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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. IV
Acadia and Quebec: 1616-1629
Author: Various
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Release Date: December 7, 2014 [EBook #47577]
Language: English
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The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. IV
Acadia and Quebec: 1616-1629
CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVII
Copyright, 1897
by
The Burrows Brothers Co
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Imperial Press, Cleveland
| Editor | Reuben Gold Thwaites |
| Translator from the French | John Cutler Covert |
| Assistant Translator from the French | Mary Sifton Pepper |
| Translator from the Latin | William Frederic Giese |
| Translator from the Italian | Mary Sifton Pepper |
| Assistant Editor | Emma Helen Blair |
| Preface to Volume IV | 1 | |
| Documents:— | ||
| XIV. | Relation de la Novvelle France, de ses Terres, Natvrel dv Païs, & de ses Habitans. [Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii. and Index, completing the document.] Pierre Biard; Lyons, 1616 | 7 |
| XV. | Lettre au Sievr de Champlain. Charles Lalemant; Kebec, July 28, 1625 | 170 |
| XVI. | Lettre au R.P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects. Charles Lalemant; Kebec, July 28, 1625 | 172 |
| XVII. | Epistola ad R.P. Mutium Vitelleschi, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Romæ. Carolus Lalemant; Nova Francia, August 1, [1626] | 176 |
| XVIII. | Lettre au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant. Charles Lalemant; Kebec, August 1, 1626 | 185 |
| XIX. | Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Iésuites à Paris. Charles Lalemant; Bordeaux, November 22, 1629 | 229 |
| Bibliographical Data: Volume IV | 247 | |
| Notes | 253 | |
| I. | Portrait of Jean de Brébeuf, S.J.; photo-engraving from oil portrait by Donald Guthrie McNab | Frontispiece |
| II. | Photographic facsimile of title-page, Charles Lalemant to Jerome | 188 |
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:
XIV. In the concluding portion (Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii.) of the Relation of 1616, Biard relates how he and Father Quentin were taken to Virginia, where they narrowly escaped death; they then were sent to England, and finally to France, arriving there after a captivity of over nine months, and being subjected to many perils by sea and land. The annalist records what progress the Christian religion has made in New France. The missionaries have now learned the nature of the country, and the character and needs of the people; and the colonists have established friendly relations with the savages. The latter have some general knowledge of religion, and are anxious to be baptized. Several miracles are recounted, in the cure of persons given up as dying. Biard then discusses at length the respective territorial claims of the French and English in the New World, and contends that New France should extend southward at least to 39°. He concludes by urging that more attention should be given in France to both the temporal and religious interests of Canada, especially to the conversion of the savages.
Between the Documents XIV. and XV. in our series, there is a break of nine years. The Jesuit2 mission in Acadia had abruptly closed with the attack by Argall, so fully described in the writings of Biard, who, in his Relation of 1616, appears for the last time upon our stage. Meantime, the Récollet friars were conducting their missions upon and beyond the St. Lawrence; but,—as related in the Introduction (Volume I. of this series) and in Notes to this Volume, post,—finding themselves unequal to the great task, they invited the Jesuits to return to New France and aid them in the conversion of the savages. The first of the "black gowns" to arrive (April, 1625) were Charles Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf.
XV. Lalemant, as superior of the mission, writes (July 28, 1625) to the governor, Champlain, announcing the arrival of the Jesuits at Quebec, the hospitality of the Récollets to them, and the death of Nicholas Viel, of the latter order.
XVI. On the same date, Lalemant writes to the provincial of the Récollets, thanking him for the kindness and hospitality shown the Jesuits by himself and others of his order in Canada.
XVII. Lalemant writes (Aug. 1, no year mentioned, but without doubt 1626) to his general, at Rome. He tells what the Jesuit missionaries have accomplished during the past year: they have spent most of the time studying the language of the natives, for which purpose Brébeuf spent the winter among the savages; they had learned all they could of the people and the country; and had preached to and confessed the French colonists. They had established one residence among the Indians. He announces that he sends Noyrot back to France, to look after the interests of their mission.
3 XVIII. On the same date as the foregoing, Lalemant writes to his brother Jerome, in France, who is also a Jesuit. The missionary gives a short description of the country and the climate; then of the people, their customs, religious belief, clothing, etc.; describes the extent of the Canadian trade with France; and tells of the establishment of a residence for the Jesuits, near that of the Récollets. The difficulties encountered by the missionaries in acquiring the native languages, are mentioned, together with their relations with a certain interpreter, and the help received from him. The writer tells of Brébeuf passing the entire winter among the savages of the vicinity; Lalemant went on a similar trip, and had to return in eleven days, as his improvident hosts had no food. He announces his probable departure for a longer stay among the natives. He sends Noyrot back to France, in the interests of the mission, and Brébeuf and De Noue to the Huron country. The natives are ready to be taught, the writer says, and he sends a little Huron boy to be instructed in France. Champlain and Gaumont have, he says, chosen him as their confessor. He wishes to name their first church, "Our Lady of the Angels," and asks his brother to send him therefor "A fine picture surrounded by angels." The busy superior mentions this as the sixty-eighth letter he has just written to France,—chiefly to benefactors of the mission, and "those who have written to me."
Lalemant (see note 20, post, for details) had gone to France for supplies for the colony, in November, 1627; and upon his return in May, 1628, was with others captured by the English Admiral Kirk, to whom, a year later, Quebec capitulated. The Jesuits4 were sent to England, and thence allowed to return to France. Lalemant, with a party of missionaries, again attempted to return to Canada (June, 1629), but they were shipwrecked on the Canso rocks. Two of the adventurous Jesuits were drowned, another remained in the country, but Lalemant returned to France.
XIX. Lalemant writes (Nov. 22, 1629), from Bordeaux to the superior of the Jesuit college at Paris, describing the shipwreck he had recently experienced, in which Father Noyrot and Brother Louis Malot were drowned; and announcing his own safe arrival at Bordeaux.
July 5, 1632, Émery de Caen, the French fur-trade monopolist, arrived at Quebec, commissioned to reclaim that stronghold from Kirk. With him were the Jesuits Le Jeune and De Noue, who had been sent hither to reopen the mission of their order in New France.
The Editor gratefully acknowledges the receipt of information from the following gentlemen, relative to annotations in this volume: Dr. John G. Bourinot, Dr. Douglas Brymner, Capt. E. Deville, and Mr. L. P. Sylvain, of Ottawa; Mr. William McLennan, Mr. C. H. Gould, and Rev. Arthur E. Jones, of Montreal; and Mgr. T. E. Hamel, Dr. N. E. Dionne, and Mr. E. E. Taché, of Quebec. To the list of persons named in the General Preface to this series, as having furnished valuable suggestions in the prosecution of the work, the Editor takes pleasure in adding the following: Rev. Joseph Le Halle, S. J., president of St. Ignatius College, Cleveland; Rt. Rev. Ignatius F. Horstmann, R. C. bishop of Cleveland; Rev. E. A.5 Higgins, S. J., of St. Mary's College, St. Mary's, Kans.; Rev. A. A. Hartmann, S. J., of Canisius College, Buffalo, N. Y.; and Mr. James H. Coyne, of St. Thomas, Ont.
R. G. T.
Madison, Wis., January, 1897.
Lyons: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616
Chaps. xxvi.-xxxvii., and Index, completing the document; Chaps. i.-xxv. appeared in Volume III.
L'ANGLOIS victorieux s'en vint à terre, où estoyent nos tentes, & alogements commencés, & fit rechercher nostre Capitaine de tous tous costés, disant, qu'il vouloit voir nos commissiõs; que ceste terre leur appartenoit, & que pour cela ils s'estoyẽt rués sur nous nous y trouuãts, neantmoins que si nous faisions apparoistre de nostre bonne foy, & que nous fussions là venus sous l'autorité de [238] nostre Prince, qu'ils y auroyent esgard, ne voulants en rien contreuenir à la bonne confederation de nos deux Rois. Le malheur fut qu'on ne trouua point la Saussaye, à l'occasion de quoy l'Anglois fin, & subtil se saisit de ses coffres, les crocheta industrieusement, & y ayant trouuée nos commissiõs, & lettres royaux, les saisit; puis remettant toutes les besongnes en sa place, chasque chose tout ainsi qu'il l'auoit trouuée, referma lesdits coffres gentiment. Le lendemain la Saussaye estant venu, le Capitaine Anglois, qui sçauoit fort bien sa leçon, l'accueillit humainement, & luy fit les premiers interrogats auec belles ceremonies: Puis vint au point: luy demandant ses commissions, à celle fin qu'il n'y eust aucune doute, quand reellement on verroit, & considereroit les paroles, & autorité [239] du Roy nostre Sire. La Saussaye respondit que ses lettres estoyent dans ses coffres. On 10 luy apporta ses coffres, & auant qu'il les ouurist auec ses clefs, on l'aduisa qu'il regardast bien si personne y auroit touché; car quant à eux ils y alloyent fort simplement. La Saussaye recognoissoit tout estre en fort bon ordre, mais malheur! il n'y retrouuoit pas ses lettres. Icy le Capitaine Anglois chãgea de mine, & de ton, & se refroignant comm'il falloit, quoy donc (dit-il) vous nous imposez icy? Vous donnés à entendre qu'auez commission de vostre Roy, & n'en pouuez produire aucun tesmoignage? Vous estes des Forbãs & Pirates trestous; vous merités la mort. Et dés lors, il fit la part du butin aux soldats: En quoy il consuma toute l'apres-disnée. Nous de la terre considerions le guaspillement [240] de tous nos biens: car les Anglois nous laissoyent à terre, eux se tenants en mer, & ayãts ioints par ensemble nos vaisseaux au leur, car nous en auions deux, sçauoir est nostre nauire, & vne barque construicte sur le lieu, & equippée de neuf. Nous estions reduits en piteux estat: mais ce n'estoit pas la fin. Le iour suiuant on vint à terre, & on nous pilla encores ce qu'y auions: non pas tout du commencement, ains à passades, & à chasque fois qu'on descẽdoit à terre, tousiours quelque detrousse de nos manteaux, habits, & autres choses. Vne fois on fit quelques violences, & atrocitez de traictement sur la personne de deux de nos gents, ce qui espouuanta tellemẽt vne partie des autres, qu'ils s'enfuirent par les bois comme pauures bestes esgarées, demy nuds, & sans [241] aucuns viures, ne sçachants ce qu'ils pourroyent deuenir.
THE victorious Englishman came on shore, where we had our tents and our houses just begun, and had our Captain searched for in all directions, saying that they wished to see our commissions; that this land belonged to them, and hence they had fallen upon us when they found us there; nevertheless, if we could show our good faith in the matter, and that we had come there under the authority of [238] our Prince, that they would show some regard for it, wishing in no wise to violate the alliance between our two Kings. But the trouble was, la Saussaye could not be found, and on this account the shrewd and cunning Englishman seized his trunks, skillfully picked the locks, and, having found therein our commissions and royal patents, took possession of them; then, putting everything back in its place, each article just as he had found it, nicely fastened the trunks again. The next day, la Saussaye having returned, the English Captain, who knew his lesson remarkably well, received him kindly and made his first inquiries with a fine show of courtesy; then he came to the point and demanded his commission, so there might be no doubt when the words and authority [239] of the King, our Sire, were actually seen and considered. La Saussaye answered that the letters were in his trunks. These were brought, and 11 before he unlocked them he was advised to look closely to see if they had been tampered with, for, as to them, they were acting with all sincerity. La Saussaye found that all was in good order, but alas! he could not find the letters. Hereupon the English Captain changed his mien and his voice, and, frowning in the most proper manner, "How now (said he), are you imposing on us? You give us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you cannot produce any evidence of it. You are Outlaws and Pirates, every one of you, and merit death." Then he set his soldiers to plundering, and in this the whole afternoon was consumed. From the shore we looked on at the pillage [240] of our property: for the English had left us on shore while they remained on the water, where they joined our vessels to theirs, for we had two, our ship and a barque constructed at this place and newly equipped. We were reduced to a pitiful state, but this was not the end. The next day they came on shore, and robbed us also of what we had there. Not all at one time, but at intervals, and whenever they came on shore, always appropriating some of our mantles, clothes, and other things. Once they maltreated and abused two of our men, which so frightened part of the others that they fled to the woods like poor hunted beasts, half-naked and without [241] food, not knowing what would become of them.
Venons aux Iesuites. Ie vous ay dit, que Gilbert du Thet fut outré d'vne mosquetade durant le combat. Les Anglois entrants dans le nauire le mirent12 entre les mains de leur Chirurgien & luy, & tous les autres blessés. Ce Chirurgien estoit Catholique, & recognu pour tel; & personne fort charitable, & qui nous a faict mille bons offices. Or le P. Biard ayant sceu la blessure de Gilbert du Thet fit demander au Capitaine, que les blessés fussent portés à terre, ce qui fut accordé, & par ainsi ledit Gilbert eust le moyen de se confesser, & de benir & louër Dieu iuste, & misericordieux en la Compagnie de ses Freres, mourãt entre leurs mains. Ce qu'il fit auec grande constance, resignation, & deuotion, [242] vingt & quatre heures apres sa blessure, il eust son souhait, car au despart de Honfleur, en presence de tout l'equipage il auoit haussé les mains, & les yeux vers le Ciel priant Dieu, qu'il ne reuint iamais plus en France, ains qu'il mourust trauaillãt à la conqueste des ames, & au salut des Sauuages. Il fut enterré le mesme iour au pied d'vne grande Croix que nous auions dressée du commencement.
Let us speak of the Jesuits. I have told you that Gilbert du Thet was struck down by a musket ball during the fight. When the English boarded our ship, they put him, together with all the other wounded men, into the hands of their Surgeon. This Surgeon was a Catholic, and known as such. He 13 was very charitable, and did us a thousand kind services. Now as soon as Father Biard learned about Gilbert du Thet's wound, he sent a request to the Captain to have all the wounded carried on shore; this was granted, and so the said Gilbert had an opportunity to confess, and to bless and praise a just God, full of mercy to the Society of his Brothers; and he died in their arms. He passed away with great steadfastness, resignation, and devotion, [242] twenty-four hours after he was wounded. He had his wish; for when leaving Honfleur, in the presence of the whole crew, he had raised his hands and eyes to Heaven, praying God that he might never again return to France, but that he might die working for the conquest of souls and for the salvation of the Savages. He was buried the same day at the foot of a large Cross which we had erected when we first went there.
Les Iesuites n'estoyent iusques alors recognus des Anglois, sinon que pour Prestres. Or le P. Biard & le P. Enemond Massé s'en allerẽt au nauire parler au Capitaine Anglois, & luy expliquerẽt ouuertement comm'ils estoyẽt Iesuites, venus en ces quartiers-là pour la cõuersiõ des Sauuages, puis le supplierent par le sang de celuy, qu'il recognoissoit pour Sauueur, & [243] par les misericordes qu'il en attendoit, qu'il luy pleust auoir pitié de ces pauures François, sur lesquels Dieu luy auoit dõné puissance, & qu'en leur misere il recognust combien les affaires de ce monde varient: qu'il luy pleust leur donner & leur moyenner retour en leur pays de France. Le Capitaine les ouyt fort paisiblement, & leur respondit auec pareil 14 honneur: mais (dit-il) dissimulant, ie m'estonne fort comme vous autres Iesuites, lesquels on tient communement pour gens de conscience, & de Religion, vous vous retrouuiez icy, neantmoins en la compagnie des forbans, & picoreurs, gens sans adueu & sans loy, ny honneur. Le P. Biard respondit & preuua auec tant d'arguments, que toute leur troupe estoit de gens de bien, & recommandés par sa Majesté [244] tres-Chrestienne: & refuta si peremptoirement toutes objections contraires, que le Capitaine Anglois fut contrainct de faire semblant, qu'il s'y accordoit, vaincu par ses raisons. Certes (adiousta-il) il y a bien eu de la faute, à ce que ie voy, d'ainsi perdre vos lettres. Neantmoins ie traicteray de vostre retour auec vostre Capitaine, & dés lors iusques au depart, il fit tousiours manger à sa table lesdits deux Peres, leur mõstrant beaucoup de respect & hõnesteté. Or il auoit vn'espine au pied, qui le tourmentoit; c'estoit le Pilote, & les Matelots, qui estoyent euadés, & desquels il ne pouuoit sçauoir nouuelles. Ce Pilote appellé le Bailleur, de la ville de Roüen, s'en estant allé pour recognoistre (ainsi que vous a esté dit) ne peut point retourner à temps au nauire pour le defẽdre, [245] & partant il retira sa chaloupe à l'escart, & la nuit venuë print encores auec soy les autres Matelots, & se mit en sauueté hors la veuë, & le pouuoir des Anglois. De nuict il nous venoit trouuer pour auiser auecques nous ce qui seroit de faire. Il fit en particulier ce bon office aux Iesuites: car il vint trouuer le P. Biard, & le prenant par la main le coniura de ne se point meffier de luy, pource qu'il estoit de la Pretenduë, l'asseurant qu'il ne manqueroit ny à luy, ny a aucun des Peres: & qu'il supplioit Dieu, que tout 16 ainsi il ne l'abandonnast point, comm'il le disoit de cœur syncere. Le P. Biard le remercia de bonne affection, & luy promit de se souuenir de ceste si bonne volonté: il luy dit neantmoins qu'il ne vouloit encores penser à soy, iusques à ce qu'il vit tous les autres en beau [246] chemin. Que lors il deuiendroit ce qu'à Dieu plairoit, admonnestant ledit Pilote de se garder de tomber és mains des Anglois: parce que le Capitaine buttoit fort à le pouuoir attraper. Ledit Pilote fit sagement son profit de cest aduertissement, & de celuy des autres. Car de là à deux ou trois iours, il passa à la barbe des Anglois, comme se sauuant, & s'en allant chercher nauire, & leur disant que ce n'estoit pas pour ceste fois là, qu'il le falloit attẽdre. Mais il se retira seulement derriere quelques Isles non loin de là pour y estre aux escoutes & considerer quelle fortune nous arriueroit. Cela fit à mon aduis, que le Capitaine Anglois se resolut plustost à ne nous pas faire pis, toutesfois il en auoit quelque volõté, ce que ie ne sçay. De vray par les coniectures de ce que nous auons experimẽté [247] despuis, il estoit bien Capitaine fort sage & rusé, mais neãtmoins gentil-homme ayant le courage noble: ses gents aussi n'estoyẽt point inhumains, ny cruels contre personne de nous.
Up to this time the Jesuits had not been recognized by the English, except as Priests. Now Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé went to the ship to speak with the English Captain, and explained to him openly that they were Jesuits, who had come to these regions to convert the Savages; then they implored him, by the blood of him whom he acknowledged as his Savior, and [243] by the mercy which he expected from him, that he might be pleased to have pity upon these poor French, over whom God had given him power; and that in their wretched condition he might see how changeable are the affairs of this world, allow them to return to France, their native country, and furnish them means therefor. The Captain listened to them very kindly, and answered them with like courtesy: "But," (said he) dissembling, "I am very 15 much astonished at you Jesuits, who are generally regarded as conscientious and Religious men, being here, nevertheless, in the company of pirates, marauders, and idle wanderers, who are men without calling, without law, and without honor." Father Biard answered, and proved by many arguments, that their whole company were honest people and were recommended by his most Christian [244] Majesty, and so summarily refuted all opposing arguments, that the English Captain had to seem to agree with him, conquered by his logic. "Certainly (he added) there has been indeed some fault, as far as I can see, in thus losing your letters. Nevertheless, I shall consider the matter of your return with your Captain." And from that time until our departure, he always had the two Fathers eat at his table, showing them great respect and courtesy. Now he had a thorn in his side, which caused him much uneasiness; it was the Pilot and Sailors who had escaped, and of whom he could get no news. This pilot,1 called "le Bailleur," from the city of Roüen, had gone out to reconnoitre (as has been stated), and could not return to the ship in time to defend it; [245] therefore he turned his boat aside, and when night came took in with him the other Sailors, and withdrew to a place of safety, out of sight of the English and beyond their power. At night he came to see us and to talk over with us what was to be done. He performed this kind act especially for the Jesuits; for he came to Father Biard and taking him by the hand implored him not to mistrust him because he was of the Pretended2 Religion, assuring him that he would not fail him, nor any of the Fathers, and that he should pray God not to forsake him also, as he was speaking from 17 a sincere heart. Father Biard thanked him very affectionately, and on his part promised to remember his good will; he told him, however, that he did not wish to think of himself, until he saw all the others on a safe [246] road, and then, let happen to him what God willed. He admonished the Pilot to be careful not to fall into the hands of the English, for the Captain was trying very hard to catch him. The Pilot wisely profited by this advice, and by that of the others. For, during the next two or three days, he went about in defiance of the English, as if making his escape and going for a ship, seeming to say to them that they need not count upon him this time. But he only withdrew behind some Islands not far off, to be on the lookout and to see what fortune might befall us. I believe this made the English Captain decide not to subject us to any worse treatment, however much he might have wished to do so, in regard to which I know nothing. Certainly, judging from what we experienced [247] afterwards, he was indeed a very shrewd and cunning Captain, but nevertheless a gentleman of truly noble courage; nor were his men inhuman or cruel to any of us.
Or ne sçauroit-on croire les angoisses ausquelles nous estions en ce temps, car nous ne sçauions où donner de la teste. Du costé des Anglois, nous n'attendions que la mort, ou du moins la seruitude: aussi d'arrester sur le pays, & viure parmi les Sauuages a leur façon tout vn an entier, & tant de gens, nous sembloit estre vne mort bien longue & miserable. 18Ces bons Sauuages ayants ouy nostre desastre s'en vindrent à nous, & nous offroyent leur possible, promettants de nous alimenter durant l'Hyuer, & monstrants vne grande cõpassion. Mais nous ne pouuions pas esperer mieux, [248] qu'ils n'ont. Aussi de trouuer autres expedients en vn tel desert: nous n'en voyons point. Voicy en fin comme Dieu nous pourueut.
Now it is impossible to imagine the anxiety we endured at that time, for we knew not which way to turn. From the English, we expected only death or at least slavery; but to remain in this country, and for so many men to live among the Savages in their way for a whole year, looked to us like a long and miserable death. These good Savages, having heard about our misfortune, came and offered to do their best for us, promising to feed us during the Winter, and showing a great deal of sympathy for us. But we could hope for nothing better [248] than they had; 19 also we could see no prospect of finding any other expedients in such a desert. Now see how God provided for us.
LE Capitaine Anglois appellé Samuel Argal, & son Lieutenant, dit Guillaume Turnel, commencerent à traicter de nostre retour selon leur promesse auec nostre Capitaine la Saussaye. Les Anglois offroyent des conditions bien iniques, mais pour le faire court, la conclusion fut qu'vne [249] chaloupe nous restant de deux, q̃ nous en auions, ils nous en l'aisseroyent vne, & qu'auec icelle nous allassions où Dieu nous conduiroit. Le Capitaine Anglois, cauteleux qu'il est; voulut auoir vn escrit, signé de la main de la Saussaye, par lequel il tesmoignast, que c'estoit de son choix, que ce parti auoit esté prins.
THE English Captain, whose name was Samuel Argal, and his Lieutenant, William Turnel,3 began, as they had promised, to treat with our Captain la Saussaye about our return. The English offered some very unfair conditions, but to make the story short, the conclusion was that as one [249] boat remained to us of the two we had had, they would leave it for us, and with it we could go where God directed us. The English Captain, crafty as he was, wished to have a written acknowledgement signed by la Saussaye, in which he should testify that it was by his own choice that this course had been taken.
Ceste conclusion ouye, le P. Biard s'en alla trouuer ledit Capitaine, & luy representa, qu'ils restoyent trente personnes, & qu'il estoit impossible que tant de gens peussent estre entassez dans vn si petit vaisseau, tant s'en faut qu'ils peussent dans iceluy faire cent cinquante lieües, & trauerser des bayes de dix & douze lieuës, comme il leur conuenoit faire, auant que trouuer aucũ nauire François, auquel ils se peussent refugier: que cela estoit manifestement [250] nous ietter à la mort, & au desespoir. L'Anglois respondit, q̃ la Saussaye ne le croyoit pas ainsi: mais que si on vouloit descharger ladicte chaloupe, qu'il en ouuriroit 22bien vn moyen: qu'il conduiroit à la Virginie les artisants qui voudroyent y venir sous promesse, qu'on ne les forceroit point en leur Religion, & que, apres vn an de seruice, on les feroit repasser en France. Trois accepterent ceste offre.
When this decision was heard, Father Biard went to see the Captain, and represented to him that there remained thirty persons, and that it was not possible for so many people to crowd into so small a vessel, and still less possible that they could therein make one hundred and fifty leagues, and cross bays of ten and twelve leagues, which would be necessary before they found any French ship in which they could take refuge: that such a thing was plainly [250] throwing ourselves into the jaws of death and of despair. The Englishman answered that la Saussaye did not think so, but if they wished to lighten the said boat he would find a means of doing so; that he would take 23 to Virginia the workmen who wished to go there, under promise that they would not force them in the matter of Religion, and that, after one year of service, they would send them back to France. Three accepted this offer.
Pareillement le sieur de la Mote dés le commencement auoit consenti de s'en aller à la Virginie auec ledit Capitaine Anglois, qui l'honnoroit beaucoup, parce qu'il l'auoit trouué l'espée au poing, & voyoit en luy plusieurs autres bõnes qualitez, ce qui profitoit de beaucoup à toute nostre troupe. On luy auoit aussi permis de mener auec soy aucuns, qui de mesme [251] seroyent asseurez sous sa faueur. Le Capitaine Flory se resolut pareillement de tenter la mesme fortune, parce qu'on luy donnoit esperance qu'il y pourroit recouurer son nauire. Le P. Biard pria, que quatre qu'ils estoyent, sçauoir est deux Iesuites, & deux autres fussent portez au Isles de Pencoit, & que là on les recommandast aux pescheurs Anglois, qui y sont d'ordinaire, à celle fin que par leur moyen ils peussent repasser en France, ce que le Capitaine Anglois luy octroya fort volontiers.
Sieur de la Mote likewise had from the first consented to go to Virginia with the English Captain, who honored him greatly, because he had found him sword in hand, and saw in him many other good qualities, which proved a great advantage to all our company. He was, moreover, permitted to take with him some who were [251] to enjoy the same favor as he did. Captain Flory also decided to try the same fortune, because he was encouraged to hope that he might thus recover his ship. Father Biard begged that four of them, namely two Jesuits and two others, might be taken to the Pencoit Islands and recommended to the English fishermen, who are usually there, that they might, with their help, return to France. This the English Captain granted very willingly.
En ceste façon la chaloupe se trouua conpetemment deschargée, & toute nostre troupe fut diuisée en trois egales bandes: Car quinze estoyent auec la Pilote: quinze restoyent auec les Anglois; & quinze entroyent dans la chaloupe accordée. De ces quinze [252] le P. Enemond Massé en estoit l'vn, car le choix ayant esté baillé à la troupe de ceux, qui deuoyent entrer dans la chaloupe à ce qu'ils peussent eslire de tous les trois Iesuites celuy qu'ils aimeroient mieux pour leur faire compagnie; ce fut luy, qu'ils agreerent le plus.
Thus the boat was sufficiently lightened, and our whole company was arranged in three equal divisions; for fifteen were with the Pilot, fifteen with the English, and fifteen had embarked in the boat left to them. Of this fifteen, [252] Father Enemond Massé was one, for, it having been granted to the company who were to go in that boat to choose the one of the three Jesuits whom they preferred to accompany them, it was he whom they favored the most.
24 Ceste chaloupe donc fut deliurée entre les mains de la Saussaye, & dudit P. Enemond Massé, Iesuite, que le Capitaine Anglois hõnora beaucoup. Il la liura quelque peu amonitionnée de viures, & autres prouisions. Mais nos pauures gens furent bien en peine, quand il la fallut conduire: car ils n'estoyent pour tout, que deux, ou trois mariniers, & iceux n'auoyent ny carte, ny cognoissance des lieux. En ceste destresse Dieu les secourut fort à poinct: car le Pilote, qui auoit mis ses gens en [253] seurté, desireux de sçauoir en quel estat estoit le reste de la troupe, se desguisa en Sauuage & s'en vint espier sur les lieux. L'Ange de Dieu le conduisit par le bon endroit; car il rencontra tout à propos ceste chaloupe, qui s'en alloit, & ne sçauoit comment ceste bonne fortune parut de si bon augure aux rencontres, qu'ils s'asseurerent dés lors, que Dieu leur vouloit faire misericorde, mesmes que pour surcroit de grace, ils firent vne fort belle pesche de gros Aumars ou Canchres de mer, & les Sauuages leur donnerent liberalement force oyseaux, & poissons, & de tout ce qu'ils auoyent auec grande signification de compassion.
This boat was then given in charge of la Saussaye, and of Father Enemond Massé, Jesuit, whom the English Captain highly honored. He delivered it over to them with a small supply of food, and other provisions. But our poor men were in great trouble 25 when they had to sail their vessel; for in all, there were only two or three sailors, and these had neither map nor knowledge of the country. In this distress God sent them relief in the very nick of time; for the Pilot, who had placed his men in [253] security, anxious to know how the rest of the company were faring, disguised himself as a Savage and went spying about the place. The Angel of God guided him through the right path, for he very opportunely encountered this boat, which was sailing off with no knowledge of navigation. This good luck seemed such a favorable omen to those in the boat, that they were sure from that time on that God would be merciful to them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they had great success in catching large Lobsters or Sea crabs, and the Savages generously gave them quantities of birds and fish and all other things they had, with great exhibitions of sympathy.
En ceste façõ ils se vindrẽt ioindre à la chaloupe des Matelots, & de compagnie gagnerent l'Isle de Menano. C'est'Isle est à l'emboucheure [254] de la Baye Françoise, & d'icelle iusques à l'Isle Longue, où falloit qu'ils trauersassent dix lieües de pleine mer fort fascheuses à cause des grandes marées, qui y courent, & bouillent: & de mal'heur, mauuais temps les retint icy huict, ou neuf iours. Leurs maux & apprehensions les firent recourir à Dieu par vœus, & prieres, qui furent exaucées, comme il parut par le beau 26temps qui vint selon leur souhait: à la faueur duquel ils paruindrent à l'Isle Longue, où pour tenir leur promesse ils planterent vne Croix, celebrerent la Saincte Messe, & firent vne processiõ. Là aussi Dieu leur auoit preparé vn magasin: car ils y trouuerent vn bon monceau de sel, que le sieur de Biencourt y auoit autrefois delaissé, & pour l'employer ils firent vne fort bonne, & heureuse pesche. Ainsi prouisionnez [255] ils passerẽt au Cap Forchu, auquel lieu ils trouuerent le Sagamo Louys Membertou, qui fit grand accueil au P. Enemond Massé, & le vouloit retenir à toute force. Mais ledit Pere s'excusa sur la necessité de ne point delaisser sa compagnie. Le Sauuage leur fit à trestous Tabagie d'vn Orignac, ce qui leur fit grand bien, & en doublerent plus ioyeusement despuis le Cap de Sable. Estants ja proches du Port au Mouton, ils eurent au deuant d'eux quatre chaloupes de Sauuages, qui reuenoyent de la trocque. C'estoit Roland, & autres Sagamos, qui aussi tost recogneurent ledit P. Enemond, & luy firent leurs liberalitez bien grandes certes: demie Galette de pain à chacun des cõpagnons, & vne entiere à luy. C'estoit le monde renuersé, les Sauuages fournissoyent du pain, aux [256] François gratuitement. Ce pain sembloit de la Manne à nos tribulez: car de trois sepmaines ils n'en auoyent mangé. Et pour le comble de souhait, les Sauuages leur dirent, que non guieres loin de là y auoit deux nauires Frãçois, l'vn à Sezambre, & l'autre à Passepec. Ce qui fit diligenter nos Pelerins à ce qu'ils ne les perdissent.
Thus they fell in with the boat containing the Sailors, and in their company reached the Island of Menano. This Island is at the entrance [254] to French Bay, and thence they went as far as Long Island; in this passage they had to cross ten leagues of a very angry sea caused by the strong and violent currents which flow between, and unfortunately, bad weather kept them there eight or nine days. Their sorrows and apprehensions made them have recourse to God with vows and prayers, which were heard, as was evident from the beautiful weather which followed, according to their wish, and by means of which they reached Long Island. Here, in order to keep their promise, they planted a Cross, celebrated Holy Mass, and marched in procession. Here also God had prepared a storehouse; for they found in this place a good pile 27 of salt, which sieur de Biencourt had previously left there, and to find use for it they caught a fine lot of fish. Thus provisioned, [255] they passed on to Cape Forchu, where they found the Sagamore, Louys Membertou, who gave Father Enemond Massé a hearty welcome and tried by all means to keep him there. But the Father excused himself, giving as his reason the necessity of remaining with his company. The Savage made Tabagie for them all with Moose Meat, which was a great blessing to them, and then they doubled Cape Sable more cheerfully. When they were in the neighborhood of Port au Mouton, they saw before them four boats filled with Savages, who were returning from the trading station. It was Roland and other Sagamores, who immediately recognized Father Enemond, and showed him a generosity truly wonderful; namely, by giving half a Sea Biscuit to each of his companions, and a whole one to him. Behold the world turned upside down, the Savages freely furnishing bread to the [256] French. This bread seemed like Manna to our afflicted (Frenchmen), for they had tasted none for three weeks. And to complete the fulfillment of their wish, the Savages told them that not far from there were two French ships, one at Sezambre and the other at Passepec. This caused our Pilgrims to hasten, that they might not fail to see them.
Ces deux nauires estoyent Maloüins, l'vn appartenant au Ieune Dupont, duquel nous auons souuent parlé cy deuant, d'enuiron cinquante tonneaux seulement: 28le Capitaine Vible Bullot commandoit à l'autre, qui estoit de cent tonneaux, & (de bon augure) s'apelloit le Sauueur. Chacun de ces deux print sa moitié de toute la troupe, mais ceux du petit vaisseau patirent beaucoup: car tout leur defailloit: place, viures, eau: & furent horriblement agitez de [257] tempestes & contrarieté de vents: nostre meschef neantmoins arriua prosperemẽt pour ce vaisseau, parce qu'il auoit perdu beaucoup de ses gens, & à peine s'en fut-ils peu reuenir sans ce rencontre, & nouueau renfort de nos desbandez.
These two ships were from Saint Malo, one belonging to Dupont the Younger, whom we have frequently mentioned before, this ship being only about fifty tons burthen; Captain Vible Bullot commanded the other, of a hundred tons, and (a good augury) called the "Sauveur." Each of these two took its half of the whole band, but those in the smaller vessel suffered 29 a great deal, being in need of everything, room, food, and water, and being horribly shaken up by [257] tempests and adverse winds; our disaster, however, happened very opportunely for this vessel, because it had lost many of its crew, and could scarcely have returned without this chance meeting and fresh reinforcement afforded by our wanderers.
Au grand vaisseau, appellé le Sauueur, on fut mieux, mesmes que les Matelots furent si charitables, que de leur propre gré ils retrancherent leur ordinaire, & quitterent plusieurs bonnes places pour accommoder leurs hostes. Le P. Enemond Massé fut retiré en cestuy-cy, & le Pilote Alain Yeon luy fit beaucoup de charitez. Ils furent accueillis pareillement de tempestes, & experimenterent estre vray, ce qu'on dit du feu S. Elme, où Freres consolants, que quand ils apparoissent deux à la fois, c'est bon signe. Car deux apparurẽt [258] vn quart d'heure sur leurs Antemnes, & bien tost apres les bourrasques & furies de mer s'accoiserent.
In the larger vessel, called the Sauveur, they fared better, as the Sailors were so kind-hearted that, of their own free will, they stinted themselves of their rations, and left several good places for the accommodation of their guests. Father Enemond Massé had taken refuge in this one; and the Pilot, Alain Yeon, showed him great kindness. They were likewise assailed by tempests, and experienced the truth of the saying about St. Elmo's fire, or the consoling Brothers,—that when two appear at once, it is a good omen. For two appeared [258] for a quarter of an hour upon the Lateen Sailyard, and soon after, the fury of the tempest and the sea abated.
Tous les deux nauires arriuerent en sauueté à S. Malo, quasi en mesme temps quoy que le Sauueur fust parti douze iours plus tard. La ioye, qu'ils receurent vous la pouuez estimer, repassant par la memoire les dangers dont ils se voyoyent eschappez. Le P. Enemond Massé, & toute la troupe, se loüent beaucoup de l'humanité & bon accueil, qu'ils receurent en ladicte ville de Sainct Malo, de mon Seigneur l'Euesque, de Monsieur le Gouuerneur, de MM. les Magistrats, Marchands, & generalement de tous.
Both ships arrived safe at St. Malo almost at the same time, although the "Sauveur" had departed twelve days later. You may imagine their joy in recalling to memory the dangers from which they had escaped. Father Enemond Massé and the whole company greatly praised the kindness and welcome they received in the city of Saint Malo, from my Lord the Bishop, from the Governor, the Magistrates, Merchants, and all the citizens in general.
DIEV soit beny. Voyla ja les deux tiers de nostre troupe reconduits en France sains & sauues parmi leurs parents, & amis, qui les oyent conter leurs grandes auantures. Ores consequemment vous desirez sçauoir que deuiendra l'autre tiers, qui est encores demeuré entre les Anglois. Certes bien plus longue, & plus variable fortune les attend, & tous n'en sortiront pas bagues sauues.
GOD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred, who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not emerge therefrom unharmed.
Les Anglois auoyent trois vaisseaux, sçauoir est le leur, auec lequel ils nous auoyent prins, de cent trente tonneaux. Le nostre, qu'ils auoyent saisi de cent tonneaux, [260] & vne barque de douze tonneaux, laquelle pareillement ils tenoyẽt de nous, & ne la nous auoyent point voulu quitter, pour fournir à nostre retour. Ils remplirent ces trois vaisseaux de leurs gens, & nous partagerent entre eux. Le sieur de la Mote, le Capitaine Flory, & le reste d'vne moitié faisant en tout huict personnes, furent logez en la Capitanesse, & les autres en nombre de sept, demeurerent dans le nauire captif, duquel le Lieutenant Turnel estoit faict Capitaine.
The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people, and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the "Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.
Or pour commencement de mal-heur, on ne conduisit point les Iesuites aux Isles de Peucoit, selon la promesse, ains on les mena droit à la Virginie auec le reste de la troupe, laquelle on consoloit par belles 32 esperances d'autant que (disoit-on) le Mareschal de la Virginie, qui a toute charge, [261] & autorité de iurisdiction, estoit grand amy des François, cõme ayant obtenu tous les principaux honneurs par la recommandation de feu Henry le Grand, & ayant esté son soldat, & son pensionnaire. Cela nous preschoit on souuent.
Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal of Virginia,4 33 who has full power [261] and authority of jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured all his more important honors through the recommendation of the late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This was preached to us frequently.
Mais nos prescheurs ne prenoyent pas leur texte de l'Euangile. Car ce beau Mareschal, qui à leur dire auoit le fil, & la trempe si Françoise, ayant ouy nouuelles de nous, ne parloit que de harts & gibets, & de nous faire pendre trestous. L'espouuante nous en fut donnée, & aucuns en perdirent le repos, ne s'attendants plus qu'à monter ignominieusement par vne eschelle, & deualer miserablement par vne corde. Mais le Capitaine Argal se mõstra genereux à nous defendre: car il resista audit Mareschal, opposant la [262] foy par luy donnée. Et comm'il se vid trop foible en ceste oppositiõ; il publia nos commissions, & lettres Royaux, dont ie vous ay parlé cy deuant, qu'il auoit subtilement enleué des coffres de la Saussaye. Et c'est par ce moyen que nous auons sceu qu'il auoit vsé de telle ruse, car autremẽt nous n'en eussions peu rien descouurir. Le Mareschal voyant ces autoritez de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, & la resolution du Capitaine, n'osa passer plus outre, ainsi apres quelques iours & quelques autres apprehensions, on nous fit sçauoir, que parole nous seroit gardée.
But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise would be kept.
Or comment on nous la garderoit, & quel moyen on nous trouueroit de nous renuoyer en France, c'estoit vne grande question. Le General, le Mareschal & tous les Principaux chefs de la Virginie s'assemblerent 34 en Conseil. [263] Sur icelle le resultat & conclusion des opinions fut de pis faire que iamais, puis qu'il leur sembloit d'en auoir le moyen. Car il fut ordonné que le Capitaine Argal auec ses trois vaisseaux retourneroit en la nouuelle France, pilleroit, & raseroit toutes les forteresses, & habitations des François qu'il trouueroit en toute la coste jusques à Cap Breton: c'est à dire iusques au 46 degré, & demy: (parce qu'ils pretendent à tout tãt de pays: qu'il feroit pendre la Saussaye, & tous ceux de ses gens, lesquels il trouueroit estre demeurez dans ces confins; pilleroit de mesme tous les vaisseaux, qu'il rencontreroit, trouuant toutesfois moyen aux personnes de se pouuoir retirer en France: en cas qu'ils ne fissent point de resistance; & qu'on nous mettroit nous autres vieux prisonniers en compagnie [264] de ceux à qui en ceste façon lon feroit grace de la vie. Telle fut la deliberation. Mais Dieu estoit par dessus, & cõme vous orrés, il en disposa autrement, quant à plusieurs articles.
Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,5 the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their consultation was to act still worse 35 than ever, since it seemed to them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton: namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a number of things.
Selon ceste conclusion, Argal reprint vn'autrefois la route de la nouuelle France, plus fort que deuãt, car il auoit trois vaisseaux, & auec meilleure esperance: parce que le butin, qu'il auoit faict sur nous luy accroissoit, & la cupidité, & l'espoir. Il ne print cependant auec soy la moitié de nos gens, ie ne scay pourquoy. Dans son vaisseau estoit le Capitaine Flory, & quatre autres; dans celuy du Lieutenant Turnel (qui estoit le nostre captif) les deux Iesuites, & un garçon.
In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.
Le premier lieu où ils tirerent fut S. Sauueur. Car ils s'attendoyẽt d'y trouuer la Saussaye: & vn nauire 36[263 i.e., 265] nouuellement venu. Ils furẽt trompez, d'autant que la Saussaye estoit en France, ainsi qu'a esté dit: ils bruslerent nos fortifications, & abbatirent nos Croix, en dressants vne pour marque, qu'ils se saisissoyẽt du pays, comme Seigneurs.
They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there. They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the country, and were the Masters thereof.
Ceste Croix portoit le nom graué du Roy de la grande Bretaigne. Ils pendirent aussi vn de leurs hommes, pour cause d'vne conspiration au mesme endroict, où huict iours au parauant ils auoyent abbatu la premiere de nos Croix.
37 This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down the first of our Crosses.
De sainct Sauueur ils addresserent à S. Croix, ancienne habitation du sieur de Monts, & parce qu'ils auoyent sceu, que le P. Biard y auoit esté, Argal vouloit qu'il les y conduisit, mais ledit Pere ne le voulut point, ce qui le mit entierement en la disgrace dudit [264 i.e., 266] Argal, & en grand danger de sa vie. Ce neantmoins Argal roda tant en haut qu'en bas, & rechercha tant tous leurs endroits, les confrontans auec les cartes, qu'il nous auoit prinses, qu'en fin il la trouua de soy-mesme; il en enleua vn bon monceau de sel, qu'il y trouua, brusla l'habitation, & destruisit toutes les marques du nõ & droict de France, ainsi qu'il auoit eu commandement.
From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there, Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life. Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by dint of searching all places thoroughly and comparing them with the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there, burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.
LE Capitaine Argal ayant ruiné saincte Croix; ne sçauoit comment addresser, & faire voile à Port Royal selon la commission qu'il en auoit, d'autant qu'il [265 i.e., 267] doutoit de s'aller engouffrer en si dangereuse plage sans conducteur bien cognoissant des lieux, & par l'exemple frais, qu'il auoit du P. Biard, il n'osoit attendre qu'aucun François l'y voulust cõduire, ou l'y conseiller sincerement. A ceste cause il se mit en queste de quelque Sauuage, & fit tant par ses courses, embusches, enquestes, & industries, qu'il surprint le Sagamo, homme tres-experimenté, & entendant au faict du pays; à la conduicte d'iceluy il vint à Port Royal. Or il y eust eu là sans doute du mal-heur pour le regard des François, parce que l'Anglois entrant à la Lune, dans le Port comm'il fit, & venãt anchrer à la veuë de l'habitation à plus de deux lieuës loin, si les Frãçois eussent veillé, ils auoyẽt beau moyen ou de se preparer au combat, ou de se desbagager: car à [266 i.e., 268] cause de la marée, l'Anglois ne fut deuant l'habitation qu'à dix, ou onze heures du iour suiuant. Ie ne sçay ce qu'on fit. Tant y a que l'Anglois mettant pied à terre ne trouua personne dans le fort, & vit des souliers & des hardes esparses. Par ainsi il eust double ioye en ceste prinse: l'vne qu'il ne trouua aucune resistance, 40 ce que iamais il n'eust pensé; l'autre qu'il rencontra vn assez bon butin, à quoy il ne s'attendoit pas.
CAPTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission, and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues; so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes 41 and clothing all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture, first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty, which they were not anticipating.
Ce rencontre de butin non attendu, pensa couster la vie au P. Biard: voicy comment. Les Anglois ayant ja perdu beaucoup de temps à chercher saincte Croix: & despuis à attraper vn Sauuage, qui fust leur conducteur, le Lieutenãt Turnel estoit d'aduis de laisser le voyage de Port Royal, & s'en retourner au plustost à la Virginie, alleguant pour raisons, que le lieu [267 i.e., 269] estoit tres-dangereux, & la saison par trop auancée (car c'estoit la fin d'Octobre,) & qu'au bout de tant de peines, ils n'y auroit point de profit, parce qu'on n'y trouueroit rien, sinon misere, & la haine des François, qu'ils s'acquerroyent bien meritoirement par le bruslement qu'ils y alloyent faire, sans recompense d'aucun emolument. Le Lieutenãt Turnel auoit ouy ces raisons du P. Biard, auec lequel il prenoit souuẽt plaisir de deuiser, & les estimoit fort valides. Or le Capitaine Argal ayant eu le bõheur d'vne facile entrée, & despuis dans Port Royal (ainsi qu'à esté dit) vn assez bon butin, en viures, hardes, & vtensiles dans l'habitation; il reprochoit à son dit Lieutenant, son conseil, & la croyance qu'il auoit eu au Iesuite: & mesmes pour ceste cause luy faisoit moindre part de la proye. [268 i.e., 270] Le Lieutenant en estoit en grande cholere, & d'autant plus qu'on l'auoit tousiours en reputation d'homme d'esprit, & de bon conseil, de quoy il se voyoit deçeu à l'occasion comm'il pensoit, du Iesuite.
This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward. Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits: and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268 i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so, as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on account of the Jesuit.
Or il y auoit vn Puritain Anglois, maistre du grand nauire plus malin que tous les autres, dissimulé neantmoins, car ils faisoit les plus beaux semblants du 42 monde: mais les autres Anglois nous aduertissoiẽt de ne no9 point fier en luy, d'autant qu'il estoit malignement enuenimé contre nous. Cestuy-cy donc voyant son coup, persuadoit au Capitaine, & au Lieutenant, lesquels il voyoit esmeus, d'abandonner à terre le Iesuite, disant, qu'il estoit estoit indigne que les Anglois, luy donnassent des viures, puis qu'il les auoit voulu empescher d'ẽ auoir, [269 i.e., 271] & mille autres raisons qu'il alleguoit. Ie ne sçay qui secourust tant à propos le Iesuite en ce danger, que sa simplicité. Car tout de mesme, que s'il eust esté bien fauorisé, & qu'il eust peu beaucoup enuers ledit Anglois, il se mit à genoux deuãt le Capitaine par deux diuerses fois, & à deux diuerses occasions, à celle fin de le flechir à misericorde enuers les François dudit Port Royal esgarés par les bois, & pour luy persuader de leur laisser quelques viures, leur chaloupe, & quelqu'autre moyen de passer l'Hyuer. Et voyez combien differentes petitions on faisoit audit Capitaine: car au mesme temps, que le P. Biard le supplioit ainsi pour les François, vn François crioit de loin auec outrages, & iniures tres indignes à haute voix, qu'il le falloit massacrer. Or Argal (qui est d'vn cœur [270 i.e., 272] noble,) voyant ceste tant syncere affection du Iesuite, & de l'autre costé ceste tant bestiale & enragée inhumanité de ce François, laquelle ne recognoissoit ny sa propre nation, ny biens-faicts, ny Religion, ny estoit domtée par l'affliction & verges de Dieu, estima que ce luy seroit tousiours reproche, & impropere, si sans iugement, & sans auoir ouy parties, il venoit à delaisser pour vne accusation subtile, celuy à qui il auoit donné sa parole. Et par ainsi reietta tout ensemble, 44& la suasion de l'Anglois, & la forcenerie du François, d'autant plus appaisé enuers le Iesuiste, que plus il le voyoit attaqué sans qu'il remarquait en luy changement, ou alteration.
43 Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us. So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore, saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e., 271] and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees before the Captain, two different times and upon two different occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [270 i.e., 272] heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses, nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account of a sly and 45 cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word. And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was no change or deterioration in his conduct.
Or ledit Capitaine ayant enleué de Port Royal tout ce qui luy sembla commode, iusques aux [271 i.e., 273] ais, verroils, serrures, & cloux; il y mit le feu. Chose certes bien pitoyable, car dans vn'heure ou deux on vit reduit en cendres le trauail & despense de plusieurs années & personnes de merite. Et plaise à nostre Seigneur que ce mesme feu aye tellement destruit tous les pechés, qui peuuent auoir esté commis en ceste place, que iamais ils ne resuscitent plus en aucune part, ny ne prouoquent la iuste & redoutable vengeance de nostre Dieu. L'Anglois (comme i'ay dit autre part) effaçoit par tout, tous monuments, & indices de la puissance Françoise: ce qu'il n'oublia pas icy iusques à faire vser du pic, & ciseau sur vne grosse & massiue pierre, en laquelle estoyent entaillés les nõs du sieur de Monts, & autres Capitaines auec les fleurs de lys. Ce faict, il leua l'anchre pour s'en aller; mais [272 i.e., 274] il fut retenu par le mauuais temps à l'emboucheure du Port trois, ou quatre iours.
Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards, bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people, during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins, which may have been committed in this place, that they may never again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.
Tandis qu'il seiournoit icy à l'Anchre, vn François de ceux dudit Port demanda de parlementer: ce qui luy fut accordé. Or entre les bõs affaires, que ce beau parlementateur vint traicter, fut de dire au Capitaine Anglois, qu'il s'esmerueilloit bien fort, comment il n'auoit pieça deliuré le monde du pernicieux Iesuite, qui estoit en ses nauires, Si ce n'estoit, peut-estre que le mal-heur l'y conseruast pour reuancher les François par quelque trahison meschante, que 46ledit Iesuite ioüeroit à son coup, & occasion. Car c'estoit (disoit-il) vn vray, & naturel Espagnol, qui ayant commis plusieurs forfaicts en France, à cause desquels il en estoit fuitif, leur auoit encores donné beaucoup [273 i.e., 275] de scandales à Port Royal, & qu'il ne falloit aucunement douter, qu'encores ne fit-il pis aux Anglois. Argal oyant dire, que le P. Biard estoit naturel Espagnol, ne le pouuoit croire; mais on luy donna cest'accusation par escrit, & soub-signé de cinq ou six: & le pressoit-on fort à ce qu'il iettast en terre à l'abandon ledit P. Biard. Mais tant plus qu'on l'en pressoit, tant moins l'Anglois y consentoit, parce que y consentant il ne pouuoit fuir le deshonneur d'auoir manqué de foy, & de iustice; là où le gardant pour la Virginie, il s'attendoit de l'y faire mourir en acquerant loüange de fidelité à son office, & de patience à supporter. Car en communiquant au Mareschal ceste deposition des François, & adioustant par dessus comme ledit Pere n'auoit voulu monstrer l'Isle S. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, & auoit tasché de diuertir les Anglois d'aller à Port Royal; il n'auoit garde deschapper des mains du Mareschal, desquelles à peine l'auoit-on peu arracher, lors mesme, qu'on n'auoit aucune prinse sur luy. Ainsi Dieu le voulut sauuer pour lors, & encores pl9 merueilleusement despuis, comme vous orrez. Cependant vous remarquerez sagement iusques à quelle rage le malin esprit agite ceux, qui se vendent à luy, & combien il faut estre reserué à croire les delations & detractiõs, puis que le P. Biard auoit vescu dans Port Royal, & auoit tousiours esté notoirement recogneu pour ce qu'il est, c'est à dire bon François naturel, & qui iamais ne fut en Espagne ny luy, ny son pere, ou mere, ou aucun de ses parens. Or que 48 ce neantmoins vn François se soit trouué si possedé par l'esprit [275 i.e., 277] sanguinaire, que pour le faire mourir il soit venu à imposturer si furieusement, & receuant le chastiment de Dieu n'en aye faict autre profit, que de se prostituer si desesperement à Sathan, & à calomnie, cela surpasse toute apprehension commune de malice, & à peine peut-on conceuoir, qu'vn homme puisse deuenir si vendu, & si desesperement asserui à peché.
While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit, who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps some ill luck might 47 keep him there to take revenge for the French upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he) a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he heard it said that Father Biard was a native Spaniard, could not believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five or six persons, was handed to him; and they urged him strongly to put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him, the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him, and how 49 necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good, native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to and enslaved by sin.
LE neufuiesme de Nouembre de ceste année 1613. les Anglois departirẽt de Port Royal en intention de s'aller rendre à [276 i.e., 278] leur Virginie, & y iouïr du butin l'hyuer suiuant. Or dés ce temps le Lieutenant Turnel, ne regardoit plus le P. Biard, que comme vn pendard abominable: il le detestoit encores d'auantage, quand il repensoit au passé: car par le passé, il auoit faict estat de le priser, & l'aymer pour sa naïfue simplicité, & ouuerte candeur. Mais ayant veu le tesmoignage par escrit de tant de François, qui l'asseuroyent estre naturel Espagnol, & meschant homme, il aimoit mieux croire, que le Iesuite fust menteur, que non pas tant d'autres, qui l'accusoyent. Par ainsi il haissoit d'autant plus irreconciliablement ceste si profonde & impenetrable dissimulation (comme il pensoit) d'vn Espagnol, contrefaisant le François, laquelle luy, homme reputé pour accort, & bien aduisé, n'auoit sceu descouurir [277 i.e., 279] en tant de temps; ains à laquelle il s'estoit laissé surprendre iusques à vne familiarité, & amitié grande. Telle estoit la cholere du Capitaine Turnel, lequel d'ores en auant i'appelleray absoluement Capitaine & non plus Lieutenant, parce que nous allons nous separer: escoutez comment.
ON the ninth of November of this year, 1613, the English left Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy (as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship. Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.
Le second iour apres nostre depart, veille de S. 52 Martin, vn si grand orage s'esleua, qu'il escarta nos trois vaisseaux en telle façon, que despuis ils ne se sont point reueus ensemble; ains ont tiré trestous bien diuerses routes.
On the second day after our departure, on the eve 53 of St. Martin, so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all sailed away in different directions.
La barque n'a point comparu despuis, & nouuelles aucunes n'en ayant esté ouyes aucuns se doutent qu'elle soit perie, auec les six Anglois, qui estoyent dedans.
The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who were on board.
La Nau Capitanesse, où commendoit Argal, nonobstãt le contraste, vint à port heureusement [278 i.e., 280] à la Virginie dãs trois sepmaines, ou enuiron. Le Mareschal (duquel nous vous auons parlé cy deuant) ouyt fort volontiers du Capitaine Argal, tout ce qui s'estoit passé, & attendoit en bonne deuotion le P. Biard pour luy tost accourcir les voyages, luy faisant trouuer au milieu d'vne eschelle le bout du monde; mais Dieu, maistre de la vie, & des puissances dispose à son bon plaisir de ses creatures, & non à la fantasie du bras humain; prenant plaisir au tiltre, que luy donne son Psalmiste, d'estre le Seigneur, qui deliure le pauure des mains des plus forts, & le destitué, de la puissance de ceux, qui le pillent, comme ie m'en vais vous monstrer, qu'il a faict.
The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist, of being the Lord, Who delivers the poor from the hands of the strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him, as I am going on to show you he did.
Les deux Iesuites, & vn garçon François estoyent dans le nauire captif, sur lequel auoit esté commis le Capitaine Turnel; ce nauire [279 i.e., 281] separé d'auec Argal par la tẽpeste en fut tant incessamment poursuiuy seize iours durant, que le Capitaine perdant esperãce de pouuoir aborder la Virginie, appella tous ses gents, & mit en deliberation, qu'est-ce qu'il faudroit faire pour sauuer leurs vies. Car de combattre les orages plus long temps pour ne se pas esloigner de ladicte Virginie, il n'y auoit point d'apparence, 54 parce que on auoit dans le nauire des cheuaux prins à Port Royal, qui les ruinoyent d'eau tant ils en beuuoyent, les tourbillons rompoyẽt tant de voiles, ausuents, & cordages, qu'il n'y auoit plus de quoy les refaire, & les viures estoyent bien bas, hors la mouluë seulement, de laquelle y auoit assez; mais de pain on n'en auoit eu, par l'espace de trois mois, que deux onces chasque iour pour teste, [280 i.e., 282] bien rarement trois: & si il en restoit fort peu. En ceste deliberation les mariniers furẽt d'aduis qu'il falloit soustenir encores quelques iours pour leur hõneur. Et (approbation de leur conseil) le bon temps leur arriua au iour suiuant, & les conduisit si auant qu'ils ne s'estimoyent pas estre à plus de vingt & cinq lieuës de leur port.
The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279 i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, 55 and these spoiled as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their sails, and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person, [280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than twenty-five leagues from their port.
Pour en confesser la franche verité, les Iesuites ne prioyent point pour ce bon temps, car ils sçauoyent assez où c'est qu'il les conuoyoit. Or Dieu, croy-ie, ayãt pitié d'eux, suscita vu gaillard, & fougueux suroüest, qui vint donner droict en face à nos Anglois, & les contraignist de mettre le nauire en cappe (comme l'on dit) de plier toutes les voiles, & de penser à leur conscience.
To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them. Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and vigorous south-wester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth, and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails, and to examine their consciences.
Le Capitaine voyant ceste rage [281 i.e., 283] de vents, & de vagues ne voulut plus s'opiniastrer, ains conclud, qu'il falloit relascher aux Açores à 7. cents lieuës de là, pour s'y pouruoir de leurs necessitez, & attendre le bon temps. Il fit tourner le cap pour adresser là, & aussi tost apres on tua les cheuaux qui nous auoyent gasté & consumé nostr'eau, de maniere qu'elle estoit toute infecte, & puante, & encores la donnoit on en bien petite mesure. Mais la chair de cheual estoit fort bonne, au goust des Iesuites.
The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] of the winds and waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good, according to the taste of the Jesuits.
Or durant ces furieuses, & horrib[l]es tempestes, 56 comme tous auoyent bien occasion de penser à leur conscience, Dieu particulierement disposoit le Capitaine. De maniere, qu'vne fois bien repentant, il appella le P. Biard, & luy tint ces discours, que ie vais inserer quasi de mot à mot: car ce [282 i.e., 284] Capitaine parloit bon François, & beaucoup d'autres lãgues vulgaires, outre le Latin & le Grec, qu'il entendoit bien, homme de grand esprit, & qui a bien estudié: P. Biard, (disoit-il) Dieu est courroucé contre nous, ie le voy biẽ; il est courroucé contre nous, di-je, mais non pas contre vous; contre nous, parce que nous vous sõmes allés faire la guerre, sans la vous premierement denõcer, ce qu'est contre le droict des gens. Mais ie proteste, que ç'a esté contre mon aduis, & mon gré. Ie n'eusse sceu qu'y faire, il me falloit suiure, i'estois seruiteur. Ainsi ie vous dy, que ie voy biẽ que Dieu est courroucé contre nous, mais non pas contre vous, ains à l'occasion de vous: car vous ne faictes que patir. Le Capitaine s'arrestãt icy, vo9 pouués estimer si le Iesuite manqua de respõdre à propos. Le Capitaine, [283 i.e., 285] le prit d'vn autre endroit, mais, P. Biard (dit-il) c'est chose estrange, que vos François de Port Royal vous accusent ainsi. Le Pere respondit, Mais mõsieur, m'aués-vous iamais ouy mesdire d'eux? Nenny, dit-il; ains i'ay fort bien remarqué que quand on mesdisoit d'eux, & deuant le Capitaine Argal, & deuant moy, tousiours vous les aués defendus, i'en suis bon tesmoin. Monsieur (dit le Pere) prenez argument de là, & iugés, qui a Dieu, & la verité de son costé; ou les mesdisants, ou bien les charitables. Ie l'entends bien, dit le Capitaine: mais, Pere Biard, la charité ne vous a elle point fait mentir, quãd vous me disiez, que 58 nous ne trouuerions que misere à Port Royal? Le Pere repartit, Pardonnez moy, monsieur, vous priant de vous souuenir, que ie ne vous ay dit [284 i.e., 286] sinon que moy estant là, ie n'y auois veu, & trouué que misere. Cela seroit bon, dit le Capitaine, si vous n'estiés Espagnol, comme l'on dit que vous estes, car l'estãt, ce que vous desirés tant de bien aux Frãçois n'est pas pour amour que vous leur portés, ains pour haine des Anglois. A cecy le Pere Biard respondit fort au long: mais il ne luy peut iamais desraciner cest'opinion, disant, qu'il n'estoit point croyable, que cinq, ou six François constitués en affliction eussent voulu signer vne fausse accusation contre vn leur concitoyen Prestre: n'y ayants autre profit que de le faire perdre, & par ce moyen satis-faire à leur maudite passion.
Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good reason to look into their consciences, 57 God especially inclined the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us, but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283 i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them, of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not charity make you 59 lie, when you told me we should find nothing but misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all right," says the Captain, "if you were not a Spaniard, as they say you are; for, being one, the great good which you desire for the French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.
Ie vous ay faict ce recit à fin que la suaue disposition de la diuine prouidence soit recogneuë, & que vous entendiez, cõme Dieu [285 i.e., 287] alloit preparant peu à peu le cœur du Capitaine. Car il se trouua biẽ perplex, & luy & ses gens, quand ils se virent pres des Açores. La cause en estoit, parce que ces Isles sont habitées des Portugais Catholiques; par ainsi les Anglois consideroyent, que venants à y anchrer, il faudroit souffrir la visite du nauire. Que si en la visite on descouuroit les Iesuites que c'estoit faict d'eux, parce qu'on deliureroit lesdits Iesuites, comme Catholiques: & qu'eux seroyent pendus, ou pour le moins mis à la cadene comme voleurs de Prestres.
I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God [285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed, when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits, as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of Priests.
Le remede à ce mal estoit facile, faisant faire ausdits Iesuites vn saut dans la mer. Neantmoins comme ie vous ay monstré, la crainte de Dieu s'estoit 60 resueillée, qui combattoit pour eux. Nostre Seigneur en fin, qui les [286 i.e., 288] protegeoit aux prieres de sa glorieuse Mere, fit que le Capitaine se resolut de les cacher au fonds du nauire, esperant que cela suffiroit pour seurté: comme il suffit aussi, mais la bõne foy des Iesuites y aydant, ainsi que vous entendrés tout à cest'heure.
The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the Jesuits take a leap into the sea. Nevertheless, 61 as I have shown you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted therein, as you will soon hear.
LA main de Dieu estoit euidemment sur les Iesuites pour les proteger, ainsi que vous auez peu apperceuoir par cy deuant: Et fut manifeste en vn autre danger, qu'ils passerent; que nous ne racontons pas icy, pour n'estre longs, auquel neantmoins [287 i.e., 289] ils confessent d'auoir eu plus de peur, qu'en beaucoup d'autres, & non sans cause. Ceste protection diuine se monstra encores clairement en ce quell'osta l'apprehension du peril au Capitaine. Car s'il eust preueu les grands dangers qu'il courut puis apres, ie ne scay s'il eust esté assez conscientieux, ou ses gens pour ne se point resoudre au meurtre, auant que de tomber aux perplexités, ausquelles ils furent reduits, en ceste façon.
GOD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also manifest in another danger through which they passed, and which we do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless, [287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain. For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.
Ils arriuerent à l'Isle de Faeal, qui est vne des Açores, & ne se pensoyent à leur arriuée, que d'anchrer aupres de la ville, d'enuoyer leur batteau pour se charger d'eau, de laquelle ils auoyent principalement besoin, & achepter quelque peu de biscuit, & autres necessitez plus pressantes. En ceste façon il estoit fort facile [288 i.e., 290] de cacher les Iesuites, parce qu'on ne visite gueres, que fort legerement ceux qui sont loin de terre, & puis la visite passee: tout le peril est passé. Ceste consideration fit resoudre 64tant facilemẽt le Capitaine à ne pas vser de cruauté. Mais la fortune trouua bien autres tours, & destours qu'il ne pẽsoit: car il luy fallust entrer dans le haure, & se tenir à la veuë de la ville, & des autres nauires. Là de sinistre accident, nostre nauire s'alla heurter contre vne carauelle Espagnolle, chargée de succre, & luy rompit son beau-pré; l'Espagnol pensa que ce fut vn guet à pens, à celle fin de surprendre son vaisseau, & le voler: tout ainsi qu'auoit faict vn François dans le mesme port, cinq semaines au parauãt, & partant se print à crier au coursaire, faisant armer ses gens, & peu s'en fallut que lon [289 i.e., 291] ne vinst aux mains. Grand bruit & grande esmeute dans la ville, & par tous les nauires qui estoyent là, grand alarme. Il fallust que le Capitaine allast à terre, & y demeurast pour gages, & asseurance: encores ne pouuoit-on croire, qu'il fut autre que Pirate. on vint visiter & reuisiter le nauire, & les Iesuites ioüoyent comme l'on dit a esconsailles, de trou en cachot, & de cachot en fonds, tousiours en quelque nouuelle musse. Or sur le vif, & le chaud des soupçons, & grabuge, les Espagnols venants visiter les pauures Peres & le garcon Francois estoyent derriere vne chaloupe se tenant coys & sans souffler, car si seulement ils eussent soufflé vn peu gros, ou remué la main ou le pied, ils eussent esté descouuerts. La chose estoit si hazardeuse, que nos Anglois en transissoyent de [290 i.e., 292] male-peur. Mais les Iesuites leur voulurent constamment garder la foy pour plusieurs raisõs, & entre autres, pour faire voir par effect aux calomniateurs de l'Eglise Catholique, qu'à tort, & contre verité ils luy imposent d'enseigner, qu'il ne faut point garder la foy aux heretiques. Ce qu'est totalement faux, & contre sa doctrine. 66 Mais reuenons aux Espagnols, ils n'apperceurent iamais lesdits peres en leur visite, & s'en allerent en fort bonne opinion des Anglois, qui les voyants dehors, & reuenants à soy de la grande apprehension en laquelle ils auoyent esté, se prindrent à faire tant de caresses aux Peres, & tant de feste en recognoissance de leur sincérité, qu'en pourroyẽt faire vne troupe de bons parents & amys s'entre rencontrants en paix apres vne absence, & separation [291 i.e., 293] de bien long temps. Les mesmes Anglois ont souuent depuis loüangé lesdicts Peres en la presence de leurs Ministres en Angleterre de ceste leur fidelité, & les Ministres en demonstroiẽt grands signes d'estonnement & admiration.
They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But fate found other ways and means, which he had not considered; 65 for he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry "pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e., 291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat, still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud, or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e., 292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a very high 67 opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown, began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment and admiration.
LES Anglois demeurerent trois sepmaines entieres engagez en ceste Isle, que nous disons de Fæal, pendant lequel tẽps les pauures Iesuites ne peurent point voir le Soleil. Or parce que lesdicts Anglois auoyent faute d'argent, ils ne peurẽt guieres s'y remplumer, ce qui les fit du tout [292 i.e., 294] resoudre à ne plus retenter la Virginie, ains s'en reuenir en Angleterre, attendu mesmemẽt que ja ils se voyoient dans la presente année 1614. qui estoit le terme de leur seruice.
THE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which we call Fæal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292 i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia, but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service.
Or estants en la course & voye d'Angleterre, la tempeste nous ietta hors la marche (qu'on appelle) c'est à dire, hors le Canal qui est entre France & Angleterre, & nous fallut refugier au Port de Milfier, en la Prouince de Galles. Là vne autre fois toutes prouisiõs nous defaillirent, ce qui contraignit nostre Capitaine d'aller à Pembroch, ville principale de cest endroit, & Viceadmirauté, mais à Pembroch il fut arresté prisonnier, sur le soupcon qu'on auoit qu'il ne fust Pirate. Le soupçon naissoit de ce que luy, & ses gens estoient Anglois, & leur nauire toutesfois estoit faict à la [293 i.e., 295] Frãçoise, ce qui faisoit presumer, qu'il venoit du Port de Gryp aux Isles de l'Arcin, pardeçà le Cap Escumant. Le Capitaine se 70iustifia du mieux qu'il peust, disant la verité: mais on ne luy croyoit pas, d'autant qu'il n'auoit point de Commissions: & n'en pouuoit auoir, parce que n'estant que Lieutenant, il suiuoit son Capitaine, & ne s'estoit separé d'auec luy que par accident de tempeste, ainsi qu'auez ouy. A ceste cause il fut contrainct de produire pour tesmoins de sa preud'homie les deux Iesuites, qu'il auoit dans son nauire, gens irreprochables, ce disoit-il, & disoit vray.
Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che6 (as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch [Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty. But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e., 295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did not believe him, inasmuch as 71 he had no Commission, and could not have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm, as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship, irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.
Aussi tost par commandement du Magistrat lesdits Iesuites furẽt appellés à terre; & interrogés en Iustice, auec grand respect. Eux conterent la verité du faict, & à leur deposition le Capitaine fut [294 i.e., 296] tenu gentil-homme d'honneur, & de bien; sauf à demesler nos differents touchant la nouuelle Frãce par deuãt le Roy. Neantmoins il fallut seiourner vn grand long temps audit Pembroch attendãt response de Londres, car il fut necessaire d'y enuoyer tant pour auoir de l'argent, que pour aduertir de cest affaire le grand Admiral, & la compagnie des Marchands, qui ont charge de la Virginie.
Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully interrogated in a Court of Justice. They stated the real facts of the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296] acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants who have charge of Virginia.
Et cest icy, où l'admiration arreste, & mon haleine, & mon pas; pour m'escrier auec le Sage, Que les dispositions de la Diuine prouidence sont veritablement dressées au compas, articulées au nombre, & mesurées au poids, & trebuchet, iusques à vn demy grain. Car cest appel des Iesuites fut sans doute, vne industrie de ceste paternelle prouidẽce, qui les assistoit par tout: d'autant que [295 i.e., 297] s'ils fussent demeurés dans le nauire, comm'ils y estoyent, destitués de tout, au cœur de l'hyuer (car c'estoit en Feurier) & ce, quatre sepmaines durant, il est vraysemblable qu'ils fussent morts de froid, & de misere: mais au moyen 72de cest appel, ils furent cogneus par le Iuge, lequel fort hõneste & graue personnage qu'il est, ayant entendu combien ils estoyent mal dans le nauire, les fit loger chez le Maire de la ville, & paya pour eux, disant, que s'ils auoyent dequoy, ils le luy rendroyent: sinon que cela seroit donné pour Dieu: car autrement ce nous seroit trop de honte, (disoit-il) si gens tant honnestes, & sçauants ne trouuoyẽt de la courtoisie parmy nous. Ce bon Seigneur s'appelle Nicolas Adams, Vice-admiral dudit Pembroch.
And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out with the Wise Man, That the dispensations of Divine providence are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured by weight and balance even to the half of a grain. For this call of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e., 297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of this summons, they became known 73 to the Judge, honorable and grave personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city, and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.
Or pendant ce sejour toute [296 i.e., 298] sorte de gens les alloient voir, & de bien loin, par curiosité de voir des Iesuites en leur habit, ainsi qu'ils estoient, & ont tousiours esté iusques à leur retour en Frãce. Ministres, Iusticiers, Gentilshommes, & autres venoyent conferer auec eux; Vn Milord mesmes du grãd Conseil voulut auoir le plaisir de les accarer en dispute rangée auec quatre Ministres. Ie dy Ministres pour m'accommoder à l'intelligence Françoise: car en Angleterre ils les appellent Prestres: Et le Chef de la dispute estoit vn Archidiacre, parce que les Anglois retiennent encores beaucoup de l'Eglise Catholique, comme l'Ordre de la Hierarchie Ecclesiastique, Archeuesques, Euesques, Prestres, Archiprestres, Archidiacres, Curez, Chanoines, &c. L'imposition Episcopale des mains en la creation des Prestres, [297 i.e., 299] & moindres Ordres, & en la confirmatiõ des enfans, Le Cresme, & les ceremonies, le signe de la Croix, & l'Image d'icelle, & d'autres: La Psalmodie, & culte ordinaire, les festes ordonnées des Saincts, & Sainctes, les Vigiles, les Ieusnes, le Caresme, l'Abstinence des viandes au Vendredy, & Samedy, les habits Sacerdotaux, & vaisseaux sacrez: Et ceux 74qui condamnent toutes ces choses, comme font les Caluinistes de France & d'Escosse, & les appellent superstitions damnables, & inuentions de l'Antechrist, sont nommez des Anglois, Puritains, & les detestent comme pestes execrables.
Now during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always have been until their return to France. Ministers, Justices, Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests. And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church, as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297 i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children; the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship, the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the Calvinists 75 of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions, and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.
Or en fin, response venant de Londres, on sceut, que Monsieur l'Ambassadeur de France auoit esté aduerty de l'arriuée de ce nauire, & en poursuiuoit la reddition, [298 i.e., 300] & particulierement des Iesuites, ayant eu commandement de ce faire de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne. Ce fut vn autre effect de la Prouidence diuine, lors qu'elle moyenna ce nostre arrest, en la Prouince de Galles, à celle fin qu'il fust cogneu de tous: car nous auons de grands indices: & vous en verrez tantost aucuns, que si les Marchands, qui ont surintendance de la Virginie, en pouuoient faire à leur gré, pas vn estranger, qui auroit esté en ladicte Virginie, ne reuiendroit iamais en son pays.
When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the Ambassador of France7 had heard about the arrival of this ship, and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence, since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever have returned to his own country.
Pour tost finir nostre discours, notez que les Iesuites furent conduits par vn long circuit au Port de Sanduicts; & de là ramenez à Douure par le commandement du Roy, & de Douure à Calais, où ils rendirent graces à Dieu pour tant de signalez benefices, [299 i.e., 301] & prouidence sienne, & en auoyent bien occasion, ayants demeuré neuf mois & demy entre les mains des Anglois. Le sieur d'Arquien, Gouuerneur dudit Calais, & Monsieur la Baulaye, Doyen, leur firent de leur grace fort bon accueil, & leur aumosnerent assez pour se conduire iusques à leur College d'Amiens.
To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts [Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them with means to return to their College at Amiens.
PEV apres ceste deliurance des Iesuites, Dieu recueillit encores par sa misericorde, quasi tout le reste du naufrage en ceste façon.
SHORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the following way.
Le garçon qui estoit auec les Iesuites, appellé Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] fut conduit à Londres, & de là renuoyé à son Pere à Honfleur.
The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at Honfleur.
Sur ce mesme temps le sieur de la Mote reuint aussi en Angleterre dans vn vaisseau de la Bermude, qui auoit passé par la Virginie.
At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.
Le Capitaine Argal combatit genereusement contre le Mareschal Thomas Deel (que vous auez ouy estre fort aspre en ses humeurs) à fin d'obtenir de luy permission du retour, pour ledit sieur de la Mote, & l'obtint en fin.
Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel[4] (of whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it was granted.
Or ledict sieur la Mote fut fort estonné, que subitement estant arriué en Angleterre, personne ne luy parloit plus, personne ne le voyoit, il estoit delaissé de tous; & le pis est, que sur ce il tomba malade dans le nauire. Il se soupçonna incontinent du danger où il estoit, & d'où il venoit: sçauoir est, des marchands de la Virginie, [301 i.e., 303] qui eussent desiré se desfaire de luy, & ne sçauoyent comment. Il tascha donc par subtilité, & en trouua le moyen, de faire sçauoir de ses nouuelles à Monsieur de Bisseaux, digne Ambassadeur de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, qui aussitost 78 luy manda deux Gentilshommes, & le fit deliurer, & bien traicter, ainsi qu'il meritoit pour son courage, & valeur.
Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came; namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he tried by secret means, and finally succeeded 79 in having his story made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his courage and his valor.
En ce mesme temps aussi Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille enuoya la Saussaye à Londres, à celle fin de solliciter la reddition du nauire, & la reparation des torts receus par vn vol tant inique. Le nauire a esté rendu, mais on n'a rien obtenu d'auantage iusques à maintenant.
At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has been obtained.
Or ainsi que nostre nauire ayãt mainleuée prenoit ja le vol en France, païs de son origine: voicy, que le Capitaine Flory son Maistre [302 i.e., 304] arriua comme à poinct nommé, pour entrer dedans, & y commander.
And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the scene to step in and take command of her.
Le Capitaine Argal s'en reuenant en Angleterre l'auoit encores arraché des mains du Mareschal, & luy, & deux autres François. Certes ledit Argal s'est monstré tel, que nous auons occasion de luy souhaitter, qu'il serue d'ores-en-auant vne meilleure cause, & où sa noblesse de cœur puisse paroistre, non à la perte, ains à la manutention des gens de bien.
Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the preservation of honest men.
De tout nostre nombre, trois sont morts à la Virginie, & quatre y restẽt encores, à la deliurance desquels on trauaille autant que faire se peut. Dieu par sa misericorde leur donne patience, & tire de nostre affliction le bien que sa prouidence, & bonté aggreent. Ainsi soit-il.
Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy. Amen.
MAINTENANT quelqu'vn ayant ouy tout nostre recit à bon droict nous dira: Or sus, voila beaucoup de trauaux, que vous nous auez conté, plusieurs entreprinses loüables, & diuers accidents bien sauuages; Mais quoy? Est-ce là tout le profit quant à l'auancement du culte de Dieu? N'auez-vous couru que pour ainsi vous lasser? despendu que pour consumer, paty sinon pour encores par dessus en estre diffamez en France? Car si Canada ne rend point autre reuenu, nous vous dirons, qu'aucun, s'il n'est fol, ne trauaille pour seulement patir; [304 i.e., 306] & ne despend pour seulemẽt s'espuiser. Ains a tres-biẽ dit le sainct Apostre, Que, qui laboure, c'est en esperance de recueillir du fruict. Quel fruict doncques nous apportez-vous de vos trauaux.
NOW some one, having heard all our story, with good reason will say: "Come now, here is a great deal of labor you have told us about, several laudable enterprises, and various rough and violent accidents, but is this all the profit there is in the advancement of the worship of God? Have you run, only to thus weary yourselves? expended, only for the sake of consuming? endured suffering, only to be abused for it in France? For if Canada does not furnish any other revenue, we can tell you that no one, unless he be a fool, works simply for the sake of suffering, [304 i.e., 306] or expends only to exhaust himself. But very truly says the holy Apostle, That he who planteth hopeth to gather fruit. What fruit then do you bring us from your labors?"
A cela ie responds que par tout, & aussi bien en France, qu'en Canada, il faut semer auant que moyssonner, & planter auant que recueillir, & ne point tant estre ou auare, ou impatient, qu'on vueille, comme les vsuriers, aussi tost le profit que le prest. Combiẽ que certes au seruice de Dieu il n'y auroit que despenses, & trauaux, elles ont de soy-mesme assez grand emolument, & salaire; non ja pour estre despenses & trauaux, ains pour estre preuues, & exercices 82de nostre deuoir, & pieuse volonté enuers nostre liberal donateur de toutes choses nostre Dieu tout-puissant. Car il [305 i.e., 307] ne poise pas, ny n'estime nos conseils, & desseins à la balance & au poids des euenements, qui sont en sa main, & ordonnance; ains à la solidité de nostre vouloir, à la massiueté de l'entreprinse, à l'integrité de la deuotion, & deliberation.
To this I answer, that everywhere, in France as well as in Canada, it is necessary to sow before reaping, and to plant before gathering, and not to be so avaricious or impatient as to wish, like usurers, the profit at the same time as the loan. How true it is that, in the service of God, there should be nothing but expense and labor, these of themselves being a great enough reward and salary; not because they are expenses and labors, but because they are proofs and exercises of our duty and pious willingness towards the liberal donor of all gifts, our all-powerful 83 God. For he [305 i.e., 307] does not weigh nor judge our counsels and designs in the balance and by the weight of the results, which are in his hand and ordinance; but by the firmness of our desire, the greatness of the enterprise, and the honesty of our devotion and purpose.
Il dispose les euenements comme il luy plaist, les rendant souuent plus heureux, & plus fructueux, que moins on les recognoit pour tels. Car celuy, qui plante n'est rien, ny celui qui arrouse; ains celui, qui donne accroissement; lequel accroissement se fait premierement soubs terre, & hors la veüe des hommes.
He arranges events as it pleases him, often rendering them the more happy and the more fruitful, the less one recognizes them as such. For he that planteth is nothing, nor he that watereth; but he who giveth the increase; and this increase is first made under the ground, and out of the sight of men.
Quant à moy, i'estime vn tres-grand profit en ce que nous auõs tousiours mieux, & mieux descouuert le naturel de ces terres, & païs: la disposition des habitans: le moyen de les pouuoir ayder: [306 i.e., 308] les contrarietez, qui peuuent suruenir au progrez de l'œuure: & les secours, qu'il faut opposer à l'ennemy. L'architecte qui fait, & deffaict ses plans & modeles iusques à la cinq, & sixiesme fois, ne se pense pas pour cela n'auoir rien faict en son premier, & second essay, lesquels il aura deffaits pour s'arrester, au sixiesme; Parce que, dira-il, ce dernier n'a sa perfectiõ, que de l'imperfectiõ des premiers. De mesme en est-il de l'orateur, qui efface & raye deux, & trois fois ce qu'il auoit escrit de premiere ardeur, parce que la beauté, & force des concepts, & paroles, qu'il substituë pour la quatriesme fois, luy naist de la reiection, & du desplaisir des precedentes. Aussi de vray, ce n'est pas autrement, que Dieu nous donne pour l'ordinaire la prudence, & l'ameliorement des choses; sinon [307 84i.e., 309] par diuerses experiences, & pour la pluspart de nos fautes & de celles d'autruy. Nous auons donc vne partie de nos pretensions, nous auons experimenté: nous sçauõs ce qu'il faut, & ce qui nuit: & où gist le poinct principal de l'affaire. Les moyens, qu'on a employé n'ont point esté si grands, ne si proportionnez à plus haute fin, qu'il faille nous beaucoup mescõtenter de ce que Dieu nous dõne.
For my part, I consider it a great advantage that we have learned more and more about the nature of these territories and lands, the character of the inhabitants, the means of helping them, [306 i.e., 308] the obstacles which are liable to arise against the progress of the work, and the help that must be given to oppose the enemy. The architect who makes and unmakes his plans and models even to the fifth and sixth time, does not think, for all that, that he has not accomplished anything in his first and second trials, which he has destroyed to stop at the sixth; for he will say that the perfection of the last, lies only in the imperfections of the first. It is thus also with the orator, who erases and scratches out twice and three times what he has written in his first enthusiasm, because the beauty and force of the ideas and words, which he substitutes for the fourth time, come to him from his rejection of, and dissatisfaction with, the preceding ones. So, in truth, it is not otherwise that God usually gives us prudence and the better management of things, only [307 i.e., 309] through various experiences, and for the most part through our own faults 85 and those of others. We have done, then, a part of what we intended to do; we have experimented, we know what is necessary and what is harmful, and wherein lies the principal part of the work. The means which have been employed have not been so great, nor so proportioned to a higher purpose, that we should be greatly dissatisfied with what God gives us.
Mais encores d'autre costé c'est vn grand fruict, que la confiance & amitié que les Sauuages ont prinse auecques les François, par la grande familiarité, & hantise, qu'ils ont eu auec eux. Car tousiours faut-il mettre ceste base auant que d'esleuer le chapiteau; sçauoir est, de les nous rendre ou citoyens, ou bons hostes, & amis auant que de les auoir pour freres. Or ceste confiance, & ceste [308 i.e., 310] priuauté est ja si grande, que nous viuons entr'eux auec moins de crainte, que nous ne ferions dans Paris. Car dans Paris nous n'oserions dormir, que la porte bien verrouïllée; mais là nous ne la fermons que contre le vent, & si n'en dormons pas pour cela moins asseurez. Au commencement ils nous fuyoiẽt, & craignoyent: ores ils nous desirẽt. A nostre premiere descente, & visite de S. Sauueur, nous fismes semblant, que la place ne nous agreoyt pas, & que voulions aller autrepart, ces bonnes gents du lieu en pleuroyent, & lamentoyent. Au contraire, le Sagamo de Kadesquit, appellé Betsabes, s'en vint pour nous y attirer auec mille promesses, ayant ouy que nous pretendiõs de nous y aller loger. Est-ce peu que d'auoir ce si bon fondement de Iustice en nos peuplades, & ce tant [309 i.e., 311] asseuré gage de bon succez? Et ne faut point estimer que les autres Nations ayent porté ceste amitié aussi bien que nous. 86 Car nous sommes tesmoins oculaires, comme lesdicts Sauuages ayants rencontré vn auantage (à leur aduis) contre les Anglois, se ruerent sur eux furieusement, pensants comme ie croy tirer quelque reuenche de l'iniure, qui nous auoit esté faicte: mais le bon-heur ne les seconda pas en leur attaque. Pareillement, sur la fin de l'an 1611. les Holandois voulans seulement descendre au Cap de la Heue, pour y faire aiguade, nos Sauuages les assaillirent brusquement, & en defirent six, entre lesquels estoit le Capitaine du nauire. Il me semble, que nous serons indignes de ceste bienvueillance, si nous ne faisons, qu'elle leur profite à aymer celuy, de qui nous [310 i.e., 312] receuons tous nos biens.
But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St. Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented. On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"8 came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place, having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of Justice in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne this 87 friendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our blessings.
Outre plus, quoy que les Iesuites n'ayent pas baptisé communement les adultes pour les raisons cy-deuant deduites: si les ont-ils catechisé tant qu'ils ont peu, & par les yeux, & par les oreilles. Par les yeux, dy-ie, leur faisant voir nos vs & ceremonies, & les y accoustumants. En nos Processions nous faisiõs aller les petits enfans au deuãt de la Croix, & faire quelque seruice, comme de porter les luminaires, ou autres choses; & tant eux que leurs peres y prenoyent du plaisir, comme s'ils eussent esté vrayement Chrestiens. Dieu mercy cela est ja communement gaigné, qu'ils ne veulent point mourir sans baptesme, se croyans estre miserables à iamais, s'ils trespassent sans iceluy, ou du moins, sans vne forte volonté d'iceluy, & sans douleur de leurs pechez.
Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults, for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians. Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.
[311 i.e., 313] Le Patriarche Flesche (comme a esté dit) en auoit baptisé peut estre quatre vingts, les Iesuites seulemẽt vne vingtaine, & iceux petits enfans, 88hormis trois, qui ont esté baptisés en extreme necessité de maladie, & sont allés iouïr de la vie bien-heureuse, apres auoir esté regenerés à icelle, comme aussi aucũs des petits enfans. Nous auions composé nostre Catechisme en Sauuageois, & commencions aucunement à pouuoir iargonner auec nos Catechumenes. Nous dressions vne nouuelle peuplade fort commode: c'estoit nostre Automne, nostre temps des fruicts: & voila que sur ce poinct l'enuieux de tout bien, & specialement, du salut humain est venu de malice à mettre le feu à nos trauaux, & nous emporter hors du champ. Le victorieux Iesus de sa puissante main: & inuincible [312 i.e., 314] sapience le confonde. Ainsi soit-il.
[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about twenty, and these were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last extremity of sickness, 89 and thence have gone to enjoy a life of bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work, bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him. Amen.
MAIS comme Dieu appelle ceste nation de Sauuages par sa misericorde, & douceur conuenablement à leur portee, & necessités, ainsi luy a-il pleu se monstrer à eux benin & secourable. Ie vous remarqueray icy trois de ces marques bien euidentes, & certaines, faictes en la guerison des maladies corporelles.
BUT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which were shown in the cure of bodily ills.
La premiere soit ceste-cy. Le P. Biard estant allé à la riuiere de l'Eplan (ainsi qu'a esté dit cy-dessus,) on luy dit, qu'à deux lieües [313 i.e., 315] de là en la Baye S. Marie y auoit vne femme proche de la mort, laquelle desiroit fort de le voir, & luy parler. Le Pere pria vn certain nommé la Pierre, de l'y conduire: ce qu'il fit. Ils treuuerent ceste femme selon la coustume de leurs malades, estenduë au long du feu, & trauaillée de mal despuis trois sepmaines. Le Pere la Catechise du mieux qu'il peut, & l'encourage, faisant quelques prieres, puis s'en reuint, luy laissant vne croix penduë au col, par ce qu'il ne l'estima point estre si bas, qu'il la fallust baptiser, seulement il aduertit les assistants, que si elle continuoit en maladie trois ou quatre iours, ou qu'elle empirast, qu'õ le vint appeller. Il n'en fut pas de besoin: car le iour suiuant laditte femme se leua saine, & gaillarde, & s'en 92alla trouuer son mary chargée d'vn pesant sac, & sa croix au [314 i.e., 316] col; iusques à quatre lieües de là. Celuy qui premier la vit fut vn huguenot de Dieppe, appellé Ieã Bachelard, qui en vint porter les nouuelles au susdit Iesuite.
Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river of Smelts9 (as has been said before), was told, that two leagues [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire, according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers: then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her; he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy, and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues away, with her cross 93 hanging around her [314 i.e., 316] neck. The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.
La seconde fut à Pentegoet: le Pere Biard y estant en la compagnie du Sieur de Biencourt, & selon sa coustume visitant les malades du lieu, & recitant sur eux les saincts Euangiles, on luy en monstra vn, duquel on n'attendoit plus vie, malade despuis trois mois. Il estoit pour lors en vn fort accez, ne parlant qu'à grande peine, & suant d'vne suëur froide, presage de la mort. Le Iesuite luy fit baiser par plusieurs fois vne croix, qu'il luy attacha au col, luy annonçant le mieux qu'il pouuoit les bonnes nouuelles du salut acquis en icelle; il y auoit bonne compagnie de Sauuages, qui escoutoyent, & à leur contenance monstroyent [315 i.e., 317] grand contentement en ce qui se disoit: le Pere les laissa ainsi bien affectionnés, & s'en reuint à la barque. Or ce que Dieu fit en son absence apparoit, de ce que nous vismes vn iour apres. Car le Sieur de Biencourt faisant la trocque en sa barque, ce Sauuage y vint auec les autres, sain, & gaillard portant sa croix en parade, & fit recognoissance au Pere Biard deuant tous auec grande ioye.
The second was at Pentegoet; Father Biard being there in company with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck, announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thus kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross, and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to Father Biard before them all.
La tierce est bien signalée, & partant ie la deduiray au long. Comme nous auons raconté cy-deuant le Sieur de la Mote, Simon l'interprete, & le Pere Biard estoyent allés visiter le lieu de S. Sauueur, pour recognoistre s'il seroit bon pour leur demeure. Or reuenants de ceste visite, & retournants aux Cabannes des Sauuages, ils ouyrent de bien loin, deux ou trois 94fois vn grand, & [316 i.e., 318] lamentable hurlement, & demandans au Sauuage, qui les conduisoit, qu'est-ce que cela pourroit estre: le Sauuage leur respondit: que quelqu'vn estoit mort: & que c'en estoit les plaintes, qui fut cause, que nous ne nous en mismes point en esmoy. Or comme nous estions ja fort à la portée de la voix, voicy que ce mugissement s'entend de nouueau; & de fortune vn ieune garçon Sauuage se rencontrant sur le chemin, la curiosité poussa le P. Biard à luy demander, qui estoit ce mort, que l'on lamentoit? Le garçon respondit, que ce n'estoit pas vn mort, ains vn mourant: & adiouste de soy-mesme: court viste, à laduenture le pourras-tu baptiser auant qu'il meure tout à faict; lors comme si Dieu l'eust dit de sa bouche, nous nous mismes à courir de tout nostre possible. Arriués, nous [317 i.e., 319] trouuasmes tous les Sauuages hors de leurs Cabannes rangés en haye comme des soldarts en vne perte de ville, au milieu se promenoit vn miserable Pere tenant son enfant, qui se mouroit entre ses bras. Or quand l'enfant venoit à ietter des sanglots croyant qu'il vouloit rendre l'Ame, le Pere se prenoit à hurler pitoyablement, & toute la compagnie le suiuoit de mesme ton; car telle est leur coustume. Doncques le P. Biard voyant ce spectacle, s'adressa au desconforté Pere, & luy demanda s'il luy plairoit bien, qu'il baptisast son fils: le bon homme, qui estoit presque hors de soy, ne luy respondit rien de parole; mais en effect il luy mit son enfant entre les bras. Le P. cria que tost lon apportast de l'eau, ce qu'on fit, & remettant l'enfant entre les mains du Sieur de la Mote (qui de grand [318 i.e., 320] zele desiroit d'en estre parrain, le baptisa, l'appellant Nicolas, du nom dudict Sieur. Les Sauuages attendants quelque grand effect, se 96 presserent pour voir ce qu'en aduiendroit. Or le P. Biard apres auoir recité quelques oraisons à ce qu'il pleust a Dieu d'illuminer ces pauures Payens, print le baptisé des mains du Sieur de la Mote, & le donna à sa mere, qui estoit là, qui comme Mere, presenta incontinent le tetin a son fils, lequel teta de bon appetit. Quand les Sauuages virent ainsi cet enfant pendu aux mamelles de sa mere; si la terre eust fondu dessous leurs pieds, ie ne sçay s'ils eussent esté plus estonnés. Ils demeuroyent là fixes, & immobiles, sans sonner mot comme des Engelés. Le Pere leur dit quelques paroles d'edification, puis leur signifia de se retirer en leurs Cabanes. Et sçauez [319 i.e., 321] vous, s'il fut obey? Ces bonnes gens le regardoient lors comme s'il eust esté plus qu'homme, tremblants deuant luy, auec demonstration d'estre grandement touchez de Dieu. Cest enfant estoit encores sain & dispos vn mois apres ceste sienne guerison, peu auant nostre prinse par les Anglois: car sa mere l'apporta à nos tentes, & fut veu de la pluspart de nos gens. Voyla comme Dieu ne laisse point sa loy sans authentique tesmoignage; ny sa bonté sans admirables effects.
The third is very remarkable and therefore I shall tell it at length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three times 95 cries and [316 i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying, and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their custom.10 Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded round to see what would 97 happen. Now Father Biard, after having recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast, and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not? These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man, trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this, its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English; for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable results.
MAINTENANT, que i'ay satisfaict aux deux premieres [320 i.e., 322] parties de ma promesse, sçauoir est, que i'ay faict ma Relation du naturel des terres & des habitans de la nouuelle France: & vous ay raconté les comportemẽs des Iesuites, & les accidents, qui leur y sont suruenus; Reste la tierce, d'exposer en quoy consiste la dispute, qui est ores suruenuë entre les François, & Anglois, touchant ces contrées, & les raisons de l'vn & de l'autre party. Car le curieux Lecteur, à mon aduis, sera bien aise, d'entendre en quoy gist ce poinct cõtentieux: & les raisons qu'on apporte de part & d'autre; mesmes que cela appartient à l'honneur des François, de faire cognoistre à toutes nations à combien iustes tiltres, pertinentes raisons, & syncere conscience, nos Roys se sont faits Maistres, & ont possedé ces terres iusques à ce temps.
NOW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them; there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to these countries, and the arguments for and against both sides. For the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to the present.
[321 i.e., 323] Il faut doncques sçauoir tout premierement, que les Anglois ne nous disputent point toute la nouuelle France; Car ils n'osent nous denier, ce que tout le monde nous accorde; ains seulement ils contestent des confins. Ils nous accordent doncques 100vne nouuelle France, mais limitée par les bords du Golfe, & grande riuiere de sainct Laurens, & nous restreignent dans les 47. 48. & 49. degrés d'eleuatiõ polaire. Du moins ils ne nous permettent pas de descendre plus bas vers le midy, que du quarantesixiesme degré; s'attribuans tout ce qui est dés la Floride, & le 33. degré iusques à Campseau, & les Isles de Cap Breton.
[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but bound 101 it by the shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.
Les fondements de ceste leur pretension sont parce que enuiron l'an 1694. il y a vingt deux ans, estants entrez dans ce grand sein [322 i.e., 324] de la mer Americane, que les Anciens appelloyent de Mocosa, & y ayants trouué vne riuiere, & païs, qui leur agrea: ils commencerent à le vouloir habiter, luy imposants le nom de Virginie: mais ayants esté contrariez par les naturels, & autres accidents leur estoyent arriuez, ils furẽt en fin contraints de le quitter entierement, n'y ayants pas demeuré plus de deux, ou trois ans. Neantmoins despuis le Serenissime Roy Iacques à present regnant, venu à la couronne, ils ont prins resolution de le reconquester, & cultiuer. A quoy ledit Roy fauorisant, a baillé des grands Priuileges à ceux, qui entreprenoyent ceste peuplade, & entre autres a estendu le droict de leur tenuë dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 45. leur donnãt puissance de courir sus à tous estrangers, qu'ils trouueroyẽt dans [323 i.e., 325] ce destroict de terre, & cinquante mille auant dedans la mer. Ces lettres du Roy on esté expediees l'an quatriesme de son règne, & de grace 1607. le 10. d'Auril, il y a sept ans: car ie descry cecy l'an 1614.
The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year 1694 [sic], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning, came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it. The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things, extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607 on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in 1614.11
Voyla ce que i'en ay peu apprendre de toutes les parchartes & enseignements, que nos contendants apportent 102pour se maintenir en droict, & cause; & nous confiner dans le destroict de la vieille Canada, eux se tenants au large, & à franches coudées, nous faisants la part à leur bon plaisir. Voicy ce que nous leur repartissons legalement.
So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within the 103 limits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure. Now this is how we would answer them according to law:
1. En premier lieu, que par vne prouidence admirable de Dieu leurs propres lettres Royaux sur lesquelles ils se fondent, les desdisent de leur pretention: Parce qu'il est dit expressement dans [324 i.e., 326] icelles auec exception specifique: Nous leur donnons toutes les terres iusques au 45. degré, lesquelles ne sont point actuellement possedées par aucun Prince Chrestien. Or est-il, que lors de la datte de ces lettres, le Roy de France actuellement & reellement possedoit pour le moins iusques au 39. degré desdictes terres. Tout le monde le sçait par les voyages de Champlain: car il conste par iceux, que l'an 1607. le sieur de Mõts estoit à port Royal, & par ses gens, & authorité gouuernoit tout iusques au 39. degré, comme Lieutenant de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne.
1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these, [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception: We give them all the lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any Christian Prince. Now it happens that at the time of the date of these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.
2. En apres, si les Anglois veulẽt dire, qu'ils n'ont pas commencé de posseder leur Virginie dés l'an seulement 1607, ains dés l'an 1594. qu'ils la trouuerent (comme nous auons dit:) Nous respondõs, que la riuiere, laquelle ils commencerent [325 i.e., 327] lors à posseder est au 36. degré, & que ceste leur allegation à l'auenture pourroit valoir, s'il n'estoit question, que de retenir ceste dicte riuiere, & sept ou huict lieües de l'vn, & l'autre costé d'icelle: car autant loin se peut porter nostre veuë pour l'ordinaire; mais que subitement vn vaisseau pour entrer dans vn fleuue enjambe par dominatiõ trente fois plus loin, qu'il ne peut estendre sa veuë; c'est vouloir auoir les bras, ou plustost la conuoitise bien monstrueuse, mais posons que cela se puisse faire.
2. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach—this is wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But let us suppose it could be done.
104 Il s'ensuiura donc, que Ribaud & Laudoniere estans allez à la Floride en tres-bel arroy, par authorité du Roy Charles IX. l'an 1564. 1565. & 1566. pour cultiuer le païs; & y ayant edifié la Caroline au 30. degré d'eleuation: ils prindrent possession iusques au 38. & [326 i.e., 328] 39. degré, & par ainsi voila les Anglois hors de leur Virginie, suiuãt leurs propres maximes.
105 It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,12—having gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land, and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north latitude,—took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328] 39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia according to their own maxims.
3. Quoy que, si pour estre en vn lieu, lon possede aussi tost (selon la presupposition des Anglois) huict ou neuf degrez plus auant; Pourquoy est-ce, qu'eux estants au 36. auanceront plustost iusques au 45. que nous (comme ils confessent) estans ja au 46. ne descendrons iusques au 37. Quel droict y ont-ils plus que nous? Voila donc ce que nous respondons aux Anglois.
3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th? What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the English.
4. Mais pour mieux declarer le fonds de nostre iustice; il faut se ressouuenir de ce que nous auons monstré cy-deuant; sçauoir est, que sa majesté tres-Chrestienne a prins possession de ces terres, auant tout autre Prince Chrestiẽ, par droict d'inuention premiere. Car il est asseuré, & confessé de [327 i.e., 329] tous, que les Bretons & Normãds trouuerent premierement le grãd Banq, & les Terres Neusues, rangeants la coste iusques au Cap de Sable, qui est au 43. degré, iusques où le grand Banq s'estend. Ceste inuention fut faicte l'an 1504. il y ja cent & dix ans.
4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have explained above most be recalled; namely, that his most Christian Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along fine coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504, one hundred and ten years ago.
5. D'auantage tous confessent, que par le commandement du grãd Roy François Iean Verazan print possession de cesdictes terres au nom de la France; 106commençant dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 47. Ce fut par deux voyages desquels le dernier fut faict l'an 1523. il y a quatre vingts & dix ans.
5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.
6. Outre plus, Jacques Cartier entra premier dans la grande riuiere par deux voyages, qu'il y fut, & descouurit les terres de Canada. Son dernier voyage fut l'an 1534. Donc c'est merueille [328 i.e., 330] que les Anglois nous accordent les terres de la descouuerture de Jacques Cartier, nous voulants oster le 45. degré: car il est asseuré, que ceste descouuerture est de beaucoup posterieure aux autres cy-deuant dictes des parties plus meridionales. Et la grande riuiere est tellement situee, que la possession de ses terres est presque inutile à qui ne tiẽt du moins iusques au 40. degré. Qu'on regarde la charte.
6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier13 first entered the great river in two voyages that he made, 107 and discovered the lands of Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.
7. Aussi est-ce merueille comme lesdicts Anglois disent nous accorder les Terres Neufues, & cependant ils y sont allez habiter despuis quatre ans, enuiron le 48. ou 49. degré.
7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago, near the 48th or 49th degree.14
8. Or est-ce le commun consentement de toute l'Europe, que de depeindre la nouuelle France, l'estendant au moins iusques au 38. ou 39. degré, ainsi qu'il appert [329 i.e., 331] par les mappemondes, imprimées en Espagne, Italie, Holande, Allemagne, & Angleterre mesme. Ce sont aussi les François, qui en ont faict description, ont imposé les noms, ont appriuoisez les Sauuages, ont trocqué, & tousiours conuersé auec eux dés la premiere inuention iusques à ce temps, & non point autres. Et ce fut au quarante troisiesme degré, que le Marquis de la Roche s'alla loger, dressant sa peuplade l'an 1598. Et despuis l'an 1603. le sieur de Mõts receut en don toutes ces terres dés le 40. degré iusques au 46. de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, lequel aussi declara par lettres 108expresses, que rien de ce qu'on apportoit de là, ou qu'on y emportoit ne deuoit traicte foraine, comme estant ce païs vne partie iuste, & legitime accreüe à ce Royaume, & nullemẽt estrãgere.
8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.15 Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded and always had communication with them from the first discovery up to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the year 1598. And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there, or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no wise a foreign one.
[330 i.e., 332] 9. Et certes, outre les raisons apportées, l'equité naturelle fauorise à cette declaration; parce que ces terres là sont paralleles à nostre France, & non point à l'Angleterre. Elles sont dy-ie tout d'vne tenuë auecques nous: de maniere, qu'ayant esté trouuées vaquãtes par nous au delà de nostre riuage; elles accroissent à nostre heritage, ainsi que la loy des Alluuions en determine. ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.
109 [330 i.e., 332] 9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say, contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of Alluvions determines. ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.16
10. En effect, feu Monsieur le Comte de Soyssons fut pourueu du gouvernement desdites contrées, & en a porté le tiltre de son viuant; & auiourd'huy Monsieur le Prince met ceste là au rang de ses autres prerogatiues, & principaux honneurs.
10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the government of the said countries,17 and bore the title to it in his lifetime; and to-day the Prince places this in the rank of his other prerogatives and principal honors.18
ICY deuant que finir, ie suis contrainct de cotter aucunes raisons qui m'esmeuuent l'ame, quand ie considere comme nous delaissons ceste pauure nouuelle Frãnce en frische, & quant au temporel, & quant au spirituel, en barbarie, & paganisme. Ie sçay prou, que ie profite biẽ plus de les alleguer aux oreilles de nostre Seigneur par feruente priere; que de les marquer aux yeux des hommes par escriture morte. Neantmoins tant plus ardamment ie m'escrie deuãt Dieu en les pesant, tant plus ie me sens [332 i.e., 334] pressé à les specifier aux hommes, les escriuant.
HERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters. Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them, so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify them to men in writing.
Et premierement, si lon considere le temporel, c'est vne autre France en influence, & condition du ciel, & des elements: en estenduë de pays dix ou douze fois plus grande, si nous voulons: en qualité, aussi bonne, si elle est cultiuée, du moins, il n'y a point d'apparence qu'elle doiue estre pire; en situation; à l'autre bord de nostre riuage, pour nous donner la science, & la seigneurie de la mer, & nauigage; ie dy mille biens, & vtilitez. En vn mot, quãd ie dy vne autre France, & vne autre Espagne à cultiuer.
And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain to be cultivated.
2. En apres, les tentatiues, que nous auons ja faict 112tant de fois dés cent, & dix ans, nous obligent à constance; si nous ne voulons auec la mocquerie des estrangers perdre encores le fruict de [333 i.e., 335] tant de temps consumé, & des pertes de tant & d'hommes, & de biens, qu'il a conuenu faire pour acquerir la cognoissance de ces terres, Costes, Golfes, & diuers endroits, laquelle (Dieu mercy) nous auons acquis auec la bienvueillance, & familiarité du peuple. Peuple debonnaire, qui nous tend les mains auec vn desir incroyable, & vne douleur bien grande de nous y voir mastinés; non pour autre raison, sinon que les entreprinses, qui ont esté faictes iusques à maintenant, ayant esté quasi soustenuës par des particuliers; il n'est pas de merueille s'ils ont succombé au faix, & aux frais, qu'vne telle œuure requiert.
2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for a hundred and ten years, oblige us 113 to continue, unless we wish, to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e., 335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places, which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and intimacy of the people,—a gentle people, who extend to us their hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see us defeated,—for no other reason than that the enterprises which have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely sustained by private individuals, have sunk—and it is not to be wondered at—under the burden and the expenses, which such a work requires.
3. Que si nous nous lassons, ou languissons, nous auons deuant les yeux prou d'autres, qui nous ont monstré d'auoir courage. Et certes en cas que nous n'y faisions [334 i.e., 336] nostre deuoir, il n'y a point de raison d'empescher autruy. Considerons donc si cela nous est fort aduantageux de perdre le profit, que rapportent de ces contrées to[9] les ans plus de cinq cẽs de nos nauires, qui y vont, soit à la pesche des baleines, soit à celle des moluës & autres poissons, soit à la traicte, de la pelleterie des Castors, Elans, Martres, Loups marins, Loutres, &c. Car il ne faut pas attendre d'y auoir part, si d'autres saisissent le domaine, ainsi qu'a bien declaré ces annees la dispute arriuée à Spitsbergen, & autrepart.
3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk, Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.19 For we must not expect to have any share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at Spitsbergen and elsewhere.
4. Voila pour le temporel: mais pour le spirituel, auquel l'indicible, grace de Dieu nous surhausse iusques au surnom & gloire de tres-Chrestiens. Calculons & supputons les benefices qui nous accompaignent & obligent [335 i.e., 337] incessamment en 114suite de ce premier la vocation à l'Eglise Saincte & cognoissance de nostre Sauueur Iesus-Christ; & lors nous pourrons sommer combien grande seroit l'ingratitude, & combiẽ horrible chastiment elle porteroit encroupe, si nous ne taschions de faire priser ceste grace, la communiquant à nos proches à la proportion de nos moyens, & redeuances. Tel chastiment a esté sagement remarqué par le venerable Bede. Car quelque peu auant son aage, les Escossois furent illustrés de diuine lumiere, à ce qu'ils se recogneussent estre tombés en heresie par illusion, & mesgarde; là où les Bretons, ou ceux de la Prouince de Galles, furent precipités en l'abysme, & tenebres des faux-bourgs d'Enfer, les heresies, desquels deux effects si contraires, & si opposés ce grand Sainct, [336 i.e., 338] & cognoissant veritable des œuures de la prouidence, & Iustice Eternelle; en rapporte les causes à deux dispositions diuerses de l'vn, & l'autre peuple. Parce, dit-il, que les Escossois auoyent aumosné aux Anglois auparauant par grande charité, & deuotion ce qu'ils auoyent reçeu de la verité Euangelique; & partant Dieu leur volut faire misericorde à mesure comble, & entassee, leur ouurant les yeux, pour y se voir deceus, & trompés. Là où les Bretons, soit par negligence, soit par autre intemperie d'ame, ne s'estoient guieres souciez de voir lesdicts Anglois perir miserablement en leur infidelité; Et partant meriterent cõme seruiteurs ingrats de perdre le talent de la foy Catholique, lequel ils n'auoyent daigné mettre à profit, & d'autruy, & d'eux mesmes. O que [337 i.e., 339] de choses nous aurions à penser, & dire sur ce sujet.
4. So much for the temporal; but as to the spiritual, in which the inexpressible grace of God raises us to the surname and glory of "most Christian," let us calculate and sum up the benefits which accompany 115 and favor us [335 i.e., 337] continually after this first one, which is our calling to the Holy Church and knowledge of our Savior, Jesus Christ; and then we shall be able to estimate how great would be our ingratitude, and how horrible the chastisement it would bring with it, if we do not try to enhance the value of this grace by communicating it to our fellow-men in proportion to our means and opportunities. Such chastisement has been wisely commented upon by the venerable Bede. For, shortly before his age, the Scotch were illuminated by a divine light, so that they saw themselves fallen into heterodoxy by delusions and inadvertence; while the Bretons, or those people of the Province of Wales, were cast into the abyss and shadows of the outskirts of Hell, the heresies; of these two so contrary and opposite effects this great and Saintly Man, [336 i.e., 338] so truly acquainted with the works of providence and Eternal Justice, attributes the causes to the two different dispositions of the two nations. "For," says he, "the Scotch had previously given to the English, through great charity and devotion, what they had received of Evangelical truth; and therefore God wished to show them mercy in a full and overflowing measure, opening their eyes that they might see themselves deceived and mistaken. While the Bretons, either through negligence or other lack of spiritual moderation, were quite indifferent when they saw the English perishing miserably in their infidelity; therefore they deserved, as ungrateful servants, to lose the talent of the Catholic faith, which they had not deigned to profit by, either for others or for themselves." Oh, what [337 i.e., 339] food there is for reflection and discourse upon this subject!
Mais soit assez d'auoir au deuant de nos yeux que ces pauures peuples, ces images de nostre Dieu comme 116 nous, & capables de sa iouyssance, ces consorts de nostre espece, & presque de mesme qualité auec nous, sont sur le bord de l'horrible gouffre des feux infernaux, voire plusieurs centaines d'iceux precipitez chaque iour dans les peines eternelles, & abysmes de damnation, sans espoir de deliurance. O Dieu! nous nous estonnons de ces iugements espouuentables; comme il y a bien dequoy s'estonner; mais nous n'auons pas le sens pour apperceuoir, ny l'entendemẽt pour recognoistre, que le sang de ceste si cruelle exequution est dessus nos mains, qui ne nous euertuons pas de l'empescher: dessus nos [338 i.e., 340] pieds, qui ne nous remuons point pour y remedier; dessus nos maisons, qui les bastissons tant superbement, sans nous soucier de l'eternelle demeure de nos freres; dessus nos bourses, nos possessiõs, nos moyens, & nostre cœur qui sommes si peu esmeus de tels spectacles & contribuons si peu, là où le Fils de Dieu, nostre Sauueur, n'a point espargné sa vie. Plaise luy nous faire misericorde, & receuoir de nous, & de toute creature loüange, & benediction, à tous les siecles des siecles. Ainsi soit-il.
FIN.
117 But let it be enough to keep before our eyes the vision of these poor natives, these images of our God as we are, and as capable of enjoying him, these companions of our own species, and almost of the same quality as we, who are upon the edge of the horrible gulf of the fires of hell, many of them even precipitated every day into eternal torments, and profound depths of everlasting punishment, without hope of deliverance. O God! we are amazed at these frightful judgments, as there is much in them to cause our amazement; but we have not the sense to perceive, nor the understanding to appreciate, that the blood of this so cruel execution is upon our hands, who do not exert ourselves to prevent it; upon our [338 i.e., 340] feet, which do not move to remedy it; upon our houses, which we build so magnificently without caring for the eternal dwellings of our brothers; upon our purses, our possessions, our wealth, and our hearts, which are so little moved by such spectacles and contribute so little to that for which the Son of God, our Savior, did not spare even his life. May it please him to grant us mercy, and to receive from us and from all his creatures, praises and blessings forever and ever. Amen.
END.
| ABSENCE du P. Biard occasiõne les François de ne s'exposer au danger de se perdre. | p. | 178. |
| Acadie, pays des Souriquois, proche de Canada. | p. | 4. |
| Açores, Isles de la couronne d'Espaigne. | p. | 281. |
| Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes Capitaines Canadois offrent aux François prins par l'Anglois, de les retirer & entretenir. | p. | 35. |
| Alain Yeon Pilote de S. Malo charitable enuers les François de S. Sauueur. | p. | 257. |
| Ambassadeur de France en Angleterre, sollicite la liberté des Iesuites de Canada captifs. | p. | 296. |
| Anglois auancent quatre vingts lieuës sur la nouuelle France. | p. | 228. |
| Anglois desfaict par l'Armouchiquois, & pourquoy. | p. | 179. |
| Anglois habitués en la Virginie à deux cens cinquante lieuës des François de S. Sauueur. | p. | 227. |
| Anglois conduicts à S. Sauueur par mesgarde des Canadins, qui les croyoyent estre François. | p. | 229. |
| Anglois enuabissent le nauire des François de S. Sauueur, pillent l'habitation, captiuent les François. | p. | 235. |
| Anglois desrobe finement aux François leurs lettres Royaux, pour les priuer de iuste defense en leur captiuité. | p. | 238. |
| Anglois pouuant ietter en mer les Iesuites captifs, pour ne se perdre à leur occasion, se contente de les cacher. | p. | 286. |
| 120 Anglois contraints d'aborder aux Açores, sont garentis par la charité des Iesuites leurs prisonniers. | p. | 289. |
| Anglois recognoissans du bon office receu des Iesuites. | p. | 290. |
| Anglois tenant captifs les Iesuites, soupçonné d'estre pirate par les siens mesmes. | pag. | 29. |
| Anglois soupçonné d'estre pirate, se iustifie par le tesmoignage des Iesuites ses prisonniers. | p. | 293. |
| Anglois apprehendent d'aborder aux terres de l'Espagnol, auec des Iesuites captifs. | p. | 285. |
| Anglois n'ont que pretendre en la nouuelle France. | p. | 320. |
| Anguilles se peschent en my-Septembre. | p. | 47. |
| Arbres fruictiers fort rares en Canada. | p. | 31. |
| Arbres forestiers de Canada. | p. | 32. |
| Arcs & pauois sur la tombe des hommes. | p. | 92. |
| Ardoise en Canada. | p. | 32. |
| Argal Capitaine Anglois se saisit secrettement des commissions des François de S. Sauueur. | p. | 238. |
| Argal Capitaine Anglois veut renuoyer en France tous les François dans vne chaloupe, auec euident danger de leur perte. | p. | 251. |
| Argal Capitaine Anglois s'oppose fort au Mareschal de la Virginie, à ce que ses prisonniers les François ne soyent pendus. | p. | 262. |
| Argal Capitaine Anglois equitable. | p. | 270. |
| Armes des Canadois, l'arc & la targue. | p. | 55. |
| Armoiries de Madame de Guerche-ville posées au Cap de la Heue, en signe de possession. | p. | 216. |
| Armouchiquois baillent grand soupçon aux François de les vouloir piller sous pretexte de trocque. | p. | 178. |
| Armouchiquois assés disposés au Christianisme. | p. | 180. |
| Assis. Estre assis, signe de reuerence entre les Canadois. | p. | 91. |
| 122 Association de la Marquise de Guercheville auec le sieur de Potrincourt au faict de Canada. | p. | 188. |
| Asticou Sagamo en la coste d'Acadie. | p. | 222. |
| Aumars, ou Cancres de mer, furent peschés par les François de S. Sauueur en leur grande disette. | p. | 253. |
| Auoir chien & sac, en Canada, est iouyr du droict de proprieté. | p. | 51. |
| Autmoins sont les Prestres des Canadois. | p. | 54. |
| Autmoins, Medecins & Sorciers engeollent les simples Canadois. | p. | 79. |
| Autmoins se font donner force presents pour la cure des malades. | p. | 87. |
| Autmoins inuocans Dieu par le nom du Soleil, en cas de necessité. | p. | 96. |
| ABSENCE of Father Biard causes the French not to expose themselves to danger of ruin. | p. | 178 |
| Acadia, country of the Souriquois, near Canada. | p. | 4 |
| Açores, Islands of the Spanish crown. | p. | 281 |
| Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes, Canadian Captains, offer to the French, captured by the English, to take them away and maintain them. | p. | 35 |
| Alain Yeon, Pilot of St. Malo, charitable towards the French of St. Sauveur. | p. | 257 |
| Ambassador of France in England, solicits the liberation of the captive Jesuits of Canada. | p. | 296 |
| Advancement of the English eighty leagues into new France. | p. | 228 |
| English defeated by the Armouchiquois, and why. | p. | 179 |
| English settled in Virginia, two hundred leagues from the French of St. Sauveur. | p. | 227 |
| English guided to St. Sauveur through a misunderstanding of the Canadians, who supposed them to be French. | p. | 229 |
| English invade the ship of the French of St. Sauveur, plunder the settlement, and capture the French. | p. | 235 |
| English cunningly rob the French of their Royal patents, to prevent their making an honest defense in their captivity. | p. | 238 |
| English, having power to throw the captive Jesuits into the sea, not to ruin themselves on their account, content themselves with hiding them. | p. | 286 |
| 121 English, compelled to land at the Açores, are rendered safe through the charity of the Jesuits, their captives. | p. | 289 |
| English acknowledge this kind service of the Jesuits. | p. | 290 |
| English, holding the Jesuits captive, themselves suspected of being pirates by their own countrymen. | pag. | 29 |
| English, suspected of being pirates, are acquitted on the evidence of the Jesuits, their prisoners. | p. | 293 |
| English are afraid to land upon Spanish territory, with their Jesuit prisoners. | p. | 285 |
| English merely pretenders to new France. | p. | 320 |
| Eel-fishing in the middle of September. | p. | 47 |
| Fruit trees very rare in Canada. | p. | 31 |
| Forest trees of Canada. | p. | 32 |
| Bows and shields upon the men's graves. | p. | 92 |
| Slate in Canada. | p. | 32 |
| Argal, an English Captain, secretly seizes the commissions of the French of St. Sauveur. | p. | 238 |
| Argal, an English Captain, wishes to send all the French to France in a small boat, with evident danger of their being lost. | p. | 251 |
| Argal, an English Captain, strongly opposes the Marshal of Virginia, so that his French prisoners should not be hanged. | p. | 262 |
| Argal, an English Captain, a just man. | p. | 270 |
| Arms of the Canadians, the bow and the shield. | p. | 55 |
| Armorial Bearings of Madame de Guerche-ville placed at Cap de la Heve, as a sign of possession. | p. | 216 |
| Armouchiquois strongly suspected by the French of intending to plunder them, under pretext of trade. | p. | 178 |
| Armouchiquois disposed favorably to Christianity. | p. | 180 |
| Seated. To be seated, a sign of reverence among the Canadians. | p. | 91 |
| 123 Association of the Marquise de Guercheville with sieur de Potrincourt in Canadian affairs. | p. | 188 |
| Asticou, a Sagamore on the coast of Acadia. | p. | 222 |
| Lobsters, or sea Crabs, were caught by the French of St. Sauveur in their great poverty. | p. | 253 |
| To have a dog and a bag, in Canada, is to enjoy the rights of property. | p. | 51 |
| Autmoins are the Priests of the Canadians. | p. | 54 |
| Autmoins, Medicine men and Sorcerers dupe the simple Canadians. | p. | 79 |
| Autmoins require many presents for the cure of the sick. | p. | 87 |
| Autmoins invoke God by the name of the Sun, when they are in need. | p. | 96 |
B.
| Baie de Chinictou en Canada, estendue en belles prairies. | p. | 27. |
| Baie Françoise entre Port Royal, & la riuiere S. Jean. | p. | 165. |
| Baie des mines à vingt & deux lieuës de Port Royal. | p. | 203. |
| Baye de Genes, ainsi appellée par Chãplain. | p. | 204. |
| Baye des mines large de huict lieuës. | p. | 205. |
| Baptesme trop facilement conferé au Mexique, auec notable dommage des baptisés. | p. | 106. |
| Baptesme conferé aux Canadois non instruits au deuoir de Christianisme, & le mal qui en reussit. | p. | 111. |
| Baptesme des personnes aagées, non bien instruites, differé auec grande consideration. | p. | 115. |
| Baptesme desiré des Canadins auãt la mort. | p. | 310. |
| Baptesme guerit vn enfant Canadin malade à la mort. | p. | 318. |
| Baptisés en Canada sans precedente instruction, ne sçauoyent rien du Chrestien, non pas mesmes leur nom de Baptesme. | p. | 109. |
| 124 Basques ont alienés les Excomminquois en Canada de nos François. | p. | 33. |
| Biencourt & Robin en faueur des Caluinistes, consentent que les Iesuites n'entrent dans leur nauire. |
p. | 134. |
| Biencourt par le moyen des Iesuites fait voile en Canada, beaucoup plustost qu'il ne pouuoit autrement. | p. | 138. |
| Biencourt soupçonne que Madame de Guerche-ville le veut despoüiller des droicts de Canada. | p. | 197. |
| Bretons ont descouuert la France nouuelle. | p. | 2. |
| Bretons souuent malades en Canada. | p. | 15. |
| Cabanes d'Hyuer des Canadois, d'un clos rond de perches fermées en poincte par le haut, couuertes de peaux, nattes, ou escorces. | p. | 40.41. |
| Cabanes des Canadois toujours en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux. | p. | 41. |
| Cabanes d'Esté des Canadois, larges & longues, & couuertes de nattes, ou escorces. | p. | 42. |
| Calais. Le Gouuerneur, & Doyen de Calais accueillent, & secourent charitablement les Iesuites de Canada renuoyés d'Angleterre. | p. | 299. |
| Caluinistes ne peuuent trouuer bon que les Iesuites passent en Canada, ouy biẽ tous autres Ecclesiastiques. | p. | 133. |
| Canada n'est qu'vne partie de la France nouuelle, sçauoir est, la coste du long de la grande riuiere Canadas. | p. | 3. 4. |
| Canada, Prouince de la France nouuelle premierement descouuerte par Iaques Cartier l'an 1524. | p. | 4. |
| Canada parallele à la France, en mesme climat, & eleuation de Pole. | p. | 9. |
| Canada plus froide que nostre France, & pourquoy. | p. | 10. |
| Canada sujecte au Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre. | p. | 14. |
| 126 Canada apporte maladie aux oiseux. | p. | 16. |
| Canada germe aussitost au Printemps que nostre France. | p. | 18. |
| Canada és endroits les plus froids rend les bleds meurs en son temps. | p. | 19. |
| Canada n'a point de hautes montagnes. | p. | 20. |
| Canada fort entrecoupée de riuieres, & bras de mer, en est renduë plus froide. | p. | 23. |
| Canada à cause des continuelles forests est moins eschauffée du Soleil, & pource plus froide que les campagnes ouuertes. | p. | 24. |
| Canada pour n'estre labourée est couuerte d'vne dure crouste, quasi impenetrable au Soleil, & partant beaucoup plus froide. | p. | 24. |
| Canada produict la vigne sauuage en beaucoup d'endroits, qui meurit en son temps. | p. | 31. |
| Canada és terres cogneües des François, n'a que dix mille habitans. | p. | 73. |
| Canada, horsmis Port Royal, donné à Madame de Guercheuille. | p. | 190. |
| Canada du Gouuernement du Prince de Soissons. | p. | 330. |
| Canada pourquoy doit estre cultiuée des François. | p. | 331. |
| Canadois fideles au François cõtre l'Anglois. | p. | 34. |
| Canadois charitables enuers les François captifs de l'Anglois. | p. | 35.36. |
| Canadois ont honne memoire des choses sensibles. | p. | 36. |
| Canadois comprennent, & iugent bien les choses sensibles. | p. | 36. |
| Canadoises ceintes dessus, & dessous le ventre. | p. | 37. |
| Canadois quasi tous sans barbe, horsmis les bien robustes. | p. | 37. |
| Canadois ne peuuent retenir la memoire d'vne suitte de paroles. | p. | 27. |
| 128 Canadois mocqueurs des personnes contrefaites. | p. | 37. |
| Canadois n'ont point le corps contrefaict, ny defectueux. | p. | 37. |
| Canadois vestus de peaux conroyées auec le poil, & bigarrées de couleurs. | p. | 39. |
| Canadois paoureux, & grands vanteurs. | p. | 55. |
| Canadois forts, & addroicts à la lutte, & non à autre combat. | p. | 55. |
| Canadois liberaux & recognoissans. | p. | 58. |
| Canadois prattiquët la Polygamie plus pour le proufit, que pour l'incontinence. | p. | 62. |
| Canadois maladifs depuis la hãtise des Frãçois, à cause de leurs excés à manger viandes non accoustumées. | p. | 69. |
| Canadois ne se soucient du lendemain, viuãs du iour à la iournée. | p. | 70. |
| Canadois oincts d'huile de loup marin sentent mal. | p. | 77. |
| Canadois se font Chrestiens, seulement pour marque d'amitié auec les François. | p. | 109. |
| Canadois se plaignent fort qu'on ne les ait aduerty des deuoirs du Christianisme auãt leur baptesme, ausquels ils ne se fussent obligés, s'ils les eussent cogneus. | p. | 111. |
| Canadins baptisés à la poursuitte du sieur de Potrincourt. | p. | 126. |
| Canadois ne peuuẽt exprimer par parole que les choses fort sensibles, & materielles. | p. | 151. |
| Canadins sujects d'Asticou inuitent les Iesuites à prendre logis en leur terre. | p. | 222. |
| Canadins caressent les Anglois, les croyans estre François, & par ignorance les menent à S. Sauueur, où ils pillent & captiuent les François. | p. | 229. |
| 130 Canadin s'attriste fort, ayant recogneu que par mesgarde il auoit mis les François de Sainct Sauueur entre les mains de l'Anglois. | p. | 231. |
| Canadins portent grande compassion aux François captifs de l'Anglois, & leur offrent toute amitié. | p. | 246. |
| Canadins donnent largement de leur proye aux François de S. Sauueur necessiteux. | p. | 253. |
| Canadins bien recogneus peuuent estre cy apres mieux aidés au salut de leur ame. | p. | 306. |
| Canadins ayans grande confiance aux François, peuuent estre mieux aidez par eux, que par autres en leur conuersion. | p. | 307. |
| Canadins grandement fideles aux François. | p. | 308. |
| Canadins ennemis de l'Anglois, & Holandois. | p. | 309. |
| Canadins affectionnez au Baptesme. | p. | 310. |
| Canadine malade à la mort, guerie par le Catechisme, & vne Croix penduë au col. | p. | 313. |
| Canadois ne portent point de hauts de chausses. | p. | 39. |
| Canadois portent greues, & souliers de peaux d'eslan. | p. | 39. |
| Canadois plantẽt nouuelles cabanes à chaque changement de lieu, & de residence. | p. | 40. |
| Canadois se cabanent en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux. | p. | 41. |
| Canadois se couchent à l'entour du foyer, sur des peaux de loups marins, la teste sur vn sac. | p. | 41. |
| Canadois à chacune des treize lunes annuelles ont nouuelle chasse, ou pesche. | p. | 42. |
| Canadois ne viuent que de chasse, & de pesche. | p. | 42. |
| Canadois meurent de faim quand la chasse, & pesche ne reüssit. | p. | 43. |
| Canadois sont fort incõmodés de pluye, & de nege, quand elle ne gele pas. | p. | 44. |
| 132 Canadois portent des raquettes au pied sur la nege molle, pour chasser. | p. | 44. |
| Canadois riches en gibier d'eau, non de terre. | p. | 46. |
| Canadois en my-Septembre de la mer vont à la pesche des riuieres. | p. | 47. |
| Canadois ne possedent rien en proprieté auant leur mariage. | p. | 51. |
| Canadois ont des quereles sur le refus des droicts les vns enuers les autres. | p. | 52. |
| Canadin guery par la Croix, & Catechisme. | p. | 315. |
| Canadins hurlent horriblement aupres de leurs malades mourans. | p. | 317. |
| Campseau coste de mer loin de six vingts lieuës de Port Royal. | p. | 139. |
| Cap de la Heue en la coste de l'Acadie. | pag. | 216. |
| Cap de sable. | p. | 255. |
| Cap Breton. | p. | 263. |
| Cap Forchu. | p. | 255. |
| Caribous, moitié asne, moitié cerf, bons à manger. | p. | 43. |
| Castors & Eslans ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre. | p. | 47. |
| Castors se prennent en Feuier & Mars, pour la premiere chasse. | p. | 43. |
| Catechisme exactement practiqué est tres-necessaire aux Canadins à cause de leur façon de viure vagabonde. | p. | 102.103.104. |
| Catechisme & Croix penduë au col d'vne Canadine la guerit de maladie mortelle. | p. | 313. |
| Catechisme guerit vn Canadin malade. | p. | 215. |
| Cauots, esquifs des Canadois, faicts, d'escorce de bouleau, fort legers, capables de toute vne famille, & vtensiles necessaires. | p. | 48. |
| Cauot fort commode pour la pesche, & voiture. | p. | 48. |
| Cauot faict quarante lieuës en vn iour. | pag. | 49. |
| Champlain fonde l'habitation de Kebec. | p. | 121. |
| 134 Champlain descouure la coste de la riuiere S. Laurens. | p. | 121. |
| Champlain Lieutenant du sieur de Monts. | p. | 121. |
| Champlain allant à Kebec passe à trauers des glaçons de mer enormément gros & affreux. | p. | 139. |
| Charbon de terre en Canada. | p. | 32. |
| Chair boucanée, ou sechée à la fumée, mise en reserue. | p. | 70. |
| Charmes, Chesnes, Hestres, & Peupliers en Canada. | p. | 32. |
| Chasse & pesche sont tout le reuenu des Canadois. | p. | 42. |
| Chasse premiere des Castors en Feurier, & Mars. | p. | 43. |
| Chasse seconde des Castors, & Eslans en Octobre & Nouembre. | p. | 47. |
| Cheuille plantée en terre par l'Autmoin faignant de chasser le Diable. | p. | 82.83.84. |
| Chiens du malade mangés en Tabagie. | pag. | 89. |
| Chinictou est vne Baye en Canada fort belle en prairies. | p. | 27. |
| Chinictou pays de Canada fertile & aggreable. | p. | 204. |
| Chiquebi racine à guise de truffes, dont les Iesuites viuoyent en temps de famine. | p. | 213. |
| Chirurgien Anglois Catholique, charitable enuers les François de S. Sauueur blessez. | p. | 241. |
| Coquilles, & poissons de toute sorte foisonnent en la mer de Canada durant cinq mois. | p. | 45. |
| Coste de la riuiere Sainct Iean en Canada, abondante en vigne sauuage, & noyers. | p. | 31. |
| Coste de S. Sauueur fort aggreable. | p. | 225. |
| Croix penduë au col d'vn Canadin le guerit d'vne longue maladie. | p. | 315. |
| Croix plantée au Cap de la Heue. | p. | 216. |
| Croix plantée au Port S. Sauueur. | p. | 226. |
| Coudriers sont frequents en Canada. | p. | 31. |
| Counibas pays inhabitable à cause du froid. | p. | 21. |
B.
| Bay of Chinictou in Canada, surrounded by beautiful meadows. | p. | 27 |
| French Bay, between Port Royal and the river St. John. | p. | 165 |
| Bay of mines, twenty-two leagues from Port Royal. | p. | 203 |
| Baye de Genes, thus called by Champlain. | p. | 204 |
| Bay of mines eight leagues wide. | p. | 205 |
| Baptism too easily administered in Mexico, with notable detriment to those baptised. | p. | 106 |
| Baptism administered to the Canadians not yet instructed in the duties of Christianity, and the evils which result therefrom. | p. | 111 |
| Baptism of aged persons, not well instructed, deferred with great consideration. | p. | 115 |
| Baptism desired by Canadians before dying. | p. | 310 |
| Baptism cures a Canadian child sick unto death. | p. | 318 |
| Those baptised in Canada without previous instruction, know nothing of Christianity, not even their Baptismal names. | p. | 109 |
| 125 Basques have alienated the Excomminquois in Canada from our French. | p. | 33 |
| Biencourt and Robin, out of regard for the Calvinists, agree that the Jesuits must not enter their ship. | p. | 134 |
| Biencourt by means of the Jesuits sails for Canada, much sooner than he could have done without them. | p. | 138 |
| Biencourt suspects that Madame de Guerche-ville wishes to rob him of his rights in Canada. | p. | 197 |
| Bretons discovered new France. | p. | 2 |
| Bretons often sick in Canada. | p. | 15 |
| Winter Cabins of the Canadians; a circle of poles closed at the top and covered with skins, mats, or pieces of bark. | p. | 40,41 |
| Cabins of the Canadians always in a beautiful location, and near good water. | p. | 41 |
| Summer Cabins of the Canadians long and wide, and covered with mats or bark. | p. | 42 |
| Calais. The Governor and Dean of Calais welcome and kindly assist the Jesuits of Canada sent back from England. | p. | 299 |
| Calvinists are not satisfied to have the Jesuits go to Canada, but are willing to take all other Ecclesiastics. | p. | 133 |
| Canada is only a part of new France, namely, the land along the great river Canadas. | p. | 3, 4 |
| Canada, a Province of new France, first discovered by Jaques Cartier, in the year 1524. | p. | 4 |
| Canada parallel to France, in the same climate and Polar elevation. | p. | 9 |
| Canada colder than our France, and why. | p. | 10 |
| Canada subject to Scurvy or land disease. | p. | 14 |
| 127 Canada brings sickness to those who are idle. | p. | 16 |
| Canada shows vegetation as early in Spring as our France. | p. | 18 |
| Canada in the coldest places yields the wheat crop in its season. | p. | 19 |
| Canada has no high mountains. | p. | 20 |
| Canada, very much intersected by rivers and arms of the sea, is thereby rendered colder. | p. | 23 |
| Canada, on account of the continuous forests, is less heated by the Sun, and therefore colder than the open countries. | p. | 24 |
| Canada, not being cultivated, is covered with a hard crust, almost impenetrable to the Sun, and therefore much colder. | p. | 24 |
| Canada produces the wild grape in many places, which ripens in its season. | p. | 31 |
| Canada, in the lands known to the French, has only ten thousand inhabitants. | p. | 73 |
| Canada, with the exception of Port Royal, given to Madame de Guercheville. | p. | 190 |
| Canada under Authority of the Prince de Soissons. | p. | 330 |
| Canada, why the French should cultivate it. | p. | 331 |
| Canadians faithful to French against English. | p. | 34 |
| Canadians kind to French made prisoners by English. | p. | 35,36 |
| Canadians have a good memory for visible and material things. | p. | 36 |
| Canadians comprehend and estimate well the things known through the senses. | p. | 36 |
| Canadian women wear belts above and below the stomach. | p. | 37 |
| Canadians nearly all beardless, except the more robust. | p. | 37 |
| Canadians have no memory for a consecutive arrangement of words. | p. | 27 |
| 129 Canadians scoffers at ill-shapen people. | p. | 37 |
| Canadians' bodies are not ill-shapen or defective. | p. | 37 |
| Canadians dressed in skins which have been curried and decorated in various colors. | p. | 39 |
| Canadians cowardly and great boasters. | p. | 55 |
| Canadians strong and skillful in wrestling, and not in any other kind of combat. | p. | 55 |
| Canadians generous and grateful. | p. | 58 |
| Canadians practice Polygamy more for profit than for incontinence. | p. | 62 |
| Canadians sickly since their intercourse with the French, on account of their excesses in eating food to which they are not accustomed. | p. | 69 |
| Canadians not anxious about to-morrow, only living from day to day. | p. | 70 |
| Canadians, when they rub themselves with seal oil, have a bad smell. | p. | 77 |
| Canadians embrace Christianity only as a sign of friendship with the French. | p. | 109 |
| Canadians complain greatly that they were not advised of the duties of Christianity before their baptism, to which they would not have bound themselves if they had known them. | p. | 111 |
| Canadians baptized through the instrumentality of sieur de Potrincourt. | p. | 126 |
| Canadians can express in words only the more visible and material things. | p. | 151 |
| Canadian subjects of Asticou invite the Jesuits to locate in their territory. | p. | 222 |
| Canadians embrace the English, believing them to be French, and through ignorance guide them to St. Sauveur, where they plunder and capture the French. | p. | 229 |
| 131 Canadians very sorrowful when they recognized that through inadvertence they had delivered the French of Saint Sauveur into the hands of the English. | p. | 231 |
| Canadians show great sympathy for the French taken prisoners by the English, and offer them many favors. | p. | 246 |
| Canadians give generously of their game to the needy French of St. Sauveur. | p. | 253 |
| Canadians, well understood, can afterwards be better assisted in the salvation of their souls. | p. | 306 |
| Canadians, having great confidence in the French, can be better aided by them, than by others, in their conversion. | p. | 307 |
| Canadians very faithful to the French. | p. | 308 |
| Canadians enemies of the English and Dutch. | p. | 309 |
| Canadians fond of Baptism. | p. | 310 |
| Canadian woman sick unto death, cured by the Catechism and a Cross hung around her neck. | p. | 313 |
| Canadians do not wear trousers. | p. | 39 |
| Canadians wear leggings and shoes of elk skin. | p. | 39 |
| Canadians erect new houses at every change of place and residence. | p. | 40 |
| Canadians camp in pleasant localities and near good water. | p. | 41 |
| Canadians lie around the fire, upon seal skins, their heads upon bags. | p. | 41 |
| Canadians have new game or fish for every one of their thirteen moons. | p. | 42 |
| Canadians live only upon game and fish. | p. | 42 |
| Canadians die of starvation when hunting and fishing are not successful. | p. | 43 |
| Canadians are very greatly inconvenienced by the rain and snow when it does not freeze. | p. | 44 |
| 133 Canadians wear snowshoes upon the feet when the snow is soft, for hunting. | p. | 44 |
| Canadians rich in marine, not in forest game. | p. | 46 |
| Canadians, in the middle of September, come from the sea to fish in the rivers. | p. | 47 |
| Canadians possess no property before marriage. | p. | 51 |
| Canadians quarrel when some refuse dues to others. | p. | 52 |
| Canadian cured by the Cross and Catechism. | p. | 315 |
| Canadians howl terribly around their dying friends. | p. | 317 |
| Campseau seacoast distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Port Royal. | p. | 139 |
| Cap de la Heve on the coast of Acadia. | pag. | 216 |
| Cape sable. | p. | 255 |
| Cape Breton. | p. | 263 |
| Cape Forchu. | p. | 255 |
| Caribou, half ass, half deer, good to eat. | p. | 43 |
| Chase, the second time for the Beaver and Elk in October and November. | p. | 47 |
| Capture of the beaver in the first hunt, in February and March. | p. | 43 |
| Catechism exactly attended to is very necessary to the Canadians, on account of their wandering mode of life. | p. | 102,103,104 |
| Catechism and Cross, hung from the neck of a Canadian woman, cure her of a mortal illness. | p. | 313 |
| Catechism cures a sick Canadian. | pag. | 215 |
| Canoes, the skiffs of the Canadians, made of birch-bark, very light, capable of holding an entire family and their necessary utensils. | p. | 48 |
| Canoe very convenient for fishing and conveyance. | p. | 48 |
| Canoe makes forty leagues in one day. | pag. | 49 |
| Champlain establishes the settlement of Kebec. | p. | 121 |
| 135 Champlain explores the shores of the river St. Lawrence. | p. | 121 |
| Champlain, Lieutenant of sieur de Monts. | p. | 121 |
| Champlain, going to Kebec, passes through enormous and frightful masses of ice. | p. | 139 |
| Coal in Canada. | p. | 32 |
| Smoked meat, or meat dried in smoke, stored away. | p. | 70 |
| Elm, Oak, Beech, and Poplar in Canada. | p. | 32 |
| Hunting and fishing are the only resources of the Canadians. | p. | 42 |
| First hunt for Beavers in February and March. | p. | 43 |
| Second hunt for Beavers and Elk in October and November. | p. | 47 |
| Stick planted in the ground by the Autmoin, feigning to chase away the Devil. | p. | 82,83,84 |
| Dogs of the sick man eaten in the Tabagie. | pag. | 89 |
| Chinictou is a Bay in Canada surrounded by beautiful meadows. | p. | 27 |
| Chinictou a country of Canada fertile and pleasant. | p. | 204 |
| Chiquebi, a root something like truffles, upon which the Jesuits lived in time of famine. | p. | 213 |
| English Surgeon, a Catholic, charitable towards the wounded French of St. Sauveur. | p. | 241 |
| Shellfish, and fish of all kinds, swarm in the Canadian sea during five months. | p. | 45 |
| Banks of the river Saint John in Canada abounding in wild grapes and nuts. | p. | 31 |
| Coast of St. Sauveur very agreeable. | p. | 225 |
| Cross hung from the neck of a Canadian cures him of a long illness. | p. | 315 |
| Cross planted at Cap de la Heve. | p. | 216 |
| Cross planted at the Port of St. Sauveur. | p. | 226 |
| Hazel trees very abundant in Canada. | p. | 31 |
| Counibas country uninhabitable on account of the cold. | p. | 21 |
136 D
| Defunct enseuely auec son sac, ses peaux, fleches, & autres meubles siens, & presents de ses amis. | p. | 92. |
| Diable familier à Membertou encore Payen. | p. | 95. |
| Diable trauaillant les Canadois auant la venuë des François. | p. | 95. |
| Dieu entre les Canadois est nommé du nom du Soleil. | p. | 96. |
| Dix mille personnes seulement en toutes les terres de Canada. | p. | 73. |
| Droict de proprieté en Canada se practique par la possession du chien, & du sac. | p. | 51. |
| Dueil à la mort des parens & amis, est de se broüiller la face de noir. | p. | 90. |
| Du Pont le ieune reconcilié au sieur de Potrincourt à la requeste du P. Biard. | pag. | 147. |
| Du Pont le ieune reconcilié au sieur de Potrincourt se confesse, & faict ses Pasques au bord de la mer, auec grande edification des assistans. | p. | 148. |
| Du Pont perd son nauire, & le recouure à la requeste du P. Biard. | p. | 148. |
| Du Pont le ieune employé pour traduire le Catechisme en langue Canadine. | p. | 175. |
| Du Pont le ieune retire en son nauire vne partie des François de S. Sauueur. | p. | 256. |
D 137
| Dead men buried with their bags, skins, arrows, and other possessions, and presents from their friends. | p. | 92 |
| Devil familiar to Membertou while yet a Pagan. | p. | 95 |
| Devil tormenting the Canadians before the coming of the French. | p. | 95 |
| God, among the Canadians, is known by the same name as the Sun. | p. | 96 |
| Ten thousand people only in all the lands of Canada. | p. | 73 |
| Right of property in Canada evidenced by the possession of the dog and of the bag. | p. | 51 |
| Dead kindred or friends mourned by smearing the face with black. | p. | 90 |
| Du Pont the younger reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt at the request of Father Biard. | pag. | 147 |
| Du Pont the younger, reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt, confesses, and receives the Easter Sacrament on the seashore, to the great edification of those present. | p. | 148 |
| Du Pont loses his ship and recovers it at the request of Father Biard. | p. | 148 |
| Du Pont the younger employed to translate the Catechism into the Canadian language. | p. | 175 |
| Du Pont the younger takes into his ship part of the French of St. Sauveur. | p. | 256 |
E
| Enfans en grand nombre sont la force des Sagamos Canadois. | p. | 62. |
| Enfant Canadin malade à la mort guery par le Baptesme. | p. | 318. |
| Eplan de Canada se prend en Mars. | p. | 45. |
| Eplan, petit poisson comme Sardine. | p. | 213. |
| 138 Eslans, & Castors ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre, & Nouembre. | p. | 47. |
| Eslans se prennent pour la seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre. | p. | 47. |
| Espoux Canadois donne à son beau-pere, & ne reçoit rien de luy. | p. | 61. |
| Estuues frictions, sueurs vsitées en Canada pour la santé. |
p. | 77. |
| Estourgeon se pesche en Auril. | p. | 45. |
| Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois alliez aux François en Canada. | p. | 34. |
| Excomminquois ennemis des François en Canada, à l'occasion des Basques. | p. | 33. |
E
| Large families the strength of Canadian Sagamores. | p. | 62 |
| Canadian child sick unto death cured by Baptism. | p. | 318 |
| Canadian smelts taken in March. | p. | 45 |
| Smelt, a little fish like a Sardine. | p. | 213 |
| 139 Second chase for Elk and Beaver in October and November. | p. | 47 |
| Elk are captured in the second chase in October and November. | p. | 47 |
| Canadian husband gives to his father-in-law, instead of receiving from him. | p. | 61 |
| Rubbing and vapor-baths used in Canada for the health. | p. | 77 |
| Sturgeon are caught in April. | p. | 45 |
| Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois, allies of the French in Canada. | p. | 34 |
| Excomminquois, enemies of the French in Canada, on account of the Basques. | p. | 33 |
F
| Fæal l'vne des Isles des Açores. | p. | 287. |
| Femmes Canadoises portent le fais du mesnage, & sont de pire condition, que chambrieres. | p. | 62. |
| Femmes Canadoises pudiques. | p. | 66. |
| Femmes Canadoises durement traictées de leurs maris. | p. | 65. |
| Femmes Canadoises peu fecondes à cause de leurs trauaux continuels. | p. | 72. |
| Fleurs de lis rasées en Canada par l'Anglois. | p. | 271. |
| Foin de Canada haut de la longueur d'vn homme. | p. | 26. |
| François de S. Sauueur accusés d'estre bannis & pirates, pour ne pouuoir produire leur commission surprinse par l'Anglois. | p. | 239. |
| France nouuelle est propre des François priuatiuement aux Anglois. | p. | 320. |
| François ont enseigné l'vsage du poison, & autres mal-heurs aux Canadois. | p. | 68. |
| François doiuent entreprendre la culture de Canada. | p. | 331. |
| 140 François en danger de se perdre parmy les Armouchiquois, par vn soupçon fondé en apparence. | p. | 178. |
| François pretendent iustement desboutter l'Anglois de la nouuelle France. | p. | 320. |
| France nouuelle est vne forest perpetuelle. | p. | 4. |
| France nouuelle, partie Occidentale de l'Amerique. | p. | 1. |
| France nouuelle descouuerte l'an 1504. par les Bretons. | p. | 2. |
| François Bretons ont les premiers descouuert la nouuelle France. | p. | 2. |
| France nouuelle pourquoy doit estre cultiuée par les François. | p. | 331. |
F
| Fæal, one of the Islands of the Açores. | p. | 287 |
| Canadian women bear the burdens of the household, and are in a worse condition than chambermaids. | p. | 62 |
| Canadian women modest. | p. | 66 |
| Canadian women badly treated by their husbands. | p. | 65 |
| Canadian women not fruitful on account of their continual hardships. | p. | 72 |
| Fleurs-de-lis erased in Canada by the English. | p. | 271 |
| Hay in Canada as high as a man. | p. | 26 |
| French of St. Sauveur accused of being outlaws and pirates, because they could not produce their commission, which had been seized by the English. | p. | 239 |
| New France is owned by the French exclusive of the English. | p. | 320 |
| French have taught the use of poison and other evils to the Canadians. | p. | 68 |
| French ought to undertake the cultivation of Canada. | p. | 331 |
| 141 French in danger of ruin among the Armouchiquois, on account of a suspicion based upon appearances. | p. | 178 |
| French justly assume to overrule the claims of the English in new France. | p. | 320 |
| New France is an interminable forest. | p. | 4 |
| New France, Western part of America. | p. | 1 |
| New France discovered in the year 1504, by the Bretons. | p. | 2 |
| French Bretons the first discoverers of new France. | p. | 2 |
| New France, why it ought to be cultivated by the French. | p. | 331 |
G
| Glaçons etrangement gros, charriez cent lieux dans la mer par les riuieres. | p. | 139. |
| Garçons, ou non encores mariez n'acquierent rien à eux-mesmes, ains à leur Sagamo. | p. | 51. |
| Gilbert du Thet Iesuite tué par les Anglois à S. Sauueur. | p. | 241. |
| Greues, & souliers des Canadois. | p. | 39. |
| Guerres des Canadois se prattiquent par surprises. | p. | 55. |
G
| Masses of ice, wonderfully large, drifted a hundred leagues into the sea through the rivers. | p. | 139 |
| Boys, or those not yet married, can acquire nothing for themselves, but for their Sagamore. | p. | 51 |
| Gilbert du Thet, Jesuit, killed by the English at St. Sauveur. | p. | 241 |
| Leggings and shoes of the Canadians. | p. | 39 |
| Wars of the Canadians are carried on by strategy. | p. | 55 |
H
| Habitans des terres de Canada dix mille en tout. | p. | 73. |
| Habitans de S. Malo fort charitables enuers les François reuenans de Canada. | p. | 258. |
| Habits de peaux veluës des Canadois. | p. | 39. |
| Harenc se pesche en Auril. | p. | 45. |
| Hauts de chausses ne sont en vsage en Canada. | p. | 29. |
| Henry IIII. se fasche que le sieur de Potrincourt ne se haste pour Canada. | p. | 125. |
| 142 Henry IIII. Roy de France, destine les Iesuites en Canada. | p. | 123. |
| Henry Membertou malade meurt à Port Royal, fort Chrestiennement. | p. | 162. |
| Herbes potageres fort grandes, & bonnes en Canada. | p. | 27. |
| Huguenot de Dieppe remarque vne guerison merueilleuse d'vne Canadine. | p. | 314. |
| Huile de graisse de loup marin, sausse annuelle des Canadois. | p. | 43. |
H
| Inhabitants of the lands of Canada, ten thousand in all. | p. | 73 |
| Inhabitants of St. Malo very charitable towards the French returning from Canada. | p. | 258 |
| Clothes of the Canadians made of hairy skins. | p. | 39 |
| Herring fishing in April. | p. | 45 |
| Trousers are not used in Canada. | p. | 29 |
| Henry IIII. is angry because sieur de Potrincourt does not hasten to Canada. | p. | 125 |
| 143 Henry IIII., King of France, appoints the Jesuits to Canada. | p. | 123 |
| Henry Membertou, being sick, dies at Port Royal in a very Christian Manner. | p. | 162 |
| Pot herbs very large and good in Canada. | p. | 27 |
| Huguenot of Dieppe notices the marvelous cure of a Canadian Woman. | p. | 314 |
| Seal oil the Canadian sauce the year round. | p. | 43 |
I
| Iaques Cartier descouure Canada en la France nouuelle l'an 1524. & 1534. | p. | 4. |
| Iean Denys de Honfleur, va en la France nouuelle l'an 1506. | p. | 3. |
| Iean Verazan prend possession de la France nouuelle au nom de François I. Roy de France. | p. | 3. |
| Iesuites captifs en Angleterre visitez honorablement par les habitans du lieu. | p. | 296. |
| Iesuites exhortent les Canadois baptisez auant leur venuë en Canada, de reietter la Polygamie, & ce qu'on leur respond. | p. | 111. |
| Iesuites ne veulent baptiser les adultes qu'apres auoir esté deuëment instruicts, dont ils sont calomniez à tord. | p. | 110.111.112. |
| Iesuites taschent à tourner en Canadois les principes de la Foy, mais les mots ne se trouuent suffisans pour ce faire. | p. | 112. |
| Iesuites ne baptisent point les personnes aagées sans estre deuëment catechisées, & à fort bonne raison. | p. | 114. |
| Iesuites destinez en Canada par le Roy Henry IIII. | p. | 123. |
| Iesuites exclus de l'entrée d'vn nauire, en faueur des Caluinistes. | p. | 134. |
| 144 Iesuites desmarent pour Canada en Ianuier. 1611. | p. | 138. |
| Iesuites arriuez à Port Royal en Iuin 1611. | p. | 149. |
| Iesuites defendus de calomnie par le tesmoignage mesme des Caluinistes. | p. | 142. |
| Iesuites s'estudient à la langue Canadine, mais les Canadins ne les y seruent fidelement. | p. | 151.152. |
| Iesuites sont empeschez de proufiter en la langue Canadine, par ceux mesmes, qui les deuoyent aider. | p. | 154. |
| Iesuites ne veulent consentir que Membertou soit enterré auec ses predecesseurs infideles. | p. | 161. |
| Iesuites bastissent de leurs mains vue chaloupe pour aller à la queste des viures en temps de famine. | p. | 210. |
| Iesuites cueillent le Chiquebi racine, & peschent l'Eplan, & le Harenc en temps de famine. | p. | 213. |
| Iesuites & autres François de S. Sauueur sont menez à la Virginie. | p. | 260. |
| Iesuites garentissent l'Anglois qui les tenoit captifs, de la main de l'Espagnol. | p. | 289. |
| Iesuites des Isles Açores sont portez en Galles Prouince d'Angleterre. | p. | 292. |
| Iesuites mettent és mains du sieur de Biencourt en sa necessité toutes leurs prouisions pour le soulager, & les siens. | p. | 209. |
| Iesuites sont retirez de Port Royal, & transportez prés de l'Isle de Pemetiq pour dresser nouuelle habitation. | p. | 219. |
| Iesuites produits tesmoins en Angleterre, pour la iustification du Capitaine qui les tient captifs, le deliurent de soupçon. | p. | 293. |
| Iesuites captifs defrayez en Galles par le Iuge du lieu fort charitablement. | p. | 295. |
| Iesuites de Canada captifs en Angleterre, renuoyez libres à Calais. | p. | 298. |
| 146 Ingrés, c'est à dire Anglois, hays des Canadois. | p. | 35. |
| Isle longue à dix lieües de Baye Francoise. | p. | 254 |
I
| Jaques Cartier explores Canada in new France in the years 1524 and 1534. | p. | 4 |
| Jean Denys, of Honfleur, goes to new France in the year 1506. | p. | 3 |
| Jean Verazan takes possession of new France in the name of Francis I., King of France. | p. | 3 |
| Jesuit prisoners in England receive honorable visits from the inhabitants of the place. | p. | 296 |
| Jesuits exhort the Canadians, baptized before they came to Canada, to discard Polygamy, and what they answer thereto. | p. | 111 |
| Jesuits do not wish to baptize the adults until they have been properly instructed, for which they are unjustly slandered. | p. | 110,111,112 |
| Jesuits try to change into the Canadian tongue the principles of the Faith, but suitable words for this purpose cannot be found. | p. | 112 |
| Jesuits do not baptize aged persons unless they are properly catechized, and with very good reason. | p. | 114 |
| Jesuits appointed to Canada by King Henry IIII. | p. | 123 |
| Jesuits excluded from entering a ship, out of regard for the Calvinists. | p. | 134 |
| Jesuits sail for Canada in January, 1611. | p. | 138 |
| 145 Jesuits arrive at Port Royal in June, 1611. | p. | 149 |
| Jesuits acquitted of slander by the evidence of Calvinists themselves. | p. | 142 |
| Jesuits study the Canadian language, but the Canadians do not serve them faithfully. | p. | 151,152 |
| Jesuits are prevented from making progress in the Canadian language by the very ones who ought to aid them. | p. | 154 |
| Jesuits do not wish to consent that Membertou be buried with his infidel ancestors. | p. | 161 |
| Jesuits build with their own hands a boat, to go in search of food in time of famine. | p. | 210 |
| Jesuits gather the Chiquebi root, and fish for Smelts and Herring, in time of famine. | p. | 213 |
| Jesuits and other French of St. Sauveur are taken to Virginia. | p. | 260 |
| Jesuits save the English, who hold them prisoners, from the hands of the Spaniards. | p. | 289 |
| Jesuits are carried from the Açores Islands to Wales, a Province of England. | p. | 292 |
| Jesuits place in the hands of sieur de Biencourt, in his need, all their provisions, to nourish him and his people. | p. | 209 |
| Jesuits are withdrawn from Port Royal, and taken to the Island of Pemetiq, to establish a new settlement. | p. | 219 |
| Jesuits, produced as witnesses in England, for the justification of the Captain who holds them prisoners, deliver him from suspicion. | p. | 293 |
| Jesuit prisoners' expenses in Wales very kindly paid by the Judge of the place. | p. | 295 |
| Jesuits of Canada, prisoners in England, liberated and sent to Calais. | p. | 298 |
| 147 Ingrés, that is English, hated by the Canadians. | p. | 35 |
| Long Island, ten leagues from French Bay. | p. | 254 |
K
| Kadesquit, port d'Acadie destiné au nouueau logis des François. | p. | 221 |
| Kebec habitation fondée par Champlain. | p. | 121 |
| Kinibequi, riuiere proche des Armouchiquois, à soixante & dix lieües de port Royal. | p. | 176 |
K
| Kadesquit, a port of Acadia, intended as a new residence for the French. | p. | 221 |
| Kebec settlement, founded by Champlain. | p. | 121 |
| Kinibequi, a river near the Armouchiquois, seventy leagues from port Royal. | p. | 176 |
L
| La Marquise de Guercheuille impetre en don Canada, horsmis port Royal. | p. | 190 |
| Langage Canadois fort manque à exprimer vne infinité de chose fort ordinaires. | p. | 151 |
| La Marquise entre en association pour le fait de port Royal auec le sieur de Potrincourt. | p. | 188 |
| La Motte, Lieutenant de la Saussaye. | p. | 223 |
| Le sieur de Potrincourt va en Canada, & faict baptiser au plustost des Sauuages. | p. | 126 |
| La Motte Gentilhomme François, captif auec les Iesuites de Canada, mis en liberte. | p. | 301 |
| Langues differentes entre les peuples de Canada. | p. | 54 |
| Lapins, & leuraux assez rares en Canada. | p. | 46 |
| La Royne donne aux Iesuites cinq cens escus pour le voyage de Canada. | 130 | |
| Legumes croissent fort grands, & bons en Canada. | 27 | |
| Le sieur de Potrincourt emprunte des prouisions de bouche des François ses voisins, & leur fait recognoistre son fils pour Vice-admiral. | 146 | |
| Le sieur de Potrincourt retourne de Canada en France vn mois apres qu'il y estoit arriué pour enuitailler port Royal. | 149 | |
| 148 Louys Membertou Sagamo faict Tabagie à quinze François de sainct Sauueur retournans en France. | 255 | |
| Loups marins se prennent à foison en Ianuier. | 42 | |
| Loup marin, poisson fraye sur terre és Isles de Canada. | 43 | |
| Loutres ont leur chasse principale en Feurier, & Mars. | 43 | |
| Lugubres hurlements à la mort des Canadois. | 90 | |
| Lunes. Par Lunes les Canadois sont assortis de nouuelle chasse, ou pesche. | 42 |
L
| The Marquise de Guercheville given the grant of Canada, with the exception of port Royal. | p. | 190 |
| Canadian Language very weak in expressing an infinite number of very ordinary things. | p. | 151 |
| The Marquise enters into partnership in the affairs of port Royal with sieur de Potrincourt. | p. | 188 |
| La Motte, Lieutenant of la Saussaye. | p. | 223 |
| Sieur de Potrincourt goes to Canada and has a number of the Savages baptized as quickly as possible. | p. | 126 |
| La Motte, a French Gentleman, prisoner with the Jesuits of Canada, set at liberty. | p. | 301 |
| Different languages among the tribes of Canada. | p. | 54 |
| Rabbits and hares rather scarce in Canada. | p. | 46 |
| The Queen gives to the Jesuits five hundred écus for the Canadian voyage. | 130 | |
| Vegetables grow very large and are good in Canada. | 27 | |
| Sieur de Potrincourt borrows some provisions from his French neighbors, and makes them recognize his son as Vice-admiral. | 146 | |
| Sieur de Potrincourt returns from Canada to France a month after he had come to reprovision port Royal. | 149 | |
| 149 Louys Membertou, Sagamore, makes Tabagie for fifteen Frenchmen of saint Sauveur returning to France. | 255 | |
| Seals are caught in abundance in January. | 42 | |
| Seal, fish which breeds upon the Islands in Canada. | 43 | |
| Otters are hunted chiefly in February and March. | 43 | |
| Doleful howls at the death of Canadians. | 90 | |
| Moons. The Canadians arrange their hunting and fishing by Moons. | 42 |
M
| Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille zelée en l'affaire de Canada. | 127 | |
| Madame de Guercheuille defraye les Iesuites au chemin de Canada. | 130 | |
| Madame de Guercheuille trouue l'expedient d'exclure les Caluinistes du nauire où ils ne vouloyent admettre les Iesuites. | 135 | |
| Madame de Guercheuille trouue le fonds d'vne rente perpetuelle en Canada, pour y entretenir les Iesuites. | 137 | |
| Madame de Sourdis fournit aux Iesuites le linge pour Canada. | 130 | |
| Madame la Marquise de Vernueil fournit aux Iesuites les habits d'Eglise, & autres vtensiles pour Canada. | 130 | |
| Magasins des Canadois, sont quelques sacs de prouision pendus en vn arbre. | 71 | |
| Magiciens frequents en Canada. | 94 | |
| Magistrats de la Virginie prennent resolution de ruiner toutes les places des François en Canada, piller tous les nauires, & renuoyer les personnes en France. | 264 | |
| 150 Malades cruellement traittez en Canada. | ||
| Malade tardant à mourir estouffé à force d'eau froide qu'on luy verse sur le ventre. | 85 | |
| Malade ayant testé sans rien donner, reçoit des presents. | 89 | |
| Mareschal de la Virginie veut faire pendre les François de sainct Sauueur. | 261 | |
| Mariages cõme se traittẽt entre Canadois. | 61 | |
| Matachias, chaines, & parures des femmes Canadoises. | 37 | |
| Matachias, ioyaux, cueilliées sur la fosse des femmes. | 92 | |
| Medecines ordinaires des Canadois, estuues & frictions. | 77 | |
| Membertou, Sagamo, & Autmoin tout ensemble. | 54 | |
| Membertou n'a iamais eu qu'vne femme à la fois, mesmes estant Payen, iugeant la Polygamie infame & incommode. | 65 | |
| Membertou, & son fils retirez des mains de l'Autmoin, qui les auoit condamnez de maladie mortelle. | 87 | |
| Membertou appellé le Capitaine, apres sa mort. | 93 | |
| Membertou seul d'entre les Canadiẽs baptisez auoit fait profit du baptesme. | 109 | |
| Membertou premier baptisé des Sagamos. | 158 | |
| Membertou logé & serui par les Iesuites dans leur cabane iusques à sa mort. | 158 | |
| Membertou demande d'estre enterré auec ses majeurs, les Iesuites luy remonstrent que cela repugne au Christianisme: il persiste quelque temps, puis en fin acquiesce. | 160.162 | |
| Membertou desire d'estre bien instruict, pour se rendre Predicateur de l'Euangile. | 163 | |
| 152 Membertou conseille au P. Enemond malade d'escrire à Biencourt qu'on ne l'a point tué, mais qu'il est mort de maladie. | 202 | |
| Memoires de France effacées en Canada, par les Anglois. | 265.271 | |
| Merueille, Capitaine natif de S. Malo, estant prisonnier, fait tout deuoir de bon Chrestien. | 173 | |
| Meuano, Isle à l'emboucheure de la Baye Françoise. | 254 | |
| Mine d'argent en la Baye saincte Marie, en Canada. | ||
| Mine de fer à la riuiere S. Iean. | 32 | |
| Mines de cuyure à port Royal, & à la Baye des mines. | 32 | |
| Mocosa terre ferme, où est située la Virginie des Anglois. | 227 | |
| Mois. Chaque mois de l'année les Canadois ont pesche, ou chasse abondante, ou tous les deux. | ||
| Montaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins alliez aux François en Canada. | 34 | |
| Monts deserts, Isle, appellée Pemetiq. | 219 | |
| Morts enterrez assis, les genoux contre le ventre, la teste sur les genoux. | 91 | |
| Moulues foisonnent en la coste de mer dés le commencement de May iusques à la my-Septembre. | 45 |
M
| Madame la Marquise de Guercheville zealous in the affairs of Canada. | 127 | |
| Madame de Guercheville defrays the expenses of the Jesuits on their journey to Canada. | 130 | |
| Madame de Guercheville devises an expedient to exclude the Calvinists from the ship in which they did not wish to admit the Jesuits. | 135 | |
| Madame de Guercheville raises a fund for a continual income in Canada, to maintain the Jesuits there. | 137 | |
| Madame de Sourdis furnishes the Jesuits with the linen for Canada. | 130 | |
| Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnishes the Jesuits with the Ecclesiastical robes and other utensils, for Canada. | 130 | |
| Magazines of the Canadians are bags of provisions hung to a tree. | 71 | |
| Magicians very common in Canada. | 94 | |
| Magistrates of Virginia decide to ruin all the places of the French in Canada, to plunder their ships, and to send the people back to France. | 264 | |
| 151 Sick people cruelly treated in Canada. | ||
| Sick people who are slow to die, smothered by pouring a quantity of cold water upon their stomachs. | 85 | |
| Sick person having made his will without giving anything, himself receives gifts. | 89 | |
| Marshal of Virginia wishes to have the French of saint Sauveur hanged. | 261 | |
| Marriages, how arranged among Canadians. | 61 | |
| Matachias, chains, and adornments of Canadian women. | 37 | |
| Matachias, jewels, collected upon the graves of the women. | 92 | |
| Medicines in use among the Canadians, vapor-baths and rubbing. | 77 | |
| Membertou, both Sagamore and Autinoin. | 54 | |
| Membertou had only one wife at a time, even when a Pagan, considering Polygamy both wicked and inconvenient. | 65 | |
| Membertou and his son withdrawn from the hands of the Autmoin, who had pronounced their illnesses fatal. | 87 | |
| Membertou called "the Captain" after his death. | 93 | |
| Membertou, of all the Canadians who were baptized, profited by his baptism. | 109 | |
| Membertou the first Sagamore to be baptized. | 158 | |
| Membertou lodged and cared for by the Jesuits in their cabin up to the time of his death. | 158 | |
| Membertou asks to be buried with his fathers; the Jesuits urge that this would be contrary to Christianity; he insists for some time, then finally yields. | 160,162 | |
| Membertou wishes to be well instructed, to make himself a Preacher of the Gospel. | 163 | |
| 153 Membertou advises Father Enemond, who is sick, to write to Biencourt, that they did not kill him, but that he died of illness. | 202 | |
| Mementos of France effaced in Canada, by English. | 265,271 | |
| Merveille, Captain, a native of St. Malo, being a prisoner, performs all the duties of a good Christian. | 173 | |
| Meuano, Island at the mouth of French Bay. | 254 | |
| Mine of silver at Baye sainte Marie, in Canada. | ||
| Mine of iron at the river St. John. | 32 | |
| Mines of copper at port Royal and Bay of mines. | 32 | |
| Mocosa, the mainland in which the Virginia of the English is situated. | 227 | |
| Months. Every month of the year in Canada has an abundance of fish or game, or both. | ||
| Montaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins, allies of the French in Canada. | 34 | |
| Mount desert, Island, called Pemetiq. | 219 | |
| Dead people buried in a sitting posture, the knees against the stomach, the head upon the knees. | 91 | |
| Codfish abound near the seacoast from the beginning of May until the middle of September. | 45 |
N
| Nattes de rozeau, fort menues, & bien tissues, deffendent les cabanes de la pluye. | 42 | |
| Nauire arriue à propos à ceux de port Royal en leur grande disette. | 186 | |
| Nauire captif des François de S. Sauueur commandé par Turnel Anglois est porté par le vent aux Açores Isles de la coronne d'Espagne. | 281 | |
| Nauire de la Saussaye arriue en Canada. | 216 | |
| 154 Nicolas Adams Iuge de Pembroch en Angleterre, charitable enuers les Iesuites captifs. | 295 | |
| Noyers frequents en la coste de la riuiere sainct Iean. | 31 | |
| Noms changez aux trespassez apres qu'ils sont enterrez. | 9 | |
| Nopces des Canadois auec solemnelle Tabagie, chants, & danses. | 62 | |
| Norembegue, terre de Canada aussi bonne que nostre France. | 26 | |
| Norembegue, & Acadie païs de la France nouuelle. | 4 | |
| Normans sont allez en la France nouuelle, l'an 1500. deux ans apres les Bretons. | 3 | |
| Nouuelle France separée de la Guienne de huict cens, ou mille lieües par mer. | ||
| Nouuelle France, partie occidentale de l'Amerique. | 1 |
N
| Mats of reeds, well woven, and very fine, protect the cabins from rain. | 42 | |
| Ship arrives very opportunely for those at port Royal in their great need. | 186 | |
| Ship captured from the French of St. Sauveur, commanded by Turnel, an Englishman, is carried by the wind to the Açores Islands of the crown of Spain. | 281 | |
| Ship of la Saussaye arrives in Canada. | 216 | |
| 155 Nicolas Adams, Judge, of Pembroch in England, kind to the captive Jesuits. | 295 | |
| Nuts abundant upon the banks of the river saint John. | 31 | |
| Names of the dead changed after they are buried. | 9 | |
| Nuptials of the Canadians with solemn Tabagie, songs, and dances. | 62 | |
| Norembegua, country of Canada, as good as France. | 26 | |
| Norembegua and Acadia, countries of new France. | 4 | |
| Normans went to new France in the year 1500, two years after the Bretons. | 3 | |
| New France separated from Guienne by eight hundred or one thousand leagues of the sea. | ||
| New France, the western part of America. | 1 |
O
| Oeufs d'oyseaux de proye d'eau abondent en Canada. | 45 | |
| Oyes blanches, & grises, passageres en Canada. | 46 | |
| Oyseaux de proye de mer couurent les Isles de Canada de leurs œufs. | 45 | |
| Oyseaux originaires, & passagers rares en Canada; ceux de proye sont frequents. | 46 | |
| Onction d'huyle de Loup marin vsitée en Canada contre le chaud, & le froid. | 77 | |
| Orignacs sont de saison en Feurier & Mars. | 43 | |
| Ours bons à manger en Canada aux mois de Feurier & Mars. | 43 | |
| Outardes, ou Canes sauuages se prennent en Auril. | 45 | |
| Outardes passageres en Canada. | 46 |
O
| Eggs of marine birds of prey abundant in Canada. | 45 | |
| White and grey geese, birds of passage in Canada. | 46 | |
| Marine birds of prey cover the Islands of Canada with their eggs. | 45 | |
| Native birds and birds of passage rare in Canada; birds of prey common. | 46 | |
| Anointing with Seal oil used in Canada against heat and cold. | 77 | |
| The season for moose is in February and March. | 43 | |
| Bears good to eat in Canada in the months of February and March. | 43 | |
| Bustards, or wild Ducks, are taken in April. | 45 | |
| Bustards, birds of passage in Canada. | 46 |
P
| Pembroch, ville principale de Galles en Angleterre. | 292 | |
| 156 Pentegoët riuiere, a vne Sagamie du long de son riuage. | 53 | |
| Pencoït, Isles à vingtcinq lieües de sainct Sauueur. | 228 | |
| Perdrix grises à grãd queüe en Canada. | 46 | |
| Pere Enemond Massé se loge auec Membertou pour apprendre la langue Canadine. | 200 | |
| Pere Enemond Massé, luy quinziesme renuoyé par l'Anglois en France dans vne chaloupe. | 252 | |
| P. Biard tient auec soy vn Canadin, pour apprendre la langue sauuage. | 201 | |
| Pere Biard, & P. Enemond Massé destinez pour Canada. | 129 | |
| Pere Biard ne veut enseigner aux Anglois le logis de saincte Croix, dont il court peril de sa vie. | 264 | |
| P. Biard court fortune d'estre ietté en terre deserte, ou en mer par les soupçons de l'Anglois. | 268 | |
| Pere Biard preuue efficacement au Capitaine Anglois, que les François de S. Sauueur sont bien aduoüés du Roy de France. | p. | 244. |
| Pesche abondante depuis May, iusques à my-Septembre. | p. | 45. |
| Pesche successiue de diuers poissons dés la my-Mars iusques en Octobre. | p. | 44.45.46. |
| Petun, & fumée d'iceluy practiquée par les Canadois, contre le mauuais temps, la faim, & autres maux. | p. | 78. |
| Peuples de Canada trois en tout alliés des François. | p. | 34. |
| Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts Lieutenant du Roy Henry IIII. en la France nouuelle. | p. | 5. |
| Pilotois, Medecin sorcier. | p. | 80. |
| Pilote François Caluiniste offre toute amitié aux Iesuites captifs des Anglois. | p. | 245. |
| Plastrier recognoist le sieur de Biencourt. | 157. | |
| 158 Plaisant discours de Louys Membertou auec le P. Enemond Massé malade. | 202. | |
| Ponamo poisson de Canada fraye sous la glace en Decembre. | p. | 47. |
| Port Royal & Saincte Croix, deux logis bastis par le sieur de Monts en la France nouuelle. | p. | 8. |
| Port Royal a forme de Peninsule. | p. | 24. |
| Puritain procure tout le mal qu'il peut aux Iesuites. | p. | 268. |
| Port Royal mal enuitaillé sur l'Hyuer, pour grand nombre de personnes. | p. | 144. |
| Port aux Coquilles à vingt & vne lieuës de Port Royal. | 155. | |
| Port au Mouton. | 255. | |
| Port Royal bruslé par l'Anglois. | 271. | |
| Port Royal à quelles conditions cedé au sieur de Potrincourt par le sieur de Monts. | 122. | |
| Port Royal sans aucune defẽse perdu pour les Frãçois, & pillé & bruslé par l'Anglois. | 266 | |
| Port de S. Sauueur nouuellement appellé de ce nom, & destiné à nouuelle habitatiõ de François. | 220. | |
| Port de S. Sauueur fort capable, & à l'abry du vent. | 225. | |
| Presage mauuais d'vn signe paroissant au ciel. | 167. | |
| Proprieté de Canadois est en la possession du chien, & du sac. | 51. | |
| Prouision pour Port Royal mal mesnagée à Dieppe, & dans le nauire. | 194. | |
| Pyramides de perches sur les tombeaux des nobles de Canada. | 92. |
P
| Pembroke, the principal city of Wales in England. | 292 | |
| Pentegoët river has a Sagamie along its banks. | 53 | |
| 157 Pencoït, Islands twenty-five leagues from saint Sauveur. | 228 | |
| Gray partridges with large tails, in Canada. | 46 | |
| Father Enemond Massé goes to live with Membertou to learn the Canadian language. | 200 | |
| Father Enemond Massé, one of fifteen sent by the English to France in a shallop. | 252 | |
| Father Biard keeps with him a Canadian, to learn from him the language of the savages. | 201 | |
| Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé appointed to Canada. | 129 | |
| Father Biard refuses to disclose to the English the position of sainte Croix, for which he is in danger of losing his life. | 264 | |
| Father Biard runs the risk of being cast upon a desert land, or into the sea, through the suspicions of the English. | 268 | |
| Father Biard proves satisfactorily to the English Captain, that the French of St. Sauveur are under the protection of the King of France. | p. | 244 |
| Fish abundant from May to the middle of September. | p. | 45 |
| Continuous fishing for different kinds of fish from the middle of March until October. | p. | 44,45,46 |
| Tobacco used among the Canadians as a protection against bad weather, famine, and other evils. | p. | 78 |
| Tribes of Canada, only three are allies of the French. | p. | 34 |
| Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, Lieutenant of King Henry IIII. in new France. | p. | 5 |
| Pilotois, Medicine man and sorcerer. | p. | 80 |
| French Pilot, a Calvinist, shows great friendliness to the Jesuit prisoners of the English. | p. | 245 |
| Plastrier acknowledges sieur de Biencourt. | 157 | |
| 159 Amusing talk of Louys Membertou with Father Enemond Massé, when he was ill. | 202 | |
| Ponamo, a fish of Canada, spawns under the ice in December. | p. | 47 |
| Port Royal and Sainte Croix, two stations established by sieur de Monts, in new France. | p. | 8 |
| Port Royal in the form of a Peninsula. | p. | 24 |
| Puritan makes all the trouble he can for the Jesuits. | p. | 268 |
| Port Royal badly provisioned for the Winter, on account of the great number of persons. | p. | 144 |
| Port aux Coquilles, twenty-one leagues from Port Royal. | 155 | |
| Port au Mouton. | 255 | |
| Port Royal burned by the English. | 271 | |
| Port Royal, on what conditions ceded to sieur de Potrincourt by sieur de Monts. | 122 | |
| Port Royal, defenseless, is lost to the French, and pillaged and burned by the English. | 266 | |
| Port of St. Sauveur newly called by this name, and intended as a new habitation for the French. | 220 | |
| Port of St. Sauveur very spacious, and protected from the wind. | 225 | |
| Presage of evil in a phenomenon appearing in the heavens. | 167 | |
| Property of the Canadians lies in the possession of a dog and a bag. | 51 | |
| Provisions for Port Royal badly managed at Dieppe and in the ship. | 194 | |
| Pyramids of poles upon the tombs of the grandees of Canada. | 92 |
R.
| Racine Chiquebi à guise de truffes. | 213. | |
| Raisons obligeãtes le François à cultiuer Canada. | 331. | |
| 160 Religion des Canadois, pure sorcelerie. | 93. | |
| Riuieres & bras de mer fort frequens, rendent Canada beaucoup plus froid. | 24. | |
| Robe sacrée, & pretieuse des Autmoins. | 96. | |
| Roland Sagamo, & autres donnent du pain aux François de S. Sauueur. | 255. |
R.
| Root, Chiquebi, resembles truffles. | 213 | |
| Reasons why the French ought to cultivate Canada. | 331 | |
| 161 Religion of the Canadians, pure sorcery. | 93 | |
| Rivers, and many arms of the sea, make Canada much colder. | 24 | |
| Robe of the Autmoins, sacred and precious. | 96 | |
| Roland, a Sagamore, and others give bread to the French of St. Sauveur. | 255 |
S.
| Sac, fleches, peaux, chiens, & autres meubles du defunct enseuelis auec luy. | 92. | |
| Sagamie au riuage de Saincte Croix. | 53. | |
| Sagamie au bord de la riuiere S. Iean. | 53. | |
| Sagamochin, petit Sagamo. | 52. | |
| Sagamo, est le chef, & Capitaine de quelque puissante famille. | 51. | |
| Sagamos recogneus de leurs sujects en payant le droict de chasse, & de pesche. | 51. | |
| Sagamies diuisées selon la portée des Bayes & Costes de riuieres. | 53. | |
| Sagamos tiennent les Estats en Esté. | 53. | |
| Sagamos & Autmoins seuls ont voix és assemblées publiques. | 53.54. | |
| Sagamos Armouchiquois retirent bien à propos leurs gens du nauire François, pour euiter querelle. | 179 | |
| Sainct Iean, riuiere en Canada. | 31 | |
| Sainct Iean, riuiere fort perilleuse en son emboucheure. | 165 | |
| Sainct Laurens, riuiere charrie des glaces enormes bien auant en haute mer. | 139 | |
| Sainct Sauueur, habitation des François en Canada, en la terre de la Norembegue. | 19 | |
| Sainct Sauueur, port ainsi nommé de nouueau en la coste d'Acadie, destiné à vne habitation nouuelle. | 229 | |
| 162 Sainct Sauueur, prins & pillé par les Anglois. | 237 | |
| S. Sauueur bruslé par les Anglois. | 265 | |
| Saincte Croix est au païs des Eteminquois. | 7 | |
| Saincte Croix, Isle en la France nouuelle, premiere demeure du sieur de Monts, Lieutenant pour le Roy. | 7 | |
| Saincte Croix, Isle de riuiere à six lieües de port aux Coquilles. | 156 | |
| Saussaye arriue en Canada pour dresser nouuelle habitation, & separer les Iesuites de port Royal. | 215 | |
| Saussaye Capitaine s'amuse trop à cultiuer la terre, & neglige le bastiment, cause de de la perte de S. Sauueur. | 226. | |
| Saussaye Capitaine de S. Sauueur ne peut produire ses lettres de Commission, luy ayans esté secrettement enleuées par l'Anglois. | 239. | |
| Saussaye Capitaine renuoyé en France par l'Anglois, auec quatorze François. | 252. | |
| Schoudon Sagamo, nommé le Pere apres sa mort. | 93. | |
| Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre, coustumier en Canada. | 14. | |
| Sepulcres des Canadois voutés auec des bastons, & de la terre dessus. | 92. | |
| Soissons. Le Prince de Soissons Gouuerneur de Canada. | 330. | |
| Souliers, & greues des Canadois. | 39. | |
| Souriquois, Montaguets & Etechemins alliés des François en Canada. | 34. | |
| Tabagie, banquet des Canadois. | 46. | |
| Tabagie des prouisions du malade ayant testé. | 89. | |
| Testament des Canadois auant la mort. | 88. | |
| Thomas Aubert, Normand va en la France nouuelle l'an 1508. | 2 | |
| 164 Thomas Deel, Mareschal d'Angleterre à la Virginie, homme fort aspre enuers les François captifs. | 261.300 | |
| Thomas Robin associé du sieur de Potrincourt au negoce de Canada. | 127 | |
| Tortues abondent en Decembre. | 47 | |
| Trocque des peaux de Castors, Eslants, Martres, loups marins en Esté. | 33 | |
| Trois peuples alliés aux François en Canada. | 34 | |
| Turnel, Capitaine Anglois tourne son amour en haine contre le P. Biard, & pourquoy. | 276 | |
| Turnel Lieutenant Anglois soupçonné de son Capitaine pour auoir conferé auec le P. Biard. | 267 | |
| Turnel Capitaine Anglois porté cõtre son gré aux terres d'Espagne, se reconcilie aux Iesuites, pour y auoir leur faueur. | 282. |
S.
| Sack, arrows, skins, dogs, and other property of the deceased buried with him. | 92 | |
| Sagamie on the banks of Sainte Croix. | 53 | |
| Sagamie on the banks of the river St. John. | 53 | |
| Sagamochin, little Sagamore. | 52 | |
| Sagamore is the chief and Captain and some powerful family. | 51 | |
| Sagamores acknowledged by their subjects by paying a tax of game and of fish. | 51 | |
| Sagamies divided according to the extent of the Bays and river Banks. | 53 | |
| Sagamores hold State Councils in Summer. | 53 | |
| Sagamores and Autmoins alone have a voice in the public assemblies. | 53,54 | |
| Sagamores of the Armouchiquois very opportunely withdraw their people from the French ship to avoid a quarrel. | 179 | |
| Saint John, a river of Canada. | 31 | |
| Saint John, a river which is very dangerous at its mouth. | 165 | |
| Saint Lawrence, a river whose drift ice extends far out into the open sea. | 139 | |
| Saint Sauveur, a settlement of the French in Canada, in the land of Norembegua. | 19 | |
| Saint Sauveur, a port so named recently, on the coast of Acadia, intended for a new settlement. | 229. | |
| 163 Saint Sauveur, taken and pillaged by the English. | 237 | |
| St. Sauveur burned by the English. | 265 | |
| Sainte Croix is in the country of the Eteminquois. | 7 | |
| Sainte Croix, an Island in new France, first residence of sieur de Monts, Lieutenant for the King. | 7 | |
| Sainte Croix, an Island of the river, six leagues from port aux Coquilles. | 156 | |
| Saussaye arrives in Canada to establish a new settlement, and take the Jesuits from port Royal. | 215 | |
| Saussaye, Captain, in amusing himself too much with the cultivation of the land, neglects the construction of buildings, and causes the loss of St. Sauveur. | 226 | |
| Saussaye, Captain of St. Sauveur, cannot produce the letters containing his Commission, these having been secretly appropriated by the English. | 239 | |
| Saussaye, Captain, sent back to France by the English with fourteen Frenchmen. | 252 | |
| Schoudon, Sagamore, called "the Father" after his death. | 93 | |
| Scurvy, or land disease, common in Canada. | 14 | |
| Sepulchres of the Canadians arched over with sticks, with earth on top. | 92 | |
| Soissons. The Prince de Soissons, Governor of Canada. | 330 | |
| Shoes and leggings of the Canadians. | 39 | |
| Souriquois, Montaguets, and Etechemins, allies of the French in Canada. | 34 | |
| Tabagie, a Canadian banquet. | 46 | |
| Tabagie from the provisions of a sick man who has made his will. | 89 | |
| Testament of the Canadians before death. | 88 | |
| 165 Thomas Aubert, Norman, goes to new France in the year 1508. | 2 | |
| Thomas Deel, English Marshal in Virginia, a man very severe to the French captives. | 261,300 | |
| Thomas Robin associated with sieur de Potrincourt in the affairs of Canada. | 127 | |
| Turtles abundant in December. | 47 | |
| Trade in the skins of Beavers, Elks, Martens, and seals, in Summer. | 33 | |
| Three tribes allied with the French in Canada. | 34 | |
| Turnel, English Captain, has his love for Father Biard changed into hate, and why. | 276 | |
| Turnel, English Lieutenant, suspected by his Captain for having conferred with Father Biard. | 267 | |
| Turnel, English Captain, carried against his will to the lands of Spain, becomes reconciled to the Jesuits, in order to have their favor. | 282 |
V.
| Vessies d'orignac à garder l'huile du loup marin. | 43 | |
| Vible Bullot reçoit en son nauire vne partie des François de S. Sauueur. | 256 | |
| Virginie. Fort des Anglois en la terre ferme de Mocosa à 250. lieuës de S. Sauueur. | 227 | |
| Vigne sauuage en plusieurs endroits de Canada, qui meurit en sa saison. | 31. |
FIN.
V.
| Bladders of moose skin in which to keep the seal oil. | 43 | |
| Vible Bullot receives in his ship a part of the French of St. Sauveur. | 256 | |
| Virginia. A fort of the English on the mainland of Mocosa, 250 leagues from St. Sauveur. | 227 | |
| Vine, wild, in many places in Canada, which ripens in its season. | 31 |
END.
Privilege.
MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-[pro]uincial de la Compagnie de Iesvs, en la Prouince de Lyon, permet, (suiuant le Priuilege dõné par les Roys tres-Chrestiens à la mesme Compagnie) à Lovys Mvgvet de faire imprimer, & vendre la Relation de la nouuelle France en Canada, & ce pour le terme de quatre ans. Faict à Lyon, ce 23. Ianuier 1616.
M. COYSSARD.
License.
MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-provincial of the Society of Jesus, in the Province of Lyons, permits, (according to the License granted by the most Christian Kings to the same Society) to Louys Muguet to have printed, and to sell, the Relation of new France in Canada, and this for the term of four years. Done at Lyons, this 23rd of January, 1616.
M. COYSSARD.
XV-XVII
Three Letters by Charles Lalemant
XV.—Au Sievr de Champlain; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625
XVI.—Au R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625
XVII.—Epistola ad Præpositum Generalem; Nova Francia, Augustus 1, [1626]
Source: Documents XV. and XVI., are reprinted from Sagard's Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636), pp. 868-870. In Document XVII., we follow Father Felix Martin's apograph (now in the Archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal) of the original Latin MS. in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome.
[868] MONSIEVR,
Nous voicy graces à Dieu dans le resort de vostre Lieutenance où nous sommes heureusement arriuez, aprés auoir eu vne des belles trauerses [869] qu'on aye encor experimenté. Monsieur le General aprés nous auoir declaré qu'il luy estoit impossible de nous loger ou dans l'habitation où dans le fort, & qu'il faudroit ou, repasser en France, ou nous retirer chez les Peres Recollects, nous a contrainct d'accepter ce dernier offre. Les Peres nous ont receus auec tant de charité qu'il nous ont obligez pour vn iamais. Nostre Seigneur sera leur recompence. Vn de nos Peres estoit allé à la traicte en intention de passer aux Hurons ou aux Hiroquois, auec le Pere Recollect qui est venu de Frãce, selon qu'ils aduiseroient auec le Pere Nicolas, qui se deuoit treuuer à la traicte & conferer auec eux, mais il est arriué que le pauure Pere Nicolas au dernier saut s'est noyé, ce qui a esté cause qu'ils sont retournez, n'ayans ny cognoissance, ny langue, ny information: nous attendons donc vostre venuë, pour resoudre ce qui sera à propos de faire. Vous sçaurez tout ce que vous pourrez desirer de ce pays du P. Ioseph, c'est pourquoy ie me contente de vous asseurer que ie suis,
Monsieur, Vostre tres-affectionné seruiteur,
Charles Lalemant.
De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet 1625.
[868] SIR,
Thanks to God, here we are in the district of your Lieutenancy, where we arrived after having one of the most successful voyages [869] ever yet experienced. Monsieur the General,21 after having told us that was impossible to give us lodging either in the settlement or in the fort, and that we must either return to France, or withdraw to the Recollect Fathers'22 obliged us to accept the latter offer. The Fathers received us with so much charity, that we feel forever under obligations to them. Our Lord will be their reward. One of our Fathers, together with the Recollect Father who came from France,23 went to the trading station24 with the intention of going to the Hurons or to the Hiroquois, as they should think best after consulting Father Nicolas, who was to be at this station to confer with them. But it happened that poor Father Nicolas was drowned in the last of the rapids,25 for which reason they returned, as they knew no one there, and had no knowledge of the language or of the country. We are therefore awaiting your arrival, to determine what it will be well to do. You will hear all you wish to know of this country from Father Joseph,26 therefore I am content to assure you that I am,
Sir, Your very affectionate servant,
Charles Lalemant.
Kebec, this 28th of July, 1625.
Mon Reuerend Pere,
Pax Christi.
Ce seroit estre par trop mescognoissant de ne point escrire à vostre Reuerence, pour la remercier, tant des lettres qui furent dernierement escrites en nostre faueur aux Peres qui sont icy en [870] la nouuelle France, comme de la charité que nous auons receues desdits Peres, qui nous ont obligez pour vn iamais, ie supplie nostre bon Dieu qu'il soit la grande recompence & des vns & des autres, pour mon particulier i'escris à nos Superieurs, que i'en ay vn tel ressentiment que l'occasion ne se presentera point que ie ne le fasse paroistre, & les supplie quoy que d'ailleurs bien affectionnez de tesmoigner à tout vostre sainct Ordre le mesme ressentiment. Le P. Ioseph dira à vostre Reuerence le suict de son voyage pour le bon succez duquel, nous ne cesserons d'offrir & prieres & sacrifices à Dieu, il faut ceste fois aduancer à bon escient les affaires de nostre Maistre, & ne rien obmettre de ce qu'on pourra s'aduiser estre necessaire, i'en ay escrit à tous ceux que i'ay creu y pouuoir contribuer que ie m'asseure s'y emploieront si les affaires de France le permettent, ie ne doute point que vostre Reuerence ne s'y porte auec affection, & ainsi virtus vnita, fera beaucoup d'effet, en attendant le 174 succez ie me recommande aux saincts Sacrifices de vostre Reuerence, de laquelle ie suis.
De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet
1625.
Tres-humble seruiteur
Charles Lalemant.
A mon Reuerend Pere le P. Prouincial
des RR. Peres Recollects.
My Reverend Father:
The peace of Christ be with you.
It would be altogether too ungrateful not to write to your Reverence to thank you, both for the letters which were recently written in our behalf to the Fathers who are here in [870] new France, and for the kindness which we have received from these Fathers, who have placed us under everlasting obligations to them. I pray our good Lord that he may be an ample recompense for both. As to me I write to our Superiors that I am so grateful for this that I shall lose no opportunity to show my appreciation of it; and I implore them, although they are already very much attached to your Fathers, to express the same gratitude to all your holy Order. Father Joseph will tell your Reverence the purpose of his voyage,27 for the success of which we shall not cease to offer prayers and sacrifices to God. The affairs of our Master must be advanced in earnest this time, and nothing must be omitted which may be deemed necessary. I have written to all of those who, I thought, could contribute to this enterprise, and who, I believe, will occupy themselves with it, the affairs of France permitting. I do not doubt that your Reverence will take an interest in the work, and thus virtus unita will achieve good results. In awaiting our success I commend 175 myself to the holy Sacrifices of your Reverence, of whom I am,
Kebec, this 28th of July,
1625.
The very humble servant,
Charles Lalemant.
To my Reverend Father, the Father Provincial
of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.
(Transcripsit Pater Felix Martinus ex codice Latino qui in Archivis Jesu, Romæ, conservatur).
Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater.
Pax Christi.
Non miretur Paternitas vestra si nullas a postremis, hoc est ab anno litteras habuerit a nobis, adeo enim remoti sumus a littore maris, ut semel duntaxat singulis annis visitemur a Gallis et quidem ab iis tantum quibus libera est ad nos navigatio, nam cæteris est interdicta; quo fit ut si casu aliquo perirent naves illæ onerariæ vel certe a prædonibus caperentur, ab una Dei providentia expectanda essent alimenta quibus vitam sustentare possemus; a barbaris enim hominibus vix necessaria ad vitam habentibus nihil sperandum, sed qui hactenus providit Gallis, hic jam tot annis commorantibus et nihil nisi lucrum temporale quærentibus non deerit suis uni Dei gloriæ et animarum saluti invigilantibus. Hoc igitur anno toti pene fuimus in perdiscendo barbaro idiomate, uno aut altero mense excepto quibus terram coluimus unde tenuem nobis victum comparare utcumque possemus. Pater Joannes Brebeuf vir et pius et prudens et corpore 178 robustus acerbum hyemis tempus cum barbaris transegit, unde maximam peregrinæ linguæ cognitionem hausit; nos interim ab interpretibus licet maxime alienis a communicando barbaro hoc idiomate obtinuimus, præter spem et expectationem omnium, quod sperare poteramus. Sed hæc sunt tantum gemini idiomatis rudimenta, multo plura supersunt. Ad multiplicationem quippe nationum multiplicantur idiomata; ac terram hanc longe lateque diffusam incolunt quinquaginta ut minimum nationes, ingens sane campus in quo nostra excurrat industria; messis multa operarii pauci qui tamen eo sunt animo, per Dei gratiam, ut nullis terreantur difficultatibus, quamvis fructus spes magna nondum affulgeat, adeo rudes sunt incolæ et proxime at bestias accedentes. Certe hoc unum solatur nos quod Deus optimus, maximus, in repetenda mercede, fructus non tam sit habiturus rationem quam voluntatis nostræ et laboris impensi, modo grata sit ipsi hæc nostra qualiscumque voluntas, non est quod male locatam operam nostram existimemus: nullus ergo alius hoc anno fructus quam loci, personarum et idiomatis duarum nationum cognitio, si barbarorum ratio habeatur, nam Gallis nostris qui tres hic tantum supra quadraginta numerantur præsto fuimus, quorum generales totius vitæ confessiones audivimus, habita prius exhortatione de ejus confessionis necessitate, singulis præterea mensibus geminam ad eos concionem habuimus; his majora dabit sequens annus Deo bene juvante et totum hoc negotium ut hactenus fecit promovente.
(Transcribed by Father Felix Martin from the original Latin MS., preserved in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome.)
Very Reverend Father in Christ:
The peace of Christ be with you.
Your Paternity need not be surprised to have received no letters from us during the year since our last; for we are so remote from the sea-coast that we are visited only once a year by French vessels, and then only by those to whom navigation hither is allowed, for to others it is interdicted; so that, if by any mischance those merchant ships should be wrecked, or be taken by pirates,29 we could look to Divine providence alone for our daily bread. For from the savages, who have scarcely the necessaries of life for themselves, nothing is to be hoped; but he who has hitherto provided for the needs of the French, who have dwelt here so many years only with a view to temporal gain, will not abandon his faithful ones who seek only the glory of God and the salvation of souls. During the past year we have devoted ourselves almost entirely to learning the dialect of the savages, excepting a month or two spent in cultivating the soil, in order to obtain such slight means of subsistence as we could. Father Jean Brebeuf,30 a pious and prudent man, and of a robust constitution, 179 passed the sharp winter season among the savages, acquiring a very considerable knowledge of this strange tongue. We, meantime, learning from interpreters who were very unwilling to communicate their knowledge, made as much progress as we could hope, contrary to the expectation of all. But these are only the rudiments of two languages; many more remain. For the languages are multiplied with the number of the tribes; and this land, extending so far in every direction, is inhabited by at least fifty different tribes, truly an immense field for our zeal. The harvest is great, the laborers are few; but they have, by God's grace, a courage undaunted by any obstacles, although the promise of success is not yet very great, so rude and almost brutish are the natives. We have, truly, this one consolation, that God in his goodness and power, in the distribution of his rewards will not so much consider our success as our good will and our efforts. Provided only that our desires, such as they may be, be pleasing in his sight, we shall have no reason for deeming our efforts misspent. Our labors this year have had no further fruit than a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of the dialects of two tribes, if the savages alone be considered. As regards the French, whose number does not exceed forty-three, we have not been negligent. We have heard their general confessions, relating to their whole past life, after first holding an exhortation on the necessity of this confession. Each month, moreover, we have preached two sermons to them. To these efforts the following year will add still greater ones, if God help and promote our enterprise as he has done hitherto.
180 Valent nostri omnes, per Dei gratiam.... Vix unus utitur linteis cum decumbit. Quod superest nobis temporis a propria et proximorum salute id totum in excolenda terra insumitur. Longe alia fuissent virtutum incrementa, si alium Nostri non desiderassent superiorem. Facile est Paternitati Vestræ remedium adhibere, longe melius obsequentis quam imperantis personam sustineo. Dabit hoc mihi ut bene spero Paternitas Vestra a qua id, qua possum animi demissione, peto, nec hujus remedii defectu remorabitur diutius alacritatem nostrorum in augendis virtutibus. E Gallia missi sunt ad nos hoc anno operarii primum hic domicilium Societatis erecturi quod omnino necessarium indicavimus propter Gallos nostros hic commorantes et nusquam alibi. Erigentur postea in aliis nationibus in quibus major speratur fructus. Certas enim et statas sedes habent, ad eas brevi missuri sumus unum e nostris vel duos potius, nimirum Patrem Joannem de Brebeuf et Patrem Annam de Noue, quorum missio si succedat lætissimus aperitur Evangelio campus; barbarorum opera eo deducendi sunt, neque enim aliis vectoribus uti possunt. Cum bona superiorum venia redit in Galliam Pater Philibertus Noyrot, hoc totum negotium ut hactenus fecit promoturus. Indiget Paternitatis Vestræ auctoritate ut libere possit agere cum iis qui res nostras curant. Facessunt ipsi aliquid negotii Lutetiæ 182Patres nostri, nescio quam ob rem, nonnihil videntur alieni ab hac missione, cui nisi favisset bonæ memoriæ Pater Cottonus omnino jacuissent res nostræ.... Verum quia rediturus est ineunte vere Pater Noyrot, omnino alius e nostris erit necessarius Lutetiæ vel Rothomagi qui in ipsius locum sufficiatur et rerum nostrarum curam suscipiat, necessaria singulis annis mittat et litteras nostras accipiat; si tamen ita judicaverit Paternitas Vestra. Septem ergo hic residui erimus. Patres quatuor: P. Enemundus Masse, admonitor et confessarius, P. Joannes de Brebeuf, P. Annas de Noue et ego. Coadjutores vero tres: Gilbertus Burel, Joannes Goffestre et Franciscus Charreton, parati omnes ad quosvis labores pro Dei gloria suscipiendos. Sanctissimis Paternitatis Vestræ Sacrificiis commendant se omnes.
P. V. filius humillimus
Carolus Lalemant.
E Nova Francia
Cal. Aug.
181 We are, God be thanked, all well.... Hardly one of us uses bed-linen when he sleeps. All our time that is not devoted to seeking the salvation of our fellow-men and of ourselves is occupied in tilling the soil. Far greater would be our growth in virtue, if another of Our Brothers were not more desirable as superior. This it is easy for Your Paternity to remedy, as I feel myself far better fitted for obedience than for command. I truly hope that Your Paternity, from whom I ask it with all possible submission, will grant me this, and will not longer hinder, for lack of this remedy, the eagerness of our brethren to increase their virtues. Some workmen have been sent to us this year from France, to construct the first dwelling of the Society here, which we considered as quite indispensable on account of our French, who settle here and nowhere else. Others will be built later among other tribes from whom we expect greater results. To those that have fixed settlements we shall in a short time send one of our number or rather two; Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father Anne de Noue.31 If their mission is successful, a most promising field will be opened for the Gospel. They must be taken there by the savages, for they can not use any other boatmen. With consent of his superiors, Father Philibert Noyrot32 returns to France to promote as hitherto the interests of our enterprise. He stands in need of the influence of Your Paternity in order to negotiate freely with those who have charge of our affairs. Our own Fathers at Paris, for some reason, put difficulties in our way, and seem rather unfriendly to our mission; so that, but for the favor of Father Cotton,33 of blessed memory, our affairs would have fallen to the ground.... 183 As Father Noyrot is to return at the beginning of spring, another of our members will be absolutely necessary at Paris, or at Rouen, to fill his place and to look after our interests, sending us yearly what supplies we need, and receiving our letters, if Your Paternity so decide. There thus remain seven of us here; four priests, Father Enemond Masse,34 as admonitor and confessor, Father Jean de Brebeuf, Father Anne de Noue, and myself; and three lay brothers, Gilbert Burel, Jean Goffestre, and François Charreton, all of us ready to undertake any labors whatsoever for the glory of God. We all commend ourselves to the Most Holy Sacrifices of Your Paternity.
Your Paternity's most humble son
Charles Lalemant.
New France,
August 1st.
Kebec, Aoust 1, 1626
Paris: JEAN BOUCHER, 1627
Source: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.
LETTRE
DV PERE
CHARLES
L'ALLEMANT
SVPERIEVR DE LA MISSION
de Canadas; de la Compagnie
de Iesvs.
Enuoyee au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant
son frere, de la mesme Compagnie
Où sont contenus les mœurs & façons de viure
des Sauuages habitans de ce païs là;
& comme ils se comportent auec
les Chrestiens François qui y
demeurent.
Ensemble la description des villes de ceste contree.
A PARIS,
Par Iean Bovcher, ruë des Amandiers
à la Verité Royale. 1627.
LETTER
FROM FATHER
CHARLES
L'ALLEMANT
SUPERIOR OF THE MISSION
of the Canadas; of the Society
of Jesus.
Sent to Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother,
of the same Society
In which are contained the manners and
customs of the Savages inhabiting that
country; and on what terms they
live with the French Christians
who reside there.
Together with the description of the towns of that country.
PARIS,
Jean Boucher, ruë des Amandiers
Verité Royale. 1627.
190 Pax Christi.
I'ESCRIVIS l'an passé à Vostre Reuerence (enuiron la my-Iuillet) le succés de nostre voyage; depuis ce temps ie n'ay peu vous escrire, à cause que les vaisseaux n'abordent icy qu'vne fois l'an. C'est pourquoy il ne faut attendre des nouuelles de nous que d'annee en annee: Et si ces vaisseaux venoient vne fois à manquer, ce seroit bien merueille si vous en receuiez deuant deux ans; outre qu'il nous faudroit ceste annee attendre de l'vnique prouidence de Dieu les choses necessaires à l'entretien de ceste vie. Donc depuis mes dernieres, voicy ce que i'ay peu recognoistre de ce païs, & ce qui s'est passé: Ce païs est d'vne grande estenduë, ayant bien mille ou douze cens lieuës de longueur; sa largeur, enuiron le 40. degrez vers l'Orient; il est borné de la mer Oceane, & vers l'Occident, de la mer de la Chine. Plusieurs Nations l'habitent: lon m'en a nommé 38. ou 40. sans celles que lon ne cognoist pas, que les Sauages neantmoins asseurent. Le lieu où les François se sont habituez appellé Kebec, est par les 46. degrez & demy, sur le bord d'vn des plus beaux fleuues du monde, appellé par les François, la riuiere de sainct Laurens, esloigné pres de deux cens 192 lieuës de l'emboucheure du dit fleuue, & cepẽdãt le flot monte encore 35. ou 40. lieuës au dessus de nous. [4] L'endroit le plus estroit de ceste riuiere est vis à vis de l'habitation, & toutesfois sa largeur y est plus d'vn quart de lieuë. Or quoy que le païs où nous sommes soit par les 46 degrez & demy plus Sud que Paris de pres de deux degrez, si est-ce que l'Hyuer, pour l'ordinaire, y est de 5. mois & demy; les neiges de 3. ou 4. pieds de hauteur; mais si obstinees qu'elles ne fondent point pour l'ordinaire que vers la my-Auril, & commencent tousiours au mois de Nouembre, pendant tout ce temps on ne void point la terre; voire mesme nos François m'ont dit, qu'ils auoient traisné le may sur la nege, au premier iour de May: L'annee mesme que nous arriuasmes, & ce auec des raguettes; car c'est la coustume en ce païs de marcher sur des raguettes pendãt l'Hyuer, de peur d'enfoncer dans la neige, à l'imitation des Sauuages, qui ne vont point autremẽt à la chasse de l'orignac. Le plus doux Hyuer qu'on ait veu, est celuy que nous y auons passé (disent les Anciens habitans) & cependant les neiges commencerent le 16. Nouembre, & vers la fin de Mars commencerent à fondre, la longueur & continuation des neiges est cause que lon pourroit douter si le froment & le seigle reussiroit bien en ce païs; i'en ay veu neãtmoins d'aussi beau qu'en vostre France, & mesme le nostre que nous y auons semé, ne luy cede en rien; pour plus grande asseurance il faudroit y semer du bled mesteil; l'orge & l'auoine y viennent le mieux du monde, plus grainuës beaucoup qu'en France. C'est merueille de voir nos pois tant ils sont beaux. Ainsi la terre n'est pas ingrate (comme vostre Reuerence peut voir.) Plus on va montant la riuiere, & plus on s'apperçoit de la 194 bonté d'icelle. Les vents qui regnent en ce païs, sont, le Nor-d'Est, le Nor-Ouest, & le Sur-Ouest. Le Nor-d'Est ameine les neges en Hyuer, & les pluyes en autre saison. Le Nor-Ouest est si froid qu'il penetre iusques aux moüelles des os; le Ciel est fort serein quand il souffle. Depuis l'emboucheure de ceste Riuiere iusques icy, il n'y a point de terre defrichee, ce ne sont que bois. Ceste Nation icy ne s'occupe point à cultiuer la tetre [terre], il n'y a que 3. ou 4. familles qui en ont defriché 2. ou 3. arpens où ils sement du bled d'Indes; & ce depuis peu de temps. On m'a dit que c'estoit les RR. PP. Recolects qui leurs auoient persuadé. Ce qui a esté cultiué en ce lieu par les François est peu de chose, s'il y a 18. ou 20. arpens de terre [5] c'est tout le bout du monde. A deux cens lieuës d'icy en montant la Riuiere, il se trouue des Nations plus stables que celles cy, qui bastissent de grands villages, lesquels ils fortifient contre leurs ennemis; & trauaillent à bon escient à la terre; d'où vient qu'elles ont quantité de bled d'Inde, & ne meurẽt pas de faim comme celles cy, si sont-elles plus sauuages en leurs mœurs, commettans sans se cacher, & sans honte aucune, toute sortes d'impudences. Or quoy que ceste Riuiere nous conduise à ces Nations là, si est-ce pourtant qu'il y a bien de la difficulté à y aller, à cause des saults qui se trouuẽt sur la Riuiere (qui sont de certains precipices d'eau, qui empeschẽt tout à fait qu'on ne puisse nauiger.) C'est pourquoy lors que les Sauuages arriuent à ces saults là, il faut qu'ils portent leurs batteaux sur leurs espaules, auec tout leur bagage, & qu'ils s'en aillent par terre quelquesfois 2. 3. 4. & 8 lieuës, & ainsi que passent les François lors qu'ils y vont. Les RR. PP. Recolects y sont allez quelquesfois, & y ont porté 196 tous leurs viures pour vn an, ou dequoy en acheter; car d'attendre que les Sauuages vous en donnẽt c'est folie, si ce n'est qu'ils vous ayent pris sous leur protection, & que vous vouliez demeurer dans leurs villages & cabanes; car alors il vous nourriront pour rien; Mais qui s'y pourroit resoudre! les yeux religieux ne peuuent supporter tant d'impudicitez qui s'y commettent à descouuert: c'est pourquoy les RR. PP. Recolects ont esté contraints de bastir des Cabanes à part; mais aussi falloit il qu'ils achetassent leurs viures. En ces Nations il n'y a eu ceste annee aucun Religieux; quand nous arriuasmes icy l'an passé il y auoit vn P. Recolet qui s'en venoit auec les Sauuages, au lieu de la traitte 35. lieuës au dessus de ceste habitation; mais au dernier sault qu'il passa son canal se renuersa & se noya: En descendant les Sauuages ne mettent pied à terre pour les sauls; mais seulemẽt en montant. Ainsi ces saults font que ces Nations sont de difficile abord. Or bien qu'il n'y ait point eu de Religieux en ces Nations, les marchands n'ont pas laissé d'y enuoyer des François pour entretenir les Sauuages, & les amener tous les ans à la traitte. Ces François par consequent n'ont oüy la Messe toute l'annee, ne se sont ny confessez, ny communiez à Pasques, & viuent dans des occasions tres-grandes de pecher. Quæritur, s'ils peuuent en cõscience y aller de la forte; Vostre [6] Reuerẽce me fera plaisir de consulter quelqu'vn de nos Peres pour en sçauoir la resolution & me l'escrire.
191 The peace of Christ be with you.
LAST year (about the middle of July) I wrote to Your Reverence in regard to the success of our voyage. I have not been able to communicate with you since then, because the ships touch here only once a year; and therefore news can be expected from us only from year to year. And if these ships failed once, it would not be surprising if you did not receive news before two years; besides, during the intervening year we should be obliged to look entirely to the providence of God for the necessaries of life. Now, since my last letters, the following is what I have been able to learn about this country, and what has been done here. This country is of vast extent, being easily a thousand or twelve hundred leagues long, and in width extending about 40 degrees toward the Orient. It is bounded by the Ocean sea, and towards the West by the sea of China. Many Tribes inhabit it, about 38 or 40 having been named to me, besides those which are unknown; of the existence of which, however, the Savages assure us. The place inhabited by the French, called Kebec, is in 46 and one-half degrees, upon the shore of one of the most beautiful rivers in the world, called by the French the river saint Lawrence. 193 Kebec is about two hundred leagues from the mouth of this river, and yet the tide ascends 35 or 40 leagues above us. [4] The narrowest part of this river is opposite the settlement, and yet its width here is more than one-fourth of a league. Now although the country where we are, being in latitude about 46 and one-half degrees, is farther South than Paris by nearly two degrees, yet the Winter generally lasts here 5 months and a half; the snow is 3 or 4 feet deep, but it is so firm that it does not usually melt until near the middle of April, and it always begins in the month of November. During all this time the earth is never seen; indeed our Frenchmen have even told me that they dragged their maypole over the snow on the first day of May, in the very year of our arrival, and that with snowshoes; for it is the custom in this country to walk on snowshoes during the winter, for fear of sinking into the snow, in imitation of the Savages; who never go otherwise to hunt the moose. The mildest Winter that has been seen is the one that we have passed here (say the Old inhabitants), and yet the snow began to fall on the 16th of November and to melt towards the end of March. The long duration of the snow might cause one to somewhat doubt whether wheat and rye would grow well in this country. But I have seen some as beautiful as that produced in your France, and even that which we have planted here yields to it in nothing. To better provide against scarcity, it would be well to plant some meslin;37 rye and oats grow here the best in the world, the grains being larger and more abundant than in France. Our peas are so beautiful; it is wonderful to see them. So the earth is not ungrateful (as your Reverence may see.) The farther up the 195 river we go, the more we see of the fertility of the soil. The prevailing winds in this country are the Northeast, Northwest, and Southwest. The Northeast brings the snows in Winter, and the rains in other seasons. The Northwest is so cold that it penetrates even to the marrow of the bones; yet the Sky is very serene when it blows. From the mouth of the River to this place, none of the land is cleared, there being nothing but forests. This Tribe does not occupy itself in tilling the soil; there are only 3 or 4 families who have cleared 2 or 3 acres, where they sow Indian corn, and they have been doing this for only a short time. I have been told that it was the Reverend Recolect Fathers who persuaded them to do it. That cultivated by the French in this place is of small area, only 18 or 20 acres [5] at the most.38 Two hundred leagues from here, ascending the River, Tribes are found which are more sedentary than those which are here; they build large villages which they fortify against their enemies, and cultivate the land in earnest. It thus happens that they have stores of Indian corn, and do not die of starvation like those here. Yet they are more savage in their customs, and commit all kinds of shameless acts, without disgrace or any attempt at concealment. Now, although this River takes us to these Tribes, yet truly the difficulty in getting there is very great, on account of the rapids which are found in the River; (these are certain falls of water which entirely prevent navigation.) Therefore, when the Savages reach these rapids, they are compelled to carry their boats upon their shoulders with all their baggage, and to go overland, sometimes 2, 3, 4, or 8 leagues; and the French have to do the same when they go there. The Reverend Recolect Fathers made 197 this journey occasionally and carried all their food for a year, or the means of buying it; for to expect the Savages to give it to you is folly, unless they have taken you under their protection, and you wish to live in their villages and cabins; then they would feed you for nothing. But who could make up his mind to do this? Religious eyes could not support the sight of so much lewdness, carried on openly. Therefore, the Reverend Recolect Fathers were compelled to build their cabins apart; but they also, on that account, had to buy their food. There has been no Religious among these Tribes this year. When we arrived here last year, there was one Recolet Father who came with the Savages to the trading station, 35 leagues above this settlement; but when coming down the last of the rapids, his canoe upset and he was drowned.25 In descending the river, the Savages do not land on reaching the rapids, but only in going up. Thus the rapids make these Tribes difficult of access. Although there have been no Religious among these Tribes, the merchants have not failed to send Frenchmen there to gain the good will of the Savages, and to induce them to come yearly to the trading station. As a consequence, these Frenchmen have not heard Mass during the entire year, have not confessed nor taken the Easter Sacrament, and their surroundings are such that there are frequent opportunities for sin. Quæritur: can they conscientiously go thither under these circumstances? Your [6] Reverence will do me the favor to consult some one of our Fathers, to know his decision and to write to me about it.
Quant aux façons de faire des Sauuages, c'est assez de dire qu'elles sont tout à fait sauuages. Depuis le matin iusques au soir, ils n'ont autre soucy que de remplir leur ventre. Ils ne viennent point 198nous voir si ce n'est pour demander à manger, & si vous ne leur en donnez ils tesmoignent du mescontentement. Ils sont de vrais gueux s'il en fut iamais, & neantmoins superbes au possible. Ils estiment que les François n'ont point d'esprit au prix d'eux; les vices de la chair sont fort frequẽts chez eux; tel qui y espousera plusieurs femmes qu'il quittera quand bon luy semblera & en prendra d'autres. Il y en a icy vn qui a espousé sa propre fille; mais tous les autres Sauuages s'en sont trouuez indignez; de netteté chez eux il ne s'en parle point, ils sont fort sales en leur manger & dans leurs cabanes, ont force vermine qu'ils mangent quand ils l'ont prise. La coustume de ceste Nation est de tuër leurs peres & meres lors qu'ils sont si vieux qu'ils ne peuuẽt plus marcher, pensans en cela leur rendre de bons seruices; car autrement ils seroient contraints de mourir de faim, ne pouuans plus suiure les autres lors qu'ils changent de lieu; & comme ie fis dire vn iour à vn qu'on luy en feroit autant lors qu'il seroit deuenu vieil; il me respondit qu'il s'y attendoit bien. La façon de faire la guerre auec leurs ennemis c'est pour l'ordinaire par trahison, les allans espier lors qu'ils sont à l'escart; & s'ils ne sont assez forts pour emmener prisonniers ceux ou celuy qu'ils rencontreut, ils tirent des fleches dessus, puis leur couppẽt la teste, qu'ils emportent pour monstrer à leurs gens, que s'ils les peuuent emmener prisonniers iusques en leurs cabanes ils leur font endurer des cruautez nompareilles, les faisant mourir à petit feu: & chose etrange! pendant tous ces tourmens, le patient chante tousiours, resputans à deshonneur s'ils crient & s'ils se plaignent. Apres que le patiẽt est mort, ils le mangent, & n'y a si petit qui n'en ait sa part, ils font des festins ausquels ils se conuient les vns les autres, & mesme ils 200 conuient quelques François de leur cognoissance, & en ces festi[n]s ils donnent à chacun sa part dans des plats ou escuelles d'escorce & lors que ce sont festins à tout manger, il ne faut rien laisser, autremement vous estes obligez à payer quelque chose, & perdriez la reputation de braue [7] homme. Aux festins qu'ils font pour la mort de quelqu'vn ils font la part au defunt aussi bien qu'aux autres, laquelle ils iettent dans le feu, & se donnent bien garde que les chiens ne participeẽt à ce festin; & pource ramassent tous les os & les iettent dans le feu. Ils enterrent les morts & auec eux tout ce qu'ils auoient, comme chandeliers, peaux, cousteaux, &c. Et comme ie demãday vn iour à vn vieillard pourquoy ils mettoient tout ce bagage dans les fosses, il me respondit qu'ils le mettoient afin que le mort s'en seruist dans l'autre monde; & comme ie luy repartis que toutes les fois que lon regardoit dãs les fosses on y trouuoit tousiours le bagage, qui estoit vn temoignage que le mort ne s'en seruoit pas; il me respõdit, qu'à la verité le corps des chaudieres, peaux, cousteaux, &c. demeuroit; mais que l'ame des chaudieres, cousteaux, &c. s'en alloit dans l'autre monde auec le mort, & que là il s'en seruoit. Ainsi ils croyent, (comme V.R. void) l'immortalité de nos Ames; & de fait ils asseurent qu'apres la mort, ils vont au Ciel où elles mangent des champignons, & se communiquent les vnes auec les autres. Ils appellent le Soleil Iesvs; & lon tient en ce païs que ce sont les Basques qui y ont cy-deuant habité, qui sont Autheurs de ceste denomination. De là vient que quand nous faisons nos Prieres, il leur semble que comme eux nous addressons nos Prieres au Soleil. A ce propos du Soleil, ces Sauuages icy croyent que la terre est percee de part en part, & que lors qu'il se couche, il est caché en vn 202 trou de la terre, & sort le lendemain par l'autre. Ils n'ont aucun culte diuin, ny aucunes sortes de Prieres. Ils croyent neantmoins qu'il y en a Vn qui a tout fait; mais pourtant ils ne luy rendent aucun honneur. Entr'eux ils ont quelques personnes qui font estat de parler au Diable; ceux là sont aussi les Medecins, & guarissent de toute maladie. Les Sauuages craignent grandement ces gens-là, & les caressẽt de peur qu'ils n'en reçoiuent du mal. Nous apprendrons peu à peu ce qui est des autres Nations, lesquelles sont plus stables en leurs demeures; Car pour celles-cy où nous sommes maintenant auec les François, elle est seulement vagabonde six mois l'annee, qui sont les six mois d'Hyuer, errans çà & là selon la chasse qu'ils trouuent, & ne se cabanent que deux ou trois familles ensemble en vn endroit, deux ou trois en l'autre, & les autres de mesme. Ez autres [8] six mois de l'annee, vingt ou trente s'assemblent sur le bord de la Riuiere pres de nostre habitation, autant à Thadoussac, & autant à quarante lieuës au dessus de nous, & là ils viuent de la chasse qu'ils ont faicte l'Hyuer, c'est à dire, de viande d'orignac, boucanee, & de viures qu'ils ont traité auec les François. Ie croy auoir escrit l'an passé ce qui est de leurs vestemens, & comme ils sont tousiours nud teste, leurs corps sont seulemẽt couuerts d'vne peau, ou d'orignac, ou d'vne robbe de Castor, qui sont 5. ou 6. Castors cousus ensemble, & vestent ces peaux, comme sans comparaison, les Ecclesiastiques les Chappes, n'estans attachez par deuant que d'vne courroye: quelquefois ils se ceignent d'vne ceinture, quelquefois ils n'en ont point du tout, & neantmoins pour lors on ne void rien de deshonneste, cachans fort decemment les parties que l'honnesteté veut estre couuertes. En Hyuer 204 ils ont des chausses & des souliers faits de peau d'orignac; mais les souliers, tant dessus que dessous sont souples comme vn gand. Ils ont la plus part du temps leurs visages peints de rouge ou de gris brun & ce en diuerses façons, selon la fantaisie des femmes, qui peignent leurs maris & leurs enfans, desquels ils graissent aussi les cheueux de graisse d'ours, ou d'orignac. Les hommes n'ont non plus de barbe que les femmes, ils se l'arrachent afin de plaire dauantage aux femmes. Ie n'en ay veu que trois ou quatre qui ne se la sont point arrachee depuis peu de temps à l'imitation des François; mais pourtant ils n'en sont pas fournis. La couleur de leur chair tire fort sur le noir; on n'en void pas vn qui aye la charnure blanche, neantmoins il n'y a rien de si blanc que leurs dents. Ils võt sur les riuieres dans de petits canaux d'escorce de bouleau, fort proprement faits: dans les moindres il y peut tenir 4 ou 5. personnes, encore y mettent-ils leurs petits bagages. Les auirons sont proportionnez aux canaux l'vn deuant l'autre derriere, c'est d'ordinaire la femme qui tient celuy de derriere, & par consequent qui gouuerne. Ces pauures femmes sont de vrais mulets de charge, portant toute la fatigue; sont-elles accouchees, deux heures apres elles s'en vont aux bois pour fournir au feu de la cabane. En Hyuer lors qu'ils decabanent elles trainent les meilleurs pacquets sur la neige; bref les hommes ne semblent auoir pour partage que la chasse, la guerre, & la traitte. A propos de la [9] traitte, ie n'en ay encores rien dit, aussi est-ce l'vnique chose qui me reste touchant les Sauuages. Toutes leurs richesses sont les peaux de diuers animaux; mais principalement de Castors. Auparauant l'association de ces Messieurs ausquels le Roy a donné ceste traitte pour 206 certain temps, moïennant quelques conditions portees par les Articles, les Sauuages estoient visitez de plusieurs personnes, iusques là qu'vn des Anciẽs m'a dit qu'il a veu iusques à vingt nauires dans le port de Tadoussac; mais maintenant que ceste traitte a esté accordee à l'association qui est auiourd'huy priuatiuement à tous autres, lon ne void plus icy que deux nauires qui appartiennent à l'Association, & ce, vne fois l'an seulement, enuiron le commencement du mois de Iuin. Ces deux nauires apportent toutes les marchandises que ces Messieurs traictent auec les Sauuages, c'est à sçauoir des capaux, des couuertures, bonnets de nuict, chapeaux, chemises, draps, haches, fers de fleches, aleines, espees, des tranches pour rompre la glace en Hyuer, des coutteaux, des chaudieres, pruneaux, raisins, du bled d'Inde, des pois, du biscuit, ou de la galette, & du petun; & outre ce qui est necessaire pour le viure des François, qui demeurẽt en ce païs là, en eschange ils emportent des peaux d'orignac, de loup ceruier, de regnard, de loutre, & quelquefois il s'en rencontre de noires, de mattre, de blaireau, & de rat musqué; mais principalement de Castor, qui est le plus grand de leur gain: On m'a dit que pour vne annee ils en auoient remporté iusques à 22000. L'ordinaire de chaque année est de 15000. ou 12000. à vne pistole la piece, ce n'est pas mal allé; il est bien vray que les frais qu'ils font sont assez grands, ayant icy quarante personnes & plus qui sont gagez & nourris; outre les frais de tout l'equipage de deux nauires, où il se retrouue bien 150. hõmes qui reçoiuent des gages & se nourrissent. Ces gages ne sont pas tous d'vne façon: L'ordinaire est de 106. liures, il y en a qui ont cent escus. Ie cognois vn Truchement qui a cent pistoles, & quelque nombre 208 de peaux qu'il luy est permis d'emporter chaque annee. Il est vray qu'il les traicte de sa marchãdise. Vostre Reuerence le verra ceste annee, c'est vn de ceux qui nous ont grandement aidé. Vostre Reuerence lui fera, s'il luy plaist, bon raqueil; il est pour retourner & rendre icy de grands seruices à N. Seigneur. Reste maintenant [10] à mander à vostre Reuerence ce que nous auons fait depuis nostre arriuee en ce païs, qui fut à la fin de Iuin. Le mois de Iuillet & d'Aoust se passerent, partie à escrire des lettres, partie à nous recognoistre vn peu dans le païs, & à chercher quelque lieu propre pour y establir nostre demeure: Afin de tesmoigner aux RR. PP. Recolects, que nous desiriõs les deliurer au plustost de l'incõmodité que nous leur apportions. Apres auoir bien consideré tous les endroits, & apres auoir pris langue des François, & principalement des Reuerends Peres Recolects le 1. iour de Septembre nous plantasmes la saincte Croix, au lieu que nous auions choisi, auec toute la solemnité qui nous fut possible. Les Reuerends Peres Recolects y assisterent auec les plus apparens des François, qui apres le disner se mirent tous à trauailler. Nous auons depuis tousiours continué, nous cinq, à desraciner ler [les] arbres, & à bescher la terre tant que le tẽps nous a permis. Les neiges venantes nous fusmes contraints de sursoir iusques au Prin-temps pendant le trauail nous ne laissions pas de penser comment nous viendrions à bout du langage du païs; car des Truchemens, disoit-on il ne faut rien attendre; si est-ce neantmoins qu'apres auoir recommandé l'affaire à Dieu, i'ay pris resolution de m'addresser au Truchement de ceste Nation, quitte, disie en moy-mesme pour estre refusé aussi bien que les autres. Donc apres m'estre efforcé par des exhortations 210 que ie faisois & par nostre conuersation, de donner d'autres impressiõs de nostre Compagnie, qu'on n'auoit en ce païs, Vostre Reuerence croiroit-elle bien que nous y auõs trouué l'Anti-Coton, que lon faisoit courir de chambre en chambre, & qu'enfin lon a bruslé quatre mois apres nostre arriuee; ayant, disie, tasché de donner d'autres impressions. Ie m'adressay donc au Truchement de ceste Nation, & le priay de nous donner cognoissance du langage. Chose estrãge, il me promist sur l'heure, qu'il me donneroit pendant l'hyuer tout le cõtentement que ie pourrois desirer de luy. Or c'est icy où il faut admirer vne particuliere prouidence de Dieu: car il faut remarquer, que le General estoit chargé de ses associez de repasser en France, ou bien de luy diminuer ses gages & luy pressoit si fort de retourner la mesme annee que nous arriuasmes qu'il fallut que le General vsast de commandement absolu auec asseurance que ses gages ne luy seroient [11] point diminuees, pour le faire demeurer cette annee; & de fait il est demeuré à nostre grand contentement. Secundo notandum; Que ce Truchement n'auoit iamais voulu communiquer a personne la cognoissance qu'il auoit de ce langage, non pas mesme aux RR. PP. Recolects, qui depuis dix ans n'auoient cessé de l'en importuner; & cependant à la premiere priere que ie luy fis, me promist ce que ie vous ay dit, & s'est acquité fidelement de sa promesse pendant cet Hyuer. Or neantmoins parce que nous n'estions pas asseurez qu'il deust estre fidele en sa promesse, craignans que l'Hyuer se passast sans rien auancer en la cognoissance de la langue. Ie consultay auec nos Peres, s'il ne seroit point à propos que deux de nous allassent passer l'Hyuer auec les Sauuages, bien auant dans les 212 bois, afin que leur hantise nous donnast la cognoissance que nous cherchions; nos Peres furẽt d'auis que ce seroit assez qu'vn y allast, & que l'autre demeureroit pour satisfaire à la deuotion des François. Ainsi ce fut le P. Brebeuf qui eut ce bonheur; il partit le 20. d'Octobre, & retourna le 27. de Mars, ayant tousiours esté esloigné de nous de 20. ou 25. lieux. Pendant son absence ie sommay le Truchement de sa promesse à laquelle il ne manqua point; A peine eusie tiré de luy ce que ie desirois, que ie me resolus d'aller passer le reste de l'Hyuer auec le premier Sauuage qui nous viendroit voir; Ie m'y en allay donc le 8. de Ianuier; mais ie fus contraint de retourner 11. iours apres; car ne trouuans pas dequoy viure eux-mesme, ils furent contraints de retourner voir les François. A mon retour, sans perdre temps, ie sollicitay le Truchement d'vne autre Nation de me communiquer ce qu'il sçauoit; dont ie m'estonne comme il le fit si franchement, ayant esté par le passé si reserué a l'endroit des Reuerends Peres Recolets. Il nous donna tout ce que nous luy demandasmes; il est bien vray que nous ne luy demandasmes pas tout ce qu'eussions bien desiré; car comme nous recogneusmes en luy vn esprit assez grossier, ce n'eust pas esté nostre aduantage de le presser par de la sa portee, nous fusmes neantmoins tres contens de ce qu'il nous donna; & ce qui est à remarquer afin de recognoistre d'auantage la prouidence de Dieu en ce fait, cedit Truchement s'en deuoit retourner en France la mesme annee que nous ariuasmes, & ce par l'entremise des Peres Recolets, & de nous qui le iugiõs necessaire pour [12] le bien de son ame, & de fait nous l'emportasmes pardessus le General de la flotte, qui a toute force le vouloit 214 renuoyer en la Nation de laquelle il est Truchement, le voila donc arriué icy où nous sommes auec des François qui reuenoient de la traitte, en resolution de s'en retourner en France, les vaisseaux sont sur le point de partir: la veille du depart il vint nous voir chez les Reuerends Peres Recolets pour nous dire Adieu. Ce grand Dieu fit ioüer tout à propos vn ressort de sa Prouidence, comme il estoit chez nous voila vne forte pleuresie qui le prend & le voilà couché au lict, si bien & si beau qu'il fallut que les vaisseaux s'en retournassent sans luy; & par ce moyen le voilà qui nous demeure, hors des dangers neantmoins de se perdre, ce qui nous auoit fait solliter son retour. Ie vous laisse à penser si pendant sa maladie nous oubliasmes de luy rendre tout deuoir de charité; il suffit de dire qu'auparauant qu'il fust releué de ceste maladie, pour laquelle il n'attendoit que la mort; il nous asseura qu'il estoit entierement à nostre deuotion, & que s'il plaisoit à Dieu luy rendre la santé, l'Hyuer ne ce passeroit iamais sans nous donner tout contentement, dequoy il s'est fort bien acquitté, graces à Dieu.
As to the customs of the Savages, it is enough to say that they are altogether savage. From morning 199 until night they have no other thought than to fill their stomachs. They come to see us only to ask for something to eat; and if you do not give it to them they show their dissatisfaction. They are real beggars, if there ever were any, and yet proud as they can be. They consider the French less intelligent than they. Vices of the flesh are very common among them. One of them will marry several women, and will leave them when he pleases, and take others. There is one here who married his own daughter, but all the other Savages were indignant at him for it. As to cleanliness among them, that never enters into the question; they are very dirty about their eating, and in their cabins they are covered with vermin, which they eat when they catch them. It is a custom of this Tribe to kill their fathers and mothers when they are so old that they can walk no longer, thinking that they are thus doing them a good service; for otherwise they would be compelled to die of hunger, as they have become unable to follow the others when they change their location. When I had it explained to one of them one day that the same thing would be done for him when he became old, he answered that he certainly expected it. Their method of making war against their enemies is generally through treachery, watching to find them alone; and, if they are not strong enough to make prisoners of those whom they encounter, they shoot them with their arrows, then cut off their heads, which they bring back to show their people. But, if they can take them to their cabins as prisoners, they subject them to unparalleled cruelties, killing them by inches; and, strange to say, during all of these tortures, the victim sings constantly, considering it a 201 dishonor if he cries out or complains. After the victim is dead, they eat him, and no one is so insignificant that he does not get his share. They have feasts to which they invite each other, and even some of their French acquaintances; at these feasts they give to each one his part on a dish or plate of bark; and when they are "eat-all" feasts, nothing must be left, otherwise you would be compelled to pay something, and would lose your reputation as a brave [7] man. At the feasts which are given in honor of the death of some one, they set aside a part for the deceased as well as for the others, which they throw into the fire; they are very careful that the dogs shall not share in this feast, and to this end, they gather up all the bones and throw them into the fire. They bury the dead, and with them all their belongings, such as candlesticks, furs, knives, etc. When I asked an old man one day why they placed all this baggage in the grave, he replied that they did so in order that the deceased might use it in the other world; and when I answered him that when any one looked into the grave all the baggage was seen there, which was a proof that the deceased did not use it, he replied, that in truth the body of the kettles, furs, knives, etc., remained, but that the soul of the kettles, knives, etc., went off to the other world with the deceased, and that he made use of them there. Thus they believe (as Your Reverence sees) in the immortality of our Souls; and, in fact, they assure you that after death they go to Heaven, where they eat mushrooms and hold intercourse with each other. They call the Sun Jesus;39 and it is believed that the Basques,40 who formerly frequented these places, Introduced this name. It thus happens that when we 203 offer Prayers, it seems to them that we address our Prayers to the Sun, as they do. While on the subject of the Sun, the Savages here believe that the earth is pierced through and through; and that, when the sun sets, it hides in one hole in the earth, and comes out next morning through the other. They have no form of divine worship, nor any kind of Prayers. They believe, however, that there is One who made all, but they do not render him any homage. Among them there are persons who make a profession of talking to the Devil; these are also the Physicians, and cure all kinds of diseases. The Savages have great fear of these people, and humor them lest they do them some injury. Little by little we shall learn more of the other Tribes, who are more sedentary in their habits; but, as to these where we now are with the French, they are wanderers only during six months of the year, which are the six Winter months,—roving here and there, according as they may find game, only two or three families erecting their cabins together in one place, two or three in another, and so on. The other [8] six months of the year, twenty or thirty come together upon the shore of the River near our settlement, part at Thadoussac, and the same number forty leagues above us; and there they live upon the game which they have captured during the Winter; that is to say, on smoked moose meat, and food for which they have traded with the French. I believe I wrote something about their clothing last year, and how they always go bare-headed; they wear no other clothes than a moose skin or a Beaver robe, which consists of 5 or 6 Beaver Skins sewed together; and they wear these skins as, without making any comparison, the Ecclesiastics wear their 205 Capes, attached in front only by a leather strap. Sometimes they wear a belt, sometimes none at all, and nevertheless, nothing improper is noticed on that account, as they very modestly cover the parts which decency demands should be covered. In Winter they have leggings and shoes made of moose skin, but the shoes, the uppers as well as the soles, are as pliable as a glove. Their faces are usually painted red or grayish brown, and this is done in different styles, according to the fancy of the women, who paint their husbands and children, whose hair they also oil with bear or moose grease. The men are no more bearded than the women; they pull their beards out in order to be more agreeable to the women. I have seen only three or four who had not done so, and this but recently in imitation of the French; yet they did not have beards. The color of their skin is strongly inclined to black; not one is seen whose skin is white, and yet nothing is so white as their teeth. They go upon the rivers in light birch-bark canoes, very neatly made; the smallest of them can hold 4 or 5 persons and leave room for their little baggage. The oars are proportioned to the canoes, one at the bow and one at the stern; ordinarily, the woman holds the one at the stern, and consequently steers. These poor women are real pack mules, enduring all hardships. When delivered of a child, they go to the woods two hours later to replenish the fire of the cabin.41 In the Winter, when they break camp, the women drag the heaviest loads over the snow; in short, the men seem to have as their share only hunting, war, and trading. Apropos of [9] trading, I have as yet said nothing, and it is also the last thing which remains to be said in regard to the Savages. 207 All of their wealth consists in the furs of different animals, but principally of the Beaver. Before the time of the association of those Gentlemen to whom the King gave this trade for a certain time in consideration of certain conditions mentioned in the Articles,21 the Savages were visited by many people, to such an extent that an Old Man told me he had seen as many as twenty ships in the port of Tadoussac. But now since this business has been granted to the association, which to-day has a monopoly over all others, we see here not more than two ships which belong to it, and that only once a year, about the beginning of the month of June. These two ships bring all the merchandise which these Gentlemen use in trading with the Savages; that is to say, the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts, sheets, hatchets, iron arrowheads, bodkins, swords, picks to break the ice in Winter, knives, kettles, prunes, raisins, Indian corn, peas, crackers or sea biscuits, and tobacco; and what is necessary for the sustenance of the French in this country besides. In exchange for these they carry back hides of the moose, lynx, fox, otter, black ones being encountered occasionally, martens, badgers, and muskrats; but they deal principally in Beavers, in which they find their greatest profit. I was told that during one year they carried back as many as 22,000. The usual number for one year is 15,000 or 12,000, at one pistole each, which is not doing badly.19 It is true their expenses are very heavy, as they keep here forty persons and more, who are paid and maintained; this in addition to the expense of the crews of two ships, which consist of at least 150 men, who receive their wages and food. These wages are not all the same. They are generally 209 106 livres, but some receive a hundred écus. I know an Interpreter who receives one hundred pistoles, and a certain number of hides which he is permitted to carry away each year.42 It is true that he trades them off as his own merchandise. Your Reverence will see him this year; he is one of those who have very effectively assisted us. Your Reverence will, if you please, give him a kind greeting; for he is going to return, and do great service here for Our Lord. It remains now [10] to tell your Reverence what we have done since our arrival in this country, which was the last of June. The months of July and August passed by, partly in writing letters, partly in getting a little acquainted with the country, and in seeking a proper place for our settlement, that we might show the Reverend Recolect Fathers that we desired to relieve them as soon as possible of the inconvenience which we caused them. After having carefully considered all the places, and after having consulted with the French people, and especially with the Reverend Recolect Fathers, we planted the holy Cross on the 1st day of September, with all possible solemnity, upon the place which we had chosen. The Reverend Recolect Fathers took part in the ceremony with the most prominent of the French, and after dinner all of them went to work. We have continued this work ever since, we five, uprooting trees and breaking the ground whenever we had time. The snow intervened, and we were compelled to give up our work until Spring. During the work, the thought of acquiring a knowledge of the language of this country was constantly in our minds; for it was said that we could expect nothing from the Interpreters. Nevertheless, after having commended the matter 211 to God, I made up my mind to speak to the Interpreter of this Tribe, saying to myself that at the worst, I could only be refused as the others had been. So, after having striven by my exhortations and our conversation to correct the impressions concerning our Society that exist in this country, can Your Reverence believe that we have found here the "Anti-Coton,"43 which was circulated from chamber to chamber, and which was finally burned, about four months after our arrival? Having, I say, tried to give other impressions, I applied then to the Interpreter of this Tribe and begged him to teach us the language. Strange to say, he at once promised me that, during the winter, he would give me all the help that I could ask of him. Now in this a special providence of God must be admired, because it must be observed that the General21 was ordered by his associates to send him back to France, or else to reduce his wages; and he [the interpreter] begged him so earnestly to return the same year that we arrived, that the General was compelled to use imperative authority, and to tell him that his wages would [11] not be reduced, to make him stay this year; and, in fact, he remained, to our great satisfaction. Secundo notandum; This Interpreter had never wanted to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one, not even to the Reverend Recolect Fathers, who had constantly importuned him for ten years; and yet he promised me what I have told you, the first time I urged him to do so, and he kept his promise faithfully during that Winter. However, as we did not feel certain that he would keep his word, and fearing the Winter would pass and we would make no progress in the language, I consulted 213 with our Fathers as to the propriety of two of us going to spend the Winter with the Savages, far into the depths of the forest, in order that, by constant association with them, we might gain the knowledge we sought. Our Fathers were of the opinion that it would be sufficient for one to go, and that the other ought to remain to attend to the spiritual needs of the French. So this good fortune fell to the lot of Father Brebeuf.30 He left on the 20th of October and returned on the 27th of March, having been distant from us 20 or 25 leagues all the time. During his absence I reminded the Interpreter of his promise, which he did not fail to keep. I had hardly learned from him what I desired, when I determined to go and spend the remainder of the Winter with the first Savage who should come to see us. So I went off with one on the 8th of January, but I was compelled to return 11 days later; for, as they could not find enough for themselves to eat, they were compelled to come back to the French. As soon as I returned, I lost no time in urging the Interpreter of another Tribe to teach me what he knew; and I was astonished that he should do it so freely, as in the past he had been so reserved in regard to the Reverend Recolet Fathers. He gave us all that we asked for; it is quite true that we did not ask all that we would have wished; as we noticed in him a mind somewhat coarse, it would not have been to our advantage to have urged him beyond his depth. We were, however, highly pleased with what he gave us; and what is noteworthy, in order to better recognize the providence of God in this matter, this very Interpreter was to return to France the same year that we arrived, and this was to be done through the intervention 215 of the Recolet Fathers and through our influence, as we deemed it necessary for [12] the good of his soul; and in fact we carried the day over the head of the General of the fleet, who was resolved in any event to send him back to the Tribe whose Interpreter he was. So he arrived here where we are, with the French who were returning from the trading station, resolved to go back to France, the ships being on the point of leaving. The evening before his intended departure, he came to see us at the Reverend Recolet Fathers', to bid us Farewell. The great God showed his Providential designs very propitiously then; while he was with us he was taken with a severe attack of pleurisy and was put to bed, so nicely and comfortably, that the ships were obliged to go back without him, and by this means he remained with us, out of all danger of ruining himself; for it was the fear of this which had caused us to urge his return. You will readily understand that during his sickness we performed every act of charity for him. It suffices to say that, before he recovered from this sickness, in which he expected to die, he assured us that he was entirely devoted to us; and that if it pleased God to restore his health, the Winter would never pass by without his giving us assistance, a promise which he kept in every respect, thank God.
Ie me suis peut-estre estendu plus que de raison à racõpter cecy; mais ie me plais tant à racompter les traits de la prouidence particuliere de Dieu, qu'il me se semble que tout le mõde y doit prendre plaisir; & de fait s'il s'en fust retourné en France ceste annee là, nous estions pour n'auancer gueres plus que les Reuerends Peres Recolets en 10. ans. Dieu soit loüé de tout, voila donc à quoy se passa la meilleure partie de l'hyuer. Outre ces occupatiõs ie n'ay point manqué à mon tour d'aller les festes & Dimanches dire la Messe aux François, ausquels i'ay fait exhortation 216 toutes les fois que i'y ay esté: le Pere Brebeuf de son costé en faisoit autant, & auons si bien auancé par la grace de Dieu, que nous auons gaigné le cœur de tous ceux de l'habitation, auons fait faire des confessions generales à la plus part, & auons vescu en tres-bonne intelligence auec le Chef. Enuiron le milieu du Caresme ie m'hazarday de prier le Capitaine de nous donner les Charpentiers de l'habitation pour nous aider à dresser vne petite cabane au lieu que nous auons commencé à défricher, ce qu'il m'accorda auec beaucoup de courtoisie: les charpentiers ne souhaitoient [13] rien tant que de trauailler pour nous; & de fait ils nous auoient donné le mot auparauant: aussi trauaillerent-ils auec tant d'affection, que nonobstant l'incommodité du temps & de la saison (car il y auoit encore vn pied & demy de neige) ils eurent acheué nostre cabane le Lundy de la semaine Saincte, & cependant ils cierent plus de 250. aix, tant pour la couuerture, que pour le tour de la cabane; vingt cheurons, & dolerent plus de vingt-cinq grosses pieces necessaires pour l'erection de la cabane. Voila des commencemens assez heureux graces à Dieu, ie ne sçay quel sera le progrés à cause de la continuation de mes imperfections. Au reste parmy ces Sauuages nos vies ne sont pas asseurées. Si quelque François leur a fait quelque déplaisir ils s'en vengent par la mort du premier qu'ils rencontrent, sans auoir esgard à plaisir aucun qu'ils ayent receu de celuy qu'ils attaquent. S'ils ont songé la nuict qu'il faut qu'ils tuënt quelque François, gar[d]e le premier qu'ils rencontrent à l'escart. Ils ajoustent grande croyance à leurs songes. Quelques-vns deux vous diront deux iours auparauant la venuë des vaisseaux l'heure à laquelle ils arriueront, & ne vous diront autre chose sinon qu'ils l'ont veu en dormant. 218 Ceux-la sont en reputation parmy eux de parler au Diable. Leur conuersion ne nous donnera pas peu d'affaire. Leur vie libertine & faineante, leur esprit grossier, & qui ne peut guere comprendre, la disette des mots qu'ils ont pour expliquer nos mysteres, n'ayans iamais eu aucun culte diuin, nous exercera à bon escient. Mais pourtant nous ne perdons pas courage graces à Dieu, appuyez sur cette verité, que Dieu n'aura pas tant esgard au fruict que nous ferons, qu'à la bonne volonté & au trauail que nous prendrons; & puis plus il y aura difficulté en leur conuersion, & plus y aura-t'il de défiance de nous-mesmes; tant y a que nostre esperance est en Dieu. Si ie puis ie me transporteray en d'autres nations: si cela est, il ne faut plus attendre de nouuelles, car ie seray si loin d'eux, qu'à grand peine pourray-ie leur écrire; car au cas que cela arriue ie vous dy adieu & à tout le monde iusques à ce que nous nous reuoyons au Ciel. N'oubliez pas les suffrages pour nostre ame, & faites les de fois à autres. A tout hazard lors que vous vous souuiendrez de nous en vos saincts sacrifices, dites pour vn tel vif ou mort. Le secours qui nous est venu de France est vn bon commencement pour cette Mission; mais les affaires [14] ne sont pas encore en tel estat que Dieu puisse y estre seruy fidellement. L'heretique y a autant encore d'empire que iamais, c'est pourquoy ie renuoye le Pere Noiroit selon la permissiõ que les Superieurs m'en ont faite, afin qu'il paracheue ce qu'il a commencé; il est le mieux entendu en cette affaire. Si nos Peres desirent l'affermissement, & le bon succes de cette Mission, il est du tout expedient qu'ils le laissent faire. C'est bien à son corps defendant qu'il s'en retourne, veu principalement qu'il est tant incommodé 220 dessus la mer. I'enuoye son compagnon auec le Pere Brebeuf à 300 lieux d'icy à vne de ces nations qui sont stables en leur demeure, ils y seront bien tost s'ils trouuent des Sauuages qui les y vueillent conduire, autrement ils seront contraints de retourner vers nous; i'attends tous les iours de leurs nouuelles. Ie viens d'apprendre tout maintenant qu'ils sont partis. Le Diable qui craint la touche a voulu jouër des siennes, car nos Peres estans desia embarquez, les Sauuages par deux ou trois fois les voulurent faire desembarquer, alleguans que leurs canaux estoient trop chargez; mais en fin Dieu l'emporta par dessus luy, on gaigna les Sauuages à force de presents. S'il plaist à Dieu faire reüssir cette mission, voila vne entrée dans des nations infinies pour ainsi dire, qui sont tousiours stables en leur demeure. I'eusse bien desiré estre de la partie, mais nos Peres ne l'ont pas iugé à propos, iugeans qu'il estoit necessaire que ie demeurasse icy, tant pour l'éstablissement de nostre petit domicille, que pour l'entretien des François. Vostre R. s'estonnera peut-estre de ce que i'ay enuoyé le P. Brebeuf qui auoit desia quelque commencement à la langue de cette nation, mais les talents que Dieu luy a departy m'y ont fait resoudre; le fruict que l'on attend de ces natiõs là estant bien autre que celuy que l'on espere de celle cy. S'il plaist à Dieu benir leurs trauaux nous aurons grand besoin d'ouuriers; les dispositions du costé des Sauuages sont telles, qu'on en peut esperer quelque chose de bon. Le truchement ayant demandé en ma presence à l'vn de leurs Capitaines s'ils seroiẽt tous contens que quelques-vns des nostres allassent demeurer en leur pays pour leur apprendre à cognoistre Dieu, il respondit qu'il ne falloit demander 222 cela & qu'ils ne souhaittoient rien tant, puis ayant consideré la maison des Recollets où nous estions, il adiousta qu'à la verité ils ne pourroient pas nous bastir vne maison de pierre semblable à celle-là, [15] mais demandés leur, dit-il au truchement, s'ils seroient contans de trouuer à leur arriuee vne cabane faicte semblable aux nostres. Il ne pouuoit nous tesmoigner plus d'affection; De plus il y a eu de la sterilité dans leur pays cette année, & ils l'attribuent à cause qu'ils n'y ont point eu de Religieux, tout cela nous fait bien esperer. Pour ceux de cette Nation ie les ay fait sommer de respondre, s'ils ne vouloient pas se faire instruire; & nous donner leurs enfans pour le mesme sujet: ils nous ont tous respondu qu'ils le desiroient. Ils attendent que nous ayons basty, c'est à nous cependant de mesnager leur affection & apprendre bien leur langue. Au demeurant ie supplirois volontiers ceux qui ont de l'affection pour ce pays, qu'ils ne se dégoustassent point s'ils n'entendent promptement des nouuelles du fruict que l'on espere. La conuersion des Sauuages demande du temps. Les premieres six ou sept annees sembleront steriles à quelques vns. Et si i'adioustois iusqu'à dix ou douze, possible ne m'éloigneroisie pas de la verité. Mais est ce à dire pourtãt qu'il faille tout quitter là? Ne faut-il pas des cõmencemens par tout? Ne faut-il pas des dispositions pour arriuer où on pretend? Quand à moy ie vous confesse que Dieu me fait cette misericorde, qu'encor que ie n'esperasse aucun profit tout le temps qu'il luy plaira me conseruer en vie, pourueu qu'il eust nos trauaux agreables, & qu'il voulust s'en seruir comme de preparation pour ceux qui viendront apres nous, ie me tiendrois trop heureux d'employer & ma vie & mes 224 forces, & n'épargner rien de ce qui seroit en mon pouuoir, non pas mesme mon sang pour semblable suiet. Neantmoins si nos Superieurs ne sont point d'aduis qu'on passe outre, me voicy tout prés de me sousmettre à leur volonté, & suiure leur iugement. Voicy vn petit Huron qui s'en va vous voir, il est passionné de voir la France. Il nous affectionne grandement & fait paroistre vn grand desir d'estre instruict; neantmoins le pere & le Capitaine de la nation, le veulent reuoir l'an prochain, nous asseurant que s'il est contant il le nous donnera pour quelques annees. Il est fort important de le bien contenter; car si vne fois cet enfant est bien instruit, voila vne partie ouuerte pour entrer en beaucoup de nations où il seruira grandement. Et tout à propos le truchement de cetre [cette] nation la est retourn[é] en France. Truchement qu'il aime tant, qu'il l'appelle son pere. Ie prie nostre Seigneur qu'il luy plaise benir le voyage. Au reste ie remercie V. R. du courage [16] qu'elle m'a donné. I'ay leu ses lettres, quatre ou cinq fois; mais ie n'ay peu gaigner sur moy que ce n'ait esté la larme à l'œil, pour plusieurs raisons, mais specialement sur la souuenance de mes imperfections (coram Deo loquor) qui m'éloignent grandement, du merite de cette vocation, & me fait viuement apprehender que ie n'aille trauerser les desseins de la grace de Dieu, en l'établissement du Christianisme en ce pays. Apres cela ie ne crains rien. Ie vous supplie en vertu de ce que vous aimez mieux dans le Ciel, de ne vous lasser point de solliciter la diuine bonté, ou qu'il me face la grace de m'en défaire, ou si mon idignité est venuë iusques là qu'il m'y faille encore tremper, que ce ne soit au preiudice de nos pauures Sauuages; que ma misere n'empesche point les effects de sa misericorde, & le 226 desordre de ma volonté fragile, l'ordre que sa bonté veut établir en ce pays. Nous continuons plus que iamais les bonnes intelligences auec le Pere Ioseph, qui est icy l'vnique Prestre de son Ordre, l'vn estant allé auec nos Peres aux Hurons; & l'autre s'en retournant en France; il a deux bons freres auec luy. Mr. Champlain est tousiours fort affectionné en nostre endroit, m'a pris pour directeur de sa conscience, aussi bien que Gaumont, duquel i'auray vn soin particulier selon les recommandations de vostre R. L'aduis que vostre R. me donne touchant la dedicace de nostre premiere Eglise, est fort conforme à ma deuotion si les Superieurs m'en laissent la liberté, elle ne sera iamais appellee autrement que N. Dame des Anges; c'est pourquoy ie supplie V. R. de nous faire auoir quelque beau Tableau enuironné d'Anges. C'est vne des grãdes Festes des PP. Recolets, qui ont dedié leur Chappelle à S. Charles; & la Riuiere sur laquelle, eux & nous; sommes logez, s'appelle la riuiere S. Charles, ainsi nõmee quelque temps auparauant que nous vinsiõs. Pour les lettres ie ne pense pas auoir obmis personne, tant de nos bien-faiteurs plus signalez, que de ceux qui m'ont escrit. Aussi vous confessay je que ie suis vn peu las; voicy la 68 & si ce n'est pas la derniere. Plaise à nostre bon Dieu que le tout soit à sa gloire. Nostre R. P. Assistant se monstre fort affectiõné à ceste Mission; ie luy enuoye vne charte de ce pays, asseurant que ie demeureray toute ma vie, de Vostre Reuerence,
Seruiteur tres-affectionné en N Seigneur
Charles l'Allemant.
A Kebec ce 1.
d'Aoust 1626.
I have, perhaps, dwelt longer upon this than was necessary, but I am so pleased to relate the special acts of God's providence, as it seems to me every one must take pleasure in them; and in fact, if he had gone back to France that year, we would have made hardly any more progress than the Reverend Recolet Fathers did in 10 years. May God be praised for all! In this way we passed the greater part of the 217winter. Besides these occupations, I, in my turn, have not failed to go, on holydays and Sundays, to say Mass for the French, to whom I have made an exhortation every time I have been there. Father Brebeuf did the same on his part; and, by the grace of God, we have made such progress that we have won the hearts of all the people of the settlement, and have induced most of them to make general confessions, and have lived on good terms with the Chief. About the middle of Lent, I ventured to ask the Captain to give us the Carpenters of the settlement to help us erect a little cabin at the place we had begun to clear away, and he very courteously granted my request. The carpenters asked for [13] nothing better than to work for us, and in fact they had previously given us their promise; so they worked with such good will, that, notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the weather and of the season (for there was still a foot and a half of snow), they had finished our cabin by Monday of Holy week; and besides, they had sawed over 250 planks, both for the roof and for the sides of the cabin, twenty rafters, and hewn over twenty-five large pieces necessary for the erection of the cabin. These are very happy beginnings, thank God; but, considering my imperfections still continue, I do not know how much progress will be made. Further, there is no security for our lives among these Savages. If a Frenchman has in some way offended them, they take revenge by killing the first one they meet, without any regard for favors which they may have received from the one whom they attack. If during the night they dream they must kill a Frenchman, woe to the first one whom they meet alone. They attach great faith to their dreams. Some of 219them will tell you two days before the coming of a ship the hour of its arrival, and will give no other explanation except that they have seen it while asleep. These are reputed among them to have intercourse with the Devil. Their conversion will give us no little trouble. Their licentious and lazy lives, their rude and untutored minds, able to comprehend so little, the scarcity of words they have to explain our mysteries, never having had any form of divine worship, will tax our wits. And yet we do not lose courage, thank God; trusting in this truth, that God will not have so much regard to the fruits that we produce, as to our good will and the trouble we take; and besides, the greater the difficulty in their conversion, and the more distrust we have in ourselves, so much the greater will be our trust in God. If I can, I shall go among some of the other tribes; and, in that event, no further news need be expected from me, because I shall be so far away that it will be very hard to communicate with you; and if that should happen, I say farewell to you and to every one until we meet in Heaven. Do not forget the prayers for our souls, and make them from time to time. In any case when you remember us in your holy sacrifices, offer them up for such and such a one, living or dead. The help which has reached us from France is a good beginning for this Mission, but things [14] are not yet in such a condition that God can be faithfully served here. The heretic holds as complete dominion here as ever, and therefore I send back Father Noiroit, according to the permission that I have received from the Superiors, in order that he may finish what he has begun; he is the most capable one for this affair. If our Fathers wish the strengthening 221 and the success of this Mission, it is by all means proper that they should allow him to proceed.32 He returns very much against his inclination, principally on account of his sufferings upon the sea. I send his companion31 with Father Brebeuf, 300 leagues from here, to one of those tribes which has a permanent location. They will soon be there if they find Savages to conduct them, otherwise they will be obliged to return here; I am expecting news from them daily. I have just learned that they have gone. The Devil, who feared their approach, tried to play some of his tricks on them, for, when our Fathers had embarked, the Savages tried two or three times to make them go ashore, asserting that their canoes were too heavily loaded; but at last God triumphed over him, and the Savages were won by means of presents. If it please God to give success to this mission, it will open a way, so to speak, to an infinite number of tribes which have permanent settlements. I should have been very glad to be one of the party; but our Fathers did not deem it expedient, considering it well that I should remain here, both for the establishment of our little home and for the welfare of the French. Your Reverence will be astonished, perhaps, at my having sent Father Brebeuf, who already had some knowledge of the language of this tribe; but the talents that God has given him influenced me, the fruits which are expected from those tribes being very different from those hoped for here. If it please God to bless their labors, we shall have great need of workers; the disposition on the part of the Savages is such that something good may be looked for. When the interpreter asked one of their Captains in my presence, if they would all 223be glad if some one of us should go among them to teach them to know God, he answered that it was not necessary to ask that, that they desired nothing better; then, having examined the house of the Recollets where we were, he added that they indeed could not build us a stone house like that one; [15] "But ask them," said he to the interpreter, "if they will be satisfied upon their arrival to find a cabin made similar to ours." He could not manifest more affection for us than he did. Moreover, there was a drought in their country this year, and they attributed it to the fact that they had no Religious among them; all this gives us strong hopes. As to the people of this Tribe, I had them called together to say whether they wanted to be instructed, and to give us their children for the same purpose. They all answered that they did. They are waiting for us to build; and it is for us, in the meantime, to cultivate their affection and to learn their language. Meanwhile, I would request those who are interested in this country not to be disappointed if they do not promptly receive news of the hoped-for converts. The conversion of the Savages takes time. The first six or seven years will appear sterile to some; and, if I should say ten or twelve, I would possibly not be far from the truth. But is that any reason why all should be abandoned? Are not beginnings necessary everywhere? Are not preparations needed for the attainment of every object? For my part, I confess that, if God shows me mercy, although I expect no fruits as long as it will please him to preserve my life, provided that our labors are acceptable to him, and that he may be pleased to make use of them as a preparation for those who will come after us, I shall hold myself only too happy to employ 225my life and my strength, and to spare nothing in my power, not even my blood, for such a purpose. However, if our Superiors do not think we should go farther, I am ready to submit to their will and to follow their judgment. A little Huron is going to see you; he longs to see France. He is very fond of us and manifests a strong desire to be instructed; nevertheless, his father and the Captain of the nation wishes to see him next year, assuring us that, if he is satisfied, he will give him to us for some years. It is of importance that he should be thoroughly satisfied; for, if this child is once instructed, it will open the way to many tribes where he will be very useful. And the return of the interpreter of that tribe to France is very opportune,—the Interpreter whom he loves so much, that he calls him his father. I pray our Lord to be pleased to bless his voyage. I also thank Your Reverence for the courage [16] you have given me. I have read your letters four or five times, and I have not been able to keep the tears from my eyes for several reasons; but especially in reflecting upon my imperfections (coram Deo loquor) which are far from the merit necessary for this vocation, and inspire me with grave fears that I am opposing the purposes of God's grace in the establishment of Christianity in this country. After that, I fear nothing. I beseech you, in the name of all you hold most dear in Heaven, not to become weary in appealing to the divine goodness, either to do me the favor of removing me from here, or, if my unworthiness is so great that I must yet be chastened, let it not be to the disadvantage of our poor Savages; let not my shortcomings prevent the effects of his mercy, nor my weak will be a hindrance to the order that his 227goodness wishes to establish in this country. Our sympathetic relations with Father Joseph26 are stronger than ever. He is the only Priest of his Order here, one having gone with our Fathers to the Hurons, and the other now returning to France; he has two good brothers with him. Mr. Champlain is always very kind to us, and has chosen me as his confessor. Gaumont has done the same, and I shall take special care of him, according to the recommendations of your Reverence. The advice which your Reverence gives me in regard to the dedication of our first Church, is in thorough harmony with my views. If the Superiors leave it to me, it will never be otherwise named than "N. Dame des Anges." Therefore I beg Your Reverence to send us a beautiful Picture surrounded by Angels. It is one of the great Fête days of the Recolet Fathers, who have dedicated their Chapel to St. Charles; the River upon which they and we live is called the river St. Charles, so called some time before our arrival. As to sending letters, I think I have not passed over any one, either of our well-known benefactors or any of those who have written to me; and I confess to you that I am a little tired; this is the 68th, and it is not the last. May it please our good God that everything may be done here for his glory. Our Reverend Father Assistant manifests a great deal of affection for this Mission; I send him a map of this country. With assurances that I will be, during my life, of Your Reverence,
The very affectionate servant in Our Lord,
Charles l'Allemant.
Kebec, this 1st of
August, 1626.
Bordeaux: Nouembre 22, 1629
Source: The Title-page and Avant-Propos follow O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 3; but the Text has been compared with the original publication in Champlain's Voyages (Paris, 1632), part ii., pp. 275-279. The bracketed pagination in the Text is that of Champlain.
LETTRE
du Reuerend
Père L'ALLEMAND,
Supérieur de la Mission des Pères Iésuites,
en la
NOUUELLE FRANCE
Enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Supérieur
du Collége des Iésuites
à Paris,
et datée du 22 Nouembre, 1629.
Imprimée d'après l'exemplaire que l'on trouve
dans les Voyages du Sieur Champlain.
A PARIS,
M. DC. XXXII.
LETTER
from the Reverend
Father L'ALLEMAND,
Superior of the Mission of Jesuit Fathers,
in
NEW FRANCE
Sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend
Father Superior of the Jesuit College
at Paris,
and dated 22nd November, 1629.
Reprinted from the copy to be found in the Voyages of
Sieur Champlain.
PARIS,
M. DC. XXXII.
LE R. Père Charles Lallemant, qui a écrit la Lettre suivante, entra à l'âge de vingt ans dans la Compagnie de Jésus. En 1613, il avait accompagné M. de la Saussaye, à Pentagouët. Argal s'étant emparé de cet établissemement, le P. Lallemant s'en retourna en France, d'où il partit pour le Canada en 1625. C'estoit la première fois que des Pères Jésuites entrerent dans ce Pays. Quelques années aprés, il fût envoyé avec le P. Philibert Noyrot, Procureur de la Mission, chercher en France du secours pour la Colonie, et ayant trouvé de quoi fretter un batiment avec des vivres, ils s'y étoient embarqués vers la fin du mois de Juillet, 1629. Le vaisseau fit naufrage sur la côte de l'Acadie, et c'est de cet naufrage et d'autres événements qui suivirent que traitte la presente lettre. [O'Callaghan.]
THE Reverend Father Charles Lallemant, who wrote the following Letter, entered the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty years. In 1613, he accompanied M. de la Saussaye to Pentagoüet.44 Argal took possession of this settlement, and Father Lallemant returned to France, whence he departed for Canada in 1625. This was the first time that the Jesuit Fathers had entered that Country. Several years later, he was sent with Father Philibert Noyrot, Agent for the Mission, to France, to seek aid for the Colony; and, having secured the means to load a ship with supplies, they embarked upon it toward the end of July, 1629. The ship was wrecked upon the Acadian coast; and it is this shipwreck and other subsequent events that the present letter describes. [O'Callaghan.]
[275] AÃYT sejourné deux iours à Dieppe ie m'acheminay à Rouën, où ie m'arrestay deux autres iours, & appris comme le vaisseau des Reuerends Peres l'Allemand & Noyrot s'estoient perdus vers les Isles de Canseau, & me fit-on voir vne lettre dudit Reuerend Pere l'Allemand, Superieur de la Mission des Peres Iesuites, en la nouuelle France, enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Superieur du College des Iesuites à Paris, & dattée du 22. Nouembre 1629. comme il s'ensuit. [Champlain.]
[275] AFTER having sojourned two days at Dieppe, I journeyed to Rouën, where I remained two more days, and learned how the ship of the Reverend Fathers l'Allemand and Noyrot had been wrecked upon the Canseau Islands; and I was shown a letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand, Superior of the Mission of the Jesuit Fathers in new France, sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, and dated November 22nd, 1629, as follows. [Champlain.]
[276] Mon Reverend Pere,
Pax Christi.
Castigans castigauit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, Chastiment qui m'a esté d'autant plus sensible que le naufrage a estè accompagné de la mort du R.P. Noyrot & de nostre frere Louys, deux hõmes qui deuoient, ce me semble grandemẽt seruir à nostre Seminaire. Or neantmoins puis que Dieu a disposé de la sorte, il nous faut chercher nos contentements dans ses sainctes volontez, hors desquelles il n'y eut iamais esprit solide ny content, & ie m'asseure que l'experience aura fait voir à vostre reuerence que l'amertume de nos ressentiments détrempée dans la douceur du bon plaisir de Dieu, auquel vne ame s'attache inseparablement, perd (ou le tout) ou la meilleure partie de son fiel; Si que s'il reste encore quelques souspirs pour les souffrances, ou passées ou presentes, ce n'est que pour aspirer dauantage vers le Ciel, & perfectionner auec merite 236 ceste conformité dans laquelle l'ame a pris resolution de passer le reste de ses iours; De quatre des nostres que nous estions dans la barque, Dieu partageant à l'esgal, en a pris deux, & a laissé les deux autres. Ces deux bons Religieux tresbien disposez & resignez à la mort, seruiront de victime pour appaiser la colere de Dieu iustement iettée contre nous pour nos deffauts, & pour nous rendre deformais sa bonté fauorable au succeds du dessein entrepris.
[276] My Reverend Father,
The peace of Christ be with you.
Castigans castigavit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, a Chastisement all the more keenly felt by me, as the shipwreck was accompanied by the death of the Reverend Father Noyrot and of our brother Louys,20 two men who were destined, it seems to me, to be of great service to our Seminary. But nevertheless, since God has so ordained, we must seek our consolation in his holy will, outside of which there never was a peaceful or contented mind; and I feel sure that experience will have shown your reverence that the bitterness of our grief, tempered with the sweetness of doing the will of God, to whom a soul is inseparably attached, loses (either all) or the greater part of its sting. And yet, if there still remain some sighs for the sufferings either of the past or of the present, it is only to 237 make us aspire more earnestly to Heaven, and to perfect with merit this harmony in which the soul is determined to pass the rest of its days. Of the four of us who were in the barque, God equally divided them, taking two and leaving two. These two good Religious, who were thoroughly prepared and resigned to die, will serve as victims to appease the wrath of God, justly provoked against us for our shortcomings, and to cause him to grant in the future his goodness, that it may be favorable to the success of the project undertaken.
Ce qui nous perdit fut vn grand coup de vent de Suest, qui s'efleua lors que nous estions à la riue des terres, vent si impetueux que quelque soin & diligence que peust apporter nostre Pilote auec ses Matelots, Quelques vœux & prieres que nous peussions faire pour destourner ce coup, iamais nous ne peusmes faire en sorte que nous n'allassions heurter contre les rochers: ce fut le 26. iour d'apres nostre depart, iour de sainct Barthelemy, enuiron sur les neuf heures du soir; De 24. que nous estions dans la barque, dix seulement eschapperent, les autres furent estouffez dans les eaux. Les deux nepueux du Pere Noyrot tindrent compagnie à leur oncle, leurs corps ont esté enterrez, [277] entre autres celuy du P. Noyrot & de nostre frere, des sept autres nous n'en auons eu aucune nouuelles, quelque recherche que nous en ayons peu faire. De vous dire comment le Pere de Vieuxpont & moy auons eschappé du naufrage, il me seroit bien difficille, & croy que Dieu seul en a cognoissance, qui suiuans les desseins de sa diuine prouidẽce nous a preseruez, car pour mon regard ne iugeant pas dans les apparences humaines qu'il me fust possible d'éuiter ce danger, i'auois pris resolution de me tenir dans la chambre du nauire auec nostre frere Louys, nous disposans tous deux à receuoir le coup de la mort, qui ne pouuoit tarder plus de trois Miserere, lors que i'entendis qu'on m'appelloit sur le haut du nauire, ie 238croyois que c'estoit quelqu'vn qui auoit affaire de mon secours, ie montay en haut, & trouuay que c'estoit le P. Noyrot qui me demandoit derechef l'absolution: Apres luy auoir donnée, & chanté tous ensemble le Salue Regina, ie fus contrainct de demeurer en haut; car de descendre il n'y auoit plus de moyen, la mer estoit si haute, & le vent si furieux, qu'en moins de rien le costé qui panchoit sur le rocher fut mis en pieces, i'estois proche du P. Noirot lors qu'vn coup de mer vint si impetueusement donner contre le costé sur lequel nous estions qui rompit tout, & me separa du P. Noyrot, de la bouche duquel i'entendis ces dernieres paroles, In manus tuas Domine, &c. Pour moy de ce coup ie me trouuay engagé entre quatre pieces de bois, deux desquelles me donnerent si rudement contre la poictrine, & les deux autres me briserent si fort le dos que ie croyois mourir auparauant que d'estre enueloppé des flots, mais voicy vn autre coup de mer qui me desengageant de ces bois m'enleua, & mon bonnet & mes pantoufles, & mist le reste du nauire tout à plat dans la mer: Ie tombay heureusement sur vne planche que ie n'abandonnay point, de rencontre elle estoit liée auec le reste du coste de ce nauire. Nous voilà doncques à la mercy des flots, qui ne nous espargnoient point; ains s'esleuans ie ne sçay combien de couldées au dessus de nous, tomboient par apres sur nos testes. Apres auoir flotté longtemps de la sorte dans l'obscurité de la nuict, qui estoit desia commencée, regardant à l'entour de moy ie m'apperceus que nous estions enfermez d'espines & sur tout enuironnez & prest du costau qui sembloit vne isle, puis regardant vn peu plus attentiuement ie contay six personnes qui n'estoient pas fort esloignées de moy, deux desquels m'apperceuans m'exciterent à faire tous mes efforts pour m'approcher, ce ne [278] fut pas sans peine, car les coups que i'auois receus dans le debris du vaisseau m'auoient fort affoiblis: Ie fis tant neantmoins, qu'auec mes planches 240 i'arriuay au lieu où ils estoient, & auec leur secours ie me trouuay assis sur le grand mast, qui tenait encore ferme auec vne partie du vaisseau, ie n'y fus pas long-temps car comme nous approchions plus prés de cette isle, nos Matelots se lancerent bien-tost à terre, & auec leur assistance tous ceux qui estoient sur le costé du nauire y furent bien tost apres. Nous voilà donc sept de compagnie, ie n'auois bonnet ny souliers, ma soutane & habits estoient tous deschirez, & si moulus de coups que ie ne pouuois me soustenir, & de faict il fallut qu'on me soustint pour aller iusques dans le bois, aussi auois-ie receu deux rudes coups aux deux jambes, mais sur tout à la dextre, dont ie me ressens encore, les mains fenduës auec quelque contusion, la hanche escorchée, la poitrine sur tout fort offencée, nous nous retirasmes donc tous sept dans le bois, moüillez comme ceux qui venoient d'estre trempez dans la mer: la premiere chose que nous fismes fut de remercier Dieu de ce qu'il nous auoit preseruez, & puis le prier pour ceux qui pourroiẽt estre morts. Cela faict pour nous eschauffer nous nous couchasmes les vns proches des autres, la terre & l'herbe qui auoient esté moüillez de la pluye du iour n'estoient encore propre pour nous seicher, nous passasmes ainsi le reste de la nuict, pendant laquelle le P. de Vieuxpont (qui graces à Dieu n'estoit point offencé) dormit fort bien. Le l'endemain si tost qu'il fut iour nous allasmes recognoistre le lieu où nous estions, & trouuasmes que c'estoit vne isle de laquelle nous pouuions passer à la terre ferme, sur le riuage nous trouuasmes force choses que la mer y auoit ietté, i'y trouuay deux pantoufles, vn bonnet, vn chappeau, vne soutanne, & plusieurs autres choses necessaires. Sur tout Dieu nous y enuoya pour viures cinq bariques de vin, quelques dix pieces de lard, de l'huile, du pain, des fromages, & vne harquebuse, & de la pouldre tout à propos pour faire du feu. Apres 242 qu'on eut ainsi tout retiré, le iour de sainct Louys tous s'employerent à faire le possible pour bastir vne chalouppe du desbris du vaisseau, auec laquelle nous irions rangeant la coste chercher quelque nauire de pescheurs: On se mit doncques à trauailler auec meschans ferremens que l'on trouua, elle estoit bien aduancée le quatriesme iour, lors que nous eusmes cognoissance d'vne chalouppe qui estoit sous voile venant vers le lieu où nous estions, ils receurent dedans vn de nos matelots qui alla tout seul plus proche du lieu [279] où elle deuoit passer, ils le menerent dans leur vaisseau parler au Maistre, auquel il racõta nostre disgrace, le maistre tout aussi-tost s'embarqua dans vne chalouppe & nous vint trouuer, nous offrit à tous le passage: Nous voila en asseurance, car le lendemain tous les hommes coucherent dans son vaisseau: C'estoit vn vaisseau Basque qui faisoit pesche â vne lieuë & demie du rocher, où nous fismes naufrage, & pour autãt qu'il restoit encores bien du temps pour acheuer leur pesche, nous demeurasmes auec eux ce qui restoit du mois d'Aoust, & tout le mois de Septembre. Le premier d' Octobre arriua vn Sauuage qui dist au Maistre que s'il ne s'en alloit il y auroit danger que les Anglois ne le surprissent. Cette nouvelle le disposa au depart: Le mesme Sauuage nous dist que le Capitaine Daniel estoit â vingt-cinq lieuës de là qui bastissoit vne maison, & y laissoit des François auec vn de nos Peres: Cela me donna occasion de dire au P. de Vieuxpont qui me pressoit fort que ie luy accordasse de demeurer auec ce Sauuage dans ceste coste, qui estoit bien l'vn des meilleurs Sauuages qui se puisse rencontrer, Mon Pere voicy le moyen de contenter vostre reuerence, le Pere Vimond fera bien aise d'auoir vn compagnon. Ce Sauuage s'offre de mener vostre Reuerence iusques au lieu où est Monsieur Daniel, si elle veut demeurer là elle y demeurera, si elle veut aller 244 quelque mois auec les Sauuages, pour apprendre la langue elle le pourra faire, & ainsi le R. Pere Vimond & vostre Reuerence auront leur contentement: le bon Pere fut extresmement ioyeux de ceste occasion qui se presentoit, ainsi il s'embarque dans la chalouppe du Sauuage, ie luy laissay tout ce que nous auions sauué, horsmis le grand Tableau duquel le matelot Basque s'estoit saisi, mais i'auois bien pensé au retour de luy faire rendre, si vne autre disgrace ne nous fut arriuée. Nous partismes donc de la coste le 6. Octobre, & apres auoir enduré de si furieuses tempestes que nous n'auions encores experimẽtées, le quarantiesme iour de nostre depart entrãt dãs vn port proche de S. Sebastiẽ, nous fismes de rechef vn second naufrage, le Nauire rompu en mille piéces, toute la moluë perduë, ce que ie peus faire ce fut de me sauuer dans vne chalouppe, dans laquelle ie me iettay auec des pantoufles aux pieds, & vn bonnet de nuict en teste, & en ceste esquippage m'en aller trouuer nos Peres à S. Sebastien, d'où ie partis il y a huict iours, & suis arriué à Bourdeuac proche de Bordeaux le 20. de ce mois. Voila le succeds de nostre voyage, par lequel vostre Reuerence peut iuger des obligations que i'ay à DIEV.
Our wreck was caused by a heavy gust of wind from the Southeast, which arose when we were near the shore,—a wind so strong that in spite of all the diligence of our Pilot and his Sailors, and the vows and prayers which we made to avert the disaster, we could not avoid striking upon the rocks. This was on the 26th day after our departure, saint Barthelemy's day, about nine o'clock in the evening. Of the 24 who were in the barque, ten only escaped, the others being suffocated in the water. The two nephews of Father Noyrot kept company with their uncle, and there the bodies were buried, [277] among others that of Father Noyrot and our brother; of the seven others we have no tidings, notwithstanding the search that has been made. It would be difficult for me to tell you how Father de Vieuxpont45 and I escaped shipwreck, and I believe it is known only to God, who, in harmony with the purposes of his divine providence, has preserved us; for in regard to myself, not thinking it within the bounds of human possibility that I could escape this danger, I had resolved to remain in the ship's cabin with our brother Louys. We were preparing ourselves to meet death, which could not be farther away than three Miserere's, when I heard some one call me on the deck of the ship. I thought it might be some one 239 who was planning my rescue. I went up and found it was Father Noyrot, who asked me to again give him absolution. After having given it to him, and having all sung together the Salve Regina, I was obliged to remain above, for there was no means of descending; the sea being so high and the wind so furious, that, in less than no time, the side which leaned toward the rocks was broken in pieces. I was near Father Noyrot, when a wave struck the ship so hard on the side where we were that it broke everything, separating me from Father Noyrot, from whose lips I heard these last words: In manus tuas Domine, &c. I found myself after this blow entangled in four pieces of wood, two of which struck me so hard on the chest and the other two hit me so heavily upon the back, that I thought I should die before being engulfed in the waves; but then came another sea, which, freeing me from these pieces of wood, carried me off, and my cap and slippers, and scattered the rest of the ship over the sea. Fortunately, I fell upon a plank to which I clung, and which happened to be attached to the rest of the side of the ship. We were then at the mercy of the waves, which did not spare us, but which rose, I know not how many cubits above us, and then fell forward over our heads. After having floated about a long time in this manner, in the darkness of the night, which had already set in, looking around me I saw that we were surrounded on all sides by pine trees, and everywhere environed by, and near the shores of what seemed to be an island; then examining a little more closely I counted six persons who were not far from me, two of whom noticed me, and motioned for me to try and come near them. This [278] was not without difficulty, for the blows I had received from the debris of the ship had weakened me. I did so well, however, that with the aid of my planks, I 241 reached the place where they were, and, with their assistance, I found myself sitting upon the mainmast, which was still firmly fastened to a part of the ship. I did not remain there long, for as we neared the island our Sailors soon leaped to the land; and, with their assistance, all those who were on the side of the ship were soon brought to the shore. There were then seven of us together; I had neither cap nor shoes, my cassock and clothes were all torn, and I was so bruised by blows from the wreck, that I could not stand up; and, in fact, some one had to support me while I was trying to reach the woods; for I had received two hard blows upon both legs, but especially upon the right one, which I still feel; my hands were cut and bruised, the flesh torn from my hips; above all I was badly wounded in the chest. All seven of us withdrew into the woods, as wet as those who have just been soaked in the sea. The first thing we did was to thank God for having preserved us, and then we prayed to him for those who might be dead. This done, we lay down very near to each other to keep warm; the ground and the grass, which had been wet by the rain of the previous day, were not yet in a condition to dry us; thus we spent the rest of the night, during which Father de Vieuxpont (who, thank God, was unharmed) slept well. The next morning, at day-break, we reconnoitered the place where we were, and discovered that it was an island, from which we could go to the mainland. We found many things upon the shore that had been thrown up by the sea; I found there two slippers, a cap, a hat, a cassock, and several other necessary articles. Best of all, God sent us as food, five barrels of wine, about ten pieces of lard; oil, bread, and cheese; also an arquebuse, powder, and everything necessary to make a fire. After having drawn all these upon the shore, on saint 243 Louis's day, everybody went to work in earnest to build a boat out of the wreck of the ship, in which we might sail along the coast in search of some fishing boat. So we began to work with the poor tools at our disposal, and considerable progress was made by the fourth day, when we learned of a boat under sail, coming towards the place where we were. They received on board one of our sailors, who went alone to the place [279] near which it was to pass. They took him into their ship to speak with their Captain, to whom he related our misfortune. The captain immediately entered a boat and came in search of us, offering a passage to all of us. Behold us then in safety, for the next night we all slept in his ship. It was a Basque, which was fishing a league and a half from the rock where we were wrecked; and, as they would not finish their fishing for some time, we stayed with them during the remainder of the month of August and the entire month of September. On the first of October a Savage arrived, and told the Master that if he did not leave he would be in danger of being surprised by the English. This news decided his departure. The same Savage told us that Captain Daniel46 was twenty-five leagues away, and was building a house, and that he had left the French with one of our Fathers there. This led me to say to Father de Vieuxpont, who urged me earnestly to permit him to remain with this Savage upon this coast, for he was one of the best Savages that could be found; "My Father, here is the way we can satisfy your reverence; Father Vimond47 will be very happy to have a companion. This Savage offers to conduct your Reverence to the place where Monsieur Daniel is; if you wish to remain there, you may do so; if you wish to go to spend a few months with the Savages to learn their language, you may do so; 245 and so the Reverend Father Vimond and your Reverence will be satisfied." The good Father was very happy at this opportunity which offered itself, so he embarked in the Savage's boat. I gave him all that we had saved, except the large Painting, which the Basque sailor had taken possession of; but I had intended to make him surrender it upon our return, if another misfortune had not overtaken us. So we left the coast on the 6th of October; and after having suffered the most furious tempests that we had yet experienced, we entered, the fortieth day after our departure, the port near St. Sebastien, where we were wrecked a second time, the Ship being broken into a thousand pieces and all the codfish being lost. All I could do was to escape in a shallop into which I threw myself, in my slippers and nightcap, and in this outfit I went to find our Fathers at St. Sebastien, whence I departed eight days later, and arrived at Bourdevac, near Bordeaux, the 20th of this month. This is the result of our voyage, from which your Reverence can judge of my obligations to GOD.
Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii., completing the document, are given in the present volume. The preceding chapters, with Bibliographical Data, are found in our Volume III.
Documents XV. and XVI. are letters from Charles Lalemant to Sieur de Champlain and the provincial of the Récollets, respectively, dated at Quebec, July 28, 1625. They are taken from Sagard's Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636), pp. 868, 869, 870; in the Tross reprint of Sagard (Paris, 1865), they are in vol. iii., pp. 789, 790.48
Document XVII. is a letter from Lalemant to his general, at Rome, dated New France, August 1, (presumably 1626). It was written in Latin, the original being preserved in the Archives of the Gesù at Rome. This is one of the letters copied for Carayon, by Father Martin, in 1858, and translated by the latter into French, for the Première Mission, where it appears on pp. 117-121,—see Bibliographical Data for Document XIII., in our Volume III. We follow the Martin apograph, in Latin (preserved at St. Mary's College, Montreal), and our translation into English is made therefrom.49
The above three letters by Lalemant were selected by O'Callaghan from Sagard and Carayon,—the 248third being, of course, Martin's French translation,—and published at Albany in 1870, with a brief "Avis" giving the sources of the documents. This publication, known in the Lenox Catalogue as "O'Callaghan Reprint No. 2," bears the following title-page:
Copie de Trois | Lettres | escrittes ès années 1625. et 1626. | Par le P. Charles Lallemant | Superieur des Missions de la Compagnie | de Iesvs en la | Novvelle France. | A Albanie | De l'Imprimerie de J. Munsell | M.DCCC.LXX.
Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires. O'C.," 1 p.; "Avis" (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; text, pp. 5-14.
For further references, see Brown, vol. ii., no. 316 and p. 166; Harrisse, nos. 426, 427, 429; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38679; O'Callaghan, nos. 1209, 1250; Winsor, p. 301; Lenox, p. 18.
We follow the original publication (Paris, 1627), now in the Lenox Library, of Lalemant's letter to his brother, Jerome; it is described in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 4, under "H. 41."
There are extant, four different reprints of this document, as follows:
1. It appears to have first been reprinted in Mercure François, tome xiii., pp. 12-34; the portion of the journal wherein this is found, is devoted to the events of the year 1626, but the royal Privilege for the volume was "Donné au camp de la Rochelle le 28. de Septembre, l'an de grace 1628." The original publication appeared without statement of Privilege; it is, therefore, impossible to say when in 1627 permission to print was granted. In the Quebec edition of249 the Relations (1858), it is inadvertently stated (vol. i.) that this letter commences on p. 1 (instead of p. 12) of tome xiii. of Mercure, an error which Sabin, Harrisse, and others have repeated. As will be seen by a comparison of our text with that of issues which follow the Mercure, the differences between the original and this first reprint are slight.
2. The next reprint appears in Danjou's Archives Curieuses, 2nd series, tome iii. (Paris, 1838), pp. (405-426). This follows the text of the original, and not that of the Mercure. The following clause in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 19,—the final sentence of note under "7(b)" in list of O'Callaghan's Reprints,—is misleading: "The copy in the Astor Library of that work is printed from the original letter of 1627." The "copy in the Astor" is simply this reprint in Archives Curieuses, of which rare collection the Astor has a set.
3. The third reprint, but the first in separate form, was issued by O'Callaghan at Albany, 1870, and is the one designated in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(b)." The text of the Mercure reprint is followed, with a made-up title-page, as follows:
Relation | de ce qvi s'est passé | en la | Novvelle France | en l'annee M.DC.XXVI. | Enuoyée au Père Hierosme L'Allemant | par le P. Charles L'Allemant Superievr de | la Mission de la Compagnie de Iesvs | en | Canada. | D'après la Copie dans le Mercure François | Tome 13. | A Paris | Chez Estienne Richer ruë S. Iean de Latran | M.DC.XXIX.
Collation of same. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée a vingt-cinq exemplaires, O'C.," 1 p.; Tables des Matieres, 2 pp.; text, pp. 1-51; Table, pp. 53-59.
250 4. A second separate reprint was issued by O'Callaghan in 1871, and is that referred to in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(a)." This follows the original text, and not that of the Mercure; it is set in small type in imitation of the original (Paris, 1627), and comes into the same number of pages. Upon the otherwise blank page facing the last page of the text, is the inscription: "Calqué sur l'exemplaire dans la collection | de Mr. James Lenox, de New York." The title-page is apparently photo-lithographed from the original.
For further references to this document, which has had a curious bibliographical history, see Harrisse, no. 41; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38680 (original), and no. 38682 (reprint); Carayon, nos. 1254, 1255, and p. 1179; Ternaux, no. 496; Winsor, pp. 300, 301; Historical Magazine, vol. iii., p. 19; Brown, vol. ii., p. 166; Lenox, p. 4 (H. 41), 19; and the Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 1480), and O'Callaghan (nos. 1250, 1982) sale catalogues.
Title-page. We give a photographic facsimile of original.
Collation of Original. Title, 1 p.; text, pp. 1-16.
Charles Lalemant's letter of Nov. 22, 1629, to the superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, originally appeared without title or headlines, in Les voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris, 1632), 2nd part, pp. 275-279. O'Callaghan reprinted it in what is known in the Lenox list as "No. 3," of which,—as with others of the O'Callaghan series,—but twenty-five copies were published. He omitted the preliminary editorial note, on p. 275, made up a title-page of his own,251 and furnished the Avant-Propos. In the present issue, we reproduce the O'Callaghan title-page and Avant-Propos, but in all other respects strictly follow the original publication. See further references in Winsor, p. 301; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38681; Lenox, p. 18.
Title-page. We imitate O'Callaghan's Reprint.
Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires, lesquels ne font | pas à vendre. O'C.," 1 p.; Avant-Propos (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-15; colophon, 1 p.: "Achevé d'Imprimer à Albany, N. Y., par | J. Munsell, çe 14 Juin, 1870."
(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)
1 (p. 15).—The pilot: see vol. ii., note 88.
2 (p. 15).—Pretended Religion: see vol. iii., note 31.
3 (p. 21).—On Turnell, see vol. i, note 66.
4 (p. 33).—The Marshal: Sir Thomas Dale (spelled Deel, by Biard). See vol. i, note 64.
5 (p. 33).—The General: this was Sir Thomas Gates, one of the prominent men of his time in both military and civil service. He was of Devonshire, and probably at this time a little over 50 years of age; had been an officer in the Drake-Sidney expedition to America (1585-86) and published an account of it in 1589; later, had military commands in Spain and Holland; was commander of the English expedition to Virginia in 1608, and appointed the first sole and absolute governor to the colony there; returned to England in April, 1614. He lived about six years longer, and took much interest in the affairs of Virginia. Both he and Dale were men of energy and executive ability; to their efforts are mainly ascribed the establishment and continuance of the Jamestown colony.
6 (p. 69).—The French name for the English Channel; given on account of its shape, resembling a sleeve (Fr. manche). It gives its name to the maritime department of France in which are situated Cherbourg and St. Lô.
7 (p. 75).—The ambassador: see vol. ii., note 94.
8 (p. 85).—On Betsabes, see vol. iii., note 16.
9 (p. 91).—River of smelts: the Liesse River of Lescarbot (see vol. ii., note 37).
10 (p. 95).—On this point, cf. Maurault (Hist. Abenakis, p. 95, note 4): "The Abnakis always exhibited profound grief at the death of a child; the parents were inconsolable. The cause of this great sorrow was the belief of the savages that a child was wretched in the other world, because it was too young and weak to procure for itself the necessities of life there."
11 (p. 101).—The letters patent here referred to were those issued to Sir Thomas Gates and others, for the establishment of colonies in Virginia, and constituted the colonial charter. This document,254 dated April 10, 1606, granted some 20,000 square miles to the two companies, but claimed for the crown all of North America between 34° and 45° north latitude, presumably amounting to some 2,000,000 square miles, as the width of the continent was then understood. The text is given, with collateral and illustrative papers, in Brown's Genesis, pp. 52 et seq.
12 (p. 105).—For a graphic account of the colonial enterprises of Jean Ribaut and René de Laudonnière in Florida (1562-65), consult Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 33-150. Cf. Laudonnière's own narrative, and Ribaut's journal, as given in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., pp. 407-507; also Guérin's Navigateurs Français, (Paris, 1846), pp. 180-204.
13 (p. 105).—Concerning these early discoveries by the French, see vol. ii., notes 49, 72; and vol. iii., notes 5, 9.
14 (p. 107).—Biard here refers to the colony established in 1610 by John Guy and others at Cupids Harbor (opening into Conception Bay), N. F. Lord Bacon was prominent in this enterprise, and it was his influence that secured the charter and subsidies granted to the Newfoundland Colonization Company, as it was called. The company seems to have existed till at least 1628. For Guy's charter, and letters written by him, with an account of his enterprise and of other early colonies in that region, see Prowse's Hist. N.F., pp. 92-133.
15 (p. 107).—The map of Ortelius (1570) shows New France as extending southward to 40°. Van der Aa's "Canada" (1619, ca.) and Blaeu's "Extrema Americæ" (1620), give the Kennebec river as the dividing line between New England and New France; the latter region is extended by Van der Aa to the south of the Great Lakes, and as far as the Mississippi river. Winsor gives (Cartier to Frontenac, p. 9), a sketch reduced from a tracing of the alleged map of Denis (1506), mentioned in vol. iii, of the present series, note 4.
16 (p. 109).—Reference is here made to the "Pandects," or Corpus Juris Civilis, a collection of the Roman civil law, made in the sixth century by Emperor Justinian. The "law of Alluvions" has two branches,—the law of abandonment, and that of accretion (acquirendo). Biard's reference is to the Corpus Juris Civilis, Digest, book 41 ("De adquirendo rerum dominio"), 29 and 30. The sign ff, used in our text, was employed by early jurisconsults to signify the Digest, and even the Pandects as a whole; it is supposed to be a corruption of the Greek character π͂ (or perhaps of θ).—See Hermann Hugo's De Prima Scribendi Origine (Antwerp, 1617), p. 153.
17 (p. 109).—Regarding the Count de Soissons, see vol. ii., note 24.
18 (p. 109).—Cf. with these arguments of Biard, Champlain's255 "Abregé des decovvertvres de la Nouuelle France," in his Voyages (ed. 1632), part 2, pp. 290-296; and Hinsdale's "Right of Discovery," in Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quarterly, Dec., 1888.
19 (p. 113).—Concerning the French fisheries in Newfoundland, which, with the neighboring Banks, furnished the greater part of the Canadian product, see Prowse's Hist. N.F., pp. 49-50; and Dionne's Nouv. France, chaps. viii., ix. For a detailed account of the Canadian fisheries at the present time, see Joncas's "Fisheries of Canada," in Canadian Economics (Montreal, 1884), pp. 41-73.
Lalemant says (doc. no. xviii., post) that the usual exportation of beaver skins from New France was 12,000 to 15,000 annually; and that it had, in one year, been 22,000. These skins were sold in France at a pistole each, or ten livres. The Company of Merchants is said to have realized an annual dividend of 40 per cent on its investment. Garneau cites De Caen as saying, when Quebec was restored to him by Kirk, in 1632: "But as for our settlement, my people have found it utterly consumed, along with 9,000 beaver skins, valued at 40,000 livres."—Histoire du Canada (4th ed., Montreal, 1882), vol. i., p. 127, note *. See, also, chapter on "New France and the Fur-trade," in H. H. Bancroft's N.W. Coast, vol. i., pp. 378-403; and Dionne's Nouv. France, chap. xiii. Gagnon's Essai de bibliographie canadienne (Quebec, 1895), p. 128, mentions Bruslons's Dictionnaire universel de commerce (Savary's ed., Paris, 1723) as "an immense compilation, containing highly valuable information in regard to Canadian commerce in the seventeenth century."
20 (p. 171).—Charles Lalemant (also written L'Alemand, L'Almand, Lallemant, and Allemand) was born at Paris Nov. 17, 1587, and became a novice of the Jesuits July 29, 1607, at Rouen. He studied philosophy at La Flèche, 1609-12; during the following three years, he was an instructor in the college of Nevers; four years more he devoted to the study of theology at La Flèche, and one year at Paris. He was a professor in the college at Bourges, 1620-22; and, for three years more, principal of the boarding school of Clermont, Paris. In March, 1625, he was appointed superior of the mission at Quebec, whither he went with his brethren Massé and Brébeuf, and the Récollet missionary Joseph La Roche-Daillon, arriving in June of that year. Here Lalemant remained till November, 1627, when he went to France to procure supplies. Returning in the following May, the ship was captured by Admiral Kirk, the Jesuits being sent to England, and later to France. In June, 1629, Lalemant, with several other Jesuits, made a second attempt to return to Canada; but they were shipwrecked on the rocks near Canso. Noyrot and Malot perished in the waves, Vieuxpont joined Father Vimont at Grand Cibou, and Lalemant was taken back to France by a Basque fishing256 vessel, arriving at St. Sebastien after still another shipwreck. Quebec having been meanwhile captured by the English, the Canadian missions were interrupted until 1632, when the region was restored to France. Lalemant, upon his return to France, in 1629, was appointed rector of the college at Eu; and, later, of that at Rouen. In April, 1634, his superiors granted his earnest request that he might again go to Canada. He was placed in charge, with Massé and De Nouë, of the chapel "Notre-Dame de Récouvrance" (built by Champlain on his return to New France), and was the latter's friend and spiritual director, attending him at his death. Lalemant returned to France in 1639, and there, during several years, acted as agent for the Canadian missions; he was afterwards successively rector of the colleges at Rouen, La Flèche, and Paris, and at the last place superior of the Maison Professe. There he died, Nov. 18, 1674.
21 (p. 171).—The General. This was Emery de Caen, who, with his uncle, Guillaume de Caen, was placed by Montmorency in charge of commercial affairs in New France; both were Huguenots—the latter a merchant, the former a naval captain.
It is necessary, in this connection, to outline the commercial monopolies that successively dominated New France in its infancy. For an account of the first of these, granted to De Monts, see vol. i., note 2. His patent was finally canceled in 1609; and in January, 1611, he gave up his claims in America to Madame de Guercheville. Meanwhile, Champlain (see vol. ii., note 42) was continued as lieutenant of the King in New France, with personal command over the Quebec colony, which was sustained mainly through his efforts, with the aid of the Rouen merchants who had been associated with De Monts.
Company of Associates.—The Rouen associates withdrew from the enterprise, toward the close of 1611; and, in the following year, Champlain undertook the formation of a new company, to be composed of merchants from Rouen, Havre, St. Malo and La Rochelle. It was open to all who were willing to share both the profits and the losses, thus avoiding the jealousies that had been aroused against the limited membership of De Monts's company. The Rochelle men finally declined to enter the company, which afterwards lost heavily by the illicit trade in which the former engaged with the savages. Champlain also accuses these merchants of selling arms and ammunition to the natives, and exciting their hostility against the Quebec colonists.—See his Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 2, 3. The Count de Soissons (vol. ii, of this series, note 24) was appointed governor of New France, with Champlain as his lieutenant. After considerable delay, the Company of Associates was organized (1613-14); among its members were, besides De Monts and Champlain,257 Thomas Porée, Lucas Legendre, Mathieu Dusterlo, and Daniel Boyer. Quarrels arose among the associates, caused by commercial and even religious differences of opinion; and some of them tried to eject Champlain from his command. Although this attempt failed, his work was greatly hindered and embarrassed, until the Duke of Montmorency, Condé's successor as viceroy, came to his aid (1620).
Company of De Caen.—Dissensions and complaints still arising, the Company of Associates was summarily dissolved by Montmorency, in November, 1620, and a new company formed. At its head were the De Caens; there were, also, Guillaume Robin, Jacques de Troyes, and François Hervé, merchants; François de Troyes, chief of royal finance at Orléans; Claude Le Ragois, receiver-general of finance at Limoges; Pierre de Verton, counselor and secretary of the King; and others. The old company had resented Montmorency's order of dissolution; but within a year its membership and interests were consolidated with those of the new association. The latter received a monopoly for eleven years, to which the King added eleven more; but it also was dissolved by Richelieu, early in 1627, to make room for his "Company of New France," also known as the "Company of the Hundred Associates."
Company of New France.—This association was personally controlled and managed by Richelieu; and had members in official positions about the court, and in Paris, Rouen, and other cities of France. Among these were Marquis Deffiat, superintendent of finance; Champlain; Claude de Roquemont; the Commander de Razilly; Sebastian Cramoisy, the Parisian publisher; Jean de Lauson, long the president of the company, and intendant of Canada; Louis Houel, secretary of the King, and controller of the salt works at Brouage; and several leading merchants of Paris, Rouen, Dieppe, and Bordeaux. The reasons for the formation of this company, the royal charter granted to it, and its articles of association, are given in Mercure François, vol. xiv. (1628), pp. 232-267. For a complete list of the (107) members, see Creuxius' Hist. Canad.; for a copy of the list, with the company's charter, and other interesting particulars, see Sulte's Histoire des Canadiens-Français (Montreal, 1882-84), vol. ii., pp. 27-33. The company was granted jurisdiction over the territory extending from Florida to the Arctic Circle, and from Newfoundland to the "great fresh lake" (Huron). Only Catholics were permitted to join this association, or to settle in its colonies; and no Huguenot or foreigner might enter Canada. The capture of Quebec by the English (1629) temporarily broke up this monopoly; but it resumed operations when that region was retroceded to France (vol. ii., note 42). The charter of the company obliged it to send 4,000 colonists thither before 1643; to lodge and support them during 258 three years; and then to give them cleared lands for their maintenance. The vast expense attending this undertaking was beyond the ability of the Associates; therefore, in 1645, they transferred to the inhabitants of Quebec their monopoly of the fur trade, with their debts and other obligations,—retaining, however, their seigniorial rights. Finally (Feb. 24, 1663), the Hundred Associates abandoned their charter, and New France again became the property of the crown.
All these monopolies appear to have sought mainly their own financial interests. They sustained the Quebec settlement, but in penurious fashion, and only so far as it aided their trade with the natives; but they did nothing to make it an agricultural community, or to forward Champlain's schemes for the permanent colonization of Canada,—neither of which objects could well be attained under the feudal tenure by which the colonists held land under the companies.
For more extended accounts of these enterprises, see Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 364-366, 419-432; his Jesuits, pp. 155-157, 194, 195, 331; Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i, pp. 161, 162, 167, 185, 189, 197-201, 215, 217, 220, 226, 338-340; Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 128-135, 159, 163, 164, and vol. ii., pp. 65-66; Slafter's "Memoir of Champlain," in Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., pp. 110-114, 122, 144-158, 187; Faillon's Colon. Fr., vol. i., pp. 132-136, 150, 160-175, 189-232, 268-272, 333-352; Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 130, 131, 167, 168; Garneau's Canada, vol. i., pp. 63-75; and Margry's Collection de manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1883), vol. i., pp. 62-85.
The losses of the De Caens at the capture of Quebec (referred to note ante, 19) were heavy; and, as some compensation therefor, they were granted a monopoly of the fur trade in the Gulf of St. Lawrence for one year. Emery De Caen was therefore appointed provisional governor of Canada for that period, upon the restitution of the province by the English; and on July 13, 1632, he took formal possession of Quebec in the name of his King. Laverdière gives (Champlain, close of vol. ii.) numerous "Pièces justificatives;" see pp. 6-31 of these, for documents showing De Caen's losses through Kirk's attack, and his attempts to secure redress from the latter through the English government. L'Abbé H. A. B. Verreau, in Report on Canadian Archives (1874), p. 197, mentions that in Paris he found documents granting islands in the West Indies to De Caen, in 1633 and 1640.
22 (p. 171).—Champlain, in thorough accord with the policy then dominant at the court of France, was fully as desirous of establishing the Christian religion among the savages of America as of gaining259 new possessions for France. He had tried, in 1612, to induce Madame de Guercheville to send the Jesuits to Quebec, and to aid De Monts in establishing a colony there; see his Voyages (1632), pt. i., pp. 112, 113. This proposal was rejected, on account of De Monts's Calvinistic faith. But when the Company of Merchants was formed, two years later, Champlain at once made plans for the establishment of missions in New France. Consulting Louis Houel, of Brouage, the latter advised him to apply to the Récollets (vol. ii., of the present series, note 41), who had already won renown from their successful missions in Spanish America.
That Order gladly responded to the appeal; and, having secured the consent of the King of France and of the Pope, and assurances of aid from the Company of Merchants, the first Récollet missionaries to Canada departed from France, April 24, 1615.—See Introduction, vol. i., pp. xx., xxi. Other Récollets were sent over, from time to time; and, in 1620-21, they built a convent and chapel (the first in Canada) on St. Charles River, about half a French league from the fort of Quebec. This they named Notre-Dame des Anges; it was situated (according to Laverdière) on the spot where now stands the General Hospital.
By 1624, five Récollet missions had been established—at Tadoussac, Quebec, and Three Rivers; at Carhagouha, in the Huron country; and among the Nipissings. There was another, in Acadia, on St. John River, founded in 1619, conducted by three Récollets from Aquitaine, and supported by certain commercial companies at Bordeaux. This mission was closed in July, 1624; and, immediately thereafter, its priests joined their brethren at Quebec.
Just before their arrival, a conference of the Récollet missionaries was held at Quebec, at which they resolved to ask the coöperation of the Jesuits (also noted for the success of their foreign missions) in the Canadian field, which was far too large and arduous for their limited resources, hoping that the latter order would send some missionaries at its own expense. The Récollets, even more austere than the other Franciscan orders, were forbidden by their rules to own property; hence their missionaries could not look to their own order for aid. The Company of Merchants had agreed with Champlain to support six of the Récollets; but, as many of its members were Protestants, this outlay was probably an unwelcome burden to them. Moreover, the religious dissensions constantly arising between the Huguenots and the Catholics were felt to be a hindrance to the labors of the missionaries, who would have preferred that Protestants should be entirely excluded from the management of affairs. Sagard says (Canada, pp. 860, 861) that he complained to Montmorency of the disorders in Canada, for which he blamed the260 Huguenots; and that the Récollet provincial at Paris, with Father Irenæus Piat (envoy from the Canadian missionaries, to negotiate with the Jesuits), made formal charges against them in the council, to the same effect. The viceroy (in Rochemonteix's phrase, "a man of the world, who loved pleasures quite as well as honors") had meanwhile gladly disposed of his troublesome Canadian dignities (January, 1625) to his nephew Henri de Lévis, duke of Ventadour, a pious man who cared not for trade or conquest, but only for the conversion of the savages. De Lévis's spiritual director was a Jesuit; the application of the Récollets for aid from the Society of Jesus came at an opportune time for both orders. It is also probable that the influences of the court, at that time strongly inclined toward the Jesuits, helped to bring about the arrangement. There was, however, considerable opposition to its consummation, especially from the Company of Merchants; but, according to Faillon, the new viceroy asserted his authority over them, and obliged them to yield. In accordance with the agreement, the Jesuit fathers Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf, with the coadjutors François Charreton, Jean Goffestre, and Gilbert Burel, were sent to New France in April, 1625. There they pursued their missionary labors until the capture of Quebec by the English, four years later. After that event, Kirk sent all the missionaries back to France, by way of England. When the French returned (1632), they were accompanied solely by Jesuit priests, for Richelieu would not allow the Récollets to resume their Canadian missions.
For accounts of this transaction, from a Récollet standpoint, see Shea's Le Clercq, pp. 224-233; and Sagard's Canada, pp. 860-865. The Jesuit view is given in Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 137-153. Cf. Faillon's Colon. Fr., vol. i., pp. 206-212.
23 (p. 171).—This was Joseph de la Roche-Daillon (written also d'Allion), a Récollet priest of the province of St. Denis, allied to the house of the counts du Lud (or Lude). He accompanied the Jesuit missionaries to Canada, and, after remaining at Quebec for a year, went to the Huron country with Brébeuf and De Nouë. In October, 1626, he visited the Neutral Nation, and spent the winter there. In the summer of 1628, he returned from the Huron mission to Quebec, remaining there until its capture; Champlain mentions his visit to "Father la Roche," just before that event, to ask if the Récollets could supply any grain to the colony. Sagard gives (Canada, pp. 880-892) a letter written to a friend by Daillon, describing his visit to the Neutrals; it is reproduced by Le Clercq (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 263-272). Harris (citing Noiseux's Liste chronologique) gives the date of Daillon's death as July 16, 1656.—Early Missions in Western Canada (Toronto, 1893), p. 56, note.
261 24 (p. 171).—The trading station: Three Rivers (see vol. ii., note 52). This point was long a favorite fur-trade rendezvous for the Indians. The Récollet missionaries established a residence here in June, 1615, which was maintained until 1628. The fortified French settlement at Three Rivers was established by Champlain in July, 1634, to protect the Huron and Algonkin fur trade from the incursions of the Iroquois, and to serve as an outpost of defence for Quebec. The first colonist was Jacques Hertel, who in 1633 had obtained a grant of land there. The Jesuit missionaries were also among the proprietors of the new town, having obtained from the Company of New France (see note 21, ante), by a grant dated Feb. 15, 1634, six arpents of land at Three Rivers; but they did not secure possession of this till Montmagny delivered it to them (1637). However, within two months after La Violette, Champlain's lieutenant, had erected his stockade at Three Rivers, two of the Jesuit fathers,—Le Jeune and Buteux,—had established a residence there, which was for many years an important center of missionary work.—See Sulte's Can.-Français, vol. ii., pp. 48-54: he gives a list; containing also much genealogical information, of the early inhabitants of Three Rivers; and the document granting land there to the Society of Jesus, copied from Titres seigneuriaux (Quebec, 1852), p. 70. Cf. Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 270; he states that the church registers of Three Rivers are continuous since February, 1635; and that these records are the oldest existing in Canada. The first entry gives the exact date on which the settlement was begun—July 4, 1634.
Sulte has published, at Montreal, several works concerning this town: Histoire de la ville des Trois-Rivières (1870), Chronique trifluvienne (1879), and Album de l'Histoire des Trois-Rivières (1881).
25 (p. 171).—Father Nicholas Viel, then stationed at Montargis, France, was sent to the Canadian mission of the Récollets, with Brother Gabriel Sagard (see note 48, post), in 1623. Arriving at Quebec, June 28 of that year, they at once accompanied Father Joseph Le Caron to the Huron country, which they reached in August, and settled at the residence already established at Quieunonascaran. At the end of ten months, Le Caron and Sagard returned to Quebec, leaving Viel in charge of the mission. In the summer of 1625, he went with the Hurons on their annual trading voyage to Quebec, taking with him an Indian lad named Ahautsic, whom he had baptized and confirmed. A storm scattering the fleet, the three Hurons in his canoe viciously threw him and his disciple into the water, at the last rapid above Montreal, which from that time has borne the name of Sault au Récollet. Sagard and Le Clercq give262 full accounts of Father Viel's missionary work, and of his tragic death. The latter states that Viel left a dictionary of the Huron language, with other memoirs, in the hands of certain Frenchmen then living in the Huron country, who, later, conveyed the MSS. to Father Le Caron, at Quebec.
26 (p. 171).—Joseph Le Caron was one of the four Récollets who began the mission of that order in Canada (see note 22, ante). Verbal permission to engage in this work was given them by the papal nuncio at Paris, that their departure might not be delayed by waiting for the usual brief; for some unknown reason the issue of this paper was delayed until March 20, 1618. The original document is now in the departmental archives of France, according to Faillon (Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 146). It is addressed to Father Le Caron and other Récollet brothers and priests: Sagard copies it in his Canada, pp. 12-17.
Upon arriving at Tadoussac, May 25, 1615, Jamay (the superior) went with Le Caron to Three Rivers, where they at once proceeded to establish a sedentary mission for the Indians. Leaving this in the care of Jamay (whose headquarters were at Quebec), Le Caron departed for the Huron country, living with the savages at their town of Carhagouha (near Thunder Bay; later known as Toanché). Here he remained until the following May, meanwhile visiting with Champlain the Tobacco Nation and adjoining tribes. By these Indians he was cruelly treated, at the instigation of the medicine men (whom the French missionaries styled "sorcerers").
In July, 1616, the Récollet missionaries held at Quebec a conference with Champlain and other friends of their work, at which it was decided that they needed more missionaries, more French colonists, and a seminary for the education of Indian children. To obtain aid in these directions, Jamay and Le Caron soon afterwards went with Champlain to France, where at first they received but little help or encouragement. Jamay remained to forward the interests of the mission; while Le Caron, now appointed its superior, returned to Canada in the spring of 1617, accompanied by Father Paul Huet. A year later, desiring to work personally among the savages, Le Caron delegated to Father d'Olbeau his authority as superior, and spent a year at Tadoussac, with the Montagnais. During 1619-22, he labored at Quebec, then again wintered with the Montagnais; and in July, 1623, returned to the Huron mission, accompanied by Viel and Sagard (see notes 25, 48). During his year's stay there, he did much to aid Champlain in securing the temporary treaty of peace which, in July, 1624, was concluded between the Iroquois, on one part, and the French and their savage allies on the other.
263 In August, 1625, Le Caron went to France on the affairs of the mission, and returned the following year with Brother Gervase Mohier and a reinforcement of Jesuit missionaries. He remained at Quebec, as superior of his mission, until 1629, when all the priests were sent back to France by Kirk. As the Récollets expected to resume work on the Canadian mission, Le Caron was appointed its procurator in France; but he died on March 29, 1632,—according to Le Clercq—through grief at the exclusion of his order from Canada.
Upon the invasion of Canada by the English, the Récollet missionaries had been urged by their savage disciples to take refuge with them in their towns, where they would be safe from attack, and could minister to the religious wants of the natives until the French should return. The fathers wished to accept this proposal; but as it was opposed by the council of Quebec, Le Caron felt obliged to decline it, for which he was afterwards blamed by some of his brethren in France.
Full details of his work are given by Le Clercq and Sagard: the former copies a letter written by La Caron to his provincial at Paris, Aug. 7, 1618; also fragments of memoirs sent by him to that officer in 1624.—See Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 134-137, and 213-224. He is said to have prepared a dictionary of the Huron language (Ibid., p. 249). Other MSS. of his were burned in March, 1631, as a result of sanitary measures then taken against a contagious disease in the convent of St. Margaret, near Gisors, Normandy, of which he was superior.—See "Memorial of the Récollets, 1637," in Margry's Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'Amérique septentrionale (Paris, 1876-86), vol. i., p. 11.
27 (p. 173).—The purpose of his voyage. Sagard tells us (Canada, p. 871) that this was to improve the condition of Canada, and to ask the King for funds to support the children and new converts in the seminary planned by the Récollets. Le Clercq asserts that it was through Le Caron's influence that Emery de Caen was recalled from Canada, and replaced by a Catholic, Raymond de la Ralde (who had been De Caen's lieutenant); also that the same influence had much to do with the formation of Richelieu's Company of New France.—See Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 253-259. Rochemonteix, however, claims (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 165) that Richelieu's determination to replace Montmorency's company by that of the Hundred Associates was due mainly to Father Noyrot's influence, and to his representations of the state of affairs in Canada.
28 (p. 177).—Mutio Vitelleschi was born at Rome, in 1565; on Nov. 15, 1615, he became Aquaviva's successor as general of the Society of Jesus; his death occurred Feb. 9, 1645. Ranke, in History of the Popes (Foster's tr., London, 1871), vol. ii., p. 388, says:264 "Vitelleschi was by nature mild, indulgent, and conciliatory; his intimates called him the angel of peace; and he found consolation on his deathbed from the conviction that he had never injured any one. These were admirable qualities of a most amiable man, but did not suffice to fit him for the government of an order so widely extended, active, and powerful. He was unable to enforce strictness of discipline, even with regard to dress; still less could he oppose an effectual resistance to the demands of determined ambition." Daurignac, in History of the Society of Jesus (Clements's tr., Baltimore, 1878), vol. i., p. 398, says that he was designated "the Angel" by Pope Urban VIII., on account of his docility and humility. It was under his generalship (Feb. 12, 1622) that Loyola, the founder of the Jesuit order, and Francis Xavier, were canonized by Gregory XV.; that the first centenary of the society was held (Sept. 25, 1639), when its reports showed that it occupied 36 provinces, and had 800 houses and 15,000 members; and that the great controversy between the Jansenists and Jesuits began. Even more important, according to Ranke, was the change which occurred, during this administration, in the government and discipline of the society, by which the "professed" members attained supremacy, and occupied positions in business, administration, and other affairs of the world, which before had belonged mainly to the coadjutors,—those of provincials, rectors, and superiors of colleges. The former ascetic strictness of discipline was relaxed; and the society became less ardent in its devotion to the interests of the Holy See. Vitelleschi and his immediate successors strove, but with little success, to correct these tendencies.—See Ranke, ut supra, pp. 387-393; he obtains most of his information from a MS. in the Corsini library at Rome, entitled Discorso sopra la religione de' padri Gesuiti, e loro modo di governare (1681-86, circa). Cf. Daurignac's account (ut supra, pp. 324-398) of the order under Vitelleschi's administration.
29 (p. 177).—During the seventeenth century, all navigated seas were infested with pirates. Lescarbot mentions (vol. ii. of the present series, p. 131) that Poutrincourt met, in the English Channel, a ship of "Forbans" or pirates; the word "forban" means, literally, one banished, an outlaw, and characterizes most of the European pirates of the time. Sagard (Canada, 115, 120, 121), relates that, on his journey to New France, his ship was threatened by a Dutch pirate, in the very harbor of Rochelle. Sulte (Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 20, note) cites the case of one of De Caen's vessels, which was captured (September, 1624) while en route from Gaspé to Bordeaux, by Turks, near the coast of Brittany; the Frenchmen were carried away as slaves.
Brown (Cape Breton, p. 110), who says he obtained his informa265tion from original documents in the Public Record office at London, writes: "The fishermen of Newfoundland were cruelly harassed by pirates. In eight years (1612-20), the damage done by the pirates was estimated at 40,800 l.; besides the loss of 180 pieces of ordnance, and 1,080 fishermen and mechanics carried off by force. On August 8, 1625, the Mayor of Poole wrote to the Privy Council, saying that, unless protection were afforded to the Newfoundland fleet of 250 sail, 'of the Western Ports,' they would be surprised by the Turkish pirates; and, on the 12th of the same month, the Mayor of Plymouth informed the Council that twenty-seven ships and 200 men had been taken by pirates in ten days." Brown also cites Discourse and Discovery of Newfoundland (London, 1623), written by one Captain Whitbourne, who was sent out in 1615, to hold a court of admiralty for inquiry into certain abuses; and who says that Peter Easton, a pirate, had ten sail of well-appointed ships, that he was master of the seas, and levied a regular tax on fishing vessels.
As early as 1620, John Mason, then governor of Newfoundland, received a commission from the English admiralty to suppress pirates; and he captured, among others, a Sallee (or Moorish) pirate in the Irish harbor of Crookhaven (1625). Prowse (Hist. N.F., pp. 108, 174, 182), gives the text of this commission; he also states that Placentia was raided five times previous to 1685, by English buccaneers, who plundered the town of all movable property.
30 (p. 177).—Jean de Brébeuf was born March 25, 1593, at Condé-sur-Vire, Normandy. He belonged to a noble family, from which, according to the Biographie Universelle (Paris, 1843-66), the English family of Arundel had its descent. Entering the Society of Jesus Nov. 8, 1617, at Rouen, he was ordained five years later; and in 1625 was sent to Canada as one of the first Jesuit missionaries (note 22, ante). The first year he spent among the Montagnais; but in 1626 went, with De Nouë, to the Huron country, where they settled at Toanché (known to the Récollets as Carhagouha; see note 26, ante), in the bark cabin which Le Caron had erected eleven years before. Here Brébeuf remained (alone, after the first year) until the capture of Quebec. Returning to Canada with Champlain (1633), he at once resumed work in the Huron country, where he labored until his death (excepting 1641-44, when at Quebec). During the winter of 1640-41, he endeavored (but without success) to establish a mission in the Neutral Nation. He lived successively at Ihonatiria, a new village built not far from the deserted Toanché; Teanaustayé, called by the missionaries St. Joseph, in the present township of Médonte, Simcoe county, Ontario; and St. Ignace and St. Louis, about half-way between the former towns. In March, 1649, a thousand Iroquois attacked and destroyed the two last-named 266 villages capturing there Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, both of whom were put to death with cruel tortures,—the former dying March 16, the latter on the day following. Their bodies were rescued by their brethren and their bones afterwards taken to Quebec,—where, in the Hôtel Dieu, Brébeuf's head is still preserved, inclosed in a silver bust sent from France by his family. A minute account of this martyrdom is given by one of the lay brothers of the Huron mission, Christophe Regnaut (Regnault), in a MS. written at Caen in 1678. A copy of this document, with an English translation, is given by Brymner, in Canadian Archives, 1884, pp. lxiii.-lxvii., and will in due course be reproduced in the present series.
Harris (Miss. West. Canada., p. 212, note) states that he has seen in St. Martin's church (Ritualist), Brighton, England, a figured window in memory of Father Brébeuf. A memorial church, in honor of all the Jesuit martyrs in the Huron country, is now (January, 1897) approaching completion at Penetanguishene, Ontario; an illustration thereof will appear in vol. v. of this series.
Brébeuf's Relations of the Huron mission will appear in succeeding volumes of our series; that for 1636 contains an elaborate account of the social condition, manners, and customs of that nation, and a treatise on their language—this last being reproduced, in an English translation, by Albert Gallatin in Transactions of Amer. Antiquarian Society, vol. ii., (Cambridge, 1836), pp. 236-238. At the close of Champlain's Voyages (ed. 1632) may be found translations into Montagnais of Ledesma's "Christian Doctrine," by Brébeuf; and of the Lord's Prayer, Apostles' Creed, etc., by Massé.
31 (p. 181).—Anne de Nouë was born Aug. 7, 1587; his father was the seigneur of Prières and of Villers, near Rheims, France. Anne's early years were spent at court, first as a page, then as an officer of the King's bedchamber; but at the age of twenty-five he devoted himself to a religious life, and entered the Jesuit novitiate (Sept. 20, 1612). He spent ten years in the study of philosophy and theology, at the Jesuit colleges of Paris, La Flèche, and Nevers; then became acting rector at Bourges, where he remained until sent to Canada (1626). Accompanying Brébeuf to the Huron country, he came back to Quebec in the following spring, apparently remaining there until the English invasion. During this time he essayed to spend a winter with the Montagnais, but suffered so greatly from cold and hunger that he was obliged to leave them. Returning to Canada with De Caen (1632), his first care was to repair the convent and other buildings destroyed by the English. Unable, after repeated efforts, either to learn the native languages, or to endure the hardships of life among the savages, he spent the remainder of his life in the French settlements on the St. Lawrence,—ministering to the267 sick and dying, instructing the colonists, supplying the temporal needs of his brethren, directing workmen who repaired buildings or cultivated the ground,—as Rochemonteix says, "he became, in the mission, the servant of all." His disposition was enthusiastic and impetuous, yet gentle, lovable, and self-sacrificing. On a journey to Fort Richelieu, to administer the sacraments to the garrison there, he was frozen to death on the St. Lawrence river, Feb. 1, 1646.
32 (p. 181).—Philibert Noyrot was born October, 1592, in the diocese of Autun; he entered the Jesuit order Oct. 16, 1617, and spent four years in study at Paris and Bourges. Four years later, having been ordained as a priest, he was appointed procuror of the latter college, retaining this office until his death. It was by his advice, according to Rochemonteix, that Ventadour (whose confessor he was) bought the viceroyalty of Canada from Montmorency. In 1626, Noyrot went to Quebec, taking with him twenty workmen to build a residence for the Jesuit missionaries there. Lalemant immediately sent him back to France, to report to Richelieu on the affairs of Canada, and to secure the removal of the Huguenots from the direction of the mercantile company. This resulted in the formation of the Company of New France (see note 27, ante). In order to relieve the scarcity at Quebec, Noyrot loaded a ship with a year's supply of provisions for the missionaries and their workmen; but, according to Le Clercq, these supplies were stopped at Honfleur by De Caen and La Ralde, from resentment at Noyrot's complaints about their conduct. In consequence of this disappointment, the workmen of the mission were taken back to France by Lalemant. Twice again did Noyrot seek to convey supplies to his brethren at Quebec: the first time (July, 1628), he was driven back by Admiral Kirk; the second (June, 1629), he perished by shipwreck near Canso (see note 20, ante).
33 (p. 181).—Regarding Cotton, (Coton) see vol. ii., note 68.
34 (p. 183).—For sketch of Massé, see vol. i., note 39.
35 (p. 191).—Le Clercq, apparently without good reason, mentions this letter as "falsely attributed to Lalemant."—See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., p. 155, note.
36 (p. 191).—A younger brother of Charles Lalemant; a sketch of his life will be given in a later volume.
37 (p. 193).—Meslin (or maslin; derived from Latin miscere): mixed grain, especially a mixture of rye and wheat.
38 (p. 195).—Champlain wished to make Quebec an agricultural colony, but his efforts were thwarted by the narrow and selfish policy of the mercantile companies, who cared only to develop the fur trade. They gave the colonists no means for cultivating the soil, and, according to Champlain, "had not themselves cleared an arpent 268 and a half of land in the 22 years during which they were, according to his Majesty's intention, to have peopled and cultivated the colony of Quebec." Sagard says (Canada, p. 168) that the space cleared was not even one arpent. The merchants even oppressed Hébert (vol. ii., note 80),—"the only colonist who supported his family from the produce of his land, making many illegal claims upon him for his yearly harvests, and compelling him to sell only to the company, and that at a specified rate."—Champlain's Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 144, 183, 184. Cf. Mercure François, vol. xiv. (1628), p. 234. The Récollet missionaries were cultivators, and, desirous of leading the savages from a nomadic to a sedentary life, even induced a few of the latter to imitate their example. The Jesuits also paid much attention to agriculture.—See Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 161-164; Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 154-157; and Sulte's Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 18.
Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1144, 1155) that the plow was first used in Canada, April 27, 1628; this was doubtless by Couillard, Hébert's son-in-law.
Arpent: a word of Celtic derivation, according to Columelle and Littré; it occurs as early as the eleventh century (e.g., Chanson de Roland). An old French land measure, containing 100 square perches, but varying in different provinces. The linear arpent of Paris was 180 French feet (variously computed at from 191.83 to 192.3 English feet), the common arpent 200, and the standard arpent 220. The first of these was the one used in New France, under the Coutume de Paris, and it still remains the legal measure in all the seigniories of Quebec. The Quebec Department of Crown Lands, which we adopt as preferable authority, translates the arpent into 191.85 English feet.
Bourdon's map of the settlements on the St. Lawrence, from Quebec to Cape Tourmente (1641; reproduced at end of Tanguay's Dict. Généal., vol. i.), indicates that each lot had seven arpents of river frontage, and a depth of a French league or more (84 arpents to the league). Giffard's concession at Beauport (the first of the seigniories) was 1½ leagues along the river, and the same in depth.—Sulte's Can.-Français, vol. ii., pp. 47-48. Duralde's survey of the Illinois country (1770) assigned to each inhabitant a lot, measuring from one to four arpents wide, and forty arpents deep.—See H. W. Williams's chapter on "St. Louis Land Titles," in Scharf's History of St. Louis (Phila., 1883), vol. i., pp. 316-329. Williams, whom Scharf indorses as an authority, computes the arpent at 192 feet 6 inches, English measure.
The assignment of lands throughout New France in long, narrow strips, was obviously made to secure for each settler a frontage on 269 the river, then the main highway; and to bring the inhabitants of each settlement into close neighborhood, for social and defensive purposes. The same reasons, of course, governed the allotment of lands in Roger Williams's colony at Providence (1640),—an interesting similarity to French Canadian custom. The "home-lots" at Providence had an (estimated) river frontage of 105 to 120 English feet, all running up to a common highway along the crest of the back-lying ridge; each lot contained from 4½ to 5½ acres. For description and plats, see Charles W. Hopkins's Home Lots of the Early Settlers of Providence Plantations (Providence, 1886).
39 (p. 201).—Cf. vol. iii., note 22.
40 (p. 201).—See vol. ii., note 21.
41 (p. 205).—Cf. vol. iii., note 19.
42 (p. 209).—For value of écu, see vol. i., note 34. The livre was a money of account, in value somewhat less than the modern franc; but in ordinary speech, both terms signified the same value; six livres = one crown. The livre of Tours was worth 20 sous; that of Paris, 25 sous. The pistole was a money of account, equal to ten livres tournois, and worth ten francs of the present currency.
43 (p. 211) Anti-Coton: a sarcastic pamphlet, published in September, 1610; it attacked the Jesuits, and especially Father Coton, the confessor of Henry IV., of whose murder the Jesuits had been accused by their enemies. Daurignac says (Hist. Soc. Jesus, vol. i., p. 205) that this pamphlet was attributed to Pierre Dumoulin, a Protestant minister of Charenton. This and other like attacks on the Jesuits had been circulated in Canada, and had prejudiced against them even many Catholics.
44 (p. 233).—This mention of Lalemant being at Pentegoët in 1613, has been copied by some later writers; but it is apparently an oversight. Biard would certainly have included Lalemant in his account of the Acadian missions, if the latter had been there.
45 (p. 237).—Alexander Vieuxpont was born Dec. 25, 1599, at Auxeville, Normandy. He became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen, and for seven years pursued his studies there, at Rennes, and at La Flèche. Thence he was sent to Alençon, and two years later (June, 1629), he went with Noyrot to Canada. Cast ashore near Canso, in the shipwreck wherein the latter perished, Vieuxpont went to Grand Cibou, to join Father Vimont, then laboring among the savages of Cape Breton. In 1630, recalled to France by his superiors, he became a traveling preacher in the rural districts near Rouen; he did not return to Canada.
46 (p. 243).—After the destruction of Port Royal (1613), the English took no immediate steps to secure possession of Acadia. Eight years later, Sir William Alexander (afterwards secretary of state for270 Scotland) obtained from James I. a grant of all the lands from the St. Croix River to the St. Lawrence, under the title of "Nova Scotia;" thus were ignored all French rights in that region. In 1625, this grant was renewed by Charles I., with considerable additions. Alexander, not having the necessary funds, was unable to establish any colonies there until 1627; when (having associated with himself Gervase Kirk and his sons, William Berkley, John Love, and others, under the title of "Merchant Adventurers of Canada"), he sent his son, as governor of Nova Scotia, with a few Scotch emigrants, to form a settlement at Port Royal. David Kirk, whose vessel had conveyed them, returned to England for reinforcements; and, in the following year, he seized Miscou, and all the French fishing vessels in the Gulf; threatened Quebec; and captured De Roquemont's squadron, sent by the Hundred Associates with supplies and artillery for Champlain's succor. In 1629, he captured Quebec. Early in that year, Sir James Stewart, who had purchased a tract of land from Alexander, brought a colony to Port Baleines, Cape Breton (near the present Louisburg); he also began to seize the French vessels fishing on that coast. This excited the anger of Captain Charles Daniel (one of the Hundred Associates, and a brother of the Jesuit Antoine Daniel), who had recently come from France; he seized and demolished Stewart's fort, and proceeded to erect another at Grand Cibou. (This name, meaning "the great river," was doubtless applied by the natives to the estuary now known as Great Bras d'Or; but Daniel's colony was planted at St. Anne's Bay,—thus named by him,—just north of the Bras d'Or). Charles Leigh, who made a voyage to Cape Breton in 1597, mentions "the harborow of Cibo;" see Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., p. 69. Here he left a garrison of forty men, with the two Jesuits Vimond and Vieuxpont, and took the English colonists back to their own country (except a few, whom he carried to France as prisoners). Champlain, arriving in Dieppe Dec. 31, 1629, met Daniel there, and obtained from him his "Relation" of the above enterprise, which is given in Champlain's Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 271-275.
In the following year, Daniel returned to this fort, and settled certain disorders that had arisen during his absence. It is not definitely known how long the garrison was kept here; but, when De Caen took possession of Canada (1632), the Jesuits Davost and Antoine Daniel also came to Cape Breton (probably with Charles, the latter's brother), and carried on the mission begun by Vimont. Denys, a few years later, had an important settlement at St. Anne's.
47 (p. 243).—Vimont remained at Cape Breton but a year, and did not return to Canada until 1639. A sketch of his life will appear hereafter.
271 48 (p. 247).—Gabriel Sagard Theodat, a lay brother, was one of the Récollet missionaries to Canada, where he arrived June 24, 1623, in company with Father Nicholas Viel. He states, in his Canada, p. 11, that he desired to go on this mission in 1615, at which time he was in a Récollet convent in Paris; but his superiors would not then consent. Sagard's missionary labors were among the Hurons, with whom he remained nearly one year; returning then to France, he wrote and published two books,—Grand voyage du pays des Hurons (Paris, 1632), and Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636). In these works he minutely describes the customs, social condition, religion, etc., of the Indian tribes; and gives a history of the missionary labors of the Récollets, up to their expulsion in 1629. To the Grand Voyage he appends a dictionary of the Huron language. He died in 1650.
There is some confusion among historians in regard to the dates of Sagard's sojourn in New France, which apparently arises from his own inaccuracy of statement, or possibly from a typographical error. In his Histoire (Tross ed., 1866), p. 115, he says that he left France in 1623; but, in the Grand Voyage (Tross ed., 1865), p. 5, he gives the year as "vingt-quatre;" while, in the former work, p. 759, he gives in full the letter of his provincial recalling him to France, dated March 9, 1625. Champlain, however, says that Sagard arrived at Quebec in June, 1623, and returned from the Huron country in July, 1624.
Sagard's works are rare, and command high prices. Brunet says (in Michaud's Biog. Univ.) that five and even eight guineas were paid for a copy at public sales in London; and that, in France, one was valued in 1851 at 210 francs. Chevalier says, in his edition of the Histoire (Paris, 1866), p. iii., note, that 1,200 francs had in vain been offered for a copy of that work. Gagnon (Bibliog. Canad.) states that a copy brought $38 at the Fraser sale in Quebec, 1860; and that one had been offered by a Paris bookseller, in 1890, for 1,200 francs.
49 (p. 247).—Father Felix Martin was born Oct. 4, 1804, at Auray, in Bretagne, France; in September, 1823, he became a novice in the Jesuit order, entering the convent of Montrouge, at Paris. During nearly twenty years, he was employed in various colleges and missions throughout Western Europe; and, early in 1842, was sent to Canada. There he labored, especially in Montreal, until August, 1851, when he became the first rector of St. Mary's College in that city; he was its founder, and the designer of its building. In this position he remained until 1857, when he became superior of the residence at Quebec. Four years later, he returned to France, where he was, successively, rector of St. Francis Xavier's college at 272 Vannes, and superior at Poitiers and Rouen. He died at Paris, Nov. 25, 1892.
Father Martin published (Montreal, 1852) a French translation of Bressani's Breve Relatione (1653), accompanied by explanatory notes and a biographical sketch of Bressani. Later, he wrote the lives of Jogues, Brébeuf, and other early missionaries; and, in 1886, a biography of his sister, Mother St. Stanislas, a French nun. He was also noted as an antiquarian and collector, especially in regard to the Jesuit Relations and the history of Canada. Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864), described in Bibliographical Data for Doc. xiii. in vol. iii., p. 285, a valuable collection of documents, all of which are embodied in our series, consists of manuscripts collected by Father Martin, chiefly in 1858, while on a visit to Europe.
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