews, and that he himself was assumed into heaven in his body without dying at all, and consequently they will not own, that he satisfied Divine Justice for the sins of the world; so great an affinity is there between the heresy of Socinus and professed Mahometism.

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I could never yet see any Turkish translation of the Koran: they cry up the elegance of the stile, which being enthusiastic and high flown, by reason also of the tinkling of the periods, is very delightful to their ears, who seem to be affected with rhime mightily. Though I suppose it is upon a more politic account, that they are so averse, as to the translating it into their vulgar language, not out of respect to the sacredness of the original only, whose full commanding expressions they think cannot be translated without a great diminution to the sense; but to keep it in greater veneration among the people, who might be apt to slight and dis-esteem it, should it become thus common among them. It is enough that the Priests and learned men explain the difficult passages of it to the people, and write commentaries for the use of the more curious and inquisitive. The Persians on the contrary, think it no disparagement to the Arabic, or profanation of the sense, to translate this cursed book into their own language, and copies are frequent among them.

The Grand Signior’s women are usually the choicest beauties of the Christian spoils, presented by the Bashaws or Tartars. The present Sultana, the mother of the young Prince Mustapha, is a Caddiot, the Valide, or the Emperor’s mother, a Russian, the daughter of a poor Priest, who with her relations were seized upon by the Tartars, in an incursion which they made into the Muscovites country. She being received into the Seraglio by her beautiful complexion and cunning behaviour, gain’d the heart and the affection of Sultan Ibrahim, (a man wholly addicted to soft pleasures, and who seldom cared to be long absent from the womens apartment, but chose to spend his time among them.) Having the good fortune to be the mother of the Prince Mahomet, the eldest son of his father, who now reigns, she had all the honours that could possibly be done her, and was the beloved Hazaki, or chief concubine. During this height of splendour and glory, the court removing from Constantinople to Adrianople, distant about an hundred and twenty miles, as she was passing in great state, attended with her guards through the streets of the city, in a coach much like our carriage waggons, but that[384] they are letticed to let in the air, for no one must presume to stare or scarce look upon the women, much less must they themselves suffer their faces to be seen in this jealous country, she out of curiosity looking through the holes, saw a poor Christian slave in a shop where sugar and such like wares were sold. Upon her return she sent one of her Eunuchs to enquire for the person, and to ask him several questions about his country, relations, friends, and the time when and how long he had been a slave; his answers were so particular and satisfactory, that she was soon convinced of the truth and certainty of her apprehensions, when she first cast her eyes upon him, that he was her brother, and accordingly it proved so. Whereupon acquainting the Emperor with it, she immediately redeem’d him from his patron, and having made the poor wretch turn Turk, got him considerably preferr’d.

The Bashaws for the most part are the sons of Christians, taken into the Seraglio, near the Emperor’s person, and so are preferr’d to considerable governments, or else they raise themselves by their conduct and valour. Mahomet Bashaw, in the time of Achmet, whose eldest daughter he marry’d, was the first natural Turk that was made chief Vizier, having before been Captain Bashaw. The chief Vizier Mahomet Cupriuli (who settled the empire in the minority of this Emperor, when it was ready to be shaken into pieces, and dissolved by several powerful factions in the state, and by the mutinies and discontents of Janizaries and Spahis, who drove different ways) was an Albanese by birth, the son of a Greek Priest, whom out of the height of his zeal for Mahomet, he made turn Turk in his old age, and converted the Christian church in the village where he was born into a mosque. This man also forbad the Dervises to dance in a ring and turn round, which before was their solemn practice at set times before the people, which they would do so long, till they were giddy by this swift circular motion, and fell down in a swoon, and then oftentimes upon their recovery from such trances, they pretended to revelation. The church-men are not very kind to his memory, looking upon him as a man of little or no religion; and they give out that if he had lived, he would have forbid their calling to prayers from the spires of their[385] Mosques, and hanging out lamps; both which they look upon as solemn and essential to the exercise of religion; but he as the effect of bigottry and superstition.

They have a mighty honour and esteem for Physicians, for tho’ they are of opinion, that they cannot with all their art prolong life, the period and term of it being fatal, and absolutely determin’d by God, yet they often consult them upon any violent sickness or pain, in order to make the time allotted them in this world more pleasant and easy. It is extraordinary rare, that a natural Turk makes Physic his profession and study. They who practise it among them, when I was in Turkey, were for the most part Greeks and Jews, who know nothing of chymical medicines, but follow the usual methods, which they learn’d in Italy and Spain, the former having study’d in Padua, and the latter in Salamanca, where they pass’d for good Catholics. And I remember I met with a certain Jew Physician, who had been a Capucine in Portugal. During the tedious siege of Candia, the Vizier, what with melancholy, and what with the ill air of the camp, finding himself much indisposed, sent for a Christian Physician, Signior Massalini, a subject of the Republic of Venice, but marry’d to a Greek woman, by whom he had several children, who was our neighbour at Pera, an experienced able man, to come speedily to him, and made him a present of about a thousand dollars, in order to fit himself for the voyage, and bear the expence of it. By this worthy gentleman’s care he recover’d his health, and would not permit him to depart till after the surrender of that city, which might be about seven months after his arrival there, treating him in the mean while with all imaginable respect. During our short stay at Bursia, one of our Janizaries accidentally discoursing with a Turk about us, whom they knew to be Franks, told him that there was a Physician in the company, who had been lately at the Grand Signior’s court at Salonichi with the English Embassador, and was now upon his return from Constantinople to Smyrna, where he lived. This presently took vent, and the Turks thought that they had got a man among them that could cure all diseases infallibly; for several immediately came to find us out in behalf of themselves or their sick friends, and one of the most considerable[386] men upon the place, desired the Doctor to go to his house to visit one of his women sick in bed, who being permitted to feel her naked pulse (for usually they throw a piece of fine silk or curle over their womens wrists at such times) soon discover’d by that and other symptoms and indications of her distemper, that opening a vein would presently give her ease, and recover her; which he did accordingly; for which he received an embroidered handkerchief instead of a fee, and gained the reputation of having done a mighty cure.

They have little of ingenious or solid learning among them; their chief study next to the Koran, being metaphysical niceties about the Attributes of God, or else the maintenance of other odd speculative notions and tenents, derived down to them from some of their famed masters and holy men, whom they pretend to follow. Their knowledge of the motion of the heavens, for which the Arabians and the other eastern nations have been so deservedly famous, as their Astronomical Tables of the Longitude and Latitude of the fixed stars, and of the appulse of the Moon to them, fully evince, is now very mean, and is chiefly studied for the use of Judiciary Astrology. The great instrument they make use of is an Astrolabe, with which they make very imperfect observations, having no such thing as a Quadrant or Sextant, much less a Telescope, or any mechanical engine, to direct and assist them in their calculation. Their skill in Geography is as inconsiderable; I remember I heard the Captain Bashaw, whom they stile Admiral of the Black and White Seas, meaning the Euxine and the Mediterranean, ask this silly question, Whether England were out of the Streights? and another time the Caymacan, or Governor of Constantinople, hearing that England was an island, desired to know how many miles it was about, in order, we supposed, to make an estimate of our King’s greatness and strength, by the extent and compass of it.

One of the great Astrologers of Constantinople, having heard that I had a pair of globes in my chamber, made me a visit on purpose to see their contrivance, being introduced by a worthy gentlemen of our own nation. After the first ceremonies were over, I took my terrestrial globe, and rectify’d it to the position of the place, and[387] pointed to the several circles both without and upon it, and told him in short the several uses of them; then shewed him how Constantinople, beared from Candia, at that time besieged, Cair, Aleppo, Mecca, and other chief places of the empire, with the other parts of the world; at which he was mightily surprized to see the whole earth and sea represented in that figure, and in so narrow, a compass, and pleased himself with turning the globe round several times together. Afterwards I set before him the celestial globe, and rectify’d that, and shew’d him how all the noted constellations were exactly described, and how they moved regularly upon their poles, as in the heavens; some rising, and others setting, some always above the horizon, and others always under, in an oblique sphere, and particularly what stars would rise that night with us at such an hour; the man seem’d to be ravish’d with the curiosity of it, turning this globe also several times together with his finger, and taking a pleasure in viewing the motion of it; and yet this silly animal pass’d for a conjurer among the Turks, and was look’d upon as one that could foretel the events of battels, the fates of empires, and the end of the world.

They have no genious for sea-voyages, and consequently are very raw and unexperienced in the art of navigation, scarce venturing to sail out of sight of land. I speak of the natural Turks, who trade either in the Black Sea or some part of the Morea, or between Constantinople and Alexandria; and not of the pyrates of Barbary, who are for the most part renagado’s, and learnt their skill in Christendom, which they exercise so much to the terrour and damage of it. A Turkish compass consists but of eight points, the four cardinal and four collateral; they being at a mighty loss how to sail by a side-wind; when by hauling their sails sharp they might lie their course, and much more, when they are in the winds eye, not knowing how to make tacks and boards, but chuse rather to make haste into some neighbouring port, till the wind blows fair. An English and Turkish vessel, both bound for the bay of Salonichi, at the time of the Grand Signior’s being there, pass’d together out of the Hellespont, but foul weather happening, the Turk got into Lemnos; while our men kept at sea, and pursued their voyage, and after three weeks stay returned back to us, observing in their[388] way, that the Turks remained in the same place where they left them, for want of a fore-wind to put to sea in.

They trouble not themselves with reading the histories of other nations or of ancient times, much less with the study of chronology, without which history is very lame and imperfect; which is the cause of those ridiculous and childish mistakes, which pass current and uncontradicted among them. For instance, they make Job one of Solomon’s Judges, and (Iscander) Alexander the Great, Captain General of his army. They number Philip of Macedon among the ancestors of our Blessed Saviour, and believe that Sampson, Jonas, and St George were his contemporaries. In this they are more excuseable than their false Prophet Mahomet, who in his Koran has perverted several historical notices in the writings of the Old Testament, and is guilty of vile and absurd Pseudo-chronisms. To remedy this defect, of which he was very conscious, and the better to understand the state of Christendom, and the particular kingdoms and republics of it, the late great and wise Vizier Achmet, made his interpreter Panagiotti, a learned Greek, at leisure hours, even at the siege of Candia, as well as at other times, read several ancient histories to him, and render them extempore into the Turkish language, and particularly Blaeus Atlas, with which he was mightily pleased, and made great use of, and truly gained the reputation of a solid and judicious Statesman, as well as Soldier among the Christian ministers, who in the ordinary course of their negotiations apply’d themselves to him.

Tho’ their year be according to the course of the moon, and so the Turkish months run round the civil year in a circle of thirty three years and a few odd days, yet they celebrate the Neuruz, which signifies in the Persian tongue, the New-year, the twenty first day of March, (on which day the Veneral Equinox was fixed by the Greeks and other Oriental Christians, in the time of the Emperor Constantine, who made no provision for the προήγησις ἰσημερινὴ, or procession, which in process of time the inequality between the civil and astronomical year must necessarily produce) at which time the Cadi’s and other annual magistrates, and farmers of the customs take place, and reckon to that day twelve month again.

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In their civil deportment and behaviour one towards another, the left hand is the more worthy and honourable place, except among their Ecclesiastics; and the reason they allege is, because they write from the right hand, and the sword is worn on the left side, and so is more at his disposal, who walks on that hand. The chief Vizier accordingly in the Divan sits at the left hand of the Mufti, each maintaining their right of precedence, according to this way of decision.

In their Mosques they sit without any distinction of degrees.

Some of the more zealous Turks cause to be engraven on their scymeters and bucklers a sentence out of the sixty first Surat, which is concerning fighting or battle-arrey, and contains encouragements to fight in the way and path of God, as the Impostor’s words are; for which he assures them, besides assistance from heaven, to help them to get the victory over their enemies, and that God will pardon their sins, and bring them to Paradise. Thus spirited with zeal, a Turk lays about him with fury, when he is a fighting, and seems ambitious of dying to gain the delights of Paradise, at least indifferent whether he dies or lives.

The Turks are, as to their temper serious, or rather enclining to morosity, seldom laughing, which is accounted an argument of great vanity and lightness. They perform the exercises which they use in the way of diversion, as shooting and hunting, with a great deal of gravity, as if they designed them more for health than for pleasure; and this too but seldom. The better and richer sort who have nothing to do, sitting all day at home, lolling upon a Sofa, or raised place in their rooms, and taking tobacco, which their slaves fill and light for them; and if they retire in the Summer or Autumn for a week or fortnight, to some convenient fountain in a wood, with their women, it is chiefly to enjoy the refreshments of the cool air. In the times of triumph indeed for some great success obtained against the Christians, when the shops are open for three nights together, and hung with lights, as well as the spires of the Mosques in curious figures, they are guilty of extravagant mirth, running up and down the streets in companies,[390] and sometimes singing and dancing after their rude way; but this fit being over, they soon return to their former melancholy. In the coffee-houses where they use to resort to tipple, there is usually one hired by the owners to read either an idle book of tales, which they admire as wit, or filthy obscene stories, with which they seem wonderfully affected and pleased, few of them being able to read. These are the schools which they frequent for their information, tho’ in times of war when things went ill with them, their discourses would be of the ill government; and the Grand Signior himself, and his chief ministers, could not escape their censures, which manifestly tending to sedition, and to the heightning of their discontents by their mutual complaints, and by this free venting of their grievances during the war at Candia, the wise Vizier seeing the evil consequences that would follow, if such meetings and discourses were any longer tolerated, commanded that all the public coffee-houses should be shut up in Constantinople, and several other great cities of the empire, where the malecontents used to rendezvouz themselves, and find fault upon every ill success and miscarriage, with the administration of affairs.

The custom of the Turks to salute the Emperor, or the Vizier Bashaws, with loud acclamations and wishes of health and long life, when they appear first in their houses or any public place, is derived from the Greeks, who took it from the Romans. This was done by them in a kind of singing tone; whence Luitprandus, Bishop of Cremona tells us, that in a certain procession (προέλυσις) at which he was present, they sang to the Emperor Nicephorus πολλὰ ἔτη, that is, Many Years, (which Codinus, who lived just about the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, expresses by τὸ ψάλλειν τὸ πολυχρόνιον, or by τὸ πολυχρόνιζειν, and to wish or salute by πολυχρόνισμα) and at dinner the Greeks then present wish’d with a loud voice to the Emperor and Burdas, Ut Deus annos multiplicet, as he translates the Greek.

The Turkish coin in itself is pitiful and inconsiderable, which I ascribe not only to their want of bullion, but to their little skill in matters relating to the mint. Hence it comes to pass, that Zecchines and[391] Hungars for gold, and Spanish Dollars and Zalotts for silver stamped in Christendom pass current among them, most of the great payments being made in them, they not caring either through ignorance or sloth, to follow the example of the Indian or Persian Emperors, who usually melt down the Christian money imported by the Merchants into their several countries, and give it a new stamp. The most usual pieces are the Sheriphi of gold, somewhat less than a Venecian Zecchine, and Aspers, ten of which are equal to six pence English and some few Asper pieces. A Mangur is an old ugly copper piece, eight of which make but one Asper, and is not I think a Turkish coin, but rather Greek. They have no arms upon their coin, only letters embossed on both sides, containing the Emperor’s name, or some short sentence out of the Koran.

The Turks look upon earthquakes as ominous, as the vulgar do upon eclipses, not understanding the philosophy of them. During my stay in Constantinople, which was above two years, there happen’d but one, which was October 26, 1669, about six o’clock in the morning, a stark calm preceding. It lasted very near a minute, and we at Pera and Galata were as sensible of it as those who were on the other side of the water; but, praised be God, nothing fell, and we were soon rid of the fears in which this frightful accident had cast us, being in our beds, and not able, by reason of the surprize, in so little a space to have past thro’ a gallery down a pair of stairs into the court, if we had attempted it. The Turks made direful reflections on it, as if some calamity would inevitably fall upon the empire, quickly forgetting the great triumphings and rejoicings which they exprest but a few days before for the surrender of Candia. In the year 1668, in August, the earth shook more or less for forty seven days together in the lesser Asia at Anguri (Anoyra) and for fifteen at Bacbaser, as we heard from a Scotch Merchant, who lived there; and particularly, that at this latter place, on the second of August, between three and four o’clock in the afternoon it lasted for a quarter of an hour; several houses were overthrown, and some hundred of chimneys fell (it being a very populous town)[392] and yet there were but seven kill’d. The trembling being so violent, both Turks and Christians forsook their houses, and betook themselves to the fields, vineyards and gardens, where they made their abode for several days.

Their punishments are very severe, this being judg’d the most effectual way, to prevent all public disorders and mischiefs. They use no great formality in their processes; if the criminal be taken in the fact, and the witnesses ready and present to attest it, and sometimes if there be but probable circumstances, without full conviction, condemn him; and soon after sentence, sometimes an hour or less, hurry him away to execution. For an ordinary crime, hanging is the usual death; but for robbery and murder committed upon the highway, by such as rob in parties and allarm whole provinces, or for sacrilege, or for any heinous crime against the government, either gaunching or excoriation, or cutting off the legs and arms, and leaving the trunk of the body in the high-way, or empaling, that is, thrusting an iron stake through the body out under the neck or at the mouth; in which extreme torment the miserable wretch may live two or three days, if the guts or the heart happen not to be wounded by the pointed spike in it’s passage. This punishment seems to have been in use among the Romans, Seneca’s Epist. 14. Cogita hoc loco carcerem, & cruces, & eculeos, & uncum, & adactum medium hominem, qui per os emergat, stipitem. And so in his book De Consolatione ad Marciam, cap. 20. Alii capite conversos in terram suspendere; alii per obscena stipitem egerunt, alii brachia patibulo explicuerunt. Murder is seldom pardon’d, and especially if the relations of the murder’d person demand justice.

The Circumcision, though it be a sacred rite, is perform’d in their private houses, and never in the Mosques.

The women colour their eye-brows and lids with an ugly black powder, I suppose, to set off their beauty by such a shadow; and their nails with the powder of Kanna, which gives them a tincture of faint red, like[393] brick, as they do the tails and hoofs of horses, which they look upon as a great ornament. Their great diversion is bathing; sometimes thrice if not four times a week. They do not permit them to go to church in time of prayer, for fear they should spoil their devotion; the Turks being of so brutish a temper, that their lust is raised upon the sight of a fair object. They are call’d oftentimes by the names of flowers and fruits, and sometimes fantastic names are given them, such as Sucar Birpara, or bit of sugar, Dil Ferib, or ravisher of hearts, and the like.

Their skill in agriculture is very mean. In their gardens they have several little trenches to convey water where it may be most necessary for their plants and flowers. They know little or nothing of manuring their grounds; sometimes they burn their fields and vineyards after harvest and vintage, partly to destroy the vermin, and partly to enrich the soil. They tread out their corn with oxen, drawing a square plank board, about a foot and an half or two foot over, studded with flints, and winnow it upon their threshing-floors in the open air, the wind blowing away the chaff. They feed their horses with barley and chopt straw, for I do not remember ever to have seen any oats among them; and they make but little hay.

For draught of great weight in their carts they make use of Buffalo’s.

Camels will travel four days together without water, and will eat tops of thistles, shrubs, or any kind of boughs: They are very sure footed, and kneel when they are loading, and live to a considerable number of years, some even to sixty.

The chief furniture of their houses are carpets, or matts of Grand Cairo, neatly wrought with straw, spread upon the ground; they having no occasion for chairs, couches, stools, or tables, their postures within doors being different from ours. They have no hangings, but their walls are whited and set off with painting, only adorned with a kind of porcelain; no beds closed with curtains.

They seal not with wax, but ink, at the bottom of the paper, the Emperor’s name being usually written[394] with flourishes and in perplex’d characters; nor have they any coats of arms upon their seals, there being no such thing as gentility among them.

Some of them, notwithstanding their zeal for Mahomet and the religion by him establish’d, retain not only a favourable and honourable opinion of our Blessed Saviour, but even place some kind of confidence in the usage of his name, or of the words of the Gospel, though it may seem to be wholly in the way of superstition. Thus in their amulets, which they call Chaimaili, being little bits of paper about two or three fingers breath, rolled up in pieces of silk, containing several short prayers or sentences out of the Koran, with several circles with other figures, they usually inscribe the holy and venerable name of Jesus, or the figure of the cross, or the first words of St John’s Gospel, and the like. They hang them about their necks, or place them under their arm-pits, or in their bosom near their hearts, (being the same with what the Greeks call ἐγκόλπια) and especially when they go to war, as a preservative against the dangers of it; and indeed against any misfortune whatsoever. Some have them sow’d within their caps; and I heard of a Turk who was so superstitious herein, that he always pluck’d it off, and was uncover’d, when he had occasion to make water. Some are such bigots in their religion, and so furious against Christians, that not only they treat them with all imaginable scorn and contempt, but take it ill to be salam’d or saluted by them, as if it were the effect of sawciness and unbecoming familiarity. Their malice against the Christians makes them envy the rich furs they line their vests with, and it is a trouble to these hypocritical zealots to see Franks ride upon their fine Arabian horses.

The respect which they shew the Koran is wonderful, they dare not open the leaves of it with unwashen hands, according to the advice and command written in Arabic upon the cover, Let no one touch this book, but he that is clean. They kiss it, and bend their heads, and touch their eyes with it, both when they open and shut it.

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The Janizaries, when they attend upon Christian Embassadors to their audience, seem to appear in their bravery, and in a habit far from that of a soldier, being without either fire-arms or swords, which latter are not worn but in time of service, or when they are upon a march, or embodied, wearing a cap made of camels hair, with a broad flap dangling behind, a gilt embroider’d wreath running round it, and an oblong piece of brass rising up from the middle of their forehead near a foot, with a great club in their hand, like inferior officers of the civil government. But when they are in the camp, they throw off their upper vest and turbants, which they wear at all other usual times, as troublesome, and put on a fez or red cap, which fits close to their head, and tuck up their Duliman or long coat to their girdle, that they may be the more quick and expedite in their charge.

They affect finery and neatness in their cloaths and shashes; not so much as a spot to be seen upon them, and in rainy or suspicious weather are very careful how they go abroad without their Yamurlics, which is a kind of coat they throw over their heads at such times.

Their pans and dishes are for the most part of copper, but so handsomely tinned over, that they look like silver.

There are thousands of Gypsies or Zinganies in Turkey, who live the same idle nasty kind of life as they do in Christendom, and pretend to the same art of telling fortunes; and are look’d upon as the off-scouring of mankind. It is accounted the extremest point of human misery, to be a slave to any of this sort of cattle.

The Haggi or Pilgrims, that have been at Mecca and Medina, forbear to drink wine most religiously, out of a persuasion, that one drop would efface all the merits of that troublesome and expensive journey; and some have been possest with such a mad zeal, that they have blinded themselves after their having been blest with the sight of Mahomet’s sepulchre.

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After Jatzah, that is, an hour and an half in the night, throughout the whole year, there is as great a silence in the streets as at midnight. The Emperor Achmet, in the year 1611, having made an order, that no one should presume to be out of his house after that time, which is to this day most punctually observed. The Bostangi bashi, who has the command of all the Agiamoglans in the Seraglio, the Topgibashi, or such great officers, attended with a great train of armed men, walking the rounds, and drubbing such as they find abroad at unseasonable hours, of what nation or quality soever, except Physicians, Chirurgions, and Apothecaries, whom they allow at all times to visit the sick.

The Turkmans, (for so they are peculiarly called, as if they were the true descendents of the old Turks or Scythians, whose wandring kind of life is described by the Poet,

Ἁμαξόβιοι | { | Nulla domus, plaustris habitant, migrare per arva
| { | Mos, atque errantes circumvectare penates.)

have no fix’d residence any where, but travel with their families and cattel from place to place, carrying their wives and children upon camels; they pitch their tents usually near rivers and fountains, for the conveniency of water, and according as their necessities require, make a longer and shorter stay. Their whole estates consists in their numerous flocks and herds, which they sell upon occasion, to supply themselves with what they want, at the towns they pass by. Their only concern is, how to enjoy the benefits and blessings of nature, without the troubles and turmoils and disquiets of life, being contented and happy in one anothers company, void of all ambition and envy, courteous and humane to strangers, that may want their help and assistance, kindly entertaining them with such provision as their folds afford. I have met with some companies of these harmless wanderers in my travels. The country lies open without any enclosures, and the property not being vested in any one, they travel thro’ the plains unmolested, and find excellent pasture[397] every where. The Turks till no more ground than will serve their necessities, being supply’d with corn from Egypt, and from Moldavia and Wallachia, by the way of the Black sea, letting vast traces of ground lie waste and uncultivated; so that their sloth herein sometimes is justly punish’d with dearths.

They have nothing to shew for their houses and possessions, but an Hogiet, or piece of paper subscribed by the Cadi, if they have acquired them by their money, or that they were their father’s before them.

The Dervises generally are melancholy, and place the greatest part of their religion in abstinence and other severities. Some cut their flesh, others vow not to speak for six or seven years, or all their lives long, though never so much provoked or distressed. Their Garments are made of a coarse sort of wool, or goats hair: They are tied up by the vow of their order ever from marrying. Several of this sect, in the height of their religious phrenzy, have attempted upon the lives of the Emperors themselves (at whose government they have taken disgust) as Mahomet II, and Achmet, as if such desperate attempts were fatal to bigots in all religions.

They pay a mighty veneration to any relic of Mahomet, his banner is still preserved in the treasury of the Seraglio, and is looked upon as the greatest security of the empire. They believe that it was sent from Heaven, and conveyed into the hands of Mahomet by the Angel Gabriel, as a pledge and sign of success and victory in his battels against the Christians, and all other enemies of the Musulman faith. It was sent to Candia, to encourage the Soldiers to endure the fatigue of that long and tedious siege; and when it was brought thence after the surrender of that city, to be deposited in it’s usual place, the Vizier gave several Christian slaves, that row’d in the galley that was fraught with this holy ware, their liberty. They pretend to have some rags of Mahomet’s vest, to which they ascribe great virtue. In confidence of which the Emperor Achmet, in the time of a great fire, which raged at Constantinople, when all other means failed, dipt part of them in water to be sprinkled upon the fire to abate the fury of it.

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Next to the Mufti or Cadaleskiers are the Mollas, of which these four are the chiefest in dignity. The Molla of Galata, Adrianople, Aleppo, Prusa; and after them are reckoned these eight, Stambol Ephendi, Larissa, Misir or Cairo, Sham or Damuscus, Diarbeker or Mesopotamia, Cutaia, Sophia, Philippi.

The Priests have no habits peculiar to their profession, whereby they are distinguished from others. If they are put from their Mosque for miscarriage or neglect of doing their duty, or if they think fit to resign and be Priests no longer, they may betake themselves without any scandal to secular employments, their former character and quality wholly ceasing. While they remain Priests, they counterfeit a more than ordinary gravity in their discourse and walking: And affect to wear turbants swelling out, and made up with more cross folds; which was all the difference which I could observe by their head-attire, which is various, though I could not find that this was constantly and strictly observed.

In Byram-time, which is the great festival of the year, at which time every one looks cheerfully and merrily. Among other signs of mutual respect, they besprinkle one another with sweet water: They indulge to several sports; and some are mightily pleased with swinging in the open air, the ordinary sort of people especially, paying only a few Aspers for the diversion.

The government is perfectly arbitrary and despotical; the will and pleasure of the Emperor having the force and power of a law, and oftentimes is above it. His bare command, without any process, is enough to take off the head of any person (though never so eminent in dignity; though usually for formality, and to silence the murmurings of the soldiery and people, the sentence is confirmed by the Mufti.) Sometimes Bashaws, who have amassed great treasures in their governments, are cut off in their own houses in the midst of their retinue, the messengers of death producing the Imperial Command, usually sent in a black purse, and not a sword drawn in their defence. Others, if they are obnoxious to the least umbrage or jealousy, though dismist the Seraglio with all possible demonstrations of the Grand Signior’s favour, and with rich presents in order to take[399] possession of places of great command in the empire, before they have got two or three days journey from Constantinople, have been overtaken and strangled. In the army commands are given according to merit; courage and conduct are sure to be rewarded, the way lying open to the meanest soldier to raise himself to be the chief of his order. But other preferments depend upon meer chance, and upon the fancy of the emperor, whether the person be fit or no, and they are as soon lost. The least ill success or miscarriage proves oftentimes fatal, and a more lucky man is put in his place, and he succeeded by a third, if unfortunate in a design, though managed with never so much prudence and valour. They admit of no hereditary honours, and have no respect to descent or blood, except the Ottoman family; he only is great and noble whom the Emperor favours, and while his command lasts. According to a tradition that passes current amongst them, a Bashaw’s son by a Sultana, or a daughter or sister of the Emperor, can rise no higher than to be a Sangiachi, or Governor of some little province, much inferiour to a Bashaw, and under his jurisdiction. Being born of slaves for the most part, they do not pride themselves in their birth, very few among them being scarce able to give any account of their grandfathers. They have no sirnames, but are distinguished by their possessions and places of abode, and enjoying by law a liberty of having what women they please, they have little or no regard to alliance or kindred.

Their empire owes the continuance of it’s being to the severity of the government, which oftentimes takes place without regard either to justice or equity, and to their frequent wars, which prevent all occasions of mutiny and faction among the Soldiers, which happen frequently when unemploy’d. So that tho’ ambition may put a warlike Sultan upon enlarging his territories by new conquests, yet reason of state forces a weak and effeminate Prince, such as was Ibrahim, to make war for his own security. Their politics are not owing to books and study, and the examples of past-times, but to experience, and the plain suggestions of nature and common sense: They have rules of government, which[400] they firmly adhere to, holding the reins streight, especially being cruel and inexorable to criminals of state, who never are to expect any mercy or pity. Their councils formerly were open, and their designs known, and proclaimed before-hand, as if this had been a bravery becoming their greatness, and that they scorned to steal a conquest. But they have learned since the art of dissimulation, and can lye and swear for their interest, and seem excessive in their caresses to the ministers of those countries, which they intend to invade. But their preparations for arming are made with so much noise, that an ordinary jealousy is soon awakened by it to oppose them, in case of an attack. They seldom or never care to have war at both extremes of the empire at the same time, and therefore they are mighty sollicitous to secure a peace with Christendom, when they intend a war upon the Persian; and as much as is possible, they avoid quarrelling with two Christian Princes at once, being usually at league either with Poland and Muscovy, when they war upon Hungary, and so on the contrary; dreading nothing more than a union of the Christian Princes bordering upon them, which would prove so fatal to their Empire, and quickly put a period to their greatness; for hereby they would be put upon a necessity of making a defensive war, to their great loss and disadvantage, and at last either be forced to beg a peace of the Christians, or run the hazard of losing all by a farther prosecution of war.

This they are very sensible of, and therefore as they take all occasion to promote quarrels and dissentions in Hungary and Transilvania, so they greatly rejoice, when the Christian Princes are at war one with another. This is their great time of advantage, and they know, that it is their true interest to pursue it, tho’ they do not always, by reason of the ill condition of their own affairs make use of it. During the civil wars of Germany, the Bashaws and other commanders of the army were very importunate with the Grand Signior, to make a war on that side, and to enlarge his conquests as far as Vienna, no conjuncture having been ever so favourable to consumate such a design, in which Solyman so unhappily miscarry’d. They promised him an[401] easy victory, assuring him, that the animosities of the Princes of the empire were so heightened, that there was no room left for a reconciliation, that he was but to go in the head of an army to take possession, and that Austria would surrender at the first news of his march towards it. The Emperor was not to be moved at that time by these insinuations and plausible discourses; being continually urged, he as often deny’d. One day when they came to renew their advice about the German war, he having given order before, that several dogs should be kept for some days without meat, commanded that they should be brought out, being almost starved, and meat thrown among them; whereupon they snarl’d and bit one another; in the midst of their noise and fighting he caused a bear to be let loose in the same area; the dogs forgetting their meat and leaving off their fighting, ran all upon the bear, ready to pray upon them singly, and at last killed him. This diversion the Emperor gave his Bashaws, and left them to make the application.

A certain prophecy of no small authority runs in the minds of all the people, and has gain’d great credit and belief among them, that their empire shall be ruin’d by a northern nation, which has white and yellowish hair. The interpretation is as various as their fancy. Some fix this character on the Moscovites; and the poor Greeks flatter themselves with foolish hopes, that they are to be their deliverers, and to rescue them from their slavery, chiefly because they are of their communion, and owe their conversion to the Christian faith, to the piety and zeal of the Grecian Bishops formerly. Others look upon the Sweeds as the persons described in the prophecy, whom they are most to fear. The ground and original of this fancy, I suppose, is owing to the great opinion which they have of the valour and courage of that warlike nation. The great victories of the Sweeds in Germany, under Gustavus Adolphus, were loudly proclaim’d at Constantinople, as if there were no withstanding the shock and fury of their arms; and their continued successes confirmed the Turks in their first belief, and their fears and jealousies were augmented afterwards, when Charles Gustave, a Prince of as heroic[402] a courage, and as great abilities in the art and management of war, as the justly admired Gustavus, entered Poland with his army, and carry’d all before him, seized upon Warsaw, and drove Casimire out of his kingdom, and had almost made an entire and absolute conquest, only a few places holding out. This alarmed the Grand Signior and the Bashaws of the Porte, as if the prophecy were then about to be fulfilled, who did not care for the company of such troublesome neighbours, who might push on their victories, and joining with the Cossacks, advance their arms farther, and make their country the seat of war, which might draw after it fatal consequences. To prevent which couriers are dispatched from Constantinople to Ragotzki, Prince of Transilvania, then in concert with the Sweeds, to command him to retire with his army out of Poland, as he valued the peace and safety of his own country, and the friendship of the Grand Signior, whose tributary he was, and by whose favour he had gained that principality; and the Crim-Tartars, the sworn enemies of the Poles, who at that time lay heavy upon them, were wrought upon by the same motives and reasons of state, to clap up a peace with them, that being freed from these distractions, they might unite their forces the better together, and make head against the Sweeds.

The Embassadors of Christian Princes, when they are admitted by the Grand Signior to an audience, their presents being then of course made, which are look’d upon as due, not to say as an homage, are dismist in few words, and referred by him to his Wakil or deputy, as he usually stiles the chief Vizier, and a small number of their retinue only permitted the honour of kissing his vest, and then rudely enough sent away.

The Grand Signiors keep up the state of the old Asiatic Princes; they do not expose themselves often to the view of the people, unless when they ride in triumph, or upon some such solemn occasion; when they go to the Mosques, or divert themselves in the fields, either in riding or hunting, they do not love to be stared upon or approached. It is highly criminal to pry into the sports, such an insolent curiosity being often punished with death. The story is famous of Morad the third, who baiting a bear in the old palace with a mastiff, and espying three fellows upon the[403] tower of Bajazid’s Mosque, who had planted themselves to see the sport, commanded their heads to be struck off immediately and be brought before him, which was done accordingly. Instances of such capricios are frequent in the Turkish history; this following happen’d during my stay at Constantinople.

Upon the return of Vizier Achmet from Candia, after the surrender of that city, and a happy end put by him to that tedious and bloody war, he acquainting the present Emperor, then at Adrianople, with the history of that famous siege at large, made such terrible representations of their and the Venetians mining and countermining one another, that the Emperor was resolved out of curiosity to see the experiment made of a thing that seemed to him almost incredible. A work was soon raised and undermined, and above thirty murderers and robbers upon the highway, and such like villains were put into it, as it were to defend it. The Grand Signior stood upon an eminence at some considerable distance, expecting the issue of it: upon a signal given, the mine was sprung, and the fort demolish’d, and the poor wretches torn peacemeal, to his great satisfaction and amazement.

The moon is the auspicious planet of the Turks; according to the course of which they celebrate their festivals. They begin their months from the first appearance of it, at which time they chuse, except a delay brings a great prejudice and inconvenience with it, to begin their great actions. The crescent is the ensign of the empire, which they paint in their banners, and place upon the spires of their Mosques. Next to the day of the appearing moon, they pitch upon Friday, to fight upon, to begin a journey, and especially their pilgrimage towards Mecca, or do any thing of great consequence, as very lucky and fortunate.

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### An account of the latitude of Constantinople and Rhodes; written by the learned Mr John Greaves, sometime professor of astronomy in the university of Oxford, and directed to the most reverend James Usher, Archbishop of Ardmagh.

Upon intimation of your Grace’s desires, and upon importunity of some learned men, having finished a table as a key to your Grace’s exquisite disquisition, touching Asia, properly so called; I thought myself obliged to give both you and them a reason, why in the situation of Byzantium, and the island Rhodus, (which two eminent places I have made the παραπήγματα, and bounds of the chart) I dissent from the traditions of the ancients, and from the tables of our late and best Geographers, and consequently dissenting in these, have been necessitated to alter the latitudes, if not longitudes, of most of the remarkable cities of this discourse. And first for Byzantium, the received latitude of it by Appianus, Mercator, Ortelius, Maginnus, and some others, is forty three degrees and five minutes. And this also we find in the Basil edition of Ptolomy’s Geography, procured by Erasmus out of a Greek MS. of Pettichius. The same likewise is confirmed by another choice MS. in Greek, of the most learned and judicious Mr Selden, to whom for this favour and several others, I stand obliged. And as much is expressed in the late edition of Ptolomey by Bertius, compared and corrected by Sylburgius, with a MS. out of the Palatine library. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, having such a cloud of witnesses, but that Ptolomy assigned to Byzantium as our best modern Geographers have done, the latitude of 43° 5′. And this will farther appear, not only out of[405] geography, where it is often expressed, but also out of his μεγάλη σύνταξις, or Almagest, as the Arabians term it, where, describing the parallel passing διὰ Βυζαντίου, he assigns to it 43° 5′. What was the opinion concerning Byzantium of Strabo preceding Ptolomy, or of Hipparchus preceding Strabo, or of Eratosthenes more ancient, and it may be accurater than all of them, (for Strabo (lib. 2.) calls him τελευταῖον πραγματευσάμενον περὶ τῆς γεωγραφίας) though Tully (lib. Ep. ad Att.) makes Hipparchus often reprehend Eratosthenes, as Ptolomy after him doth Marinus, their writings not being now extant, (unless those of Strabo) cannot be determined by us. But as for Strabo, in our enquiry, we can expect little satisfaction; for his description of places, having more of the Historian and Philosopher, (both which he hath performed with singular gravity and judgment) than the exactness of a Mathematician, who strictly respects the position of places, without inquisition after their nature, qualities, and inhabitants, (though the best geography would be a mixture of them all, as Abulfeda, an Arabian Prince in his Rectification of Countries, above three hundred years since hath done;) I say for these reasons, we can expect little satisfaction from Strabo, and less may we hope for from Dionysius Afer, Arrianus, Stephanus Byzantinus, and others. Having next therefore recourse to the Arabians, who in geography deserve the second place after the Grecians, I find in Nassir Eddin the latitude of Byzantium, which he terms Buzantiya, and Constantiniya, to be 45 degrees, and in Ulug Beg’s Astronomical Tables the same to be expressed. Abulfeda chiefly follows four principal authors as his guides, in the compiling of his Geographical Tables, those are Alfaras, Albiruny, Hon Saiid Almagraby, lastly, Ptolomy, whose geography he terms a Description of the Quadrant, (or the fourth part of the earth) inhabited; and all these, according to his assertion, place Byzantium in 45 degrees of latitude. And here it may justly be wonder’d how this difference should arise between the Greek copies of Ptolomy, and those translated into Arabic by the command of Almamon, the learned Calife of Babylon; for Abulfeda expressly relates, that Ptolomy was first interpreted in his time, that is, in the computation of Almecinus, in Erpenius’s[406] edition, and of Emir Cond, a Persian Historiographer, more than 800 years since; concerning which, Abulfeda writes thus, This book (discoursing of Ptolomy’s Geography) was translated out of the Grecian language into the Arabic for Almamon: And, in this I find, (by three fair MSS. of Abulfeda) Byzantium to be constantly placed in 45°, and as constantly in the Greek copies in 43° 5′. But in the πρόχειροι κανόνες of Chrysococca, out of the Persian tables, (made about the year 1346, in Scaliger’s calculation) it is placed in 45°. To reconcile the difference between the Greeks and Arabians, may seem impossible, for the common refuge of flying to the corruption of numbers by transcribers, and laying the fault on them, which sometimes is the author’s, will not help us in this particular; seeing the Greek copies agree amongst themselves, and the Arabic amongst themselves.

The best way to end the dispute, will be, to give credit concerning the latitude of Byzantium, neither to the Greeks nor Arabians. And that I have reason for this assertion, appears by several observations of mine at Constantinople, with a brass sextant of above four foot radius. Where, taking in the summer solstice, the Meridian altitude of the Sun, without using any προσθαφαίρεσις, for the parallax and refraction, (which at that time was not necessary) I found the latitude to be 41° 6′. And in this latitude in the chart, I have placed Byzantium, and not in that, either of the Greeks or Arabians. From which observation, being of singular use in the rectification of geography, it will follow by way of corallary, that all maps for the north-east of Europe, and of Asia, adjoining upon the Bosphorus, Thracius, the Pontus Euxinus, and much farther, are to be corrected, and consequently the situation of most cities in Asia, properly so called, are to be brought more southerly than those of Ptolomy, by almost two entire degrees, and than those of the Arabians, by almost four.

Concerning Rhodes, it may be presumed, that having been the mother and nurse of so many eminent Mathematicians, and having long flourished in navigation, by the direction of these, and by the vicinity of the Phœnicians, they could not be ignorant of the precise latitude[407] of their country, and that from them Ptolomy might receive a true information. Though it cannot be denied, but that Ptolomy, in places remoter from Alexandria, hath much erred. I shall only instance in our own country, where he situates λονδίνιον, that is London, in 54° of latitude, and the περὶ μέσον, or the middle of the Isle of Wight (which in the printed copies is falsly termed οὐίκτησις, but in the MSS. rightly οὐῆκτις) in 52° and 20′ of latitude. Whereas London is certainly known to have for the altitude of the pole, or latitude of the place, only 51° and 32′; and the middle of the Isle of Wight not to exceed 50°, and some minutes.

But in my judgment Ptolomy is very excusable in these and the like errors, of several other places far distant from Alexandria, seeing he must for their position, necessarily have depended either upon relations of travellers, or observations of Mariners, or upon the longitude of the day, measured in those times by Clepsydræ; all which how uncertain they are, and subject unto error, if some celestial observations be not joined with them, and those exactly taken with large instruments, (in which kind the ancients have not many, and our times (excepting Tycho Brayhe, and some of the Arabians) but a few) I say no man, that hath conversed with modern travellers and navigators, can be ignorant. Wherefore to excuse these errors of his (or rather of others fathered by him) with a greater absurdity, by asserting the poles of the world since his time, to have changed their site, and consequently all countries their latitudes, as Mariana, the master of Copernicus, and others after him have imagined; or else to charge Ptolomy, being so excellent an artist, with ignorance, and that even of his own country, as Cluverius hath done, from which my observations at Alexandria and Memphis may vindicate him; the former were too great a stupidity, and the latter too great a presumption. But to return to Rhodes, an island in Eustathius’s Comment upon Dyonisius’s περιήγησις of 920 furlongs circuit, where according to Ptolomy, the parallel passing διὰ ῥόδου, hath 36° of latitude, and so hath Lindus, and Ἰηλυσσός the chief cities of the island; the same is confirmed by the MS. but where the printed copy and Eustathius[408] read Ἰηλυσσὸς, which Mercator renders Talyssus, the MS. renders Ιλισὸς. Abulfeda in some copies, situates the island Rhodes, (for he mentions no cities there) in the latitude of 37° and 40′: And the geography of Said Ibn Aly Algiorgany, commended by Gilbyrtus Gaulmyn, in 37°, if it be not by a transposition in the MS of the numerical letters in Arabic, 37 for 36, which, by reason of their similitude, are often confounded in Arabic MSS. By my observations under the walls of the city Rhodes, with a fair brass Astrolabe of Gemma Frisius, containing 14 inches in the diameter, I found the latitude to be 37° and 50′. A larger instrument I durst not adventure to carry on shore in a place of so much jealousy. And this latitude in the chart, I have assigned to the city Rhodes, from the island so denominated, upon which, on the north-east side, it stands situated, better agreeing with the Arabians than with Ptolomy, whom I know not how to excuse.

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### CHAP. VI.

Some Observations made in a voyage to Egypt. By M. Belon.

In our sailing between Rhodes and Alexandria, a sort of Falcon came and sate two hours upon our sails. Abundance of Quails flying from the north, southwards, fell into our ship. We observ’d in our sailing many Pelicans, and some unknown birds.

At Alexandria, I observ’d them to burn the Kali for fuel, wood being scarce; they calcine lime with the ashes, then call it Soda, and sell it to the Venetians, who melt it with a particular stone brought from Pavia, by the river Tesino, and so make their famous chrystal glass at Muran; but the French find the sand brought from Estampes to serve as well as the Pavian stone. From this place they send their commodities and merchandize into all parts of the world.

In my passage to and from Grand Cairo, and during my abode there, I observed besides other things, the animals and Plants.

As the Garaffa, or Camelopardalus; the Bubalus of Afric, different from the Buffalo; flocks of the Oryx, and of Gazells which they shoot; the Axis, a most beautiful creature (by the description it may be the Zebra, or Zembra of Afric) great varieties of Monkeys at Cairo; the Hippopotamus about the lakes and rivers; Goats with very long ears hanging down almost to the ground; Sheep with great tails, and vast laps under their chin; the Ichneumon tame in their houses like cats; this animal destroys Rats and Mice like Weasils, hunts Serpents which the people eat, destroys Camelions and other Lizards, it creeps and darts upon it’s prey; ’tis bigger and much stronger than a Cat. I observ’d at Cairo, many Civet-Cats.

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Two kinds of Camelions frequently sitting on the Rhamnus, catching of insects with their tongues as they fly by; Crocodiles common in the lakes and rivers; the little Lacerta Chalcidica, hunts insects under the walls; the Stellio or swift Lizard, is common about the Pyramids, and the other Sepulchres, where it runs after Flies; the excrement of this animal is sold up and down for an excellent Cosmetic: I saw also the Serpent call’d Cerastes. The great Bats abound in the caves.

Amongst the Birds, the Ostrich, whose skins and feathers are in use amongst the Turks, the Pelican, with whose bills and bags, the watermen of the Nile throw the water out of their boots; the Vulp-Anser is common in the watery places. I observed also the Crex and the Ibis. The inhabitants never hatch their eggs under hens, but all in ovens or furnaces.

The common trees are the Tamarisk, loaded with galls, or animal excrescencies; the Date-Palm; the Acacia, or Gum-Arabic-tree; the Cassia Solutiva; the Tamarind; the true Sycamore, or Pharaoh’s Fig-tree; the Musa Arbor, or the Plantane; the Siliqua, or Carob; yellow Jessamine, and yellow Roses; Syringa; Alcanna, a sort of Ligustrum, Cotton-trees, &c.

The most remarkable Herbs I took notice of, were the Papyrus Nilotica (a sort of Cyperus out of whose threads, or filaments, the ancients made their paper.) The Colocasia, or great Egyptian Arum, whose root they boil with most of their meats: The Sugar-cane, or Reed, by the fuel whereof they melt their Metals, wood being scarce in Egypt; Hyoscyamus niger, out of whose root they prepare an oil for their lamps and other uses: A milky Convolvulus on the walls (perhaps an Apocynum being podded;) several Phaseoli or Kidney-beans; Gourds, Pumpions, Thorn-apples, Coloquintida; many Ocimums or wild Basils; the Harmala, common about Alexandria (a sort of Rue, with great white flowers) the Abrus, two Senna’s, Bammia, Melochia, Stratiotes, &c.

The Eagle-stone is found up and down Egypt in very great plenty.

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## MORE
OBSERVATIONS
MADE IN
EGYPT,
BY
Guilandinus, Alpinus, and others.

### CHAP. I.

Of the weather and seasons in Egypt.

The months of January and February make the spring in Egypt, the trees beginning to germinate and put forth, and the herbs to flower, so that then the fields and gardens are in their glory.

They reckon two summers, their first is in March, April, May, which is the most inconstant, unequal, and most sickly season of the year, as also the hottest and most scorching; which is imputed to the east and south winds, that blow generally for fifty days together over desart sandy places, accompanied with a hot burning sand, that spoils all their eyes; Strangers during this[412] season, retire into grotts and subterraneous places, and drink much of the water of the Nile, which is excellent in quenching epidemical thirst at that time.

Their second summer is in June, July, August, which is equal, constant, and healthful, the wind blowing then from the north over sea, the Nile also swelling and overflowing by the rains falling in Ethiopia, and the air moist and refreshing. Now all the people abstain from business and labour, follow spectacles, games, plays, &c. the land being under water.

September and October make their autumn, at the end whereof they sow their wheat, which they reap in March following. This autumn is temperate and salubrious.

November and December are their winter; ice, snow, and hail are seldom or never seen: Rain falls rarely in the inner parts of Egypt, only a dew; but at Alexandria, and other places near the sea they have rain, and a more healthful air; these showers come most in November.

### CHAP. II.

Of the meats and drinks of Egypt.

The inhabitants, especially the Mahometans, live abstemiously, eat little and often; their diet is generally simple, abhorring mixtures and variety. Rice boiled in mutton broth, Lentils, Pulse, and legumes; Bete, Mallows call’d Bamia, Cucumbers, Melons, Citruls, Dates, Figs of the Sycamore, Plantanes, Pomegranates, Grapes, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Sugar-canes, Colocasia-root, &c. make up the greatest part of their diet.

The richest sort eat mutton, poultry, and several sorts of fish from the Nile, which tho’ fat, are not esteemed wholsome, because the bottom of that river is very muddy, and the water much troubled. All their bread[413] is made of Wheat, and they make abundance of milk-meats. Their kitchen herbs are water’d every day, all their gardens being planted near the banks of the Nile, which is one reason that their salleting is more watry and insipid than in Italy; yet if they did not water them every day in Egypt, they would soon be dried up. There are no gardens but near the river, because there is no rain nor fresh water in other parts.

The ordinary people will eat Camels, Buffaloes, and Crocodiles. The water of the Nile, purged and clarified, either by standing in jars, or precipitated with powder and pastes of sweet Almonds, is the general drink of the country, being esteem’d the lightest, the most nutritious, and the most refreshing liquor in the world, the water running so far under a hot sun, and falling down so many cataracts.

The inhabitants sleep little, indulge venery, having many wives and concubines, are generally idle, yet live long, and see more years than the Poles, Germans, and other northern nations, where gluttony and drunkenness are much more in fashion than in the Egyptian climate. The Jews and Christians, as also the Turkish soldiers, will often debauch at Grand Caire, with those rich wines brought from Candy, Rhodes, and Cyprus; those from Italy, Corfou, and Zant, will not keep in Egypt, the heat soon pricking them.

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### CHAP. III.

Of the diseases, and physic.

The most epidemical and endemical distempers of Egypt, are sore eyes, from the east and south winds bringing along with them a burning sand and piercing nitre mix’d with it, which makes them frequently wash and cleanse their eyes with the Nile water at that season. Leprosies from their salt and rotten fish. Inflammatory phrenzies, killing in three or four hours time. A pestilential small pox, and pestilential feavers, especially at Alexandria in autumn. Ruptures are very common, by reason of their moist and watry diet: But that which destroys most is the plague, which they take no care to obstruct or avoid, depending upon their principle of inevitable fate and predestination; therefore in the year 1580, they lost above 500,000 souls in six or seven months time, in the single city of Grand Cairo.

The plague in Egypt rages for the most part from the beginning of September to June, at which time it never fails to cease, the wind turning then to the salubrious quarter of the north, and the Nile swelling with fresh streams.

They reckon this plague is constantly brought either from Barbary, Lybia, or other African countries, or else from Syria or Greece; that from Barbary is most furious and pernicious, the other two mild and gentle.

Their practical physic consists in Phlebotomy, which they administer universally in almost every disease; in cauterizing or burning, in scarrifying, in cupping, bathing in a few lenative purgatives, and cooling quieting alteratives.

[415]

They bleed by cutting or pricking the veins and arteries themselves in most parts of the body; yet in eunuchs, women, children, and other soft constitutions, they take away blood by scarrifying the thighs, ears, lips, nostrils, gums, &c. They generally bleed after meat. Their cupping-glasses are of different figures from ours, and their cautery is Cotton set on fire.

They have a gross way of cutting in dropsies to let the water out. Their manner of extracting stones out of the bladder, is by blowing and extending the Urethra, then pressing the stones to the neck of the bladder, by their fingers put into the Anus, or fundament, and afterwards sucking them out through the expanded passages.

Their women bathe very much, and use all manner of arts to soften and plump their bodies.

They abstain from all hot or violent purgatives, as Scammony, Coloquintida, Elaterium, Hellebores, Cataputia, Metezon, &c. and use only the most gentle lenitives, as Cassia, Tamarinds, Manna, Myrobalans, sometimes Rheubarb and a little Sena, as also cooling clysters.

Their alterative physic consists of coolers and anodyns, as Nymphæa, Poppy, Endive, Lettice, Berberries, China-root (never Guaicum or Sursa) Opium, flowers of the Alcanna, Coffee: The women will eat Hermodactyls like roasted Chesnuts at night. They have few compound medicines, unless a Theriaca different from the Venetian, or that of Andromachus, in the preparing of which, they seem very careful and ceremonious. Some amongst them pretend to many Arcanums against feavers.

For a full catalogue of such trees, shrubs, and herbs as grow in Egypt, together with their synonymous names and places, the reader may consult Mr Ray’s Collection of Exotick Catalogues, published at London 1693, and annexed at the end of this work, amongst which he will find an Egyptian one.

[416]

The manner of hatching chickens at Grand Cairo, with a particular delineation of the ovens, fire, mats, &c. may be read at large in Mr Greave’s Relation, printed in the Philosoph. Trans. Nᵒ 137. pag. 923, 924, 925.

Several conjectures and experiments upon the Egyptian nitre, commonly call’d Natron, (found floating on the lake Latron near Nitria, a town lower upon the Nile than Grand Cairo) may be read in the Philosoph. Trans. Nᵒ 160. from pag. 609. to pag. 619. also in Nᵒ 167, pag. 837, 838. where ’tis proved to be little different from Sal Armoniac, and may owe it’s original to a natural union or mixture of the fossile salt of the lakes with the urinose one, that comes from the Crocodiles, Hippopotami, and other animal inhabitants of those waters.

[417]

### Of the Pyramids of Egypt: By Mr Greaves, Professor of Astronomy in the University of Oxford.

A description of the Pyramids in Egypt, as I found them in the 1048th year of the Hegira, or in the year 1638, and 1639 of our Lord, after the Dionysian account.

#### A description of the first and fairest Pyramid.

The first and fairest of the three greater Pyramids is situated on the top of a rocky hill, in the sandy desart of Lybia, about a quarter of a mile distant to the west, from the plains of Egypt, above which the rock riseth an hundred feet or better, with a gentle and easy ascent. Upon this advantageous rise, and upon this solid foundation the Pyramid is erected; the height of the situation adding to the beauty of the work, and the solidity of the rock giving the superstructure a permanent and stable support. Each side of the Pyramid, computing it according to Herodotus, contains in length 800 Græcian feet; and in Diodorus Siculus’s account 700. Strabo reckons it less than a furlong, that is less than 600 Græcian feet, or 625 Roman. And Pliny equals it to 883. That of Diodorus Siculus, in my judgment, comes nearest to the truth, and may serve in some kind to confirm those proportions, which in another discourse I have assigned to the Græcian measures; for measuring the north side of it near the Basis, by an exquisite Radius of ten feet in length, taking two several stations, as Mathematicians[418] use to do, when any obstacle hinders their approach, I found it to be 693 feet, according to the English standard; which quantity is somewhat less than that of Diodorus. The rest of the sides were examin’d by a line for want of an even level, and a convenient distance to place my instruments, both which the Area on the former side afforded.

The Altitude of this Pyramid was long since measured by Thales Milisius, who according to Tatianus Assyrius lived about the fiftieth Olympiad, but his observations are no where by the ancients express’d; only Pliny tells us of a course proposed by him, how it might be found, and that is by observing such an hour, when the shadow of the body is equal to it’s height. A way at the best, by reason of the faintness and scattering of the extremity of the shadow, in so great an Altitude, uncertain, and subject unto error. And yet Diogines Laërtius, in the life of Thales, hath the same story, from the authority of Hieronymus, who reports, that he measured the Pyramids by their shadow, marking when they are of an equal quantity. Wherefore I shall pass by his, and give my own observations. The Altitude is something defective of the Latitude; tho’ in Strabo’s computation it exceeds; but Diodorus rightly acknowledges it to be less, which if we measure by it’s perpendicular, is 481 feet; but if we take it as the Pyramid ascends inclining, as all such figures do, then it is equal, in respect of the lines subtending the several angles, to the Latitude of the Basis, that is to 693 feet.

What excessive heights some fancy to themselves, or borrow from the relation of others, I shall not now examine. This I am certain of, that the shaft or spire of St Paul’s in London, before it was casually burnt, being as much or somewhat more than the Altitude of the tower now standing (1647) did exceed the height of this Pyramid. For Cambden describes it to have been in a perpendicular 520 feet from the ground.

If we imagine upon the sides of the Basis, which is perfectly square, four equilateral Triangles mutually propending, and enclining, till they all meet on high as it were in a point, for so the top seems to them[419] which stand below, then shall we have a true notion of the just dimension and figure of this Pyramid: the Perimeter of each triangle comprehending 2079 feet, besides the Latitude of a little plain or flat on the top, and the Perimeter of the Basis 2772 feet; whereby the whole Area of the Basis (to proportion it to our measures,) contains 480,249 square feet, or eleven English acres of ground, and 1089 of 43560 parts of an acre. A proportion so monstrous, that if the ancients did not attest as much, and some of them describe it to be more, this age would hardly be induced to give credit to it. But Herodotus describing each side to contain 800 feet, the Area must of necessity be greater than that by me assigned, the sum amounting to 640,000, or computing it as Diodorus Siculus doth, the Area will comprehend 490,000 feet, and in the calculation of Pliny, if we shall square 883, which is the number allotted by him to the measure of each side, the product 779,689, will much exceed both that of Herodotus and this of Diodorus. Tho’ certainly Pliny is much mistaken, in assigning the measure of the side to be 883 feet, and the Basis of the Pyramid to be but eight jugera, or Roman acres; for if we take the Roman jugerum to contain in length 240 feet, and in breadth 120, as may be evidently proved out of Varro, and is expressly affirmed by Quintilian, then will the superficies or whole extention of the jugerum be equal to 28,800 Roman feet, with which if we divide 779,689, the result will be 27 Roman jugera, and 2089 of 28800 parts of an acre. Wherefore if we take those numbers 883 of Pliny to be true, then I suppose he writ 28 jugera instead of 8, or else in his proportion of the side to the Area of the Basis he hath erred.

The ascent to the top of the Pyramid is contrived in this manner: From all the sides without we ascend by degrees; the lowermost degree is near four foot in height, and three in breadth. This runs about the Pyramid in a level, and at the first, when the stones were entire, which are now somewhat decay’d, made on every side of it a long but narrow walk. The second degree is like the first, each stone amounting almost to four feet in height, and three in breadth; it retires[420] inward from the first near 3 feet, and this runs about the Pyramid in a level as the former. In the same manner is the third row placed upon the second, and so in order the rest, like so many stairs rise one above another to the top. Which ends not in a point, as mathematical Pyramids do, but in a little flat or square.

Of this Herodotus hath no where left us the dimensions, but Henricus Stephanus, an able and deserving man, in his comment hath supply’d it for him; for he makes it to be eight orgyiæ; where if we take the orgyia, as both Hesychius and Suidas do, for the distance between the hands extended at length, that is for the fathom, or 6 feet, then should it be 48 feet in breadth at the top. But the truth is, Stephanus, in this particular, whilst he corrects the errors of Valla’s interpretation, is to be corrected himself; for that Latitude which Herodotus assigns to the admirable bridge below, (of which there is nothing now remaining) he hath carry’d up, by a mistake, to the top of the Pyramid. Diodorus Siculus comes nearer to the truth, who describes it to be but 9 feet. Pliny makes the breadth at the top to be 25 feet, Altitudo (I would rather read it latitudo) à cacumine pedes 25. By my measure it is 13 feet, and 280 of 1000 parts of the English foot. Upon this flat, if we assent to the opinion of Proclus, it may be supposed that the Egyptian Priests made their observations in Astronomy; and that from hence, or near this place they first discovered, by the rising of Sirius, their annus κυνικὸς, or Canicularis, as also their periodus Sothiaca, or annus magnus κυνικὸς, or annus Heliacus, or annus Dei, as it is termed by Censorinus, consisting of 1400 sidereal years, in which space their Thoth Vagum, and fixum, came to have the same beginning. That the Priests might near these Pyramids make their observations, I no way question, this rising of the hill being, in my judgments as fit a place as any in Egypt for such a design, and so much the fitter by the vicinity of Memphis. But that these Pyramids were designed for observatories, (whereas by the testimonies of the ancients I have proved before, that they were intended for sepulchres) is no way to be credited upon the singular authority of Proclus.[421] Neither can I apprehend to what purpose the Priests with so much difficulty should ascend so high, when below with more ease, and as much certainty, they might from their own lodgings hewn in the rocks upon which the Pyramids are erected, make the same observations; for seeing all Egypt is but as it were one continued plain, they might from these cliffs have, over the plains of Egypt, as free and open a prospect of the heavens, as from the tops of the Pyramids themselves. And therefore Tully writes more truly, Ægyptii, aut Babylonii, in camporum patentium æquoribus habitantes, cum ex terra ad nihil emineret, quod contemplationi cœli officere posset, omnem curam in siderum cognitione posuerunt. The top of this Pyramid is covered not with one[18] or three[19] massy stones, as some have imagin’d, but with nine, besides two which are wanting at the angles. The degrees by which we ascend up (as I observed in measuring many of them) are not all of an equal depth, for some are near four foot, others want of three, and these the higher we ascend, do so much the more diminish; neither is the breadth of them alike, the difference in this kind being, as far as I could conjecture, proportionable to their depth. And therefore a right line extended from any part of the Basis without, to the top, will equally touch the outward angle of every degree. Of these it was impossible for me to take an exact measure, since in such a revolution of time, if the inner parts of the Pyramid have not lost any thing of their first perfection, as being not exposed to the injury of the air[20], yet[422] the outward parts, that is these degrees or rows of stone, have been much wasted and impaired by both. And therefore they cannot conveniently now be ascended, but either at the south side, or at the east angle on the north. They are well stiled by Herodotus βωμίδες, that is, little altars, for in the form of altars they rise one above another to the top; and these are all made of massy and polish’d stones, hewn according to Herodotus and Diodorus, out of the Arabian mountains, which bound the upper part of Egypt, or that above the Delta, on the east, as the Lybian mountains terminate it on the west, being so vast, that the breadth and depth of every step is one single and entire stone. The relation of Herodotus and Pomponius Mela is more admirable, who make the least stone in this Pyramid to be thirty feet. And this I can grant in some, yet surely it cannot be admitted in all, unless we interpret their words, that the least stone is thirty square, or to speak more properly, thirty cubical feet; which dimension, or a greater, in the exteriour ones, I can without any difficulty admit. The number of these steps is not mentioned by the ancients, and that caused me and two that were with me, to be the more diligent in computing them, because by modern writers, and some of those too of repute, they are described with much diversity and contrariety. The degrees, saith Bellonius, are two hundred and fifty, each of them single contains in height forty five digits, at the top it is two paces broad; for this I take to be the meaning or what Clusius renders thus: A basi autem ad cacumen ipsius supputationem facientes, comperimus circiter, 250 gradus, singuli altitudinem habent 5 solearum calcei 9 pollicum longitudinis, in fastigio duos passus habet. Where I conceive his passus is in the same sense to be understood here above, as not long before he explains himself in describing the Basis below, which in his account is 324 passus paululum extensis cruribus. Albertus Lewenstainius reckons the steps to be 260, each of them a foot and an half in depth. Johannes Helfricus counts them to be 230. Sebastianus Serlius, upon a relation of Grimano the Patriarch of Aquileia, and afterwards Cardinal, who in his travels in Egypt measured[423] these degrees, computes them to be 210, and the height of every step to be equally three palms and a half. It would be but lost labour to mention the different and repugnant relations of several others; that which by experience and by a diligent calculation I and two others found, is this, that the number of degrees from the bottom to the top is 207, tho’ one of them in descending reckoned 208.

Such as please, may give credit to those fabulous traditions of some, that a Turkish archer standing at the top, cannot shoot beyond the bottom, but that the arrow will necessarily fall upon these steps. If the Turkish bow (which by those figures which I have seen in ancient monuments, is the same with that of the Parthians, so dreadful to the Romans) be but as swift and strong as the English; as surely it is much more, if we consider with what incredible force some of them will pierce a plank of six inches in thickness, (I speak what I have seen) it will not seem strange, that they should carry twelve score in length, which distance is beyond the Basis of this Pyramid.

#### The description of the inside of the first Pyramid.

Having finish’d the description of the superficies of the greater Pyramid, with the figure and dimensions of it, as they present themselves to the view without; I shall now look inwards, and lead the reader into the several spaces, and partitions within; of which if the ancients have been silent, we must chiefly impute it to a reverend and awful regard, mixed with superstition, in not presuming to enter those chambers of death, which religion and devotion had consecrated to the rest and quiet of the dead. Wherefore Herodotus mentions no more, but only in general, ‘That some secret vaults are hewn in the rock under the Pyramid.’ Diodorus Siculus is silent, though both enlarge themselves in other particulars less necessary. Strabo is also very concise, whose whole description[424] both of this and the second Pyramid is included in this short expression: ‘Forty stadia, or furlongs, from the city Memphis, there is a certain brow of an hill, in which are many Pyramids, the sepulchres of Kings, three of them are memorable, two of these are accounted amongst the seven miracles of the world; each of these are a furlong in height; the figure is quadrilateral, the altitude somewhat exceeds each side, and the one is somewhat bigger than the other. On high, as it were in the midst, between the sides, there is a stone that may be removed, which being taken out, there is an oblique, or shelving, entrance, for so I render that which by him is termed σῦριγξ σκολία leading to the tomb.’ Pliny expresses nothing within, but only a well, (which is still extant) of 86 cubits in depth, to which he probably imagines, by some secret aqueduct, the water of the Nile to be brought. Aristides in his oration entituled Αἰγύπτιος, upon a misinformation of the Egyptian Priests, makes the foundation of the structure to have descended as far below, as the altitude ascends above. Of which I see no necessity, seeing all of them are founded upon rocks; his words are these: ‘Now as with admiration we behold the tops of the Pyramids, but that which is as much more under ground opposite to it, we are ignorant of, I speak of what I have received from the Priests.’ And this is that which hath been delivered to us by the ancients, which I was unwilling to pretermit, more out of reverence of antiquity, than out of any special satisfaction. The Arabian writers, especially such as have purposely treated of the wonders of Egypt, have given us a more full description of what is within these Pyramids; but that hath been mix’d with so many inventions of their own, that the truth hath been darkn’d, and almost quite extinguish’d by them. Which traditions of theirs are little better than a Romance; and therefore leaving these, I shall give a more true and particular description out of my own experience and observations.

[425]

On the north side ascending thirty eight feet, upon an artificial bank of earth, there is a square and narrow passage leading into the Pyramid, through the mouth of which (being equidistant from the two sides of the Pyramid) we enter as it were down the steep of an hill, declining with an angle of twenty six degrees. The breadth of this entrance is exactly three feet, and 463 parts of 1000 of the English foot; the length of it beginning from the first declivity, which is some ten palms without, to the utmost extremity of the neck, or streight within, where it contracts it self almost nine feet continued, with scarce half the depth it had at the first entrance, (though it keep still the same breadth) is ninety two feet and an half. The structure of it hath been the labour of an exquisite hand, as appears by the smoothness and evenness of the work, and by the close knitting of the joints; a property long since observed, and commended by Diodorus, to have run through the fabric of the whole body of this Pyramid. Having passed with tapers in our hands this narrow streight; though with some difficulty (for at the farther end of it we must Serpent-like creep upon our bellies) we land in a place somewhat larger, and of a pretty height, but lying incomposed: Having been dug away, either by the curiosity or avarice of some, in hope to discover an hidden treasure; or rather by the command of Almamon, the deservedly renowned Calife of Babylon. By whomsoever it were, it is not worth the enquiry, nor doth the place merit describing, but that I was unwilling to pretermit any thing, being only an habitation for batts, and those so ugly, and of so large a size, (exceeding a foot in length) that I have not elsewhere seen the like. The length of this obscure and broken space containeth eighty nine feet, the breadth and height is various, and not worth consideration. On the left hand of this, adjoining to that narrow entrance through which we passed, we climb up a steep and massy stone, eight or nine feet in height, where we immediately enter upon the lower end of the first gallery. The pavement of this rises with a gentle acclivity, consisting of smooth and polish’d marble, and where not smeared[426] with dust and filth, appearing of a white and alabaster colour; the sides and roof, as Titus Livius Burretinus, a Venetian, an ingenious young man, who accompanied me thither, observed, was of impolish’d stone, not so hard and compact as that on the pavement, but more soft and tender; the breadth almost five feet, and about the same quantity the height, if he have not mistaken. He likewise discovered some irregularity in the breadth, it opening a little wider in some places than in others; but this inequality could not be discerned by the eye, but only by measuring it with a careful Hand. By my observation with a line, this gallery contained in length an hundred and ten feet. At the end of this begins the second gallery, a very stately piece of work, and not inferiour, either in respect of the curiosity of art, or richness of materials, to the most sumptuous and magnificent buildings. It is divided from the former by a wall, through which stooping, we passed in a square hole, much about the same bigness as that by which we entred into the Pyramid but of no considerable length. This narrow passage lieth level, not rising with an acclivity, as doth the pavement below and roof above of both these galleries. At the end of it, on the right hand, is the well mentioned by Pliny, the which is circular, and not square, as the Arabian writers describe: The diameter of it exceeds three feet, the sides are lined with white marble, and the descent into it is by fastening the hands and feet, in little open spaces, cut in the sides within, opposite and answerable to one another in a perpendicular. In the same manner are almost all the wells and passages into the cisterns at Alexandria contrived, without stairs or windings, but only with inlets and square holes on each side within, by which, using the feet and hands, one may with care descend. Many of these cisterns are with open and double arches, the lowermost arch being supported by a row of speckled and Thebaic marble pillars, upon the top of which stands a second row, bearing the upper and higher arch: The walls within are covered with a sort of plaister for the colour white, but of so durable a substance, that neither by time, nor by the water is it yet corrupted and impaired. But I return[427] from the cisterns and wells there to this in the Pyramid, which in Pliny’s calculation is eighty six cubits in depth, and it may be was the passage to those secret vaults mentioned, but not described by Herodotus, that were hewn out of the natural rock, over which this Pyramid is erected. By my measure sounding it with a line, it contains twenty feet in depth. The reason of the difference between Pliny’s observation and mine, I suppose to be this, that since his time it hath almost been dammed up, and choaked with rubbage, which I plainly discovered at the bottom, by throwing down some combustible matter set on fire. Leaving the well, and going on strait upon a level, the distance of fifteen feet, we entered another square passage, opening against the former, and of the same bigness. The stones are very massy, and exquisitely jointed, I know not whether of that glistering and speckled marble I mentioned in the columns of the cisterns at Alexandria. This leadeth (running in length upon a level an hundred and ten feet) into an arched vault or little chamber, which by reason it was of a grave-like smell, and half full of rubbage, occasion’d my lesser stay. This chamber stands east and west; the length of it is less than twenty feet, the breadth about seventeen, and the height less than fifteen. The walls are entire, and plaister’d over with lime; the roof is covered with large smooth stones, not lying flat, but shelving and meeting above in a kind of arch, or rather an angle. On the east side of this room, in the middle of it, there seems to have been a passage leading to some other place, whither this way the Priests went into the hollow of that huge Sphynx, as Strabo and Pliny term it, or Androsphynx, as Herodotus calls such kinds (being by Pliny’s calculation 102 feet in compass about the head, in height 62, in length 143, and by my observation made of one entire stone) which stands not far distant without the Pyramid, south-east of it, or into any other private retirement, I cannot determine; and it may be too this served for no such purpose, but rather as a Theca or Nicchio, as the Italians speak, wherein some idol might be placed; or else for a piece of ornament (for it is made of polish’d stone) in the Architecture of those times, which ours may no more understand[428] than they do the reason of the rest of those strange proportions that appear, in the passages and inner rooms of this Pyramid. Returning back the same way we came, as soon as we are out of this narrow and square passage, we climb over it, and going straight on, in the trace of the second gallery, upon a shelving pavement (like that of the first) rising with an angle of twenty six degrees, we at length come to another partition. The length of the gallery from the well below to this partition above, is an hundred fifty and four feet; but if we measure the pavement of the floor, it is somewhat less, by reason of a little vacuity (some fifteen feet in length) as we described before, between the well and the square hole we climbed over. And here to re-assume some part of that, which hath been spoken, if we consider the narrow entrance at the mouth of the Pyramid, by which we descend, and the length of the first and second galleries, by which we ascend, all of them lying as it were in the same continued line, and leading to the middle of the Pyramid, we may easily apprehend a reason of that strange eccho within, of four or five voices, mentioned by Plutarch, in his fourth book De placitis philosophorum; or rather of a long continued sound, as I found by experience, discharging a musquet at the entrance; for the sound being shut in, and carried in those close and smooth passages, like as in so many pipes or trunks, finding no issue out, reflects upon it self, and causes a confused noise and circulation of the air, which by degrees vanishes, as the motion of it ceases. This gallery or Corridore, or whatsoever else I may call it, is built of white and polish’d marble, the which is very evenly cut in spacious squares or tables. Of such materials as is the pavement, such is the roof, and such are the side-walls that flank it; the co-agmentation, or knitting of the joints is so close, that they are scarce discernable by a curious eye; and that which adds a grace to the whole structure, though it makes the passage the more slippery and difficult, is the acclivity and rising of the ascent. The height of this gallery is 26 feet, the breadth is 6 feet, and 870 parts of the foot divided into a thousand of which three feet, and 435 of 1000 parts of a foot, are to be allowed for the way, in the midst;[429] which is set, and bounded on both sides with two banks (like benches) of sleek and polish’d stone; each of these hath one foot 717 of 1000 parts of a foot in breadth, and as much in depth. Upon the top of these benches near the angle, where they close, and join with the wall, are little spaces, cut in right angled parallel figures, set on each side opposite to one another, intended, no question, for some other end than ornament. In the casting and ranging of the marbles in both the side-walls, there is one piece of Architecture, in my judgment very graceful, and that is, that all the courses or ranges, which are but seven, (so great are those stones) do set and flag over one another about three inches, the bottom of the uppermost course oversetting the higher part of the second, and the lower part of this overflagging the top of the third, and so in order the rest, as they descend.

Having passed this gallery, we enter another square hole, of the same dimensions with the former, which brings us into two Anticamerette, as the Italians would call them, or Anticlosets, (give me leave in so unusual a structure to frame some unusual terms) lined with a rich and speckled kind of Thebaic marble. The first of these hath the dimensions almost equal to the second; the second is thus proportioned, the Area is level, the figure of it is oblong, the one side containing seven feet, the other three and an half, the height is ten feet. On the east and west sides, within two feet and an half of the top, which is somewhat larger than the bottom, are three cavities, or little seats, in this manner,

This inner Anticloset is separated from the former, by a stone of red speckled marble, which hangs in two mortices, like the leaf of a sluce, between two walls, more than three feet above the pavement, and wanting two of the roof. Out of this closet we enter another square hole, over which are five lines cut parallel and perpendicular.

[430]

Besides these, I have not observed any other sculptures or engravings in the whole Pyramid, and therefore it may justly be wondered whence the Arabians borrowed those vain traditions I before related, That all Sciences are inscribed within in Hieroglyphics. And as justly it may be questioned, upon what authority Dio, or his epitomizer Xiphilinus, reports that Cornelius Gallus (whom Strabo more truly names Ælius Gallus, with whom he travelled into Egypt, as a friend and companion) ingraved in the Pyramids his victories, unless we understand some other Pyramids not now existent. This square passage is of the same wideness and dimensions as the rest, and is in length near nine feet, (being all of Thebaic marble, most exquisitely cut) which lands us at the north end of a very sumptuous and well proportion’d room. The distance from the end of the second gallery to this entry, running upon the same level, is twenty four feet. This rich and spacious chamber, in which art may seem to have contended with nature, the curious work being not inferiour to the rich materials, stands as it were in the heart and center of the Pyramid, equidistant from all the sides, and almost in the midst between the basis and the top. The floor, the sides, the roof of it are all made of vast and exquisite tables of Thebaic marble, which if they were not vailed, and obscured by the steam of tapers, would appear glittering and shining. From the top of it descending to the bottom, there are but six ranges of stone, all which being respectively sized to an equal height, very gracefully in one and the same altitude, run round the room. The stones which cover this place are of a strange and stupendious length, like so many huge beams lying flat, and traversing the room, and withal supporting the infinite mass and weight of the Pyramid above. Of these there are nine which cover the roof, two of them are less by half in breadth than the rest, the one at the east end, the other at the west. The length of this chamber[21][431] on the south-side, most accurately taken at the joint or line, where the first and second row of stones meet, is thirty four English feet, and 300 and 80 parts of the foot divided into a thousand (that is 34 feet and 380 of 1000 parts of a foot). The breadth of the west side at the joint or line, where the first and second row of stones meet, is seventeen feet, and an hundred and ninety parts of the foot divided into a thousand (that is 17 feet, and 190 of 1000 parts of a foot). The height is nineteen feet and an half.

Within this glorious room (for so I may justly call it) as within some consecrated oratory, stands the monument of Cheops, or Chemnis, of one piece of marble, hollow within, and uncovered at the top, and sounding like a bell. Which I mention not as any rarity, either in nature or in art; (for I have observed the like sound[432] in other tombs of marble[22] cut hollow like this) but because I find modern authors to take notice of it as a wonder. Some write, that the body hath been removed hence, whereas Diodorus hath left above sixteen hundred years since, a memorable passage concerning Chemnis the builder of this Pyramid, and Cephren the founder of the next adjoining. ‘Although (saith he) these Kings intended these for their sepulchres, yet it happened that neither of them were buried there: For the people being exasperated against them, by reason of the toilsomness of these works, and for their cruelty and oppression, threatened to tear in pieces their dead bodies, and with ignominy to throw them out of their sepulchres. Wherefore both of them dying, commanded their friends privately to bury them in an obscure place.’ This monument, in respect of the nature and quality of the stone, is the same with which the whole room is lined; as by breaking a little fragment of it I plainly discover’d, being a speckled kind of marble, with black, and white, and red spots, as it were equally mix’d, which some writers call Thebaic marble; though I conceive it to be that sort of porphyry which Pliny calls Leucostictos, and describes thus: Rubet Porphyrites in eadem Egypto, ex eo candidis intervenientibus punctis Leucostictos appellatur. Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt lapidicinæ[23]. Of this kind of marble there were, and still are, an infinite quantity of columns in Egypt; but a Venetian, a man very curious, who accompanied me thither, imagined that this sort of marble came from mount Sinai[24], where he had lived amongst the rocks, which he affirmed to be speckled[433] with party colours, of black and white, and red, like this. And to confirm his Assertion, he alledged, that he had seen a great column left imperfect amongst the cliffs, almost as big as that huge and admirable Corinthian pillar[25] standing to the south of Alexandria, which by my measure is near four times as big as any of those vast Corinthian pillars in the Porticus before the Pantheon at Rome, all which are of the same coloured marble with this monument, and so are all the obelisks with hieroglyphics, both in Rome and Alexandria. Which opinion of his doth well correspond with the tradition of Aristides, who reports, that in Arabia there is a quarry of excellent porphyry. The figure of this tomb without is like an altar, or more nearly to express it, like two cubes finely set together and hollowed within: It is cut smooth and plain, without any sculpture and engraving, or any relevy and imbossment. The exteriour superficies of it contains in length seven feet three inches and an half. Bellonius makes it twelve feet, and Monsieur de Breves nine; but both of them have exceeded. In depth it is three feet three inches and three quarters, and is the same in breadth. The hollow part within is in length, on the west side, six feet and four hundred eighty eight parts of the English foot divided into a thousand parts, that is[26] 6 feet and 488 of 1000 parts of a foot, in breadth, at the north end two feet, and two hundred and eighteen parts of the foot divided into a thousand parts, (that is[27] 2 feet, and 218 of 1000 parts of a foot.) The depth is 2 feet[434] and 860 of 1000 parts of the English foot. A narrow space, yet large enough to contain a most potent and dreadful monarch, being dead, to whom living all Egypt was too straight and narrow a circuit. By these dimensions, and by such other observations, as have been taken by me from several embalmed bodies in Egypt, we may conclude, that there is no decay in nature; (though the question is as old as Homer) but that the men of this age are of the same feature, they were near three thousand years ago; notwithstanding St Augustine and others are of a different opinion, Quis jam ævo isto non minor suis parentibus nascitur? Saith Solinus.

It may justly be questioned how this monument could be brought hither, since it is an impossibility that by those narrow passages before described, it should have entered. Wherefore we must imagine, that by some Machina it was raised, and conveyed up without, before this oratory or chamber was finished, and the roof[435] closed. The position of it is thus, it stands exactly in the Meridian, north and south, and is as it were equidistant from all sides of the chamber, except the east, from whence it is doubly remoter than from the west. Under it I found a little hollow space to have been dug away, and a large stone in the pavement removed, at the angle next adjoining to it; which Sands erroneously imagines to be a passage into some other compartiment, dug away, no doubt, by the avarice of some, who might not improbably conjecture an hidden treasure to be reposited there.

The ingenious reader will excuse my curiosity, if before I conclude my description of this Pyramid, I pretermit not any thing within, of how light a consequence soever. This made me take notice of two inlets or spaces, in the south and north sides of this chamber, just opposite to one another; that on the north was in breadth 700 of 1000 parts of the English foot, in depth 400 of 1000 parts; evenly cut, and running in a straight line six feet, and farther, into the thickness of the wall. That on the south is larger and somewhat round, not so long as the former; and by the blackness within seems to have been a receptacle for the burning of lamps. T. Livius Burretinus would gladly have believed that it had been an hearth for one of those eternal lamps, such as have been found in Tulliola’s tomb in Italy, and, if Cambden be not misinformed in England, dedicated to the urns and ashes of the dead; but I imagine the invention not to be so ancient as this Pyramid.

[436]

#### A description of the second Pyramid.

From this Pyramid we went to the second, being scarce distant the flight of an arrow from it; where by the way, I observed on the west side of the first, the ruins of a pile of building, all of square and polished stone; such as Pliny calls Basaltes, and describes to be ferrei coloris, & duritiæ;—of an iron colour and hardness. Formerly it may be some habitation of the Priests, or some monument of the dead. To the right hand of this, tending to the south, stands this second Pyramid, of which besides the miracle, the ancient and modern writers have delivered little. Herodotus relates, that Cephron, in imitation of his brother Cheops, built this, but that he fell short in respect of the magnitude. For (saith he) we have measured them. It were to be wished, for fuller satisfaction of the reader, he had expressed the quantity, and also the manner how he took his measure. He adds, It hath no subterraneous structures, neither is the Nilus by a channel derived into it, as in the former. Diodorus somewhat more particularly describes it thus: That for the architecture, it is like unto the former, but much inferior to it in respect of magnitude: Each side of the basis contains a Stadium in length. That is, to comment on his words, of Grecian feet, six hundred; of Roman, six hundred and twenty-five. So that by this computation, each side should want an hundred Grecian feet of the former Pyramid. Pliny makes the difference to be greater, for assigning eight hundred eighty-three feet to the former, he allows to the side of the basis of this, but seven hundred thirty-seven. By my observation, the stones are of colour, white, nothing so great and large, as those of the first and fairest Pyramid; the sides rise not with degrees like that, but are smooth and equal, the whole fabrick (except where it is opposed to the south) seeming very entire, free from[437] any deformed ruptures or breaches. The height of it, taken by as deliberate a conjecture as I could make (which it was easy to do, by reason of the nearness of this and the former, being both upon the same plain) is not inferior to it; and therefore Strabo hath rightly judged them to be equal. The sides also of the basis of both are alike, as, besides the authority of Strabo, the Venetian doctor assured me, who measured it with a line.

There is no entry leading into it, and therefore what may be within, whether such spaces and compartments, as I observed in the former; or whether different, or none, I must leave to every man’s private conjecture, and to the discovery of after-times.

This is bounded on the north and west sides, with two very stately and elaborate pieces, which I do not so much admire, as that by all writers they have been pretermitted. About thirty feet in depth, and more than a thousand and four hundred in length, out of the hard rock these buildings have been cut in a perpendicular, and squared by the chessel, as I suppose, for lodgings of the Priests. They run along at a convenient distance, parallel to the two sides we mentioned of this Pyramid, meeting in a right angle, and making a very fair and graceful prospect. The entrance into them is by square openings, hewn out of the rock, much of the same bigness with those I described in the first Pyramid. Whether these were symbolical, as the theology of the Egyptians consisted much in mysterious figures, and the depressure and lownes of these were to teach the Priests humility, and the squareness and evenness of them, an uniform and regular department in their actions, I leave to such as have written of their Hieroglyphics to determine. The hollow space within of them all, is somewhat like to a square and well proportioned chamber, covered and arched above with the natural rock: In most of which, as I remember, there was a passage opening into some other compartment, which the rubbage and darkness hindered me from viewing. On the north side without, I observed a line, and only one, engraven with sacred and Egyptian characters, such as are mentioned by Herodotus and Diodorus, to have been used by the Priests, and were different from the[438] vulgar characters in civil affairs: In which former kind Justin Martyr makes Moses to have been skilful, as the Scripture makes him to have been learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. These ran not downwards, as the Chinese in our times write, but were continued in a straight line, as we use to write; and are to be read (if any understand those mysterious sculptures) by proceeding from the right hand to the left, and, as it were imitating the motion and course of the planets: For so Herodotus expressly informs us, That the Grecians write and cast account, going from the left hand to the right, the Egyptians from the right hand to the left. And this is that which in an obscure expression is also intimated by Pomponius Mela: Egyptii suis literis perverse utuntur. A manner practised by the Hebrews, Chaldeans, and Syrians to this day, and not unlikely to have been borrowed by them from the Egyptians, to whom the Chaldeans also owed their first skill in astrology, as the Grecians did their knowledge in geometry, the former being attested by Diodorus, and the latter confessed by Proclus and other Grecians. And surely in imitation of these, or of the Jews, the Arabians neighbouring upon both, have taken up this manner of writing, and continued it to our times, communicating it also by their conquests, to the Persians and Turks.

[439]

#### A description of the third Pyramid out of Mr Belon and Greaves.

Amongst many modern writers, none deserves to be placed before Bellonius, or rather before P. Gillius. For Thuanus makes the other to have been a plagiarius, and to have published in his own name the observations of P. Gillius, a man very curious, and inquisitive after truth, as appears by his Typography of Constantinople, and his Bosphorus Thracius, to whom Bellonius served as an Amanuensis: ‘The third Pyramid is much less than the former two, but is a third part greater than that which is at Rome, near the Mons testaceus, as you pass to St Paul’s in the Ostian way. It is still perfect, and no more corrupted, than as if it had been newly built; for it is made of a kind of marble, called Basaltes, or Ethiopic marble, harder than iron itself.’

It will be in vain to repeat the traditions and descriptions of several others; all which by a kind of confederacy agree in the same tale for substance, only differing in some circumstances: So that I shrewdly suspect that Diodorus hath borrowed most of his relation from Herodotus; and Strabo and Pliny from Diodorus, or from them both; and the more learned Neoterics from them all. For else how can it be imagined they should so constantly agree in that, which if my eyes and memory extreamly fail me not, is most evidently false? And therefore I have a strong jealousy, that they never came near this third Pyramid; but that they did, as I have observed all travellers in my time in Egypt to do, fill themselves so full, and, as it were, to surfeit with the sight of the greater and fairer Pyramid, that they had no appetite to be spectators of the rest, where they should only see the same miracle, for the Pyramids are all of the same figure, the farther they went, decreasing,[440] and presented as it were in a less volume. Or if they did view this, it was quasi per transennam, very perfunctorily and slightly, and that through a false and coloured glass; for they have mistaken both in the quality of the stone and colour of the Pyramid. I begin with Herodotus, who, by a notable piece of forgetfulness, if it be not a σφάλμα in the copies, makes the dimensions of each of the sides, in the basis of this, to be three hundred feet, and yet want but twenty of the first Pyramid, to which he assigns before eight hundred feet; an impossibility in arithmetic; and therefore it will be no preemption to correct the place, and instead of ἐείκοσι ποδῶν καταδέουσαν, to write, πεντεκοσίων ποδῶν καταδέουσαν. I know not how to palliate or excuse his other error, where he makes this Pyramid to be built as far as to the middle of it, with Ethiopic marble. If this sort of marble be ferrei coloris, as it is described by Pliny, and granted by Diodorus and Strabo, both of them expressing the colour to be black, and the latter bringing it from the remotest mountains of Ethiopia, where the marble hath the same tincture and colour with the inhabitants, then can this relation of Herodotus no way to be admitted; for the whole Pyramid seems to be of clear and white stone, somewhat choicer and brighter than that in either of the two other Pyramids. And therefore I wonder that Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny, and amongst later authors, Bellonius, Gillius, and several others, should have all followed Herodotus, when with a little pains and circumspection, they might have reformed his, and their own error. It may perhaps be alledged in their defence, that they mean the buildings within are erected with black and Ethiopic marble; and yet if this be granted, since there is no entrance leading into this, no more than is into the second Pyramid, what may be within depends upon the uncertainty of tradition or conjecture, both which are very fallible; though it cannot be denied, but that close by this, on the east side of it, there are the ruins of a pile of building, with a sad and dusky colour, much like that we described in passing to the second Pyramid, which might be the ground and occasion[441] of this error. I cannot excuse the ancients, but Bellonius or Gillius, for it is no matter which of them owns the relation, when both of them have erred, are far more inexcusable, because it might have been expected from them what Livy supposes, Novi semper scriptores, aut in rebus certius aliquid allaturos se, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos credunt. Whereas these on the contrary have depraved what hath been in this particular with truth delivered by the ancients; for whereas Herodotus and Diodorus equal the side of the basis to three hundred feet, and Pliny extends it to three hundred sixty-three, these make it only a third part greater than the Pyramid at Rome of C. Cæstius, near the Mons testaceus. So that either they have much enlarged that at Rome, or shrunk and contracted this; for the Pyramid at Rome, exactly measured on that side which stands within the city, is compleatly seventy-eight feet English in breadth, to which if we add a third part of it, the result will be an hundred and four; which should be equal to this Egyptian Pyramid in the notion and acception of Bellonius.

#### Of the rest of the Pyramids in the Lybian desart.

I have done with these three Pyramids, each of them being very remarkable, and the two first reckoned amongst the miracles of the world. The rest in the Lybian desart, lying scattered here and there, are, excepting one of them, but lesser copies, and, as it were, models of these: And therefore I shall neither much trouble my self, nor the reader, with the description of them. Though to speak the truth, did not the three first, standing so near together, obscure the lustre of the rest, which lie far scattered, some of them were very considerable. And therefore I cannot but tax the omission of the ancients, and the inadvertency of all modern writers and[442] travellers, who with too much supineness have neglected the description of one of them; which in my judgment is as worthy of memory, and as near a miracle as any of those three which I have mentioned. And this stands from these south and by west, at twenty miles distance, more within the sandy desart, upon a rocky level like these, and not far from the village whence we enter the Mummies. This as the Venetian doctor assured me, and as I could judge by conjecture at a distance, hath the same dimensions that the first and fairest of these hath, graduations, or assents without, and of the same colour like that, but more decayed, especially at the top, and an entrance into it on the north side, which is barred up within; and therefore whatsoever is spoken of the first, in respect of the exterior figure, is applicable to this. Bellonius exceeds in his computation of the number of them, who thus writes: Above an hundred others are seen dispersed up and down in that plain. I could not discover twenty. And long since, Ion Almatoug, in his book of the Miracles of Egypt, reckons them to be but eighteen: There are in the west side no more famous buildings than the Pyramids, the number of them is eighteen; of these there are three in that part which is opposite to Fostat, or Cairo.

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#### In what manner the Pyramids were built.

We had ended our discourse of the Pyramids, but that I find one scruple touched upon by Herodotus, Diodorus, and Pliny, which is worth the discussion as a point of some concernment in architecture; and that is, in what manner these Pyramids were built; and with what art and contrivance the stones, especially those vast ones in the first were conveyed up. Herodotus, who first raised the doubt, gives this solution: ‘They carried up the rest of the stones with little engines made of wood, raising them from the ground upon the first row: When the stone was lodged upon this row, it was put into another engine, standing upon the first step, from thence it was conveyed to the second row by another: For so many rows and orders of steps as there were, so many engines were there; or else they removed the engine, which was one, and easy to be carried to every particular row, as often as they moved a stone. We will relate that which is spoken of either part; therefore those in the Pyramid were first made, which were the highest, then by degrees the rest, last of all, those which are nearest to the ground, and are the lowest.’ The first part of this solution of Herodotus is full of difficulty. How in the erecting and placing of so many machines, charged with such massy stones, and those continually passing over the lower degrees, could it be avoided, but that they must either unsettle them, or in danger the breaking of some portions of them; which mutually would have been like scars in the face of so magnificent a building? His second answer is the sounder; but I conceive the text to be imperfect. Diodorus hath another fancy: ‘The stones, (saith he) at a great distance off were prepared in Arabia, and they report, that by the help of Aggeres[444] (engines not being then invented) the work was erected. And that which begets the greatest admiration is, that so vast a structure was perfected in that place, which is all about replenished with sand, where there appears not any relics, either of the Aggeres, or of the hewing and polishing of the stones; so that it seems not piecemeal by the industry of men, but altogether, and at once, the whole pile, as it were by some God, was erected in the midst of the sands. Some of the Egyptians relate wonders of it, and endeavour to obtrude I know not what fables; namely, That these Aggeres consisting of salt and nitre, were dissolved by letting in the river, which wholly consumed them without the labour of hands, leaving this structure entire. But the truth of the business is not so, but that those multitudes of men which were employed in raising the Aggeres, carried them away unto their former places: For, as they report three hundred and sixty thousand men were employed in these offices, and the whole work was scarce finished in the space of twenty years.’ Pliny partly agrees with him, and partly gives another answer, the question is, by what means the cement is conveyed up to such a height (he rather might question how those vast stones were conveyed up,) some say, that banks of nitre and salt were made up as the work rose, which being finished, they were washed away by the river Nilus. Others imagine that bridges were made with brick; which, the work being ended, were distributed into private houses: for they conceive that the Nilus being much lower, could not come to wash them away. If I may assume the liberty of a traveller, I imagine that they were erected, neither as Herodotus describes, nor as Diodorus reports, nor as Pliny relates, but that first they made a large and spacious tower in the midst reaching to the top; to the sides of this tower, I conceive, the rest of the building to have been applied, piece after piece, like so many buttresses or supporters, still lessening in height, till at last they came to the lower-most degree. A difficult piece of building taken in the best, and easiest projection; and therefore it is no wonder if it were not often imitated by the ancients, and no[445] where expressed or commended by the great Master of architecture Vitruvius. Yet surely if we judge of things by the events, and if we reflect upon the intention of monuments, which are raised by the living, to perpetuate the memory of the dead, then is this as commendable a way as any. And therefore we see at Rome, that though by the revolution of so many ages the Mausoleum of Augustus be almost decayed, and the Septizonium of Severus be utterly lost, both intended for lasting and stately sepulchres, yet the Pyramid of C. Cæstius stands fair and almost entire; which is no more to be compared, either for the vastness of the stones or the whole bulk and fabric of it, with these, than are the limbs and body of a dwarf to the demensions of a giant, or some large Colossus.

I have done with the work, but the Artizans deserve not to be pretremitted; concerning whom the observation of Diodorus is as true, as it is boldly delivered by him. ‘It is confessed, that these works, (speaking of the Pyramids) far excel the rest in Ægypt, not only in the massiness of the structures, and in the expences, but also in the industry (and skill) of the artificers.’ The Egyptians think the Architects are more to be admired than the Kings, who were at the expence; for they by their abilities and study, these by their wealth received by inheritance, and by the labours of others erected them.

#### The Conclusion.

And thus much of the Sciography, or of the artificial and architectonical part; I shall shut up all with one observation in nature for the recreation of the reader, recited by Strabo in these words. ‘We ought not to omit one of the strange things seen by us at the Pyramids: Some heaps of stone, being fragments hewn off, lie before the Pyramids, amongst these are found little stones, some in the similitude and bigness of lentils, some as grains of barley, which appear half unscaled; They report these are some relics of[446] the provisions, which were given to the workmen, and have been petrified; which seems probable enough.’

These, if they were ever any such, are either consumed by time, or scattered by the winds, or buried with those tempests of sand, to which the desarts are perpetually exposed: But Diodorus, who not long preceded him, was not so curious as to deliver this relation. And were not Strabo a writer of much gravity and judgment, I should suspect that these petrified grains (though I know such petrefactions to be no impossibility in nature; for I have seen at Venice the bones and flesh of a man, and the whole head entirely transmuted into stone; and at Rome clear conduit water, by long standing in Aqueducts, hath been turned into perfect alabaster) are like those loafs of bread, which are reported to be found by the Red Sea converted into stone, and by the inhabitants supposed to be some of the bread the Israelites left behind them, when they passed over for fear of Pharoah. They are sold at Grand Cairo, handsomely made up in the manner of the bread of these times, which is enough to discover the imposture; for the Scripture makes them to have been unleavened cakes: And they baked unleavened cakes of the dough which they brought fourth out of Egypt. Or else Strabo’s relation may be like the tradition of the rising of dead mens bones every year in Egypt[28]; a thing superstitiously believed by the Christians and by the Priests, either out of ignorance or policy, maintain’d as an argument of the resurrection. The possibility[447] and truth of it, Metrophanes, the Patriarch of Alexandria thought, but very illogically; might be proved out of the Prophet Esaiah: ‘And they shall go forth, and look upon the carcasses of the men that have transgressed against me, for their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be quenched; and they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh.’

But I have digressed too far; the confutation of these, and the description of the Mummies, or of the rest of the Egyptian sepulchres, for from thence comes the matter of this their supposed resurrection, and that infinite mass and variety of hieroglyphics, which I have either seen there, or bought or transcribed elsewhere, may be the argument of another discourse[29].

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### Of the Pyramids, Sphynx, Mummies, &c. By Father Vansleb and others.

In my first voyage to Egypt I had seen the Pyramids, but having another opportunity offer’d to me, I went thither to view again these rare monuments of antiquity, to see whether I might not observe something more than I have taken notice of in my first relation.

On the 27th of April I went thither in the company of the French Consul and many other Merchants, and with almost all his houshold; we had with us three Janizaries to guard us, so that we were in all about fifty Cavaliers well mounted upon asses, taking with us provisions sufficient for three days.

1. When we were come to the Pyramids, and had observed exactly every thing, I took notice that the place where they stood was a burying-place. This is plain to any that see the place; and doubtless it was the burying-place of the old city of Memphis; for all the Arabian history inform us, that this city stood where the Pyramids now are, over-against old Cairo.

2. I took notice, that all the Pyramids have an entrance that leads to a low alley, which is very long, and at the end is a chamber, where the ancient Egyptians did place the bodies of those persons for whom the Pyramids were built. This entrance is not to be seen in every one of the Pyramids, because the wind hath stopt them with sand. I saw upon some of them some Hierogliphic characters, but I had not time to write them out.

3. I took notice, that all the Pyramids were built in very good order; and that each of the three greatest were at the head of ten lesser, which are not well to be distinguish’d, because of the heaps of sand; one may yet imagine, to see the place, that in former ages there have been here one hundred Pyramids little and great.

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4. I took notice, that they are all built upon an even rock cover’d over with white sand; so that it is very probable that the stones have been taken from the place, and not brought from far, as some travellers imagine, and old writers, for the greatest is nothing but a rock cut as a Pyramid, and cover’d over with a wall of stone.

5. I took notice, that of all the stones of the greatest there is scarce one intire, but either worn out with the weather and time, or broken by some other accident; so that tho’ one may ascend on all sides to the top, yet not in all places with the same ease.

6. I have taken notice, that none of the Pyramids are alike, or perfectly square, but that all have two sides longer than the others. I intended to measure the greatest; for that purpose I had with me a string of about thirty land-yards, but because the winds have heaped about it mountains of sand, I could not possibly draw a line straight from one angle to the other.

On the 28th of December I went to see the Pyramids the third time with some strangers. In our way we were mightily troubled with a very thick mist, which lasted till ten in the morning; and we found a great deal of mud in the trenches and ditches, which was not yet dry since the retreat of the river, so that we were carry’d over upon the Moors backs that were with us.

At this time I went up to the top of the great Pyramid, and I observed as at the first, that the place where the Pyramids stand is a pure rock, cover’d over with white sand, which appears sufficiently by the ditches and caves round about the Pyramids cut in the rock.

2. The rock is to be seen, upon which stands the greatest Pyramid, by a hole at one of the angles, between the east and the north sides.

3. The Pyramids are not built with marble, as some say, but with a white sandy stone very hard.

4. The greatest hath but two hundred and six steps; and tho’ Monsieur Thevenot saith that it hath two hundred and eight, this proceeds from his not taking notice that two steps are broken into four.

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5. On the top of the greatest Pyramid there was anciently a statue or Colosse. This appears, because it is not sharp as the others but plain; and there are yet to be seen great pits, which were to keep fast the Colosse from falling.

At present there is nothing on the top but many letters of the names of persons of all nations, who have left them to witness that they had been there. There is no sign of the play at Manacala, which a Coptie told me was there imprinted in the days of the Pharaohs.

6. The Stones of the biggest Pyramid are not equal, for some of the undermost are four foot high, some three foot and an half, and five foot long. The stones of the middle are three foot and five inches high, and the uppermost stones are but two foot high, and three and an half long.

7. The sides of the Pyramids are not equal; for in the greatest it is visible, and so in the others, that the north side is longer than that which stretches from east to west.

8. In all the Pyramids there are very deep wells cut in the rock square; as I have seen in more than ten.

On the 26th day of June I went the fourth time to see the Pyramids, in the company of Monsieur Sabatery Vice-consul of Alexandria.

In the passage to old Cairo, on the other side of the river, I took notice of one thing very remarkable in it’s channel; the water was perfectly green, as a cake cover’d over with green grass. This was the first time that I saw it of this colour; which caused me to ask of the boatmen what this green colour was; they told me, that the river Nilus did then putrify, that it had continued so fifteen days, and would be so five more. Some of them said, that there was none could remember to have seen the river so green as that year, 1672.

To return again to the Pyramids, I went up this time to the top of the highest Pyramid, I entered into the chamber, but saw no new thing which could cause me either to change or add to my former observation. It is needless to speak of it’s dimensions, seeing so many[451] travellers have already publish’d them, as Monsieur Thevenot in his Levant travels.

From the Pyramids we went to take a view of the caves that are adjoining. There are many, all cut in the side of a rock; their outsides are out of order, without any proportion, but their inside very equal and polish’d. In every one there is a deep square well, cut in the rock, where the Egyptians did put the body of that person for whom the cave was made; for it was their sepulchre. The walls of many of these caves are full of hieroglyphic figures carved in the rock. In some they are but small, in others very lively. In one I numbered sixteen great figures, that represented eight men and eight women, holding one another by the hands, with many other small figures or shapes, on both sides.

The great Pyramid is five hundred and twenty foot high upon a base of six hundred and eighty two foot square; the platform at top is sixteen foot and two thirds square, and is composed of twelve large stones, yet this from below appears to the eye a sharp point. A strong man cannot throw a stone from the top, so as to make it fall beyond the steps or basis of the Pyramid.

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### Of the SPHYNX.

We saw next the Sphynx, near the Pyramids, on the east side. On the top stands the head of a woman of an extraordinary bigness and height. The Arabians call it Abul-hon, or Abul-houl.

Pliny saith, that it was the tomb of King Amasis. I imagine that this Sphynx was a sepulchre, but we cannot understand that it belonged to Amasis; for all the records and traditions of this Sphynx are lost.

That it is a tomb may appear, first by it’s situation, which is in a place that was in former ages a burying place; and near the Pyramids and mortuary caves. Secondly, it is to be imagined that it was a sepulchre from it’s building. In the hinder part is a cave under ground, of a bigness answerable to that of the head, into which I have look’d by an entrance that leads into it, so that it could serve to no other purpose, but to keep a dead corps.

Some Franks have, out of an excess of curiosity, climb’d up by the means of rope-ladders, to see whether this head was hollow, or massy, and they have found it to be hollow, but filled at present with sand.

The neck is worn out round about, which causeth men to imagine that it will not be able to support the weight of that great head.

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### Of the wells where the Mummies are.

When we had fully view’d this Sphynx, we took the road that leads to Saccara, a village, at four hours travelling from the Pyramids, and about eight from Cairo towards the south. The burying-place of the Mummies is near adjoining to this village.

And because it was very late, and that we were to agree with the Arabians of the village about the price, the number and quality of the wells that they were to open for us, we stopt there all night, and the next morning we took with us twelve horsemen, to guard us, of the Arabians; with them we went to this burying place, where the Mummies are in caves under ground.

The first well that we saw was that of birds embalm’d; when we had caused the sand that stops the well’s mouth to be removed, through which we were to go down, and from thence to enter into the cave, we caused ourselves to be let down one after another, by tying a double rope about our middles. As soon as we were at the bottom, and that every one had lighted his taper, and several matches that we had brought, we went into the cave creeping upon our bellies. The cave is an alley in the rock, about the height of a man, and about the breadth of a perch, and of an extraordinary length. We found there many other allies on both hands, cut in the rock, where were many large stores full of earthen pots, covered over with coverings of the same substance. In these pots were embalm’d birds of all kinds, every bird in it’s own pot. And as I thought that the remembrance of a custom so ancient and superstitious was worthy of our notice, I brought about half a dozen with me, some I have sent to the[454] King’s library. We found also some hens-eggs empty, but entire, without any ill smell or crack.

When we had view’d sufficiently this cave, we returned up in the same manner that we went down, and found another open’d, called the Virgin, which is that was never opened before. According to our orders to the Arabians, Monsieur Tiger and the others went down in the same manner as into the former, I alone could not follow them, because of a quartan fever, which had troubled me fourteen months, and took me at that very moment; but I lost nothing by that; for these gentlemen told me at their return, that they found an horrid stench and a close air, that put out their candles and their matches also, every time that they endeavour’d to light them, which caused them to get up again without entring farther. They told me that this well was much deeper than the former.

We caused another to be opened, which was not a Virgin-well, as the former, because it was not so deep. I ventured into that, notwithstanding my indisposition.

We found there two Mummies, a great one and a little one of a child, both in coffins; the greatest was of marble, upon the covering it had the likeness of the person for whom it was made. We caused these biers or coffins to be open’d, but found nothing extraordinary, therefore we made no account of them, and left them where we found them.

We went down next into a cave, call’d The Church, which was not so deep as the former. It was nothing but a long alley under ground, well plaistered, and painted all over with hieroglyphic figures round about the sides. It was almost all full of sand, which caused us to creep along upon our knees.

If the reader desires a prospect, and a description of this ancient burying-place, let him think upon a boundless champain, even and covered over with sand, where neither trees, nor grass, nor houses, nor any such thing is to be seen; let him represent to himself the superficies of this large field full of dry bones of arms, legs, feet, and heads; full of scattered pieces of wood of coffins,[455] of little idols, some of wood, others of plaister embolish’d with green, and mark’d before and behind with hieroglyphic letters. These idols the Arabians have taken from the broken Mummies, which they have cast away. In some places you may see great tomb-stones, full of cyphers and enigmatical figures, that represent something of chymistry, and of other sciences and mysteries, and full of strange characters that are no Hieroglyphics. Whilst I was looking upon this spectacle, the Arabians brought me two, whereof I caused the copies to be drawn as soon as I was returned to Cairo.

You have here a description of some relicts of the grandeur and vanity of the ancient Egyptians, and the mournful signs of man’s mortality. The first sight is able to dash a person newly arrived out of countenance, and to affright him; I mean the sight of so many bones all scattered up and down, one would think that here hath been a grievous fight.

In this champain or field here are fifteen Pyramids; three are of an extraordinary bigness, which seem to have been favoured by time; for they appear entire without much decay. Here is also an entrance into every one, that shews a long alley which leads to a chamber; Monsieur de Tiger went into that which is farthest from the village, commonly named The Pyramid of Rodope, where he found nothing in the chamber.

This Pyramid is built as a pavillion. The Franks say, that Rodope, a famous strumpet, caused it to be built with the money that she had gotten with the loss of her honour. But this is doubtless an error, if it be true what Pliny saith, that the Pyramid of Rodope was but small, though very beautiful; therefore this, which is one of the greatest in all Egypt, cannot be that of Rodope. These are the words of Pliny: Supremumque illud ne quis Regum opes miretur, minimam extitisse laudatissimam à Rodope meretricula factam. Æsopi fabularum Philosophi conserva quondam, & contubirnalis hæc fuit, majore miraculo tantas opes meretricio esse conquisitas quæstu.

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For the others that are in the same field, time hath almost worn them out; for they are but so many heaps of sand, which have scarce the shape and shadow of what they have been heretofore.

Here is also a square heap of very great hewn stones. The Arabians name it Mastabet Faraoun; for they say, that when the Pharaohs, Kings of Egypt, were to declare and give a new law to the people, they stood on the top of this heap. But these are the traditions of the poor Arabians that have nothing of certainty.

To return to the wells of the Mummies; as soon as the Franks have visited any, the wind, or the Arabians fill the entry again full of sand, to get a little money at the second opening: This is the greatest gain of these wretches. The least they take for to open a Virgin-well is thirty piasters, because they that cause the well to be opened, have the liberty to carry away all the curiosities and Mummies that he finds there.

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### A description of an entire body of a Mummy.

This was a long and large body, in a very thick coffin of wood, shut close on all sides; the timber was not at all rotten, and we found it to be Sycamore-wood, which in Egypt they call Pharaoh’s fig-tree, that does not rot so soon as other wood. Upon the coffin the face of him that was within it was cut in embossed work. Some coffins there are also of stone, with the face of the person within, cut in boss, and Hieroglyphics all along the length of it. There are two of these stones in the house of Monsieur Fouquet at St Mande, and I had two of them also, of which one was broken at Alexandria, and the other, I brought home with me very whole, which weighs betwixt seven and eight hundred weight. Some of these coffins are made of several pieces of cloth pasted together, which are as strong as the wooden ones. I have one of this kind in my closet, made of above forty cloths glew’d or pasted together in thickness, which are not in the least rotten; it is cover’d all over with Idols and Hieroglyphics, painted on a very thin plaister, with which the outside cloth is daub’d over, but it is a little spoil’d, the plaister in some places being rubbed off. Among these figures there is a compartment at the lower end, two inches broad, and a foot long, being painted cross-ways over the coffin, wherein may be seen the manner how the ancient Egyptians embalm’d dead bodies. In the middle of this compartment there is a long table shaped like a lion, on the back of which the body that is to be embalm’d is laid at length, and hard by there is a man with a knife in his hand opening the body; this man hath on a vizard mask, shaped like the beak of a sparrow-hawk, which without doubt was the custom of their embalmers, who made use of that kind of mask, that they might not breathe in the corruption that might evaporate from[458] the death bodies, as the Physicians of Italy do at present, who in time of a plague never stir abroad without a mask of this kind, in the long nose of which they put perfumes; though I make no doubt, but the mask I speak of is the head of Osiris, which the Egyptians represented with the head of a sparrow-hawk, as they did Anubis with the head of a dog, the Nile with a lion’s head, &c. But as a surer mark that it is an embalming, there are four vessels without handles upon the aforesaid table, which could be nothing else but the vessels wherein the necessary drugs were kept not only for embalming, as Balm, Cedria, &c. but also for the wrapping up and incrustation of the body, as Bitumen and others; by the sides of the table there are several persons standing and sitting in divers postures. Within this coffin is the figure of a naked maid with her arms stretched out.

But to return to my first discourse. This wooden coffin I mention’d being broken to pieces with hatchets, we found an entire body in it, which lay in this manner: The face was cover’d, as commonly all the rest are, with a kind of head-piece of cloth fitted with plaister, on which the countenance of that person was represented in gold, and when we took off the helmet, we found nothing of the face remaining, which is commonly reduced to ashes; I believe it is, because it will not admit of gumming so well as the other parts of the body. However, I brought to Paris the head of a Mummy whole and entire, but it is all covered with fillets of cloth, so neatly fitted, that they hinder not, but one may see the shape of the eyes, nose, and mouth. The rest of the body was swathed with little bands of cloth very neatly made, but wrapped about with so many casts and turnings, that I believe there were a thousand ells in it; and certainly it is so rare a way of swathing and binding, that I think it cannot be imitated at present, as many Chirurgions have acknowledged to me. Along the brest and belly there was a band of cloth three good fingers broad, and a large foot and an half long, it was fastened to the other bands, and upon it were several Hieroglyphics done in gold. I took this writing and folded it up,[459] that I might the more conveniently carry it up with me. I hoped to have found idols in that coffin, knowing that they interred many with their dead, either of stone, copper, or green earth, as I have several that have been found in these bodies, but finding none, I thought there might be some within his body; for after they had embowel’d them, they often enclosed idols within their bellies; for that end I had it broken up, but we could find nothing. I considered then that balm which is now quite lost, it is black, hard, and shines like pitch, having much such a smell, but more pleasant, that kept bodies entire, and, I believe, the sand contributed not a little thereto, for even in the greatest desarts of Arabia, sometimes the dead bodies of men and dogs, are found entire, who falling asleep, and staying behind the caravans, are covered over with an ocean of sand driven by the high winds in which the bodies being bury’d, are by the dryness and salt that is in the sand, which dries up all the humidity of them, preserved entire, and are afterwards found, when another wind blowing, carries off the sand again. Many think that the bodies so dry’d are the true Mummy; it is a mistake, and that which Merchants bring into Christendom, to be used in medicine, is the Mummy we first described. Near the room I went into there were several other full of bodies, but seeing the entries into them were full of sand, I call’d to them above to pull me up again by the same rope, with which I was let down, being much dissatisfy’d with my Moors, who had open’d so sorry a pit for me. When I was got up I look’d upon my cloth, whereon were characters of gold, but was much vex’d to see that all the letters disappeared, and that by my own fault, because I had folded it together when it was very humid, and so all the gold and paint stuck to the opposite sides; whereas I should have brought it up open and dry’d it in the sun. But I have others that are finer, which are only a little spoiled in the bringing. I brought with me also some hands of Mummies, which are as entire at present as ever they were. I had also the good fortune to buy upon the place some idols of the Moors, who come and sell them[460] to the Franks in the city. These idols are of several sorts, and in many postures, there are of them of copper, of several sorts of stone, and several sorts of earth also; at least I have some of all these kinds, all which I am very sure have been taken out of Mummies, and cannot be said to be counterfeit, for besides that they have not the art to do it, they sell them at so easy a rate, that the very materials are worth more. This is all I could observe of the Pyramids and Mummies; and hence it appears, that the ancient Egyptians spent more in their tombs than during their whole lives; and one reason they gave for that was, that their houses were only for living a short time in, and their tombs the palaces that were to be inhabited by their souls for many ages. Not far from these Mummies, towards the Nile, are some remains of a large town, which was Memphis, the inhabitants whereof were buried there, the ancients never burying their dead within towns, for fear of infecting the air, none but Christians, who mind not that, bury their dead any where. Now, to prove that these great ruins are the remains of Memphis, Pliny affirms it, when he says, that the Pyramids are betwixt the Delta of Egypt and the city of Memphis on the side of Africa. At length we returned by old Cairo, and saw all that is curious, or worth being seen in it.

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### A Letter from Dublin, concerning the Porphyry Pillars in Egypt. By Dr Huntingdon.

SIR,

You engage me after a very undeniable manner, as I perceive by the minutes of your philosophical society, to send you some account of the porphyry pillars in Egypt; and though I could have satisfied your curiosity much better in this matter, had you thought of it when I was amongst my papers in Oxford, yet rather than hazard your good opinion, or give the least pretence of disrespect to your worthy company, for whose persons and designs I have so just an esteem and veneration: I here send not what’s fit for me to write, or you to read, but what I can remember upon this subject.

Nor do I intend to speak concerning the nature or composition of stones in general, or of porphyry more particularly, but meerly as to matter of fact, so far chiefly as it fell under my own cognizance, i. e. if you please, rather like an Historian than a Philosopher.

In the first place then, I think it may be taken for granted, that there is no such quarry, or rock of stone rather, in all the lower parts of Egypt; for so far as the Nile overflows is perfect soil. A sample whereof I hope you still retain, and let me entreat you to be very exact in weighing it this year, that you may be sure whether it be heavier in the time of the inundation, as is generally believed, than before or after: And when, and in what proportion it increases.

The boundaries of this overflow, which are never ten miles from the channel, that I saw, generally scarce half of it, and in some places but a mile or two (the Delta still excepted, which is universally covered, all but the north side to the sea, and a little to the east for some miles above Damiata) are rising hills of sand, beyond[462] which is perfect desart, upon the Afric side, the Lybian. [Higher south I have been told, there are rocks nearer the river, and in some places straiten it.] But under those sands is a yielding stone, not much harder than chalk, though not so white, and very easily managed, as at the Mummies deep spacious vaults, which were the old repositories for the dead. And the like also may be said of those cells or sepulchres which are hewn purely out of the rocky earth three quarters of a mile on the south of Alexandria. Albeit nearer the sea there are stones of a harder kind, and with which they build; but by their mouldering away, as appears by the remains of houses within the walls of the city, ’tis plain they can’t endure the weather, which is sufficiently corroding there. The iron which once plated their thick wooden gates being mostly eaten away, and the deep characters upon the sides of these very porphyry pillars exceedingly defaced. Indeed about Memphis, i. e. by the Pyramids, they have a milder air, and the hieroglyphics cut in those stones will last well enough, till they shall be removed into a rougher: But then they’ll crizle and scale, as I found by sad experience. For having procured four stones, the best marked with those figures of antiquity I could meet with, and sent them down to Alexandria, in order to their transportation for England, I found them, upon my second voyage into Egypt, very much injured, being put into the custom-house-yard (where they lie still embargo’d) by the Aga, who demanded an intolerable sum for liberty to ship them, as you may remember I told you the story.

But yet farther in the country there are mountains of harder stone: In the Nitrian, now the desart of St Macarius, and not far from the lake where the latroon or true nitre incrustates upon the top of the water, there are many, and some of them not utterly unlike porphyry. That which nearest resembles it’s colour, though not it’s consistence, is the vein that produces the eagle-stone, of which there are many in the Bahr Batama, a great sandy valley: But these stones are of a different complexion from porphyry, as you may perceive by those I sent you, which also will assist your conjectures of their original.

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However, I can’t pronounce that there is no porphyry hereabouts; for in the chief monastery of the four now remaining (of 366, as many as are days in the longest year) dedicated to the Blessed Virgin; the two stones which secure their entrance are of the like, if not the very same substance; which I more particularly observed upon the account of their ingenious contrivance; for these poor people, lying otherwise at the mercy of the roving Arabs, with these two mill-stones (for that’s their make) thus make good their gate against them, (or rather their passage) into which they run them, and then drive a great wooden wedge between them on the inside, which so fastens them, that they cannot be loosed, but upon the inside neither. And of such a sort of porphyry is the noted Sphynx (a mighty head and shoulders one hundred and ten feet in compass) yet standing by the northern Pyramids.

I have indeed been told of the place upon mount Sinai, whence this porphyry came, but so they shew the very rock where the two excellent double rows of pillars in the church of Bethlehem were hewn; though I went away satisfy’d that it was a quite different sort of stone. Another tells of a pillar of the same make yet lying there; and if this be certain you need seek no farther. Albeit, I must tell you, that the stones brought thence with the representation of a buck (it must needs be call’d) upon them, some of which you had, though reddish, are of a much finer and more even texture.

Wansleben writes of a great many more southerly; but I know him to well to believe all that he says for Gospel. And a more sober man, Father Carlo Francisco d’Orleans, now superior of the Capucines at Cairo, who went three hundred leagues up the Nile in the year 1569, told me of many temples, statues, and pillars at that distance; though I cannot be sure he said there were any of porphyry. But since it was in Thebais, why may we not suppose them of that black, white, and red speckled Thebaic marble, famous in the world, and wherewith the lesser Pyramid perhaps was crusted, yet to be seen upon the ground about it, and when polish’d looks finely.

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Those which I have myself seen, are one of them at the Matarea, three or four miles east of Grand Cairo, and two at Alexandria, just within the wall upon the north side of the city; for Pompey’s Pillar, as they call it, half a mile without the gate to the south, is quite of another make and matter; one of these is thrown down and broken into pieces, but was of the same dimensions for breadth and thickness with the other. The Franks call them Aguglia’s, the English particularly Cleopatra’s needles, but the inhabitants content themselves with the general name of Pillars. They have no Basis nor Pedestals above ground; and if they never had, they must needs be very deep in the earth. The draughts I here send you will excuse all farther description. One of them was very well taken by Monsieur Brute a French Druggerman, the other by a Dutch Painter, who, you will see, has but little commended his art.

If you have a fancy, upon the sight of them, to sift out the Hieroglyphic character with which they are engraven, perhaps you will find it to be the ab-original Egyptian letter, long since worn out of common use in the country, as the Samaritan (so it is now generally call’d) was amongst the Jews; and that it bears proportion with the China now in use, where each note represents a word, or rather an entire signification. And moreover, that it is wrought the same way too, from the top to the bottom; as you have seen in the board I brought from a door in the village Succara, which is next to the Mummies, the largest piece of Egyptian writing, perhaps at this day in Europe. I confess that in the vaults or Priests chambers cut out of the rock, close by the second Pyramid, the whole walls are inscribed therewith, but I speak of an original. And if all that is there written were but exactly copy’d, it might be then lawful to hope, that the language so long since dead and bury’d in the house of bondage, might have it’s resurrection in the land of liberty.

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That such vast monuments might be removed from place to place, is difficult indeed, but not impossible. And if one Archimedes (as Athenæus preserves the story for us) could launch the vast ship of Hiero, which all the strength of Syracuse was not able to bring to sea; what might not many great masters in the same art perform, and upon their own dunghill too? For I may call Egypt the mother of the Mathematics.

Besides, some of these mountains are near the Red Sea, and Suss from Cairo but two or three days, from Nile less; and how possible it is to convey mighty weights by water, let the Obelisks at Rome declare; which were all of them brought from this very country; and that such things may be done by land too, tho’ not by every one, is plain enough, because we see they have been done. At Baalbec, which is fourteen hours from Damascus, for thence I went, accompany’d with Mr Anth. Balam and Mr. Jo. Verney, both now in England, whom I thought fit to name for my Compurgators, if you should question the credit of the story; there is a stone about sixty six foot long on the north side of the castle-wall, and two more of sixty each; and I believe we saw the way they travel’d, having left one of their company, tho’ not quite so big in the road, as a monument thereof to this very day.

If you have got the piece of this Aguglia, (for I have nothing here) you will thereby best discern it’s colour and composition. It is something more lively than the Porphyry of St John’s font (for by that name it is known) at Ephesus, much more vived than those four tall square pillars at Tadmore (in it’s middle age Palmyra) which are each of them but of, I think, one piece, whilst all the rest, exceeding many, of another sort of stone, are of several pieces, and round. If you will attribute the clearness of their complexion in part to the air, which corrodes them especially upon the north and east; I impose not upon the liberty of your reason.

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If the Ichnography of them (which I desire you to reserve for me) won’t excuse me from any farther description, I beg your pardon that I have said thus much, and hazarded my judgment to demonstrate my affection, how much I am, and endeavour to be,

Your faithful Friend,

And humble Servant,

R. H.

The cuts of these pillars are not prefixt to this paper, because engraven and publish’d elsewhere. See Philosophical Transactions, Nᵒ 178. p. 1252.

‘Monsieur Cuper, in his letter to l’Abbe Nicaise, informs the world, that he had received letters from Aleppo, which say, that some English Gentlemen, out of curiosity, going to visit the ruins of Palmyra, had found four hundred marble columns, of a sort of Porphyry, and also observed some temples, yet entire with tombs, monuments, Greek and Latin inscriptions, of all which he hopes to get copies. Journal des Sçavans, Nᵒ 25, Anno 1692.’

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### A journey from Grand Cairo to Mecca.

The day that the Emir-Adge parted from Cairo, he encamped in tents, close by the city, and a few days after he encamped at the Birque, which is a great pond about twelve miles from Cairo, near to which they encamp. This place is the rendezvouz of all the Caravans. The Emir-Adge parted from thence with the whole Caravan, Wednesday the eighth of August, it being the custom for the Caravan of Cairo to set out fifty seven days after the beginning of the Ramadam, that so it may be there punctually at the time. It is very pretty to see them encamped in the night time, because of the infinite number of lamps that are in the tents and pavilions. Next day, the ninth of August, the Caravan of the Magrebins parted also from the Birque, and there all of Barbary, who intend to make the journey, meet, and make a distinct Caravan; which depends not on the Emir-Adge of Cairo, but have a chief of their own. That Caravan never sets out, but a day after the Caravan of Cairo; they travel commonly by night, and rest in the day time, as all other Caravans do, that go to other places, that so they may avoid the heat, which is almost insupportable; and when the moon does not shine, there are men who carry links before the Caravan. In all Caravans, the camels are ty’d tail to tail, so that let them but go, and there is no trouble of leading them.

Here I will give the reader an account, how many stages there are betwixt Cairo and Mecca, how many days they stay in them, how many hours travelling there is betwixt them, and at what stages the waters are sweet or bitter, all along the way. This little[468] itinerary I had from a Prince of Tunis, who made that journey whilst I was at Cairo. From Cairo to the Birque it is reckon’d four hours journey; there is fresh water there. From the Birque to Misana, that is to say Cistern, ten hours; no water there. From Misana to Kalaat Aadgeroud, which, is to say, the Castle of Sand-pits, twelve hours and an half; there is bitter water there. From the Castle of Aadgeroud to Navatir, seven hours and an half, no water there. From Navatir to Rastagara, ten hours; no water there, and the way bad. From Rastagara to Kalaat el Nahhal, that is to say, the Castel of Palmes, fifteen hours; there they stay a day, and have fresh water. From the Castle of Nahhal to Abiar Alaina, fourteen hours; only bitter water there. From Abiar Alaina to Sath el Acaba, that is to say, the Plain of the Hill, fifteen hours; no water there. From Sath el Acaba to Kalaat el Acaba, that is to say, the Castle of the Hill, (that is upon the side of the Red Sea) sixteen hours, there they stay two days and an half, the way is very bad, but they have fresh water. From the Castle el Akabe to Dar el Hhamar, six hours and an half; no water there, (Dar el Hhamar signifies Asses Back, and it is like the mountain in Italy, where there is an inn call’d Scarga l’asino.) From Dar el Hhamar to Scharafe Benigateie, fourteen hours; no water there. From Scharafe Benigateie to Magare Chouaib, that is to say, the Grott of Jethro, fourteen hours; fresh water there; that is the country of the Midionites. From Magare Chouaib to Eyoun el Kaseb, fourteen hours and an half; fresh water there. It was in that place where Jethro’s daughters going to water their cattel, and the shepherds offering to hinder them, Moses protected and defended them against those who would have hindred them to draw water. From Eyoun el Kaseb to Kalaat el Moilah, which is by the sea side, fifteen hours; there they rest two days and a half, and have fresh water. From Kalaat el Moilah to Castel, eleven hours; bitter water there. From Castel to Kalaat Ezlem, fifteen hours and an half; bitter water there. From Kalaat Ezlem to Istanbel[469] antir, fourteen hours; fresh water there. From Istanbel antir to Kalaat el Voudge, that is to say, the Castle of the Face, thirteen hours and an half; fresh water there. From Kalaat el Voudge to Ekre, sixteen hours; no water there but what is bitter. From Ekre to Hank Krue, that is to say, Gulph, twelve hours and an half; no water there. From Hank Krue (going to Hhawre, they enter into the territory of Mecca) to Hhawre, it is thirteen hours; only bitter water there. From Hhawre to Nabte, fifteen hours; fresh water there. From thence come the Nabathean Arabs, Eurus ad auroram Nabathæaque regna recessit. From Nabte to Hazire, thirteen hours and an half; no water there. From Hazire to Yanbouh, that is to say Fountain, fourteen hours and an half; there they stay two days and an half, and have fresh water. From Yanbouh to Soucaif, thirteen hours; no water there. From Soucaif to Bedar Hunein, that is to say, the moon of Hunein, eight hours; fresh water there. Hunein was a man that shew’d the moon in his well. From Bedar Hunein to Ssbil el Mouhsin, that is to say, the way of Benefaction, or Benefit, fourteen hours; fresh water there. Rabii is a sacred place, that is to say, not to be entered into, without being well prepared and purged from all sin. Hence it is that there are two places which are call’d Haramein, Sacred Places, to wit, Mecca and Medina, that is to say, which are two holy places, where one should take heed not to set his foot, unless he be well wash’d from all sin. From Rabii to Kawdire, fifteen hours, no water there. From Kawdire to Bir el fan, fourteen hours, fresh water there. From Bir el fan to Vadi fatima, fourteen hours, fresh water there. From Vadi fatima to Mecca six hours.

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### Of the Aga sent to meet the Caravan upon their return.

About six weeks after the setting out of the Caravan of Cairo, when they know that it is ready to return from Mecca, an Aga goes from Cairo to guard the fresh provisions that the people of the country send to their friends and relations in the Caravan, every one sending according to their abilities and friendship, all which are well sealed up, and delivered to those they belong unto. For this effect the Aga has many camels with him, and gets considerably by the Caravan, which he meets half way. This year it returned on Tuesday the thirteenth of November, and encamped at the Birque, where the Caravan of the Magrebins arrived the day before. Several come to Cairo the same day, and their friends go as far as the Birque to welcome them; whereupon meeting, they kiss again and again five or six times, and all who know them salute and kiss them in the same manner; and indeed, for some days after there is nothing to be seen in the city, but people kissing one another, or lamenting their relations who dy’d in the journey, men, women and children, who howl and make fearful gestures, when they hear the news from the first of the Caravan whom they meet. These Pilgrims are forty five days in going, and as much in coming back to Cairo, besides some days they stay there; but they make but easy journeys, it being impossible that so great a body should march fast, for they must often stop to load the camels whose loads have fallen off, to unload those that fall or die, or to bury their dead, and a thousand such other accidents; and when one camel stops, all the rest must wait. They travel commonly, as I said, in the night time with links, that they may avoid the heat. In this journey they find but little water, and that exceeding bad too;[471] as for fresh provisions, they find none, and eat only what they carry along with them; but the worst thing they meet with in the journey, are certain hot winds, which stifle the breath, and in a short time kill a great many people. The Prince of Tunis told me, that in one day several hundreds died of that wind, and that he himself was much afraid, that he should have been one of the number. In fine, in this expedition there died six thousand, what of fatigue, thirst, and these hot winds. In that journey people are to be seen riding on camels, and singing verses of the Koran, who suddenly fall down dead. Those who return with life are so altered and extenuated, that they can hardly be known; and nevertheless vast numbers of people from all parts yearly perform that pilgrimage, and there passes not a year wherein women and little children do not make it. They who have performed that journey are call’d Adgi, that is to say, Pilgrims, meaning tho’ only the pilgrimage of the Kiaabe, and they are much respected by all as long as they live, and highly credited. The Emir-Adge gains much by this journey, for the goods of all that die belong to him, besides a vast deal of other profits that he makes on several occasions; and it is thought, that every expedition he gets above an hundred thousand piasters, but this year he got above three hundred thousand, for many people died. The greatest prerogative of this office is, that during the whole expedition he is absolute master of the field, and administers justice as he thinks fit.

Having in my hands an exact description of Mecca, and considering that few or no travellers have spoken of it with any certainty, I thought it would not be amiss to add it, and make a particular chapter thereof.

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### Of Mecca and Medina.

Mecca is thirty seven days journey from Cairo, and all over desarts; it is a days journey from the Red sea; the port of it is call’d Gidde, which is a little town, wherein are two castles on the two sides of the port, one on each side, and the Turks say that Eve lies bury’d there; they shew her sepulchre, which is in length thirty eight or forty steps of a man’s walk, and hath no other ornament but a stone at each end.

Mecca is about the bigness of Marseilles, in the middle whereof is the Kiaabe or Beytullah, that is to say, the House of God, which the Turks say, was first built by the Patriarch Abraham. This house is about fifteen foot in length, eleven or twelve in breadth, and about five fathom high. The threshold of the door is as high from the ground as a man can reach his hand, being within filled up even with the threshold. The door is about a fathom and an half high, and a fathom wide, and is in the corner to the left hand, when one faces the house. This door is of beaten silver, and opens with two leaves; they go up to it by a ladder supported by four wheels, two whereof are fastened to the lower end of the ladder; and the other two to two wooden posts about the middle of it, by means of which wheels the ladder is run to the wall, when any body is to enter into the Beytullah.

This house has a flat roof, supported by three pillars of an octagon figure, which are of Aloës-wood, as big as the body of a man, and about three fathom and a half long; they are of one entire piece each, and yet run in a straight line the length of the building, which is hung with red and white stuff, having here and there these words upon them, La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah.

At the same corner where the door is (but on the other side of the wall) is the black stone, which they[473] call Hadgiar Asuad, and is had in veneration by them, because (as they say) Abraham stood upon it when he built that house, and that it served him for a scaffold, to the end he might make no hole in the wall, it rising higher or lower as he pleased, and being for that purpose brought him by the angel Gabriel.

There is a court about this house, which the Turks call Haram, and it is encompassed with walls, with three rows of pillars, and arches on the inside of it. The four sects of Mahometanism have their places of prayer in this court, which are the Hanifi, Chafii, Maliki, and Hambeli, each in one of the four parts of the court, with their faces turned always towards the Beytullah, or House of God.

This house is begirt with two belts of gold, one below, and the other on high. On one side of the terrass that covers the Beytullah there is a spout of beaten gold, about a fathom long, that jets out, to carry off the rain-water that falls upon the terrass.

The same house is covered on the outside with hangings of black silk, which is a kind of damask, and every year there are new ones sent from Cairo, at the charge of the Grand Signior.

Ten days journey from Mecca, upon the road to Damascus, is the city of Medina, three days journey from the Red Sea; the port of it is call’d Iambo, which is a little town of the same shape and bigness as Gidde.

Medina is about half as big as Mecca, but it hath a suburb as big as the town itself; much about the middle of that town there is a Mosque, in a corner whereof is the sepulchre of Mahomet, covered in the same manner as the monuments of the Turkish Emperors are at Constantinople. The sepulchre is in a little tower, or round building, covered with a dome, which the Turks call Turbe. This building is quite open, from the middle up to the dome, and all round it there is a little gallery, of which the out-side wall has several windows with silver grates to them, and the in-side wall, which is that of the little tower, is adorned with a great number of precious stones, and that place which answers to the head of the tomb. There are rich things there also, of an inestimable value, sent by the Mahometan Kings, during so many[474] ages, which are fasten’d within this gallery, all round the said turret. Among others, at the place which answers to the head of the tomb, there is a great diamond, half as long as ones fore finger, and two fingers broad, over which is the diamond which Sultan Osman, the son of Sultan Ashmet, sent thither, and is equal to that which the Ottoman Emperors wear on their finger. These two diamonds were heretofore but one, which Sultan Osman caused to be saw’d in two in the middle. Lower down there is a half moon of gold, set with diamonds of great worth.

The Pilgrims see not Mahomet’s tomb, because that turret wherein it is enclosed hath no windows, being only open above, as hath been said; but such as make any stay at Medina have liberty and leisure to enter into the Turbe, and see it, when there is no clutter of strangers there, that is to say, three or four months after the departure of the Pilgrims, who see no more but the aforesaid gallery, and the riches that are within it, thro’ the silver grates of the windows, which we mention’d before. Those then who enter into the Turbe, see that the tomb hangs not in the air, as many have falsly written, and (which is more) never did hang so, but is upon the flat ground raised and cover’d like the tombs of Turkish Emperors and Bashaws.

The Turbe is hung all round with hangings of red and white silk, like damask, which cover all the wall, except at the place where the great diamonds are, for there they are tuck’d aside, that the diamonds may not be cover’d. Round all these hangings are the aforemention’d words in characters of gold, La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah. These hangings are renew’d every seven years by the Ottoman Emperors, unless when a new Emperor succeeds, before the seven years be accomplish’d, for in that case the Emperor renews them so soon as he comes to the throne.

The door by which they enter into the gallery is of silver, and so is the other that goes out of the gallery into the Turbe.

When the Pilgrims (to the number of two hundred thousand souls) are come to Mecca at the usual time, which is a short while before the little Bairam, and[475] that it is the day before the vigil of the said Bairam, they go and lie at a place call’d Myne, half a league from Mecca, and next day being the vigil of Bairam, they go half a league farther off, to another place call’d Arafa, which is a great plain, in the middle whereof there is a rock, or rising hillock, and on the top of it a Member, or place for preaching in, into which steps a Scheikh, who preaches to all the people about in the plain.

The Pilgrims being return’d to Mecca, divide themselves in several Caravans, because of the different countries they come from, and are to go back to them again. The Caravan that met at Damascus, upon their return pass by Medina, and visit Mahomet’s tomb, seeing it is upon their road. Of the rest, those who are prompted by devotion go thither, but a great part return back to their several countries, without turning out of their way to visit the said sepulchre, their law not obliging them to that, as it does to visit the other places above mention’d; so that they are grosly mistaken, who have affirm’d, that the pilgramage of the Turks is to the sepulchre of Mahomet, who oblig’d them to it. For that false Prophet told his followers, when he drew near his death, that if any one returning from Mecca, had the curiosity to come and see his sepulchre, he should say a Fatha for his soul (which is a prayer taken out of the Koran, resembling in some manner our Pater Noster) and be gone. Mecca is the place of Mahomet’s birth, Medina of his burial.

### An Extract of a Journey thro’ part of Arabia Felix, from the copy in Ramusio’s collection.

We travell’d in most places of Arabia by the help of a compass, and were forty days and forty nights in going between Damascus and Mecca; port Ziden is forty miles distant from Mecca, from whence it receives the greatest part of it’s provisions by the Red Sea, from Egypt, Æthiopia, and Arabia Felix, the numbers of Pilgrims and camels being incredible, and fresh water very scarce, and as dear as wine in Europe.

[476]

I stole away secretly from Mecca in the disguise of a Mammaluck, to Ziden, in order to pass round Arabia by sea into Persia. Ziden contains about 500 houses; there lay at anchor almost 100 brigantines and foysts, with divers barks of sundry sorts, both with and without oars. After six days sailing we came to Gezan, a fair commodious port full of vessels; the soil is very fruitful and delicious, abounding with many rare fruits and flowers; the inhabitants for the most part go naked. Leaving Gezan, in the space of five or six days, we reach’d an island named Camaran, ten miles in circuit; in it is a town of 200 houses, the inhabitants are Mahometans; it hath great store of flesh and fresh water; the haven is eight miles from the continent, and is subject to the Sultan of Arabia Felix. In two days sailing we came to the mouth of the Red Sea.

The day after our arrival at Aden, I being suspected for a Portuguese spy, was cast into heavy chains, and thrown into Prison: After fifty five days Imprisonment, I was set upon a camel with my shackles, and in eight days journey came to Rhada, a city where the Sultan then lay with 30000 men, to make war against the Sultan of Sana three days distant from Rhada. The Sultan’s guard were Æthiopians, with short broad swords, painted targets and darts, slings and ropes made of cotton. Having obtained my liberty, I pass’d through Almacaran and Laghi, to Aden, where I embark’d for Persia.

In this journey I observed many monkeys, lyons, sheep with prodigious great tails; variety of spices, sugars, and a sort of grape without stones, very delicious; many strange gum-trees, as the Balsam, the Myrrhe, Frankincense, Coffee, Cocoes, &c.

[477]

### Some observations made by Sir Henry Middleton and other Englishmen, in Arabia Felix, when they were most treacherously seized, and led prisoners from Moha and Aden up to Zenan. Also Captain Payton’s and Captain Heyn’s observations in some parts of Arabia Felix.

We were fifteen days in going from Moha to Zenan, which is about 180 miles distant N. N. W. it lies in 16 degrees and 15 min. Lat. We were carried about our Christmass-time, and were almost starved with cold, there being hoary frosts and ice at Zenan; some of our men got furrs, this was wonderful in such a latitude; we fed much upon Dates and Plantanes.

Zenan appeared to me bigger than Bristol, it’s situation is in a stony valley, encompass’d with high hills, with many gardens and places of pleasure. The buildings are of good stone and lime.

February the seventeenth, we obtain’d our liberty, and began on the eighteenth our journey from Zenan to Moha; that night we came to Siam, 16 miles, some on asses, others on camels; on the nineteenth to Surage, 18 miles; on the twentieth to the city Damare, in a plentiful country 20 miles from Surage; on the twenty first we arrived at Ermin, 15 miles, here we staid the twenty second; on the twenty third we came to Nagual Samare; the twenty fourth to Mohader, 13 miles from Nackelsamar; on the twenty fifth to Rabattamain, 16 miles from Mohader; here they make opium of a poppy, but it is not good. The twenty sixth we came to Coughe, call’d Meisadine, 16 miles from Rabattamain. On the twenty seventh we were at Tayes, half as large as Zenan, here they make Indigo out of an herb. March the first, we travell’d from Tayes to Eufras, 16 miles distant; the second to Assambine 11 miles; on the third to Accomoth; on the fourth to Mousa, 17 miles; here we observed them steeping the Indigo plant; on the fifth we got to Moha.

[478]

Moha is less than Tayes, but very populous, it stands close by the sea in a salt and sandy soil, unwall’d; yet it hath platforms and forts; abundance of shipping resort thither from India, and great Caravans by land from Syria and Mecca, to trade and exchange commodities.

Aden is the greatest port of Arabia Felix, it is situated at the foot of vast high mountains, which rise up with pikes, and run with great promontories into the sea; these hills were call’d Cabubarre, according to the journal of Don John of Castro the Portuguese. Captain Dunton, of Sir Henry Middleton’s fleet, observed Aden to lie in 12° 35′ of N. Lat. The variation westerly was 12° 40′. It flows upright between 6 and 7 foot water on the change day. The canoes came about the English ships with Indigo, Olibanum, and Myrrhe, but none trade with them by reason of their treachery. Aden has been a great city of above 6000 houses, but Captain Dunton found the buildings much decay’d, and many of them sunk. Captain Sharpeigh was the first Englishman that ever landed at Aden, he had been there 16 months before, in the year 1610.

The afore-mention’d parts of Arabia Felix were at that time under the subjection of the Turks, who had got possession of them from the Arabians, by tricks and treachery, whom they kept in awe by many castles built on hills and passes, and by the many captives they always kept as pledges. Sir Henry Middleton observed many of the mountainous parts to be under the dominion of the Arabians, who are very populous in all the places where he passed, and are at frequent wars with the insolent Turks, who pretended secret orders from the Grand Signior, to destroy all Christians that came ashore, lest they should go up to Mecca and Medina, to ransack and burn them.

Capt. Walter Payton, in the year 1613, found great hospitality and ingenuity in some parts of Arabia Felix, nearer the Persian gulph, especially at Doffar, a very good road for ships, and a fair city, where the Arabians presented his crew with bullocks, sheep, hens, goats, sugar-canes, plantanes and cocoes. This Cape stands in 16° 38′ of N. Lat. and is free from the Turkish yoke.

Capt. Edward Heyns anchored before Moha or Mocha, in Arabia Felix, An. Dom. 1618, the governor sent him,[479] as presents, a young bullock, two goats, mangoes, limes, cucumbers, water-melons, quinces, rack made of rice, &c. He went freely ashore, and found it a very neat, populous and flourishing town, built of brick and stone, curiously plaister’d over like Paris, two stories high with flat roofs and terrasses on the top, whereon they build summer-houses with canes and matts, wherein they sleep and receive the fresh breezes in the great heats. They excus’d the cruelty to Sir H. Middleton, laying it on the cruel governor at that time.

### Of the ways and roads between Egypt and Ethiopia.

In the month of October an embassador of Ethiopia came to Cairo, with several presents for the Grand Signior, and among others an ass that had a most delicate skin, if it was natural, for I will not vouch for that, since I did not examine it. This ass had a black list down the back, and the rest of it’s body was all begirt with white and tawny streaks, a finger broad a piece; the head of it was extraordinary long, striped and partly colour’d as the rest of the body; it’s ears like a buffle’s, were very wide at the end, and black, yellow, and white; it’s legs streaked just like the body, not long ways, but round the leg, in fashion of a garter, down to the foot, and all in so good proportion and simetry, that no lynx could be more exactly spotted, nor any skin of a tyger so pretty, this may be the Zembra. The embassador had two more such asses, which dy’d by the way, but he brought their skin with him, to be presented to the Grand Signior, with the live one. He had also several little black slaves of Nubia, and other countries, confining on Ethiopia, Civet, and other costly things for his present. These little blacks serve to look after the women in the Seraglio, after that they are gelded. The embassador was an old man, and had the end of his nose, part of the upper and under lip cut off, but was otherwise a shapely man, and of a very good presence; he was cloathed after the Coptish fashion, wearing a turban like them,[480] and spoke very good Italian, which gave me the opportunity of conversing with him; he told me his name was Michael, that he was a native of Tripoly in Syria, and that he had made three or four voyages into Christendom; that eighteen months before he had parted from Gontar, the capital city of Ethiopia, and was so long retarded by the way, because of the contrary winds he met with on the Red Sea, by which he came. That of an hundred persons whom he had brought along with him, of his own servants, and the slaves he was to present to the Grand Signior, thirty or forty were dead. If he had come by land, he had not been so long by the way; for from Gontar to Schouaquen it is about six weeks journey, and from Schouaquen to Cairo forty or fifty days by camels; but he could not take that way because of his train. He told me many things relating to the kingdom of Ethiopia, which I shall here give the reader an account of.

But first, of the ways of passing out of Egypt into Ethiopia. The Merchants setting out from Grand Cairo, are carry’d up the Nile against the stream, as far as Monfallot, and thence travelling in Caravans, first come to Siint, and so in order to the following towns: Wack three days journey; Meks two days; Scheb three; Sellim three; Moschu five; Dungala five, accounted to be the Metropolis of Nubia, then they come into the kingdom of Sennar; from Dungala they travel to Kshabi, three days journey; Korti three more; Trere three; Gerry one; Helfage one; Arbatg three; Sennar four; from Sennar in fourteen days they arrive at the confines of Habessinia, the entrance is call’d Tshelga. The passage by sea is various, for the Merchants embark in several ports on the Red Sea, as Suesso, Gidda, Alcossir, and so coast it to Suaquena and Matzua. The safest way of travelling into the kingdom of Prester John, is with some metropolitan or embassador. Some land at Baylar, a port belonging to the King of Dengala, in amity with the Habessins, but the journey thence by land is tedious, and infested by the Gallons. ’Tis but three months travel by land from Grand Cairo to Gontar, the chief city of Ethiopia.

[481]

### Of Ethiopia: By Michael of Tripoly, Embassador from the Habessine Emperor to the Grand Signior.

Ethiopia, or the country of the Abyssins, called in Arabic Abesch, from whence comes the word Abyssin, is a great empire, being above seven months travel in circuit: On the east side it is bordered by the Red Sea, and Zanguebar, on the south with Zeila, Avousa, Naria, &c. On the west by the country of the Negroes and Nubia, and on the north, with the country of Nubia and Bugia, because to come from Ethiopia into Egypt, one must cross Nubia down the Nile. About an hundred years ago, Greyu Mahomet, King of Zeila, of which the inhabitants are all Moors, invaded Ethiopia, and forced the King to save himself on a mountain, from whence he sent to demand assistance of the King of Portugal, who immediately sent it him, but hardly was he who commanded these auxiliaries enter’d the country, when he resolved to return back again, finding that they eat raw flesh there: However, his brother Don Christopher had more courage, and would not return without doing some exploit: He marched up into the country with about three hundred musqueteers, fought, vanquished, and killed the Moorish King, and then re-established the lawful King of Ethiopia: For reward of which service, the King of Ethiopia gave lands and estates to all the Portuguese that staid within his dominions, and their offspring are still in that country. The father of this present King was a Catholic, but he dying about thirty odd years ago, the Queen his wife, who was a great enemy to the Jesuits, and no Catholic, and who suffered impatiently, that they should govern, as they pleased, the late King her husband, wrought upon her son that succeeded him, to persecute all the Roman Catholics, in such a manner, that the Jesuits were obliged to make their escape, and he put to death all[482] the Capuchins whom he found. Since that time, three Capuchins more were put to death at Schouaken; for the King of Ethiopia knowing that they had a mind to come into his kingdom, sent to the Governor of Schouaken praying him to put to death those three religious Franks. The Governor of Schouaken, caused their heads to be immediately struck off, and sent them to the King of Ethiopia, who, as a reward, made him a present of three bags of gold dust, promising him as many bags of gold dust, as he should send him heads of Franks. And fifteen or sixteen years since, two others have been put to death in the province of Oinadaga, whose names were Father Fioravanti, and Father Francesco. In short, this King is a declared enemy to all Franks, whom he accuses of being heretics, and of having conspired to put the crown upon the head of one of his enemies: So that a Frank who would go into that country, must pass for an Armenian or Cophte, for the King and his people are of the Cophtish Religion. They believe but one nature in Jesus Christ. At the end of eight days they circumcise as the Jews do, and baptize a fortnight after. Before the Jesuits went thither, they baptized none before they were thirty or forty years of age. They say mass as the Cophtes do, but their church books are in the Ethiopic language. Their Patriarch depends on the Patriarch of Alexandria, and when the Patriarch of the Abyssines dies, they send deputies to Alexandria, to entreat the Patriarch to send them another, and he convocating his Clergy, chuses out the fittest among them, whom he sends, but is never any more heard of in Egypt, till he be dead.

There are four Kings that pay tribute to the King of Ethiopia, to wit, the King of Sennar, who pays his tribute in horses. Sennar is a very hot country. The King of Naria, who pays his tribute in gold. The King of Bugia, and King of Dangala. Naria is a good country, and in that country are the mines out of which they have the gold that passes on the coasts of Soffala and Guiney. These mines are not deep, as in many other countries. From that country also comes the civet. I think it will not be amiss here to[483] say somewhat of Civets, which so rare in our country, as that they deserve to be taken notice of where one can find them. They are called Civet Cats, come from Naria, (as I just now said) and are taken in snares. The Jews in Cairo keep many of them in their houses, where for buying a few drachms of civet one may see them. It is a beast almost as big as a good Dog: It hath a sharp snout, small eyes, little ears, and mustachios like a Cat: The skin of it is all spotted black and white, with some yellowish specks, and hath a long bushy tail, almost like a Fox. It is a very wild creature, and I believe the bite of it would put a body to no small pain. The Jews keep them in great square wooden cages, where they feed them with raw mutton and beef, cut into small pieces. When they would get from them that which is called civet, and is the sweat of this beast that smells so sweet, they make him go back with a stick, which they thrust in betwixt the bars of the cage, and catch hold of his tail; when they have that fast, they take hold also of his two hind legs, pulling him half out of the cage by the door, which falls down upon his back, and keeps him fast there, then another opens a certain cod of flesh that these beasts have, which is shaped like a split gyserne, and with an iron spatula scrapes all the sweat off it within. The males have that piece of flesh betwixt their stones and yard, which is like a Cat’s. The females have it betwixt their fundament and privities, and it is emptied of the sweat but twice a week, each beast yielding about a drachm at a time, by what I could discern. When that sweat, or excrement is taken out, it is of whitish grey, but by little and little, in some short space, it turns to a very brown colour. It smells very sweat at a distance, but near hand it stinks and causes a head-ach. There are as many kinds of civet sweat, as there are of Civet Cats, for it is more whitish, greyish, or yellowish, and drier in some than in others, and yet they mingle all together. After all, it is in vain to think to have pure civet, for the Jews falsify it; and if a man imagine it to be pure, because he has seen it taken from the beast, he is mistaken, for before people come to their houses, they rub the inside of that piece of flesh, with[484] a little oil, or some such stuff, that so the sweat and it together may make more weight, but when nobody is present, they take it out pure, and mingle it afterwards. To find out the truth of this, I went one day to the house of a Jew that kept Civet Cats, without giving him notice before, (for because I had bought a little of him, and promised to come again another time, he asked me as often as he saw me, what day I would come) and having desired him to get me some fresh civet, he told me, that it was not the day he used to take it out; and having returned without acquainting him before, upon one of the days when he said he was accustomed to gather it, he refused then also to do it, pretending business, which confirmed all that had been told me of that matter. In the mean time they hold these beasts very dear; for having asked that Jew, and others also, how much they would have of me for a Civet Cat, they all told me, an hundred chequins. Dangala is the capital city of Nubia, the King of Dangala is King of the Barberins, who are a kind of blacks, of the Musulman religion, that came in crowds to Cairo, to get services; they are somewhat silly, but very faithful, and serve for a small matter, for two maidins a day, or a maidin and their diet: You may make them do whatsoever you please. They wear a blew shirt, plat all their hair in tresses, and then rub it over with a certain oil, to keep their head from being lousy. At Cairo, when they have any falling out, they go before the Scheiks of their own nation, who make them friends, and if they think it convenient, adjudge them to pay a fine, with which they feast and make merry together. They are great lovers of Crocodiles flesh; and when any Frank has got one for the skin, they come and beg the flesh, which they dress with a pretty good sauce. When these blades have scraped together ten or twelve piastres, they return home again wealthy to their own country, provided they escape being robbed by the Arabs upon the way, who many times serve them so, therefore they commonly return in companies, as they came. The King of Dangala pays his tribute to the King of Ethiopia in cloth. The provinces of Ethiopia are Gouyan, (where the King keeps a Viceroy)[485] Beghandir, Dambia, Amara (which is a great province, full of mountains and good castles) Damoud Tegre, and Barnegas. Besides, there are several provinces governed by Princes, who are vassals to the King of Ethiopia. In short, the kingdom of Ethiopia comprehends twenty-four Tambours, or Vice-roys. The capital city is called Gonthar, and is in the province of Dambia. Ethiopia (as the Embassador told me) is as cold as Aleppo or Damascus, only the countries near the Red Sea, and the country of Sennar are hot. The King of Ethiopia has above an hundred wives, and keeps no Eunuchs to look after them, because they look upon it as a sin to geld a man; so that the women have the same liberty there as in Christendom. He is a King of very easy access, and the poorest have the freedom to come and speak to him when they please. He keeps all his children on a mountain, called Ouhhni, in the province of Oinadaga, which is a mountain two days journey distant from Gonthar; there is a place like a cistern on the top of the mountain, into which they are let down every night, and taken up again in the day-time, and suffered to play and walk about. When the King dies, they chuse out one of the wittiest of them, and make him King, without any regard to birthright; and when he comes to have children, he sends his brothers prisoners to some other place, and places his children at Ouhhni. The place where the Kings are buried, is called Ayesus, and is a kind of grott, where the aged are laid in one side, and the young in the other. Heretofore there was a church there of the same name, in time of the Jesuits; and in the same place there is a library. The Embassador assured me, that he had been in that library, and I fancy it is the old library of the ancient Ethiopians. Ethiopia is a good and fertile country, producing wheat, barley, &c. The greatest desarts of it are not above three or four days journey over; and nevertheless, when the King makes any progress, he lodges in tents. The houses of the great lords are like those of Cairo, that is to say, very mean, in respect of the houses of Europe, and the rest are only of mud. The country affords men of all trades, except watch-makers. They have no camels there, but mules,[486] asses, oxen, and horses. All the people of this country eat raw flesh, except the King, who has it dress’d, and drinks wine of grapes; the rest drink only wine made of millet, or sarasin wheat, but as strong as ours, and brandy made of the same grain. They are cloathed after the fashion of the Franks, and wear cloth, velvet, and other stuffs imported to them by the Red Sea. They have harquebusses from the Turks, and of those people there are not above three or four hundred who serve in the wars with harquebusses. In trading, they make no use of coined money, as the Europeans do, but their money are pieces of fifteen or twenty Pics of cloth, gold, which they give by weight, and a kind of salt, which they reduce into little square pieces like pieces of soap, and these pass for money. They cut out that salt upon the side of the Red Sea, five or six days journeys from Dangala, as you go from Cairo, and the places where they make it are called Arbo. Among them is the nation of the Gauls, whom in Ethiopic they call Chava, and are a vagabond people in Ethiopia, as the Arabs are in Egypt. These Gauls are rich in cattle, and are always at wars with the Ethiopians. They have no harquebusses, nor other fire arms, but make use of lances and targets. After all, they speak so many different languages in Ethiopia, that the Embassador said to me, If God hath made seventy-two languages, they are all spoken in Ethiopia. I asked his Excellency if he knew any thing of the source of the Nile, and this he told me, concerning it: The head of Nile is a well that springs out of the ground in a large plain, where many trees grow; this fountain is called Ouembromma, and is in a province called Ago. It makes that a very delightful place, casting up water very high in several places: And this Embassador of Ethiopia assured me, that he had been above twelve times with the King of Ethiopia to spend several days about that fountain, which is twelve days journey from Gonthar.

[487]

### More Observations of Ethiopia, by Father Lobo, Father Alvarez, Father Tellez, and others; extracted from their Portuguese voyages.

The rains begin to fall in June, and continue July, August, and part of September, which make the Nile swell and overflow in those months. Father Tellez says, the mountains of Habessimia are much higher than our Alps and Pyrenean hills; these render the country more temperate and healthful, and make that torrid climate tolerable to the European bodies: There is plenty of good springs and herbage. In the midst of the plains there rise up many steep rocks of wonderful figures and shapes, on the tops whereof are woods, meadows, fountains, fish-ponds, and other conveniences of life: The natives get up to them by ropes, and crane up their cattle: These are like so many fortresses, which defend the natives against the sudden incursions of barbarous nations on all sides.

This kingdom abounds with metals, but they neglect to work them, lest Turkish or other invasions would follow, if such baits were discovered. Their winter is from May to September, the sun then passing and repassing perpendicular over their heads. During this season, once every day it rains torrents, and thunders most violently, which are accompanied sometimes with sudden and furious hurricanes.

The Jesuits residing in the province of Zambea, observ’d both the poles, the antartic higher with his cross stars: In this tract of heaven, there is, as it were, a cloud, or blot full of little stars, as our Via Lactea.

The animals of this vast kingdom are, the Hippopotamus, or river-horse, which makes great devastation in their plantations, Crocodiles, Rhinocerots, Elephants,[488] Lyons, Tygers, Panthers, Camelopardalus, Gazels, Zembra’s, Civet Cats; great varieties of Monkeys, Apes, and Baboons; Ostriches, Cassowars, Turtles, Locusts in prodigious numbers. The ordinary trees are, the Date, Coco, Tamarind, Cassia, Oranges, Musa, or Plantane, Cotton trees, with many others peculiar to the climate and region.

In one year they will have three several crops of rice, millet, tef-seed, (their common food, ten times less than mustard seed) of wheat, and other European grain, yet the locusts often devour all, and bring on famines.

They make a drink of honey, burnt rice, water, and a wood call’d Sardo. They have no mills, but grind all their grain with the hand.

Great caravans pass up and down the country, to and from the sea ports, with merchandise. In many places the towns and villages are extremely thick, and very populous.

Snow sometimes lies on the high mountains of Ethiopia, especially those called Semain and Sallent, or the Jews hills. This part of Afric called Habessinia, is much the highest of that quarter of the world, the great rivers running east, north, and west, as Hawas, Hanazo, the Nile, Niger or Gambia, the Zaire, &c. taking their rise in it.

Ludolfus in his late learned Commentaries on his Ethiopic History, figures several animals proper to these African regions; as, 1. Tygris orbiculis minutis variegata. 2. Tigris maculis virgatis. 3. Pardus maculis seu scutulis varius.

The Habessine ports towards the Red Sea are very ill guarded, therefore the Turks are in possession of Arkiko and Matzua. The Habessines are not addicted to navigation, they trade only with the Arabians, and carry their goods to Suoquena, Arkiko, and Matzua: The Arminians often get entrance into the country, where they are very well received.

The Arabians come in their barks cross the Red Sea, from Mocha, Aden, Ziden, Cameron, and other ports. Few of the Habessines pass over into Arabia, and when they do, they dissemble their religion, and disguise themselves in the habits of Musulmans. This comes from[489] Hubert Klock, in his letters to the Dutch East India Company. Anno 1685.

Father Hyeronymo Lobo observ’d the Red Sea to be navigable only in the middle, in which are some small islands and rocks above water, of little danger in clear weather: The two shoars of Arabia and Ethiopia are of very bad passage, full of shoals, rocks, and corals. The entrance of this sea is the clearest and deepest on the side of Arabia, and is the ordinary passage for ships of burthen, the other part of the mouth towards Ethiopia, is full of flats and shoals, so that none ventures through but little vessels: The pearl-fishing is near the island of Daleca. On several parts of this sea we observed abundance of reddish spots made by a weed resembling Cargaco (or Sargosso) rooted in the bottom, and floating in some places. Upon strict examination it proved to be that which we found the Ethiopians call Sufo, us’d up and down for dying their stuffs and cloths of a red colour, (perhaps this may be one of the Rocoella’s in Imperati, a fucus or Alga tinctoria.)

FINIS.

## FOOTNOTES

[1] I guess them rather to have been Cormorants; no Eagles having long Necks.

[2] Rauwolff was here too credulous and facil to suffer himself to be abused and imposed upon by these relaters; for that there neither are, nor ever were any animals with more heads than one naturally, I do confidently affirm.

[3] Too soon, for that there are no such creatures in the world as either Unicorn or Griffin, I am as sure as I can be of a Negative. Nay, Dr. Brown hath well demonstrated, that there cannot be such a creature as the common pictures of him represent the Unicorn. I cannot again but wonder at the credulity of so curious and inquisitive a man as Rauwolff, in believing the idle stories of such a vain and lying fellow.

[4] Though Jerusalem might be situate in the highest part of Judæa, yet are not the following places of the Scripture a sufficient proof of it. For because it was the capital, and supreme town, in regard of greatness, multitude of people, strength, jurisdiction, and other privileges, though it’s site was not higher than that of other towns, yet might people well enough be said to go up thither, it being highest in respect of dignity, though not of place. So we make no scruple to say in common speech, that whosoever travels up to London, goes up thither; and whosoever travels from thence, goes down into the country, let his habitation be never so much higher situate than London. Yet was Jerusalem situate on a hill, which is enough to verify all those expressions, though that hill were not the highest in Judæa.

[5] James the Son of Alpheus, one of the Apostles, was usually called James the Less; but it was not he that was elected first bishop of Jerusalem, but James the Just, who was called the Lord’s brother, and was none of the Apostles.

[6] Κατὰ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἡμῖν πόλιν. So the Emperor Constantine in a letter to Eusebius, de Vita Constantini, lib. 4. cap. 39. & apud Theodoritum Histor. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16. v. etiam Socrat. Scholast. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16.

[7] V. Socratem ibidem. Et Theophanem in Chronographia XXV. anno Constantini.

[8] The Italian word Rione is a manifest corruption of the Latin word.

[9] In Panegyrico, quem Romæ dixit Anthenio Augusto, his consuli.

[10] Hæresi lxix quæ est Arianorum. Sect. 2. where he says a sad dismal fire was kindled by Arius: πῦρ οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ὃ κατείληφε παρὰ τὴν Ῥωμανίαν σχεδὸν, μάλιστα τῆς ἀνατολῆς τὰ μέρη, which seized almost upon all Romania, or Universum Romanorum Imperium, as Petavius renders it, but especially the eastern parts of it.

[11] Pag. 144, 152, 155.

[12] Pag. 139.

[13] Vid. Gillium de Bosp. Thracii, l. III c. 12. &c.

[14] Pag. 169. Num. 3.

[15] Pag. 121.

[16] Vid. Historiam Politicam Constantinopoleos apud Crusium in Turco-Græcia, pag. 9.

[17] This was an old error: for thus writes Dionysius Byzantinus in his little book of the Bosphorus, Τοῦ ῥεύματος τὸ μὲν πλεῖον κατιόντος ἐστὶ δὲ ὅτε κατ’ ἐπικράτειαν ἀναστρέφοντος·

[18] Les voyages de Seign. Villamont.

[19] Sands’s Travels.

[20] The air of Egypt is confessed by the ancients to be often full of vapours; which appears both by the great dews that happened after the deluge of Nilus for several months; as also in that I have discovered at Alexandria, in the winter time, several obscure stars in the constellation of Ursa major, not visible in England; the which could not be discerned there, were there not a greater refraction at that time than with us, and consequently a greater condensation of the medium or air, as the optics demonstrate.

[21] These proportions of the chamber, and those which follow of the length and breadth of the hollow part of the tomb, were taken by me with as much exactness as it was possible to do; which I did so much the more diligently, as judging this to be the fittest place for the fixing of measures for posterity. A thing which hath been much desired by learned men, but the manner how it might be exactly done, hath been thought of by none. I am of opinion, that as this Pyramid hath stood three thousand years almost, and is in no whit decayed within, so it may continue many thousand years longer: And therefore that after-times measuring these places by me assigned, may hereby not only find out the just dimensions of the English foot, but also the feet of several nations in these times, which in my travels abroad I have taken from the originals, and have compared them at home with the English standard. Had some of the ancient Mathematicians thought of this way, these times would not have been so much perplexed, in discovering the measures of the Hebrews, Babylonians, Egyptians, Greeks, and other nations. Such parts as the English foot contains a thousand, the Roman foot on Cossutia’s monument (commonly called by writers Pes Colotianus) contains nine hundred sixty seven. The Paris foot a thousand sixty eight. The Spanish foot nine hundred and twenty. The Venetian foot one thousand and sixty two. The Rhinland foot, or that of Snellius, one thousand and thirty three. The Bracio at Florence one thousand nine hundred and thirteen. The Bracio at Naples two thousand one hundred. The Deran at Cairo one thousand eight hundred and twenty four. The greater Turkish Dike at Constantinople, two thousand two hundred.

[22] As appears by a fair and ancient monument brought from Smyrna to my very worthy friend Mr Rolt, which stands in his Park at Woolwich.

[23] Plin. lib. 36. cap. 7.

[24] Which may also be confirmed by Bellonius’s observations, who describing the rock out of which, upon Moses’s striking it, there gushed out waters, makes it to be such a speckled kind of Thebaic marble: Est une grosse pierre massive droicte de mesme grain & de la couleur qu’est la pierre Thebaique.

[25] The compass of the Scapus of this column at Alexandria near the Tarus is 24 English feet: The compass of the Scapus of those at Rome is fifteen English feet, and three inches. By these proportions, and by those rules which are expressed in Vitruvius, and in other books of Architecture, the ingenious reader may compute the true dimensions of those before the Pantheon, and of this at Alexandria, being in my calculation the most magnificent column that ever was made of one entire stone.

[26] Six feet ⁴⁸⁸⁄₁₀₀₀.

[27] Two feet ²¹⁸⁄₁₀₀₀. In the reiteration of these numbers, if any shall be offended either with the novelty or tediousness of expressing them so often. I must justify my self by the example of Ulug. Beg. nephew to Timurlane the great (for so is his name, and not Tamerlane) an Emperor of the Moguls or Tartars, (whom we term amiss the Tartars) for I find in his astronomical tables (the most accurate of any in the east) made about 200 years since, the same course observed by him, when he writes of the Grecian, Arabian, Persian, and Gelalean Epocha’s, as also of those of Catæa and Turkistan. He expresseth the numbers at large, as I have done, then in figures such as we call Arabian, because we first learned these from them; but the Arabians themselves fetch them higher, acknowledging that they received this useful invention from the Indians, and therefore from their authors they name them Indian figures. Lastly, He renders them again in particular tables. Which manner I judge worthy the imitation, in all such numbers as are radical, and of more than ordinary use: For if they be only twice expressed, if any difference shall happen by the neglect of Scribes, or Printers, it may often so fall out, that we shall not know which to make choice of, whereas if they be thrice expressed, it will be a rare chance, but that two of them will agree; which two we may generally presume to be the truth.

[28] Sands in his Travels writes That they are seen to rise on Good Friday. A Frenchman at Grand Cairo, who had been present at the resurrection shewed me an arm which he brought from thence; the flesh shriveled and dryed like that of the Mummies. He observed the miracle to have been always behind him: once casually looking back, he discovered some Bones, carried privately by an Egyptian under his Vest, whereby he understood the Mystery.

[29] An argument intended by me and for which I made a collection of several Antiquities, in my Travels abroad, but these (and I wish only these) have unfortunately perished at home amidst the sad distractions of the time.

## Stirpium Orientalium.
RARIORUM
CATALOGI TRES.

[1]

### Stirpium Orientalium rariorum Catalogus, præsertim Græciæ, & Syriæ, provinciis nascentium.

#### A.

Abrotanum fœmina verum Dioscoridis Zanoni v. Heliochrysum Abrotani fœminæ facie.

Acaciæ foliis frutex Mesapotamicus Col. Annot. in Res medicas Novæ Hisp. Recchi. Acaciæ similis Mesopotamica, minutissimis foliis, siliqua integra contorta, crassa & obtusa, seu siliquæ Nabathæa Breyn. prod. 2. Juxta Tigridem fluvium in Mesopotamia, & Euphratem in Arabia deserta.

Ageratum Persicum Breyn. Prod. 2.

Alhagi Maurorum Rauwolf. Genista spartium spinosum foliis Polygoni C. B. Spinosum Syriacum Park. Agul & Alhagi Arabibus, planta spinoso Mannam resipiens J. B. Manna in hac arbuscula invenitur Tereniabin aut Trungibin Arabibus dicta. In Persia & circa Halepum. Rauw. p. 84. 152. 206.

Alcea Indica parvo flore C. B. Ægyptia Clus. Ægyptiaca Ger. emac. Bamia J. B. Bamia seu Alcea Ægyptia Park. parad. Trionum Theophrasti Rauwolf. Lugd. app. Non in Ægypto tantum sed etiam in Syria invenitur. Rauwolf, p. 167.

Alcea arborescens Syriaca C. B. Althæa arborescens glabra, Ketmia dicta J. B. Althæa frutex 2 Clus. Frutex flore albo vel purpureo Park. Rauwolf. p. 54. Circa Tripolin Syriæ observavit.

Androsæmum Constantinopolitanum fore maximo Wheeler. Flore & theca quinque capsulari omnium maximis Maris. Hist. p. 473. Non est hoc Ascyron magno flore C. B. prod. Notæ enim non conveniunt. Circa Constantinopolin, eundo inde ad Pontum Euxinum, secus vias, & alibi copiosè.

[2]

Anemone maxima Chalcedonica Park. Latifolia maxima versicolor C. B. Maxima Chalcedonica polyanthos Ger. Latifolia pleno flore 1 Clus.

Anetho similis planta semine lato laciniato J. B. Gingidium folio Fœniculi C. B. Verum, sive Syriacum Park. Dioscoridis Rauwolf. Lugd. app. In monte Libano, locis præruptis, p. 234.

Anonis lutea annua siliqua glabra breviore Moris. Hist. Halepo transmisit D. Rob. Huntington.

Apocynum folio subrotundo C. B. Folio rotundo, flore ex albo pallescente J. B. Latifolium non repens Park. Periploca latifolia Ger. Syriæ & calidiorum regionum incola esse dicitur.

Apocynum repens & scandens Rauwolf. Monte Libano observavit Autor Itin. p. 233. Arbores tegit ut Ephedra.

Arbutus (Κόμαρος) Dioscoridis vera Wheeleri. Folio non serrato C. B. Adrachne Park. Adrach. Theophrasti J. B. Ἀδράκλα Græcis modernis, Bellonius multis locis in sua peregrinatione observavit. D. Wheelerus in Achaia prope montem Pentelicum.

Arisarum angustifolium Wheeleri itiner. p. 309. Caule folioso pingitur. Propè Panthæam inter Amphissam & Naupactum.

Aristolochia Maurorum C. B. Peregrina Rauwolfii Clus. Rhasut & Rumigi à Mauris nominata Rauwolf. Lugd. app. Aristolochiis similis Rhasut & Rumigi Maurorum J. B.

Aristolochia clematitis Attica, foliis in summo bifidis seu crenatis Wheeleri. Θερώκαλο Græcis. In monte Hymetto.

Arum auriculis longis, Ovidne dictum, Chalepense Rauwolf. p. 104.

Aster luteus angustifolius Park. J. B. Luteus Linariæ rigido glabro folio C. B. 6 Clusii Ger. In monte Olympo Asiæ. Wheel.

Astragalus Syriacus hirsutus C. B. Syriacus Lob. Ger. Park. J. B. Astrag. Dioscoridis, vulgò Christiana radix Rauwolf. Lugd. app. p. 105. D. Wheelerus Itin. p. 435. Astragalum quendam describit & depingit, quem in Græcia propè Megaram invenit, & argenteum vocat. Qu. An Syriacus sit?

Atractylis Cypria Ang. Lugd. Purpurea C. B. Purpurea Cypria Park.

[3]

Atractylis vera Antiquarum, cujus caulibus profusis utuntur mulieres Græcæ D. Covel. An Atractylidi & Cnico sylvestri similis C. B. Calochierny carduus Cretensibus J. B. In Thracia prope Constantinopolin. V. Hist. nost. p. 304.

Avellana Byzantina J. B. Pumila Byzantina Clus. Ger. emac. Peregrina humilis C. B. Nux Avellana Macedonica seu Byzantina Park.

Azadirachta foliis ramosis majoribus Syriaca, seu vulgaris flore majore cœruleo Breyn. Azedareth arbor, Fraxini folio, flore cœruleo C. B. Azadaracheni arbor J. B. Azadarach. Avicennæ Park. Zizipha alba Ger. Fructus hujus arboris venenatus est, & canes interficit. Rauwolf. p. 51. In Syriâ & Palestinâ.

#### B.

Baccharis Dioscoridis Rauwolfio Park. Gnaphalio montano affinis Ægyptiaca C. B. Rauwolfius in Syria observavit, & Monte Libano, Itin. p. 233.

Balsamum verum J. B. Genuinum Antiquorum Park. Rutæ folio, Syriacum C. B. Balsamum Alpini Ger. emac. Bellonius & Alpinus Arabiam Fælicem Balsami locum patrium semper fuisse, nunquam Judæam aut Ægyptum, comtendunt.

Behmen abiad, i. e. Ben album Rauwolffii Park. Serratulæ affinis capitulo squamoso luteo, ut & flore C. B. Ad pedem montis Libani humido & umbroso loco, p. 235.

Bellis Chalepensis præcox Kusan & Surugen dicta Rauwolf. p. 109.

Borago variegata Cretica Wheel. Muralis variegata flore odorato Cretica Zanoni. In monte Hymotto Atticæ. Folia maculis albis variegata sunt: flores (qui candidi) maculis & striis purpureis cæruleisve.

#### C.

Calamus aromaticus Syriacus vel Arabicus supposititius Park. Syriacus C. B. prod. A Paludano ex Ægypto reduce habuid C. Bauhinus.

Camarronum Rhaûs Rauwolf. v. Tithymalus.

Capparis arborescens fructu Juglandis magnitudine C. B. Arabica non spinosa Park. Cappares arborescentes J. B. In Arabia observavit Bellonius, Obs. l. 2. c. 20.

[4]

Castanea equina Ger. Park. Equina folio multifido J. B. Folio multifido C. B. Constantinopoli & in Creta nasci fertur: certè Constantinopoli ad nos transmissa est.

Catanance Dioscoridis Rauwolf. est plantago quinque nervia cum globulis albis pilosis J. B. Consule Breynii Prod. 2. in Plantago.

Caucalis Syriaca cum maximo semine J. B. Gingidium latifolium Ger. Latifolium Syriacum Park. Foliis Pastinacæ latifoliæ C. B. Semen ex Syria allatum J. Bauhino Rauwolfius communicavit.

Cedrus magna conifera Libani Park. Magna sive Libani, conifera J. B. Conifera folio Laricis C. B. In monte Libani, ubi sponte oritur, 24 tantum arbores supputavit Rauwolffius, nec plures Melchior Lussy, ast Bellonius, qui non multo antea peregrinatus est, circiter 28, qui & in Amano & Tauro montibus se Cedros observasse scribit; ut Libano propriæ & peculiares non sint. V. Rauwolf. p. 229.

Cedrus Lycia retusa dicta & nonullis Cedrus Phœnicia, Galliæ etiam & Germaniæ communis est. V. Cat. general.

Charnubi Arab. i. e. Siliqua, p. 21. V. Synonyma in Cat. gen.

Chomæleon niger Dioscorides Rauwolf. p. 51. 233.

Chondrilla altera Dioscoridis Rauwolf. p. 106. Clus. Conyza marina Lugd. C. B. J. B. At nostro judicio descriptio Rauwolfii illi non convenit.

Chondrillæ alterius aliud genus Rauwolf. aliud genus Dioscoridis Lugd. Bulbosa, Conyza facie major, foliis latioribus C. B. Bulbosa altera latiore folio Park. Qui præcedentem bulbosam Syriacam angustifoliam vocat. Utramque invenit Rauwolfius circa Halepum Syriæ, alteram in arvis, alteram in locis saxosis, p. 106.

Chrysocome vera. Dioscoridis Zanoni, Helichrysum Persicum nonnullis.

Chrysocome Syriaca candidissimis floribus Breyn. cent. In saxosis Libani montis Rauwolf. herbar. sicc. Gnaphalium Rauwolf. p. 232.

Chrysogonum Dioscoridis, Rauwolf. Lugd. app. Quibusdam J. B. Ponæ Ital. Leontopetalo affinis foliis quernis C. B. In Syria segetes Rauwolf. p. 108.

[5]

Cistus folliis maurinis. In Olympo Asiæ monte observavit Wheelerus 4. Invenitur prope Monspelium & in Hispania. V. Cat. Gen.

Clinopodium Dioscoridis Rauwolf. 52.

Cneorum Matth. In Hymetto Atticæ Monte invenit Wheelerus.

Colchicum Fritillaricum Chiense Park. Variegatum Cornut.

Convolvulus Hederæ foliis Rauwolf. Itin. p. 113. Cæruleus Hederaceo anguloso folio C. B. Trifolius s. hederaceus pupureus Park. Cæruleus Ger. Nil Arabum quibusdam s. Convolvulus cæruleus J. B. Halepi in hortis.

Convolvulus purpureus folio subrotundo C. B. Cæruleus major rotundifolius Park. parad. Cæruleus folio subrotundo Ger. emac. Campanula Indica J. B. Ex Syria & Orientalibus delatum aiunt.

Convolvulus Sagittariæ foliis flore amplo purpureo Wheeleri. Zacynthi ad puteos bituminosos.

Convolvulus Marinus Soldanellæ affinis J. B. Soldanella maritima major Park. Soldanella vel Brassica maritima major C. B. Brassicæ maritimæ genus Rauwolf. p. 47. Lugd. app. In Syria circa Tripolin. Folia in summo bifida sunt seu crenata.

Convolvulus Arabicus seu Ægyptius Alpin. exot. 186. Park. Hujus semen ex Ægypto accepit Pr. Alpinus Convolvuli Arabici nomine.

Conyza Syriæ quibusdam J. B. Minor Rauwolfii. Park. Major altera C. B. Circa Tripolin Syriæ observavit Dasylycus. Conyza Dioscoridis Rauwolf. p. 48.

Conchorus Plinii C. B. Conchorus sive Melochia J. B. In hortis Halepi Rauwolf. p. 67. v. Cat. Ægypt.

Coris foliis crispis montis Olympi Asiæ Wheeler p. 220. An Hypericum foliis parvis crispis seu simulatis Siculum Hist. nost. p. 1018.

Coris legitima Clus. Hypericoides quorundam J. B. In Hymetto Atticæ monte Wheeler. v. Cat. Cret.

[6]

Corona Imperialis Ger. Park. Cor Imper. sive Tusai aliis J. B. Lilium sive Corona Imperialis C. B. Hujus bulbos ex Persia primò Constantinopolin delatos sibi persuadet Clusius, quoniam cum eos primùm accipiebat, inter reliquas hæc fuit Inscriptio, Tusai fior Persiano rosso o discolorito con la Testa abasso. h. e. Tusai flos Persicus ruber aut decolor nutante Capite.

Cyanus floridus odoratus Turcicus major & minor Park. Variat floris colore albo.

Cyanus floridus odoratus Turcicus latifoliis laciniatus Hort. Paris.

Cyanus Orientalis alter seu Constantinopolitanus flo. fistuloso candicante Hort. Reg. Par.

Cyclamen Antiochenum autumnale flore purpureo duplici Park.

Cyclamen Autumnale, folio subrotundo locido molliore & crenato suave-rubente flore, Syriacum Hort. Reg. Par.

Cyclamen hyemale, orbiculatis foliis, inferius rubentibus purpurascente flore. Coum Herbariorum Ejusdem.

Cycl. hyeme & vere florens, folio anguloso, amplo flore albo, basi purpurea, Persicum dictum Ejusdem.

Cycl. Autumnale, orbiculato, circumroso folio, subtus rubente, odoratissimo flore Ejusdem.

Cyperus rotundus odoratus Syriacus major Park. Orientalis major vel Babylonius Rauwolf. Rotundus orientalis major C. B. Rotundus Syriacus Ger. emac. Syriaca & Cretica rotundior J. B. In Babylonia circa urbem Bagadet muscosis humidis copiosè Rauwolf. In Ægypto, locis paludosis Alpin.

Cyperus rotundus Orientalis minor C. B. Rotundus odoratus Syriacus minor Park. Minor Creticus Ger. emac. In Syriæ montosis udis. Reperitur etiam in Italia.

Cytisus folio argenteo montis Olympi Wheeler.

[7]

#### D.

Daucus Tertius Dioscoridis Rauwolf. p. 105. Folio Coriandri, flore luteo J. B. v. Cat. Cret. Halepi in colle quodam juxta fluvium observavit Rauwolfius. Radices Zarneb Melchi Turces dicuntur.

Dictamnus Origani foliis Montis Stipuli Flo. Bat. fl. Origanum spicatum montis Sipyli foliis glabris Hist. nost. In monte Sipylo copiosè Wheeler itin.

Draba Chalepensis repens humilior, foliis minus cinereis & quasi viridibus Moris. Hist. D. Huntingdon. Hujus semen circa Chalepum collectum misit.

#### E.

Ephedra v. Poligonum.

Eruca Chalepensis, caulibus & Siliquis hirsutis, foliis inferioribus maculatis Moris. hist. Chalepo semen à D. Huntingdon transmissum est.

Eruca Chalepensis, flore dilutè violaceo, siliquis articulatis Moris. hist. Hæc etiam ab eodem missa, & ejusdem loci est.

Eryngium stellatum capitulis cæruleis Rauwolf. Halepi inter segetes observavit Autor p. 107.

#### F.

Ficus Cipria J. B. Rauwolf. Sycomorus altera seu Ficus Cypria Park. Ficus folio Sycomori, fructum non in caudice gerens C. B. Circa Tripolin p. 50.

Fustick Wood, Chrysoxylon Wheeleri. In rupibus Peloponesiacis.

#### G.

Garab. s. Garb. v. Salix.

Genista spinosa floribus rubris Wheeler. In Insula Teno.

Genista-spartium spinosum foliis Poligoni C. B. v. Al-hagi.

Gingidium folio fœniculi C. B. v. Anetho similis, &c.

Glans unguentaria C. B. Nux Ben sive Glans unguentaria Park. Nux unguentaria J. B. Balanus myrepsica Ger. In Arabia prope Pharagou in itinera à Cayro ad montem Sinai Bellon.

[8]

Gnaphalio affinis Ægyptiaca C. B. Baccharis Rauwolfii Lugd. app. Clus. Hist. Dioscoridis Rauwolfio J. B. Gnaphalium foliis Auriculæ subrotundis, flore duplici niveo in Monte Libano observavit Rauwolf. p. 232. v. Chrysocome.

#### H.

Habhel Assis Tripolitanis, sive Granum Altzelem Arabum Rauwolfii p. 55. i. e. Trasi veronensium Lob.

Hacub seu Silybum quibusdam J. B. Circa Halepum locis asperis. p. 66, 67.

Harmala v. Ruta Syriaca.

Helichrysum Abrotani fœminæ foliis Boccon. Abrotanum fœmina verum Dioscoridis Zanoni. Ex semine Perside allato in horto M. Ducis Etruriæ succrevit.

Helichryson Orientale C. B. Heliochrysum Orientale, sive Amarantus luteus Park. parad. Stœchas citrina floris & magnitudine & colore speciosa J. B. An Chrysocome vera Dioscoridis Zanoni? Helychryson Orientale à Cretica specie diversum nobis esse videtur.

Hesperis Syriaca J. B. Syriaca Camerarii Park. Peregrina siliquis articulatis C. B. Leucoium Melancholicum quibusdam. In Syriæ montanis oritur teste Clusio.

Hieracium echioides, capitulis Cardui benedicti majus, Arabicum, folio sinuato Hort. Edinburg.

Horminum sativum genuinum Dioscoridis Park. Sativum C. B. Sylv. foliis purpureis Ger. Comâ purpuro violacea J. B. In Insula Lesena & universa Græcia.

Horminum Syriacum C. B. prod. Park. Gallitrichum exoticum flore magno albo J. B. Bisermas Camerarii Aman quibusdam. Paludanus è Syria redux hujus semen attulit.

Horminum Syriacum tomentosum foliis Coronopi sive profundè laciniatis Breyn. prod. 2. rarum foliis laciniatis Rauwolf. p. 107.

Hyacinthus comosus Byzantinus Clus. Ger. Park. Comosus albus Byzantinus C. B. Comosus Byzantinus candicans cum staminulis purpureis J. B.

[9]

Hyacinthus racemosus moschatus C. B. Botroides major moschatus, sive Muscari flore cinericeo Park. Odoratissimus dictus Tibcadi & Muscari. J. B. Muscari obsoletiore flore Clus. Muscari Clussii Ger. E vicinis Constantinopoli hortis, ultra Bosphorum in Asia sitis primùm Europæ communicata est Clus.

Hyacinthus Orientalis, quibusdam Constantinopolitanus J. B. Orientalis C. B. cujus duodecim aut tredecim, recenset species: plures Parkinsonus. Alii enim latifolii sunt, alii angustifolii. Horum alii floribus purpureis sunt, alii albis vel exalbidis. Utriusque generis alii polyanthes sunt floribus vel in unum latus propendentibus, vel in omnem partem æqualiter sparsis; alii pauciores producunt flores. Circa Halepum copiosiss. Rauwolf. p. 109.

Hyacinthus stellatus Byzantinus J. B. Stell. Byzantin. nigrâ radice Park. St. Byz. nig. rad. flore cæruleo Ger. Stellaris obsoletè cæruleus vel major C. B.

Hyacinthus Stellatus Byzantinus major flore Boraginis Ger. St. Byz. alter s. flore Boraginis Park. St. Byz. alter elegantissimus serotinus bullatus J. B. Stellaris cæruleus amœnus C. B.

Hyacinthus eriophorus Park. parad. Bulbus eriophorus Clus. Ger. Eriophorus Orientalis C. B. Constantinopoli sæpius missus est Clus.

Hyacinthus Tripolitanus J. B. Exoticus flore Phalangii C. B. Florebat Aprili Hepali, ubi observavit Rauwolfius. Hyacinthus Halepi Ayr dictus Rauwolfii p. 109.

Hyoscyamus Ægyptius cauliculis spinosissimis Moris. hist. Ægyptius, cauliculis spinosis C. B. Peculiaris flore purpurascente J. B. Et Hyoscyamus Syriacus ejusdem & Cam. Ex femine Halepo à D. Huntingdon misso Morisono ortus est. Eundem observavit etiam Rauwolfius in arvis circa Halepum. p. 111.

Hypericon montis Olympi Wheeler. An Ascyron magno flore C. B.? In Olympo Asiæ monte.

Hypericum Syriacum Ger. Syriacum & Alexandrinum J. B. Folio breviore C. B.

[10]

#### I.

Jacea Babylonica C. B. prod. Park. Hujus Folium C. Bauhinus ex horto Contareni habuit.

Jacea maxima Alpin. exot. Ex seminibus Hierosolymâ delatis enata est.

Jaccam laciniatam capitulis luteis & jaceam capitulis purpurascentibus Monte Libano observavit Rauwolf. p. 231, 232. Vide Catalogum generalem.

Jasminum sive Sambac Arabum Alpino J. B. Sambac Arabicum s. Gelseminum Arabicum Alpin. Ægypt. Syringa Arabica foliis Mali Aurantii C. B.

Jasminum Persicum v. Syringa.

Iris bulbosa Persica Park. parad. Persica variegata præcox Ferrar. Flor.

Iris Chalcedonica Ger. Chalcedonica s. Susiana major Park. Susiana flore maximo ex albo nigricante C. B. Latifolia major Susiana vel Chalcedonica, flore majore variegato Clusia J. B. Constantinopoli delata est.

Iris Asiatica cærulea Polyanthos C. B. Asiatica cærulea omnium amplissima, Dalmaticæ affinis J. B. Constantinopoli accepit Clusius.

Iris Byzantina purpuro cærulea C. B. Major latifolia Byzantina, Dalmaticæ minori similis J. B. Major Latifolia 18. Clus.

Iris Asiatica purpurea C. B. Asiat. purp. major. latifolia J. B. Major latif. 5. sive Asiatica purp. Clus.

Iris Damascena polyanthos C. B. Major latifolia 4. s. Damascena Clus. Major latif. sive Damascena cærulea J. B.

Iris Tripolitana Clus. Tripolitana foliis longissimis, flore aureo J. B. Media longissimis foliis lutea C. B.

Iris tuberosa C. B. Ger. Park. Tuberosa Belgarum J. B. Ex Arabia & regionibus Orientalibus.

#### K.

Kali Arabum primum genus Rauwolf. Lugd. app. C. B. Juxta Tripolin copiosissimum observavit Rauwolfius p. 33.

[11]

Kali Arabum secundum genus Rauwolf. Lugd. app. Kali geniculatum alteram vel minus C. B. Cali Arabum aliud J. B. Circa Tripolin Syriæ Rauwolf. ibid.

Kismesen vel Kesmesen Bellonio. Acacalis quorundam s. Kesmesen foliis Ceratiæ J. B. Siliquæ Sylvestri similis, an Dioscoridis Acacalis C. B. Semen hujus Cayrinæ & Kismesen nomine à Paludano ex Syria reduce accepit C. Bauhinus.

#### L.

Lamium moschatum, foliorum marginibus argentatis Wheeler. Circa Panthæum inter Amphissam & Naupactum in Græcia.

Lapathum Chalepense folio acuto, seminum involucris profundè dentatis Moris. hist.

Laserpitium Alpin. exot. Bod. à Stapel. Comm. in Theophr. hist. lib. 6. p. 588. Ex seminibus à Thracia delatis ortum est.

Lathyrus ἀμφίκαρπος s. supra infraque terram siliquas gerens Moris. hist. An Araco similis planta ex Hispania missa Bod. à Stapel. In Asia Syriaque provenit Semina ab urbe Chalepo à D. Roberto Huntingdon ad Morisonum transmissa fuere.

Laurocerasus Clus. Ger. J. B. Cerasus folio Laurino C. B. Cerasus Trapezuntina s. Lauro-cerasus Park. A Trapezunte primo in Constantinopolin illata dicitur, inde in Europam.

Leontopetalon Ger. Park. C. B. quorundam J. B. Assab Syrorum. Circa Halepum Rauwolfius reperit. D. Wheelerus per totam planitiem Atticam inter Athenas & Hymettum Rauw. p. 108.

Lepidium Dioscoridis Zanoni, Planta Persica. Maximum Chalepense, primis foliis minoribus & serratis; secundis majoribus & profundè sinuatis, spissis incanis Moris. hist.

Leucoium Alyssoides clypeatum majus C. B. Alysson Dioscorides. Ad Conrongeli pagum in Bythinia Wheeler. Monte Libano Rauwolf. p. 231.

Libanotis latifolia Aquilegiæ folio C. B. Park. J. B. Ligusticum Rauwolfii foliis Aquilegiæ J. B.

[12]

Lilium album Syriacum Rauwolfii J. B. Album Byzantinium Clus. Park. Ger. Album floribus dependentibus seu peregrinum C. B. Sultan Zambach & Martagon Constantinopolitanum flore albo Clus. hist. Halepi locis aquosis.

Lilium Byzantinum miniatum C. B. Flore miniato nutante, sive Hemerocallis Chalcedonica quibusdam J. B. Lil. rubrum Byzantinum s. Martagon Constantinopolitanum Park.

Lilium Susianum Clus. Persicum Ger. Park. C. B. Persicum sive Susianum J. B. Susianum dictum est, quod Susis Persiæ urbe delatum fuerit.

Linaria annua Chalepensis, minor, erecta, flore albo, lineis violaceis notato, calyci ex quinis foliis constanti insidente Moris. hist. A D. R. Huntingdon semen accepit.

Linariæ purpurascentis ducas species Monte Libano observavit Rauwolf. p. 232.

Lupinus peregrinus pentaphyllos C. B. Arabicus, sive Pentaphyllum peregrinum Ponæ Ital. Pentaphyllum peregrinum Siliquosum bivalve minus Moris. hist. Ex semine Chalepo Syriæ urbe transmisso Morisono enata est.

Lychnidis Chalcedonicæ umbellâ Phlomos Lychnitis altera Syriaca Lob. Phlomos Lychnitis Syriaca Ger. Verbascum acuto Salviæ folio C. B. Foliis Salviæ enuifoliæ Syriacum Park. Verb. Lychn. Syriacum incanum summitate floris Hierosolymitanæ J. B.

Lychnis Chalcedonica Ger. Park. Hirsuta flore coccineo major C. B. Flos Constantinopolitanus miniatus, albus & varius J. B.

Lychnis flore punctato Wheeleri. In Insula Zazyntho.

Lychnis Sylvestris hirsuta annua, flore minore carneo Moris. hist. Semina à D. Huntington Chalepo transmissa sunt.

Lychnis Chalepensis annua, foliis parum hirtis & angustis, flosculis carneis, pediculis biuncialibus insistentibus, capsalis fere rotundis Moris. hist.

Lycium Dioscoridis Rauwolf. Buxi foliis angustioribus Syriacum Breyn. Prod. 2. Hadhad Arabibus & Zaroa incolis montis Libani p. 233.

[13]

Lycium Buxi foliis rotundioribus Syriacum vel Persicum Breyn. prod. 2. quem consule.

Lycopsis Dioscoridis Rauwolf. Lugd. app. Lycopsis Ægyptiaca C. B. p. 109. Circa Halepum in arvis.

#### M.

Majorana Syriaca vel Cretica C. B. Marum Syriacum Ad. Lob. Ger. Syriacum vel Creticum Park.

Malva hortensis seu rosea folio subrotundo caulescens, flore simplici minore luteo-pallido Chalepensis Moris. hist.

Marrubium villosum Syriacum seu montis Libani Breyn. prod. 2.

Medica trifolia soliis dissectis Rauwolf. p. 107.

Medica siliquis compressis viridibus longitudine & latitudine Siliquarum Senæ Rauwolf. ibid.

Medium Dioscoridis Rauwolfii J. B. Viola Mariana laciniatis folios peregrina C. B. Mariana peregrina Park. v. viola.

Megasac Arabum, i. e. Poterium Matth. Raw. 106.

Melantzana vel Melongena v. Solanum pomiferum.

Melilotus curvis siliquis biuncialibus Syriaca s. Chalepensis major Moris. hist. D. Huntington misit.

Melilotus Syriaca Park. Syriaca odora Ger. Melilotus corniculis reflexis major C. B. Non Syriaca tantùm est, sed & Italica, verum in Syriaca siliqua videtur magis curva falcatave Lob. Melilotus siliculis pendentibus longis, curvis ex eodem centro ortis Germanica seu Italica Syriacáve recta Moris. hist. D. Huntington semen ex Halepo transmisit.

Melilotus lutea minor, floribus & siliculis majoribus, spicatim & rarò dispositis, foliis angustioribus, maculis sub exortum notatis Moris. hist. Hanc etiam speciem semine à D. Huntington accepto debemus.

Melilotus minima Syriaca. Nephel sive Naphal Iben baithar & Malasesæ Breyn. prod. 2.

Melissa Turcica Ger. Turcica multis dicta J. B. Turcica flore cæruleo & albo Park. Peregrina folio oblongo C. B. Ex Moldavia ad nos primum deleta est.

Melissa Moluca lævis sive Syriaca lævis Park. Rauwolf. p. 49. Mel. Molucca lævis Ger. Molucana odorata C. B. Asiaticæ originis est, Constantinopoli primùm[14] delata, unde & nonnullis Melissa Constantinopolitana dicitur. Ejusdem loci & originis est Melissa Molucca asperior; quæ & in Sicilia spotanea est v. Cat. Sic.

Melochia v. Corchorus Plinii.

Mes sive Meisce Avicennæ v. Mungo.

Morgsani Syrorum Rauwolf. i. e. Capparis Portulacæ folio C. B. Capparis fabago Ger. Fabaginea seu Peplis Lutetianorum J. B. Fabago s. leguminosa Park. Telephium Dioscoridis & Plinii Col. Circa Tripolin invenit Rauwolffius.

Mosselini seu Muslin panni linei è Gossipii quadam specie facti, & à regione Mossoli dicta in Mesopotamia denominati.

Mungo Col. Clus. J. B. Garc. Fructus niger Coriandro similis C. B. Mes sive Meisce Avicennæ Rauwolf. p. 68. Nasci ferunt in Palæstina Halepi observavit Rauwolffius; ubi semina Turcis in pretio sunt, & cum Oryza mixta in deliciis habentur.

Myagyrum Arabicum Rosa Hierichuntina perperam dictum Zanoni v. Rosa Hierichontica.

Myrtus fructu nigro cæruleo, Sorby magnitudine eduli Rauwolf. p. 65. An Myrtus angustifolia Bætica C. B. Clus. hist.

#### N.

Narcissus Persicus Clus. Park. Ger. Colchicum melino flore C. B.

Nasturtium Babylonicum Lob. Est Draba umbellata s. Draba major capitulis donata C. B.

Negil Rauwolf. Grammini rubro loliaceo affine p. 195. Pecori exitiale.

#### O.

Olea sylv. folio molli incano C. B. Zizyphus Cappadocia quibusdam olea Bohemica J. B. Zizyphus alba Bellon. Seisesun Rauwolf. Monte Libano aliisque Syriæ locis observavit Rauwolf. p. 101, 226.

Origanum Smyrnæum Wheeleri hist. nost. p. 540. Smyrna in monte cui Arx inedificatur copiosè.

[15]

Ornithogalum Arabicum Clus. Park. Majus Arabicum Ger. emac. Umbellatum maximum C. B. Lilium Alexandrinum s. Ornithog. maximum Syriacum J. B.

Onobrychis major annua, siliculis articulatis, asperis, clypeatis, undulatim (i. e. antrosum & retrosom) junctis, flore purpuro-rubente Moris. hist. Ex semine Chalepo à D. Huntington transmisso in horto Academico Oxoniensi errata est.

#### P.

Parma major C. B. Palma Dactylifera Jonston. In Syria frequens.

Panax Syriacum Theoph. est Panax Pastinacæ folio sive Heracleum majus; in Sicilia nobis observatum. v. Cat. gen.

Papaver Corniculatum flore sanguineo Wheeleri. In Attica circa Hymettum.

Persea C. B. J. B. Arbor Ger. Arbor Clus. Park. In Persia oriri dicitur & venenosa ibi esse, cum in Ægypto nata innocens sit.

Periploca latifolia Wheeleri itin. p. 223. Ad vias publicas prope Prusiam Bythiniæ urbem.

Petromarula Cretica in monte Parnasso è rupium fissuris exit Wheeler.

Phaseolus Turcicus flore flavo Rauwolf. p. 49.

Planta lactaria Xabra & Camarronum Rhasis &c. v. Tithymalus.

Pistacea Ger. J. B. Nux Pistacea Park. Pistacea Peregrina fructu racemoso, sive Terebinthus Indica Theophrasti C. B. Multis Syriæ locis abundat, ut circa Sermin urbem, inter Tripolin & Halepum, ubi integræ earum Sylve sunt necnon circa Tripolin ipsam p. 59, & 64.

Polium Gnaphaloides Alpin. exot. Park. Wheelerus in Monte Parnasso observavit, unde Plantam à Gnapholio maritimo vulgari distinctam esse, contra quam aliquando opinati sumus, verisimile est.

Polygonum bacciferum scandens C. B. Ephedra sive Anabasis Bellonii Park. Ad pedes montis Olympi & in monte Hæmo, item circa Tripolin Syria Rauwolf. p. 49.

[16]

Polygonum maximum, longissimis cauliculus & foliis Moris. hist. Circa Halepum Syriæ urbem invenitur.

Poterium Matth. i. e. Tragacanthæ affinis lanuginosa sive Poterium C. B. Circa Halepum observavit Rauwolf. p. 107. v. Cat. Hispan.

Prunella Spinosa Wheeler. In Atticæ monte Himetto.

Pseudo dictamnus acetabulis Moluccæ C. B. Alter Theophrasti Ponæ Park. In Cithæra Insula Wheeler.

Pulsatilla rubra Ger. J. B. Flore rubro Park. Flore rubro obtuso C. B. Ex Halepo habuit Lobelius.

#### Q.

Quadrifolium annuum Persicum Zanoni.

#### R.

Ranunculus Asiaticus grumosa Radice 1 Clus. Tripolitanus Ger. Tripolitanus flore Phœnicio J. B. Asiaticus sive Tripolitanus flore rubro Park. Grumosa radice, flore Phœniceo minimo simplici C. B.

Ranunculi Asiatici plurimæ seu species, seu varietates in hortis aluntur, quas omnes recensere nimis Longum foret. Consulantur Clusius, C. Bauhinus, Hortus Regius Parisiensis, aliique.

Raphanistrum monospermon maximum Chalepense, flore luteo, capsula rotunda striata Moris. Hist.

Rhamnus spinis oblongis, flore candicante C. B. Hauset & Hausegi sive Rhamnus primus Rauwolf. Circa Tripolin.

Rhaponticum Thracicum s. Hippolapathum maximum rotundifolium exoticum, Rhabarbarum verum nonullis falsò creditum. In Rhodope Thraciæ monte Alpin.

Ribes verum Arabum J. B. Arabum, foliis Petasitidis C. B. Lapathum rhotundifolium montis Libani semine maximo Breyn. prod. 2. An Ribes Belloni de Coniferis? Rauwolfius in monte Libano observavit, & figuram ejus exhibuit. p. 220, 230, 231.

Rosa Hierichontea vulgo dicta C. B. Park. Thlaspi Rosa de Hiericho dictum Moris. Hist. Myagrum Arabicum Rosu Hierichuntina perperam dictum Zanoni. Circa Hiericho nusquam reperitur, sed in Arabia deserta ad litora maris in fabulo. Bellon.

[17]

Rosæ Hierachonteæ altera species sylvestris C. B. Park. Myagrum Syriacum semine spinosa Zanoni. In Syriæ tectis & ruderibus invenit Rauwolfius.

Ruta quæ dici solet Harmala J. B. Sylvestris Syriaca sive Harmala Park. Sylv. flore magno C. B.

Melanthium Syriacum minus frutescens latifolium, Rutæ flore, fructu tricapsulari Breyn. prod. 2.

Ruta Chalepensis tenuifolia, florum petalia villis scatentibus Moris. Hist. Cat. Hort. Lugd. Bat.

#### S.

Salix Arabica folio Atriplicis C. B. Humilis Arabica folio Atriplicis Park. Garab Maurorum, Salicis genus J. B. Garab Maurorum Rauwolf. Lugd. app. p. 101. Garb Itinerar. Rauwolf. p. 159.

Salix Syriaca folio oleagineo argenteo C. B. Ægyptiaca & Syriaca Park. Salsaf Syrorum, Salicis species J. B. Circa Halepum.

Salvia Syriaca Cisti fœminæ foliis, acetabulis moluccæ Breyn. cent. Hujus meminit Rauwolfius in Hodœporico p. 108.

Satureia frutescens Arabica folio fimbriato hirsuto Breyn. prod. 2. Sathar Arabum Rauwolfii, Hyssopum montanum Cilicium quibusdam J. B. Hyssopus montana angustifolia aspera C. B. Montana vel de Cilissa Park.

Scabiosa argentea petræa. In isthmo Corinthiaco.

Scabiosa argentea minor montis Sipyli Wheeleri itin. p. 239.

Scammonia Syriaca C. B. Syriaca legitima Park. Syriaca flore majore Convolvuli J. B. Scammonium Syriacum Ger. In calidis pingui solo exit ut in Asia & Syria, & Bellonio teste etiam in Creta.

Schamuth Arabum seu Schack Rauwolf. p. 103, 152. C. Bauhino Acacia Ægyptiaca habetur; nobis tamen aliter videtur, ut ex siliquæ descriptione apparet.

Scorzonera radice rotunda Wheeleri. Galacorta Græcis modernis. In Attica circa Hymettum montem.

Scorzonera foliis fistulosis, Galacorta etiam dicta Wheeler. Cum priore.

[18]

Scorzonera Orientalis Vesling notis in Prosp. Alpin. de Plant. Ægypt. In Palæstina & finitimis Ægypti. An Scorzonera Chalepensis flore purpureo Rauwolf. p. 104. Alteram Scorzoneram floribus luteis monte Libano observavit Rauwolf. p. 230.

Scordium lanuginosum alterum verticillatum C. B. Scordotis tomentosa Cretica J. B. Prope Mandragorui vicum in Phrygia observavit D. Wheelerus.

Sebestena domestica an ὁμομαξὶς Athenæo C. B. Mixa sive Sebesten J. B. Myxos sive Sebesten Park. Sebestena, Myxa s. Mixara Ger. In Asia & Ægypto Rauwolf. p. 21.

Secacul Arabum. v. Sisarum.

Secudes Arabum. v. Stœchadi serratæ affinis.

Seisesun Rauwolf. Halepi in locis humidis & sepibus frequens, est Olea Bohemica Matth. Rauwolf. p. 101.

Sepha, seu Persea Arbor Venenata Rauwolf. p. 197.

Sideritis Persica odorata Zanoni. An Herba venti Monspeliensium?

Sisarum Syriacum C. B. Alterum Syriacum Park. Secacul Arabum & Mauritanorum, sive Pastinaca Syriaca Rauwolf. Lugd. app. J. B. Rauwolf. p. 66.

Sisyrinchium Persianum C. B. Flos Persicus Sisyrhinchio congener Clus. Hist.

Sisyrhinchium Chelepense Tharasalis dictum Rauwolf. p. 104.

Solanum pomiferum fructu incurvo C. B. J. B. Melantzana Arabum Rauwolfii Lugd. app. Halepi. p. 66.

Solanum pomiferum fructu spinoso J. B. Melantzana nigra Rauwolf. Lugd. app.

Sorghi album, Milium Indicum J. B. Milium Arundinaceum semine plano & albo C. B. Dora Rauwolf. p. 171. In Arabiâ circa Anam.

Spartium alterum monospermon, semine reni simili C. B. Secundum Hispaniacum Clus. Prope Thyatiram in Asia invenit D. Wheelerus. v. Cat. Hispan.

Speculum Veneris Thracicum flore amplissimo. Inter segetes propè Constantinopolin invenit D. Covel SS. Theolog. Doctor, & Collegii Christi in Cantabrigia Præses dignissimus.

Stachys viscosa flore luteo Wheeler. In monte Parnasso.

[19]

Stœchadi serratæ affinis C. B. Tragium alteram Dioscoridis quibusdam, folio Trichomanis J. B. Secudes & Sucudus Avicennæ Rauwolf. p. 112. Lugd. app.

Sycomorus J. B. Jer. Sycomorus sive Ficus Ægyptia Park. Ficus folio Mori, fructum in caudice ferens C. B. In Syria & Palæstina non minùs frequens est quàm in Ægypto. p. 50. 51.

Syringa Persica sive Lilac Persicum incisis foliis. Jasminum Persicum dictum Park. Agem Lilag Persarum, s. Lilac inciso folio Cornuto Ligustrum foliis laciniatis. C. B. Syringa Persica purpurea duplex, foliis laciniatis, & foliis integris.

#### T.

Terebinthus Indica major fructu rotundo J. B. Peregrina, fructu majore. Pistaciis simili eduli C. B. latifolia Ger. Park. Indica prior Theophrasti, major Rauwolf. Lugd. app.

Terebinthus Indica, fructu parvo ad cœruleum accedente J. B. Peregrina fructu minore cœruleo & eduli C. B. Hujus fructus Botn Soagier illius Botn quibir Arabibus dicitur. Rauwolf. p. 193. 205. In Persia Mesopotamia & Armenia.

Tereniabin Mannæ genus v. Alhagi. Rauw. p. 85.

Tharasalis v. Sisyrhynchium.

Thlaspi fruticosum Persicum foliis Keiri Zanoni. Fruticosum Leucoii folio C. B. Park. Latifolium platycarpon Leucoii foliis P. Boccone.

Thlaspi verum Dioscoridis s. Persicum Zanoni. Thlaspi Alexandrinum C. B. Park. Alexandrinum Cortusi Jo. Bauhini J. B.

Thymus verus Dioscoridis, Hasce Arabum Rauw. p. 52.

Tithymalus spinosus Creticus Alpin. Maritimus spinosus C. B. Marit. Creticus spinosus Park. In Græcia, plurimis in locis.

Tithymalus (vel Tithymalo affinis) aphyllos dictus major Indicus, latifolius, flore sanguineo aviculæ capitulum repræsentante Breyn. An Planta lactaria, Xabra & Camaronum Rhasis Rauwolf. & C. B. pin.

Tragacantha humilior floribus luteis C. B. Syriaca flavescens Park. Trag. Rauwolfius J. B. In monte Libano Rauwolf. p. 230.

[20]

Tragacantha Syriaca purpurascens Park. Tertia Rauwolfii. In eodem monte.

Tragium alterum Dioscoridis Rauwolf. v. Stœchadi serratæ affinis.

Trionum Theophrasti Rauw. Lugd. app. Est Alcea Indica parvo flore C. B. i. e. Bamia v. Alcea.

Trunschibil Mannæ genus Rauw. p. 84. v. Alhagi.

Tulipa Persica Park. Variegata Persica C. B. Persica præcox Clus. cur. post.

Tulipam omne genus colorum circa Halepum observavit Rauwolfius p. 109.

#### V.

Verbascum subrotundo Salviæ folio Syriacum C. B. Salvifolium exoticum cistoides Park. Sylvestre Salvifolium exoticum; folio rotundiore J. B.

Viola Mariana laciniatis foliis peregrina C. B. Medium Dioscor. & Mindium Rhasis Rauwolf. p. 232. Monte Libano observavit Rauwolf. Trachelii seu Campanulæ species est.

Vitex trifolia minor C. B. Agni casti species multò minor cæteris, tribus tantùm firmis foliis donata Rauwolf. p. 153.

#### Z.

Zarneb & Zarnabum Arabum v. Salix Sassaf.

Zarneb melchi v. Daucus tertius Dioscoridis.

Zaroa. v. Lycium.

[21]

### Stirpium Ægyptiacorum Catalogus.

A

Abdellavi v. Melo Ægyptius.

Abelmosch. v. Alcea Ægyptiaca villosa C. B.

Abrus v. Phaseolus Indicus ruber Bontii.

Absynthium Santonicum Ægyptiacum Park. C. B. Ægyptium quibusdam J. B. Abrotani fœminæ species secunda Zanoni.

Absus seu Lotus Ægyptiaca Park. Absus Alpin. Ægypt. Vesling. Loto affinis Ægyptiaca C. B.

Abutilon Avicennæ Ponæ Ital. Alpin. Est Abelmosch seu Alcea Indica Moschata.

Acacalis est Kismesen Bellon. v. Cat. Orient.

Acacia vera J. B. Vera sive Spina Ægyptiaca Park. Dioscoridis Ger. Foliis scorpioidis leguminosæ C. B.

Achaovan Alpin. Æg. Matricaria inodora C. B. Park. Parthenium inodorum sive Achaovan Ægyptiorum J. B.

Agihalid Ægyptiaca Lycio affinis Park. Ægyptium folio buxi, an Lycium? J. B. Lycio affinis Ægyptiaca C. B. Uzeg Alpini affinis & similis est, si non eadem.

Alcanna v. Ligustrum Orientale.

Alcea Ægyptia villosa C. B. Ægyptia moschata Park. Belmuscus Ægyptia Honor. Bell. J. B. Ab-el-mosch sive Mosch Arabum Vesling.

Alchimelech Ægyptiorum v. Melilotus Ægyptiaca.

Amomum Plinii Ger. Solanum fruticosum Americanum, dictum Amomum Plinii Park. Fruticosum bacciferum C. B. Strychnodendros J. B. In Ægypto passim Vesling.

Arum maximum Ægyptiacum, quod vulgo Colocasia C. B. Ægypto rotunda & longa radice vulgo Colocasia dicta Park. Colocasia Clus. J. B. Ægyptiaca Ger.

[22]

#### B.

Balsamum verum antiquorum nec Ægypti nex Judææ indigena est, sed Arabiæ Fœlicis v. Cat. Oriental.

Bammia J. B. Seu Alcea Ægyptiaca Park. Parad. Alcea Ægyptiaca Ger. emac. Indica parvo flore C. B. In Ægypto frequentissima.

Ban vel Bon arbor J. B. Item Buna, Bunnu & Bunchos Arabum ejusdem. Bon arbor cum fructu suo Buna Park. Euonymo similis Ægyptiaca, fructu baccis Lauri simili C. B. Male Ægyptiacam vocat neque enim spontanea, neque culta in Ægypto invenitur sed in Arabia Fœlice tantum Bunnu Rauwolfii, Buna ex qua in Alexandria fit potio [Coffee dicta.]

Ban seu Calaf Alpin. Sassaf Syrorum Rauwolf vel eadem est, vel ei valde affinis. v. Cat. Orient.

Baobab Alpino, Baobab sive Abavus Clus. J. B. Abavo arbor radice tuberosa C. B. Abavi Æthiopicus fructus bello J. B. Guanabanus Scaligeri huic Eadem arbor esse videtur. Æthiopiæ natales debet, Ægypto advena est.

Beidelsar Alpini, seu Apocynum Syriacum J. B. Apocynum Syriacum Clusii Ger. emac. Lapathum Ægyptiacum lactescens siliqua Asclepiadis C. B. Paul Hermannus in Cat. Hort. Leyd. Plantam hanc ab Apocyno majori recto Syriaco Cornut. Specie diversam facit; quo cum consentit Commelinus in Cat. Hort. Amstel. Jac. Breynices in Prod. 2. Veslingum reprehendit quod quo Apocyno hoc Apocynum majus Syriacum rectum Cornuti posuerit. Verum in titulo Apocyni hujus non omnino consentit cum Hermanno & Commelino: Siquidem hi, ut & Scholæ Botanicæ Tournefortii, Apocynum latifolium Ægyptiacum, incanum, erectum, floribus spicatis maximis pallide violaceis, siliquis folliculatis rugosis hoc vocant: Breynius autem, Apocynum erectum majus latifolium Ægyptiacum flore luteo spicato. Apocynum autem illud latifolium, &c. floribus pallide violaceis, &c. Hermanni & aliorum. Indicam & distinctam plantam facit, titulo Apocyni erecti majoris latifolii Indici flore concavo amplo carneo suave-rubente & cum antecedenti i. e. Ægyptiaco non confundendam monet.

[23]

Brassica spinosa C. B. Ægyptiaca Alpin. exot. Park. In Ægypto, Æthiopia & Syria.

#### C.

Caova Alpin. i. e. Coffee Potio.

Capparis non spinosa fructu majore C. B. Park. Alpinus Cappares Alexandriæ majores quàm alibi inveniantur provenire scribit.

Carob s. Carub i. e. Siliqua dulcis in Syria & Palæstina, & circa Hierosolymam multò frequentior est quàm in Ægypto.

Cassab & Darira Alp. exot. Lysimachia lutea Ægyptiaca Hist. nost. p. 1022. In Ægypto, locis humidis, inque judæa circa lacum Gennesareth, & multis Syriæ in locis.

Cassia fistula Alexandrina C. B. Fistula Ger. Purgatrix J. B. Solutiva vulgaris Park. In Ægypto aliisque regionibus calidioribus.

Chate Alpin. Cucumis. Ægyptius Chate J. B. Cucumis Ægyptius rotundifolius C. B.

Caucalis Daucoides Tingitana Moris. præl.

Chamædrys arborea Ægyptiaca. C. B. Arborea in Insula Corcyra Alpin. Nescio cur C. Bauhinus hanc Plantam Ægyptiacam denominet, cum Alpinus in Ægypto nasci non affirmit, sed in Corcyra insula.

Colocasia v. Arum Ægyptiacum.

Convolvulus Ægyptiacus quinquefolius C. Bauhini J. B. Foliis laciniatis, vel quinquefolius C. B. Major Arabicus sive Ægyptius Park. Ægyptius Veslingii qui vix dari cultiorem in Ægypto hortum scribit cui non ornamentum commodet.

Cyperus rotundus Orientalis major in Ægypto etiam copiosè provenit. v. Cat. Orient.

Cyprus i. e. Alcanna seu Elhanne v. Ligustrum Orientale.

#### D.

Datura v. Stramonium.

#### E.

Elhanne v. Ligustrum Orientale.

[24]

#### F.

Faba Ægyptia Bod. à Stapel. Faba Ægyptiaca Dioscoridis affinis C. B. Fructus valde elegans, Faba forte Ægyp. Diosc. J. B. Alpinus Fabam Ægyptiam pro Colocasia habet. Nascitur in paludosis & ad fluviorum ripas in India Orientali, an in Ægypto nescio. Nymphææ speciem faciunt qui de ea scripserunt.

Felfel-tavil seu Piper longum Ægyptium Alpini & Veslingii qui in maritimis Africæ locis plantam satis frequentem esse ait.

Ferula Tingitana, folio latissimo lucido Hort. Edinburgh.

Ficus Ægyptia seu Sycomorus Park. Folio Mori fructum in caudice ferens C. B. Sycomorus Ger. J. B. In Ægypto & Syria copiosè.

#### G.

Gossipium arboreum caule lævi C. B. Xylon arboreum J. B. Park. In Ægypto invenitur.

Gramen erucis sive Neiem. el. salib. Alpini J. B. Bont. dactylon Ægyptiacum C. B. Park. In Ægypto frequens.

Gramen Stellatum Ægyptium Veslingii. Dactylon Ægypt. Park. Qui in præcedentis descriptione hujus quoque meminit. Circa Heracleam seu Rossetum oppidum.

#### H.

Hyacinthus Mauritanicus Clus. Hist. app. 1. Oblongo Flore fusco C. B. Ex ea Mauritaniæ parte ubi urbes Fessa & Marochum sita sunt delatus est.

Hyoscyamus Ægyptius Park. Rubello flore Ger. Peculiaris flore purpurascente J. B. Et Hyos. Syriacus ejusdem. Cauliculis spinosissimis Ægyptiacus C. B. Et rubello flore ejusdem. Hyoscyamus albus Ægyptius Alpin. Æg. & Exot. Vesling. Juxta Pyramides Ægyptias majores.

#### K.

Kali Ægyptiacum foliis valde longis hirsutis C. B. An Psyllium minus quod Gottne rubri & Botrio rubro nomine accepit C. Bauhinus? Kali tertia species Alp. Æg.

[25]

#### L.

Lablab seu Leblab Alpini v. Phaseolus.

Lathyrus Tingitanus flore amplo ruberrimo. Semina hujus Plantæ, ut & aliarum rariarum D. Alex. Balam è Tingi urbe Africæ in Angliam primus detulit.

Libanotis cachryophoros semine sulcato lævi Moris. prælud. E Mauritania Tingitana attulit D. Alex. Balam.

Ligustrum Orientale sive Cyprus Dioscoridis & Plinii Park. Ligustrum Ægyptiacum latifolium & angustifolium C. B. Alcenna & Elhanne Arabum, nunc Græcis Schenna Rauwolfii.

Lotus Ægyptia Alpin. exot. Nymphæa seu Neufar Ægyptium Vesling. Nymphæa alba major Ægyptiaca sive Lotus Ægyptia Park. In aquis.

Luffa Arabum seu Cucumis Ægyptius reticulatus Vesling. In horto Arabis cujusdam prope Cayrum vidit Veslingius.

Lupinus Ægyptius Sylvestris Veslingii v. Cat. Oriental. In villarum sepibus prope Heracleam seu Rossetum.

Lycium Indicum creditum Alpino Park. Indicum Alpino putatam J. B. Indicum alterum (Useg) C. B. Supra ripas rami Nili Calig. vocati 10. ab Alexandria m. p. invenit Alpinus.

Lycopsis Ægyptiaca Park. v. Cat. Orient.

#### M.

Marum Ægyptiorum Alpin. exot. l. 2. c. 10. Ægyptiorum Alpino Park. app. Vesling.

Musa arbor J. B. Park. Musa Serapionis Ger. Mauz Musa Alpin. Palma humilis longis latisque foliis C. B. In Ægypto frequens.

Melilotus Ægyptiaca Park. Ægyptia Alchimelech vocata J. B. Corniculis reflexis minor C. B.

Melo Ægyptius C. B. Melones Abdellavi Ægyptii J. B.

Melochia Alpini. Corchorus Ger. Plinii C. B. Cor sive Melochia J. B. Park. Olus Judaicum nonnullis. In cibis nihil est ea Ægyptiis familiarius aut gratius Alp.

Moly Africanum umbella purpurascente C. B. prod. Africum umbella purpurascente Park.

[26]

#### N.

Nabca folio Rhamni vel Jujubæ J. B. Nabca Paliurus Athenæi credita Alpin. Oenoplia spinosa & non spinosa C. B. Ger. emac. app. Spinosa & non spinosa, sive Napeca, sive Zizyphus alba Park. In Ægypto folia per totum annum retinet, at in Creta, observante Bello per hyemen amittit. Ægyptus, Syria & Armenia hac arbore abundant Bellon.

Nymphæa seu Nuphar Vest. v. Lotus.

#### O.

Ocimum Ægyptium Alpini Rihan. dictum Herm. Hort. Acad. Leyd.

Oenoplia v. Nabca.

Oenanthe altera minor Africana Park. Item tenuifolia altera Africana ejusdem p. 895. E Barbaria Africæ regione attulit Gulielmus Boëlius.

#### P.

Paliurus Athenæi Alpino v. Nabca.

Palma Ger. C. B. vulgaris Park. Major C. B. Dactylifera major vulgaris Jonst. In Ægypto & Syria.

Papyrus Nilotica Ger. J. B. Antiquorum Nilotica Park. Nilotica seu Ægyptiaca C. B. Provenit etiam in Siciliæ palustribus v. Cat. Sicularum rariorum. P. Boccone.

Phaseolus indicus ruber Bontii. Pisum Americanum coccineum, aliis abrus. J. B. Abrus. Alpini de Plant. Ægypt. Glyzyrrhiza Indica vulgò.

Phaseolus Lablab Alpini J. B.

Phaseolus Ægyptiacus nigro semine C. B.

Polium montanum pumilum tenuifolium Africum Park. A Guil. Boëlio circa Tunisium urbem collectum est.

#### R.

Ruta Sylvestris quæ dici solet Harmala J. B. Juxta Alexandriam v. Cat. Orient.

[27]

#### S.

Sabina Ægyptia Lob. est Abrotanum fœmina Sabinæ folio C. B.

Sebesten v. Cat. Orient. Non enim in Ægypto tantum sed & in Asia provenit.

Secamone Alpin. Ægypt. Apocynum angusto Salicis folio C. B. Apocyno affinis Secamone flore albo J. B. An Apocyni Secundi species altera Clus.

Sena J. B. Ger. Alexandrina Park. Alexandrina sive foliis acutis C. B. In Syria, Persia, Arabia nasci aiunt, unde Alexandriam defertur.

Sesamum J. B. C. B. Park. & aliorum. Myagrum Ægyptiacum Zanoni.

Sesban Alpini. Ægypt. Sesban sive Securidaca Ægyptia articulata Park. Galega Ægyptiaca siliquis articulatis C. B.

Sinapi maritimum Ægyptiacum Alpin. exot. l. 2. c. 19. Ex seminibus Ægypto delatis enata est.

Sonchus froticosus Africanus petræus spinosus Park. In petrosis circa Tunis & Sapphi à Boëlio inventus & ad Parkinsonum delatus est.

Sophera Alpini & Bellii J. B. Galegæ affinis Sophera dicta C. B. Sophera seu securidaca Ægyptiaca villosa Park. Hoxocoquamoclit Cam. hort.

Stramonium minus flore geminato purpurante Park. Fructu rotundo, foliis per ambitum Xanthii modo incisis Col. Solanum fœtidum pomo spinoso rotundo. semine pallido C. B. Datura Ægyptia Vesling. Contarena Alpin. exot.

Stratiotes Ægyptia J. B. Aquatica vera Dioscoridis & Ægyptiaca Park. Lenticula palustris Ægyptiaca, sive Stratiotes aquatica foliis Sedo majore latioribus C. B. Aquis innatat sine radice, ut aiunt.

Stratiotes Ægyptia Dioscoridis Vesling. Hæc & superior vel Nilo, vel fossis inde deductis supernatat, nec radice in terram demissa firmatur, sed huc illuc fluitat.

Sycomorus v. Ficus.

[28]

#### T.

Tamarindus Ger. Park. J. B. Siliqua Arabica quæ Tamarindus C. B. Ex Æthiopia in Arabiam & Ægyptum delatam nonnulli volunt.

Tamariscus Ægyptia gallifera J. B. Tamaria Ægyptia arbor C. B. Ægyptia gallas ferens Park. In Ægypto locis humidis secus flumina oritur, non raro etiam aridis & fabulosis. Bellon.

Thlaspi Alexandrinum C. B. Park. Alexandrinum Cortusi J. B. Verum Dioscoridis Zanoni.

#### U.

Uzeg arbor v. Lycium Indicum.

#### Z.

Zatar-hendi Origanum Indicum Alpini & Veslingii Origano congener Zatar-hendi C. B. Zatarendi herba J. B. Planta Ægyptiaca non est, sed ex India illuc deportata, ut nomen arguit. Cœterum. Zatarendi Alpin.

[29]

### Stirpium Creticorum rariorum Catalogus.

#### A.

Abellicea Cretica sive Santalus adulterina J. B. Pseudo-santalus Cretica, Abelicea dicta Park. Pseudo-santalum Creticum C. B. In montibus Leucis, eorumque jugis altissimis.

B. Absinthium Ponticum Creticum grati odoris C. B. prod. In viridi saltem amaritudo nulla percipitur, unde ab Asinis, pecoribus, omnibusque Brutis valde expetitur.

Acanus Theophrasti Park. vid. Agavanus Cretensium.

Acanthus spinosus in agris & juxta semitas frequens est Bellon.

Acetosa Cretica semine aculeato C. B. Mihi descriptiones utriusque conferenti eadem aliquando visa est cum Acetosa Neapolitana Ocimi folio βουκεφαληφόρῳ Col. Verum peritissimus Botanicus D. Jacobus Breynius, qui utrumque coluit, & observavit, nos erroris insimulat, & distinctæ species cum sint, à me perperam confundi scribit; cui non repugno, cum nec initio id fidenter, sed timide affirmaverim.

Achlades Bellon. Pyri sylvestris genus.

Adrachnæ Park. Theophrasti J. B. Arbutus folio non ferrato C. B. Adracla Græcis. In Creta, montibus Leucis, & alibi inter saxa.

Aga Cretensium C. B. i. e. Silybum minus Bœticum Park. Carduus lacteus peregrinus Camerarii J. B. albis maculis notatus exoticus C. B.

Agasuga Bellon. i. e. Pyra sylvestria Cretica.

Agavanus Cretensium i. e. Acanus Theophrasti Park. Agavanus Cret. forte Acanys Theophr. Hon. Belli ep. 5 ad Clusium, & Ponæ Ital. Carduus latifolius echino; obsoletæ purpuræ ferens C. B. Vulgaris est notitiæ in Creta.

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Agriocinara Cretica Ponæ Ital. Cinara Sylvestris Cretica C. B. Park. Carduus Agriocinara Cretensium, ex quo Costus niger Officianarum J. B. Agrioanzinari Cretensium Bello ep. 2. ad Clusium. An Cinara sylv. Bætica Clus. cur. post. Supra Chisama arcem Bellon.

Agriomelea Bellonii, quam in Cretæ montibus invenisse scribit, exiguorum malorum Pyris formà similium feracem, an Cotoneaster Gesn. v. Cat. gen.

Agriostari seu Frumentum sylvestre Creticum Ponæ. Ital. Bell.

Althæa fruticosa Cretica Park. Frutex 3 Clus. Hanc cum Althaæ frutescente Bryoniæ folio C. B. s. frutescente folio acuto, flore parvo. Althæa Olbiæ perperam dicta, eandem putamus. V. Cat. Sic.

Ammi Creticum Ger. Park. Creticum aromaticum Lob. odore Origani J. B. Alterum semine Apii C. B. Semen ex Alexandria Ægypti adfertur.

Anchusa humilis Alpin. exot. Humilis Cretica Park. In locis montosis & sylvis Cretæ.

Anemone tenuifolia Cretica albo magno flore C. B. prod.

Anthyllis falcata Cretica Park. Trifolium falcatum Alpin. exot.

Anthyllis Alpin. exot. In maritimus copiosé. Accedit ad Anthyllidem à Clusio & J. Bauhino descriptam.

Arachydna aut Aracoides Honorii Belli, J. B. Cretica Park. Viciæ similis, supra in fráque terram fructum ferens C. B.

Archontoxilon, i. e. Ebenus Cretica.

Arcturus Creticus Belli v. Blattaria pilosa Cretica.

Aristolochia polyrrhizos v. Pistolochia.

Aristolochia clematitis serpens C. B. Reliqua Synonima v. in Cat. Hist. Arbores scandit Ephedræ aut Smilacis modo Bellon.

Arundo graminea aculeata Alpin. exot. In locis humidis supra terram serpit.

Asclepias Cretica Clusii J. B. Park. Siliquâ bifido mucrone C. B.

[31]

Ascolimbros Bellonii non est (ut puto) Scolymus chrysanthemos s. Eryngium luteum Narbonensium, sed Carduus Siculus chrysanthemus procerior caule eduli Hist. nost. p. 258.

Ascyroides Cretica Alpin. exot. Cretica major Park. Hanc plantam in hist. nost. eandem putavimus cum Androsæmo Constantinopolitano flore maximo Wheeler.; icon tamen non respondet, at neque descriptio: ut nunc muratâ sententiâ diversam suspicer.

Aspalathus secundus Creticus Alp. v. Cytisus.

#### B.

Blattaria pilosa Cretica sive Arctos quorundam J. B. Verbascum humile Creticum laciniatum C. B. Verbasculum sylv. Creticum Alpin. exot. Blattaria Cretica incana, rotundo laciniato folio Park. Arcturus Creticus. Belli. Provenit inter saxa & super parietes.

Blattaria Cretica spinosa Park. Leucoium Creticum spinosum Clus. J. B. Creticum spinosum incanum luteum C. B. Spinosum Creticum Ger. Spinosum cruciatum Alpin. Glastivida Cretensium Belli.

Borago Sylvestris annua Cretica Zanoni. Buglossum procumbens annuum pullo minimo flore Moris. prælud.

Borago muralis variegata, flore odorato Cretica Zanoni. Buglossum Lusitanicum bullatis foliis Moris. prælud. In muris urbis Candiæ ex ipsis petrarum fissuris exit.

Borago sylvestris Cretica flore rubro cremesino perennis, eadem videtur Echio Cretico latifolio rubro C. B.

Buglossum Creticum verrucosum, perlatum quibusdam Schol. Bot. seu Hort. Reg. Par. Tournefort.

Bryonia Cretica Pon. Ital. Cretica dicoccos Park. Cretica maculata C. B. Alba maculata J. B. In Creta frequens est.

Buphthalmum Creticum Cotulæ facie Breyn. Flore luteo & albo.

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#### C.

Calamintha Cretica Cam. Folio & flore parvo incana J. B. Incana Ocimi foliis C. B. Minor incana Park. Montana vulgaris Ger. Ex semine è Creta misso Camerario succrevit. Lobelius tamen cautibus Linguagetticis calidarumque regionum innasci scriptum reliquit.

Calochierni carduus Cretensibus J. B. Atractyli & Cnico sylvestri similis C. B. Forte Atractylis major è cujus caulibus mulieres fusos efficiunt. Atractylidi vulgari similis, not tamen eadem v. Hist. nost. p. 304.

Caloschirrida v. Echinus Creticus Alpin.

Carduus pinea Theophrasti Alpin. exot. pinea seu Ixine Theophrasti Park. Chamæleon albus gummi ut mastix ferens Bell.

Carduus Eryngoides capite spinoso Alpin. exot.

Caryophillus arborescens Creticus C. B. Sylvestris arboreus Alpin. exot. Nostrâ sententiâ. Betonica coronaria arboreo Cretica J. B. In montibus Cretæ oritur.

Caucalis Cretensium & Græcorum i. e. Sesely Creticum.

Cerasus Alpina Cretica, seu Idæa Alp. exot. Vitis Idæa Cretica elatior Park. Agrifolii folio. In monte Idâ Cretæ familiaris est. An Agriomelea Bellonii.

Chamæcerasus Idæa Alp. exot. Vitis Idæa Cretica humilior Park. In monte Ida nascitur.

Chamæcistus Alpin. exot. An Chamæcistus Serpylli folia floribus carneis C. B. Serpylli folio, flore carneo J. B. 7. Clus.

Chamædaphnoides Cretica, seu Laureola Cretica humilis Alp. exot. Chamædaphnoides sive Laureola Cretica Park. In Cretæ montanis.

Chamædrys spinosa Cretica Park. Spinosa C. B. J. B. Ex horto Bembi Patavio accepit C. B.

Chamægenista Cretica C. B. Park. Parkinsonus pro Spartio Cretico Alp. ex. hanc habet.

Chamæpeuce Plinii anguillaræ, v. Stœba fruticosa Cretica.

Chamæpytis fruticosa Cretica, v. Stœbe capitata Rosmarini foliis Ponæ.

[33]

Chrisocome Cretica Clus. Elichrysum Creticum C. B. Stantolina Cretica Alpin. Hanc plantam pro Stœchade citrina alteri inodoræ Lobelii affini capitulis brevioribus J. B. habemus v. Hist. nost. p. 282. In montosis Cretæ.

Cichoreum spinosum Creticum Park. Pon. In maritimis, inque siccis collibus & arenosis locis. Hanc speciem in Sicilia observavimus. v. Cat. gen.

Cissampelos ramosa Cretica Park. Helxine Cissampelos ramosa Cretica Ponæ. Convolvuli species.

Cistus Ledon Cretense C. B. Led. latifolium Creticum J. B. Ladanisera Cypria Park. Item ledanifera Cretica vera ejusdem. Ledon 4 Clussii Ger. Descriptionem v. in Alpin. exot.

Clinopodium Creticum Alpin. exot. Persimile est, si odorem excipias, Acino vulgari.

Cneoron album folio Oleæ argenteo molli C. B. v. Convolvulus rectus odoratus Ponæ.

Cnicus singularis Alpin. exot. alter Creticus Park.

Colutea Scorpioides Cretica odorata. Alpin. exot.

Convolvulus ramosus incanus, foliis Pilosellæ C. B. Helxine Cissampelos ramosa Cretica Pon. Ital. Park.

Coris legitima Cretica Dioscoridis Belli Ger. emac. Park. Item Coris Matthioli ejusdem. Nos enim has non distinguimus. C. Hypericoides quorundam J. B. Lutea C. B. In collibus fœcundis copiosè.

Coronilla frutescens coronata glauco folio Cretica, flo. luteo odorato Breyn. prod. 2.

Cyanus arborescens longifolia Alpin. exot. In montanis Cretæ nascitur.

Cyanus arborescens altera, Styracis folio Alp. exot.

Cyanus tomentosus Alp. exot.

Cyanus lanuginosus spinosus Creticus, & Cyanus fruticosus Creticus, v. Stœbe fruticosa Cret.

Cynara sylvestris Cretica C. B. Park. Carduus Agriocinara Cretensium, ex quo Costus niger Officinarum J. B. An Cinara sylv. Bœtica Clus. cur. post. Supra Chisami arcem, &c. v. Bellon.

Cynoglossum Creticum secundum Clusii J. B. Creticum alterum Ger. Cret. latifolium Park. Latifolium fœtidum C. B. Cynoglossæ alteri mediæ fructu cotylode sive Lychniode Col. eadem videtur planta.

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Cynoglossum Creticum angustifolium Park. Creticum argenteo angusto folio C. B. Creticum 1. Ger.

Cyperus rotundus odoratus Creticus Cam. Park.

Cytisus Creticus, Aspalathus secundus Alpino dictus. In loco Fraschia dicto propè Cretam urbem. Aspalathus 2. Dioscoridis Bello & aliis. v. Cat. gen. Acacia trifolia.

#### D.

Daucus Creticus Ger. Creticus verus Dioscoridis Park. Non videtur diversus à Dauco Cretico semine hirsuto J. B. seu Dauco montano umbellâ candidâ C. B. v. Hist. nost. p. 463.

Daucus stellatus Alpin. exot. Park. Planta à Dauco longè diversa est.

Daucus tertius Dioscoridis Bello Ponæ Park. Tertius folio Coriandri, flore luteo J. B. Creticus nodosus umbellâ luteâ C. B.

Dictamnus Creticus C. B. Park. Dict. Cretica seu vera J. B. Dictamnum Creticum Ger. In monte Ida; in scopulorum fissuris, nec usquam alibi.

Dorycnium Creticum v. Convolvulus rectus.

Dorycnium Dioscoridis fortè Ponæ Park. Jaceæ oleæ folio affinis C. B. Item Cneoro albo affinis ejusdem. Hujus semina è Creta ab Honorio Belli ad se missa Lagochimicæ nomine scribit C. Bauhinus in Pinace.

#### E.

Ebenus Cretica Alpin. exot. Cytisus Creticus incanus sive Ebenus Cretica Belli Park. C. B. Barba Jovis lagopodoides Cretica frutescens incana, flore spicato purpureo amplo Breyn.

Echinopoda Cretensibus J. B. Echinop. frutex Creticus Park. Genista spartium spynosum aphyllum, tribus aculeis semper junctis, floribus luteis C. B.

Echinus Creticus Park. Echinus seu Tragacantha alia humilior & spinosor Alpin. exot. Græci Caloschirrida vocant.

[35]

Echium Creticum latifolium rubrum C. B. Park. An Echium Candiæ flore pulchre rubente J. B. V. Cat. gen.

Echium Creticum Alp. exot. Creticum album Park. Echium pumilum flore luteo C. B. Park. h. e. Echium flavo flore Clus. cur. post. huic idem videtur.

Echium nigro flore eleganti Alp. exot. Creticum nigrum Park.

Echium Creticum angustifolium rubrum C. B. Park. Creticum 2. Clus. Habetur & in Sicilia. Cat. Gen.

Equisetum montanum Creticum Park. Alpin. exot. In montanis Cretæ. Flores fert circa virgarum geniculos, quo ab Equisetis differt. Tragi sive Uvæ marinæ species est.

Eruca maritima Cretica siliquâ articulatâ C. B. E Creta Honorius Belli misit.

Eryngium trifolium Alpin. exot. Park. In locis asperis.

Erysimum Dioscoridis Zanoni Erysimi annui Creticæ nomine missum.

#### F.

Fœnum Græcum sylvestre policeration majus Creticum Breyn. Cent.

Frutex pulcherrimus Belli i. Stœbe fruticosa latifolia Cretica.

Fumaria major Cretica Park. Altera tenuior Syriaca Cam. minor folio oblongo capillaceo C. B. Capnos Cretica Clus. An Fumaria nostra major scandens?

#### G.

Gaiderothymum v. Stachys spinosa Cretica.

Galastivida Cretensium prima v. Blattaria spinosa.

—— Altera v. Tithymalus marit spinosus.

Gallium montanum Creticum Alpin. exot. Park. In montanis Cretæ abundat.

Genista arborea Cretica, foliis semper virentibus Zanoni.

#### H.

Habbures Cam. i. e. Leontopodiam Creticum aliud.

Hedysarum argenteum, Alpin. exot. argenteum Creticum Park.

[36]

Hieracium majus Creticum Park. Majas folio Sonchi, semine curvo C. B. Item Sonchus asper laciniatus Creticus ejusdem. Chondrillæ Creticæ nomine missa, semine crispo J. B. Sonchus Creticus foliis laciniatis vulgò.

Hieracium parvum Creticum Park. Clus. Minor flore, ex albo carneo C. B. Intybaceum, non ramosum Ponæ.

Hieranzune Cretensium est Lotopisum Belli. v. Cat. gen.

Hippomarethrum Creticum C. B. prod. Park. Daucus 3. Creticus, aliis Seseli nodosum & Hippomarathrum Ponæ. Ital. Κουρνόποδι vulgo, i. e. Pedes corvini. Fœniculum magnum sive Hippomarathrum J. B. Libanotis cachryoph. sem. sulcato aspero Moris. Hist.

Holosteum sive Leontopodium Creticum C. B. Park. Ger. Leontopodium Cretense Clus.

Holosteum Alpin. exot. quod ab Holosteo Salmanticensi Clusii differre contendit. Plantago angustifolia minor lanuginosa Cretica vel Syriaca, pediculis & capitulis maturitate ad terram inflexis Breyn. prod. 2.

Horminum comâ rubrâ J. B. vulgo Horm. Creticum.

Horminum minus supinum Creticum Clus. C. B. Park.

Hyoscyamus Creticus luteus major C. B. Luteus minor J. B. Creticus Park. Creticus alter Clus. Hæc species in Italia & Gallia Narbonensi occurrit. v. Cat. gen.

Hyoscyamus aureus Alp. exot. Creticus luteus minor C. B. 4. s. albus Creticus Clus. Albus Creticus Ger. emac.

Hyssopus Græcorum Alpin. exot. An Hyssopus Origani folia Dalech. J. B.

#### J.

Jacea incana Cretica, flore luteo medio purpureo, squamis in molliores spinas abeuntibus Herman. Hort. Lugd. Bat.

Jacea Cretica Park. laciniata squammata C. B. Squammata Cretica, quibusdam Scabiosa Cretica dicta J. B.

[37]

#### L.

Lachryma Jobi Sesamum annuum Zanon. in Creta copiosé.

Lagochymica Cretensium est Dorycnium Dioscoridis Ponæ. Bellonius Heliochryson vulgò Lagochymithia dictum scribit, quòd leporibus cubilia grata præbeat.

Lamium fruticosum non maculatum Creticum Zanon.

Lauras Sylvestris Cretica Alpin. exot. Park.

Lazegiri Cretensium i. e. Lycium Creticum alterum.

Leontopetalon crassa radice Bellon. In Ida monte hyeme floret.

Leontopodium Creticum Clus. v. Holosteum.

Leucoium Creticum Thlaspifolium C. B. Marinum Creticum majus Park. Marinum Creticum 1 Clus.

Leucoium Creticum floribus minoribus C. B. Creticum minus Park. Marinum Creticum 2 Clus.

Leucoium Creticum foliis oblongis crenatis C. B. Creticum oblongis foliis crenatis Park. Creticum 3 Clus.

Leucoium Creticum minimum folio subrotundo C. B. Creticum cæruleum marinum Alpin. exot. Park.

Leucoium album odoratissimum folio viridi C. B. prod.

Leucoium Creticum luteum utriculato semine Alp. exot. Park.

Leucoium spinosum Creticum Clus. Est Blattaria spinosa seu Glastivida.

Libanotis Apii folio semine aspero C. B. Theophrasti Apii folio Cretica Park. Rosmarinus foliis Selino similibus Bell.

Linaria Cretica latifolia major Clus. Park. Latifolia triphylla major C. B.

Linaria Cretica angustifolia Clus. Park. Quadrifolia, exigius flosculis cinereis C. B.

Linaria perennis fruticosa Cretica C. B. prod. Cui & Linaria latifolia Dalmatica magno flore dicitur.

Linum arboreum Alpini exot. Arboreum Creticum luteum Park.

Lotus πολυκέρατος. Cretica fruticosa argentea, siliquis longissimis propendentibus rectis Moris. Hist.

Lotopisum Belli i. Lotus edulis Creticus v. Cat. gen.

Lutea maxima Cretica Honor. Belli J. B. Luteola herba folio Cannabino C. B. Maxima Cretica fœcunda & sterilis Park. Cannabis lutea fertilis & sterilis Contareni Alpin. exot. Inter montes in Aquis[38] nascitur, loco quodam Ὀφιδόσερμα dicto, tertio ab urbe Cydonia lapide Bell.

Lychnis Cretica angustifolia Park. Hirsuta angustifolia Cret. C. B. Ocymoides flore rubro minus Creticum J. B. sylv. 7. Clus.

Lychnis Auriculæ ursi face C. B. Sylv. latifolia Clusii. sive muscipula Cretica Auriculæ ursi facie J. B. Sylv. latifolia Clusii Ger. emac.

Lychnis viscaria maxima Cretica Alpini. Viscaria maxima Cretica Alpini Park.

Lycium Cretense sive Berberis Cretica J. B. Creticum primum Belli Park. Berberis Alpina Cretica. C. B. Lycium Creticum s. Berberis Alpina Belli Bon. In montium altissimorum convallibus.

Lycium Creticum alterum Park. Λαζηγίρι & Πετροαμύγδαλα i. e. Amygdala Petræa, licet cum Amygdalis nihil commune habeat Bell. Ep. 1.

#### M.

Majorana Cretica vel Syriaca C. B. Marum Creticum Alp. exot. Syriacum A. Lob. Ger. Syriacum vel Creticum Park.

Mandragora mas & fœmina Bellon. In monte Ida. Quæ quamvis in Hispania etiam & Italia sponte proveniant, quia tamen rariores sunt omittere nolui. Vid. Cat. Hispan.

Marrubium Creticum Ger. Park. Album angustifolium peregrinum C. B. Album angustiore folio J. B.

Marrubium Creticum angustifolium inodorum Park. Album peregrinum brevibus & obtusis foliis C. B.

Marrubium nigrum Creticum Alp. exot. Park. Planta Alpino descripta imperfecta erat, absque flore & semine.

Melilotus quædam Cretica Alpin. exot. Est lotus Siliquis singularibus vel binis tenuis J. B.

Melilotus vesicaria Cretica Hort. Altdorf.

Meum alexiterium Creticum Park. Alpin. exot.

Millefolium Creticum J. B. Incanum Creticum C. B. Park. Stratiotes Millefolia Belli ep. 2. ad Clusium Alpin. exot. Parkinsonus ex hac planta duas facit: priorem Millefolium incanum Creticum vocat, posteriorem Stratiotem Millefoliam Creticam.

Muscipula Cretica &c. v. Lychnis.

[39]

Myrrhis syl. Cretica nodosa, seminibus asperis annua, semine striato aspero oblongo, nodosa. Moris.

#### N.

Napus Sylvestris Cretica Park. C. B. Bunias agrestis Belli, qui ad C. Bauhinum è Creta misit.

Nardus montana Cretica Alpin. exot. An Valeriana Cretica tuberosa Park.? Nardus Cretica Belli. Cretica Filipendulæ radice C. B.? Nardus tamen Cretica Belli diversa videtur à Nardo montana Cretica Alpini.

Nigella Cretica C. B. Melanthium simplici flore Creticum Clus. Nigella Cretica inodoro semine Park.

Nigella Cretica latifolia odorata Park. Ponæ Ital. Alba simplici flore Alpin. exot.

Nigella Cretica altera tenuifolia odorata Park. Cretica folio Fœniculi C. B.

Nigella Cretica odorata, foliis Lini, seminibus biformibus Park. Malè inscribitur Nigella. Melanthium odoratum Alpin. exot.

#### O.

Oenanthe stellata Cretica Alpin. exot. Park.

Oenanthe Cretica prolifera Park. Apula prolifera C. B.

Oleander Creticus fruticosus major fœtidus Zanon.

Origanum Creticum J. B. Ger. Sylvestre Syriacum Lob. Onites C. B. Matth.

Ornithogalum Creticum & Pannonicum flore albo J. B.

#### P.

Pæoniæ duo genera candido flore Bellon. Græcis Psiphædile. In omnibus humidis vallibus montis Idæ.

Pastinaca tenuifolia Cretica, radiis umbellæ Gingidii longioribus Moris.

Petromarula Cretica i. e. Rapunculus Creticus.

Petroselinum Creticum C. B. Park. Agriopastinaca vulgò in Creta Bello ep. 5. ad Clusium, cui Busalinon Plinii videtur. In montibus Cretæ & Dalmatiæ. Duplex genus est, radice nigra, & rad. ruffa.

Phyllitis alata sive ramosa Alpini; an & quomodo ab Hemionitide multifida differat inquirendum. Alpini icon plantam distinctam repræsentare videtur: & Jac. Breynius longè diversam esse ait.

[40]

Pistolochia Cretica C. B. Cretica semper virens Park. Aristolochia Pistolochia altera J. B. Diversa est a Pistolochia Virginiana, Polyrrhizos dicta, ex accurata observatione & descriptione ad me missa incomparabilis Botanici D. Joan. Bannister. tristissimo casu nuper in Virginia rebus humanis erepti.

Polium latifolium incanum Creticum C. B. Park. Ad Polium montanum luteum vulgare proximè accedere videtur. Circa Cydoniam urbem.

Polium angustifolium Creticum C. B. Park. Erectum Creticum & fortè frutescens Dioscoridis Ponæ. In Creta ad maris littora frequens.

Polium gnaphaloides Alpin. exit. Park. Gnaphalii marini species est. In maritimis Cretæ. Gnaphalium marinum Clusii esse pernegat.

Polygonum Creticum Thymi folio C. B. Park. Non multum abludit à Poligono nostrate parvo, flore albo verticillato.

Pimpinella spinosa Park. Poterio affinis folio, Pimpinella spinosa C. B. Poterium quibusdam, sive Pimpinella spinosa J. B. Poterion Lobelii sive Pimpinella spinosa Camerarii Ger. Stœbe legitima Dioscoridis Bello. In Creta perpetuo viret, & multos annos durat.

Poterium Alpini. Tragacanthæ species, multis Cretæ Insulæ in locis invenitur.

Pseudostachys Cretica v. Stachys.

Pseudocistus Ledum Alpin. exot. 1. Park.

Pseudocistus Ledon alterum Alpin. exot. 2. Park.

Pseudodictamnus Cydoniæ seu Ps. 2. Theophrasti Ponæ, i. e. Pseudod. acetabulis Moluccæ C. B.

#### R.

Ranunculus echinatus Creticus Park. Stellatus echinatus Creticus C. B. Creticus echinatus latifolius Alpin. exot.

Ranunculus Creticus albo flore, majore quam Papaveris Rhœades. J. B.

Ranunculus Creticus latifolius Clus. Park. Ger. emac. Asphodeli radice Creticus C. B.

Ranunculus Creticus grumosa radice, flore niveo Clus. Grumosa radice, flore niveo C. B.

[41]

Rapunculus Creticus seu Pyramidalis alter C. B. Creticus Petromarula J. B. Petrom. Cretica sive Rapunculus Creticus Park. Petromarula s. Lactuca petræa Pon. Ital. Bell.

Rosmarinus Selini folio Bell. v. Libanotis &c.

Rosmarinum Stœchadis facie Alpin. exot. Potiùs Euphrasia Stœchadis facie.

Rubia argentea Cretica Alpin. exot. Park. Cruciata argentea.

Rubia arborescens Cretica Alpin. exot. Lævis arborescens Cretica Park. An & quomodo à Rubia Sylvatica lævi J. B. differat inquirendum.

#### S.

Salvia Cretica pomifera Clus. Ger. Baccifera C. B. Gallifera J. B. Major Cretica latifolia & angustifolia, aurita & non aurita, pomifera & non pomifera, nam specie conveniunt, Bellonius poma hæc esui apta esse scribit, eáque rusticos legere solere, iísque plenos Saccos in proximas urbes venum deferre: quod mirum, cùm nihil aliud sint quàm Gallæ, seu morbosi tumores ab Insectis excitate Park.

C. Salvia Cretica angustifolia, Clus. Tenuifolia J. B. Angustif. ferrata C. B. Angustif. non aurita Park. Semine è Creta accepto nata est.

Sandalida Cretica est Lotus siliquis quadripinnat. in Catal. general.

Santolina Cretica Alpini. v. Chrysocome.

Satureia Cretica C. B. Ger. emac. Cretica legitima Park. Thymbra Græca J. B. Hoc genus Alpinus Tragoriganum esse contendid, non Thymbram, cujus rationes vide.

Satureia Cretica spinosa Ponæ.

Saxifraga Cretica prior Park. Saxifraga Alpin. exot.

Saxiphraga altera Alpin. exot. Cretica altera Park.

Scabiosa arborea Alpin. exot. Arborea Cretica Pod. Peregrina Ger. Fruticosa, folio non dissecto peregrina J. B. Stellata folio non dissecto C. B.

Scammonea macrorrhizos Alpin. exot.

Scandix Cretica major C. B. prod. Park. Pecten Veneris Creticum J. B.

[42]

Scordium alterum languinosum verticillatum C. B. Scordotis Plinii prima Park. Ponæ. Tomentosa Cretica J. B.

Scordotis Cretica C. B. prod. Altera Plinii Ponæ. Ital. Park. Scordotis Alpin. exot.

Scrophularia Cretica 1. Clus. Cretica latifolia Park. Indica Ger. Foliis Filicis modo laciniatis, vel Ruta canina latifolia C. B.

Sesely Creticum majus C. B. Ger. Creticum, sive Tordylium majus Park. An Caucalis Lusitanica Alpin. exot.

Seseli Creticum minus v. Cat. gen.

Seseli Cretense nodosum Park. Myrrhis Sylvestris Cretica nodosa, seminibus asperis Hist. nost. p. 432.

Sideritis viscosa Cretica bitumen redolens Zanoni. Glutinosa bitumen redolens Moris. Prælud.

C. Siler Creticum quibusdam, foliis Cicutæ, semine longo crispo J. B. Sil. 2. foliis Cicutæ C. B.

Solanum somniferum Antiquorum Alp. exot. Somniferum Antiquorum verum Park. Item Solanum somniferum Park. Verticillatum J. B. Somniferum verticillatum C. B. In Cretæ locis maritimis.

Spartium Creticum Alpin. exot. Park.

Spartium spinosum Creticum Alpin. exot. Park.

Spartium spinosum secundum Alpin. exot. Spinosum aliud Creticum Park.

Spica trifolia Cretica Alpin. exot.

Stachys Cretica major seu latifolia Hort. Reg. Par. Tournefort. Cat.

Stachys Cretica C. B. Stachys sive Pseudostachys Cretica Park. C. B. prod.

Stachys spinosa Park. Spinosa Cretica C. B. Ger. Spinosa J. B. Gaidarothymo, i. e. Asininum Thymum rusticis Cretensibus.

Staphis agria in monte Ida passem sponte provenit Bellon. v. Cat. gen.

Stœbe fruticosa latifolia Cretica Park. Frutex rotundo argenteo folio, Cyani flore C. B. Cyanus fruticosus Creticus Candiæ Ponæ Ital. Frutex pulcherrimus Bello ep. 2. ad Clus.

[43]

Stœbe spinosa Cretica Park. Spinosa J. B. Spinosa maritima C. B. Cyanus spinosus Creticus Ponæ & Alp.

Stœbe angustifolia Cretica i. Stœbe capitata Rosmarini foliis Ponæ. Forte Chamapeuce Alpin. exot. Chamæpitys fruticosa Cretica Belli. Jacea fruticans Pini folio C. B.

Stœbe Plantaginis folia Alpin. Park.

Stratiotes Millefolia Cretica Alpin. v. Millefolium.

#### T.

Teucrium Creticum Clus. Park. J. B. Creticum incanum C. B. Ex semine è Creta misso Chamædryos majoris appellatione Clusio enatum est.

Thlaspi Creticum umbellatum flore albo odorato Park. Umbellatum Creticum flore albo odoro minus C. B. Parvum umbellatum flore niveo odorato J. B.

Thlaspi clypeatum arborescens Creticum Alpin. exot. Park. Qu. An non idem sit cum Thlaspi fruticoso altero Lob. aut fruticoso folio Leucoii marini minoris J. B.

Thymbra v. Satureia.

Thymbra Alp. exot. Cretica vera Alpino Park.

Tithymalus cyparissias Creticus Alpin. exot.

Tithymalus arboreus Alpin. Dendroides ex codice Cæsareo Lugd. Dod. In hort. Reg. Paris. colitur, & pro distincta à Tithymalo Dendroide Matthioli specie in Schol. Bot. Par. ponitur.

Tithymalus maritimus spinosus C. B. Maritimus Creticus spinosus Park. An Tithymalus spinosus Creticus Alpin.

Tragacantha altera seu Poterium densiùs ramificatum Alpin. exot.

Tragacantha humilior floribus luteis C. B. Tragacantha Alpin. exot.

Tragacantha Cretensis aut Idæa nigra, tota echinata Moris. Tragacantha altera Alpin. exot.

Tragacantha humilior & spinosior v. Echinus.

Tragacantha quarta seu Spartium spinosum alterum Alpin. exot. Nec flores nec fructum hujus plantæ vidit Alpinus, proinde ad quod genus referenda sit certò nequit definiri.

Tragoriganum Creticum C. B. Park. Cretense Ger. Quibusdam nigrius folio duro, flore purpureo J. B.

[44]

Trifolium spinosum Creticum C. B. Clus. Park. Ger. emac. Aculeatum Creticum J. B. Ὀρβιτόκορτο Cretensibus Bell.

Trifolium peltatum Creticum C. B. J. B. Odoratum peltatum Creticum Park. Rusticis Cretensibus Μασσουρίας Bell.

Trifolium falcatum Creticum Alpin. exot. Anthyllis falcata Cretica Park.

#### V.

Valeriana Cretica tuberosa Park. Nardus montana Cretica Alpin. exot. Nardus Cretica Belli. q. v. Nardus.

Viscaria Cretica Maxima Alpini v. Lychnis.

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