To the Honored Memory of

JOHN JAMESON

OF BOSTON

1828-1905

VOYAGER, TEACHER, LAWYER, SCHOLAR

WHOSE LOVE OF LEARNING AND WHOSE UNSELFISH
DEVOTION MADE IT NATURAL AND POSSIBLE
THAT I SHOULD LEAD THE STUDENT’S LIFE

vii

PREFACE

The National Society of the Colonial Dames of America have formed the laudable habit of illustrating the colonial period of United States history, in which they are especially interested, by published volumes of original historical material, previously unprinted, and relating to that period. Thus in the course of years they have made a large addition to the number of documentary sources available to the student of that period. First they published, in 1906, in two handsome volumes, the Correspondence of William Pitt, when Secretary of State, with Colonial Governors and Military and Naval Commanders in America, edited by the late Miss Gertrude Selwyn Kimball, containing material of great importance to the history of the colonies as a whole, and of the management of the French and Indian War. Next, in 1911 and 1914, they published the two volumes of Professor James C. Ballagh's valuable edition of the Letters of Richard Henry Lee. Then, in 1912, they brought out, again in two volumes, the Correspondence of Governor William Shirley, edited by Dr. Charles H. Lincoln, and illustrating the history of several colonies, particularly those of New England, during the period of what in our colonial history is called King George's War. More recently, in 1916, the Society published an entertaining volume of hitherto unprinted Travels in the American Colonies, edited by Dr. Newton D. Mereness.

It was resolved that the next volume after these should be devoted to documents relating to maritime history. In proportion to its importance, that aspect of our colonial history has in general received too little attention. In time of peace the colonists, nearly all of whom dwelt within a hundred miles of ocean or tidewater, maintained constantly a maritime commerce that had a large importance to their economic life and gave employment to no small part of theirviii population. In time of war, their naval problems and dangers and achievements were hardly less important than those of land warfare, but have been far less exploited, whether in narrative histories or in volumes of documentary materials. Accordingly the Society's Committee on Publication readily acceded to the suggestion that a volume should be made up of documents illustrating the history of privateering and piracy as these stand related to the life of America during the colonial period—for it is agreed that few aspects of our maritime history in that period have greater importance and interest than these two. In some of our colonial wars, as later in those of the Revolution and of 1812, American privateering assumed such proportions as to make it, for brief periods, one of the leading American industries. We cannot quite say the same concerning American piracy, and indeed it might be thought disrespectful to our ancestors—or predecessors, for pirates mostly died young and left few descendants—but at least it will be conceded that piracy at times flourished in American waters, that not a few of the pirates and of those on shore who received their goods and otherwise aided them were Americans, that their activities had an important influence on the development of American commerce, and that documents relative to piracy make interesting reading.

It is a matter for regret and on the editor's part for apology, that the book should have been so long in preparation. Work on it was begun prosperously before our country was engaged in war, but the "spare time" which the editor can command, always slight in amount, was much reduced during the period of warfare. Moreover, the Society, very properly, determined that, so long as war continued, the publication of their volumes and the expenditures now attendant upon printing ought to be postponed in favor of those patriotic undertakings, especially for the relief of suffering, which have made their name grateful to all lovers of the Navy and in all places where the Comfort and the Mercy have sailed.

It may be objected against the plan of this book, that privateering and piracy should not be conjoined in one volixume, with documents intermingled in one chronological order, lest the impression be created that piracy and privateering were much the same. It is true that, in theory and in legal definition, they are widely different things and stand on totally different bases. Legally, a privateer is an armed vessel (or its commander) which, in time of war, though owners and officers and crew are private persons, has a commission from a belligerent government to commit acts of warfare on vessels of its enemy. Legally, a pirate is one who commits robbery or other acts of violence on the sea (or on the land through descent from the sea) without having any authority from, and independently of, any organized government or political society. (Fighting and bloodshed and murder, it may be remarked by the way, though natural concomitants of the pirate's trade, are not, as is often supposed, essentials of the crime of piracy.) But wide as is the legal distinction between the authorized warfare of the privateer and the unauthorized violence of the pirate, in practice it was very difficult to keep the privateer and his crew, far from the eye of authority, within the bounds of legal conduct, or to prevent him from broadening out his operations into piracy, especially if a merely privateering cruise was proving unprofitable. Privateering was open to many abuses, and it was not without good reason that the leading powers of Europe, in 1856, by the Declaration of Paris, agreed to its abandonment.

The object of the following collection of documents is not to give the whole history of any episode of piracy or of the career of any privateer, but rather, by appropriate selection, to illustrate, as well as is possible in one volume, all the different aspects of both employments, and to present specimens of all the different sorts of papers to which they gave rise. Nearly all the pieces are documents hitherto unprinted, but a few that have already been printed, mostly in books not easy of access, have been included in order to round out a story or a series. The collection ends with the termination of the last colonial war in 1763. Presented in chronological order, it may have a casual, as it certainly has a miscellaneous, appearance. But variety was intended,x and on closer inspection and comparison the selection will be seen to have a more methodical character than at first appears, corresponding to the systematic procedure followed in privateering, in prize cases, and in trials for piracy.

On the outbreak of war in which Great Britain was involved, it was customary for the King to issue a commission to the Lord High Admiral (or to the Lords of the Admiralty appointed to execute that office) authorizing him (or them) to empower proper officials, such as colonial governors, to grant letters of marque, or privateering commissions, to suitable persons under adequate safeguards.[1] The Lords of the Admiralty then issued warrants to the colonial governors (see doc. no. 127), authorizing them to issue such commissions or letters of marque. A specimen American privateering commission may be seen in doc. no. 144; a Portuguese letter of marque, and a paper by which its recipient purported to assign it to another, in docs. no. 14 and no. 15. Royal instructions were issued to all commanders of privateers (doc. no. 126), and each was required to furnish, or bondsmen were required to furnish on his behalf, caution or security[2] for the proper observance of these instructions and the payment of all dues to the crown or Admiralty. Relations between the commander and the crew, except as regulated by the superior authority of these instructions and of the prize acts or other statutes, were governed by the articles of agreement (doc. no. 202) signed when enlisting.

These were the essential documents of a privateering voyage. There would probably be also accounts for supplies, like John Tweedy's very curious bill for medicines (doc. no. 158), and accounts between crew and owners (doc. no. 146), and general accounts of the voyage (doc. no. 159). There might be an agreement of two privateers to cruise together and divide the spoil (doc. no. 160). There might even be a journal of the whole voyage, like the extraordinarily interesting journal kept on the privateerxi Revenge by the captain's quartermaster in 1741 (doc. no. 145), one of the very few such narratives preserved. Other documents of various kinds, illustrating miscellaneous incidents of privateering, will be found elsewhere in the volume.

Both privateers and naval vessels belonging to the government made prize of ships and goods belonging to the enemy, but many questions were certain to arise concerning the legality of captures and concerning the proper ownership and disposal of ships and goods. Hence the necessity for prize courts, acting under admiralty law and the law of nations. The instructions to privateers required them (see doc. no. 126, section III.) to bring captured ships or goods into some port of Great Britain or her colonial dominions, for adjudication by such a court. In England, it was the High Court of Admiralty that tried such cases. At the beginning of a war, a commission under the Great Seal,[3] addressed to the Lords of the Admiralty, instructed them to issue a warrant to the judge of that court, authorizing him during the duration of the war to take cognizance of prize causes. After 1689, it was customary to provide for trial of admiralty causes in colonial ports by giving to each colonial governor, in addition to his commission as governor, a commission as vice-admiral. Before 1689, this was done in a few instances, chiefly of proprietary colonies, the earliest such instance being that exhibited in our doc. no. 1; but in the case of colonies having no royal governor (corporation colonies) we find various courts in that earlier period exercising admiralty jurisdiction (docs. no. 8, no. 25, no. 48, and no. 105, note 1). From Queen Anne's reign on (doc. no. 102), jurisdiction in prize causes was conferred, as in the case of the judge of the High Court of Admiralty in London, by warrant (doc. no. 182) from the Lord High Admiral or Lords of the Admiralty pursuant to the commission issued to them, as stated above, at the beginning of the war. In doc. no. 116 we see the judge of the High Court of Admiralty expressing the belief that itxii would be better if all prizes were brought to his court in London for adjudication, but the inconvenience would have been too great.

The governor's commission as vice-admiral, issued (after 1689, at any rate) under the great seal of the High Court of Admiralty, gave him authority to hold an admiralty court in person. Often the governor was not well fitted for such work, though not often so frank as Sir Henry Morgan (doc. no. 46, note 1) in admitting his deficiencies. As admiralty business increased, it became customary to appoint admiralty judges to hold vice-admiralty courts in individual colonies, or in groups of colonies. Sometimes, especially in the earlier period, they were commissioned by the governor of the colony acting under a warrant from the Lords of the Admiralty (doc. no. 69) empowering him so to do; more often they were commissioned directly by those lords, under the great seal of the Admiralty. Doc. no. 180 is a commission of the former sort, doc. no. 181 of the latter. When war broke out, authority to try prize cases was conveyed, as above, to the vice-admiral, the vice-admiralty judge, and their deputies.

In the trial of a prize case, the first essential document was the libel (docs. no. 99, no. 128, no. 165, no. 184, and no. 188), by which claim was laid to ship or goods. Witnesses were examined, chiefly by means of the systematic series of questions called standing interrogatories (doc. no. 183). Their testimony, taken down in written depositions, constitutes much the largest class of documents in this volume. Most narratives of privateering or of piracy are found in the form of depositions. Reports of trials, embracing proceedings and documents and testimony, are found in docs. no. 128, no. 143, and no. 165; sentences or decrees of the judge in docs. no. 143, no. 150, and no. 155; inventories of prizes in docs. no. 33 and no. 161; an account of sales in doc. no. 186.

If a party to a prize appealed from the sentence of the vice-admiralty court (docs. no. 151 and no. 196), he was required to give bond (doc. no. 152) for due prosecution of the appeal in England. From 1628 to 1708 suchxiii appeals were heard by the High Court of Admiralty; after 1708 they went to a body of privy councillors specially commissioned for the purpose, called the Lords Commissioners of Appeal in Prize Causes (see doc. no. 151, note 1). A specimen of a decree of that tribunal reversing the sentence of a colonial vice-admiralty court is in doc. no. 195.[4]

Piracy being from its very nature a less formal proceeding than privateering, there are fewer formal documents to present as essential to its history. In the seventeenth century, there are instances of trials for piracy by various courts: e.g., the Court of Assistants in Massachusetts in 1675 (doc. no. 41, note 1) and the Massachusetts Superior Court in 1694 (doc. no. 56, note 2). But the regular method, which came to prevail, was trial by special commissions appointed for the purpose, similar to those which were appointed for the trial of pirates in England by virtue of the statute 28 Henry VIII. c. 15 (1536). We have such a colonial commission, appointed by the governor, in doc. no. 51 (1683). In 1700 the statute 11 and 12 William III. c. 7 extended to the plantations the crown's authority to appoint such commissions (see docs. no. 104, note 1, no. 106, note 1, and no. 201). A curious signed agreement to commit piracy will be found in doc. no. 50; indictments for that crime in docs. no. 56, no. 119, and no. 120; partial records of trials in docs. no. 112, no. 113, and nos. 119-122. A full account of an execution, explicit enough to satisfy the most morbid curiosity, is presented in doc. no. 104. Nos. 123 and 124 are formal bills for the execution, the digging of the graves, and the cheering drams which the executioners found needful after their grisly work.

But if American colonial piracy presents a smaller array of legal documents than American colonial privateering, it makes up for it by its rich abundance of picturesque narrative and detail. The pieces here brought together show us piracy off Lisbon and in the East Indies and at Madagascar, at Portobello and Panama and in the South Sea, in the West Indies, and all along the Atlantic coast from Newfoundlandxiv to the coast of Guiana. They exhibit to us every relation from that of the most innocent victim to that of the most hardened pirate chief. They make it clear how narrow was sometimes the line that divided piracy and privateering, and how difficult it must have been to learn the truth from witnesses so conflicting and of such dubious characters, testifying concerning actions of lawless men in remote seas or on lonely shores.

Most of the pirates famed in story, who had anything to do with colonial America, appear in one way or another in these papers. On the history of Henry Every, for instance, and even on the oft-told tale of William Kidd, not a little new light is cast. Kidd's letters from prison, the letter and petitions of his wife, the depositions of companions, the additional letters of Bellomont, make the story live again, even though no new evidence appears that is perfectly conclusive as to the still-debated question of his degree of guilt. The wonderful buccaneering adventures of Bartholomew Sharp and his companions, 1680-1682, at the Isthmus of Panama and all along the west coast of South America, are newly illustrated by long anonymous narratives, artless but effective. And indeed, to speak more generally, it is hoped that there are few aspects of the pirate's trade that are not somehow represented in these pages.

At least it will not be denied that the documents, whether for piracy or for privateering, show a considerable variety of origins. Their authors range from a Signer of the Declaration of Independence to an Irishwoman keeping a boarding-house in Havana, from a minister of Louis XIV. or a judge of the High Court of Admiralty to the most illiterate sailor, from Governor John Endicott, most rigid of Puritans, to the keeper of a rendezvous for pirates and receiver of their ill-gotten goods. Witnesses or writers of many nationalities appear: American, Englishmen, Scots, Irishmen, Frenchmen, Dutchmen, Spaniards, a Portuguese, a Dane or Sleswicker, a Bohemian, a Greek, a Jew. The languages of the documents are English, French, Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, and Latin. Though none of them are in German or by Germans, not the least interesting piecesxv in the volume are those (docs. no. 43, no. 48, and no. 49) which show a curious connection of American colonial history with the very first (and characteristically illegal and unscrupulous) exploits of the Brandenburg-Prussian navy.

The range of repositories from which the documents have been procured is also considerable. Many were found in the state archives of Massachusetts, many in the files of the Supreme Judicial Court for Suffolk County, many in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, others in the archives of Rhode Island and New York, in the office of the surrogate of New York City, and in the New York Public Library. A very important source of material, indispensable indeed for certain classes of document, was the records and papers of the vice-admiralty courts of the colonial period. Extensive portions still remain in the case of four of these courts, at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston (see the first foot-notes to docs. no. 126, no. 184, no. 165, and no. 106, respectively). A large number of the documents, larger indeed than from any other repository but one, were drawn from the inexhaustible stores of the Public Record Office in London, namely, from the Admiralty and Colonial Office Papers. Others came from the Privy Council Office; a few, but among them two of the longest and most interesting, from among the Sloane and Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum; one whole group from the Rawlinson manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. Three of the Kidd documents were obtained from among the manuscripts of the Duke of Portland at Welbeck Abbey. Several of the pieces, and a number of lesser extracts used in annotations, were taken from colonial newspapers, and two from printed books not often seen.

Archivists and librarians have assisted the editor with their customary and never-failing kindness. It is a pleasure to express his gratitude to Mr. J.J. Tracy and Mr. John H. Edmonds, former and present archivists of Massachusetts, Mr. Herbert O. Brigham of the Rhode Island archives, Mr. A.J.F. van Laer and Mr. Peter Nelson of those of New York; to Mr. Worthington C. Ford and Mr. Julius H. Tutxvitle of the Massachusetts Historical Society; to Hon. Charles M. Hough, judge of the United States Circuit Court in New York; to Miss C.C. Helm of his office; to the late Miss Josephine Murphy, custodian of the Suffolk Files; to Miss Mabel L. Webber, secretary and librarian of the South Carolina Historical Society; to Mr. Victor H. Paltsits of the New York Public Library; to Rev. Richard W. Goulding, librarian to the Duke of Portland; and to the authorities of the Public Record Office, the Privy Council Office, the British Museum, and the Bodleian Library. Special thanks are due to the officials of three libraries in which the work of annotation was mostly done—the Library of Congress, that of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and that of Bowdoin College. On a few nautical points the editor had the advice of his old friend the late Captain Charles Cate of North Edgecomb, Maine. And especially he has to thank the chairman of the Committee on Publication, Mrs. Charles E. Rieman, for her interest in the work and for the exemplary patience with which she has borne the delays in its completion.

It is perhaps needless to say that the spelling of the originals has been carefully preserved; it is hoped that it would not be thought to be that of the editor. The punctuation of the originals has not been deemed equally sacred. In general, it has been reproduced, but where small alterations would make the sense clear to the modern reader but could not change it, or where that same effect would be produced by introducing punctuation-marks, which writers nearly illiterate often omitted entirely, it has seemed the part of good sense to make reading-matter readable. Also, names of vessels have been uniformly italicized even when not underscored in the original manuscripts. Dates previous to 1752 are old-style dates unless, as in the case of Dutch or French documents, new style is indicated.

J. Franklin Jameson.

Washington, October 19, 1923.

xvii

CONTENTS

INDEX

1

PRIVATEERING AND PIRACY
IN THE COLONIAL PERIOD

PROVIDENCE ISLAND.

1. Commission from the Providence Island Company to Governor Nathaniel Butler as Vice Admiral. April 23, 1638.[1]

Commission to Captain Butler[2] for the Admiraltie of the Island.

To all to whome theis presents shall come, we the Governor and Company etc. send greetinge. Wheras our gracious Soveraigne Lord King Charles hath by his Letters patent bearing date the 4th day of December in the 6th2 yeare of his Raigne,[3] for himselfe, his heires and successors, given and graunted to us and our successors, assignes and deputies for ever All Admirall rights, benefits and jurisdiccions and likewise all priviledges and Comodityes to the said Admirall jurisdiccion in any wise appertayneinge or belonging, in and upon the seas rivers and Coastes of the Island of Providence, Henrietta[4] and all other Islands within the Limits of his Majestys grant to us made and everie or any of them within 40 Leagues of any the said Islands and in and upon all other Rivers and Creekes within the said Limits, And likewise power to hold and determine all manner of Causes and pleas for and Concerning the same,[5] Now know ye that we the said Governor and Company confiding in the Fidelitie and Judgment of Captain Nathaniel Butler, now bound in a voyage to the Island of Providence, have elected, Constituted and deputed and doe hereby elect, constitute and depute the said Captain Nathaniel Butler, to be Admirall of the said Island of Providence, Hereby giveing and graunting to the said Captain Nathaniel Butler full power and authority to doe and execute (with the advise of the Counsell of warre which shall from time to time be established by us in the said Island) all matters and things concerning the said place of Admirall according to the Instruccions that we or our successors shall from time to time give and direct for and Concerning the execucion thereof, Nevertheless reserving to our selves all such Admirall duties as shall be payable and accomptable for or in respect of the same, other then[6] such priviledges and benefits as shall upon agreement betweene us and the said Captain Butler be assigned and appropriated to him, To have, hould and exercise the said place of Admirall of the said Island untill we shall otherwise dispose of the same. And we do require all persons whatsoever3 from time to time resideing in the said Island that shall at any tyme abide or be in the harbours, ports or Creeks of the same, to yeild and give all due obedience and respect to the lawfull Commands of the said Captain Butler as Admirall of the said Island, as they will answer the Contrary at their perills. Given under our Common Seale this 23th day of Aprill In the XIIII yeare of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles, by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defendor of the Faith, etc. And in the yeare of our Lord God 1638.

2. Governor Nathaniel Butler, “Diary of my Present Employment”. February-March, 1639.[1]

[February] 13. Wee hadd an alarme this morneinge, and in regard that the sayle that wee made came to an4 Anchor close without our Rocks called the Breakers, wee sone found that she was a stranger and in perill: wherupon I sent out two shalopes well manned and followed myself in the thirde: and by the waye wee mett with her bote being only a Canow in which all of her men wer come off from her and left her alone; But wee tooke two of her men backe with us to the shypp; and sent two of my Botes to bring her into the Harbour;[2] the which was done: Wee founde her to be a Spanish Frigate, taken by a man of Warre of Flushinge off of Cuba. she was laden with mantega de Porco,[3] Hides and tallowe; their resolution was to have carried her to St. Christophers,[4] and ther to have sold her Goods, but being not able to fetch itt, she was forced to beare up for our Iland; and but for us had wracked upon our rocks; shee was manned with eight men; and the man of warre that tooke her haveinge dispatched her as he thought for St. Christophers, remained upon the Coast of Hispaniola to looke out for more purchase:[5] and in the meantime, little knows what is become of his Prize.

14. I dined at Captain Morgan's. After dinner the Councell of Warre wer assembled at my house; wher some propositions wer considered off touchinge the new come Dutche; as alsoe about some redresses in respect of wronngs pretended to be offred by our Pillageinge seamen.

15. I was att Warwicke Fort[6] this morneinge, wher I called a Counsell of warre; and the new come in Dutche presented a coppy of their Commission signed by the Prince of Orange and the Dutche West India Company. After dinner being newly returned home, wee hadd an alarme, upon the discovery of a sayle; and I went presently out in my shalope and sent Captaine Axe out in his shalope to make a discoverye upon her; she proved to be another smale5 man of warre of Holland which had bin long upon the coast of the terra firma;[7] and hadd gotten nothinge; towards the eveninge she came to an Anchor in our Harbour. This vessell comeinge to the Ronchadores (it being only a desolate barren rocky sande twentie leagues to the eastwards of Providence, which is the nearest land unto itt)[8] found ther an Englishman the which with some others being in a smale frigate wer shypwracked upon itt, some of them gott awaye upon two rafts of which the one of them was never hearde off; Thoes upon the other raft wer driven upon the maine-land of the West-Indies, and soe att last gott home. This man with some others remained upon the sande and rocks; wher att last all of them died save this man only; who after he hadd remained ther two yeares and a halfe of which for ten monethes space, after the deathe of all the rest, he lived solitarily and all alone, being only fedd with such sea foules as resorted to the place, and sometimes some fish, he was thus taken and brought home unto us in good healthe and very lusty.

16. I went very early this mornenige to the greate Baye, wher my worcks went forwards well and almost to my wish. In the afternoone being returned home, I spent some houres in the hearinge of divers controversies amongst the Inhabitants. Towards night the Commander of the Dutche Vessel that came into our Harbour the daye before presented himself unto me and shewed me his Commission signed by the Prince of Aurenge:[9] His errand hither was to find and stoppe a leake; haveinge bin foure or five monethes upon the coast, and gotten noethinge. This morneing also, another of the new Companyes was in their Armes, upon the great Baye; and exercised by Captain Carter[10] in my presence, and did well.

17. Upon this Lorde's daye I was in the morneinge and6 eveninge at Mr. Sherrard's Churche,[11] who preached unto us, at both times. After the afternoone's sermon, the poore man that was soe hapely recovered from the Ronchadores, was introduced by Mr. Sherrarde to make a publicke thanksgiveinge to God for his deliverance with a confession in generall tearmes of his former vicious life, and a promise of future amendment. An act very commendable in itselfe, and a Course fully approvable: Though itt now brought to every man's minde and observation, that whereas the apparent evidence of God's mercye in as highe or higher a nature hadd been manifested towards Captain Axe and his company in his escape from the enemie, to thoes five persons that came safe unto us, in an extreme leakinge bote, from St. Christophers; And towards the fortie nine persons that arrived safely with us from the Barbadoes;[12] And all this done within the space of foure monethes; that none of all this should have bin remembered by Mr. Sherrard, in the same kinde; as if the safe-being of this one only man, had either bin of more remarkableness in itselfe, or of more acceptableness with him than all the others putt togither....

21. Early this morneinge I went out in my shalope to Darlies Fort[13] to looke out for the vessells that wer made the eveninge before and by sunne riseinge wee againe made them five leagues out to sea standeinge in with our Harbour; and by ten of the clocke they came ther to an Anchor: and one of them proved to be the Pinnace called the Queene of Bohemia[14] that I had sent out about five weekes before to looke out for Purchase upon the coasts of the maine; the other was a Spanish Frigate which she hadd made her Prize. I dined this daye at a weddinge.

22. The Captaine of our last arrived Pinnace came unto me and certified me concerneinge his voiage, and the take7inge of his Prize; and I gave him some Advices about the orderinge of every man's shares: And upon this daye all the montega de Porco, and the Tallow that came in the first Dutche was sold to the people att reasonable rates....

25. One of our new Companys was exercised upon this daye, by Captaine Hunt;[15] I went aborde our new prize, to sett downe orders, upon the Breakeinge of Bulke; And the Prize Goods began this morneinge to be unshypped, into our Store House. I hadd many Bussinesses brought afore me this daye, and found trouble ynough in decideinge of them.

26. Our new erected Company of Voluntiers exercised this morneinge, att our new exerciseinge place, and all the Captaines dined with me: In the afternoone, I called a Counsell of warre, where orders wer sett downe and given to the Captaines of the Fortes about makeing of all shotts att the comeinge in of shypps: Witnesses wer also examined in the Court of Admiraltie[16] about the new come in Prize, and a preparation made to an Adjudication. I hearde, determined and appeased divers differences, which might have produced ill bloud.

27. Very early this morneinge, I found worcke ready for me to heare and decide divers complaincts between the Inhabitants. Some of the Counsell of Warre dined with me; presently after dinner I caused a Proclamation pro forma to be made by sound of the Drumme, concerninge the Bussinesse of our new gotten prize: viz, That if anyone could make a claime to any of the said Prize goods or saye anything why adjudication of her being lawfull Prize should not be granted; they should come in by such a daye and should be heard accordinge to Justice. This afternoone all our Prize Goodes being landed, I went to the Store-house to see equall divisions made; And the Lordes fiftes[17] wer first layde aside; and then my dues as Admirall, and Captaine Axe's as Vice Admirall; and then some shares wer delivered accordinge to every man's part, to the common marriner[s];8 and all the Tobacco belonginge to them, was shared and delivered.

28. We wer all this daye busied att the Store-House in the shareinge of the dues to the Shyp-Company, out of the Prize Goods; and in proportioninge the Honorable Companye's Fiftes; and mine owne Admirall duties, and the Vice Admirall's, Captain Axe....

[March] 2. The Commanders and merchants of the Dutch men of warre dined with me this daye: our new prize Frigate by the presumption of her master in takeinge awaye without leave an Anchor and a Cable from her, which he claimed to be his due, and which she rode by in the Harbour, was driven ashore; for which fact he was cited to an Admirall Court....

4. I called a Court of Admiraltie this morneinge; and empannelled twelve seamen, to deliver their verdict, concerninge a misdeameanour committed by a master of a shyp, in takeinge awaye a Cable and an Anchor from a vessell rideinge in the Harbour; wherby the said vessell was driven on grounds and in perill to be lost: but thes Jurors proved themselves soe absurde and ignorant as sone made me finde the miserie of trialls in these dayes by such kinde of men: And it now produced an Order in a session of the Counsell of Warre in the afternoone, whereby all future crimes and commissions of this nature wer made punishable another waye. A new officer in the nature of a fiscall or Advocate[18] in our Court of Admiraltie was elected and sworne this daye.

5. The Prize Vessell that was driven aground was gotten off safe this morneinge, wherby the penalties inclifted[19] by the verdict in the Admiraltie Court in case it hadd perished, wer taken off.

9

LA GARCE.

3. Articles of Copartnership in New Netherland Privateering. December 4 (N.S.), 1646.[1]

Compareerde voor my Cornelis van Tienhoven Secretarius van wegen de Generale Geoctroyeerde Westindise Comp'e in nieu nederlandt geadmitteert den E. Heer Willem Kieft Directeur General van nieu nederlandt, synde inde voorschreven qualite voor Rekeninge van de welgedachte Comp'e een meedereder in de fregadt de la Garce, Dewelcke nevens alle de naergenoemde persoonen bekende te Hirrideeren in dito Fregat een recht achste part, Jan Damen Ingelycx een recht achste part, Jacob Wolphersen de somma van vyftien hondert gulden, Marten Crigier een gerecht sestiende part, Jacob Stoffelsen elft hondert gulden, Hendrick Jacobsen pater vaer een achste part, Hendrick Arentsen de somme van dertien hondert gulden, Capitain Willem Albertsen blauvelt een Recht achste part, Cristiaen Pitersen Rams veertien hondert gulden, Willem de key een Recht sestiende part, Adriaen dircksen een Recht twee ende dertichste part, Welcke voornoemde Somme ende parten de voornoemde Persoonen als gemeene Reders yder voor haer Particulier hebben gedaen ende Hirrideeren op Winst ende Verlies, ende is desen gemaeckt ende getekent omme in toecomende hunl[ieden] daer van te connen dienen ende Weten Wat yder Reder voor syn Winst vande uytgeleyde pen[ningen] te vorderen mocht hebben. T'Oirconde ende teken der waerheyt is desen by de voornoemde Reeders getekent, den 4e desember 1646. In Nieu Nederlandt.10

Christiaen Pietersz.	Jan Jansz Damen.
Wyllem Blaufelt.	Martin Cregier.
	Jacob van Couwenhoven.
dit ist X merck	Adriaen Dircksen Coen.
van Hendric Arentsen	Willem de Key.
dit ist merck van
Hendric Jacobsz p. vaer.
dit ist merck van
Jacob Stoffelsen.
In kennisse van my
C. v. Tienh. Secret.

Translation.

Appeared before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven,[2] authorized secretary for the Chartered West India Company in New Netherland, the Honorable Willem Kieft, Director General of New Netherland,[3] being in that capacity partner in the frigate La Garce on account of the aforesaid Company, who together with all the persons named hereafter acknowledged that he was taking a share of one just eighth part in the said frigate, Jan Damen likewise a just eighth part, Jacob Wolphersen the sum of 1500 gulden, Marten Crigier a just sixteenth part, Jacob Stoffelsen 1100 gulden, Hendrick Jacobsen Pater Vaer an eighth part, Hendrick Arentsen the sum of 1300 gulden, Captain Willem Albertsen Blauvelt[4] a just eighth part, Christiaen Pitersen Rams 1400 gulden, William de Key a just sixteenth part, Adriaen Dircksen a just thirty-second part,11 which aforesaid sums and parts the aforesaid persons, as owners in common, each on his own account, have invested and ventured, for profit or loss, and this [declaration] is made and signed in order to serve them in the future and to know exactly what each owner may have a right to demand for his profit on the monies invested. In witness and token of the truth this is signed by the aforesaid owners, December 4, 1646, in New Netherland.

Christiaen Pietersz.	Jan Jansz Damen.
Wyllem Blawfelt.	Martin Cregier.
	Jacob van Couwenhoven.
this is the X mark	Adriaen Dircksen Coen.
of Hendric Arentsen	Willem de Key.
this is the mark
of Hendric Jacobsz P. Vaer.
this is the mark of
Jacob Stoffelsen.
Acknowledged before me,
C. v. Tienh. Secret.

4. Articles of Copartnership between Augustin Herrman and Wyllem Blawfelt. December 4 (N.S.), 1646.[1]

Translation.

We the undersigned acknowledge that we have consented and agreed to invest in the frigate La Garce, for profit or loss, the sum of 1773 gulden, of which the Sieur Augustyn[2] ventures the sixth [substituted for sixteenth, erased] part in the name of Willem Aelbertsen Blauvelt, who acknowledges that he has received the aforesaid sum from the hands of Augustyn Heerman and promises, if God the Lord grants to him, Captain Willem Albertsen, on this voyage one or more prizes, whether great or small, to turn over to the aforesaid Sieur Augustyn or his order a sixth [the clerk wrote first sixteenth] part of the captured goods out of his own eighth part. And if it shall happen, which God forbid, that the bark should be lost, the aforesaid Sieur Augustyn shall have nothing to claim from Captain Blauvelt. Done and signed December 4, 1646, in New Amsterdam.

13

5. Affidavit: the Capture of the Tabasco. July 25 (N.S.), 1649.[1]

Translation.

We the undersigned, having all voyaged together in the frigate La Garce, of which Willem Albertsz Blaeuvelt is captain, having cruised in the West Indies, testify, witness, and declare, in place and under promise of solemn oath if need be, that it is true and certain, that we captured from the Spaniard, in the river of Tabasko,[2] the bark named Tabasko, which Spaniard did not notify us of any peace or truce concluded between the King of Spain and their High Mightinesses, nor had we known or heard of any14 peace.[3] All which we the undersigned declare to be true and certain, offering also if need be to verify it under oath. This 25th of July, 1649, in New Amsterdam.

6. Affidavit of Antonio Leon and Fyck Herry. September 27 (N.S.),
1649.[1]

Translation.

Copy

Appeared before me Jacob Hendricksz Kip,[2] authorized clerk to the Honorable Director General and Honorable16 Council of New Netherland, Antony Leon, native of Majorca, 26 years old, Spaniard, and Fyck Herry, native of Castlehaven in Ireland, about 21 years old, passengers, who came from Captain Flip Drest's bark into the bark of Willem Albertsz Blaeuvelt, who testify, witness, and declare, in lieu and on offer of oaths, at the request of the joint owners of the frigate La Garce, of which the above-named Willem Blaeuvelt was captain, that it is true and certain that they, the deponents, being in the said Captain Blaeuvelt's bark, saw, and they recollect very well, that upon July 18, 1649, in the bay of Campechie,[3] there came in the evening a ship which they thought to be the bark or prize of Blaeuvelt, whereupon Blaeuvelt immediately made sail, and turned to the leeward in order that they might the better make her out. The said Blaeuvelt ran up the Prince's flag above and at the stern, not waiting for her, but doing his best to get away from her. About eleven o'clock at night she came up to him, when Blaeuvelt's quartermaster, named Gerrit Hendricksz, called: "Flip, Flip, mate Flip", but received no answer and then cried out, "Strike for the Prince of Orange!"[4] [The Spaniard] answered, "Strike for the King of Spain!" and immediately fired with cannon four shots. The fifth piece failed to go off. The sixth shot struck Blaeuvelt's ship, without his having made any preparations [to fire]; said Blaeuvelt resolved to sail close to the wind in order to get to his people. All which we deponents aforesaid declare to be true and certain, offering on demand to confirm the same by oath. This 27th of September, 1649, on the Island of Manhattan in New Netherland. Signed with a mark of the following shape, , against which is written, "This is the mark of Fyck Herry, made by himself"; a mark of this sort against which is written, "This is the mark of Antony Leon, the Spaniard, made by himself"; then, "Albert Cornelisz", and the mark of Nicolaes Stilwil,[5] both as witnesses of the genuineness of the above marks; and beneath, "Acknowledged before me, Jacob Kip, authorized clerk".

After comparison with its original, dated and signed as17 above, this is found to agree, by me, Jacob Kip, clerk, in the presence of Francooys Noyret and [blank] requested as witnesses hereto, this [blank] September, 1649, in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland.

Franssoys Noiret, witness.[6]

THE HOLY GHOST.

7. Declaration of the Massachusetts Council, July 20, 1653.[1]

Att A Counsell held at Boston 20th July 1653.

Captaine Robert Harding[2] presenting unto us a certificate in the Dutch language with the seale of Amsterdam affixed to it that the ship called in the certificate the holy ghost togather with the skipper thereof did belong unto the united provinces (Although at the first arrivall of the s'd ship diverse rumors were spread which did render them suspitious to have unjustly surprised the s'd ship) whereupon the Counsell thought it there duty to enquire into the matter, yet having now examined the s'd Captaine and Considerd the Certificate afores'd together with a charter partie found in the s'd ship, Wee doe declare that wee have nothing wherewith to charge the sd Capt. or the company but have discharged the said Captaine and the rest of the company heere, together with their clothes, And therfore doe signify unto them that they have free liberty to enter our harbours where they shall have protection from all in18juries and liberties of free trade with any of our inhabitants as any other ships whatsoever have had amongst us.

8. Declaration of Governor Endicott. August (?), 1653.[1]

To all whom these presents may concerne, greeting etc.

Know yee that the ship called the holy gost of Amsterdam of the burthen about 160 tune beeing taken as a prize and carried away out of the Roade of the Iland of Barbados by some seamen and some planters and Inhabitants of the said Iland, the said Ship and company in their sayling Faling upon the coasts of new England were mett with at sea about 50 leagues from our harbor of Boston in great extremity, wanting provision, by a ship bound from London to our Ports whoe supplied them for there present need and pilatted them into one of our harbors called Natasket[2] where there is not a fort to bring a ship under Command. the Councell hearing of such a ship lying there sent to the Capt and company of the said ship and invited them to come into our harbor at Boston, they being afrade so to doe by reason (as the Councell was enformed) they were told that if they came into the harbor the Capt and Company should bee imprisoned and the ship seased. afterwards the Capt coming a shore, as alsoe some of the company, the Capt was19 arrested and some of the company were imprisoned, who were examined apt [apart] what ship it was they had taken and whence shee was, whither of Holland or of Spayne,[3] or wheather they had used any cruelty to any of the Company they tooke, either by wounding, killing or setting any of them ashore upon any Iland or other place to the endangering of there lives. they all agreed in one relation that no such thing was done by them or any man hurt, And there beeing not any person heere to enforme against the[m] and they making it appeare by a dutch certificate under the seale of Amsterdam and by other dutch writings w'ch are extant with us found in the seisd ship, that shee was a dutch ship of Amsterdam sett out by diverse Marchants of that citty, the councell released the said Capt and the rest w'ch had beene inprisoned, And sent to the rest of the ships company that they might freely come into our harbor, where they should have trafficke and protection from all Injuries and liberty of trade with any of our inhabitants as any other ships whatsoever, the ship afterwards came into Salem harbor,[4] And the Governor gave order to have the whole Cargo of goods to be brought ashore, that theire might bee a true Invoyce taken thereof, that the state of England[5] might have the tenth. And the rather because it was reported to be a vessell of great treasury And the account thereof might be expected from the goverment, being brought in to this Jurisdiction, And to the end there might be the better satisfaction given to such as might inquier after it. In Wittnesse of the premisses I have hereunto sett my hand and caused the seale of the Colony to be afixed.

This is A true Coppie Compared with the originall

per Edward Rawson, Secret'y.

[The words "Jno. Endecott Gov'n'r and the seale of the Colony" appear in the margin.]

20

9. Deposition of Matthew Hill. October (?), 1653.[1]

Mathew Hill aged 30 yeares and upwards deposeth and sayth

That upon the seaventh day of May 1653 last past aboute two of the clock in the afternoone of the same day The Prize-men and company that take the Spanish Ship out of Carlile Roade in Barbados,[2] there being at that tyme when shee was taken eight men of the shipps owne company on board when they tooke her (as the Gunner thereof informed this depon't) and that two of them leaped over board, w'ch were taken up by other shipps, and that they tooke thother six men with them, and were expected to have beene sent on shore back againe, but they cume not nor were ever heard of (by any meanes that this depon't could understand of) in foure months tyme whilst this depon't resided in Barbados after the ship was so taken, nor is yet that this depn't heares of. And this depon't further sayth That the Spanyord reported that there was a chest of gold dust six foote long and another chest of Jewells and Pearles, but named not how bigg it was, and seaven hogsheads of peeces of eight,[3] besides all other traffick that was in the said Shipp, And sayth that the Pylate of the said shipp affirmed that if there were Thirty men of them their share would come to one thousand pounds a peece, And also sayth That the Gunner of the said Ship being an Englishman (and this depn'ts country man) informed this depon't That his owne share in the said Shipp was worth eight hundred pounds sterl.

Mathew Hill.

10. Deposition of Francis Blackman and John Dukley. October (?), 1653.[1]

Mr. Francis Blackman, aged 60 yeares or there about, and mr. John Dukley aged 4[illegible] yeares or there abouts, doe joyntly and severally depose and say21 That in the month of May last past There was a Spanish Ship, as it was affirmed to be, taken at Barbados by a company of men that were some of them there resident and some of them inhabitants there, wherein there was eight men of the shipps company when it was taken, and two of them leapt over board and were taken up by other shipps but six of them were taken away with them in the said shipp. And there was a flying report that they were come on shoare againe the same day, but the constant report was that they were not, neither was any of them seene by these depon'ts after they were carryed away whilst these depon'ts remayned in Barbados, w'ch was foure months after.

Francis Blackman.

John ID Dukley.
his marke

11. Letter of Governor Searle of Barbados. November 4, 1653.[1]

Honnored Sr.

Theare arived some sixe mo. since before this Iland a spannish ship belonging to Tennarife (one of the Canary Ilands) Commanded by Emanuell Rodriges, Capt. thereof, who having mett with much contrary weather in theire voiage homewards wer necessitated to put for this place, and being before the Iland sent in theire request to have libertie to wood and water. accordingly it was graunted unto them, with Assurance of receiving like protection, freedome, and libertie in our ports, as any other Nation in league and Amitie with the Commonwealt[h] of England, which gave them Incouridgment to bring theire shipp into harbor within Command of our forts, and having staied and Refreshed themselves some three weeks time and taken in such necessaryes and provicions as they needed, whiles the Comander with the major parte of his men were on shoare22 abo[ut] theire dispatches, the said ship was Unhappily surprized in the harbor by a wicked deboist[2] Crew of persons, who getting aboard and by force suppressed those few seamen which were in the shipp, Cutt the Cables and sett saile.

Assoone as the surprise was discovered some shott were made at them, but theire resolution to Carry so desperate an Attempt (knowing w't the end would have binn had they fayled therein) and sensiblenesse [?] in theire dispatch to gett the ship without Command, as also the night Coming on, and having the Advantage of winde and Currant, no meanes Could be used to recover the shipp Againe, by which action the Comander, with his men, who but a little before were possessed (as well of theire owne as others Interested) with very Considerable estates, were left on shoare to be Releived by our charitie.

The Inhabitants of this Iland with myself Cannot but have a very great Resentment of so vile an Act, which hath Reflected so much not only uppon Authoritie but the Iland in Generall, and may heareafter reflect to the prejudice of particcular persons heare who trade at the Canary Ilands.

Wee have lately understood these Robbers by fained pretenses and discourses, to Coulor theire Action have endeavored to shelter themselves under your Authoritie in New England, but its hoped and beleived that such persons will not be harboured, nor such Actions Countenanced by you there. if they should it may proove for the future of evill consequence to this Colonie. it was least of all suspected theire Confidence would have led them thither, otherwise wee should from hence have ere this requested your Assistannce for stoping the shipp and goods, and persons of those Robbers, untill the parties concerned therein might have Intelligence of theire being in New England, there to prosecute for theire rights;

The Capt. of the said ship with some others of the Compa. went hence for England hoping there to meete with them, others of them are gonn to some of the leiward Ilands, and some to the Canaries. assoone as Intelligence23 cann be given to the proprietors at tennarife, you will I judge have some one from thence, to prosecute for theire shipp and goods.

The persons who Committed this Robberie being thorough theire deboistnes brought into Considerable engagements to severall of the Inhabitants of this Iland, had long before sought waies to make escapes from of this place, to Avoide theire Confinement which the lawe would have forced them unto for sattisfaccion of theire just debts; and had not this ship presented, theire Attempts would have binn to have zeased on some other, as since hath binn prooved, which might as well have binn some Vessell heare of your Collony, as any other; theire example have binn encouradgement to others to Attempt the like, but wee are, and shall be as dilligent to prevent the same as possible wee may. if all or some of the cheife of those Robbers (if they are still with you), were sent hither that exemplary Justice might be Inflicted on them, it maybe a meanes to terrify others from such actions for the future.

What Justice you please to execute in this particcular, will not only be well resented by us heare; but also thankefully acknowledged and greately vindicate the Justice of your Authoritie against such as otheruise may be apt to blemish the same.

Since the Surprisall of said shipp here arived another vessell from the Canarie Ilands, to offer trade with the Inhabitants, who notwithstanding the Assurance they receaved from me of freedom and protection therein, yet afterwards being Informed of the Aforesaid action would not trust themselves amongst us but departed; which doe tend much to the prejudice of the Collonie. I shall not further enlarge at present but referr all to your Consideracion; and Commend you to the Almighty in whom I Rest

Yours in what I may to serve you

Daniel Searle.

Berbadoes 4th of November 1653.

a true copy, etc., and the address.

24

12. Order of the Massachusetts Council. January 25, 1654.[1]

Att A Counsell Called by the Governor on occasion of a letter sent from the Governor of Berbadoes to the Governor heere respecting the prizemen and held at Salem the 24th of January, 1653.[2]

After the Counsell had Considered of that letter they Ordered that the Secretary should forthwith transcribe true Coppies of the originall and translacion of the Dutch Certifficat and the other Dutch writting found in the shipp called the holy ghost, and presented by Capt. Robt. Harding to the Counsell, Attested by the Secretary and sent to the Gov'nor and Counsell at the berbadoes, And further Ordered that the Secretary may give true coppies thereof to the Capt. or any other of the prizemen or any other that shall desier them;

And though by what the Governor of Berbadoes hath hitherto Certefied to us, it does not legally appeare that the vessell was or is a spannish vessell, but the Contrary rather seemeth unto us by the dutch Certifficat and other writting sealed and the Inscription on the sterne of hir De heyly[3] Gheest, with the picture of the dove and burden of the ship concurring with them, yett for these severall reasons, viz. 1. Becawse it cann be no Injury to Capt. Robt. Harding, Left. Thom. Morrice, and that company to Justify theire oune act at Berbadoes, (if it were a lawfull act). 2. Because there is probabillitie, some evidence appearing, that severall of the shipps former company that was aboard are missing, wch were not brought into this Jurisdiccion, what is become of them cannot so well be cleered, nor the Case triable any where so well as at the Berbadoes where the fact was donne. 3. Becawse Capt. Harding, Left. Morrice and the rest, as is suspected, have not discovered all the treasure that was in the shipp and thereby have deceaved the Commonwealth of England (In Case it should proove a pricze)25 which cannot be cleered so well, any where as at Berbadoes, who have as wee are Informed inquired of hr [?] the value of the prize, and the Rather becawse they broke bulke at Pemequid, out of our Jurisdiccion,[4] and that after they had our order, which they seemed to decline by theire Accepting proteccion from Capt. Gilbert Crane, as appeares by proofe, who was in our harbors under the Imploiment of the Parliament of England for masts and Tarre.[5]

Itt is therefore Ordered that the Capt. Robt. Harding, Left. Thomas Morris and the rest of that company now in hold and such as shall be taken heere after shall with all conveniency be sent to the Berbadoes and In the meane time Remaine in prison, unlesse the Counsell shall take further order.

Itt is further Ordered that Capt. Robert Harding, Left. Thomas Morris and Henry Cowes shall, when Capt. Jno. Allen or any other that shall first be Ready to sett saile to the Berbadoes, be delivered safe aboard to him or them, by him or them to be delivered to the Governor and Counsell at Berbadoes, And It is left to any three of the majestrates to send the rest by such conveyances as they shall Judge meete.

And that the Secretary shall from the Counsell give a strict charge to the keeper of the prison to secure them in prison so as they escape no[t] as he will Answer it on his utmost perrill.

25. January 1653. voted alltogither.

Edward Rawson, Secret.

13. Vote of the Massachusetts House of Deputies. June 10, 1654.[1]

Whereas there was some Information given unto this Court of the Illegall surprisall of the Spanish shipp for26merly Called the Holy Ghost and since Called the happie Entrance, of which shipp Capt. Robt. Hardinge was Commaunder, yet forasmuch as neither Capt. John Allen who so informed, nor any other person, would Ingage to procecute agaynst the sd Capt. Hardinge and Company, The Court thought it not meete to take Cognizance thereof, after which Capt. Crane undertooke to receive the tenth for the State of England, and whatsoever was Done by him or by mr. Endecot, then Gov'r, or Capt. Breedon[2] or any other person in any respect whatsoever about the sd shipp or Goods or tenth part thereof, neither was nor wilbe owned by this Court in any kind. the Deputyes have past this and desire our hon'rd magists. Consent hereto.

10th 4th 1654

William Torrey, Cleric.[3]

The magists. Cannot Consent heereto, It Contradicting the last act of the Court.

Edward Rawson, Secret'y.

[Another copy of the vote, likewise attested by Torrey, has instead of the above subscription the following:]

this vote to be entred in the booke altho not Consented to by the magists.

Contradicent., mr Jer Howchen.27

THE BLUE DOVE.

14. Portuguese Commission (Letter of Marque) to Charles de Bils. February 10 (N.S.), 1658, September 10, 1662.[1]

Alfonso, by the grace of God King of Portugall and of the Algarves [on both sides] of the seas In Africa, Lord of ginney and of the Conquest, navigation, and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and of India, Know all to whom this my letter patent shall Appeare that itt Behooving mee to provide shipps to oppose sea Roavers thatt frequent the Coasts of these my Kingdomes, for the conveniency of tradeinge to them, And Consideringe the merritts and Partts thatt Doe concurr in the person of Charles de Bils, Confidinge in him that In all thatt I shall Impose to his trust hee will serve mee to my Content, Itt Is my will and pleasure to nominate and by these Presents doe name for Capt. of a shipp of warr, by virtue of w'ch power hee may provide att his owne charge a shipp of one hundred Tonnes with whatt boates nessesarie, and provide her with Gunns, People, ammunition and provisions as hee shall thinke Convenientt, to wage warr with the subjects of the Kinge of spaine, Turks, Pirats, Sea Roavers, take there shipps and there marchandizes and all that belongs unto them and Carry them to Any Portts of this Kingdome to give An Accountt of them in my office, where they shall bee taken Account of In a booke kept for said purpose, where they shall bee Judged if Lawfull Prizes. hee may vizitt or search whatt shippes hee thinks goe loaden with our Enimies goods, goe to there ports, favouringe In all things any Alyed28 to this Crowne, Payinge the Customes of sd. Prizes, according to the Rates of the Custome Houses of this Kingdome. Wherefore I Request all Kings, Princes, Potentats, Lords, Republicks, states, theire Leiftenants, Generalls, Admirals, Governours of there provinces, Citties and Portts, Captaines And Corporals of Warr, to give to the said Charles de Bils all the Assistance, helpe and favour, Passage and Entrance into theire Portts, with his said shipp, people, prizes and all things theire unto pertaininge, offerringe my selfe in the like occasion to doe the same, and Command my Governours, Generalls, officers of Warr, to lett them goe and passe with there prizes as long time as shall be nessesarie, for Confirmation of w'ch I commanded this letter Pattent to bee past, signed and sealed with the great seale of my Armes. Given in the Cittie of Lisbone the tenth day of february. Written by Antonio Marques In the Yeare of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand six hundred fifty Eightt. Diogo Ferres Bravo Caused itt to bee written. Queene.[2] And because said Charles de Bills Presen[t]inge himselfe before mee, Declareinge hee had lost said patent, desireinge mee to favour him to Command to passe him Another With safety [?] I commanded itt to bee past him outt of the Register Booke, W'ch Is the same declared above. given in lisbone the tenth of September six hundred sixty two.

frances Pereira da cunha caused itt to bee written.

(Sealed with
the Armes
of portugall.)

The King.[2]

The Patent by w'ch your Mag'tie was pleased to nominate Charles de Bils for captaine of a warr shipp of One Hundred tonnes, w'ch hee offerred to furnish att his owne Cost with such Boates as hee shall thinke nessesarie and to provide them with Gunnes, People, Ammunitions, and victuals that hee thinks needfull. Reformed. By Your Mag'tie.

29

15. Commission from de Bils to John Douglas. September 20 (N.S.), 1662.[1]

By his mag'ties decree of the tenth of october 657, And Dispach of the counsell of the 8th of september 662. Itt Is Registred In the 22 Booke of the s[ecre]taria of Warr, fol. 72.

Wee, Charles de Bils, Captaine by the King our Lord, by virtue of my fore written Patent, Sealed with The great Seale and Signed by his mag'tie, Constitute and doe Constitute D. John Duglas for Commander of my shipp Called st. John In my name and as if I were Personally Presentt to make Warr With the Enimies of this Crowne of Portugall, Accordingly And in the same manner as it Is declared In my Patent, for Effectinge of W'ch I grant to the said my Constituted all the Powers to mee granted, for Confirmacion of w'ch I deliver him this my Patent signed with my hand and Sealed with the seale of my Armes. made In lisbone the twentieth of september one thousand Six hundred sixty two.

Charles de Bils.

Wee the under written doe testyfie that the Aboves'd and what is Conteyned on the other Side[2] is a true translation of a Comission Graunted by the Queene of Portugall and afterwards Confirmed by the King of that Country unto Charles de Bills and afterwards Assigned over by Sayd Charles de Bills unto Capt John Duglas as witnes our hands

Aug't the 15th 1664.[3]

Edmund Downer.
William Tailer.
John Ford.

30

16. Deposition of William Browne. June 24, 1664.[1]

The deposicion of William Browne, passenger with Mr Robert Cooke, in the Blow Dove, and now prisoner aboard Capt. Jno. Dowglass:

That when hee was demaunded of the said Capt. John Dowglass where the said Shipp did belong unto, that the said William Browne did saye that hee heard the Mr say severall times, that the said Shipp did belong unto Amsterdam, and that the said Shipp was bound for Amsterdam, and that most of the company[2] were Scotts:

2ly. That the said William Browne did see when a Jewe did shipp aboarde some goods,[3] and that a Jewe did marke it, and that a Jewe did dispose of the goods which the Shipp brought from Holland and that Jewes name was Isaac Cardozo, and that after the Shipp was taken it was the Mr.'s desire for to bee put ashoare, and his company likewise, for the Mr. of the said Shipp was wounded and the Capt., meeting with a vessell bound for Port Royall in Jameka, did graunt leave to the said Mr. and most of his company for to goe in her for the said Port: as witness my hand this 24. of June 1664:

Taken uppon Oath this 12. of July 1664 in Portsmouth, in Pascatayvay River, in Newe-England, in America; before mee

Brian Pendleton,[4]
Comisioner.

17. Deposition of Marcus Claesz. June 24, 1664.[1]

The deposicion of Markus Claise of Rotterdam borne, passenger in the Blow Dove, when shee was taken, and now prisoner aboarde Capt. John Dowglass.31

That when hee was demaunded of the said Capt. John Dowglass where the Shipp did belong unto, that hee the said Markus Claise did say that the said Shipp did belong unto Amsterdam, and that the Shipp was bound for Amsterdam when shee was taken, and that the Jewes were aboarde before wee set saile, and that most of the Company were Scotts, and after that the said Shipp was taken that the Mr., Robert Cooke, and most of his company did desire of the Capt. to goe ashoare uppon Jameka, and the Capt. meeting with a Barke bound for Port Royall in Jameka did graunt them leave, according to theire desire, to goe in her to the aforesaid Port at Jameka: as witnes my hand this 24. day of June 1664.

Taken uppon Oath this 12. of July 1664 in Pascatayvay River, in Newe-England, in America, before mee:

Brian Pendleton,
Comisioner.

18. Deposition of Bartholomew Martin. June 24, 1664.[1]

The deposicion of Bartholomewe Martin, Spaniard, passenger and now aboarde of Capt. John Dowglass:

That when hee was demaunded of the said Capt. John Dowglass whither hee knewe if the Shipp did belong unto the Jewes, hee answered that hee heard Isaac Cardozo a Jewe tell him privately that the Shipp did belong unto his father in Amsterdam, and that shee was Assigned unto him by his father from Amsterdam, and that the said Bartholomewe Martin did see the Jewes bring Quicksilver, and that hee knowes it is the same which was taken in the Blew Dove: as witness my hand this 24. day of June 1664.

Taken uppon Oath this 12. of July 1664 in Portsmouth, in Pascatayvay River, in Newe-England, in America, before mee:

Brian Pendleton,
Comisioner.

32

19. Commission to James Oliver and Others. July 16, 1664.[1]

Being Credibly Informed of the Arrivall of a ship at Piscatage manned with persons who have Given just cause of suspition and are suspected to have seazed the said ship in a way of piracy or in a undue and Illegall manner, Now that his Maj'ty may have his rights and dues preserved, his Good Subjects the Right owners and proprietors of ship and Goods releived wht [without] any such violent seizures

These are therefore in his Maj'tys name to Authorize and Require yow, Capt. James Olliver, Capt. Edward Hutchinson, upon Receipt hereof forth with to repaire to the sd River of piscatage and there to Apply yourselves to Capt. Brian pendleton and mr. Richard Cutts, who are hereby Alike Authorized and Joyned in Comission with yow, who together or any three of yow are hereby Impowred and Required to make seazure of the Comander, officers and Company of the said ship, whither in piscatage River or in any other Harbor, port or place within this Jurisdiction, in Case they shall Refuse to submitt themselves to your comand Relating to a due triall, to secure the said ship and Goods, and having so secured them yow are to Convey the said persons, shipp and Goods to Boston, that so a due proceeding may be had and made therein according to law and Justice, And that yow may be fully enabled to dischardg the trust here Comitted to yow, All officers and Comanders both by33 land and sea, in those parts, are hereby required in his Maj'tys name on your warrant and order to be ayding and Assisting to you therein, for wch this shall be your and their Warrant.

Given Under our hands, with the seale of the Colony hereto Affixed, at Boston in N E. this 16th day of July 1664.

R B D. F W.

20. Deposition of Daniel Sprague. July (?), 1664.[1]

I, Danell Sprage,

when I wasse Cleer and my wages paid me I Could get noe imployment nor passage, not in three weeks time that I lay there, to goe to the windward Ilands. then I thought good to goe as to Cammanus,[2] to se if I Could get passage their, and I saild with one Captaine Hermon towards the Cammanus, and as wee Came to An iland Called Camman-bricke,[3] their lay Captaine John Duglasse at Anker. he sent his boate abord of us to heer what newse from Jemecoe, and we Asked of them wether they weare bound. the quarter Maistor Answered and said, wee be bound to the windword Ilands. I Asked of them weither I Could have passage with them or noe, and hee saide, "I,[4] and wellcome". then I went Abord with my Chest and Clothes and I staid aboard all the night and Could not speake with the Captaine, but the nixt Mornin as soon as it wasse day I spoke with the Captaine. I desired of the Captaine wether he wasse bound and he told me he wasse looking out for A shipe that Came from Amsterdam in holland to Jemecoe, Called the blew dove, and said, "if I Could meet with her she is A good prise for me. I have beene ten or tewlve dayes aseeking after her and Cannot light of her, but if I Can light of her she is Aprise for me. I have the king of34 Portugalls Commishon". I, danell Sprage, [said] unto Captaine John duglasse, "without your Commishon be very firme and that you be sure you Can Make a prise of her I desire you not to Come neer her, for I know what the ship is and Came out of holland in her". he Answered and said if I would goe a longe with him he would beare me out in all damages that shuld follow or insue upon me Conserning takeing of the prise. then the shipe which I Came from Jemecoe in wasse gon from the Iland over to the Cammanus and their wasse noe other shipe left but only Captaine John Duglasse. I said unto Captaine John Duglasse, "shuld I goe with you, and you shuld Come up with this shipe and take her, and the Company seeing of me they will say that I have been at the Cammanus and have fetched A shipe one purpose to Make a prise of them". Captaine Duglass Answered and said that "I and my Company Can testifie to the Contrarie and as far as my Commishon and my life doth goe I will beare you out Against all them that shall qushton you as Conserning the takeing of this shipe: I am Captaine and I have taken her with my Commishon and I will Answer it".

thes be the men that Can testifie that they weare ten or twelve dayes out in the pursuite after thes ship be fore I Came to them: and have heer unto set their hands.

the Marke of william gibens. W John Hill. * the Marke of Cline the Dutchman. Thomas Huckens is Marke. Solemon Begensous, quarter Maistor. + the Marke of Halligert Younson. Thomas Berkenhead.

These be the two witnesses wich Can Justifie that I did desire the Capt. that, without his Comemishon where[5] sure, not to medle with the ship. The Marke of danell harress. Abraham willkeson.

35

21. Deposition of William Browne. July 25, 1664.[1]

William Browne, age 17 or 18 yeares, Saith that he was to goe passenger for England with mr. Robert Cook, master of the Shipe Called the blow dove of london. the sd. wm. Browne heard the master Say that the Said Ship did belonge to Sr. wm. Davidson in Amsterdam[2] and I know that James wattson who came owt of holand befoire the Ship, did frawght the Sd. Ship with Some goods marked with WD. and I doe not know certanly whether there was ane S. in the midle or not, and that the Said James wattson was going with the Sd Shipe first for England and then for Amsterdam, and that the Sd. wm. Browne did See a Jewe Marke Qwicksilver and wax, which was Shiped Aboard of the Sd. Shipe, which Jewe kept a Shope publickly in Jamaica and did dispose of Some of the goods q'ch [which] came from holdand in the Said Shipe, and I doe know that there was ane English man Aboard which was a pasenger which had Some goods A board, as Cocco, 2 Tunne marked with ane O burned with the Barrell of A mwscket.[3] the Sd Shipe coming out of port Royall with 10 men or there About, with Some passengers, went in Company with Captaine Hatchwell to blewefilds bay,[4] a bowte 20 Leagwes distance from Pt. Royall, and tooke in some watter and Some Ballace, and being at ane Ankore the Captane of a little Barke with his Company boarded them and gave them a voly of Shoat, being in nwmber about 27 men, and being Some what darke the master was Shote in the Arme and the men of the blow dove were put in the howll of the Shipe: and then the Asaylants Cut the Cables, and Caryed away both veshells and them, untill they came to poynt Niggereell,[5] where they met with ane English barke coming from Caymanws and bownd for Porte Royall in Jamaica, where they putte the Said mr. of the blowe dove Aboard According to his desire36 and furnished them with Some victwales and a Caise of Spirits: and after they were gone owt of Sight they lasht there barke aboard of the prise and took most of there things owt of her and Let her goe Adrifte.

There was Aboarde the Shipe when shee was taken from Ro't Cooke bowt 48 hogsheads of Sugar, Some Cocco, Ebbony, Granadilla, Brasilita,[6] Oakem, Stockfish, match, Qwick Silver 29 or 30 Chists, 2 gold Crownes with diveres other Jewelles, 1 Barill of knives, Some Swords, 1 Barill with Sheathes and Corvall, 60 Jares of oyle, 9 Caises with Spirits, 7 or 8 packes of whyte waxe, Lignavita, Gwmme about 5 or 7 pak.

Taken upon oath this 25th of July 1664 befor me
Thomas Savage, Commiss'r.

Acknowledged in Court 5th August 1664.
Edw. Rawson, secret.

22. Deposition of Robert Lord. July 26, 1664.[1]

The deposition of Robert Lord aged 42 yeares July 26, 1664.

Saith

That being at Jamaica about the moneth of January last past, there came in the pincke blew dove which was seized at sea betweene Hispaniola and Jamaica by John Morrice Captn. of the Virgin Queene (an english man of war), who putt two or three of his men aboad to bring her into Jamaica harbor, hee with his man of war bearing her Company neere to the harbour; when the sd blew dove had bin three or foure daies at Jamaica there was a Court of Admiralty appointed for the triall of the sd Blew-dove, it being expected by the sd Captn. Morrice and Company that the sd Ship would have been a prize to them, and their great Argument was that they were sailing towards Cuba before they had seized them, and that they were laden with am37munition and goods sutable to the spanish trade: but uppon triall in the Court, their billes of Lading appeared that they were bound to Jamaica, their cocketts and dispatches being cleere from the Kings Custome-house at Dover; this deponent speaking in Court to Sr Charles Littelton (then sitting Judge of the Court)[2] that hee knew the Master Robert Cooke, and that hee lived in Ratliffe[3] neere to him, which also testifies Captn: Isack Bowles Comander of the Blackmore (one of the Royall Companies Ships),[4] the Governor (Sr Charles Littelton) did thereupon declare them to be a free ship, and to have their liberty of trade as any other Ship whatsoever that was then in the Harbour; And further saith that the aforesd Captn. John Morrice told this deponent that hee had hoped to have had a good prize of the blew-dove, but hee gott nothing of them but an English Ensigne, and a hogshead of strong beare, and that the sd Blew-dove came in with English colours, and did on all occasions weare them.

Taken upon oath, 27: 5: 64. Before me

Elia. Lusher.

23. Deposition of John Hunter. July 26, 1664.[1]

John Hunter Aged a bout 40 years deposeth and sayth

That this deponant was shipped by Captaine Robert Cooke, Commander of the blew dove of London so Caled, to sayle as a sayler in the said shipp from Jameco to Dover and so for Amsterdam: the time this deponant was shipped was about the begining of Aprill Last past in Jameco.

This Shipp blew dove, as I was informed by the people in Jameco, was brought in by a Captaine of a privat man of war uppon susspition that shee was to trade with the Span38iard as a hollander, haveing Jewes Goods on bord as thay Alleged, but was there Clered by the Governer, sir Charles Littelton, and had fower moneths trade there afterwards. this was the Common report of the people there. farther this deponant testifieth uppon his owne knowlidg, being about two moneths a seaman uppon the said Shipp before shee was taken, and when wee Came out of Jameco wee had a let pas[2] from the Governer to saile to dover and there to pay the Kings Customs and from thenc wee were to sayle unto Amsterdam and to deliver our goods unto Sir william Davis[3] or his order, as the bills of Lading maketh manifest, which this deponant did see in the hands of Captaine Dugles Now a prisner, who desired this deponant to Reade the bill of Lading unto him at sea as wee were Coming in to these parts, allso a nother bill of Lading for sum smale quantitie of wax and quicksilver which belonged unto a Jue, as I did aprehend. also I red a nother bill of Lading for severall goods belonging unto an Englishman Living in Jameco, who was going passenger for dover in the said shipp, but was turned a shore in blewfilds bay as the rest were by the said Duglas and his Company. farther this deponant testifieth that Captaine Duglas was at Jameco and did here that this shipp was there Clered and did then tell this deponant that hee would take this shipp, which this deponant towld him hee Could not Legally doe for shee beelonged unto Sir william davis in Amsterdam, his maisties Resident there. this deponant did acquaint Captaine Cooke what the said duglas said. farther this depont testifieth that when we were in blewfilds bay this duglas Came Rowing upp with two oars about eight of the Clock at night. Wee haild them and Asked whenc thay were and thayer Answer was, from the Barbados. wee Asked who was there to friend. thay Answered peter prier,[4] who said thay had lost Camanos and were going to seeke for it Againe, but presently thay Clapt thayer helme a starbord and shered Abord us giving a volly of smale shott,39 in which thay shot our master through the Arme, and so Came on bord and beate us doune in to the howld without Asking of us what wee weare and so Cut our Cable and presently put forth to sea. farther this deponant testifieth that two of the sailers being Englishmen Leaft the said Captaine Cooke at Jameco, uppon which the said Cooke was forced to shipp this deponant and a nother. and farther this deponant sayth not.

Taken upon Oath the 26th of 5th mo 1664
before mee Anthony Stoddard, Comissr.

owned in Court 5th August 1664Edw. Rawson.

24. Deposition of Charles Hadsall. July 27, 1664.[1]

The deposition off Charls Hadsall, aged forty six years or thereabouts:

Testefieth and saith that mr Robt Cooke, Comandor of the shipp blew dove, together with my selfe Comandor of the shipp Lucretia sett sayl from port Royall harbor In Jemaicah with free Lett Pases from Collonall morgan deputy Governer of Jemaicah:[2] And Coming down In Company to blew feilds bay where we Came to An Anchor to fetch our wood and watter on board and as soon as we were at anchor there Came of a Conoo from Capt John Dowglas Lying Closs under the shoar on board of my shipp with two men for to Inquire among my men whether I woold Ingage to defend the shipp blew dove, I then being on board of her the said shipp blew dove, with Squire wattson, Marchant of the said shipp, with whome I went a shoare: and Coming on board about seven a Clok In the Evning with squire wattson to the shipp blew dove and having taken my Leave of him went on board of my owne shipp: and halfe an hour after there Came a Conoo from40 the vessell of sd Dowglass on board of my shipp Lucretiah, where I demanded of the said men that Came In the Conoo whether they were bound: and they Replied for the Camanes, which they said they were formerly bound for and had mist: and now pretended they woold goe with mee to Cemanes: And further saith that they said they woold be at new england before mee. I Replied, "In whatt shipp": they said It was no matter In whatt shipp: and while these men were discoursing with mee Dowglas his barke Clapt the shipp blew dove on board, Cutt her Cables and sett sayle, and the men that were on board my shipp with me went away on board the said shipp blew dove: and soe went away, and three days after the master, marcha[nt] and sum of the Company being putt Into a small vessell Came Into blew feilds bay where I then Rod att Anchor and I going on board of them, saw the master of the shipp blew dove, shott In the arme, who told mee that they the said dowglass and his Company had took all they had from them only the Close uppon his back: And further this deponent saith that squire wattson told him that the shipp blew dove belonged to Sr Wm Davison and Captain Taillur: and that the master and marchant of the said shipp told mee there were Letters on board of the said shipp blew dove for his majesty and the duke of yorke:[3] being such Letters as were Considerable. And further saith that the master and marchant of the shipp blew dove told mee that there was In Jewells on board of said shipp to the vallue of three hundred pound sterling and about thirty Chests of quik silver and sugger he said was on board but I have forgott whatt quantity he spake off. And further this deponent saith that the shipp blew dove Rod In Jemaicah severall sabbeth days with her english Cullers out.

Taken upon oath 27: 5: 64
Before me Elia. Lusher.

owned in Court 5th August 1664 by the sd Hadsell

E.R.[4]

41

25. Petition of John Douglass. August, 1664.[1]

To the honored Governor, Deputy Governor, Majestrates and Deputies of this honoured Generall Court now sitting in Boston in the Massachusetts Colonie of New England.

The peticion of captayne John Duglas late Commandor of the Prise called the Blew Dove of Anserdam in behalfe of himselfe and Company (servants and seamen to the said Ship belonging), whose names are hereunder Subscribed.

Humbly shewing, That whereas the said Ship was seized uppon at Puscataque in his Majesties name about the eighteenth-day of July-last with all the Seamens chests and Clothes save what they have on their backs, And that the said Seamen have bin here about fiveteene dayes without any allowance from the Countrey and not a penny of money to releeve themselves, so that they had perished eare this tyme had they not bin releeved by som freinds, some of which company have bin without victualls three dayes together, They humbly crave this honored Court that they may have a speedy triall whether their prise be a lawfull prise or not, otherwise that they may have their chests, clothes and armes, which request of your Peticioners they humbly crave may be taken into Consideration and they shall, as by duty they ar bound, pray, etc.

John Douglass.

42

26. Plea of John Douglass. (August 8?), 1664.[1]

The tenth day of October, one thousand Sixe hundred Sixtey and Tow, One Capt John Daglas Brought one Commision from the king of Portugall, Sayling out of Lisborren[2] for to Make ware according to His Commision in his Ship Called St John, force 4 Gones, with men and Amunission Convennent, to Make Ware with the Ennemes of the Sayed king.

Having lived about the time of 4 or 5 Monthes about the Ilandes of the Canares with out taking any Prise, this same Capt. tucke Resselution to Sayle to wardes the Endges[3] with his Ship and Men, and After Som dayes of his Arivall to this Enges, som thing Neare the Iland Martenekea[4] he Mett with a man of ware. the Sayed Captaine dagles was ingadged to fight having a great many of his Men kild and wounded and hee him Self Deapley Wounded with a Shote from a Mosquit, the whch Shote Bracke his Arrem, and was in danger of his Life.

And for his helth he and his men was forcest to Retier to the Iland of Monseratt, inhabeated by the Engles under the Goverment of Correnall Roger Asborn.[5] thare this Sayed Capt. was Courtiously Receved by this Sayed Govenar and brought him a shoure, whare hee was in dyett and dwelt a twel month upon this sayed Iland in which this his Sayed Ship which he brought Out of Lisborne Perresed[6] thare and was uncapabell of the ware.

Afterward the Sayed Capt. Dagles he went to Jemekea and the Jenerell of the Iland of Jemekea did Exammine the Commision of Capt. John Dagles, and having found itt Good the Sayed Jenerall gave him Permision to baye[7] a43 frigat for the Sayed ware according to his Commision, and touck men, Arrems and Amunision for the ware with the Ennemis of the king of Portagall, and the Sayed Capt. John Daglas Sayeled from the Iland Jemeake with permision of the sayed Jenearell.

And about 3 Mounth After Sayling out of thees harbor Jemeke, this Sayed Capt. Dagles had Nouse by Severell Engles Vessells that thar was a vessell Redey to Sayell Out of the harbor of Jemeake loden by the Jues under the king of Spaine, and the Sayed Captaine vas very Diligant to mite with the Sayed Shipe, the which Shipe was called the blau Duff, mr. Robart Coxe Commander, and this Sayed Capt. John Daglas had knowledge of this sayed Shipe in the baye of blue fild, whare no one Inhabeted, distant 32 Leages from the harbor of Jemekea, the which Capt. went with his Sayed frigett and found a Commission from the Engea Compenia of Ansterdam,[8] With letters and loden from thes Jues for Ansterdam, and after that toucke the Depousision of 5 prisnores, the which did all Declare that the Sayed Shipe did Beloung to Ansterdam and bound for Ansterdam with his loden, and the Sayed Prisnores Gave the Sayed depusison befor Capt. Pemmellton,[9] Chefe Justes in Pescatabay.

And After the Sayed Capt. John Dagles toucke the prise, Sayled outt of the Channell Called bahem[10] and Steared his Cource to Sayle into portag'll with this his Sayed Prise, to give knowledg to the king of portugall, in which Sayed vaydge wanting vettiells and watter he Arived in Now England for to tack watter and fitt his Ship for this his Sayed vaydge to portugall.

And [after] he did Arive att the port of Pescatabay, the Sayed Capt. Daglas Did Send ashore one of his Offecers to the Sayed Capt. Pemmellton, Justice of Putatabay, desiering Permision to watter and to give him libertey to sell som goods for to baye vittells and to be goine in his vaydge to Portugall.44

And upon his Desier the sayed Justase Capt. Pemmellton Sent word to the sayed Capt. Dagles that hee was verey wellcom and that he had his libertey to doue in seviletey[11] what his mind was and upon this his word the sayed Capt. Dagles was Obleged to him.

And After 8 Dayes the touck the Sayed Capt. Dagles prisnor and his men and seased upon his vessell and goods and pout all his men out and pout outher men abord, the which did Plonder me and my men Just to Ouer Sherts.

Sertenly itt tis a very Sad Cace that a Jntallman[12] of his qualetea Should youse a stranger soe unsivell, because of the Aleance between the Crounes,[13] and not to give him libertey to goe a bout his bousnes—and he had seased my Commision and all my paperes as if I ware an Enneme to the Croune of England.

27. Power of Attorney from Sir William Davidson. September 13,
1664.[1]

Bee it knowne Unto all men by these presents that on the Thirteenth day of the month of September, Anno domini one thousand six hundred sixty and Foure, And in the sixteenth yeare of the raigne of our soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, Frannce and Ireland, defendor of the faith, etca. Before me William Allen, notary and tabellion publicke dwelling in this Citty of London, by the Authority of the said Kings Majesty admitted and sworne, and in the presence of the witnesses here after named personnally appeared Sir William Davidson, Knight and Barronett, his Majestyes Royall Commissionner at Amsterdam in Holland, etca., at present45 in this Citty of London, one of the Gentlemen of his Majestyes privy Chamber in ordinary;

Who hath declared that Whereas The ship or Vessell lately Called the Blew Dove of London, where of Robert Cooke of Ratcliffe was lately master and James Watson servant to the said Sir William Davidson Supra Cargoe on the said shipp, or by whatsoever other name the said ship may be Called or knowne, Together with all her Loading of Sugar, quicksilver, Cacau, Tobaccoe, Brazillet wood, and other goods, merchandises, silver mony, and other things whatsoever, lately loaden at Jamaica by the servants of the said sir William Davidson, was (as hee the said William Davidson is Certainely informed) villanously and Roguishly taken by Pyratts, Rovers, and Theeves, Comeing from Jamaica aforesaid; and Brought upp to Boston in New England, or thereabouts; Now hee the said Sir William Davidson hath, in the best manner way and forme unto him possible, made, ordained and Constituted and by these presents in his stead and place doth make, ordaine and Constitute Mr. Francis Willoughby of Charles Towne in New England, merchant,[2] his true and lawfull Atturny, Giving and by these presents graunting unto his said Atturny full power, Commission, and lawfull authority, for and in the name and to the Use of the said Sir William Davidson, to demaund, sue for, leavy, recover, receave and take possession of the said shipp lately Called the Blew dove of London (or by whatsoever other name shee may bee Called or knowne), And all furniture and appurtenances to her belonging, Together with all her Loading of sugar, quick silver, Cacau, Tobaccoe, Brazillet wood, and other goods, merchandises, silver mony, and other things whatsoever, And to make and give such acquittances and discharges as shall be requisite, And in all thinges to follow the orders and directions of the said Sir William Davidson; And further to take, seize upon, and apprehend the said Pyratts, Rovers, and Theeves, and prossecute them according to law, And if neede bee by reason of the premisses to appeare before whatsoever Lords Judges and Justices46 in any Court or Courts, there to answere, defend and reply in all matters and Causes touching or Concerneing the premisses, to doe, say, pursue, Implead, arrest, seize, sequester, attache, Imprison, and to Condemne, and out of prison againe to deliver; And further generally in and Concerneing the premisses to doe all thinges which hee the said Sir William Davidson might or Could doe if that hee should be then and there personnally present, with power to substitute one or more Atturnyes under him with like or lymmitted power and the same againe to revoake; And the said Sir William Davidson doth promise to rattify, Confirme, allow and approove of all and whatsoever his said Atturny, or his substitute or substitutes shall lawfully doe, or Cause or procure to bee donne, in and about the premisses, by vertue of these presents; In witnesse whereof the said Sir William Davidson hath signed, sealed and delivered these presents;

Thus donne and passed at London aforesaid in the presence of Captaine John Tailor of London, merchant,[3] and Mr. Nicholas Corsellis alsoe of London, merchant, as witnesses hereunto required.

In testimonium veritatis
Wm. Allen, Not's Pub'cus,
1664

THE PROVIDENCE.

28. Certificate of Cornelius de Lincourt. April 12/22, 1673.[1]

Lett it bee knowne to all kings, princes and potentates in Christendom and to all those that it may Concerne, how47 that upon the 21th day of aprill 1673 before the River of Virginia have taken and overmastered Under the Comition of his highness my lord prince William the third of Oringe, taken a Cetch called Dergens [?] Coming from Boston out of new england, goeing to the River of Virginia, whearof was skiper John Cox, which ketch I was intended for to burne or to sinck, but after severall Considerations I doe give the same ketch and all that belongs unto her freely and liberaly unto the honorable Capt. Thomas Raddon and Mr. Joseph Fox, whoe both likewise weare taken by mee, to have and to hold as their owne Ketch and to dispose thereof to their owne Content.

Signed by mee in the Ship Called Slanswelvarn at sea the 22th day of Aprill 1673.

I the underwritten do acknowledge that this above mentioned act is done and signed in the presence of my officers and signed by them before skiper Cox, Master of the above mentioned ketch, dated as above.

48

29. Deposition of John Johnson and Henry Harris. April 26, 1673.[1]

The depositions of John Johnson, aged 18 yeers, steersman, and Henry Harris, aged about 24 yeers:

These depon'ts testifie and say that they these deponts together with severall other seamen belonging unto Flushing, under the comand of Capt. Cornelious Lincort, Comand'r of the shipp Slandt Welvaeren, in English the Comonwelth, by vertu of a Comisson from his highness the prince of orange, we came up with the Providence of Falmouth (who was bound to Virginia) in the Latitude of 36: and 40: and tooke her, which when taken these depon'ts and ten more were put on bord her to Keepe and secure her, and after wee had been on bord some hours, in the night wee lost our own shipp and saw them no more, and about seven dayes after wee came up with a Londoner and thinking to take him, four of our company went on bord in the night but never returned, and the next day after the English that belonged to the sd Ship Providence, and some of the other ship before mencioned that wee had on bord with us prisoners, rose and retook her and suppressed us and have brought sd shipp and us into Piscattay River.

Grt Island[2] the 26th April 1673. taken upon oath by the persons above named before me

Elias Stileman, Comisr.[3]

30. Petition of Edward Bant. About April 28, 1673.[1]

To the Honorable County Court now sitting in Boston The humble petition of Edward Bant on the Behalf of himself and the rest of the Company belonging unto the Ship49 called the Little Barklay, being five men in number, Humbly sheweth

That they your Hon'rs petitioners, with the sd ship, were taken about Eighty Leagues East and by North from the Capes of Virginia by a Prize formerly taken by Capt. Cornelius Lincoint, commander of a ship belonging to Flushing called in English the Commonwealth. And the next day following the Commander of the said prize went on board the said Barkley, intending to have taken out her goods to put them on board his own vessell, whilst wee your petit'rs were on board his vessell as prisoners held in the Hold. And then the English Company remaining on board the sd. Barkley surprized them, the sd. Commander and his Company, and sailed away with them. And about six hours after, your petitioners, together with the other English men belonging to the aforesd prize (when in possession of the English), made an Insurrection and took the ship by violence from the Dutch men and have brought her into the harbour at Puscataqua with eight Dutch men prisoners in her, and her goods and Loading secured in the wearhouse of Mr. Nathaniell Fryer.[2]

Whereupon your Hon'rs serious wise Consideration of the premises your petitioners humbly pray your Hon'rs be pleased to order what salvage they shall have out of the said ship and cargo now in Puscataqua, and that with all expedition that may be, because they are all Strangers and willing[3] to returne to their hoames, And lying here upon great Charges, having nothing but what they borrow and cloathes on their back. And as in duty bound they shall pray for your prosperity, etc.

8 May 1673. At a Court of Assistants on adjourmt.

In ans'r to the petition of Edward Bant in behalfe of himself and fower seamen, the Court judgeth it meet to order that Mr. Nathaniel Fryer allow and pay the sum of fiveteene pounds for their salvage, taking their receipts for the same.

past. Edw. Rawson, Secre'ty.

50

31. Order of the Suffolk County Court. April 29, 1673.[1]

At a County Court held at Boston Aprill 29th 1673.

In answer to the petition presented to this Court by Henry King and Edward Bant who lately brought into the River of Piscataquay the Ship Providence of Falmoth, whereof said King was Mate in a voiadge from England to Virginia, in which voiadge they were surprized by a Dutch man of War,[2] and by the Petitioners and Company rescued out of theire hands: who have since Surrendred the said Ship and her loading into the hands of Mr. Nathaniel Fryer for the Securing and looking after both in behalf of the Owners.

This Court doe order and Empower Mr. Elias Stileman and Mr. Henry Deering, together with said Fryer, or any two of them, to take a particular acco't of the state of said ship, and to Inventory the Goods brought in by and belonging to her, and to make provition for the Securing of both for the right Owners, making a return thereof to the present Dept. Govr. by the 7th of May next, and the said Fryer is further ordered to disburse for the Company arrived in the said Ship what may bee for the Supply of theire present necessities, and also order that hee take care that the 8 Dutch men brought in prisoners in the saide Ship bee forthwith brought to Boston before Authority, to be disposed of as the matter may require, and for the other parts of the petition's, touching Salvage or wages, The Court refers them to the Counsell at theire next meeting.

Copia vera per

Isaac Addington, Cler.[3]

32. Petition of Henry King. April 30, 1673.[1]

To the Hon'able the Deputy Governor and Majest's[2] now assembled in Court.51

Hen. King.

Humbly Recommendeth to your worships candid consideration his present case and Condition, hoping to obtaine your worships Juditious approbation therein, to the end and intent that all persons Conserned and Related to the ship providence of Falmouth, which was taken by a Dutch ship of warr on the 4th instant[3] about 40 Leagues short of the Capes of Virginia and Retaken again by the means and directions of your suppliants, who requeste that your worships will please to Grant orders that your petitioner and those other seamen belonging to the said ship who were asistant in Retaking her may have their wages according to agreem't, from the time of their being shipt till the said ship providence with her Loading was brought into pascataqua River and there put into the Custody of Mr. Nathaniel Fryar, who is the Correspondant of one of the Owners of said ship with her Cargoe, where she is to Continue till orders from authority or instructions from the proprietors. Boston 30 Apr. 1673. And Your Petitioner shall Ever Pray.

At a Court of Assistants held in Boston on adjourm't, 8 May 1673.

In answer to the petition of Henry King in behalf of himself and the six seamen according to their Portlidge bills[4] Given into this Court with their declaration, the Court Judgeth it meete to Grant and order that Mr. Nathaniell Fryer pay them their severall wages, he taking their receipts for the same. Past by the Court, as Attest

Edward Rawson, Secrety.

33. Inventory of the Providence. May 5, 1673.[1]

An Inventory of the goods and things taken into the custody of Mr. Nathaniel Fryer that came in the Shipp Providence of Falmouth, of which shipp Mr. Henry King52 was Mate in a voyage from England to Virgenia but now Master.

a large hhd.

• 13 pa. fr. falls[2]
• 11 pa. pl.[3] shooes
• 1 wier kage
• 6 pa. mens wollen hose
• 12 pa. Irish cloath hose
• 2 old hatt
• 2 new shirts
• 2 p'ces shearge
• 20 pa. worsted hose
• 1 p'ce blue linnon 28
• 1 dito 29
• 1 dito 44
• 1 halfe p'ce lockram[4]
• 3 halfe pound of wt. thread
• 1 lb. browne thread
• 1 paper col. filleting
• 1 paper col. thread about a ld.
• 1 p'ce sheeting canvas 123
• 27½ yards dowlas[5]
• 1 coat           }
• 1 dublet        } part worn
• 2 pa. briches }
• and oakum to fill up the hhd. that these things were in.

a large hhd.

• 1 doz. 10 paire mens fr. falls
• 4 pa. pumps with heeles
• 2 saddles
• 7 curb bitts
• 6 snaffall bitts
• 531 pa. black head stall and raynes and crupp and breastplate
• 1 dubble girt
• 4 halters
• 1 doz. white raynes and headstalls
• 6 pa. white stirrup leathers
• 1 doz. pa. boyes and girles shooes
• 2 doz. ½ mens pl. shooes
• 1 p'ce kersie no. 1: 26¾
• 1 p'ce dito—2:26
• 1 p'ce. searge

a little hhd.

• 6 large pewter basons
• 3 large Iron shovels
• 1 curb bitt
• 1 side saddle and furniture
• 2 doz. pa. mens fr. falls
• 10 pa. mens pl. shooes
• 2 pa. woodden heele weo.[6] shooes

a little hhd.

• 40 pa. fr. falls and woodden heele shooes for men and w.
• 18 pa. mens pl. shooes
• 2 pa. boyes pl. shooes

a broad hamper.

• 5 doz: ½ low crowne black hatts

• 9 reams of paper Damnified[7]
• 2 peeces of haire cloath ell wide
• a small baile of 2 small p'ces of small canvas
• 1 p'ce ell wide fine canvas in a bundall
• 1 p'ce Lockram                  }
• halfe a peece fine dowlas } in a bundall

a box.

• 3 gounds[8]
• 2 Jasto Corps[9]
• 4 stuffe coates for men

54

a box.

• 2 stuffe vest for boyes
• 2 boyes little coates
• 2 childrens coates
• 2 scarlett parragon[10] coates
• 2 childes parragon coate
• 1 boyes coat

a box.

• 5 coates and briches for men
• 2 weo. Stuffe gounes
• 2 mens cloakes

a box.

• 1 p'ce blue linnon
• a small parcell dowlas
• a small parcell lockram
• 22 small bundles black thread
• 1 doz. mens white worsted hose, ratt eaten

a box, the baile in it.

• 13 peeces blue linnon

a box.

• 23 low crowne black hatts
• 16 p'ces of taffeta ribbon severall colours
• 20 p'ces of black dito

a box.

• 12 peeces blue linnon

• a barrell of powder

a small box broak open.

• 7 yards ticking
• 28 yards blue linnon
• 2 pa. weo. parragon bodices and Stomegers[11]
• 17 yards ½ of Stuffe
• 1 lb. black thread

• 1 small barrell of nayles

55

a great chest.

• 7 peeces kersie
• 2 p'ces red playnes[12]
• 1 p'ce white cotton
• 12 grose coat button
• 2 doz. pins
• 4 peeces galloune[13]
• 3 papers white filleting
• 12 peeces white tape
• a paper sewing and stiching silks about a ld.
• 6 paire woe. parragon bodices and stomegers
• 6 pa. childrens bodices

• 2 brass panns
• 69 Duch blue potts
• 2 small sloope sayles
• 3 small quoiles[14] cordidge
• 4 quarter casks of brandy
• 2 puncheons of mault
• 3 small casks of wine, 1 pt out sd to be Masters.
• 40 white Jarrs of oyle
• 13 doz. stone bottles
• 11 barrells of Bread
• 1 old missen
• 1 old fore saile
• 1 new fore topsaile
• 1 maine topsaile
• 1 maine saile
• 1 fore saile
• 1 maine topsaile
• 1 Ensigne[15]
• 1 Jack
• 1 pennant
• 561 long boats new maine saile and fore saile
• 1 sprittsell topsaile
• 1 new spritsaile
• 1 maine saile
• 1 missen top saile
• 1 missen
• 1 old fore topsaile
• 1 fore topsaile
• 1 old fore saile
• fore bouelings and braces and clue garnets[16]
• fore Jeere
• buntlins and fore topsaile clulings
• fore
• top mast stays
• topsaile bouleings and lifts
• topsaile sheets
• topmast backstayes
• topsaile tie and halliards
• tacks
• topmast shrouds
• sheets
• sheet blocks
• Topsaile sheets blocks
• Maine boleings—missen Brailes
• Maine topsaile lifts
• Maine
• topsaile braces
• brases
• topsaile tie and Halliardes
• clue garnetes
• leich linees
• topmast backstaiees
• topmast sheets
• topmast shroudes
• buntlins
• 57topsaile bowlelings
• tackes
• topmast clulings and lifts and maine Jeere
• topmast staye, topmast buntlins
• sheets, sheete blocks

What in 3 Chests (of the Seamens)
No. 1.

• 4 horse whips
• 1 weo. coat
• 3 doz. thread laces
• 2 pa. childrens hose
• 1 grose brest buttons
• 1 p'ce diaper tape
• 3 pocket paper bookes
• 2 whisks
• 1 band
• 1 silke neck cloath
• 1 demity wastcoat
• 1 old shirt
• 2 yards striped linnon
• 6 yards Stuffe
• 1 p'ce kersie
• 1 coat
• 1 pa. briches
• 3 forestaffs[17] and vaines

No. 2.

• 1 lookeing glass
• 1 doz. pa. white worsted hose for men
• 1 brass old trumpett
• 5 shirts           }
• 3 pa. drawers } foule
• 1 pa. fine gloves
• 2 stuffe coates
• 1 pa. briches, wast coat, and Jacket
• 1 wast coat and Jacket more
• 1 pa. new and 3 pa. old shooes
• 1 pa. yarne stockings
• 583 neckcloaths
• 2 pa. hose
• 1 pa. linnon sleeves
• 2 napkins, and severall other small things.

No. 3.

• 1 peece fine broad cloath
• 6 yards ½ branch and Streaked stuffe
• 6 coates for men
• 1 stuffe pa. briches and dublet
• 3 pa. cloath briches
• 1 old dublet
• 1 girles petticoat
• 2 pa. Irish stockings
• 3 pa. childrens hose
• 1 woe. boddy of a gowne
• 1 pewter candlestick and socket
• 5 boyes hatts
• 17 yards blue linnon
• one perriwig
• 2 white tiffeny[18] hoods
• 2 pa. gloves
• 12 yards stuffe in 2 p'ces
• 3 bands[19] 1 laced
• 5 yards searge
• 2 pa. sleeves
• 2 small p'ces diaper filleting
• 4 yards ¼ searge
• 1 gr. and 11 doz. buttons
• 4 yards striped stuffe
• 3 doz. thread laces
• 6 yards shalloune[20]
• a parcell of thread about ½ ld.
• 1 childes silke cap and a little parcell of silke and severall
• other small things.

59

• 1 kettle      }
• 1 pott        } left on board
• 1 stuepann }
• 26 Iron potts
• 25 Iron long bolts
• 6 chaine plates with dead eyes[21]
• 10 Iron bound dead eyes
• 7 wood axes
• 6 pump speires
• 12 small boltes
• 17 Iron clamps
• 1 bagg of 2d. nayles
• 2 baggs of 4d. nayles.
• 2 pruneing hookes for gardens
• 8 musquets (1 noe lock)
• 5 Iron hinges for ports
• 80 great speeks[22]
• 2 pintles
• 2 good Irons
• 1 top chaine
• 3 great rings
• 1 basket of sheathing nayles } halfe full each.
• 1 basket of 40d. nayles        }
• 1 fiz gigg[23]
• 4 hookes
• 1 shovel
• 12 small rings
• 1 poope lanthhorne
• 1 Iron mill with 2 winches
• 1 cross cutt saw
• 2 chaine bolts more
• 2 pumpe Irons
• 2 table hookes
• 1 shirk hooke[24]
• 2 dogg Irons
• 602 doz. of 8 Inch blocks
• 1 doz. of 6 Inch blocks
• 1 doz. of 4 Inch blocks
• 11 blocks of 6 and 4 Inch
• 1 doz. of 5 Inch blocks
• 7 of 14 Inch blocks
• 1 topsaile sheete block
• 3 double table blocks
• 17 dead eyes
• 9 pump uper boxes
• 10 dito lower
• 5 blacking barrels
• 8 small glasses
• 1 wach glass
• 4 cumpasses
• 12 sk. twine
• about halfe a barrel of powder
• 8 yards of canvas
• 2 pa. Stilliards without peises
• 3 small baggs of 2d. nayles (in a bagg)
• 1 dipsey lead[25] 18 lb.
• 2 pistalls
• 1 carbine
• 1 p'ce Leather
• 1 small fouleing peece
• 3 straw hatts
• 3 cables and 2 hallsers
• 4 anckors (sheet, best bower, small bower and kedge)
• 5 Iron gunns
• The Ship Providence and standing rigging with long
• boat and Skiffe.

In Obedience to a Warrant Comeing from the County Court held in Boston the 30th day of Aprill 1673, Unto us whose names are hereunder written, for to take an Inventory of the Estate and goods in the Shipp Providence of Falmouth, lately arived in Piscataqua River, etc., and to Render an acco't thereof unto the present Deputy Governor by the 7th of May, wee haveing accordingly done the same61 (as time would afford) Doe Signifie Unto the Honourable Deputy Governor, that the before mentioned particulars are the whole, that to our certaine knowleidg is come (in the said shipp) and that, according to the wrighting at the beginning hereof, they are Secured in the said Fryers hands and the shipp well mored in the harbour at the Great Island in Piscataqua River.

34. Examination of John Johnson. May 5, 1673.[1]

The examination of John Johnson steersman of the frigott commonwealth, Capt. Cornelius Lincourt Comd'r.

December the 15th their stile[2] they came out of Flushing in the above sd Frigott with 20 gunns and ninety six men and boys, bound from Flushing to the Canarie Island, and in their way they tooke a Londoner bound from Malaga laden with fruit, which they sent to the Groyne,[3] and the men they putt on shore at the canaries. from the Canaries we sailed to the Cape de Verd Islands and from thence to Barbados, where they tooke a small French sloope, and from thence we sailed to the Capes of Verginia and in our way we mett with the Providence of Falmouth, which ship we tooke on the 15 day of Aprill, our Stile,[4] in the latitude of the capes, about 30 Leagues to the Eastward. it being a stormy night they drive away under a maine course to the northward. for 2 days afterward they stood in againe to the capes but could not see their frigott, so then we stood away for the Groine, and meet with a small Londoner bound for Verginia, who came abord on us for water, and we took the men being 5 and putt them in to the hold, then he that was Master of the ship went on board the Londoner and those men with him, whome the Londoner carried away,62 so then we followed them but could not overtake him, so the night following the English that were upon Decke conspireing with them in the hold, in the morneing they tooke the ship from us, and brought us to Piscataqua.

Taken in Boston 5 May 1673 before

John Leverett, Dep. Gov.[5]

35. Declaration of Edward Bant and Others. May 8, 1673.[1]

A Declaration of some Occurrents that happened to us in our late voiadge from London in the Ship Barkely of the saide port, Nicholas Prynne Commander, intended for Virginia, Anno 1672/3.

On the twelfth Aprill 1673 being in saide Ship about the Lattitude of the Capes of Virginia about 80 Leagues distant, wee saw a sail towards Evening, and being in want of provitions, seeing her to be a Fly boate,[2] made towards her and came up with her about Eight a clock and hailed them asking them of whence theire Ship. they answered of Falmoth. wee ask't them from whence they came. they answered from Virginia, and called mee by my name and asked mee how I did. wee asked them what places they loaded at. they answered, in Petuxin River.[3] wee told them wee wanted some provitions. they answered us if we would hoise out our Boate and come on boarde, they would spare us water and other provitions what they could. in order thereunto wee did soe, and I being desired by the Master and Merchant[4] to goe on board with the Boate to Endeavor to gett what provitions I could, our Marchant who was the owner also desired mee to stay, and hee and the Doctor would goe with mee as soon as they had sealed theire let63ters. Our Master not having ended his writing the marchant desired him to goe on board with us also and to finish his letter there, and accordingly with three more Seamen wee went on board saide Ship, and when wee came there founded severall Dutchmen on board who had the Command of her, they having lately taken her from the English. the Ship was called the Providence, belonging to Falmoth, Thomas Radden having been lately master of her. the saide Dutchman Surprized six of us and kept us prisoners and sent one of our Company with three Dutchmen on board our Ship, who lay by us till the next morning. then the Dutch Commander comanded our Ships' Boate to come on board his Ship againe, which accordingly they did, hee promising our merchant to take out our goods and to give us our Ship againe, in order whereunto hee provided one hogshead of bread to have given us as hee saide and tooke our marchant with him and went on board our Ship, and about halfe an hour after our Ship made sail and Steered to the westward: and then the Dutch men put us who formerly belonged to her down into the hole and made sail after the saide Ship for about two houres, and seeing they could not come up with her stood on theire course againe to the Eastward, and by receiving advice from those Englishmen that were at liberty were combined together for them to make way for our coming up and soe to rush out upon the Dutchmen at once and to Subdue them, for the rescueing of ourselves and Ship, which with god's blessing wee Effected, without loss of life or bloodshed to any, and then agreed among our Selves to come away with saide Ship to New England, which accordingly wee did and after Eleven days passage by reason of contrary wind and foggy weather arrived in Piscataquay River on the 23th Aprill 1673.

Edward Bant, Mate.
John Ressell.
Jonas Lewis.

Att a Court of Assistants on Adjournment the 8th May 1673, Edward Bant, John Russell and Jonas Lewis de64posed in Court that having subscribed their names to this declaration that it was the truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth:

As Attests       Edward Rawson Sec'ty

36. Declaration of Henry King and John Champion. May 8, 1673.[1]

A Declaracion of some Occurrents that happened us in our late voiadge from Falmouth intended for Virginia in the Ship Providence of Falmoth, Anno 1672/3, Thomas Radden Commander.

About the 12th November 1672 wee sailed from Falmoth in the aforesaid Ship to Plimouth for convoy and there lay till the 15th January following, when wee sailed under convoy with a fleete of about 90 sail. our convoy went with us about 80 Leagues to the Westward of Silly,[2] then with about ten sail more were parted from the fleet and were making the best Emprovement of winde and weather to gaine our port till the 4th Aprill following, when wee between the houres of four and six in the morning saw a Sail upon our weather quarter. wee made what sail wee could, hee giving us chase, in about two houres hee came up with us, showed us Dutch colours, comanded us by the lee and to strike our Topsaile and ancient:[3] wee seeing of him to bee a man of War of Force could make no resistance against him, did accordingly: then the Capt. himself came aboard of us with twelve Dutch men more, showed us his Commission Signed by the Prince of Orange, for the taking of English Ships: the Capt. was named Cornelius Linquoint and commanded the Ship in English called the Commonwealth, of 20 peice of Ordnance. then hee tooke our master, merchant and ten seamen more out of our Ship and left seven of us aboard and soe went aboard his man of war65 againe and ordered the Dutch Steersman, whome hee left with Eleven Dutchmen more on board of our Ship, to Steere after the man of War, and in case wee should bee parted by weather to Saile with our Ship to the Groyne in Galecia, as the said Steeresman informed mee: the same night following wee lost the man of War—the said Capt having told mee that if wee kept Company while the next morning hee would take the Goods out of our Ship on board the man of war and give us our own Ship againe, but having lost Company of him in the night, wee bore up the helme to the Eastward, intending for the Groyne, as the Steersman informed mee. having plied too and againe 6 days hoping to meete with the man of war againe, two days after wee bore up wee saw a sail which made towards us, being about 3 Leagues from us. betweene six and eight aclock in the evening they came up with us, and hailed us asking whence wee were. The Dutch Steersman, standing with a laden pistol presented to my breast, commanded mee to answer them in those words he should dictate to mee, bid mee answer them, of Falmoth, and to tell them wee came from Petuxine River in Virginia, and if they wanted anything if they would hoise out theire Boat and Come aboard wee would supply them, upon which they hoised out theire Boat and the Master, Merchant, Mate, Doctor and two seamen came on board in the Boate, and after they had entred our Ship the Dutchmen Surprized them and sent three Dutchmen on board theire Ship and the Ship staied by us all the night. next morning the Dutchmen intending to goe on board commanded the said Shipps boats on board, who came accordingly, and the Dutch Skipper went on board the aforesaid Ship intending to take out her goods and put on board of our Ship, as hee saide, in order whereunto hee tooke the merchant along with him. about halfe an hour after, the said Ship made sail and steered to the westward. wee in our Ship making Sail followed them between two and three houres, and finding wee could not come up with her left our chase and stood to the Eastward againe, there being five Englishmen belonging to the saide Ship prisoners in our Ships hold. about six houres after, the66 same day, wee Englishmen that were at liberty, by writing to them in the hold, conspired together with them to lett them come up and soe to rush all out together upon the Dutch men and if wee could Subdue them to rescue ourselves and Ship, which accordingly with gods' blessing wee effected without any loss of life or shedding of blood and soe intended to New England, being afraide to goe for Virginia leaste wee should meete the man of War againe and being unable to carry the Ship home for England, and after eleven days lying at Sea by reason of foggy weather and contrary windes wee arrived at Piscataquay in New England aforesaid being 23th Aprill 1673.

Henry King, Mate.
John Champion, Bosson.[4]

At a Court of Assistants held at Boston on Adjou't, 8th May '73, Henry King, John Champyn and John Sennet deposed in open Court that this Declaration is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. As Attests

Edward Rawson, Secty.

Portlidge bill of Wages due to the Company belonging to said Ship Providence is as followeth:

8 May 1673.

It is ordered that the seamen above shall be allowed and payd their severall wages (according to their Portlidge bills here Given in) by Mr. Fryer, he taking their receipts of the several seamen. As Attests, Edward Rawson, Sec'y.

67

37. Petition of Thomas Raddon. June 10, 1673.[1]

To the Hon'rble the Governour and Magistrates Assembled in Boston,

The humble request of Thomas Raddon is that whereas the authority of this Jurisdiction hath taken care to secure the ship Providence of Fallmouth in old England, wich was brought into Piscataway by reprisall and the Cargo in her, whereof I the said Thomas Raddon was shipped Master by the owners to performe a voiage to Virginia and from thence home againe, for which care I doe in the behalf of myself and owners returne humble and hearty thanks to your worships.

And whereas the Providence of God soe ordering that I am now come myselfe, my humble request is that your worships would bee pleased to give orders that the said ship and Goods may be speedily delivered unto your petitioner, that soe I may (with Gods blessing) proceed in my intended voige for the benefit of my imployers according to my obligation, and your petitioner shall ever pray for your worships prosperity.

Thos. Raddon.

In Boston this 10th of June, 1673.

This was presented to the Hono'ble Jno. Leveret, Esq'r, Gov., the 11th of June 1673. As Attest Edward Rawson.

The Governor and Magistrates having perused the Certificate and finding that Tho. Raddon above, being now arrived, and the rest of the company that was took out of her, was the Master of the said Ship Providence, ordered the Secretary to signify to Mr. Nathaniell Fryer that they advise him to deliver the said ship and what was in her to the said Tho. Raddon, Master, for the use and benefit of the owners, he discharging the charges formerly advised to. As Attest. Edw. Rawson, Secret'y.

68

THE ST. ANTHONY.

38. Examination of John Tooly. June 17, 1673.[1]

It was my Chance to be in Lesbon and wanting a woage[2] I shiped my slefe [selfe] A board of a portungal buelt ship, Mr. Orchard Commander, but some five dayes After it plesed the Almyty God to take him out of the woarld, and when that wee was Agoing to bury him I heard the men that was in the boate to helpe Rowe him over the water, for the portugeses would not suffer us to bury him in Lesbone, say that thay would have A Ship Are Longe, but I did not know how, not then, and some one day thay went into the house[3] for thay Could open the Locke of the haches when thay plesed and drawed wine of the Marchantes and soe sate doune to geather to drinke, and I being near, thay not deming of it, I heard them say that thay would asay[4] it all at once, and Liquise[5] that thay would Rune away with the ship, soe I disclosed it to the Master and the Marchant for our Marchant had gone, another master, which was Capt. haddockes second mate, which was then Comander of the Engles[6] ship Lying in Lesbone Rever, John Terry by Name, soe thay tooke three of them and put them in presone at Lesbone. it was the boatswane and two men more, but by Resone that one willam forrest which was Aboard that Gave the suprecargo Mr. John Pane fare words, the suprecargo would not sufer him to be put in to preson, but that hee should Goe the woage, and because thay Could note Geete another Carpenter thay would not put the Carpenter in to preson, but that hee should goe the woage Lyquise, soe the Master John Terry shipd two men more in there Romes which ware English men, Edmun69 Cooke and John Smith, and Afterwards hee shiped 2 Duchmen whose names I know not, and wee ware bound for newfoundland for a sacke,[7] but when wee had been about A weake at sea these two men, namly Willam forrest and John peket the Carpenter, perswaded the other two Engles men, Edmun Cooke and John Smith, and one other Engles which was a board and the two Duch men, to surprise the Master, the suprecargo and Mate, a portungall boy and I, and soe to Rune away with the ship. And waching thare Oppertunity when the Master and the Marchant was a slepe in the Roundhouse, the Mate A Riting in the Cabing, and I was at helme, the Carpenter came into the sterege and cauled the [said?] Edmun Cooke and John Smith out of thare Cabing whare thay ware aslepe, and soe thay went forward togeather into the forcasell and immeadly thay Came Aft agane, the two Duchmen and willam forrest, the Carpenter and Edmun Cooke, John Smith and the other Engles man. soe the two Duchmen and the Englesman that is not named came into the sterege. the other fower wente up upon the Quarterdecke and surprised the Master and the Marchant where thay ware a slepe in the Round house, and the other three sayed to me that if I did offer to stere I was a dead man. soe the Mate hering that in the Cabin where he was a riting salied out of the Cabing in to the sterege. soe thay tooke hould of him and throed him upon his back and soe held him and would not suffer him to ster. soe I rune doune the scutell which was in the sterege and hede my slefe amounge the sayles betweene deckes, for I heard the Master and the Marchant Cry out most petifully. soe I thought to my slife when thare pasene[8] was over that I mite perswaed them to save my Life. soe thay bound the Master and the Marchant and Carryed them forward upon the forcastell. but presenly after thay Loused them agane and put them in to the Greate Cabing all togeather, and would suffer but one to Come upon the deck at a time. the Master and the Marchant profered them that if thay would thay would take a70 drame of the botell and set doune and drink frinds and that all things should be forgoting, but thay would not Exsept of there profer. soe I went upon the deck and desyred them that thay would be plesed to Lend us a sayle, for thay tould us that thay would hoyst out the boate and Give us some provisones and tourne us to shift for our slevs. soe wee desyred to beare up the helme for to put us As neare the Land as thay Could. soe [torn] some 2 howers. soe thay Gave into the boate All neceesaryes, as provisons, wood, water and Lequers, with a sayle and mast and ores, A grapnall and grapnall rope, sayle nedles, twine and pame[9] for to men[d] the sayle. Soe Will Forrest, walking upon the Quater deck with a backe swoard[10] in his hand, Commanded the boat to be hoysted out and all those forenamed nesessarys to be got in to her, with a Compas, Quadrant and a plat,[11] and soe Comanded the Master, the Marchant and the Mate and the portuges boy in to the boate. John Tooley and Allexander[12] —— would have gone into the boate with them, but thay would not suffer us to goe [torn] Master saed [or] asked them [torn] that thay would keepe us but thay would not harking unto them and would not Let us goe.

John Tooley gave in this upon examination as a true narrative of the transaction in the Ship Anthony when she was surprised by forest and Pickard, etc., he the sayd Tooley being of the age of Twenty years or thereabouts.

Before us John Leverett, Gvr.
Edward Tyng.
William Stoughton.

John Terry, M'r, being present when this was spoken by John Toolly before the Govn'r, Mr. Ting, Mr. Staughton and Major Clarke on 17 June '73, being Asked whether what John Toolly had declared was the truth the said Terry71 Ansed he acknowledged the same to be the trueth: As Attests

Edward Rawson, Sec'ty.

19 of November 1673.

This examination of John Toollys being Read in the Councill with the Acknouledg'mt of the Master John Terry that it was the Trueth, The Councill ordered his dischardge from further attending: and that the Secretary Give him the signification thereof to the said John Toolly.

As Attests,

Edw. Rawson.

The Examination of Jno. Tooly marriner of Ship St. Anthony:[13]

What is your name?

Jno. tooly, borne nere norwich.

He saith that he was at Helme when the Rising was.

How long was it after you came to sea.

Ansr: about a weeke.

Who rise first or the manner of their Rising?

the Carpenter having a handspike in his hand called to forrest, who with the two Dutchmen came forward with Cooke, etc.[14]

39. Examination of William Forrest. October 20, 1673.[1]

Newport one[2] Road Iland.

The Examinatione of William forist, mariner, taken the 20 day 8 mo.[3] 1673. the foresd forist beinge examined72 acknowlegeth that he was owne of that mutinous Company that Raised Reblion in the ship Called the Sainte Anthony upon the Coaste of portingall, one hundred and tenn leags from Land, and theire with others did deprive John Tarry, Master, of his power given to him leagelly to Gouvern the aforesd shipe: but denies that he had a hand in forsinge him over borde, or those that went with him, but sd he and them might have continued longer in the aforesd shipe: but owned that he with others did deprive him the sd John Tarry the Gouverment and ordring the aforesd shipe, and beinge asked concerning their further prosedings, owned that he with others brought the aforesd shipe called the Sainte Anthony into pascattoga River in new Ingland, where he the sd forrist was then the Reputed master, whoe undertooke to be owne (to witt the Cheefest) that managed and disposed of most or all the aforesd Ships Cargoe, till by some means of fallinge out amonge themselves was discovered, upon which the sd William forrist mad an Escape for a time, till he was apprehended at new plimoth in new Ingland, whence he acknowlegeth he lately Escaped out of his magisties Gale[4] at new plimouth as aforesd, and forther beinge examined, owned (to wit, william forist) that John Tarry and the suprocargoe ware the persons that had Right to Governe, order and dispose of the abovesd Shipe and Cargoe, which hee the aforesd william forrist and Company unjustly Deprived them of. taken before us

Nicholas Easton, Gov'r.[5]
William Coddington, D'py Gov'r.

40. Petition of Allwin Child. October 24, 1673.[1]

To the Hon'rd Governor and Coart of Asistants

The Humble Petition of Allwin Child

Sheweth, That a ship called the St. Anthony was con73signed unto your petitioner from Lisbon under the Command of John Tarry, and in his voyage, about one hundred and ten Leagues from Lisbon, the seamen of the sd. ship mutined Against the sd. Commander and turned himself, his supercargo, mate and Boy out of said ship into the Boate to shift for themselves and Ran Away with the shipe, Some of the men so running Away being at present under conviction in this prison, and three others having bin taken at Plimouth in order to bee also Brought to Answare for their misdimeniors before the Authouritey of this Colony, But did theare Breake prison and escaped unto the Government of Road Iland, at which place they are Apprehended, and the said Tarry is Liquise now Arived there for Another ship, consigned allso to your petitioner, and is there detained to prosicute the Above offenders.

Your Petitioner in Behalf of the Imployers humbly craves that your Hon'rs would be pleased to take such Coarse that the said escaped prisoners may bee sent for to this place to Answare these facts According to Law, the Evidence Against them Being partly heard All Ready, and the Comander being also Bound to this place, soe that his stay theare will bee very preduditiall to the voyge of said ship and Imployers, the Ship Requiering A speedy Dispatch. And he shall Pray

[Endorsed:] Allwin Child petition to Gov'r and Mag'ts in Court of Assists. 24 Oct. 1673.[2]

74

CASE OF RODRIGUEZ AND RHODES.

41. Declaration of Thomas Mitchell. May 24, 1675.[1]

To the Hon. Court of Assistants sitting in Boston

The Declaration of Thomas Mitchell of Maulden Fisherman Humbly sheweth, That the said Mitchell beinge hired in October last both himself and the Barque whereof he was a part owner, for three moneths certaine and foure uncertaine upon a Tradeing voyage to the Eastward as farre East as a Plais called Siccanecto[2] in the Bottome of the Bay of Fundi by Captaine Peter Roderius and other of the Privateers, as by a Charter Party under their hands and seales more att Large it doth and may appeare, had nott any thought or suspition that the said Privateers would have taken any things from any man wrongfully, they before they went out severall times promiseinge the contrary (which if they should deny may be made to appeare). Butt when sd. Privateers came to the Eastward, instead of complyinge with their Charter Party or makeinge good their Promise, forced the sd. Michell to carry them whither75 they Pleased, and although the sd. Michell was very earnest Seaverall times with them to be discharged from their service, proffering them at Pemequid,[3] before he went out of this Jurisdiction, to loose the hire of his vessell and with more they desired rather [than] to proceed any further in said voyage, as Lieutt. Gardner[4] and his sonnes can testifie, And when he came backe from Pemequid, had he nott, the winde being Faire, been forced away before he could speak with Lieutt. Gardner, he might have had sufficient testimony from them of his unwillingnesse to proceed any further with them; Neither did the said Michell give his consent to their takeinge of any vessell or goods from any Person but as farr as in him lay and as much as he durst did oppose the same: Neither had the said Michell any share or part of any of the said goods that the aforesd Privateer tooke, nor had any hand in the takeing of either vessells or goods, butt was alwayes agt. such their proceedings, and when they came as farr East as Naskeague,[5] when the Privateers spake of goeing over the Bay of Fundi he told them he had rather give them a Hundred Pounds than goe over the Bay with them, as by the Testimony of Robert Wills may appeare which was sworne by The Worsp'll Mr. Stoughton.[6] Nevertheless they forced the said Michell to goe over the Bay with them, tellinge him they would carry him and his vessell wherever they pleased, And Being at Tuskett Islands,[7] the said Michell demandinge his hyre, telling them the time was expired that was mentioned in the Charter Party, and that he desired to goe home to looke after his familie and to pay his Merch'ts that had betrusted him, And withall he forewarned them for weighing his An76chors for he would stay noe longer in their service; But Richard Fowler, threatninge that he would make a hole through his skinne if hee did nott hold his tongue, went and, whether he would or nott, weighed his Anchors and forced him to goe backe to Machias; The said Privateers by their uncivill Carriage did make the said Michell soe weary of the voyage that if he could have gotten an opportunity he would have come away with his vessell and left them there, though he had lost all his hire and what also he carried out with him; Now the Premisses beinge considered by this Hon'ble Court, he hopes they will have soe much Charitie for him as to conclude him nott guilty of those actions that are laid to his Charge: The Just and Righteous determinations whereof he Leaves to the Wisdome and Clemencie of this Hon'ble Court, and is bound to subscribe Himself

Your Honours Most Humble Servt.,

Thomas Mitchell.

Boston, May the 24th, 1675.

42. Declaration of Edward Youreing. May 24, 1675.[1]

To the Hono'rd Court of Assistants Now Sitting in Boston The Declaration of Edward Youring of Boston, Fisherman, Humbly Showeth:

Thatt whereas the said youring being in October last past, both himselfe and the Barke whereof the said youring was part owner, and being hyred upon A leading Voyage, so farr Easterly as A Place caulled Zecganickto nere the botom of the Bay of Fundy (and noe further), by Capt. Peter Rodregross and Company; As by A Charter Partie, Refferance being had thereunto, more fully may Appear; and allso will therein Declare thatt I your Poore and Humble Declarant Edward Youring had not the Least Intention of anything thereby but onely and honestly to Improve both myselfe and my Interest in the foresaid Barque, in an honest77 Lawfull way; And it being well knowen and seen, both in Towne or else where wherever my caulling haith Led mee, thatt I have been according to my Capassetye and Abillity an Industreous hard Laberar, whereby I mought gitt wherewith to mentayne my Famely, which in a measure hayth been sumthing Comefortably untell now (through the goodness of God), nor I have not at all been wanting to take the best paynes I could for an honest Livelyhood, both for my selfe and my Familie, I not being so Ignorant but thatt by Instructyans and good Examples being thereby rightlie informed, thatt hee is worse than an Infidle thatt shall not provide for his Familie, etc.; I Doe Declare in the presence of God and Your Hon'rs this Day that, through God's goodness to me, I am Conscious unto my owne Innocency, and am truly free from thatt Reporte of my being guiltie of Pyracy or being A pyorett, nither ever had I the Least thought nor suspition thatt those persons which Carryed them selves so fairly to me whilst that I was in Boston with them, would have caryed it so much contrary to whatt they promised to me before they went from hence; And thatt was thatt they would not meddle, nor take either vessells or goods from any English man, as may Appeare by severel testimonys; whereupon I did proced upon the said Voyage, upon Monthly Wages. And wee being come as farr East as Casco Bay, then the Privateers (though much against my minde and will) they wentt on Shoare and brought on Board of us severall Sheepe which belonged to the inhabitants of thatt place, where upon I did so farr show my dislike to the Privateers for soe doeing that I tould them thatt I protested against their Actions in that way; where upon they did not only revile and use opprobius and reproachfull words to me for my declayring my minde to them, but they allso threated to strycke me and being so threatened forced me to Silence, and they also forced me to goe further upon the said voyage; and when wee arrived so farr East as Pemmaquid I tooke so much notice of the debaucherie of the Privateers thatt I thought in my selfe thatt the voyage was not like only to be unproffitable but allso troublesome and uncomfortable, whereupon I desired78 to be cleared from them, but I being one thatt was bound by charter partie was forced to goe further East with them; and Comeing to a Place caulled Knoskeegg,[2] there wee mett with Capt. Roades and the Privateers tooke him aboard of our vessell, and after some stay there the wind being Contrary, notwithstanding they went to turne it out and as they ware turning out, I Edward Youring spoke to Thomas Mitchell whoe was then at helme, desireing him to beare up the helme and to goe no further with them, and I tould the sayd Mitchell my reason was because I heard them say thay would take George Manning[3] and the Vessell if they could meet with him, and one of the Privateers, by name Randler Judgson, came to me as I was speaking to Mitchell to beare up the helme, sweareing thus or this effect: "God damne me, Youring or Mitchell, speake another word of bearing up the Helme and Ile knock out your Braines with a hand speake", etc.; furthermore I the sayd Youring haveing no way to Escape from them was forced to Stay Longer with them, but at Length Comeing to a Harbour further East, wee spieing a vessell at an Anchor, Capt. Rodregrose commanded Thomas Mitchell to Steer right with her, and Comeing up with her Rodregross bid them Amaine[4] for the Prince of Orainge; whareupon they lowred out their Annchor and it proved to be George Manning; then I the said Youring, haveing heard Rodregross and the Privateers say whatt they Intended to doe if they meett with Manning, I intreated them not to take him but to lett him goe peaceably with whatt hee had, and onely give him warning for the future; but Rodregross instead of Complying with my request blamed me much for speak[ing] against takeing of him, and forthwith went on board and tooke a way his peltery; and the same Afternoone made prize, both of vessell and goods, after wh. I Edward Youring Speakeing in the behalf of Manning, Capt. Rodregross tooke doune his pistol, wch generally he kept loaden by him, and presented it to me, and had not Capt. Roades whch satt by Layd his79 hand upon it, turnning of it away from me, I had then been shott. and the next Night following Petter Grant one of the Privateers made a writeing, and being very earnest with me to sett my hand to it, toulde me it would be no damage to me to sett my hand as a Witness; I the said Youring, being Ignorant of such things and not knowing what was in it, I did Sett my hand to it, but no otherwayes butt as A wittness (the which I did by reason of my being in feare of my life, if I should have denyed to have done it), and soon after the Pryvat[eer] [torn] had been at Mayhchyous[5] and Laded the goods they tooke from George Manning, they went to St. Johns, wheare they had not been above three or fower howers, as I judge, before thatt there caime into the Harbor a vessell from the Sea and came to an Anchor about a mile distant from us. then the said Rodregross Commanded twoe boates to be manned to cary him and his Company, and coming nere to the vessell, he bid them A Mayne for the Prince of orainge, and Some in the vessell knowing him desired him to come aboard, And when he came aboard Rodregross Commanded them to weigh Anchor and to Come and Ride by him; and thatt Night Capt. Rodregross kept possession of [torn] himself and the next day commanded his boat from his own vessell, and Commanded George Walton, master of the said vessell,[6] to deliver their Beaver and Moose, wch after search made in the hold he tooke and Carryed it away, and I the said Youring shewing my dislike as much as I darst in my opposeing Rodregross, upon which and because I would not give my consent to goe over the Bay of Fundee, I being one thatt was ingaged by Charter partie to the Contrarie, and soone affter one of the Privateers struke me many blowes upon my backe and Sides with a long knife Like a Short Hangger, which brused me very mutch, and the same night being a very could night in the latter eand of Dicember Last, the sayd Privateer thatt hett me turned me ashoare, wheare I was like to be Starved wth could. The next day80 following, I being very ill and very sore with the blowes I recd the evenning before, and after the morning was a little passed, with much intreetye I prevailed to git libertie to goe aboard to gitt some Releife. And after they had forced Thomas Mitchell and myselfe to goe over the Bay of Fundee, as wee Returned backe wee put into Maychyas, and Standing into the harbor wee saw a vessell under Duch collors standing out; which when wee came nere unto proved to be George Mannings vessell; whoe as soone as hee came up with us, haveing gotten to Windward of our Vessell, poured a Volley of Shott in upon us with Dutch coullors flying, and presently affter wee saw a vessell with French Coullors, upon which wee concluded All to be French and thatt wee ware betrayed and should bee taken; thereupon Capt. Rodregross Commanded every man to his Arms and to fight for his life. But as soone as Capt. Mosely[7] Came up with us, hee haveing the English Coullors out, Hee bid us A Maine for the King of England, and I myselfe Loured the Maine Sayle three or foure foot doune, at which Capt. Rodregross was very angry with me and Commanded me to hoyse it againe, which I Refused to doe; and there upon I went forward and Laye before the windles tell the vessell was taken; And when the Capt. yeelded, I Edward Youringe Lett fall the Anchor; I being very glad that I was freed from the Bondage and Slavery I was in untell the vessell was taken by Capt. Moseley; I being all the voyage Comanded, as occasion presented, to goe a Shoare with John Farmer to cott wood and fetch watter to carry aboard; notwithstanding one halfe of the vessell was my owne; and also I stand Still ingaged for one halfe of the Cargoe thatt was Carryed out from Boston.

Now all these premises being searyously pondred by this honord Courte of Assistants, with the prudent and upright management of the Gent'men of the Jury, Together with the testimonyes I have redy to give in, I hope will thereby Evidently Appeare thatt I am not guiltie of Pyracy or any Acttyons tending thereto, as is Layed to me in my Charge, And I being over powered by the Privateers thatt did81 tyranize over me, I was forced contrary to my minde and will to doe whatt I did during the time I was with the Privateers upon A voyage to the Eastward; for the true determination of which and of my being Concerned therein I freely and willingly Leave my Selfe to the wise, Judicious and Righteous proceedings of this Honoured Courte and Gentlemen of the Jury, hopeing the Lord will Cleare up my Innocency as to the matter of Factt, I being Conscious to my owne Innocency. So desiring the Lord to direct you In your Proceeding that Right may take place, not att all doubtting butt thatt your Honors will soe dilligenttly search in to the Cause thatt the Innosent may Bee Cleeared and the Guilty Suffer, according to merritt, so wishin you all happienes, And for the Continewance of which I shall ever Pray, etc., Subscribe my Selfe your Faithfull Subjectt and Searvantt In all Hummillitye

Edward Youreing.[8]

Boston the 24th of May
1675.

82

BRANDENBURG PRIVATEERS.

43. Seignelay to Colbert. May 8 (N.S.), 1679.[1]

Copie of a Letter to M. Colbert from the Marquis de Segnelay about two Brandenbourg Privateers armed for the American Islands. 8 May 1679 N.S., received 9 May V.S.[2]

Translation.

The King having been informed at the end of the past month that two individuals had lately fitted out in the ports of Zeeland, and had sailed thence with two vessels, armed for warfare, to go to the islands of America, and make war upon his subjects under commission from my lord the Elector of Brandenburg, his Majesty is sending my lord the Count d'Estrées with a squadron of fourteen vessels to seize or sink them.[3] And as it is provided by the ninth article of the treaty of armistice which you signed on the 3d of this month with the ambassador of that prince, that commerce shall be free by water as well as by land,[4] his Majesty desires that you should propose to the said lord ambassador that he give orders to the captains of the aforesaid two frigates to undertake nothing to the prejudice of the said treaty, against the vessels of his Majesty's subjects. And in that case he will communicate to the said lord Count d'Estrées his intention that he shall leave the said two frigates free to sail wherever they think fit.[5] I shall await whatever information you may be pleased to send me on this subject, in order to report it to his Majesty, etc.

St. Germain-en-Laye, May 8, 1679.

84

BARTHOLOMEW SHARP AND OTHERS.

44. The Buccaneers at Portobello. 1680.[1]

Ann acoumpt of our Intended Voyage from Jamaco with a party of shipps, departing from the afore said Island to Poartavell: Receving Letpasses to goe into the bay of Hundorus, to cutt Logwood, from his Maj'ties Reall Subject the Earle of Carlisle.[2]

The Names of the Captaines

• Capt. John Coxon, the Chief Commander, in a Barque
• Capt. Corneles Essex in a Barque
• 85Capt. Bartholomew Sharpe[3] in a Barque
• Capt. Robert Allison in a Sloope
• Capt. Thomas Magott in a Sloope

In december about the Latter part in the yeare 1679 we meetts all up at port amorrant,[4] where the party Concluded to make Capt. John Coxon their Chiefe and to wood and watter at Porttamorrant, and after make all expedition to take Portavella.

January the 7th, Ditto. Thes Commanders above expresed Sett Sayle with a fresh gail of wind, at S.E. and E.S.E. [cut off] we stands over Close hailed with our Larbourd tackes abord[5] steming S.S.W. and S.b.W., keeping the Reefes of our Topesayles in, for the most part of our Vessells proved Leacke, that Capt. Cornelies Essex was vayne[6] to would his shipp Together with Two Hassers[7] to keep her together. Capt. Bartholomew Sharpe Lost his Bolsprit, that he was forced to Beare away large.[8] they gott into Ankour at the Island of Pine lying in the Samblowes in North Lattitud 9° 40´.[9] As we weare Coming out of portamorrant, about 6 Leagues from the Port, we meetts with a french Brickanteen, on[e] John Row Commander. he understanding our Designe, was willing to Concert with us. the weather growing very bad and lickly to Continue soe sum time, that as much as Ever sum shipps was abell to goe through the Sea, Capt. Essex by name his vessell being ould gave way in her boue that if shee had not been wolded,[10] Could never a he[ld] together. Capt. Coxon86 Calls and orders that he would make the Best of his way to the Isle of Forta, and gave order that those that gott thear first, to Leave a Noat one the Sandy point, to Sattisfie the Rest which are to com after, and them that first gott to forta, to goe over to the frinds Islands, Islands which lyeth about 12 Leagues to the westwards of Cathergeane,[11] about 8 leagues from Forta. our Admirall, the french Brickenteen, and the two slopes[12] getts to forta first, which finding Neither Capt. Essex nor Capt. Sharpe thear, Feared they had binn Suncke in the Sea. Capt. Coxon went over to the frinds Islands with one Slopes Crew and the Brickenteens Crew, Leaveing a Sayling Crew abord: goe to ly amongst thes frinds Islands to take pery agoes[13] and Canoes to Land our people at Portavella. 2 dayes after a Rives Capt. Cornelyes Essex at forta, But noe news of Capt. Bartholomew Sharpe. we did Certainly expect he had binn Lost. they stayd at thes frinds Islands 3 dayes. they Brings with them 4 pery agoes, and Six very good Large Cannoes. we fills watter at Forta and Concludes to see if through the marcyes of god Capt. Sharpe might be gotten into pines.[14] Capt. Coxon being the best sayler, Lost Company with us, he stering away S.w.b.w. and we w.s.w., that he weathered the golden Islands[15] and gott to An Ankour at the Isle of pines, which Lyeth in 9° 40´[16] North Lattitud, and beareth from the Golden Islands n.w.b.w. about 6 Leagues. only Capt. Coxon Weathered the Golden Islands and gott into pines, he being the best windward boat, it blowing very hard, the two slopes, the french Brickenteenn and Captain Cornelies Essex bore up and cam to Ankour at the Golden Islands. Capt. Coxon in his way to Pines Sees a sayle in the offinge, makes sayle towards her, Comes up with her, and finds her to be a Barque cam out of Jamaco one the Same accoumpt as we did, and Came over to the Samblowes to87 meett with the Fleett. we weare all Glad of his Company, for we wanted men. Coming into Pines, they found Capt. Sharpe had binn ther, and Suppose had fitted what damage he Receved at Sea, and Imagined he was gone to looke for the fleete. the weather being so bad att Present, could goe no farther with our Shipps. Coxon sends capt. Cooke with his barque from Pines to the Golden Island, to give us notice that he would be gone alone with his owne company and the Sloopes, in case that wee did not make hast to Pines, but the wind blowing hard att W.N.W. could not gett out. Capt. Coxon the next day comes downe himself in his cannoe, to knowe the reasone of our stay, and findeing the winde contrary, that wee could not gett out, Advised the commanders to make what dispatch they could in their cannoes and Peeriaugers, to Pines, and from thence to Puerta-Vella, being afraide some of their traideing boates should Discry them. Capt Cooke in his way to us meetes with a Spannish galliote[17] from Carthageane, bound to Puerta Vella with Negroes, butt ther being a desention amounge the company, some desireous to borde him, others nott, so that in fine they losst him. the currant under shoare setting stronge to the Eastward and haveing hard westerly winds, capt. Cooke could nott gett the Golden Islands, but was drove downe into the bay of Dueryan;[18] in the meane time our Party Imbarkques in perriaugers and Cannoes, being mighty desierouse to be their before should be descried. And lyeing here, wee gott greate acquaintance with the Natives of this Country, which the Spaniards had driven over to this side of the Land from the South side; wee found the Indians to have a greate Antipothy against the Spaniards, but could not know to have their revenge. they understanding our designes, they corted us to land and thay would shew us wheir was Spanish townes Plenty of Silver and golde; of which more here-after. The cannoes being gonn to Puerta Vella with about two hundred and fifty men, left the shipping with a sailing crew a borde to follow after, wheir orders was given by capt. Coxon, chiefe commander, to88 make what hast he could to lower Rainge of Keys in the Samboles, to a Key call'd Springers carreening Key,[19] and to goe no farther till farther Orders. the parting cannoes, goeing downe the Samboles, sees a greate shipp rideing att an Anchor att the 2d Rainge of Keyes, which coming neare they found her to be a French privateere, One capt. Lessone, who carreen'd in the Samboles. The said capt. understanding the designe wee weare about, Joyn'd his company with ours, who weare about Eighty men out of him, so wee went with all our parties on with corrage, and landed them about twenty leagues short of Puerta Vella in an olde ruinated Port called Puerta Pee; the way was very rocky and bad to march, they goeing near the sea side to Eschape the look-out which thay saw plainely on a high Hill, butt as god would have itt, the look-out did nott see them. this being Wensday they begin to drawe neare Puerta Vella. The Satterday following, about ten aclocke, came into an Indian Village. our peopple many of them were weake, being three day with-out any foode, and their feete cutt with the rocks for want of Shoose, soe an Indian man, crying out, "ladroones",[20] runs and make what speede he could to Puerta Vella. so Coxon our Generall cryed out, "good boyes, You that are able to runn gett into towne before wee are descryed". wee had then about 3 miles to Puerta Vella. The Indian being too nimble for us, wee being tired afore, He gott into Puerta Vella about half a hower before us, and cried out, "Ladroones!" Imediately wee heard the Alarm gunn fier. wee then certainly knew that wee weare discried. wee made what hast wee could into the towne, the forloorne[21] being led by capt. Robert Alliston, the rest of our party following upp so fast as they could. before —— of the clocke in the Afternoon wee had taken the towne, the peopple of the Place takeing to their stronge castle call'd the Glory, to secure themselves. the next day the Spaniards, being about two hundred, made an Attempt to come out of the Glory. wee face't them and made them89 to retreate back to their Castle to some of their sorrowes, which fell to the ground. wee kept the towne 2 dayes, plunder[ed] what wee could of itt, and putt the best of our Plunder into cannoes which wee tooke their. some men marcht back by lands, guarding the Prisonnars alonge with them, Hopeing wee should have had ransome for them: wee carried our Plunder, Plate and prissonars downe to a Key about 3 leauges and a half from Puerta Vella, The next Key's to the Bastamentes,[22] and on Tuesday comes away Capt. Robert Alleston to Springers carreeneing Key, to give notice to the Shipps which was all their att anchor that wee should make what dispach wee could to the Bastamentes, wheir our party lay. capt. Alliston info[r]m'd us that thay had taken Puerta Vella and plundred the most part of the Towne, without the loss of many men, onely five or six men wounded, and that a cannoe of the best plunder, as cloth of silver, cloth of tishee,[23] being soe covittious to lode deepe, sanck in the river comeing downe; the small fortes fiering, they wounded 2 or 3 men in the cannoes. Our plunder being carried downe to the Bastamentes, and our peopple which marched by land being come, carries plunder and Prissnars uppon a Key lying aboutt half a mile from the maine land. their came downe about 3 dayes after from Puerta Vella as neare as wee could Judge seven Hundred soldiers, that came from Pennamau[24] and arrived att Puerta Vella the tuesday as wee came away the Munday before. the Spaniards came downe on brest the Key wee weire uppon, and fired severall small armes, shooteing cleare over this Key, soe wee tooke our prissnars with plunder and what wee had gotten att Puerta Vella, and carried to another Key hard by, out of their Reaches, soe our shipps come downe wheir the partie lay in dispute what to doe, haveing some thoughts the Spaniard would send to relieve the Prissnars. keepeing strickt watch, wee saw the next day a Barkque longo[25] standing in to Puerta Vella, which capt.90 bartholl'w Sharpe went out and tooke. Her lodeing was salt and corne came from Carthagene. Keepeing very good watch att top mast head, 3 day's after wee saw comeing in a good bigg shipp, came from Carthagene. Our Shipps and Sloopes weighs and went out and mett her, as she was standing in to Puerta Vella. Capt. Allisson comeing up with her first in his Sloope Ingages her, and Coxon seconding him clapps her aborde and takes her without the loss of any men. some Spaniards fell for thay fought about one hower. she had Eight gunn's, a new shipp of about ninety tunn's, the chiefest of her ladeing being timber, salt and corne, and about 30 Negroe's and about fower chest of silke, Besides packetts of greate Conscernment from the King of Spaine, as was Reported by them which by relacion of our armie, thatt our Generall, capt. Coxon, had presented him in a Jarr of wine five Hundred peices of gould which he wronged the party of by Keepeing of itt to himself, he being sworne as well as any other man not to wronge any one. After this wee sheard[26] our Puerta Vella voyage, which was in money and plate and plunder wee had to the Vallew of hundred peeces of Eight a man. then wee concluded to goe downe to Boca-Toro,[27] to make cleane our shipps, that being the best place to carreene our shipps, by reason their is good store of turtle and Manatee and fish, our shipps being made cleane and ready for to sayle about six weekes time, butt wee fell in with Boca Draga and went thro' Boca Draga into Boca Toro, wheir seing a saile a cannoe went to her, and found itt to be a Barque longo, The commander one Richard Sawlkings, who tolde us of Capt. Peter Harriss's being att Diego's point[28] a carreeneing. wee dispacht as soone as possible. Capt. Coxon fitted out his new shipp, leaveing his olde one their, Capt. Essex leaveing his Barkque their she being so rotten. wee acquainting capt. Peter Harriss and capt Rich. Sawlking of the greate commerce wee had with the Indians in the Samboles, was very willing to91 goe upp with their shipps, so all concluded to goe upp to capt Lessones Carreeneing Key. Boca Toro lieth about 50 leagues to leeward[29] of Porta Vella and Boca Drago 3 leauges to leeward of Boca Toro. all the shipps meeteing att Lessoones carreeneing Key aforesaid, wheir was orders for our randevous, capt. Coxon concludes to goe upp to the goulden Islands and to travill over land to Pannamau, otherwise to a place which the Indians tolde us of, cal'd Toca Mora. all our English concluded to goe, but capt Lessoone and capt Jno. Rowe their Peopple refus'd, being man'd all with French. The Indians being very familliar came uppon a Key to our shipps, men, Women and children, Informing us that whilst wee weare att Puerta Vella the Spaniards had beene downe with about Eighty soldiers and had fell uppon the Indians for their haveing familiarity with us. The Spaniards did Kill of the Indians by their relation about 20, the rest of the Indians takeing the mountans for their security tell wee came. these Indians altho' Heathens yett have those amounge them that thay call Doctors, that can raise the Divill att their Pleasure. they knew of our comeing and att what time wee should be their, and when thay saw us, it was greate sattisfaction to them, wee putting out a signe, which was a white Jack and no Ensigne, then thay come on borde. thay offers themselves to goe with us to take revenge of the Spaniards, which they call by the name of walkers. Wee makeing in all, in mony, Plate and Plunder, about a hundred peices of Eight a man att Puerta Vella, peopple was Eagar for more Voyage, and was now fully resolved to goe to the Goulden Island and hall our shipps into a small Cove or creeke out of sight of any Spaniard, if any should come that way, haling our small Barkques and small vessells as close as wee thought convenient under the shelter of the greate shipps, and order so many men to stay on borde of Each Vessell according to their bigness to looke after them, and likewise order was given that if any should come in their to oppose them, the peopple weare all of them to goe on borde of capt. Coxon and capt. Peter Harriss's Shipp to92 defend themselves and Shipps to the uttmost of their Power. And on sunday, being the 4 day of Aprill,[30] wee Provides our provission to land next morning itt being munday. the french shipps we left in the Samboles. next day about 6 aclock in the morning lands 332 men, being Piloted by the Indians, who seemed to be very forward in their Assistance, as here after will prove.

Thus much for Puerta Vella Voyage.

45. The Buccaneers on the Isthmus and in the South Sea. 1680-1682.[1]

The Journall of our Intended Voyage by the assistance of God over land into the South seas leaveing our ships att the goulden Islands, and landing on Munday Apr'll the fift, Annoque 1682.

• Capt. Jno. Coxon, commander in chief. Eight gunns.
• capt. Peter Harriss. 26 gunns.
• capt. Richard Sawlkins, in a Barkque.
• capt. Edmond Cooke, a Barkque.
• capt. Bathol'w Sharpe, a Barkque.
• capt. Robert Allisson, a Sloope.
• capt. Thomas Maggott, a Sloope.

All these above mencion'd captaines landed att the Golden Islands, which lieth about 15 leagues to the westerd of the westmost Point of Durian[2] bay. this golden Island lyeth in North lattitude nearest in 9° 12´. capt. Allisson and capt. Maggott being sickly weare unable to march, butt93 all the aforsd captaines landed with their men, leaveing onely a sayleing crew on bord Each vessell; their Orders being that if any should come to oppose them, all hands to repair on Borde Harriss and Coxon, thay being shipps of force. Being on Shoare wee had about Halfe an Howers discource with the Indians. thay amounge Each other chose out two men to goe before the forloorne, to shew us the way. first of all wee marched through a small skert of a wood, downe to sandy bay by the sea side, about 2 miles; the marching over the sandy bay was tiersom, haveing our gunns Amunition and knapsacks of provant[3] to carry with us, but after wee past this sandy Bay wee Enters into a wood againe, which lead us into a valley which in time of raines is full of water. by three of the clocke this day wee Had martched from the shipps 3 leauges, and takes upp our seate, wheir wee intended that night to sleepe. their came downe to us one capt. Andreas,[4] an Indian, with some others with him. he spake a little Spannish, and gave us the bien venitdo.[5] thay brought Plantins downe with them, which they distributed to the company, thinking theirby Had done us a greate Kindness; their garments are made of cotton, they weare longe Black Hair, the men weare a peice of thinn gould in their Noses, which is made like a Half moone (like unto the Marg't)[6] kivering their lipps. some few of them hath itt made of silver. their women goes bear headed, with longe black Hair hanging downe, wearing a kinde of white cotton Blanckett over their Sholders, which comes downe about their bodyes. thay weare in the grissell of their nose a round ring, some of Silver, some of golde. capt. Andreas tolde us he would have borne us company to have martched next day, butt that he had a childe sicke and fear'd would soone die; and when dead, would follow us with a comepany of Indians with him; and soe tooke his leave of us. The next day being tuesday, in the morning94 about 4 of the clock word was gave to Martch, and that no man, on the loss of life, should fier a gunn in the woodes, least some Indian Rogues or other should betray us, by runing afore to acquaint the Spaniards. yesterday two men tier'd, so went back againe. this tuesday wee Martched upp a very high Hill. twas neare 10 of the clock before wee gott the topp of itt. one man more tier'd, that return'd back againe. on this Hill wee could finde no water, so that the company weare almost famisht for the want theirof. the Indian pilotts gave us to understand that a little farther was water, which about 2 of the clock wee came up with; wheire wee all dranck and Refreshed our selves bravely. about 2 howers martch farther wee gott downe to the foote of this Hill. on the South side is a brave River whear wee tooke up our quarters that night, it being the second night of rest since wee left our Shipps. this day wee martched neare 14 miles E.S.E. nearest. the next day, being wensday the 7. ditto, as soone as the Day brake wee weare uppon our Martch. about 10. of the clocke wee rested and refresht our selves with bread an water, and Pipes and tobacco; and about 3 of the clock wee tooke upp our quarters againe, by a river side. in the woodes wee saw some Indian Hutte, butt no strainge Indians, for wee went a course more to the southward to fetch a Circute cleare of the Duryan Indians, who have a continuall Peace with the Spaniard.

Thirsday the 8 wee wear desired by Our Indian Pilotes to be martching by breake of day, that so wee might comepass 6 leauges, which wee did. about 2 aclock wee came up with some hutts, wheir their Kinge lived, who received us with greate kindness, being Joyfull of our company, as he Exprest it by presenting us with Plantans, Cassado,[7] Indian Corne, Drinck, and Rootes; haveing beene with us some time, return'd to his house againe. his garment was of white cotton made like to a friars cote. in the Evening the King came to us againe with his 2 sones, being in one garbe, save that the Kinge had in his Hand a longe white rodd of about 7 foote longe, and a Hoope of Golde about his Head for95 his crowne. this Hoope was about 2 Inches and a half broade. the Kinge had 3 daughters of womens Estate, very comely Indians, who went in fine cotton Roped about their bodies. Both men and women tooke much delight to heare our Drum beate and colers fly but to fier a gunn or to heare the noyse thay weare afraide. the Kings Daughters fantsied much to be in our Company, in so much that some of our Peopple by signes would ask them if they should live with them and thay be their wives. thay often would make Arrants to their fathers house to fetch us Plantans. The Kinge tolde capt. Coxon that the next day wee must nott march butt that he must send one of his sones to gett cannoes, to carry us all by water downe the river, and that in two dayes march more (itt being Sunday) wee should come wheir these Cannoes wheir. wee often mett with Indian Hutts in the Martch, in which the Peopple stoode ready to throw us Plantans and give us corne drincke.[8] wee found that they weare makeing cannoes for us as fast as they could. thiss day wee martcht about 5 leagues and came up with 3 or 4 Houses close by a River-side wheir wee lodged. hear thay provided about 14 cannoes which those that weare most tired with martching went into, about 90 men in the cannoes, 2 or 3 Indians to worke them downe the River, thay haveing Experience to worke cannoes in a river wheir the currant runns like an Arrow out of a bow.[9] the cheifest of our company this Sunday marched againe. the cannoes went downe the River. wee martched till night, where wee had all the rest of the cannoes made ready, about 60; in some cannoes their wear 6, some 4 and 3 Indians according to the biggness. the Indians tolde us that with-in 2 dayes after, which was tuesday, wee should see the other cannoes which went away out of the other river;[10] wee weare putt all to a stand att thiss and thoughts rise amounge us that these Indians onely seperated us to bring us all to destruction, so thatt wee had much grumbings amounge us,96 that thay made Signes wee should nott be troubled att any thing. the next day, wee haveing cannoes and Barkloggs enow, wee Imbarkques, haveing 2 Indians in Each cannoe, to steare them downe, because the freshes runn soe swift as possible can be Imagind, that the least touch of a cannoe against a stump or Rock over setts them if nott staves them all to peices. Munday night past, wee heare no newes of our other party that went away out of the other river, butt the Indians tolde us by signes that, by such time the sunn was att such a High as thay pointed, wee should see the other party. Tuesday Every one takes to his cannoe againe and went downe the river, and about 10 of the clock we saw an Indian cannoe a setting to us against the streame, alonght the river side, who tolde us that our cannoes which came downe the other River was gott to the place wheire both rivers mett, wheir the Indians intended to meete us. about 2 of the clock in the After noone we wear gott downe, and wear very glad to Injoy the comepany of our owne Peopple againe. in comeing downe the River some cannoes wear over sett; some lost their Armes, butt the Indians would dive and gett them up againe. one man being left behinde in the woodes astray, Expecting to Kill something to eate, the Indians weare soe Kind as to bring him downe to us. thiss afternoone wee fixes our Armes and cattoch[11] Boxes, Dryes our Poweder. now 20 leagues farther wee come to a Place called Santa Maria,[12] to which place wee rowe and paddle very hard alday. this place made all with Stockados, no greate gunns, but onely a place to keepe the Indians out of the river, itt being a river wheir thay take much golde. about one aclock att night wee wear gotten close under the Stockadose, soe that wee could heare the Centry talke. wee landed about half a mile from the place in the woods and lay their till day. Next morning wee heard a drum beate. thay fier'd a small arme to discharge their watch, which hearing no more gunns fired wee knew97 that wee wear not descryed. Capt Rich'd Sawlkings runns up to the Pallassados and all the party following him as fast as thay could, and fiering att the Pallassados, and thay att us; fiering with their harkquebusses, throweing lances, and shooteing Arrowes. thay had within their Pallassados about 200 men. wee killed about 70 men. after wee had had about half an howers dispute with them, Capt. Rich Sawlkings runns to the pallassado's with 2 or 3 men more, and halls up 2 or 3 pallassados by maine strength, and enters in. thay Imediately calls for Quarter, which was presently granted by us. this was one Thirday the 15 day of Aprill. the Governor with 2 Negroes and 2 women made his Eschape by runing about a mile downe the river, wheir he takes a cannoe and makes for Pennamau downe the river so fast as he could, butt understanding he had made his Eschape fitted in the Afternoone a cannoe with six oares. capt. Sawlkings goes in her to see if he could finde this governor butt could nott. wee lay att these Stockadose 2 dayes. itt is a very small place onely to shelter those that goes to wash golde in another Arme of the River, which comes out of a river[13] into this Santa Maria river. The Injury wee received in takeing the Pallassadoes was that capt. Sawlkings was shott in the Head with an arrow, and one man more shott in the hand, butt both soone cured. wee by Examining Our Prissonars understoode, that 4 dayes before wee came there went away for Pannamau 2 Small Barques which caried away 4 chests of dust golde. thay had no newes of us before thay saw us. heare we found butt little Riches. some church plate, as is reported, was found, some dust golde in callabasses,[14] some wines and brandy, Jerck porke, good store of bread. the next day wee drawes out to see who would goe for the South Seas, that is to say to take Pennamau; att last wee findes all our party, butt ii which wear unwilling. Our Generall, capt. Coxon, seemed unwilling, butt with much perswaission went; those ii men that would returne, wee putts into their hands to carry that plate wee tooke heare. thay had Indians to con98duct them back. Now wee putts our selves all in Readiness for Pennamau, which lieth about 30 leagues from thiss Santa Marea river to the Northwards. wee wear 2 dayes a roweing out of this snta Marea River, before wee gott into the South Seas. in this place there runns very Stronge tydes of Ebb and floode. the tydes keepe their common course as thay doe in the North Sea. itt flowes by the moone S.S.E. soe wee getting out of the river and the tyde of floode comeing on, wee rowed hard to gett over to a key which wee saw,[15] and Stopt their till the floode had done. on which key wee found the 2 Negro women which had made their Eschape alonge with the Governor of the Stockadose. thay tolde us that the gover'r went from thence that morning intending to row alonge shore with the 2 Negro men to Pennamau, he perswaiding him-self that wee would be for Pennamau. wee sent one of our best cannoes to rowe after him, butt to no purpose. Butt when wee left the Stockadose, the prissnars beggs of us to carry them away with us, crying that the Indians would distroy them all, soe when wee departed that Place wee carried with us what wee possibly could. no soonar wee came a shore butt wee hears a miserable crye. the Indians killed all the poore soules that weare left. Now wee being in the South Sea's goes alonge shoare to a Plantan Key,[16] which lieth about 14 leagues from Pennamau. wee tooke 2 Negroes which was sent thether to cutt woode for building as well as to breede provissions. Barkques come from Pennamau to fetch itt. this night as wee lay here wee saw a Barque on the back side of this key. wee man'd 2 cannoes and went out and tooke her. she fier'd 2 or 3 small Arme's att us butt did not any harme. next morning we went all out from the key in our cannoes. Our Gen'll capt. Coxon bad all peopple that wear in small cannoes, to goe on borde the barkque and putt their cannoes adrift. capt. Batt Sharpe went into the Barkque commander, and about 135 men, which had beene in very small cannoes and fearfull thay might Sinck under them. wee understood by this barkque99 that wee wear nott as yett descried att Pennamau. this day wee makes sayle, Keepeing the Perriaugers and cannoes company. that next night wee saw another Small Barkque which capt. Peter Harris came upp with in his cannoe and tooke. she had on borde her about 20 Armed men. thay fought about a quarter of an hower, wounded one of our men. capt. Sharpe looseing comepany in his barkque that night went away to the Pearle Keys.[17] Heard of a new Barkque Just launched, wee found to be trew; soe wee tooke the new one and sank the olde one wee first gott. wee gott their some plunder out of a House. this Night wee makes what sayle wee could to gett our party which went for Pennamau. capt. Sharpe haveing the 3d. part of the comepany one borde him disabled the Party, so as thay dirst not venture on Pennamau. Butt seeing 6 or 7 sayle of Shipps lying of att the Keys of Perico,[18] which lyeth in 9 degr. North lattitude and about 2 miles from Pennamau, wheir All the shipps that come to Pennamau rides, Thay putts for the Shipps, butt the Gover'r that had made his Eschape att the Stockadose did nott discry us, butt tolde them Sta. Maria was taken, by what nation he could nott well tell butt thought itt weare English. A Barkque wee gave chase to butt could nott fetch her upp. she seeing all our cannoes getts into Pennamau and makes alarme. their was by Relacion putt on board the shipp and Barkques which came out to fight us 300 Soldados[19] and Armed men. wee had about 3 howers dispute and tooke them all. wee killed and wounded many men. And Brave vallient capt. Peter Harriss was shott in his cannoe through both his leggs, bordeing of a greate shipp. their was nott any gott cleare only on [one] small Barkque that rann into Pennamau againe. itt being all done and Quiatt, the Spanish Gen'll[20] being kill'd wee tooke his Chief captaine, one capt. Berralto,[21] who being an Antient Seaman in those seas we100 caused him to be our Pylott, he being the commdr. of that shipp that carried away the Riches from Pennamau to Limma about 12 years since, that same time when Sr. Henry Morgan tooke Pennamau. this capt. Berralto was much burnt, and his peopple most of them kill'd and blowne upp, for as thay fought us thay had scatter'd loose powder on their decks, which tooke a fier by some accident or other, that wee seeing itt borded them and tooke them. these 7 sayle of shipps we tooke att Pennamau was not above half unloded. their lading was flower, linnen and woolen cloath, one greate shipp half laden with Iron. wee desierd of capt. Berralto which wear the best saylors. he told us on his word the Trinnity was the best in the South Seas, soe wee pitched on her for Admirall,[22] putting capt. Harriss abord that was wounded. the Doctors cutting of one legg itt fester'd so that itt pleased god he died, so wee lost that Valliant brave Soldiar. then wee putt in capt. Rich'd Sawlkings into the Shipp Trinity and made him Our Admirall. our former Adm'll[23] nott behaveing himself Nobly in time of Ingagement, was something houted att by the Party, that he Imediately went away to goe over land. wee gave him a small barkque, with which he return'd to the river of Sta. Maria with about 70 men alonge with him, capt. Richd. Sawlkings being now the chief commander in the Shipp Trinity, capt. Cooke commander of a Barkque about Eighty tunns, capt. Batt. Sharpe in a small Barkque that came from the Pearle Keys, and another small barke wee kept to weight uppon us. thay fierd their gunns off from Pennamau to us butt did us no damage. wee solde wine to Spaniards that came off shoare to buy itt by stillt, and thay brought us off hatts and showes to sell; butt about the sixt of March,[24] and the very next day that capt. Coxon our Adm'll went away, wee saw a shipp. wee gave her chase and tooke her, with capt. Batt. Sharps Barkque. she came from the citty Limmo,[25] most of her ladeing was flower. fifty thousand101 Peices of Eight in her and some silkes. capt. Sharpe shifted out of his Barkque into thiss Limmo Shipp; wee tooke what was needfull out of her, for dyett, wines, brandie, and what elce wee found good, and burnt and sunck all the rest. Kept onely those shipps aforemenciond for our owne use. Wee resolveing now to cruise these Seas, for wealth, wee stands from this Place or the Keys of Perico (so called) 3 leagues to another Key, very well Inhabited, to fill our water for the Sea, butt findeing we had no meat to eate (altho' Enough flower, Brandye and wine) wee concluded to gett som. to that end some Prissnars telling us of a Place called the Yjakeell,[26] a very rich towne, and that their wee might a voyage att once, Our Adm'll capt. Sawlkings was willing to goe to this place before they should have any Knowlidge of our comeing, butt our peopple, being head stronge, would have meate to eate first. this Pennama lieth in 9° No. lattitude in a bottom of a bay. wee sett saile with our greate shipp Trinity, and capt. Sharpe in the Lymmo shipp, and capt. Edmond Cooke in another Barkque, and 2 small Barkques, 7 men a Peece, very Head stronge fellowes, which sepperated themselves from us. wee saild S.W. and B.W.[27] and W.S.W. about 60 leagues and came up with these keys of Quibo Nueve,[28] or the keys of the new towne, wheir all shipps that goes from Pennamau to Lymmo touches to water and all shipps that come from windward makes these keyes if thay are bound into Pennamau. here is good Pearle oystars And fishing and Deare on the Keys. the 28 day of Apr'll capt. Sawlkings comes on borde capt. Edmond Cooke with about 60 men, goes to saile, and carries him into this river called Pueblo Nuevo.[29] wee went into a river by the Assistance of a Pilott. capt. Sawlkings went ashore with about 45 men. the barkque went in as far as102 she could and came to an Anchor. they went up the River and landed Just against some Stockadoes which thay had built by the river side for the security of their men. Our Valliant Gen'll capt. Salkins landed him-self first and went into the Savana and saw aboundance of Peopple their. one Molatta mett him, whome capt Sawlkins Shott downe. Returnes back a little way, askt if the Party wear all landed and ready. Answer was made, "Yes." then said he, "follow me and doe not lye behind, for if I doe amise You will all fair the worse for itt." Hee went up corragiously with some brisk men with him, butt their was provided Mollattas and hunters with their launces which came to oppose him. He fierd his Pistole and shott downe one Musteese,[30] the rest fiering and lodeing as fast as they could, but the Spaniards coming in uppon them so fast that kill'd capt. Sawlkins and 3 men more. thay tooke one alive. wee heard him make a dreadfull noyse butt could not rescque him, butt was forst to retreate to our cannoes, and goe off as fast as wee could, thay comeing downe so fast uppon us. Wee found in this River 2 barkques: one we burnt, the other wee brought out which was laden with pitch, She seemeing likely to sayle well. our peopple went aborde againe of capt. cooke, which lay with his barkque att the Rivers mouth, telling us that capt. Sawlkins was killd with 3 men more, to our greate sorrow. wee saild out with the barkque to the Key wheir the greate Shipp lay, about 5 leagues from this River, to the Southwards. when the parties came to know that capt. Sawlkins was kild and that thay could discover him to be our Admirall by the ring he had on his finger, a Present from the Governour of Pennamau,[31] He sending him this token and with all to meete him on shoare with a hundred men to try their manhoods against one hundred of them. capt. Sawlkins returnes this answer, that in case he would bring out one hundred thousand peices of Eight he would meete him, with one hundred men against his, to fight him for the money, or Elce resolved to die in that Place. butt103 the gov'r of Pennamau refused so to doe. Now capt. Sharpe goe's aborde the greate ship the Trinnity, as chief commander. capt. Sawkins being very well beloved by the party that saild with him, and Sharpe ill beloved, their was a party of sixty men went to returne over land, to whome wee gave capt. Cookes Barkque to carry them downe to the River of Sta. Maria. He Entring into the Barkque that was tooke in the River Pueblo Nuevo, which Barkque wee tooke on the first day of may and named her the may flower. Butt upon some disgust or other capt. Cooke left his May flower and went on board the greate Shipp as a private Souldiar. capt. Batt. Sharpe, being command't in chiefe, putts a commander of the May flower one Jno. Cox. att these keys wee fil'd our water and putts to sea to ply to windward. these keys lye in 7° 20´ North lattitude. we had the wind att S.E. and B.E. and S.E. wee stood to the Southward, steming S. and B.W. and S.S.W., butt little winde and sometimes calme. wee tried the currant and found itt to sett E. and b.S., a stronge currant. when wee had by our Judgement 60 leagues offing, wee had thoughts to goe to a parcell of Keys cal'd the galloper, which lieth 100 leagues in the offing from the Isle of Plate, and under the Equinoctiall.[32] we haveing here the winds hanging much in the S.W. quarter, wee stood to the Southward about 8 dayes, with our starborde tacks aborde, and in the morning about 8 of the clock, wee saw the land, which proved to be an Island called the Gurgony.[33] wee intending to cleane the Shipp Stayes here, and findeing a good bay, wee conscidered of itt and concluded to carreene here. wee findeing this Island good Stoare of water and fish, Oystars and Indian Connyes, and Monkeys which wee Eate for want of meate. this Gurgony lieth in the lattitude of 3° 7´ in a deepe bay. no Inhabbitance on't, save fishermen and those that dive for Pearles. her's good tree's for mast and timber, And for many other uses to furnish a shipp. wee carreen'd the greate shipp by the small barkque cal'd the104 May flower, built a house on shoare to putt our Rigging and saile in. Our greate shipp heaveing downe very taught, wee could not [bring] her keele upp by a streake.[34] itt flowes att this Island two fatham upp and downe.[35] wee made fast our cable to the trees, and the other Anchor in the offing; all being done to both shipps, in six weekes time wee putt to sea againe, intending to windward, and Orders was given, in case of looseing company, that wee wear to make the best of our way for the Island of Plate. att the beginning[36] of July twas, wee putts to sea both together. winds att S.S.E. and S. and B.E. wee stands with our Star-borde tacks aborde, standing over to the Island of Barrakoase or elce called Cock Island.[37] this Isl'd lieth in under the land, and is inhabbited with 7 or 8 families, as our pilot gave us an account. our former new Barkque, as wee heard, was taken into thiss river of barrakoase, and all butt one distroyed. the land here is high champian land far in the cuntry, butt near the water side low and Mangrovey. It lieth alonge W.S.W. 90 leagues, till wee come up to a key cal'd St. Francisco.[38] wee turn'd in up within 3 leagues of the shoare, with both shipps. wee Indeavord to stand in with the land in the night, to gaine the land winde. about the fift day att night after wee had been outt of the Gorgony, wee fortun'd to loose company, which brede greate disturbance on borde the Greate Shipp, which had 150 men on borde, butt much more fear and Rangling was on borde the May flower for fear wee should all be putt to our Shifts, being in an Enimies cuntry and unknowne Seas to us. wee in the May flower follows the order received from the Admirall and makes the best of our way for the Isle of plate. as itt appeard after-ward the greate ship stood into the offing for 2 dayes and the May flower turning alonge shoar, gott to the Isle of Plate before the Ship105 Trinity 3 dayes; wee wear about 15 dayes a turning up. the winds blow att S.E. and b.S. and S.S.E. most Here, with-out itt be in a turnado. this Isle of Plate is so called because in former time Sr. Francis Drake tooke their Armado of shipps, which was bound downe to Pannamau, and carries them into this Island, and their shares their wealth, as capt. Barralto related to us,[39] so that since the Spaniards have called itt the Isle of Plate. here wee have good Anchoring in about 14 fathom water, in a brave Sandy bay. You anchor against the body of the Island, bringing the Sandy bay to bear S.W. and S. of you. itt is well furnished with gotes, which caused us to touch here for fresh meates, butt no fresh water that ships can conveniently fill att, except in the time of raines. we lay att an anchor here 3 dayes. one man comeing from the South side of thiss Island saw a Shipp off att sea standing into the shore plying to windward. itt rejoyced our hearts hopeing to be the Trinity our Adm'll, which so proved. the next day She gott Inn, which caused Joy on both sides. here wee gott some turtle, which are butt small to those in the South Sea's. The greate Shipp was damag'd by standing so far to sea outt of the bay of Gorgony, twisting the Heads of her lore masts, occasiond by hard winds which blew att S.S.E., butt as soone as the carpenters had fitted the heads of the mast wee putt both to sea. this Isle of Plate lieth in 58´ South lattitude.[40] the Greate shipp being now more in her trim out sails the barkque. now wee learning of a Place cal'd Arico that lieth in south lattd. 18° 40´,[41] a rich place, Intends thither, But delaying of time att gorgony, advice is sent from Pennamau up to a towne cal'd Yaceell,[42] a very rich place for golde, which befor capt. Sawkins was kill'd intended to have tooken, butt after the 60 men had left us, wee had Informacion thay wear provided for us, soe wee stood upp alonge shore to goe to Arica. in 2 dayes wee getts up as high as St. Alena, which106 is a point. itt lieth in south lattd. 3° 5´.[43] the greate ship towes the small one, because would gett to windward before discried. this River of Yseell [Yaceell] is a brode river, about 35 legs[44] att the mouth. the towne lieth Near 40 leagues up the River. about the middle of August one night, as the greate shipp had us in a towe, we saw a saile in the darke. wee lett goe their towe, and made what saile we could to her, comes in half a hower up with her, and ha'ls her. Shee fierd a Harkquebus att us, att which wee presented them with a whole Volley; she fier severall small gunns at us, and wounded 3 men. one of them after-wards died. wee laid her aboard and tooke her. She had about 30 hands in her, fitted out for an Armadillo[45] to come downe to the Isle of Plate, to see what a posture wee lay in; their was on Borde 2 very Honorable gentlemen, which came out for ther Pleasure to see us, wee being term'd amounge them a strainge sort of Peopple and cal'd by the name of Laddron. thay tolde us that 4 dayes before thay came out of Yakell saild a shipp bound up for Lymmo, loden with tymber, woolen cloth, thred, Stockings and some silks, which if wee kept under the shoar as shee did wee must needs see her. thiss Vessell wee tooke, nott sayleing so well as the Trinity. wee rummages her, takeing what was good, towes her 35 leagues off to sea, cutts her maine mast by the borde and give her to the Prissnars, giveing them water and flower enough that thay might not want. wee kept the 2 gent'men and the master to pilote us. wee stood into the river of Yakell and makes the land. att the south side of the river about 16 leagus within is cape Blanco which is the southermost point of this river Yacell, and cape Blanco lieth in 4° South lattd. point a St. Alena is a very remarkable land to beknowne, for tis like to a shipp with her keele up. thiss cape blanco is a very barren land, onely small brush growes uppon itt. thay cals to us out of the greate shipp, aboard the May flower, to goe in under the shor to anchor, which wee did, and hal'd on borde of them. thay107 tooke out our water and flower and what was necessary and cutt a hole in her bottom, so wee all went on borde the Trinity. by takeing a small armadillo barkque, wee have Intelligence that a small Barkque of 7 hands of our's, one Morriss Connoway commdr., was taken and 6 of them Kill'd in the river Baracoes, onely one saved which speakes good Spannish, which suppose to be one Tho. Hall, whome the Spaniard hath prissnar att the river Ketto.[46] wee weere sorroy to hear it but could not help itt, neither knew not how to gett the other off that was alive, he being about 60 leagues in land. wee cruised under the Shoare for the shipp which came out of Yacell bound for Lymmo, which lieth in 12° South Lattd. by our prissnars wee understood shee had brake her mayne yard and was putt into Payta,[47] butt standing to and throw under the Shore wee saw a sayle to windwd. as farr as wee could descerne. wee stood after her all night and the next morning was within a league of her, the wind blowing a brave fresh gaile. by 12 aclock was up with her and found her to be the saime shipp thay tolde us of. wee had all manner of cloth in her, thred, Stocking and a very good linnen and silk plunder, some wine and brandy, very little plate, saveing a cupp, dis[h] or plate or soe in the cabbon. after wee had Plunderd her what wee would, wee towes her 40 leagues into sea, in the lattd. of 7° 10´ So. lattd. wee cutt her maine mast and mizan by the borde, and putts in a greate many Prissnars, keepeing the Master of the Small Armadillo and Barralto for Pylotes. Now wee are all with one conscent bound for Wind-ward, bloweing a fine ordnary gaile att S.S.E. and S.E. and B.S. wee stands close-hald into sea, steming S.W., sometimes S.W. and B.S.; sometimes the wind came in flawes, that we lay but S.W. and B.W. wee generally counted that wee made west 30° or sometimes 20° degree's course to the Southward of the west of cape Blanco, which lieth in 4 degrees. wee mett with very hard winds, but after wee gott as high as 7°108 degrees, oppositt to a point of land called Point Agoohow,[48] wee had easey winds that wee seldome reeved our topp-sailes. this land trenches away from the Point Agoohow till you come to Arrica, which lieth in the bottom of all the bay in the lattd. of 18° 40´ So. lattd. S.S.E.[49] wee Stretches of to Sea about a month and getts into the lattd. of Arrica, then wee had att the chainge and fall of the moone a small w.n.w. wind for 3 or 4 dayes togather. wee stears in E.S.E. with all sayle wee could, the master att that time Imagining that that course would fetch Arrica, butt the wind comeing att S.E. and b.E. and S.E. wee found that wee could lye but E. and b.N. here wee found 8° variacion and as wee runn to the Southward wee found the variation more. makeing what saile wee could, being in the lattd. of Arrica 380 legs., Imagining wee should be discryed before we gott in, wee fell to leewards of Arrica about 14 leagues, by a bay they call the bay of Yellow.[50] meeting under the Shore with a leward currant, was a week longer than expectacion turning up to the bay of Arrica. wee came about the beginning of October, and to my best remembrance, Indeavored to land the Second Day. att the north side of the bay, wee mand our 2 cannoes with 30 men and our Stricking Dory with 8, Our perriauger with 37 men. wee roade to the Shore butt found their no landing, soe that wee return'd againe, and stood in directly against the Morro Head,[51] which is a High Hill made white with foules dunging on't, which lieth Just over the towne of Arica, a very Remarkable Place to be knowne. itt lieth att the wester part of thiss bay of Arica, on which thay ust to keepe a looke out. Especially now hearing wee wear in the Seas, and bound upp to take that place, kept the strickter watch. wee saw, that after wee had made a second attempt, to goe ashoare, which was the night following we made the first, that thay knew of our coming, for Just as wee wear goeing to land in a bay about 2 leagues to the Southwards of the towne, wee saw many horse men rideing alonge Shoare, so that wee109 findeing no convenient Place to land, rowed a little of Shoar and consulted togather. wee lay in sight of the shipps, and saw 5 or 6 sayle vaporing and fiering off their Paderrero's[52] to frighten us; some of our Peopple would have gon in to have distroyed them, and others being backwards would not, soe all returnd aborde of our man of Warr Trinity; and makeing the best of way to windwards. Capt. Batt. Sharpe being our commandr., and haveing gott money by the death of our former capt. Sawkens, and more that he gott by Play, was Intended thiss year through the streights of Majelena,[53] butt some grumbled saying thay had not Voyage Enough, and weare unwilling, so that their was a debate amounge the peopple and capt[ain], butt stretching of itt into 29° and 30´ wee weare Informed of a towne in thiss lattd. its called Quoquemba,[54] a towne of 7 churches, no longe settlement butt a mighty Pleasant place and very rich of gold and silver. A Delightsome garden for all sorts of fruite, a[s] cherries, Appricocks, Peaches, Apples, pares, prunellos, Strawberrys and all things which grow in our Northern Parts, and curious small runing River parting Every mans land, mighty Pleasant to beholde. thiss towne of Quoquemba wee takes, butt wear discried 3 dayes, as wee heard Afterwards, By a flagg of truce which came in to treate with us. thay gotten away their mony and Plate out of the towne, onely some Church Plate with Silk hangings we Plundred. in the towne we tooke fresh Provission, as biefes, hoggs, and wine, which is made hear, And indifferent good Brandy wee carried on boarde. wee landed here on a Tuesday Morning, an houer before day, att a store-house which is made att the S.S. west part of the bay, from whence capt. Batt Sharpe and rest of the party (onely[55] those who wear left in the cannoes and Launch which was 2 in the cannoes, and 3 in the launch) marched for the towne of Quoquembo. 35 of our party as they wear Marching mett about 150 Spaniards, most on horseback;110 thay had not all gunns, some launces, other Spade's; more of our Party comeing upp, seeing the foloorne so much Ingaged, thay wounded one or 2 of their horses, with some of the Spaniards, which made them to retreat to a greate hill, about 5 mile from the towne. wee Entred the towne and kept possession of 4 dayes. wee askt the flagg of truce five hundred thousand peeces of Eight for the randsome of thiss towne, and told him that the next day by 10 of the clock, thay should bringe their money, otherwise wee would burne the towne. the next day the flagg of Truce came downe by 12 of the clock, and tolde us thay would give no randsome. wee understood thiss flagg of truce Had a suit of law in hand, and was likely to be cast, as he afterwards told us, which would be the ruing of him-self. he shew'd us his house and desier'd us to sett fier on itt, whatever wee did. fa[r]ther told us that if we weare not gone the next day thatt thay had gotten togather 600 men and most of them Armed. wee gett the Plunder of the towne what wee could. Next morning, setts most part of the towne on fier and Martches to the bay. their our cannoes mett us and tooke in our things wee brought downe and carried on borde the shipp, wheir she lay att Anchor within a Mile of the Stoare house, Just within a Rockey Poynt. the land lay in the winde 2 Points without her. the night before our Party came downe, Our Shipp had likt to have beene burnt. A Hogg skyn being blown upp and sowed tyte, some fellow of a Spaniard had Venterd off and laid itt on the rudther and Stearn Post (itt stufft with powder), satt itt on fier, and went away unseene by our Peopple. some of our men smelling a strainge Smell, run to and thro' about the Shipp to see for itt, lookeing every wheir. One man, seeing a light come into the Cabban, lookes out att the Stern-Portes, and spies wheir itt was, cryes out for more help, and by a providenc of God gott itt speedily out. some Imagined itt to be a Plott of the Prissnars aborde against us. some wear for killing capt. Barralto, because att that time he hid himself, others for keepeing him alive till our capt. and party came on board, which the next day thay all did, and being acquanted with what was past concludes to sett them on111 shore here thatt wee had had 7 or 8 months, Don Juan and his Cossin, a fine younge man, capt. Juan and capt. Barralto wee putt ashore, all att thiss storehouse in the bay of Quoquemba. wee wear glad to be ridd of them butt thay much more glad to be cleare of us; butt before thay went ashore thay understoode that wee wear minded to goe to two keys that lieth from thiss Place S. and b.W. and S.S.W. about 90 leagues off shoare in the lattd. of 33° 45´ south lattd. These keys are called Don Juan Francisco's[56] keys, because he found them out first, and Putt a parcell of goates on them, and since have bredd to a mighty number. aboundance of Fish and Seales; as fine keys as any in these seas to recruite att, being water and wood Enough. all is on the Easterd most key. these keys lieth East and west one of the other, 20 leagues distance by Relacion of some Prissnars.[57] on the westermost key is no anchoring for Shipps neither any cattle, so that wee did nott stop their att all, but went to the Estermost key, wheir wee come to anchor, with a northerly winde. att the South sid of thiss Island is a brave Sandy bay but no rideing if the wind come out Southerly; then you may runn downe to the leeward side of the Island. Our master, Jno. Hilliard, for some misdemeanor was turn'd out of his Place, and his mate, one Jno. Hall, putt in Master. Hall went with a cannoe mand to Leeward to find a bay which he thought might have beene a good place, seeing no better, so wee ridd 2 dayes with the Shipp at the Southermost bay. the wind coming out againe att S.E. and b.S. and S.S.E., we waied and putt to sea, fearing twould blow hard, itt being an open bay. so wee rann downe to thiss other bay our new master had found out, and lett goe anchor. our cable parted. wee weire faine to goe father to looke for another anchor Place, and about 4 miles to the N.W. we saw a fine large bay and rivers of water, that wee filled our water close to the water sid, wooding convenient, fish great store, Seals Inumerable, butt we eate none, gotes mighty Plenty. the Islands are butt112 small, nott above 7 miles round, butt very high and Hilly, full of Valleys, so that wee rowed on the westward sid of the Island to windward or to the southward to hunt for goates. In thiss second bay of anchorag, came downe such flawes of wind out of the Valleys that our Anchor could nott hold, that wee almost drove aShore. our Peopple cutting wood and filling water, which was the greater Party, haveing no love for capt. Batt. Sharpe, concludeing togather to turne him out of his capt'shipp, which thay did, and Putts into his Place a stout rugged fore man as captaine;[58] itt was much trouble to capt. Sharpe to be thuss served, butt could nott help himself, for the peopple weir Resolved nott to goe home by Sea before thay had more money. wee lay in thiss small bay, which was about 2 miles to leeward of thiss greate bay, about 3 dayes. wee made hast and gott our Anchor we lost and water aborde, and the most part of the wood wee had cutt. wee wear minded to have spent a moneths time att thiss key of Juan Fernandus and then to have gon downe to have cruised till the next Year; Our Blacksmith was ashore prepareing to have built a forge, and made Iron worke for the Shipp, and Intended to have burnt charcole. he had partly fixed his bellose. wee had two men of warr cannoes gon to windward for goates and had found, by relacion, 150 fatt ones, butt sleepeing alnight by a fier att the Sea Side and in the morning went to fetch their goates, lookeing out to se if the Sea weir cleare of shipps Spyed within 3 leagues of the Island 3 greate saile of Shipps, Admirall, Vise Adm'll and Rear Adm'll; seeing thiss, made what hast they could to their cannoes and soe on borde shipp, leaveing all their goates behind them bound. as soone as thay came near the Shipp thay warned us with 3 Motions, that wee understoode their was 3 saile. wee gott all our peopple that weir on shore off and what other things wee could, gott our anchor on bord, had nott time to113 gett the Other butt lett him slipp, hoysted in Our launch and canno's. by thiss time thay weir came within sight of us; so near that wee could se a weapon florrished on the quarter deck of the Adm'll. wee understoode wee had left one of our Strikears on shore that had gott under a tree to Sleepe, sent a cannoe for him but could not finde him, soe came of to the Shipp and left him their.[59] these 3 shipps Clings the wind and stands After us. the reare Adm'll which was the least had 12 gunns, their Vise Adm'll 16 and their Adm'll 24. Our new capt., being Jno. Watkins, would have gon aborde the Adm'll if the Party had beene willing; wee could wronge them by sayling att our Pleasures, bye or large, soe that wee played with them a day and a night. then wee concluded twas our time to goe downe and take Arrica, the Place that wee made an attempt att before. wee made what sayle wee could, Steering N.E. and b.N., to fall in about 30 leagues to windward of Arrica, which wee did very well, but we weir tolde of a fishing key that lay hear abouts 18 leagues from Arrica;[60] wee concluded to go thither, which was our greate folly, and so standing off and on, those on the key saw us and forthwith sent to Arica to informe them of us. Our man of warr cannoes, roweing alonge shore to thiss Key, was 2 dayes before came up with itt, which att last did, and took 2 Antient men Prissnors, about 75 years of Age. here we gott some fish and wine. our peopple Examin'd the 2 old men, found them in two tailes, the one being trew, the other not, as wee found Afterwards. the one tolde us that Arica had news of us114 and that he believ'd thay would be provided for us; for he sd. a Post would ride from the sand key to Arica in 3 dayes. for thiss Speech the man was shott downe by our quarter master Jno. Duill. the Other was made much of, because was supposed to speake the truth. soe wee made what hast wee could to Arica, and on a sunday Morning, itt being in March, wee landed 82 men, wee understanding itt to be a small towne. our orders was, if wee saw 3 Smokes rise from the hill thay called the More, wee should make what hast wee could into the harbor. Our Peopple marching till thay came to the towne, saw no peopple till they Entred the townes End, wheir thay found Every topp of a house fitted for them, and a fort of 12 gunns mounted. their houses hear are built all flatt att the topp, for they never have any Raines, no, nott in the remembrance of the Spaniards, butt very greate dewes. Wee fell on the towne smartly, and became Victors in fouer howers time so that twas our owne, Notwithstanding their was above 700 men In Armes, att our comeing.[61] all the Cuntry within 20 myles was come inn and more in greate Number comeing. wee tooke the biggest church to Make a Hospitall for our wounded men, which weare about tenn, and six killd out right. Our capt. Jno. Wattkings was kill'd att the same time, to our discomforts. One of the capt. of the Spaniards which wee had taken, Spake in his owne linqua[62] to thiss Efect, "Gent men, I know you are men come to seeke a fortune, if You want money or Plate goe alonge with me, I will shew you wheir their is more then you all can carry away." wee gave no credit to him, butt was minded to fall on uppon the forte to take their greate gunns for the shipp, haveing none on board. Our Party being so tired, and cutt off, wee weare feigne to leave the greate gunns, money, all the Rest of the rich traide which was in that small towne. three of our Doctors being in the Hospitall Church dressing of our wounded men, had about 6 men Order'd to guard them with their Armes. after wee saw we weir so worsted and beaten,115 fighting against so greate Advantage, Some peopple rann to bid them come away as could march, for our Party was gon out of the towne. the Spaniards seeing thiss gott fresh to their Armes againe, and rallied upp with us about the church that they durst no come out, so that their was left 5 well men besides the 3 Doctors which had not one Dropp of blood spilt from them. one or two of the wounded men that had good hearts gott up and rann to the Party, and tho' thay had many a shott made by the Spaniards att them, yett Scapte clear. so many of our Party being almost choked for water, made use of their owne; butt comeing downe to the water side wheir the launch and cannnoe lay reddy to receive them, their follows them a parcell of Negro's and Mallattos, which stood on a High Hill Just over the Cannoes and throwes Downe Stones and Launces on Our Peopple. In thiss frey, wee had taken, kill'd and wounded about 30. Wee Judge wee could not Distroy of them less then 150 or 200 men, for they lay very thick in the Streetes. Their governor or Gen'll was upon a Hill calld the More, on Horse back, Just over the towne, from whence he could see into every Streate and which way wee went. he often weaved to his soldiers from thence, With his Handkerchiffe, to gave them notice which way wee went, and crying out, "Valiente soldados, buina Valienta Soldados."[63] Some of our peopple passed a shott att him but could not have the fortune to hitt him. Our former new capt., Jno. Wattkings, being kill'd att this Place, capt. Sharpe would have thrust himself capt. againe. Soe that our party resolved to goe downe to leeward. The most voyces wear to have the shipp, the lessar to have the Launch and two cannoes. One party was resolved to stay, the other to goe over Land, as will be presently related. wee now wanting water and soe like to be in greate Distress, considered, and with the advise of our Spanish pilott wee must goe into Ylo[64] for water, butt wee learneing by some Spanish Journalls that their was water 14 Leagues to windward116 of Ylio, which place wee Indeavord to comepass, and comeing thither, found such a sea goeing as could nott gett ashoar with our Cannoe; Soe Endeavor'd to gaine the Keys of Juan Fernandas againe. But the windes bloweing so much southerly we could nott. soe leaveing itt into the Shoare with our Starboard tacks on board, fetcht the bay the[y] call't Vispo, in which their is a brave River and very good water, which bay lieth in South lattd. 29°.[65] So wee fill their about six tunn of water, And by Informacion of a Prissnor their taken, that att Coequembo lay 2 men of warr, and he beleived would be downe next morneing, thiss bay of Vispo being butt 15 leagues N. and b.W. from Coquembo. att thiss Place wee found a new barkque and building. some sheepe and goates wee brought of for foode, butt the Barkque wee left, hopeing to have better of her hereafter. Putting out of this Porte wee saild alonge N.N.W. 3 dayes, about 8 leagues of Shoare, to another bay lying about 24 degrees South lattd, A Bay cal'd by the name of Capt. Drakes his bay, Because that when he was their he water'd. their is a brave fresh water River, And to thiss day is standing a church which the sd. cap. Drakes causd to be Built for his Memoriall; alltho' wee could nott gett on shoare by the Violence of the Suff, yett the church was very vissible to us, nott being above one quarter of a mile from itt.[66] so that att last wee wear forc't to goe to Ylo to fill our Bumkings[67] with water. wee stay'd hear two Dayes but dare make no longer stay, for fear the cuntry should come downe uppon us. This Ylo lieth N.W. and b.W. from the Afore named Arica, above 26 leges, And in the lattd. of 17° 45´ South lattitude. Ylo beareth from the Citty lymmo S.B.E. 120 legs. now haveing fill'd thiss water we putts to sayle to carry the party which was minded to Martch back into the North Seas. wee rann down alonge, N.W.117 and by N. and N.W., Just keepeing sight of land because would not be Descried, which way wee went. About 9 dayes wee saild N.W. and b.N. and N.W., and meeting with a Strong Currant which as wee Judged Satt N.E. into a bay, wee fell in with a small Island about five Miles round, in the lattd. of 7° 40´ So. and about 12 leagues off the Maine shoare. to thiss Island our Prissnars tolde us severall Barkques came to for pretious Stones, which weir to be found their. Due East from thiss key lieth Another which is Inhabbited, 7 leagues from thiss key and 5 leagues from the maine or Trucksilly,[68] which is a towne wheir is water, and on thiss key cattle; aboundance of Fish is made here. Wee Just weatherd the small Rockey key on which the Pretious Stones are founde; wee had the wind att S. and B.E. and S.S.E., a fine topp saile gaile and fair weather. wee Steares away N. and b.E. to make Point Sta. Alena, the Point that is before discourst of, that makes the Northermost Point of the River Yakeell. the next day was upp with the Isle of Plate, which lieth in South lattd. about 50´. then the Party thatt resolved to goe over land, began to provide for Vittuall. their was about 56 of them, which carried away what thay had. thay had a launch and two cannoes. itt was on Sunday, after wee had din'd with what wee had, which was att that time onely bread and water. and now being under the Equinoctiall about a ii leagues from Shore wee [saw] Mount a Christo plaine,[69] that lieth some leagues in the cuntry, The Mount bore of us E.S.E. these poore men when parted from us had about 5 leagues to goe, before could Conveniently Land, for wild Indians and negro's, which by shipping formerly their was cast away, and since grone very Populus and Barberous, As we wear inform'd by our Prissnors. thay did intend to take thiss island of —— or Cork Island, which lieth in the bay of the Gorgony. now thay being gon both parties wear much troubled att the parting, Yett the party118 that went away would have staied in case Sharpe had nott beene made capt., for thay could not by any meanes allow of him to be capt. more of us would have gon away, Butt capt. Sharpe sends his Master to us who spoke thuss (his Name was Jno. Cooxe), "Gentmen, capt. Sharpe doth declair and swair that those men that will stay with him and goe about in the shipp with him by water, that he will make them a Voyage, and doe the uttmost of his power to gett money Enough, and will not have thoughts of goeing out of these till every man is willing." soe wee consider'd our shipp was foule. wee that stayed wear about 61 soles in number. with the advise of capt. Batt. Sharpe was resolved to run downe to Pennamau, and to leeward, to finde some private place to cleane our shipp in, and to take her one deck lower. wee searching of some Spanish Jurnalls findds mention of an Island lieing to the No'ward in 8 degrees called the Island of canes, wheir wee found thiss Isle of Canes;[70] and by our observacion lieth in North lattitude, 7° 30´. their is good wooding and watering butt no secure place for a shipp to ride in, without very good Anchors and Cables, which wee att that time was Ill provided with. wee staied here 3 dayes and killed one sow and Pigg and fill'd water. here are good large Oysters. so wee sett saile with full intencion to goe into the Gulph of Dulce,[71] if wee could find itt, but wee stearing away N.W. about 33 English legs from thiss Isle of Canes, which Island lieth 5 legs from the Maine shore, and comeing in with the land saw a brave deepe gulph, which concluded was a good Place for us to cleane Our shipp, hopeing that their might be no Inhabitance. Into which gulph we rann, by sounding of our leade so farr as wee could, Except wee had had a Pilott for that place. wee hoyst our 2 men of warr cannoes And went upp the Gulph. capt. Batt. Sharpe Imbarkque[d] in one of them him self, to see if could take an Indian to understand whatt for a place itt was; goeing about 4 leagues ahead of the shipp, comes upp with an119 Island lying in the gulph of Nicoy,[72] which Island wee understood by some Indians was called the Island of Perroz or in English the Isle of doggs. wee found 3 or 4 families which lived heare of Indians, very poore, haveing all thay gett once in two years taken from them by the fryars, and thay tell us that if thay have nott to pay the friars what their demands is when thay come, that thay carry away their children and makes them Slaves. Butt our capt. Batt. Sharpe Asked of one Indian that could speak Spanish, if any Shipp used to come their. he said that their was att pressent 2 small Barkques that weir come from Pennamau, which weir lodeing with hides and tallow bound for Pennamau again. The Indian tolde the capt. he would Shew us wheir they weir; with whome capt. Sharpe went with his cannoe well man'd, thiss Indian leaveing some hands on the Isle of Perros or Dogges, to see that none gott away to discry us, with our Shipp getts on brest the Island and Comes to an Anchor, and missing the right channel lay their not haveing above 3 foote water more then wee drew. thiss was about 25 of Aprile 1681. the next morning these two barkes was taken, the one being 2 thirds loden and the other half loden with talloe; wee tooke out as much as wee thought might serve to tallow our Shipps bottom twice and to make us candles, and no more, which is as I Imagin about 60 or 70 Packs. Now wee wanting carpenters understoode by thiss Indian Pylott that their was 2 shipps up an Arme of a River, about 4 leagues from thiss Isle of Dogges. The Indian conveighs us the next night upp to them. the morning about an hower before day wee comes wheir thay weir building, about 300 tunns a Peice; one of them haveing beene on the Stocks about 3 years. itt Pleas'd god wee tooke the head carpenter and the Rest of his gange, which weir about 12 in Number, with their tooles, about 6 Jarrs of wine and Brandy, which was much to our comfort, haveing lived for some time before on bread and water. takeing these carpenter[s] with their tooles, wee weare in greate hopes to have Our Shipps upper deck taken120 downe and made better for sayleing in little time, with the help of our owne carpenters; butt to carreene her here is impossible Because of a greate citty about 18 leagues from thiss lagoone of Nicoy, itt being the citty Naine,[73] wheir thay can Raise 20000 Men. wee fell lower downe in the River, as lay out of the way of the tide as much as could, for here the tides runn very Stronge and keepes itts course of moone. itt flows S.S.W., which when the moone comes to thiss S.S.W. point itt makes high water. itt flowes about 3 fathom and half right upp and downe. when wee brought these Spanish carpenters on borde, our capt. and carpenter Shewed the Spannish carpenter what thay would have done, desiering him to be reall, and tell them in what time itt might be finished. he promis'd that within 10 day, with the assistance of our peopple, he did nott doubt butt finnish itt; att which our capt. and company told him that as soone as he had done he should have one of the barques for his paines, and all he[r] ladeing of tallow, and that he would sett them all ashore againe. thiss Spannish carpenter being a very Ingenious worke man, and saw wee shew him and his company a greate deale of respect, which begott a love in him to us, for he tolde us wee should make what dispatch wee could out of the lagoone, for the cuntry was very populus, and would soone be after us if could procure any Imbarcation. the carpenter dispatcht is [his] buisness in 12 days, so that he and his comepany had the Barkque and all her loding. putting them ashore with some Prissnors wee had taken before, wee take a perriauger that come downe to thiss Isle of dogges, with a Spannish March't and a Mustees woman, which we suppose he kept. the woman lieing on borde one or two nights, was very familiar with one Copas a dutch a man,[74] who formerly had saild with the Spaniards, and had the linqua att will, but was mainly Inamoured with thiss women, makeing her severall121 presents of some Vallew. after the carpenters weir gone wee fell downe lower in the lagoone to fill water. thiss Copas goeing aShore to guard the Prissnars that fill'd water made an Excuse to goe into the woods to kill some thing to eate, but went cleare away, that wee never saw him since, carrying with him about 200 Peices of Eight in golde and Silver, that putt us in feare least he would give Intelligence which way wee weir bounden, wee being att this time butt a small partie, about 64 soules, and nott any greate gunn to help us. in takeing of these carpenters one of our men, a Scotch man, haveing dranck to much, by some way or Other gott out of the cannoe and was drounded. the peopple telling us the Barkque saild primely well and the best saylor belonged to Pennamau wee kept her to waite on the Shipp. shee was a small open barkque. wee tooke in her a man that was acquainted with thiss Gulph of Dolce, who tolde us wee might lay the shipp on shore their very well and no body see us, nor any Spaniard know we weir their, so wee concluded to go. about May the first 81, wee arrived in this Gulph of Dulce. itt lieth from the lagoone of Nicoy about 47 leagues South and from the Island of canes ii leagues S.S.E. wee found according to what the Spanish fellow tolde us, a very fine place to hall our Shipp on shore to cleane her. Here we caught some fish and turtle and fedd well for the time wee lay here. we Built a house ashore to putt our provissions in, to keepe them from the Raines, and carried ashore the most part of our Ballast, in the barkque and men of war cannoes. wee findeing the small barque to Saile very well, the Capt. putt in 7 Hands to her, to sayle her. as wee lay one night ready to hall a shore the next high water, the winde blew att South very hard, that our after mast cable gave way, that the shipp drave ashore against the rocks, we weir afraid should have bildged her; but the 2 carpenters, being carefull, shord her up to ease her what thay could, and the next flood heav'd her off againe to a sandy place in the bay, wheir wee found some butt heads started and abundance of nailes and spikes wanting, which our carpenters had provided for and drave aboundance in her bottom. we lay here about 5 weekes, mending our sailes122 and fixing our rigging. here cam in to us some Indian men, women and children, to whome wee gave Victualls and drink; thay staid with us tell we had done our shipp; some times giveing us plantans, and some time goeing into the woods, finding bees nests, would give us the Honney; butt the most good these Indians did us, wee had their barque loggs[75] all the time we lay hear to make us a Staige. Some of them goeing away Amounge the Spaniards tolde them that their was a greate Shipp in the Gulph, and that wee weir a casting of greate gunns. Butt these Indians that came to us tolde us that the Spaniards had tolde them if any shipps came in that had any thing of redd in their collers,[76] that thay should have a caire and not come on borde of them nor lett us see them, telling them that wee would kill them; but as itt happen'd we went in with all white collers, which was the Spanish order that thay should Assist all those, for thay weir their friends and would doe them no harme. the Spaniard lives here from the Gulph of Dulcey about 3 dayes Journey. thiss Gulph lieth in lattd. 7° 22´ No. lattd. wee fitted our Shipp, clensed our bottom what wee could; the small barque filld water, cutt wood, and went away to Sea to looke for Purchase.[77] we went from thiss place about the last of June 81, haveing a good fresh gaile att S. and B.E. and S.S.E. wee stands over thiss bay, cald the bay of the Gorgony, which Isle of Gorgoney wee carreend att the last Year lieth in No. lattd. 3° 35´, or their abouts. the land that we made was 7 leagues farther to windward. here generally setts a greate currant out of the Sea into thiss bay E.N.E. wee fell in first with Barraco Island and cock Island. wee now bethinks our selves that twas time in the year to gett up to windward to goe through the streights of Magelene. wee recruted here with water, filling all we could. about 30 leagues W.S.W. from thiss Island Barricoes we turnes up to windwards, and of[f] Cape passagoe, which lieth in 45´ No. lattd.,[78] wee cruises a good way of shore, about123 16 or 18 leagues, sees a saile, we gave chase, and comes up with her about 9 aclock of night. we found her to come out of Yakell, bound for Pennamau. the same shipp wee took loden with cloth and other goods the Laste year, which was then bound upp to Lymmo. she had in her now good Store of cloth, silk, stockings, mony and Plate, about forty thousand peices of Eight, and severall good things, butt the chiefest of her lading was coco. wee tooke out her what we thought convenient and carried her under the shore and came to an Anchor, and when we had done rummageing her putt them all aborde, cutt downe their maine mast, gave them Victualls and Drinck enough, and putt them to sea to goe right afore the wind for Pennamau. the master was very glad we gave him his shipp againe, and the most part of his lodeing; that he swore wee wear the Honnestest ladrones that ever he saw in his daies. we went of to sea cruiseing for more. we understood by thiss last prise that the Spaniards could not tell if [we] wear to windward or leewards. 3 dayes after in the morning we spies a small barque close by shore. wee gave chaces to her, came up hand over hand with her. She makes what she could for the Shore, their being one Spaniard in her that knew us, who we had taken the last year. She comes to an Anchor with in a quarter of a mile of the Shore, and a fryar and 4 Negro's getts ashore uppon a Planck and takes to the woods, but some staied on borde the barque. capt. Batt. Sharpe in a man of war cannoe follows them and come upp with some of them ashore. we found nothing butt a little Plunder. their letters of advice thay had hove over borde, butt they confest their was advice bound up to Yakell to give notice that wee weir in the gulph of Dulcey acleaning our shipp and acasting of greate gunns, as they heard. these Prisnars give us advice of a new Vice Roys comeing out of olde Spaine to Puerta Vella, and was come over land to Pennamau, and a greate Shipp lay their of 14 gunns to take him in.[79] thay told us thay had aboundance of riches124 with him; wee tolde them when wee had cutt their mane mast by the borde and sent them to Pennamau, that we lay waiteing for him and bid them tell the Vice Roy soe when they came to Pennamau. we cruises for more purchase and about 12 leagues from the cape, in a drisly misty morning, a man goeing to toppmast head saw a saile under our Lee, which wee made saile to and come upp with her; we fired severall small Armes before they called for quarter, butt calling, was presently granted and not a gunn fier'd. her capt. was short downe in takeing of her. we found She was a shipp bound for Pennamaw, came downe from Lymmo loden with wine and brandies, but very little plate, 700 piggs of Peuter, which we thought was silver, found to the contrary.[80] we now Resolveing to goe about this year if Pleasd God, we tooke out of her 700 Jarrs of wine, about 100 Jarrs of brandy, to serve us homewards, and had itt nott beene for thiss wine and brandy was Impossible to have subsisted. we cutt thiss shipps maine mast by the bord and sent her afore the wind to Pennama. wee kept about 18 Negroes and Indians to wash and pump our shipp. thiss last priz gave us full information of the Armado, which was to sayle from Lymmo, about 17 sayle of Shipps. the 15 day of September 81, wee turnd alonge shore as high as cape Blanco,[81] and then haveing a trew traid winde att S.S.E. and S.E. and b.S., sometimes South East, we all concluded to make the best of our way out of these seas; we haveing gotten ii hundred Peices of Eight a man in mony and Plate uppon Equall shairs, tho' itt was some of our125 fortune to loose our Voyage by Play afterwards; which those that were the winners to have the more. wee had the winds most att S.E. and b.S. and S.S.E. and S.E. wee stood of to sea, steming S.W. and b.W. and S.W., commonly makeing a West 35° southerly way, sayling after the rate of 5 or 6 leagues a watch. fine moderate windes and fair weather. we found a currant sett here to the S.W. quarter. we stands up to Payta, which is about 13 leagues to the Southwards of cape Blanco, and in so. lattd. 5°. wee wear minded to take itt, butt the fryar and fower Negro's, which made their Escape out of the little Barque we tooke under the Shore, had gott before us, and sent to every sea porte towne to give them notice that we wear a comeing to windward as fast as we could, so on a Sunday Morning our capt. Sharpe, with about 36 hands, went to land att Payta, butt found itt so well lyned with men that thay durst not adventure On itt, but come back againe, resolveing to live on bread and water till such time as could be better supplied, concludeing that our wine and brandy would keepe us alive. wee now makes no more tacks alonge shore, but stands close hal'd on a boleing to sea,[82] about 670 leagues due West from Payta, till we come up to 33 So. lattd. ther we had variable winds. wee hal's in for the shore, getting our Larbord tacks on borde, the wind comeing out at N.W. in that quarter that wee could not fetch the Keys of Juan Fernandus, wheir wee Expected to Recruit with fresh goates and water, and to have faught[83] off our Musketa-Indian we left their the time before, but we getting to the Southwards of these keys, and the winds comeing out for Northerly, was forced to ply to the Southward, and then wee had Some raines, which from 7° So. lattd. till you come to 28° So. lattd., is never no raine by the Spaniards report nor since thay have inhabited the cuntry, which hath been about 180 years; yett very good Corne growes, and all sorts of Herbs and graine, but thay [have] Extreeme dues. wee126 stands still to the Southward, and haveing now great variation, 13 or 14 degrees, we wear very Exact in takeing Amplitudes,[84] to be the more Sattisfied in thick weather of our true course made. wee stood to the S.E. and S.E. and B.S. 700 leagues, and about 3 aclock in the Morning the watch saw breakers very near us under our Lea. it blew hard, that 2 nights before we had handed[85] our topp sailes, and went under a pair of Coarses and our mizon. wee wear gott now up to 50° 8´ So. lattd. itt being a little light, before day wee saw the land plaine. wee heaved out our topp sailes reeved and made shift to weather all the breakers, and when twas day we discried a place between 2 keys which we concludes to beare up to see if wee could finde any good Anchoring and saife rideing till twas a little later in the year. twas very colde heare, much raine, The Hills coverd with Snow. wee went in along the key side about 4 leagues and saw a very convenient cove. wee came to an Anchor the 3d of November, thinking to stay hear till the weather was a little warmer. the first night we lost one Anchor, the Cable being Very bad. we warped and towed into another Cove, lieing a little more to the Southwards, the wind blowing N.N.W. wee gott the ends of all our cable and Hassers and made fast ashore to the trees; yett all would Hardly doe, for when it blew hard, our cable would give way and our shipp in dainger of driveing ashore, which if had we should lived like Heathens amounge the Savage Indians, and never have come to rights, but we spliced and Strengthend our cables what we could and with much difficulty made them hold out. the 21 day of november 81 wee putt out of thiss place to sea. wee lay here about 22 dayes, feadeing most on lempotts[86] and Mussles, which wee gatherd of the rocks and makes very good foode. our wine and brandie was a greate Help to us thiss cold127 weather. clothing wee had good Store. some times we gott a Penguine, which are plenty in these streights, which are as greate as a goose, but cant fly, haveing on their winges onely stubbs of feathers. hear we saw a fier and made to itt, wheir we saw an Antient Indian, and a younge fellow and a woman Indian, which had about their bodies a Seale Skinn to keepe them warme. thay saw us and rann away, but we over tooke the younge fellow, which tooke to throwing of Stones. the olde man tooke the water and was so cunning in diveing that our Peopple could not gett him, so they shott him in the water. the woman gott away from us the next day. one of our cannoes went downe to this place againe, and carried the Indian that was taken alonge with him, which Indian carried our peopple to thre or 4 wigwams, wheir was fier, but could see no peopple. the fellow cald in their Speech but none appeard, he makeings signes that thay weare greate tall men with longe beards.[87] when our peopple saw none came, thay returned to the cannoe, carying this Indian fellow which was very unwilling to goe but Strugled to gett away, twas as much as 3 or 4 of our men could do to binde him, and force him downe to the cannoe, His strength was so greate. wee doe Imagin that here may be some Spaniards which formerly have been cast away; for to the Southwards about 4 legs when wee came out with our Shipp we saw to very greate fiers but wear la'ft [sic] to see what thay weir, but went to sea, stearing away S.W. and B.S. and S.W. the winds weir very hard att N.W. we went under a pair of courses, haveing no observation in 3 days after wee came out of these Lempot keys, wee stearing as far to the westwards for fear of the Island called the 12 Appostle and 4 Evangelist[88] takeing of us upp, which lieth att the entring of the Streight mouth. the currant setting to the westward out of the Streights, satt us by Judgement 25 leagues off128 shore and when we observed we weir in the lattd. of 55° 30´, the wind being no[r]therly, and wee so to the Southwards of the Streights could not gett to the Northwards againe, but the capt. and Master, with advice of some others, concluded to goe about terra fuega,[89] and so to goe through the New Streights, the Streights of Maria, which wee had a Journall of 2 Brothers called by name Noddles, which was about 65 years agon sent out to discover these parts of the world,[90] which thay gave description that thay went about terra Fogoe through thiss Streight of Maria and weatherd Terra Fogoe, and went downe the west side, and ran downe to the Northwards, and entred the Streight of Magelena, and came thro' into the North Sea, wheir he speakes of aboundance of those birds called Penguins, whear thay laded, bold with them.[91] wee had very colde weather and about the 3 of december wee passed a cape, called cape Frea, lieing to the South of Terra Fogoe, in the lattd. 59° 30´ South.[92] wee finde here about 4 degrees variation, but downe in 35 and 40 wee had 11 and 12 and 13 degrees variation. wee weir something fearfull of Halling to close into shore, being not acquainted did not know what danger might be, yett would very willingly have save [seen?] the Land, that wee might have beene the better satisfied where we weir. twas very thick weather, that wee could seldom take an observation. we Indeavord to make the Cape Horne but we weir gott so far to the Southwards.[93] Yett we beleive we weir not very farr off shore, for we had thousands of birds about us. the 9 day of December we had129 a good observation and found our selves to be in South lattd. 58° 5´. we had the winds att N.E. and N.E. and b.N., fine handsome topp saile gailes, sometimes a shower of Snow and Sleete, but miserable colde. now our wines and brandy stand us in greate Steade and is the thing under god that keepes us alive. we stands to the Southward, haling S.E. and S.E. and B.E. After wee had our last observation, which was 58° 5´, when we thought by our Dead reconning that we weir in the lattd. of 60 or better, wee Steerd away due East.[94] we had but little Night, the Daylight was hardly shett in att all. we standing to the Eastwards saw 3 or 4 greate Islands of Ice and Snow, as we thought, of a good high and very colde about them. from this Cape their are lying 3 or 4 Islands called the Berlingos, which I am to think are those wee tooke to be the Islands of Ice, for thay are all kiver'd with Snow, and the Burlingos lyeth by the globe in the lattd. of 59° 00´.[95] One Night as wee weare getting about the land, some men gott merry, Especially the capt. and his Mess, which caused some words to arise between the capt. and Some of the company, in so much that thay fell to blowes, but the capt. runns into his cabbon and fetches out a Pistoll laden, and comeing to one of Our Peopple, by name Richard Hendricks, fier'd itt off as he thought att his Head, but itt pleased god itt mist his head and grased on his neck. the next morning wee found the shott placed in one of the Dead Eyes of the maine shroudes, which was but Jus[t] behinde him. the capt. thought he had kil'd the man, cryed out, "Armes, their was one dead," and he would have kill more, which cabbon mess ran and fetched their Armes forthwith,130 and those that weir awake, was fetching theirs likewise, which had not been soberer then others and more discretion in them Sharpe had certainly been kill'd. it had likt to have been a bad buisness, but when the[se] things came to an understandings All was husht upp, Especially findeing the man was not so much hurt as wee did suppos and was cured in a weeks time. Well, we stears away East, till we thought we Had Easting enough to enter the Streights of Maria. Now we begins to Hall to the Norwards E.N.E., and by observation taken we found our selves to be gott to the norwards into 57° 8´. then we halls away N.E. and about 4 days after had another very good observation. then we found our Selves to be in 50° So. lattd. Shott to the Norwards of these new Streights, doubled about all the Lands; aboundance of birds attends us Still. Wee are now gotten to the Streights Mouth of Magelen, the North side. wee had good Fresh gales att N.W. and S.W., the winds very variable. we runing into hot weather to the Norwards and halling about Terra Fogoe to the Eastward wee found a greate Currant to the E.N.E. wee weare farther off Shore then wee Expected, yett wee hal'd away N.E., hopeing that off of Brazill we should meete with English, Dutch or Portugeez, to hear how our buisness was discourst of att home and to buy a little Provision of them. we hal'd away N.E. till we came downe into 14° No. lattd,[96] that we would be sure to carry itt about a shoale which lieth a little to the Norwards of Cape Toms,[97] lying in South lattd. 22° 50´. we wear more to the eastward then we Expected. by our Runn afterward we found wee weir 170 leagues to the eastward then we Judged our selves to be. in this lattd. we had very Easy topp saile gailes of wind, and mostly att E. and E.N.E. and sometimes att E.S.E., but very seldom comes to the southward of the S.E. att this time of year, Except itt be in a Turnado. we carried what saile we could, being willing to be on land. after we gott into 13° So. lattd, we steard more westerly, N. and N. and b.W., till we comes into the lattd. of 8° 20´, the length of cape Augus131teene,[98] then hald away N.N.W. and N.W.b.N. till we come into the lattd. of Barbados, and run down into 13° and 5´,[99] keepeing a good lattd. for to see the barbados. wee ran about 12 or 13 days in the latt. our Reconing was out 5 or 6 dayes before we made the Land,[100] and about 3 a clock in the morning about the 12 of feb.[101] the Master cal'd out Land. wee saw twas Barbados, and which was comfortable to us all to have so good a land fall. we went downe the N.E. side, luffing upp for spikes rode,[102] wheir we saw shipping ride. The Richmans Pinnas [omission] and haled us. we lay by and disputed with them, desiering them to come on borde, but thay would not. thay askt us if we would not goe into an Anchor. we told them as farr as wee knew wee would, but thay being soe cautious how thay came on borde Putt us into many thoughts what to doe. wee consciderd, that here was one of his Majts. Shipps, and wee could not hear how itt was with other Nations, wheather itt was Warrs or Peace, so that we threw the Helme a weather, throwing out topp gallant Sailes, studing sayles and all the sayles we could make, and Steard for the Disiada[103] which we made plaine and so went downe to Antigua. their wee saw a fly bote att Anchor, wheir we sent our man of warr Cannoe ashore to buy some provissionns. when thay came in thay found itt called Falmouth.[104] wee Supplied our selves hear with one or two dayes provission. one capt. Burroughs, understand132ing we wear in want, came on borde of us and after went away with one Cook, our Master, to the governor of Antigua[105] for liberty to come in. we next morning had the mate of a Shipp which lay att the olde rode to carry us as close in as he could for which he was very well sattisfied. wee could not have any permission to come in, neither any deniall, but after some commanders of March't-men came on borde and desierd our Capt. to goe for England, he was easy perswaided, thay telling him twould be the makeing of him; so he came on the deck and bid Every man shift for himself, for he would goe for England himself; upon which every man packt upp whatt he had, some for olde England, some for Jamaica, other for New Engl. everyone tooke his way, onely 7 men abord that had lost their Voyage,[106] so the capt. and Company thoug[ht] good to give them the shipp and what was in her. thay thought good to goe downe to their commission Port, Petit guavos,[107] but the Shipp was so crewell leakey, that thay hardly have the Patience to keepe her above water to St. Thomases,[108] haveing but 7 hands on borde, and a shipp giveing chace to them so that thay loosed all their saile, and was much putt to itt for the hands, but comein a brest of St. Thomases saw the Harbor very Plaine, and to be sure we went into a small Harbor a mile to leeward of the Fort. we wear tolde att Antegua that thiss was a free Port for Eight years, which we found to be so.[109] the133 governor gave us Liberty to come in, and the next day sent out hands to bring us in to the right harbor, under Commd. of the forte. the next day our cable brake and she drave ashore; but not being willing to loose her, gott her off with one Anchor and cable off, and one end of a cable ashore, and so gott her into the Soft woose,[110] because wee would not be att the charge of Negro's and to pumpe her. thus the good shipp Trinity, which was Built in the South Seas, ended her Voyage, and through the Blessing of god brought us amounge our Cuntry men againe, and thiss being what I can think on att present, being the true actions of our Voyage as near as I can Remember, my Jornall being detained att St. Thomases and lost.[111] The Lord be praised for all his mercyes to us. Finis.

46. Sir Henry Morgan to Sir Leoline Jenkins. March 8, 1682.[1]

May it Please your Honour

Since I in obedience to his Majesties commands caused the Three Pyrates to be executed, The whole party which134 these two last yeares have molested the Spaniards in the South Seas are by the help of a Spanish Pilote come about to the windward Islands; Sixteen whereof are gone for England with Bartholemew Sharpe their Leader, the rest are at Antegoe and the Neighboring Islands, excepting four that are come hither, one whereof surrenderd himself to me, the other three I with much difficulty found out and apprehended my self, they have since been found guilty and condemned. he that surrendred himself is like as informer to obtain the favour of the Court. one of the condemned is proved a bloody and Notorious villain and fitt to make an exemple of, the other two as being represented to me fitt objects of mercy by the Judges, I will not proceed against till his Majesties further commands; and am heartely glad the Opinion of the Court is soe favorable, I much abhorring bloodshed and being greatly dissatisfyed that in my Short Government soe many necessities have layn upon me of punishing Criminels with death. The passage of these people is extraordinarily remarkable, for in litle more then four monthes they came from Coquimbo in Peru five degrees South Latitude, to Barbados in thirteen North.

Our Logwoodmen have lately had eight of their Vessels taken from them and their people carried away prisoners, their usage appears by the inclosed Petition. I am informed that in the Havana, Merida and Mexico many of135 his Majesties Subjects are prisoners and the Spanish Pylott that brought the People about (who is here) tells me That Sir John Narborow's Lieutenant and nine or ten others are at Lima in Perua.[2] they are all great objects of mercy and Compassion, therefore I hope your Honour will not bee unmindful of them....[3]

Hen. Morgan.

St. Jago de la Vega
this 8th of March 1681-2.

47. Deposition of Simon Calderon. 1682.[1]

Relation of the South Sea men.

Translation.

Relation of the South Sea Men

Simon Calderon, native of Santiago de Chile, mariner, going from Callao to Panama in the ship called the Rosario laden with wine, brandy, pigs of tin,[2] and artichokes, with 24 passengers and all, they met off Cabo Pasado, about halfway in their voyage, a ship, the Trinidad, and supposed it to be Spanish, but when they perceived that it was a ship of pirates, they tried to obtain the weather-gauge, but the pirates obtained it, and then they began to fire musket-shots, and with the first three shots they killed the captain of the137 Rosario, who was called Juan Lopez, and fired other shots, and captured the ship, and took out with the hooks [?] all that they deemed necessary of the wine and brandy, and all the silver and other things that had value, and tortured two Spaniards in order to learn whether there was more silver, and cut down the sails and rigging, except the mainsail, and turned the ship adrift with the men, excepting five or six whom they took with them, and among others the deponent.

Thence they went to the Isla de la Plata, where they remained three days and a half refreshing themselves, and suspecting that the prisoners were planning to rise and take the ship they killed one and flogged another; and thence they went to Payta, where they sent two canoes ashore with 32 armed men, with design to capture Payta, but meeting with resistance they returned to the ship. Thence they sailed away to the Strait of Magellan, but did not go through it, but around the Isla del Fuego, which was some six or eight days' distance from the Strait of Magellan. In making this passage of Fuego, to enter into the North Sea, they were delayed some nine days. They came to Barbados, where, because of finding there a ship of the King of England, they did not venture to enter.

On the voyage they divided the booty and obtained 400 dollars apiece, for each one of 74 persons.

From Barbados they went to Antigua, where they were received without injury, but rather with good treatment, and from there they divided, some going to Nevis in a bilander,[3] others, some 18 of them, to London in the ship whose captain was called Portin,[4] and eight others that were the principal ones fled in the ship called the Comadressa Blanca (White Gossip),[5] Captain Charles Howard. Two of them, that were the principal chiefs, were called, [the one] Captain Sharp, and the other Gilbert Dike; and this deponent was left at Plymouth.

Other witnesses say, however, that they have heard that these pirates are now proceeding to buy a ship to return and make the same voyage or continue this piracy.

138

THE SALAMANDER.

48. Petition of Paul Sharrett and Claes Pietersen. August 2, 1681.[1]

To the Honnorable Simon Bradstreet Esq. Governor, Thomas Danforth Esqr Dept. Governor, and the Rest of the Honnorable Assistants to sitt in Boston on the 4th of this Instant August 1681 as A Court of Admiraltie or Assistants

The humble petition Libell and Complaint of Paul Sherrot Lift.[2] and Cloyse petterson, Mate or Pilot of the Ship or prize called the Salamander, now belonging to the great prince the Duke of Brandenburge, Burden one hundred Tonns or thereaboute, Loaden with Brandy and wynes—

Humbly Sheweth

That your Petitioner entering into the Duke of Brandenburgs service and pay this 14 of April 1680 or thereaboute, on A ship of warr called Coure Prince belonging to the Said Duke, Cornelyus Reise Capt. and Comander,[3] and sayling139 then from Quinborough[4] to the West Indies and at St. Martins in the West Indies tooke the above mentioned ship Salamander, Loaden as above, And put in Marcellus Cock Comander of said Ship Salamander, and Paul Sherrot Leift. and Cloys Peterson Mate or Pylot of said ship, to Carry the Said Ship home to Quinborough to the said Duke, But the said Marcellus Cock, under pretence of want of Proviscions and Leakenes of said Ship, brought her into Piscatuqua and there stayed about 3 months whiling away the time, and Repayring the ship, And while there so cruelly beate twelve of the ships Company, at the Capston and otherwise, As made them weary of their Lives, that they could not stay but gott on shoar And left him, Loosing all their wages, except one, that the Capt. turned a shoare, as he said for a Rogue, But the Governor of Piscataqua made the master pay him his wages, And now after 16 monethes and a halfe soar service, ventering and hazarding their lives, After the Authoritie at Piscatuqua tooke notice of the said Capt. Cocks Long Stay, and Conceiveing he Intended to sell the said Ship and deceive the Duke, ordering him to pay the said Sherret and Peterson our wages,[5] fell to threatening us first by turning the Pilot out of the Cabbin from his mess; and then swearing he would Pistoll the Leiften't and him if they came on board.

The premises Considered wee humbly Intreat your honours to make such due order And provision that the Duke be not Deceived of his the sayd prize and that wee may have our full wages so dearly yearned and be freed as wee are and have been, from his the said Cocks Tiranicall service; And yo'r Petition'rs shall forever pray etc.

Paul Sharrett.
Claes pietersen.

This libell I Rec'd this 2d of August, 1681.

Edw'd Rawson, Secret.

140

49. Deposition of Samuel Button. August 11, 1681.[1]

Samuel Button of Boston declareth concerning the Ship now called the Salamander in this harbour, Marcellus Cock commander. That in April last was twelve-months' hee was Shipped Carpenter of sd Ship at London then called the Wm. and Anne, Anthony Thorne of London Commander, mr. George Trumbal of London being their Owner of sd. Ship. wee Sailed with sd Ship from London to Bilboa where wee cleered our foremast men and Ship't Biscayers in their steed and from thence Sailed to the Canary's, where wee loaded brandy and wines, and our sd master there left the Ship and our Mate mr. Christopher Johnson was put in master, all the English men being cleered from her but myselfe, wee being bound for Carthagene,[2] from thence back to Canary's, so to Carthagene again and from thence to Canary's and from Canary's to London and proceeding on our voyage wee put in to Sta. Marke in the west Indies[3] to water; where the Governour forced our Stay to convoy a Galliote bound to Carthagene, and after wee had been two or three dayes in the Road, wee espied five Ships lying off and on by the space of two or three dayes. at length they sent in their pinace with Dutch colours to the Gov'r to get liberty to wood and water, pretending to be Dutchmen come to cleer the coast of privateers; upon which the Gov'r granted them liberty to come in and the same day they came and anchored by us; they goeing ashore to the Gov'r acquainted him they were of Middleborough,[4] Flushing, and Amsterdam (as I was informed) and rode with dutch colours abroad; after they had been there four or five dayes wee coming to saile in the night, all being buisy, they laid us on board. wee demanding what they were they answered they were Frenchmen; wee bad them keepe off, but they entring the Ship, the Ltt. asked me if I was the Carpenter. I answered "yes," hee said "that's good, you bee an Englishman. that doth no141 harme," comanding me to keepe upon deck, declaring himselfe Capt. of the Ship, and when they tooke us they shewed no Colours but told me the next day they would shew me such Colours as I never saw, and then spread their Brandenburgh Colours, putting our Supra Cargo and all the prisoners ashore at St. Marke, onely Christopher Johnson a Dutchman our then Ma[ste]r and myselfe, whom they carried with them to Jamaica. not being Suffered to Land any of their goods there, Sailed thence with this Ship in Comp'y of our English Fleete, pretending they were bound with her to the East Country,[5] putting our Master and myselfe on shore at Jamaica.

Samuel Button deposed in Court that what is above written is the truth and whole truth to his best knowledge. 11th of August 1681.

Edw Rawson, Secret.

THE CAMELION.

50. Agreement to Commit Piracy. June 30, 1683.[1]

June the 30th day, 1683. Articles of Agreement between us abord of the Camillion,[2] Nich. Clough Comander, that142 wee are to dispose of all the goods thatt are abord amongst us, every man are to have his full due and right share only the Commander is to have two shares and a half a share for the Ship and home[3] the Captain please to take for the Master under him is to have a share and a half. Now Gentlemen these are to satisfy you, as for the Doctor a Share and half, and these are our Articles that wee do all stand to as well as on[4] and all.

These are to satisfy you thatt our intent is to trade with the Spaniards, medling nor make no resistances with no nation that wee do fall with all upon the Sea. Now Gentlemen these are to give you notice that if any one do make any Resistances against us one any factery[5] hereafter shall bee severely punish according to the fact that hee hath comitted and as you are all here at present you have taken your corporall oath upon the holy Evangelists to stand one by the other as long as life shall last.

John Hallamore. the mark of Thomas Dickson. Robert Cockram. the marke of X Jo. Darvell. the marke of X Arthur Davis. the marke of X Jno. Morrine. John Renals the mark of Robert Dousin. Nicho. Clough. Samll. Haynsworth. Daniell Kelly. William Heath. John Griffin.

Henery Michelson. Albert Lasen. the mark of Symon Webson. William Strother. Edwa. Dove. John Watkins. Edward Starkey. the mark of George Paddisson. John Copping.[6] the mark of HL Henry Lewin.

143

51. Court for the Trial of Piracy: Commission. September 15, 20,
1683.[1]

Memorandum. That Thursday the twenty day of September, in the five and thirtieth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the grace of God of England, Scottland, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc., at the Citty Hall of New Yorke in America, A speciall Court of Oyer and Terminer was holden by Vertue of this following Commission, Viz.

Thomas Dongan Lieutt. and Governour, and Vice Admirall under his Royall Highnesse of New Yorke and Dependences in America.

Whereas his Royall Highnesse James Duke of Yorke and Albany, Earle of Ulster, etc., Lord high Admirall of Scottland and Ireland, and the Dominions and Islands thereof, As also Lord high Admirall of the Dominions of New England and Virginia, Barbados, St. Christophers, Antego, New Yorke in America, etc., hath by his Commission dated at St. James the third day of October in the yeare of our Lord 1682 and in the 34th yeare of his Ma'ties Reigne constituted and made mee his Vice Admirall of New Yorke, and the Maritime ports and Islands belonging to the same, and hath authorized and impowered mee to appoint a Judge, Register, and Marshall of a Court of Admiralty there;[2] I144 do therefore hereby make and appoint You Lucas Santen Esq., Judge of the said Court, and William Beekman, Deputy Mayor, John Lawrence and James Graham, Aldermen of the Citty of New Yorke, Mr. Cornelis Stenwyck, Mr. Nicholas Bayard, Mr. William Pinhorne, and Mr. Jacob Leysler, and you or any six of you, to hear and determine of any or all Treasons, Felonys, Robberys, Piracys, Murders, Manslaughters, Confederacys, breaches of trust, Imbezleing goods, or other Transgressions, contempts, Misprissions and Spoyles whatsoever, done or committed within the Maritime Jurisdiction aforesaid, on board the Ship Camelion of London, Nicholas Clough commander, and I do also appoint Will. Nicolls to bee Register, and John Collier to bee Marshall of the said Court, and this Commission to bee of Force during the time of this Tryall only. Given under my hand and seale this 15th day of September, 1683, and in the thirty fifth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the Grace of God, of England, Scottland, etc. King, Defender of the Faith, etc.

Tho. Dongan.

145

CASE OF WILLIAM COWARD.

52. William Coward’s Plea. 1690.[1]

And the said Wm. Coward for plea saith that he ought not nor by Law is obliged to make any further or other answar or plea to the Indictments now preferred against him in this Court: for that he saith that the Crimes for which he stands Indicted be:—The same is for Pyracy, felony and [so forth] by him supposed to be done And Committed upon the high seas without this Jurisdictions and not within the body of any County within the same from Whence any Jury Cann be Lawfully brought to have tryall thereof, That before the Statute of the 28th of King Henry the 8th, Chapt. the 15th, all Pyraceys Felonys, etc., Committed upon the high seas was noe Felony whereof the Common Law tooke any knowledg, for that it could not be tryed, being out of all towns and Countes, but was only Punishable by the Civill Law before the Admira[l], etc., but by the said Statute the offence is not altered and made felony, but Left as it was before the said Statute, vizt. felony only by the Civill Law, but giveth a mean of tryal by the Common Law in this maner, Viz: All Treasons, felonys, Robberys, murders and Confederacies Committed in or upon the sea or in any other haven, rivar, creek, or place where the Admirall hath or pretends to have power, Authority, or Jurisdiction shall be Enquired, tryed, heard, determined, and Judged in such shires and places in the Relm as shall be Limitted by the kings Commistion under the great Seale, in Like forme and Condition as If any such offenses had been Committed upon146 the land, to be directed to the Lord Admirall or to his Leiut., Deputy, or Deputys, and to three or foure such other substantiall persons as shall be named by the Lord Chancellor of England for the time being, etc., as [by] the said statute appeareth—

That the Crimes and offences afforesaid must ether be Considered in the Condition they were in before or since the making of the said statute. If as before then they are only to be Judged and Detarmined before the Admirall, etc., after the Course of the Civill Laws, which this Court hath not Jurysdiction off—

That the Crimes and offences in the said Indictments supposed to be done [and] commited by the said Wm Coward, If any such there were, [were] done and Committed in or upon the sea or in some haven, river, Creek, or place where the Admiralty hath or pretends to have power, Authority, or Jurisdiction, etc. not within the Jurisdiction of this Court—

That the Admiralty of those seas, havens, etc., where the Crimes and offences afforesaid are supposed to have been done and Committed, In Case the Commistion Lately geven to Sir Edmd. Andros, knt., to be vice Admirall there of be voyd, it is now remaining in his Maj. and cannot be Executed or exercised by any person or persons without being Lawfully Commistionated by his Maj. for the same.

That in Case the Crimes, etc., offences aforesaid shall be considered According to the said statute of the 28th of Henry the 8th, Chapt. the 15th, Then the said Wm. Coward saith that this Court hath noe power or Jurisdiction there of, nor can the same be Enquired, tryed, heard, Determined, and Judged by them, but Can only be Enquired, tryed, and Determined by the Spetiall Commistion from his Majesty in such manner as by the said statute is Derected.

All which the said Wm. Coward is ready to Answar, etc.

147

CASE OF BENJAMIN BLACKLEDGE.

53. Declaration of Jeremiah Tay and Others. March, 1691 (?).[1]

An acc'tt of the Surprizeall and takeing of the Ship Good hope of Bost[on] in New England, Burthen about three hundred Tonns with twenty two Gun[s], Jeremiah Tay Comander, which was acted and done in a most Treacherous and Pyratticall manner by certain Rovers or pirates (moste of them theire Majest[ies] Subjects) in the Road of the Isle of May of the Cape de verd Islands upon the Fourth day of February Anno Dmi 1690/1, The said Shipp with what goods were on board her properly belonging unto Coll. Sam'll Shrimpton[2] Merchant att Boston in New England aforesaid, vizt.

Upon the twentyeighth day of January 1690/1 wee arrived from the Island of Madara att said Island of May aforesd and came to Anchor in the Road there. The next day our men went ashore and applyed themselves to rake togeather of salt in the Salt Pounds in order to the loading our Said Shipp and Soe continued workeing severall days. And upon the first day of February following there came into the aforesaid Road a Sloope weareing theire Majesties Collours and anchored not farr [fro]m our Said Shipp who tould us they came from South Carolina, theire Captn. one James Allison formerly of New Yorke, and that they had a Com'n from the Governor of Carolina aforesaid to take and Indamage the French, for which end they were here arrived expecting they might in a Short time meete Some of them.[3] The said Captn. Allison and moste parte of his Company were wellknowne unto us, they haveing beene Loggwood Cutters in the Bay of Campeach[4] where wee148 were with the said Shipp about twelve mounthes Since, Loadeing Loggwood, parte whereof wee bought of them and fully Sattisfied them for, and during our stay there kept amicable correspondance with us, Eateing, Drinking and Lodging frequently on board our said Shipp, which wee gladly consented unto in regard they might have beene a defence and help to us if any Enimey had assaulted us, by reason of which former friendshipp and good Correspondance as alsoe theire Specious pretence of a Commission against our Enimies (which wee woere in Some feares of) wee willingly continued the former kindnesse and amity betweene us, hopeing if wee were assaulted by the French wee might by theire assistance (they being thirty five able men and our Shipp being of pretty good force) have beene capable to make a good resistance, They often protesting and promiseing to Stand by and help us to the uttmost if there Should be occasion. wee therefore not doubting theire honesty and Sincerity permitted them frequently to come on board our Said Shipp, and Sometimes Some of us went on board theire Sloope, and Believeing ourselves secure and willing to make a quick dispatch as possible in Loading our Shipp, wee sent all [hands] to worke in the Pounds (as wee [had done (?)] he[retof]ore) Except our [Carpenter]s, which were [then (?)] att worke on our Decke building [a] Boate for the more Convenient carriage of salt. Thus wee continued workeing, and upon the Fourth day of February instant Capt. Allison and Sundry of his men Dined with us on board said Shipp in a friendly manner, as they were wont to doe, and Some time after Dinner desired the said Commander Tay, with Mr. Edward Tyng the Sup[er]cargoe and James Meeres a passenger, to goe on boarde theire Sloope to Drinke a glasse of Punch with them, which he did, and when we were come on board the said Sloope they pretended theire Doctor (whom wee Left on board the Shipp talkeing with our men) had the keys where theire Sugar was, Soe they could not make the Punch, and forthwith149 severall of them Stept into the Boate and Rowdd on board our Shipp to fetch the keys. as Soone as they entred our Shipp one of them Ran to the Steereage Doore and another to the Round house and Secured all our Arms, the rest Imediatly Seizeing the Carpenters who were att work on the Boate. They then fired a gunn as a Signall to theire Sloope, who Imediatly Seized us who were on board her (wee being unarmed) and forthwith way'd anchor and Laid our Shipp aboard, att the same time takeing everything out of the Sloope, excepting a Little Stincking Brackish water, some Flower, a Little Stincking beefe, and three or foure baggs of wheate, and then Comanded us presently to putt of from the Shipp about Musquett Shott and then to come to anchor, which we were forced to Comply with; After which they went on Shore and fetched our men out of the Pounds by force and Armes, Seaventeene of whom they tooke with them, Some whereof by force and threattnings and others of them went volluntarily, which wee have good reason to beleive were privy to the Plott and Surpriseall of the Shipp, a List of whose names is hereto Subjoyned. afterward they gave us our Chests and some of our Cloaths and the next day Comanded us to Saile away with the said Sloope (which they gave us), and upon the Sixth day of February Instant wee sailed with said Sloope for the Island of Barbados where wee arrived the twenty first day of the same.

Jeremiah Tay, M'r.
Edward Tyng
Thomas Wharfe, Mate
James Meeres, junior.

54. Deposition of Epaphras Shrimpton. July, 1694 (?).[1]

Epaphras Shrimpton, of full Age, Testifieth that Benja. Blacklidge did acknowledge that himselfe and some others which he named took from on borde the Ship Good hope at Madagasker about halfe her Cargoe which she brought150 from Holland particulerly Hollands, duck, Riging, Ketles, Powder, etc., belonging to Col. Sam. Shrimpton, and said that with part of the Ketles they Sheath'd the bow of the Ship which he came from Madagasker in, and offer'd if Colo. Shrimpton would be kinde to him he would discover the Persons that were to bring home the remainder of the Ship Good hopes Cargoe. the said Blacklidge said that himselfe and other of his Confederates took the above mention'd goods out of the Shipp Good hope at Madagasker just before he came from thence to New England. this he acknoledg'd to Colo. Shrimpton in the Prison house in Boston in New England in the year 1693.

Epaph. Shrimpton.

55. Deposition of Jeremiah Tay. July 6, 1694.[1]

Jer. Tay, aged thurty five yeres, Testifieth that hee being att the Ile of May, Master of the Shipe goodhope belonging to Coll. Samuell Shrimpton, In february one thousand six hundred and ninety, That then And thare was surprised and tacken by A pyrate, one James alloson, Comander, That after thay had posseshon of the Above said Shipe The next day sent for My Men from the Pond to come on bord of said Shipe, Telling them that thoose as would goe willingly should have as good A shaar in shipe and goods as Anny of themselves, whare upon one bengeman blackledg of boston, with sundry more, tuck up armes with the pyrats, hee macking choyce of one of my one[2] small armes for him selfe. This was dun by said blackledg without anny force or Compulshon, as the pyrats themselves did declare That thay did not nor would not force him nor sundry more which did intend To goo with them. I doue furder Ad that sence I came from London, being to the Westward, was tolde by sum of those men that came home in Massons shipe A Longe with said blackledge Last yere, to the est end of Long island, whare Thare was A bundance of the goods which Came out151 of My Shipe the goodhope, As Canvos and Riging of sundry sorts, whare itt was Im baseled,[3] and given all most to anny that would ask for itt. Also that thay did heere some of my one Men tell blackledge that hee was A great Rooge, in that hee had gott his Cloose out of the shipe goodhope in to The shipe beefore the Shipe was Tacken, that so hee mought goe with the Shipe wheather the Shipe was tacken or not. I doue also ad that in the day of it, when the shipe was in thare posseshon, the pyrats did then and thare say to mee, had it not beene by purswashon of sum of my one men telling of Them thare was A bundance of Monnys A bourd of said Shipe be sids goods, thay had not tacken hur, which A parrantly proved to bee true, for thare was sundrey of them ware for punishing of Mee to Mack mee Confes whar itt was, but thay so difered in thare Judgments that that was not dun by them.

Jer. Tay.

July 6, 1694. Sign'd and Sworn by Capt. Jeremia Tay.

Coram nobis

Sam'l Sewall Jer. Dumer

Justices of the Peace.

56. Indictment of Benjamin Blackledge. October 30, 1694.[1]

Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, Suffolk, SS:

At a Court of Assize and Generall Goale delivery held in Boston for the County of Suffolk aforesaid the Last Tuseday in October 1694, Annoq[ue] R[egi]s et Reginae Gulielmi et Mariae, Angliae, etc., Sexto.

The Jurors for our Sov'r Lord and Lady the King and Queen aforesaid Present, That Benjamin Blackleich of Boston aforesaid, mariner, on the fourth day of February in the year of our Lord 1690/1, at the Isle of May otherwise called Santo-May, one of the Islands of Cape de verd, being then and there a Seaman or Marriner, on bord the Ship152 called the Good Hope, Jeremiah Tay Comander, did Wickedly, Felloniously and Piratically Rise up in Rebellion against the sd Master Jeremiah Tay, and with one James Allison A Pirate or Sea Rover, Master of a Sloop, and his Company, did Conspire, Abett and Joyne, and with the sd James Allison and his Company did Seize, Surprize, and Piratically take from the sd Jeremiah Tay The sd Ship Good Hope, of Burthen about Three hundred Tonns, and her Loading, being to the Value of Two Thousand Pounds, of the Goods and Chattels of Collonol Samuel Shrimpton of Boston aforesaid, and of the said Ship and Loading the said Master and Owner did Dispoyle, Disposess and Exclude, against the Peace of Our Sov'r Lord and Lady the King and Queen, their Crown and Dignity, and the Laws in Such Case made and Provided.

Egnoramos.[2]

Rich'd Crisp, foreman, with the Rest.

57. Deposition of Thomas Larimore. October 28, 1695.[1]

The Deposition of Thomas Larimore, aged Thirty two Yeares or thereabouts. This Deponent testifyeth and saith that whenever any person is fitted out to go in a Private man of Warr there is not wont to be any Writing drawne betwixt the person fitting and the person fitted out, and Yet153 the person fitted out always allows to the person fitting him out One full Quarter part of a whole share of whatsoever is gained on the Voyage.

CASE OF HENRY EVERY.

58. Petition of the East India Company. July, 1696.[1]

To their Excellencyes The Lords Justices of England in Council,

The humble Petition of the Governour and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East Indies

Most humbly sheweth

That the said Governour and Company have lately received certain Intelligence That Henry Every, Commander154 of a Ship called the Fancy, of 46 Guns, is turned Pirate and now in the Seas of India or Persia, who with divers other Englishmen and Forreigners to the number of about 130 (the names of some of which are hereunto annexed) run away with the sa[id Ship], then called the Charles, from the Port of Corona[2] in Spain and that the said Pirate ha[vin]g ... at the Island of Johanna[3] had left there the following Declaration: vizt.:

To all English Commanders, let this satisfie, That I was riding here at this instant in the Ship Fancy Man of War, formerly the Charles of the Spanish Expedition,[4] who departed from Croniae the 7th of May 1694 Being (and am now) in a Ship of 46 Guns, 150 Men, and bound to Seek our Fortunes. I have never as yet wronged any English or Dutch, nor ever intend whilst I am Commander. Wherefore as I commonly speak with all Ships, I desire whoever comes to the perusall of this to take this Signall, That if you, or any whom you may inform, are desirous to know what wee are at a distance, Then make your Ancient[5] up in a Ball or Bundle and hoist him at the Mizenpeek, the Mizen being furled. I shall answer with the same and never molest you, for my Men are hungry, Stout, and resolute, and should they exceed my Desire I cannot help myself. As yet an Englishmans Friend

Henry Every.

At Johanna February 28th, 1694.

The Copy of which said Declaration was brought by Some of the said Company's Ships to Bombay and from thence transmitted to England with the annexed Clause of a Letter relating thereunto.[6]

And the said Governour and Company having likewise understood by some fresh Advices from Persia hereunto annexed That the said Pirate had in pursuance of his said155 Declaration pillaged severall Ships belonging to the Subjects of the Mogull[7] in their passage from the Red Sea to Surrat,[8] upon notice whereof the Factoryes of the said Company at Surrat had guards set upon their Houses by the Governour of the place till such time The Mogulls pleasure was known, Whereby the said Governour and Company have reason to fear many great inconveniences may attend them not only from the Reprizalls which may be made upon them at Surrat or other their Factories But also from the Interruption which may be thereby given to their Trade from Port to Port in India, as well as to their Trade to and from thence to England.

Wherefore your Peticioners do most humbly beseech your Excellencies to use such effectuall means for the preventing the great Loss and damage which threatens them hereby, as to your Excellencies great wisdom shall be thought fit.

And your Peticioners shall ever pray etca.

Signed by order of the Governour and Company

Ro. Blackborne, Secretarie.

59. Extract, E.I. Co. Letter from Bombay. May 28, 1695.[1]

Extract of a Clause in the Generall Letter from Bombay dated the 28th May, 1695.

By our shipping now arrived who touched at Johanna Wee have News That Strongs ship which was one of them that w[ent] for the Spanish Expedition is runn away with from the Groyn[2] and come into these seas carrying 46 Guns and 130 men, as your Honours will perceive by Copy of the Captains Letter left at Johanna that accompanyes this. Your Honours Ships going into that Island gave him156 chase, but hee was too nimble for them by much, having taken down a great deal of his upper work and made her exceeding snugg, which advantage being added to her well sailing before, causes her to sail so hard now that shee fears not who follows her. This Ship will undoubtedly into the Red Seas and Wee fear disappoint us of Our above expected Goods, And it is probable will after shee had ransacked that Gulph proceed to Persia and doe what mischief possible there, which will procure infinite clamours at Suratt and the Government will be for embargoing all that ever Wee have there.

60. Abstract, E.I. Co. Letters from Bombay. October 12, 1695.[1]

By Letters received the 4th of this Inst. from the Generall[2] and Councill for the English Affairs residing att Bombay dated 12th October 1695 the Company are advised as followeth, vizt.

That on the 29th August the Generall and Councill dispatched the Company's ship the Benjamin, Burthen 468 Tunns, Captain Brown Commander, in Company of two Dutch ships that wintered here, for Surrat, with almost all the Cargoes of the three ships, except the Lead that the Mocha carryed in her for Persia (which wee had nott time to take out, she arriving so late). On the 7th of September she arrived Surrat Rivers mouth, where the President, according to Orders, fell to unlading her, but by that time they had gott the Guns, 4 or 500 Bales, and some other Goods on shoar, on the 11th Ditto, One of Abdull Gofores[3]157 Ships arriving, their people sent the Governour word, that they were plundered by an English Vessell, severall of their Men killed in fight, and others barbarously used; Upon which there was a great noise in Towne, and the Rabble very much incensed against the English, which caused the Governour to send a Guard to Our Factory to prevent their doing any violence to Our People. the 13th in the Morning, the Gunsway, one of the Kings Ships, arrived from Judda and Mocho,[4] the Nocqueda[5] and Merchants, with one voice, proclaiming that they were robbed by four English Ships near Bombay of a very great Sume, and that the Robbers had carryed their plundered Treasure on Shoar there, on which there was farr greater noise than before. upon this the Governour[6] sent a very strong Guard to the Factory and clapt all our People in Irons, shut them up in a room, planked up all their windows, kept strict Watches about them, that no one should have pen, ink, or paper to write, stopped all the passages, that no Letters might pass to Us. att this time Captain Brown being att Surat, with some of his Officers and Boats Crew, faired in Common with the rest, and so did some others, that were on shoar, to look after their sick att Swally;[7] and their Long boat and Pinnace going on Shoar there, for Water and Provisions, They sent one Man to the Choultrey,[8] to inquire what News, (having heard somewhat of the Rumour). this person they seized on, by severall Peons, which caused them immediately to putt their boats off, which they had no sooner done, but sundry small Armes were discharged at them. This Caused the Boats to repair to their Ship, att the Rivers mouth, where the Dutch told them, they durst not supply them with any thing while there. But one of them, being ready to sail for Batavia, said, if they would sail in Company with158 them, they would supply them with what they wanted, as soon as they were out of sight of the Rivers Mouth, which was done according to promise, and so the Benjamin, by the Generall Consent of their Officers, came hither, having left her Captain and thirty nine more of her Company behind. as soon as we had a full relation of these things, we immediately wrote to Court, to one Issa Cooley, an Armenian, whom wee intend to make our Vakeel[9] to represent Our Cause to the King, and to Excuse Our Selves from being concerned in those barbarous Actions. Wee Also wrote to the Governour of Surrat and all the Great Umbraws[10] round Us to the same effect, hearing by all that come from Surrat, that that Citty is in an uproar about Us, and being informed also, that Severall Letters are gone to the Siddy[11] (who is very near Us with an Army) from Court and Surat, wee are making what preparation Wee can for our Own defence, nott knowing what this Extream ferment may produce.

On the 28th past, We received a Letter from the President and Councill by the Governour's permission, Coppy of which is enclosed with a Coppy of Our Answer. Wee have also wrote the Governour a Second time and the Vockanavis, Cozze and Hurcorra,[12] and have sent a Letter to the King, Asset Cawn, and the Cozyse[13] att Court, endeavouring as much as possible to allay the heat, by clearing our innocency, and have promised that if Our Shipping arrives according to Expectation, that wee will send one or two next Season to Mocho and Judda to convoy their Fleet.

Wee are informed, that one English man in Surrat carrying to Prison, was so wounded by the Rabble, that he dyed three days after, and that severall others were barbarously used. it is certain the Pyrates, which these People affirm were all English, did do very barbarously by the People of the Gunsway and Abdul Gofors Ship, to make them confess159 where their Money was, and there happened to be a great Umbraws Wife (as Wee hear) related to the King, returning from her Pilgrimage to Mecha, in her old age. She they abused very much, and forced severall other Women, which Caused one person of Quality, his Wife and Nurse, to kill themselves to prevent the Husbands seing them (and their being) ravished. All this will raise a black Cloud att Court, which We wish may not produce a severe storme.

The Pyrates, being neglected of all hands, begin to grow formidable, and if some Course be nott taken to destroy them, they will yearly increase, having found their trade so beneficiall, and how soon the Companys servants, as well as their Trade, may be sacrificed to revenge the Quarrell of the Sufferers, they know not.

61. Letter from Venice. May 25, 1696.[1]

Coja[2] Panous Calendar has received a Letter from his Friend at Venice, dated the 25th May last, S.V., which advises him That he received a Letter from Spahaune[3] dated the 16th of December last, which sayes that Four ships, one of the Mogulls, and Three belonging to the Merchants, were coming from Mocha and Juddah to Surratt, mett with a Pyrate who took them and Plundered them of the Gold and Silver and goods on board them, and then let the ships go, who arriving at Surratt complained thereof to the Governour, and that the Pyrate was under English Colours. The Governour thereupon setts Guards upon the Companies House and sends up the Account to the Mogull.

Coja's Letter does not give an Account when the Ships returned to Surratt, but believes it must be in the beginning of September, that being the time when Ships return from Mocha to Surratt.

160

62. Abstract, Letters from Ireland. June 16-July 7, 1696.[1]

An Abstract of Letters relating to the Sloop Isaac of Providence, whereof Captain Thomas Hollandsworth Commander.[2]

Thomas Bell Esqr., Sheriff of the County of Mayo, in his Letter of the 16th of June 1696 says That on the 7th instant came into Westport[3] a small Vessell of about 30 tuns, whereof he had no account till the 14th, upon which he immediately went thither, and only found the Master, whom they call Captain Thomas Hollinsworth, and two men more on board. That they had no other Loading but Gold and Silver, which they conveyd away, and sold the Ship to one Thomas Yeeden and Lawrence Deane of Gallway, Merchants. It was a very considerable Sume they had, of which Mr. Bell desires the Government may be informd, that he may have further direction therein; And adds that he found two baggs of about Forty pound worth of Mony not passable in this Kingdom,[4] in the hands of the said Mr. Yeeden and Mr. Dean, and took their Bond of a hundred pound to have the same forthcomeing to answer the Governments pleasure.

The said Mr. Bell in his Letter of the 20th of June further says, That since the writing of the above Letter he mett two of the Crew belonging to the said Vessell, by name, James Trumble and Edward Foreside, in whose hands he found about 200 l., and seizd on their persons and goods, but found none of the said Guilt or Bullion in their Custody, and now hath them with their said goods in his hands, and hopes to find a great deale more of the said Guilt and Bullion in the Country, or those that carry it away, the common report being that the said Ship was worth Twenty161 Thousand pounds in Gold, Silver and Bullion; And further adds That he receivd a Warrant from Sir Henry Bingham, Barronet,[5] and John Bingham, Esquire, requiring him forthwith to produce the said Trumble and Foreside with their Goods before them, which he obeyd and will give a further account per next post.

Mr. Farmer Glover, Generall Supervisor of the Revenue, in his Letter of the 25th of June from Gallway says, That having had some Account of a sloop being putt into Westport he hastned thither, but she was gon thence (the day before he gott there) towards Gallway; On examinacion he found she came from New Providence in America by Cocquett[6] from thence, had on board Three Tunn and a half of Brazelett[7] Wood and a great quantity of Coyne and Bullion; It is likewise reported that before her Arrivall at Westport she putt into a place calld Ackill[8] and there landed severall Passengers and Goods; That the Officer at Westport says he dischargd at one time 32 baggs and one Cask of Mony, each as much as a man could well lift from the ground; That there are severall Reports in the Country, some saying she was a Privateer, others a Buckaneer, or that she had Landed some of the Assassinators,[8a] which no doubt but their way of comeing into the Country gave great cause of Suspition, for as soon as they had Landed they offerd any Rates for Horses—Ten pounds for a Garran[9] not worth Forty shillings and Thirty shillings in Silver for a Guinea for lightness of carriage;[10] That on these consideracions he seizd the Sloop untill Bond was given accord162ing to Law; That she is sold to two Merchants of Gallway and designd to be fraighted out soon.

Mr. Lee the Collector of Gallway, in his Letter of the 26th of June, gives an Account That the Sloop that lay at Westport is come into the Harbour of Gallway; That the Master hath made Report of his Ship and Invoyced upon Oath at the Custom House, and entred into Bond with Security not to depart without Lycence as usuall; That the Master says each person on board took his share of the Silver and Gold and went away with it, That Mony paying no Duty, and being frightned in thither by a Privateer, there being no place there to make a Report, he could not hinder the men to carry off their Fortunes, but on Oath denys the knowledge of any other Goods whatsoever; That the Officer placed on board swears that since he came thither he did not see dischargd or carried out of the Ship any Goods whatsoever but Mony and Melted Silver, of which they took out 32 baggs and one small Cask; That he opened severall of the baggs, in which were Dollars,[11] and that this quantity belongd to two men and the Master, the rest being carried away and the men gon, they have brought part of their Mony hither by Land, And that the Sheriff hath caused part of it to be Lodgd in the Country untill further Order. The said Mr. Lee has also inclosed a Copie of the Masters Pass and Clearings at the Custom House in Providence, And that the Captain of the Sloop brought a Pacquett for His Majestie and deliverd into the Post Office in Gallway.

Mr. Vanderlure, Collector at Ballinrobe,[12] in his Letter of the 2d of July writes, That he has usd all Lawfull ways and means to discover what Goods were Landed on that Coast where the Sloop from New Providence arrivd, which was near Westport, but before that she sett on Shoar at Ackill head about a dozen Passengers, English and Scotch, who had a considerable quantity of Gold and Silver Coyne with some Bullion. most part of the latter they parted with at Westport and elswhere, but as for any thing else he cannot learn they had; That he has in his keeping in a small163 bagg about 5 l. worth of broken Silver belonging to Mr. Currin and Mr. Samuel Bull and likewise about 9 l. worth of course melted Silver Securd with one Mr. John Swaile in Foxford,[13] which also belongs to them, which they alleadg they brought from the aforesaid Passengers; That there is one Crawford, a dweller in Foxford, who told the said Mr. Vanderlure and others, That there was one of the Passengers who had some peices of Muslin[14] in a bagg. the said Crafford absented himself when Mr. Glover and Mr. Cade were at Foxford to examin that matter, but there is a Summons left at his house to appear at Gallway on Munday next to give his Testimony and knowledge therein; That assoon as the said Mr. Vanderlure had notice of that Sloop being in that part of the Country he desird the Surveyor to send an Express to Mr. Lee, the Collector of Gallway, to acquaint him of the Vessell's Arrivall, which accordingly was don and an Officer sent from Gallway who went in the Vessell thither; That two of the Ships Crew are st[op]t and in Custody of the High Sheriff of the County of Mayo by a Warrant from Major Owen Vaughan, a Justice of Peace, upon an Information of one of the Passengers That that Sloop was the King's Pacquett Boat. they have 2700 plate Cobbs[15] in the sheriffs hands, which he secured when he Seizd the said persons. It is said they have about 100 worth of the Coyne. The names of the said Seizd persons are Edward Foreside and James Trumble, who desire themselves and cash might be removd to Dublin, to answer what shall be laid to their Charge.

Mr. Bartholomew Cade, Surveyor at Ballinrobe, in his Letter of the 2d of July says he has been with Mr. Glover according to the Commissioners directions, and for an account of their proceedings in each particular referrs to Mr. Glovers Letter.

Mr. Glover in his Letter of the 3d of July from Gallway164 gives an account That he is returned from Ballinrobe District, where he has been making all strict Enquiry about the Sloop putt in at Westport, and says, That as yett there appears no substantiall proof of any Goods Landed lyable to Duty, except such as were taken by the Officer, Mr. Currin, which he says he had seized from them, that the said Mr. Glover has taken them from the officer and deliverd them into the Custom House. As for the 14 pound ¾ worth of Silver bought by the Officer, it is in Charge with the Collector Mr. Vanderlure. No question but the Master of the Sloop hath forfeited and been lyable to the Penalty according to Law, for by Affidavit of one of his Sailers he proves that at Ackill, where they first landed their Passengers, there being no Officers present, there was taken off board and Landed severall large baggs belonging to the Passengers. what was in the baggs he cannot tell, but that they were stuffed full of something. That the said Mr. Glover had likewise Informacions from severall persons that they heard one George Crawford of Foxford say that he had seen Eight peices of Muslin with some of the Passengers which came out of the Sloop. That he went to Foxford to examin the said Crawford, but he went out of the way so that the said Glover could not see him, but left a Summons at his house for his appearing at Gallway the Munday following.

Mr. Humphry Currin, in his Letter of the 7th of July from Gallway, says, That a small Sloop from the West Indies Landed at Ackill about 10 or 12 Passengers and that he saw them at Westport and one of them was putting something in a bagg which he examined and found 5 yards and ½ of Striped Muslin, 2 yards and ½ of Cottened Cloth, 2 yards of Quilted Linnen, with 10 small Cravatts and 4 Silk Handkerchiefs, which he then Seizd as lyable to Duty, and said he must carry them to the Custom House of Gallway; That he supposd the Kings share would be remitted and ignorantly gave him the next day 4 Cobbs for it and told him if the Law would allow him more he should have it; That the said Currin shewd the Linnen to Mr. Cade and told him he must go with them to Gallway, but delayd it till165 after the next Office; That he was advisd to carry the Passengers to a Justice of Peace, which he accordingly did; That he bought for himself and a friend 5 pound of broken silver and 9 pound of melted course Silver and deliverd it to Mr. Glover's Order.

63. Examination of John Dann. August 3, 1696.[1]

The Examination of John Dann of Rochester, Mariner, taken the 3d of August 1696.

Danns Examination.

This Informant saith that 3 yeares agoe he was Coxwain in the Soldado Prize, That he deserted the said shipp to goe in Sir James Houblons[2] Service, upon an Expedition to the West Indies, under Don Authuro Bourne. hee went on board the James, Captain Gibson Commander, and the whole Company shifted their Ship in the Hope, and went on board the Charles in which they went to the Corunna. The Shipps Company mutinied at Corunna for want of their pay, there being 8 months due to them; some of the men proposed to Captain Every, who was master[3] of the Charles, to carry away the Shipp, which was agreed on and sworne too; accordingly they sayled from the Corunna the 7th of May 1693.[4] when they were gone out they made up about 85 men. Then they asked Captain Gibson, the Commander, whether he was willing to goe with them, which he refusing, they sett him a shoar, with 14 or 15 more.

The first place they came to was the Isle of May,[5] where they mett three English Ships and tooke some provisions out of them, with an Anchor and Cable and about 9 men.166 They went next to the Coast of Guinea, and there they tooke about 5 li. of Gold Dust, under the pretence of Trade; from Guinea they went to Philandepo,[6] where they cleaned their ship and tooke her lower; from thence they went to Princes Island,[7] where they mett with 2 Deanes[8] ships, which they tooke after some restraine. in those Shipps they tooke some small Armes, Chestes of Lynnen and perpetuenes,[9] with about 40 l. in Gold dust and a great quantity of Brandy. they putt them on shoar Except 18 or 20 they tooke with them. they carryed the best of the Danes Shipps with them and burnt the other. They stood then for Cape Lopez, and in the way mett with a small portugeese, laden with slaves from Angola. they tooke some Cloathes and silkes from them and gave them some provisions which they were in want of. att Cape Lopaz they only bought Honey, and sunke the little shipp, the men not being satisfied with the Commander. They went next to Annabo[10] and takeing provisions there they doubled the Cape and sailed to Madagascar, where they tooke more provisions and cleared the ship. from thence they sailed to Johanna,[11] where they mett a small Junke, put her a shore and tooke 40 peices out of her, and had one of their men killed. they only tooke in provisions at Johanna. Three English Merchant ships came downe thither at the same time, but they did not speake with them. They went thence to a place called Paddy,[12] and soe back to Johanna, touching167 at Comora by the way, where they tooke in provisions. at Johanna they tooke a Junke laden with Rice, which they stood in need of; here they tooke in 13 French men that had been privateering in those Seas under English Colours and had lost their ship at Molila, where it was cast away. Then they resolved to goe for the Red Sea. in the way they mett with two English Privateers, the one called the Dolphin, the other Portsmouth Adventure. The Dolphin, Captaine Want Comander, was a Spanish Bottom, had 60 men on board and was fitted out at the Orkells[13] neare Philadelphia. She came from thence about 2 yeares agoe last January. The Portsmouth Adventure was fitted out at Rhode Island about the same time, Captain Joseph Faro Comander. this ship had about the like number of men and about 6 Gunns each and they joyned Company. They came to an Island called Liparan,[14] at the entrance into the Red Sea, about June last was 12 months. they lay there one night and then 3 sale more of English came to them, One comanded by Thomas Wake[15] fitted out from Boston in New England, another the Pearle Brigantine, William Mues Comander, fitted out of Rhode Island, the third was the Amity Sloop, Thomas Tew Comander,[16] fitted out at New Yorke. they had about 6 Guns each. two of them168 had 50 men on board and the Brigantine betweene 30 and 40. they all Joyned in partnership, agreeing Captain Every should be the Comander. After they had laine there some time they were apprehensive the Moors shipps would not come downe from Mocha,[16a] soe they sent a pinnace thither, which tooke two Boates. they brought away 2 men, which told them the shipps must come downe. In the meane time they stood into the sea about 3 Leagues and came to an Anchor there, and hearing by the Pinnace the Moors Shipps were ready to come downe they weighed and stood to Leparon againe. After they had lain there 5 or 6 dayes the Moores shipps (being about 25 in number) past by them in the night unseen, though the passage was not above 2 miles over. they[17] was in August last on Saturday night. the next morning they saw a Ketch comeing downe, which they tooke, and by them they heard the ships were gone by, whereupon it was resolved they should all follow them and accordingly they wheighed on Monday, but the Dolphin being an ill sayler they burnt her and tooke the men most of them aboard Captain Every and the Brigantine they tooke in two [tow]. the sloop fell asterne and never came up to them. Captain Wake likewise lagged behind but came up to them afterwards. the Portsmouth kept them company. they steered their Course for Suratt, whether the Moores ships were bound. about 3 dayes before they made Cape St. John[18] they mett with one of the Moores ships, betweene 2 and 300 tons, with 6 Guns, which they tooke, she haveing fired 3 shott. they tooke about 50 or 60,000 l. in that ship in Silver and gold, and kept her with them till they made the land, and comeing to an anchor they espied another ship. they made sale up to her. she had about 40 Guns mounted and as they said 800 men. Shee stood a fight of 3 houres and then yeilded, the men runing into the Hold and there they made their Voyage. They tooke out of that ship soe much Gold and Silver in Coyned money and Plate as made up each mans share with what they had taken169 before about 1000 l. a man, there being 180 that had their Dividents, the Captain haveing a Double share and the Master a share and a halfe. The Portsmouth did not come into the Fight and therefore had noe Divident, but the Brigantine had, which was taken away from them againe by reason that the Charles's men changing with them Silver for Gold they found the Brigantine men Clippt the Gold, soe they left them only 2000 peices of Eight to buy provisions. They gave a share to the Captain of the Portsmouth and brought him away with them. Captain Want went into his ship and sailed into the Gulph of Persia and the Brigantine (he thinkes) went to the Coast of Ethiopia. Captain Wake went to the Island of St. Maries near Madagascar,[19] intending for the Red Sea the next time the Moores ships were expected from thence. Captain Every resolved to goe streight for the Island of Providence. In the way the men mutinied, some being for carrying her to Kian[20] belonging to the French, neere Brazill, but Captain Every withstood it, there being not above 20 men in the Shipp that Joyned with him. when they came to the Island of Mascareen[21] in the Latitude of 21 they left as many men there as had a mind to stay in that Island, and about March or Aprill last they arrived in the Island of Providence with 113 men on board. they came first to an Anchor off the Island of Thera,[22] and by a sloop sent a Letter to Nicholas Trott, Governor of Providence,[23] to propose bringing their ship thither if they might be assured of Protection and Liberty to goe away, which he promised them. They made a collection of 20 peices of 8 a man and the Captain170 40, to present the Governor with, besides Elephants Teeth and some other things to the value of about 1000 l. Then they left their Ship which the Governor had and 46 Guns in her. they bought a sloop which cost them 600 l. Captain Every and about 20 more came in her for England and Every tooke the name of Bridgman; about 23 more of the men bought another Sloop and with the Master, Captain Risby, and the rest of the men went for Carolina.

Captain Every alias Bridgman and this Informant landed at Dumfaneky[24] in the North of Ireland towards the latter end of June last, where this Informant parted with Captain Every and heard he went over for Donaghedy in Scotland.[25] when this Informant was at Dublin he heard Every was there, but did not see him. he heard him say he would goe to Exeter when he came into England, being a Plymouth man.

This Informant says that he parted with Captain Every at Esquire Rays, within 6 miles of Dumfannaky; That the Land water[26] of that Port, one Mawrice Cuttle, gave this Informant a Passe to goe to Dublin for himselfe, 5 men more and 2 boyes, and came along with them to a place called Lidderkenny,[27] and there he would have detained their money but this Informant and another of the Company had liberty to goe to Derry[28] to cleere themselves to Captain Hawkins, but by the way Cuttle agreed with them to lett them goe for three pounds weight in Gold, which they gave him at a place called St. Johnstons,[29] and then they had liberty to goe on to Dublin.

This Informant heard likewise that the said Cuttle made an agreement with the other men before he lett them goe but he cannot tell what they gave him.

This Informant came from Dublin about 3 weekes agoe and landed at Holyhead and soe to London, where he arrived on Tuesday last. the man that came over with him171 was Thomas Johnson, who lives neare Chester, and there he left him.

This Informant went to Rochester on Thursday last and was seized there the next morning by meanes of a Maid, who found his Gold Quilted up in his Jackett hanging with his coate. he was carryed before the Mayor, who comitted him to Prison and kept his Jackett, in which and in his pocketts were 1045 l. Zequins[30] and 10 Guineas, which the Mayor now hath in his Custody.

This informant sayes further that the wife of Adams, who was their Quarter Master, came with them from the Island of Providence, that shee was with Captain Every at Donoughedee and beleives they went over together; as this Informant came to London hee saw this woman at St. Albans, who was goeing into a stage Coach. She told this Informant that shee was goeing to Captaine Bridgmans but would not tell him where he was.

This Informant saith that the Sloope they came home in was given to Joseph Faroe, Comander of the above mencioned Portsmouth Adventure, and that he intended to returne in her to America. the vessell is called the Sea Flower, about 50 Tuns and 4 Guns. This Informant heard she was at Derry.

This Informant sayes that the other Sloop, which Captaine Richy came over in, landed somewhere neare Galloway.[31] hee saw some of the men att Dublin. And this Informant beleives that most of the men which came with Captaine Every to Ireland are now in Dublin.

64. Affidavit of Philip Middleton. November 11, 1696.[1]

Phillip Midleton of London, Mariner, of competent age, deposeth and saith upon his Corporall Oath That he, this172 Deponent, did serve on board the ship Charles alias Fancy under the command of Henry Every alias Bridgeman in the month of Aprill last, when she arrived at an Island near Providence in America, from whence a Letter was writ to Mr. Nicholas Trott, Governour of Providence, which Letter this Deponent saw and heard it read, and declareth That the Contents were, That, provided he would give them liberty to come on Shoar and depart when they pleased (or words to this purpose), they promised to give the said Governour twenty Peices of Eight and two Peices of Gold a Man and the said Ship, and all that was in her. But this Deponent remembers not the least threatning expression in the said Letter nor did he hear such like words from any of the Ships Crew, onely some of them said that if they were not admitted to come to Providence they would go some where else, and further deposeth That Mr. Governour Trott returned answer to the aforesaid Letter in writeing in very civill termes, assuring Captain Every That he and his Company should be wellcome (or words to this purpose), which said assurance was made good to them by Governour Trott after their arrivall at Providence as effectually as they could desire.[2] This Deponent likewise deposeth, That upon receipt of Mr. Governour Trotts Letter, or in a little space of time after, a Collection was made afore the Mast (at which this Deponent was present) for him the said Governour Trott, to which Captain Every contributed 40 Peices of Eight and four Peices of Gold and every Sailer (being one hundred men besides Boyes) twenty Peices of Eight and two Peices of Gold a man, which sum being collected were sent to Mr. Governour Trott by Robert Chinton, Henry Adams, and two more, whose names this Deponent doth not call to mind, after which the said Captain Every and his Crew sailed in the said ship Charles for Providence, where at their arrivall they delivered up the said ship with what was in her to the said Governour Trott, and accordingly Major Trott took possession of her in the said Governours173 name and afterwards left her in the custody of the Governours Boatswain and a few Negroes, whose incapacity or number were not sufficient to secure the ship from hurtfull accidents, as this Deponent believes and also was informed, the which was made evident by the ships comeing a shoar about two dayes after Governour Trott was possessed of her, though she had two Anchors at her Bow and one in the hold, at least she had so many Anchors when this Deponent and the rest of the Company quitted the said ship to Mr. Trott. This Deponent also deposeth That so soon as Mr. Trott was in possession of the said ship he sent Boats to bring a shoar the Elephants teeth, the sails, Blocks, etc., that was valuable in the said Ship, And further saith That he saw severall Boats Land which were filled with the aforesaid Commodityes and stores, and that he hath heard severall of the Ship Charles's Crew say and affirm (and which this Deponent also doth believe and partly know) that at the said Ship's arrivall at Providence she had on board fifty Tons of Elephants teeth, forty six Guns mounted, one hundred Barrells of Gunpowder or thereabouts, severall Chests of Buccanneer Guns, besides the small Armes which were for the Ships use, the number of which doth not occur to his mind. He further deposeth to the best of his knowledge and Information the said ship was firm and tight, for whereas he went down into her Hold the same day she arrived at Providence he then could not perceive she made the least water. And further saith that the said Ship came a shoar as aforesaid two dayes after Mr. Trott was possessed of her, he first having taken out of her what was most considerable. this misfortune of the ship happened about noon in the said Governour's sight, as this Deponent (who was an Eye Witness) well knowes. he likewise declares That one named James Browne, with severall others of Providence and also severall that had been of the Ships Crew, upon this occasion profered themselves to undertake weighing her with Casks, But this Deponent never heard that the offers aforesaid were accepted, nor that any means was used to get her off, nor that Governour Trott had any consideration besides that of getting on Shoar what still re174mained on board. This Deponent also saith That it was generally reported at Providence the Ship was run on Shoar designedly. And this Deponent saith That he left Providence when Captain Every did and that the Sloop in which they went was the last Vessell that carryed from Providence any considerable number of the ship Charles's men and that this Deponent was informed a Packet was sent by Hollandsworths Sloop, which sailed before that in which this Deponent was, in which also he knowes there was another Packet sent, which this Deponent saw and believes 't was from Governour Trott but knowes not to whom they were directed. He further deposeth That neither while he was at Providence nor afterwards he knew or heard that the said ship Charles was bilged, but he remembers that Joseph Dawson, who had been Quarter-Master by Captain Every, was sent on board her just before his departure to fetch some Cask for the use of his Sloop, which Dawson brought on Shoar and then in this Deponents hearing declared That the said ship was not bilged, the water in her being black and stinking and the Cask being wedged in the Ballast. if the Ship had been bilged she would have been full of water whereby he could not have gotten the Cask out. And this Deponent alwaies understood That Sir James Houblon and Company of London owned the said Ship and verily believes Governour Trott knew as much. The said Deponent further deposeth That John Dan, John Sparks and Joseph Dawson arrived in Ireland in Captain Everys Sloop in the Company of this Deponent, which said Sloop departed from Providence about the beginning of last June, and Hollandsworths Sloop about fourteen dayes or three weeks before.

A copy of Phillip Middleton's Affidavit made before Sir John Houblon, Knight,[3] the 11th of November last, examined in London this 30th day of January anno 1696/7.

175

65. Deposition of Samuel Perkins. August 25, 1698.[1]

The Examination of Samuel Perkins, of Ipswich in New England, taken upon oath before me Ralph Marshall Esquire, one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex and Citty and Liberty of Westminster, this 25th day of August Anno Domini 1698.

This Informant upon his Oath saith, That about 5 years since he went aboard the ship Resolution, Captain Robert Glover an Irishman Commander, (who had 18 Guns and 60 men), to see his Uncle Elisha Skilling, who was Boatswain of the said Ship but is since Dead, who detained him in the said Ship together with a French Maletto[2] Boy, which ship sailed from New England in the night to the Isle of May, where they took in Salt, and thence sailed to Cape Coast in Guinnea,[3] where a Dutch man of War took 11 men from them, but returned 9 of them again, keeping the other two as Hostages, in case they meddled with any Dutchmen. From thence they sailed to Cape Lopaz and so to Madagascar, where they victualled and cleaned, and thence sailed into the Red Sea, where they lay waiting for some India ships, but missing them went to an Island called Succatore[4] in the Mouth of the red Sea, where they bought Provisions and so went to Rajapore,[5] where they took a small Muscat man with 12 Guns laden with Dates and Rice, in the Harbour; in taking whereof they killed some of her men, and sent the Muscatt man by Captain Glover (with whom the rest of the Resolutions Crew had a quarrell)[6] to Madagascar, and then chose one Richard Shivers a Dutchman for their Commander, and then sailed to Mangelore,[7] where176 they took a small ship belonging to the Moors, laden with Rice and Fish, some of which they Plundered and then let her goe. from thence they went to Callicut,[8] where they took 4 ships belonging to the Moors at Anchor in the Road, and sent ashore to know if the Country would Ransome them. But there being a design among the Countrey people to retake their own ship and the said ship Resolution, with some Grabbs[9] or Boats sent off, They fired two of the said Prizes and run away and left them. Thence they went to Cape Comarine, to cruise for Malocca[10] men, but mist them, and took a Danish ship, out of which they took two men by force and five more came voluntarily aboard, and left the rest aboard the sloop, having first taken severall Piggs of Lead, fire arms, and Gun Powder out of her. from thence they went to the Island Mauretious,[11] where they took in Provisions and so to St. Marys Island near Madagascar, where they met with Captain Hoare an Irishman (since Dead) who was commander of the John and Rebecca,[12] a Pyrate of about 200 Tuns, 14 Guns, belonging to the Road Island, who had with her a Prize (a pritty large ship) belonging to the Mogulls subjects at Suratt, which he had taken at the Gulph of Persia, laden with Bale Goods. there was there also a Brigantine belonging to New York, which came to fetch Negroes, and the hulk of the said ship which Captain Glover carried thither.

The Island St. Maries is a pritty large Island, well inhabited by black people, where one Captain Baldridge[13] (who, as he was informed, had formerly killed a man in Jamaica, and thereupon turned Pirate about 13 years agoe) had built a platforme of a Fort with 22 Guns, which was destroyed, together with Captain Glover and the rest of177 the Pyrats there, whilst this Informant was at Madagascar about nine months agoe, by the Blacks, who also killed 7 English men and 4 French men in the house where this Informant was at Madagascar, sparing only himself.

There was then also a party of English in another part of the Island of Madagascar, who defended themselves against the Blacks on an Island in a River there, having some of the blacks on their side, till Captain Baldredge, who was then absent with the said Brigantine (which he had bought and sailed in her to Mascarine,[14] an Island belonging to the French, where he went to sell Prize Goods) returned, and took them off, carryed them to St. Augustines Bay,[15] they paying considerably for their Transportation. This Informant further saith that, before this happened, he run away from the Resolution and remained on the Island of Madagascar as aforesaid, the said ship being gone, as he was told, to the Streights of Mallacca, which is about Tenn months since; That he this Informant was redeemed for a parcell of Gun Powder by those who defended themselves as aforesaid, and went with them aboard the Briggantine, who went first to St. Augustines Bay to putt some men ashore (who had not money to pay for their further passage) and thence sailed to St. Helena, where they arrived about six months agoe, pretending there to be a trading ship belonging to New York, upon which they got water and Provisions.[16] But this Informant run away from the said ship at St. Hellena and concealed himself in the Island till she was gone (who stayed there about 7 or 8 days) and continued there about 3 months till the arrivall of the Sampson there from the East Indies, aboard of which ship he came for England with the consent of the Governor of St. Helena.

This informant farther saith That he had heard upon Madagascar, That a little before his arrivall there That 14 of the Pyrates (belonging to Captain Tew, Captain Rayner, and Captain Mason and Captain Coats or some178 of them)[17] had by consent divided themselves into two sevens, to fight for what they had (thinking they had not made a voyage sufficient for so many) and that one of the said Sevens were all killed, and five of the other, so that the two which survived enjoyed the whole Booty. And this Informant further saith, that he hath heard and believeth, that not only the ship Resolution to which he formerly belonged, but also the Mocha Friggat,[18] which run away out of the service of the East India Company, the Charles and Mary, and severall other ships manned by English and other European Nations, were about nine months since, when he came from Madagascar, and still are playing the Pyrates in the Streights of Mallaca, in the Red Sea and other Parts in the East Indies.

Samuell Perkins.

Juratus coram me[19]
Ra. Marshall.

66. Certificate for John Devin (Bahamas). September (?) 20, 1698.[1]

New Providence SS.

Whereas in the month of Aprill in the year of our Lord God one Thousand Six hundred and ninety six Capt. Henry Every als Bridgeman came into the Harbor of new Providence with the Shipp Charles als Fancy, which said Capt. Every and his Shipps Crew were few days after their arrivall thought and supposed to be by the Major Part of the Island of Providence to be guilty of piracy upon the open Seas, And that the with in mentioned John Devin was one of the Ships Company, and was lately apprehended and taken as one of the said Pirates in order to be brought to his Tryall, which was accordingly done the 22d of this179 Instant August, and the Bill being presented against the within mentioned John Devin to the Gran Jury, which sd Grand Jury found the Bill, and afterwards the sd John Devin was brought to the Court, and holding up his hand was arraigned; The Petty Jury being sworne, the Attorney Gen'll opening the matter to the Court and Jury against the sd John Devin, The Petty Jury returning to the Court found the within mentioned John Devin not Guilty, upon which the sd John Devin was cleared by proclomation, as by the publick Entrys doth and may more at large appear:

Whereupon and upon the humble Requestt to me made by the sd John Devin, I, Ellis Lightwood Esq., Chief Judge, have thought fitt to certifie this under my hand, and ordered the publick Seale of this Goverment to be hereunto affixed as a Testimony of his the sd John Devins Innocency relating to the supposed piracy of Capt. Every als Bridgeman in the ship Charles als Fancy.

Ellis Lightwood

Coppy examined by Elisha Cooke, Clerk.[2]

67. Certificate for John Devin (Massachusetts). October 25, 1698.[1]

New England. Anno Rs. Gulielmi 3d Decim.[2]

At a Court of assize and General Goal Delivery holden at Boston for the County of Suffolk, within his Maj'ties Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, upon the 25th Day of Octo'r 1698.

John Devin, Chyrurgion, bound over by Recogniscance unto this Court, to answer what should be objected ag'st him on his Maj'ties behalf as being one of the Company belonging to the Ship Charles al's Fancey, Henry Every180 al's Bridgeman Command'r, at the time when several acts of Piracy were committed by the sd Every al's Bridgeman and Company in the aforesd Ship, upon the high Seas of India and Persia, and for aiding and assisting in the sd Piracys and shareing in the Plunder so piratically taken.

The sd Jno. Devin, being called, appeared and produced a Certificate und'r the hand of Ellis Lightwood Esq., chief Judge of the Island of Providence, and the Public Seal of the Government there, Importing that the sd Devin had lately been indicted, arraigned and tryed for the same matters and Facts (whereof he is now inquired) In the Kings Court within the sd Island of Providence and found not guilty by the Jury, and clear'd by Proclamation, which afore cited Certificate being read and other the proceedings in the case in the sd Court at Providence, Proclamation was made, and nothing of further charge or Evidence appearing against the sd Jno. Devin, he was openly acquitted. Which at Request of sd Devin and by ord'r of his Maj'ties Justices of Assize etc. is hereby Certified under the Seal of the sd Court. Dated at Boston the Second day of November, Anno predict.[3]

68. Deposition of Adam Baldridge. May 5, 1699.[1]

1. July the 17th 1690. I, Adam Baldridge, arrived at the Island of St. Maries in the ship fortune, Richard Conyers Commander, and on the 7th of January 1690/1 I left the ship, being minded to settle among the Negros at St. Maries with two men more, but the ship went to Port Dolphin[2] and was Cast away, April the 15th 1691, and181 halfe the men drownded and halfe saved their lives and got a shore, but I continued with the Negros at St. Maries and went to War with them. before my goeing to War one of the men dyed that went a shore with me, and the other being discouraged went on board againe and none continued with me but my Prentice John King. March the 9th they sailed for Bonnovolo on Madagascar, 16 Leagues from St. Maries, where they stopt to take in Rice. after I went to war six men more left the Ship, whereof two of them dyed about three weeks after they went ashore and the rest dyed since. In May 91 I returned from War and brought 70 head of Cattel and some slaves. then I had a house built and settled upon St. Maries, where great store of Negros resorted to me from the Island Madagascar and settled the Island St. Maries, where I lived quietly with them, helping them to redeem their Wives and Children that were taken before my coming to St. Maries by other Negros to the northward of us about 60 Leagues.

2. October 13, 1691. Arrived the Batchelors delight, Captain Georg Raynor[3] Commander, Burden 180 Tons or there abouts, 14 Guns, 70 or 80 men, that had made a voyage into the Red Seas and taken a ship belonging to the Moors, as the men did report, where they took as much money as made the whole share run about 1100 l. a man. they Careened at St. Maries, and while they Careened I supplyed them with Cattel for their present spending and they gave me for my Cattel a quantity of Beads, five great Guns for a fortification, some powder and shott, and six Barrells of flower, about 70 barrs of Iron. the ship belonged to Jamaica and set saile from St. Maries November the 4th 1691, bound for Port Dolphin on Madagascar to take in their provision, and December 91 they set saile from Port Dolphin bound for America, where I have heard since they arrived at Carolina and Complyed with the owners, giveing them for Ruin of the Ship three thousand pounds, as I have heard since.182

3. October 14th 1692. Arrived the Nassaw, Captain Edward Coats Commander, Burden 170 Ton or there about, 16 Guns, 70 men, whereof about 30 of the men stayed at Madagascar, being most of them concerned in taking the Hack boat at the Isle of May Colonel Shrymton over [owner?], the said Hack boat was lost at St. Augustin. Captain Coats Careened at St. Maries, and whilst careening I supplyed them with Cattel for their present spending, and the Negros with fowls, Rice and Yams, and for the Cattel I had two Chists and one Jarr of powder, six great guns and a Quantity of great Shott, some spicks[4] and nails, five Bolts of Duck and some Twine, a hogshead of flower. the ship most of her belonged to the Company, as they said. Captain Coats set saile from St. Maries in November 92, bound for Port Dolphin on Madagascar, and victualed there and in December set saile for New-York. Captain Coats made about 500 l. a man in the red Seas.[5]