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Title: The Rise of Canada, from Barbarism to Wealth and Civilisation
       Volume 1

Author: Charles Roger

Release Date: February 8, 2008 [EBook #24550]

Language: English

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"Entered according to Act of the Provincial Legislature,
for the Protection of Copy-rights, in the year one thousand
eight hundred and fifty-six, by P. Sinclair, Quebec, in
the Office of the Registrar of the Province of Canada."

THE RISE

OF

CANADA,

FROM

BARBARISM

TO

WEALTH AND CIVILISATION.

BY

CHARLES ROGER,

QUEBEC.

VOLUME I.

QUEBEC: PETER SINCLAIR.

Montreal, H. Ramsay and B. Dawson; Toronto, A. H. Armour & Co.; London,
C. W., Andrews & Coombe; Port Hope, James Ainsley; New York,
H. Long & Brothers, D. Appleton & Co., J. C. Francis;
Boston, Little & Brown; Philadelphia, Lindsay &
Blakiston; London, Trubner & Co.

1856.

ST. MICHEL & DARVEAU, JOB PRINTERS,
No. 3, Mountain Street.

INDEX.

PREFACE.

The beauty of a book, as of a picture, consists in the grouping of images and in the arrangement of details. Not only has attitude and grouping to be attended to by the painter, and by the narrator of events, but attention must be paid to light and shade; and the same subject is susceptible of being treated in many ways. When the idea occurred to me of offering to the public of Canada a history of the province, I was not ignorant of the existence of other histories. Smith, Christie, Garneau, Gourlay, Martin and Murray, the narratives of the Jesuit Fathers, Charlevoix, the Journals of Knox, and many other histories and books, were more or less familiar to me; but there was then no history, of all Canada from the earliest period to the present day so concisely written, and the various events and personages, of which it is composed, so grouped together, as to present an attractive and striking picture to the mind of every reader. It was that want which I determined to supply, and with some degree of earnestness the self-imposed task was undertaken. My plan was faintly to imitate the simple narrative style, the conciseness, the picturesqueness, the eloquence, the poetry, and the philosophic spirit of a history, the most remarkable of any extant—that of the world. As Moses graphically and philosophically has sketched the peopling of the earth; painted the beauties of dawning nature; shown the origin of agriculture and the arts; described the social advancement of families, tribes and nations; exhibited the short-comings and the excellencies of patriarchal and of monarchical forms of government; exposed the warrings and bickerings among men; told of the manner in which a people escaped from bondage and raised themselves on the wreck of thrones, principalities, and powers, to greatness; published the laws by which that most chosen people were governed; and dwelt upon the perversity of human nature; and as other men, divinely inspired, have sublimely represented the highest stages of Jewish civilisation, so did I propose to myself to exhibit the rise of Canada from a primitive condition to its present state of advancement. My first great difficulty was to obtain a publisher. There could only be a very few persons who would run the risk of publishing a mere history of Canada, even with all these fanciful excellencies, produced by one unknown to fame. But "where there is a will, there is a way," and about the middle of the month of June last, I had succeeded in disposing of a book, then scarcely begun, to Mr. Peter Sinclair, Bookseller, John Street, in the City of Quebec. That gentleman, with characteristic spirit and liberality, agreed to become my publisher, and until the 17th day of September, I read and wrote diligently, having written, in round numbers, about a thousand pages of foolscap and brought to a conclusion the first rebellion. Then the work of printing was begun, and the correction of all the proofs together with the editorial management of a newspaper, have since afforded me sufficient occupation. Mr. McMullen, of Brockville, has, however, produced a history of this country from its discovery to the present time, almost as if he had been influenced by motives similar to those which have influenced me. His pictures, however, are not my pictures, nor his sentiments my sentiments. The books—although the facts are the same and necessarily derived from the same sources—are essentially different. He is most elaborate in the beginning, I become more and more particular with regard to details towards the close—I expand with the expansion of the country. In the first chapter of this first volume, the history of the province while under French rule is rapidly traced, and the history of the New England Colonies dipped into, with the view of showing the progressional resemblance between that country which is now the United States and our own; in the second chapter the reader obtains only a glance, as it were, at the American war of independence, when he is carried again into Canada and made acquainted with the many difficulties in spite of which Upper and Lower Canada continued to advance in wealth and civilisation; in the third chapter a history of the war between England and the United States is given with considerable minuteness; and the fourth chapter brings the reader up to the termination of that extraordinary period of mis-government, subsequent to the American war, which continued until the Rebellion, and has not even yet been altogether got rid of. There are without doubt, errors, exceptions, and omissions enough to be found—an island may have been inadvertently placed in a wrong lake, a date or figure may be incorrect, words may have been misprinted, and, in some parts, the sense a little interfered with—but I have set down nothing in malice, having had a strict regard for truth. I have creamed Gourlay, Christie, Murray, Alison, Wells, and Henry, and taken whatever I deemed essential from a history of the United States, without a title page, and from Jared Sparks and other authors; but for the history of Lower Canada my chief reliance has been upon the valuable volumes, compiled with so much care, by Mr. Christie, and I have put the essence of his sixth volume of revelations in its fitting place.

For valuable assistance in the way of information, I am indebted to Mr. Christie personally, to the Honble. Henry Black, to the Librarians of the Legislative Assembly—the Reverend Dr. Adamson and Dr. Winder—and to Daniel Wilkie, Esquire, one of the teachers of the High School of Quebec.

C. ROGER.

Quebec, 31st December, 1855.

THE RISE
OF
CANADA
FROM
BARBARISM TO CIVILISATION.

CHAPTER I.

There have been many attempts to discover a northwest passage to the East Indies or China. Some of these attempts have been disastrous, but none fruitless. They have all led to other discoveries of scarcely inferior importance, and so recently as within the past twelve months the discovery of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans has been made. It was in the attempt to find a new passage from Europe to Asia that this country was discovered. In one of these exploring expeditions, England, four centuries ago, employed John Cabot. This Italian navigator, a man of great intrepidity, courage, and nautical skill, discovered Newfoundland, saw Labrador, (only previously known to the Danes) and entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence. To Labrador he gave, it is alleged, the name of Primavista. But that he so designated that still rugged and inhospitable, but not unimprovable, region, is less than probable. The name was more applicable to the gulf which, doubtless, appeared to Cabot to be a first glimpse of the grand marine highway of which he was in quest, and with which he was so content that he returned to England and was knighted by Henry the Seventh. Sebastian Cabot made the next attempt to reach China by sailing northwest. He penetrated to Hudson's Bay, never even got a glimpse of the St. Lawrence, and returned to England. Fifty years afterwards, Cotereal left Portugal, with the view of following the course of the elder Cabot. He reached Labrador, returned to Portugal, was lost on a second voyage, and was the first subject of a "searching expedition," three vessels having been fitted out with that view by the King of Portugal. Several other attempts at discovery were subsequently made. Two merchants of Bristol, in England, obtained a patent to establish colonies in Newfoundland and Labrador, and in 1527, Henry the Seventh, for the last time, despatched a northwest passage discovery fleet. The formation of English settlements, and the exploration were equally unsuccessful. These facts I allude to, rather with the object of accounting for the name of "Canada," applied to the country through which the St. Lawrence flows, than for any other purpose. In the "Relations des Jesuits," Father Henepin states that the Spaniards first discovered Canada while in search, not of a northwest passage, but of gold, which they could not find, and therefore called the land, so valueless in their eyes, El Capo di Nada—"The Cape of Nothing." But, the Spaniards, who possibly did visit Canada two years before Cabot, whatever the object of their voyage may have been, could not have done anything so absurd. Quebec, not Canada, may have been to them Cape Nothing, and doubtless was. It was the way they looked for. That was as visible to them as to Cabot, and a passage, strath, or way is signified in Spanish by the word Canada. It was not gold but a way to gold that English, Spaniards, Italians, and French sought. It was the cashmeres, the pearls, and the gold of India that were wanted. It was a short way to wealth that all hoped for. And the St. Lawrence has, indeed, been a short way to wealth, if not to China, as will afterwards be shown.[1]

Passing over the exploration of what is now the Coast of the United States, by Verrazzano, I come to the discovery of Gaspé Basin and the River St. Lawrence, by Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, in France. With ships of one hundred and twenty tons, and forty tons, Cartier arrived in the St. Lawrence—as some spring traders of the present day occasionally do—before the ice had broken up, and found it necessary to go back and seek shelter in some of the lower bays or harbours. He left St. Malo in April, 1534, and arrived in the St. Lawrence early in May. Returning to Gaspé, he entered the Bay Chaleur, remained there until the 25th July, and returned to France. Next year, Cartier arrived in the St. Lawrence, after various disasters to his three vessels, and viewed and named Anticosti, which he called L'Isle de L'Assomption; explored the River Saguenay; landed on, and named the Isle aux Coudres, or Island of Filberts; passed the Isle of Bacchus, now Island of Orleans; and at length came to anchor on the "Little River" St. Croix, the St. Charles of these times, on which stood the huts of Stadacona. Cartier chatted with the Indians for a season. He found them an exceedingly good tempered and very communicative people. They told him that there was another town higher up the river, and Cartier determined upon visiting that congregation of birch bark tents or huts, pitched on a spot of land called Hochelaga, now the site of Montreal. At Hochelaga the "new Governor" met with a magnificent reception. A thousand natives assembled to meet him on the shore, and the compliment was returned by presents of "tin" beads, and other trifles. Hochelaga was the chief Indian Emporium of Canada; it was ever a first class city—in Canada. Charlevoix says, even in those days this (Hochelaga) was a place of considerable importance, as the capital of a great extent of country. Eight or ten villages were subject to its sway. Jacques Cartier returned to Quebec, loaded his vessels with supposed gold ore, and Cape Diamonds, which he supposed were brilliants of the first water, and then went home to France, where he told a truly magnificent tale concerning a truly magnificent country. Expeditions for Canada were everywhere set afoot. Even Queen Elizabeth, of England, sent Frobisher on a voyage of discovery, but he only discovered a foreland and tons of mica, which he mistook for golden ore. Martin Frobisher was ruined. His was a ruinous speculation. Talc or mica did not pay the expense of a nine month's voyage with fifteen ships. But all that was then sought for is now found in Canada—and more. To obtain much gold, however, the settlement of a country is necessary. It is the wants of the settlers which extract gold from the ground for the benefit of the trader. The only occupiers of Canada, no farther back than two hundred years, were Indians. The Montagnais, the Hurons, the Algonquins, the Iroquois, the Outagomies, the Mohawks, the Senecas, the Sioux, the Blackfeet, and the Crowfeet red-faces, were the undisputed possessors of the soil. They held the mine, the lake, the river, the forest, and the township in free and common soccage. They were sometimes merchants and sometimes soldiers. They were all ready to trade with their white invaders, all prone to quarrel among themselves. The Iroquois and Hurons were ever at war with each other. When not smoking they were sure to be fighting.

The first white man who opened up the trade of the St. Lawrence was M. Pontgrave, of St. Malo. He made several voyages in search of furs to Tadousac, and the wealthy merchant was successful. With the aid of a Captain Chauvin, of the French navy, whom he induced to join him, Pontgrave attempted to establish a trading post at Tadousac. He was, however, unsuccessful. Chauvin died in 1603, leaving a stone house for his monument, then the only one in Canada.

It was now determined by the French government to form settlements in Canada. And the military mind of France attempted to carry into effect a plan not dissimilar to that recommended a few years ago by Major Carmychael Smyth, the making of a road to the Pacific through the wilderness by means of convicts. The plan, however, failed, though attempted by the Marquis De la Roche, who actually left on Sable Island forty convicts drawn from the French prisons. A company of merchants having been formed for the purpose of making settlements, Champlain accepted the command of an expedition, and accompanied by Pontgrave, sailed for the St. Lawrence in 1603. They arrived safely at Tadousac, and proceeded in open boats up the St. Lawrence; but did nothing. The effort at settlement was subsequently renewed. In 1608, Champlain, a second time, reached Stadacona or Quebec, on the 3rd July, and struck by the commanding position of Cape Diamond, selected the base of the promontory as the site of a town. He erected huts for shelter; established a magazine for stores and provisions; and formed barracks for the soldiery, not on the highest point of the headland, but on the site of the recently destroyed parliament buildings. There were then a few, and only a few, Indians in Stadacona, that Indian town being situated rather on the St. Charles than on the St. Lawrence. Few as they were, famine reduced them to the necessity of supplicating food from the strangers. The strangers themselves suffered much from scurvy, and after an exploration of the lake which yet bears the name of its discoverer, Champlain returned to France. Two years later the intrepid sailor set out for Tadousac and Quebec with artisans, laborers, and supplies for Nouvelle France, the name then given to Canada, or the Great "Pass" to China. He arrived at the mouth of the Saguenay on the 26th of April, after a remarkably short passage of eighteen days. He found his first settlers contented and prosperous. They had cultivated the ground successfully, and were on good terms with the natives. Champlain, however, desirous of annexing more of the territory of the Indians, stirred them up to strife. He himself joined an hostile expedition of the Algonquins and Montagnais against the Iroquois. What success he met with is not now to be ascertained. Deficient in resources, he again returned to France, and found a partner able and willing to assist the Colony in the person of the Count de Soisson, who had been appointed Viceroy of the new country—a sinecure appointment which the Count did not long enjoy, inasmuch as death took possession of him shortly afterwards. The honorary office of Viceroy, which more resembled an English Colonial Secretaryship of the present day, than a viceroyalty, was, on the death of Soisson, conferred on the Prince de Condé, who sent Champlain from St. Malo for the Colonial Seat of Government, on the 6th March, 1613, as Deputy Governor. Champlain arrived at Quebec on the 7th of May. The infant colony was quiet and contented. Furs were easily obtained for clothing in winter, and in summer very little clothing of any kind was necessary. The chief business of the then colonial merchants was the collection of furs for exportation. There were, properly speaking, no merchants in the country, but only factors, and other servants of the home Fur Company. The country was no more independently peopled than the Hudson's Bay Territory now is. The actual presence of either governor or sub-governor was unnecessary. Champlain only made an official tour of inspection to Mount Royal, explored the Ottawa, and returned to France. He was dissatisfied with the appearance of affairs, and persuaded the Prince of Condé, his chief, to really settle the country. The prince consented. A new company was formed through his influence, and, with some Roman Catholic Missionaries, Champlain again sailed for Canada, arriving at Quebec early in April, 1615—a proof that the winters were not more intense when Canada was first settled than at present. Indeed the intense cold of Lower Canada, compared with other countries in the same latitude, is not so much attributable to the want of cultivation as to the height of the land, and the immense gully formed by the St. Lawrence, and the great lakes which receive the cold blasts of the mountainous region which constitutes the Arctic highlands, and from which the rivers running to the northward into Hudson's Bay, and to the southward into the great lakes and the St. Lawrence, take their rise. The icy breath of the distant north and northwest sweeps down such rivers as the Ottawa, the St. Maurice, and the Saguenay, to be gathered into one vast channel, extending throughout Canada's whole extent. And, clear the forest as we may, Canada will always be the same cold, healthy country that it now is. Lower or rather Highland Canada, will be especially so, without, however, the general commercial prosperity of the country suffering much on that account. There are lowlands enough for a population far exceeding that now occupying the United States. But this is a digression. Champlain's Missionaries set themselves vigorously to the work of christianizing the heathen, while Champlain himself industriously began to fight them. He extended the olive branch from his left hand, and stabbed vigorously with a sword in his right hand. The Missionaries established churches, or rather the cross, from the head waters of the Saguenay to Lake Nepissing. Champlain battled the Iroquois from Mont Royal to Nepissing. Rather he would have done so. He did not find them until he reached, overland and in canoes, Lake Huron, the superior character of the land in that neighbourhood attracting his particular attention. He found his "enemy" entrenched by "four successive palisades of fallen trees," says Smith, "enclosing a piece of ground containing a pond, with every other requisite for Indian warfare"—a very Sebastopol, upon which Champlain discharged his fire-arms, driving the Iroquois back to their camp. The place was, however, impregnable, and the siege was reluctantly raised. The Algonquins would only fight as they pleased. They were sadly in want of a head. They would not use fire-arms, but "preferred firing their arrows against the strong wooden defences." Champlain was twice wounded in the leg, and his allies, making the non-arrival of reinforcements an excuse, retreated. Champlain insisted upon going home, but transport was wanting, and he was compelled to winter, as best he could, in a desolate region, with his discomfitted allies. In the following year he got away, and made haste down his Black Sea of Ontario, to his Golden Horn at Tadousac, from thence, on the 10th of Sept., 1616, returning to his native country to find his partner, the Prince of Condé, in disgrace and in confinement, for what the historian knows not. The Prince had possibly been playing Hudson, for we find that the Marshal de Themines was prevailed upon to accept the office, on condition of sharing the emoluments. But he too became involved in "controversy with the merchants," and after only two years presidency of the Company, resigned, when the Duke de Montmorenci obtained the Viceroyalty from Condé, for eleven thousand crowns. The Duke was Lord High Admiral of France, and Champlain was exceedingly glad. Another new colonizing company was formed. Seventy-seven artisans, farmers, physicians, or gentlemen, three friars, horses, cows, sheep, seed-corn, and arms were collected at Rochelle for exportation in 1619. But the laymen, partly Protestants and partly Roman Catholics, began to squabble about the immaculate conception, or something else, equally stupid and unimportant, until Champlain himself got into trouble and nearly lost his Deputy Governorship, and the expedition was delayed. In 1620, Champlain, however, set sail, and on his arrival at his capital, in July, was agreeably surprised to find that a missionary, named Duplessis, had got so far into the good graces of the Hurons, at Trois Rivieres, that he had discovered and frustrated a plan for the massacre of the French colonists. At Tadousac affairs were not at all flattering. The colonists had neglected cultivation. Only sixty white people remained, ten of whom were religiously engaged in keeping school, or were engaged in keeping a religious school. At this period of time it is difficult to say which. Worse than this scurvily decimated condition of the people, was the intrusion of some unprincipled and unprivileged adventurers from Rochelle, who had been bartering fire-arms with the Indians for the Company's furs. Champlain was very wroth, but moderated his anger somewhat on ascertaining that an enfant du sol—a real French-Canadian baby was in the land of the living. Who was the father of the child or who the mother, is neither mentioned by Hennepin nor Charlevoix, and the office of Prothonotary, or Registrar of Births, Marriages, and Deaths had not been instituted. It is not even in the chronicles that Champlain was at the christening, nor is the ceremony alluded to at all. This great, and most interesting event happened on some hour of some unmentioned day in the year 1621. It is possible the mother was of a distinguished Huron family. It is certain that the Hurons were about that time in close alliance with the French, for the Iroquois began to be jealous of the alliance between the Hurons, Algonquins, and the French, and declared war with the view of destroying the settlements. The Iroquois succeeded in burning some Huron villages, but were repulsed by the French both at the Sault St. Louis and at Quebec. Quebec was now a fortified town. There were wooden, but not very extensive, walls around the barracks and the huts. Champlain had, on the whole, great reason to be thankful. His power and authority seemed to be undisputed. He had seen the first of a new world generation, and the means of wealth were seemingly at his feet. But he met with disappointment. The association of merchants who had fitted out his expedition, and from whom he obtained his supplies, were suddenly deprived of all their privileges of trade and colonization, by Montmorenci. The Duke, determined on doing as he pleased with his own, transferred the supremacy of the colonists to the Sieurs de Caen, uncle and nephew. The one de Caen was a merchant, the other a sailor. The sailor was soon at Tadousac. Before Champlain had well known, by a letter of thanks for past services, that he was re-called, or rather superseded, his successor had arrived at the head quarters of Nouvelle France—Tadousac. De Caen solicited an interview with Champlain, which was conceded. Smarting with indignation, Champlain was too polite. His courtesy was so excessive, that De Caen became exacting as if to show who he was. He wanted to seize all Champlain's trading vessels. They belonged, he said, to a company whose privileges had been transferred to him as the representative of another company. The furs with which they were laden belonged to Montmorenci and the De Caens, as his Grace's agents. Champlain demurred, and Captain De Caen peremptorily demanded Du Pont's vessel. Champlain, no longer courteous, flew into a violent passion. Du Pont was the favourite agent of his company, and his own particular friend. Champlain's rage was of no avail. Nor was the sympathy of the colonists of any value. De Caen was supreme, and did as he pleased. The colonists, however, excessively indignant, resolved to leave in a body, unless their opinions were allowed some weight, and a number did take their departure. Although De Caen had brought eighteen new settlers, the colony was reduced to only forty-eight. Champlain, however, remained in Canada. He felt himself to be the chief colonist, and only removed to Quebec, where he erected a stone fort. The fort was partly on that part of the present city on which the old Church of Notre Dame stands, in the Lower Town, and partly where the former Palace of the Roman Catholic Archbishop stood. Champlain pitched his tent outside the walls, which were almost rectangular, under the shadow of a tree, which, until six years ago, threw its leafy arms over St. Anne Street, from the Anglican Cathedral Church yard. While this fort-building, vessel seizing, and unchristian feeling were rending the infant colony to pieces, interfering with trade, and proving vexatious to all, a union had been formed in France between the old and new companies. The coalition was not productive of good. There was so little cordiality and so much contention between the parties, that Montmorenci threw up his viceroyalty in disgust, that is to say, he sold out to the Duke de Ventadour. Ventadour was in a world of difficulties. France was then half Protestant and half Catholic. Ventadour's chief object in purchasing Canada was to diffuse the Catholic Religion throughout the new world. With much energy of character, he was singularly pious. He attended mass regularly at an early hour every morning. His bedroom was religiously fitted up; the symbol of redemption hung constantly over the head of his bed. He was no bigot. He was thoroughly in earnest. He was only not wise. The man who had caused Champlain so much annoyance was himself a Huguenot, and not that only,—to the Duke's mortification, he had taken to Canada chiefly Protestants, and had even caused the Roman Catholic emigrants to attend Protestant worship on shipboard. Two thirds of the crews of his ships were Protestants. They sang psalms on the St. Lawrence. The new viceroy was much annoyed on ascertaining that De Caen had permitted such a state of things. The exercise of the Protestant religion, he had given orders, should be barely tolerated, and he had been disobeyed. Champlain did not trouble himself about religious squabbles. He made himself difficulties with the Indians, leaving religious dissensions to be made by his would be superior. Amid all these difficulties the fur trade languished, and the celebrated Cardinal Richelieu, who knew the advantages to be derived from Ventadour's pious missionary effort, revoked the privileges of De Caen's new company, and established a newer company called the Hundred Associates. The associates were not only to colonize, but they were amply to supply necessaries to the colonists. They were to send out a large number of clergymen. Those clergymen were to create churches and erect parsonages. They were to be supported by the Associates for fifteen years. They were to have glebes, or reserved lands, assigned to them for their sufficient support. At a blow the wily cardinal had extinguished psalm singing on the St. Lawrence for at least a century. In 1627 the Hundred Associates were formed. But plans cannot be always carried into effect as soon as determined upon. War was proclaimed by England against France in the following year, 1628. The weakest and the meanest of English kings had caused the Puritans, previously persecuted by Elizabeth, to leave their country. The Puritans, in November, 1607, had settled in New England. The year in which the first Franco-Canadian saw the light of day, Governor Carver, of Plymouth Colony, had entered into a league of friendship, commerce, and mutual defence with Massassoit, the great Sachem of the neighbouring Indians. Some years previously (1619) the Colony of Virginia had received her first Governor General from England, who had instructions to convoke a general legislature. With all his impotent stammering, slobbering, weeping, buffoonery, and pedagoguism, James had an indistinct idea that it was as necessary to hear the voice of the people as the voice of the king. He chose rather to direct than to suppress the expression of opinion. But the Governor General of Virginia was appointed by the London Company, whose privileges were taken away by James on the year preceding his death, which occurred in March, 1625, after the company had expended £100,000 in the first attempt to colonize America. James appointed a viceroy or governor and directed him how to govern. New France, at the breaking out of such a war, had something to dread from New England, so much further advanced in colonization. Cardinal Richelieu's plan of Canadian settlement was roughly interfered with, by the capture of his first emigrant ships by Sir David Kerk, who afterwards proceeded to Tadousac, burned the village, and proceeded to Quebec to summon Champlain to surrender. The brave Frenchman refused and Kerk retreated. But Kerk came back again. He again appeared before the walls of Fort Quebec, and summoned it to surrender. Reduced to great distress by famine, Champlain surrendered, and the whole settlement was taken captive to England. With the exception of a few houses, a barrack, and a fort at Quebec, and a few huts at Tadousac, Trois Rivieres, and Mont Royal, Canada was again as much a wilderness as it ever had been since the Asiatics had stepped across Behring's Straits to replenish the western hemisphere. The great curiosity, the first Franco-Canadian baby, now eight years old, was doubtless carried to the tower, and caged as a curiosity, near the other lions and tigers of London. It was not until the restoration of peace in 1633, that Champlain was reappointed Governor of Canada, which, by the treaty of 1632, was surrendered back to France, on the supposition that it was almost worthless. This time colonization was systematically undertaken by the Jesuits, who only arrived in Canada in time to supply the loss of Champlain, a man of exemplary perseverance, of ambitious views, and of wonderful administrative capacity, for a layman of that day, who died in December, 1635. The foundation of a seminary was laid at Quebec. Monks, Priests, and Nuns were sent out from France. The Church was to settle in the wilderness to be encircled by the godly. If Admiral Kerk had carried off a settlement, Mother Church was to produce other settlements. A new governor was named—Montmagny. Business, however, began to languish. The Indians became exceedingly troublesome. And the Iroquois had subdued the Algonquins, and had nearly vanquished the Hurons. To defend the settlement from these fierce warriors, Montmagny built a fort at Sorel, at the mouth of the Richelieu, down which river the savage enemy usually came. The construction of the fort had the desired effect. Peace with the Indians soon followed, and the colony became happy and contented. The effect of Jesuitical tact and judgment soon began to exhibit itself. An Ursuline Nunnery and a Seminary were established at Quebec, through the instrumentality of the Duchess d'Aiguillon. The religious order of St. Sulpice, at the head of which was the Abbé Olivier, proposed to the King of France to establish a new colony and a seminary at Mont Royal, bearing the name of the order and composed of its members. The proposal was entertained, and the Island of Montreal conceded to the religionists for their support. The Sieur Maisonneuve—a name admirably chosen—was placed at the head of the faithful emigrants, and invested with its government. The third regular governor of Canada was M. d'Aillebout. He succeeded Montmagny, whose term of office had expired. On the death of Champlain, no Governor of Canada was to hold the reins of government longer than three years. D'Aillebout was an exceedingly able man. He was firm, and, on the whole, just. He was left entirely to himself in the management of affairs, and he left the conversion of the Indians to peace and Christianity, to the missionaries, who labored well and earnestly, establishing the Hurons, and even the Iroquois, in villages. The latter, who were never to be trusted, only feigned semi-civilization, and unexpectedly renewing the war, they fell upon their old enemies, the Hurons, with diabolical fury. In the Indian village of Sillery, while a missionary was celebrating mass in the Catholic Church, and none but old men, women, and children were present, a terrible and foul massacre occurred. The Iroquois rushed into the chapel with tomahawk and scalping knife, murdering all the congregation, nor stayed their hands until upwards of four hundred families, being every soul in the village, were slain. About this time our friends south of the line 45°, first began to dream of the annexation of Canada. An envoy from New England visited Quebec, and proposed to the French governor the establishment of a peace between the two colonies of New France and New England, which was not to be broken even should the parent states go to war. Governor Montmagny consented, on condition that the Iroquois were to be put down. He was so willing that he sent an envoy to Boston to ratify a treaty. But the New Englanders would not quarrel with the Iroquois, and no treaty was effected. A more hopeful international commercial alliance, of which the Boston Jubilee of 1851 was indicative, has lately been entertained. Compared to the Iroquois, or even the Algonquins, the Huron tribe of Indians were mild in disposition and peaceably disposed. The French missionaries obtained a powerful hold over them. Great numbers became christianized, and even, to some extent, civilized. Descendants of Nimrod though they were, their wandering habits were partially subdued, and very many began to cultivate the ground. As if there was something in the climate of Quebec to produce such an effect, they were naturally inclined to be supremely tranquil. And notwithstanding the recent horrible massacre they soon sank back into their ordinary state of lethargy. They were fearfully aroused from their lethargy, however, by another series of attacks on the part of the Iroquois. The latter ferocious red men made a descent upon the village of St. Ignace, killing and capturing all the Hurons there. They next attacked St. Louis, and though some women and children managed to escape, both missionaries and Hurons were carried off for the torture. The Huron nation, terribly damaged, seemed to be at the mercy of their more savage enemies. They scattered in every direction. Their settlements were altogether abandoned. Some sought refuge with the Ottawas, some with the Eries, and not a few attached themselves to missionaries, who formed them into settlements on the Island of St. Joseph, in Lake Ontario. Unable, however, to find sufficient subsistence on the island, they were compelled to form villages on the main land, where they were again slaughtered by the Iroquois. So inferior had they become, physically and intellectually, if not numerically, to the Iroquois, that they resolved to put themselves altogether under French protection. This protection the missionaries procured for them, and a new settlement was formed at Sillery. The Iroquois now did what they pleased. They were in full possession of the whole country. The French were literally confined to Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal. But that which neither French nor Hurons could do by force, they were made to do themselves. They were destroyed in hundreds by rum. The French appealed to their appetites. Iroquois independence was broken in upon by a mere artifice of taste. Furs were now bought, not with pieces of tin and strings of beads, but with plugs of tobacco and bottles of spirits. Intoxication had its ordinary effect. It caused these naturally hot-blooded, quarrelsome, freemen to butcher each other, and it made them the slaves of the fur trader, whose exertions increased as the favorite narcotic lessened the exertions and weakened the energies of the hunter. So injurious was the effect of the "fire water," and so obvious was the injury to the Indians themselves, that the Chief of the domesticated Indians petitioned the Governor, their great Father, to imprison all drunkards. Whether or no D'Aillebout granted the request is not recorded. Probably it was not then granted. Among the Edits, Ordonnances Royaux, declarations, et arrêts du Counsel d'etat Roi concernant le Canada, nothing concerning Indian intoxication is to be found. D'Aillebout ceased not long afterwards to be governor. In 1650 he was succeeded by Monsieur de Lauzon. So hostile, however, had the feelings of the Iroquois now become, that M. de Lauzon returned to France for a detachment of soldiers. He brought out 100 men in 1653. Then the Iroquois were disposed for peace. They begged for it. Might is right. The power of the new Governor was acknowledged by the Iroquois. One hundred muskets was a powerful argument against even 6,000 bows and arrows. Frenchmen were sent among them. An Iroquois Roman Catholic Church was founded. For two years all was tolerably quiet, but at the end of that time the spirit of insubordination was so great that the French, anticipating massacre, made a moon-light flitting to Quebec.

M. Lauzon was superseded as Governor of Canada, in 1658, by the Viscompte d'Argenson. On the very morning of his arrival a large party of Algonquins were menaced under the very guns of Quebec by the Iroquois, who were driven off, but not captured, by a posse of French troops. In the following year Monseigneur l'Eveque de Petree, arrived at Quebec, to preside over the Catholic Church. François de Petree, a shrewd, energetic, learned prelate, was not, however, appointed to the See of Quebec, by "Notre Saint Pére le Pape Clément X," as he himself tells us, until the 1st October, 1664. In 1663 he established the Seminary of Quebec, and united it with that of the du Bac, in Paris, in 1676. The education of young men for the ministry seemed to be his great object. Trade would develop itself in time. The country could not fail to become great with so much deep water flowing through it. But religion must be provided for, and the Catholic, the most consistent, if not the most enlightened, of any system of Christianity existing, was his religion, and he paved the way for its extension. Four hundred more soldiers had been added to the garrison before François de Laval was even Bishop of Quebec, and they accompanied de Monts, as the Guards did Lord Durham, who was also sent out to enquire into the condition of Canada. In de Mont's time, Canada must have been in a very extraordinary state. In 1668, an edict of the king prohibited swearing and blasphemy. The king ruled that officers of the army had no acknowledged rank in the Church. And in 1670, an arrêt du Conseil encouraged "les marriages des garçons et des filles du Canada."

One of the most remarkable earthquakes of which we have read occurred in Canada, soon after the arrival of the Bishop of Petrea. It happened, too, in winter. On the 5th of February, 1663, at half-past five o'clock in the evening, the earth began to heave so violently, that people rushed in terror into the streets, only to be terrified the more. The roofs of the buildings bent down, first on one side, then on the other. The walls reeled backward and forward, the stones moving as if they were detached from each other. The church bells rang. Wild and domestic animals were flying in every direction. Fountains were thrown up. Mountains were split in twain. Rivers changed their beds or were totally lost. Huge capes or promontories tumbled into the St. Lawrence and became islands. The convulsion lasted for six months, or from February to August, in paroxysms of half an hour each, and although it extended over a range of country, 600 miles in length by 300 in breadth, not a single human being was destroyed. Beyond question this earthquake altered entirely the features of the country from Montreal to the sea; but, that it did not produce that rent, as some will have it, through which the Saguenay flows, is evident from the fact that the Saguenay existed on Cartier's first visit. It did not even produce those numerous islands with which the Lower St. Lawrence is studded, for some of them are also mentioned by the same daring and skilful navigator. But for the sake of science it is to be regretted that the particular rivers, whose beds were changed or which were entirely obliterated, have not been mentioned. The greater depth of the Saguenay than the St. Lawrence is easily accounted for by the greater height of the banks of the one river than of the other. In the St. Lawrence a large body of water finds an outlet through a chain of mountains forming the banks of a river which is the outlet of a series of lakes or inland seas, in which the rains or snows of a great part of North America are collected, as the Caspian, the Sea of Azof, and the Euxine are the rain basins of Europe and of Asia, and which spreads its waters over breadths of land, great or small, as its shores are steep or otherwise. If Canada is high above the ocean, and on that, as well as on other accounts, intensely cold in winter, it is some consolation to know that that latitude, which is in some sense to be regretted, has produced a river and lake navigation for sea-going ships of upwards of a thousand miles, more valuable than ten thousands of miles of prairie-land. A prairie country might have produced a Mississippi filled with snags, but only a mountainous country could produce such rivers for navigation as the Saguenay and St. Lawrence, and such rivers for manufacturing purposes as the St. Maurice and the Ottawa. But Canada is not all mountainous. There are vast steppes, extensive plains, through which numerous streams roll sluggishly into the great lakes. There are tracts of country of extraordinary extent capable of producing the heaviest crops. There are garden lands around most of the western cities, on which these cities of yesterday subsist and have arisen. And even in Lower Canada there are straths of wonderful fertility. Canada, with any government which will permit trade, cannot fail to become pecuniarily rich, even with the drawback of the towns of Lower Canada being rendered inland for half the year by means of ice. Lower Canada has been crippled by the policy of Cardinal Richelieu, who, by that policy, paradoxical as it may appear, was her first benefactor. A theocratic government, no doubt excellent for the taming of Indians, is not by any means well adapted for an intelligent people. So long as the trade of Canada was confined to furs the Jesuitical policy of Richelieu was advantageous, but now that the Indians are nearly exterminated—two millions of acres under cultivation—millions of feet of pine, birch, oak and other timber used or exported annually—and manufactures abounding—a somewhat more self reliant spirit is requisite than the establishment of Churches under the extraordinary control of a single mitred head will permit. Such a spirit is being gradually aroused, and the more gradual the more permanent will it be. Violence begets violence. Example is more persuasive than force.

De Monts, or rather de Lauzon, was succeeded by the Baron D'Avaugour, the last of the Fur Governors, a weak, stupid man, who had almost by his imbecility and vacillation suffered the business of his employers to be extinguished. The Iroquois most vigorously waged war during his time upon every other tribe of Indians. They altogether exterminated the Eries, and in their very wickedness, did good in rendering their country more susceptible to colonization by Europeans. D'Avaugour was recalled. The Hundred Associates resigned their charter into the hands of the French king, who transferred the company's privileges to the West India Company. M. de Mesy was appointed governor by the Crown, and for a council of advice he had a Vicar Apostolic and five others, one of whom was a kind of Inspector General, and another a Receiver General. To this Governor and Council the power of establishing Courts of Justice, at Three Rivers and Montreal, was confided. Courts of Law were established soon after De Mesy's arrival, and four hundred soldiers were obtained from France to enable His Excellency to cause the law to be respected. De Mesy, of a proud and unbending temper, quarrelled with his Council, sneered at the settlers, and governed with a rod of iron. He cared neither for Vicar Apostolic, nor for Finance Ministers. Nay, he went so far, after quarrelling with the Jesuits, as to send two members of the Company to France, a mistake for which he paid the penalty by being himself recalled. De Mesy was succeeded by the Marquis de Tracy and was the second Chief Crown Governor, or Viceroy. He was not fettered with a Council of Advice, but he was more absurdly hampered with almost co-equals in the shape of assistants. The Seigneur de Courcelles was appointed Governor of the Colony, and Mon. De Talon, Intendant. De Tracy brought with him as settlers the then newly disbanded regiment of Carignan-Sallières, which had returned from fighting, not for the Turks in Hungary, but against them. They had been extraordinarily successful. And France had acquired great influence by her successful efforts to stay Mahometan encroachment. The Turks were then the oppressors not the oppressed. But France then, as now, was playing the balance of power game. The men of the Carignan-Sallières Regiment were admirably adapted for settlement in a country in which constant fighting was being carried on. They were to have a deep interest in subduing the Iroquois. They were some protection against the Round-Heads of Massachusetts. Sixteen hundred and sixty-five other settlers, including many artisans, accompanied them. Cattle, sheep, and horses were for the first time sent to Canada. More priests were sent out, for whom the West India Company were, by their charter, bound to provide churches and houses. The most Christian king had determined upon at least christianizing the country, and upon so retaining it. Without priests and churches the Hungarian Heroes would have been of as little value to France as the cattle, sheep, and horses which accompanied them to Canada. It was a condition of the West India Company's Charter that priests were to be carried out, and parsonages and churches erected. Like most companies chartered for similar purposes, the stock of this company was transferable, but only the revenue, or profits of the revenue could be attached for the debts of the stockholders. The company had a monopoly of the territory, and the trade of the Colony for forty years. Nor was this all. His most Christian Majesty conferred a bounty of thirty livres on every ton of goods imported to France, a kind of protection similar to that still extended by the French government to the Newfoundland fisheries. The company had the right to all mines and minerals—had the power of levying and recruiting soldiers in France—had the power of manufacturing arms and ammunition—had the power of building forts in Canada—and had the power of declaring and carrying on war against the American Indians, or, in case of insult, the Colonial Englishmen of New England, or the Manhattanese Dutch. Justice was to be administered according to the Custom of Paris. All Colonists of, and converts to the Roman Catholic faith, had the same rights in France as Frenchmen born and resident in France had. And for four years the king himself agreed to advance a tenth of the whole stock of the company, without interest, and to bear a corresponding proportion of any loss which the company, in the course of four years, might sustain. These were certainly liberal and prudent privileges, but more ultimate good, or in other words, good would have been sooner realized had the conditions been less liberal and less prudent. These conditions were of too liberal a nature to cause any desire for change to be entertained for a great length of time, and the consequence is that even now Lower Canada is governed according to the "Cotume de Paris," and cultivated as France was cultivated two hundred years back. A year after the Marquis' arrival, the Council of State granted to the Canadian Company the trade in furs on payment of a subsidy of one fourth of all beaver skins, and of one tenth of all Buffalo skins. The trade of Tadousac was excepted. Fort building and church building went on vigorously. The fur trade was easily attended to. Three forts were erected at the mouth of the Richelieu-Sorel. The Indians made sorties repeatedly down this river, always doing much mischief, and the forts were intended to prevent the mischief. But the Iroquois were not to be foiled. They found means to reach the settlements by other roads. Nor was De Tracy to be annoyed. He sent out war parties who did not, however, effect much. The Viceroy, an old man of some seventy summers, took the field himself. With the view of exterminating the Indians, he set out on the 14th Sept., 1666, with a considerable force consisting of regular troops, militia, and friendly Indians. Unfortunately the Commissariat Department was badly conducted, and the exterminating force were nearly themselves exterminated by starvation. They had to pass through a large tract of forest land to meet their foes, and they frequently lost their way. The haversack was soon emptied, and the starving army was only too happy to breakfast, dine, and sup on chestnuts gathered in the bush, until some Indian settlements were reached. They came upon almost a forest of chestnut-trees, and fell upon them like locusts. They ate and filled their haversacks, and it was well that they did so, for the Iroquois had adopted the Russian expedient of abandoning their villages, and suffering the enemy to march through a country altogether wanting in the bare necessaries of life. M. De Tracy marched and countermarched without effecting anything beyond capturing some old men, and one or two women with their children. Luckily he fell in with supplies of corn in one of the abandoned settlements which he took possession of for the benefit of his army. Still more luckily he got to Quebec again safely, but so thoroughly disgusted with the state of affairs, that he resigned his government into De Courcelle's hands, and returned to France. De Courcelle was a man of some address. He cajoled the Iroquois and prevented war. He was the founder, but not the builder of Fort Cataraqui or Kingston, on Lake Ontario. He settled Hurons at Michillimacinac. Both fort and settlement were intended to benefit the fur trade. The new settlement was in fact a new hunting ground, and the new fort was for the protection of the hunters. De Courcelle visited personally Cataraqui. He was dragged up the Lachine, the Cedars, and other rapids of the St. Lawrence, in an open boat, but suffered from moisture and exposure to such an extent that, on returning to Montreal, he solicited his recall to France, and was recalled accordingly.

In 1669, the Indians encountered, in the shape of smallpox, a more terrible foe than the musket, the sword, the arrow, or the "firewater." Whole tribes were exterminated by this loathsome disease, which appears not to have been imported, inasmuch as the most distant and least civilized tribes were first attacked and most severely suffered. The Atlikamegues were completely exterminated. Tadousac and Trois Rivieres were abandoned by all the Indians. Fifteen hundred Hurons died at Sillery, and yet the Huron suffered less than any other nation. The remnant of the tribe was collected by Father Chamounat, who established them at Lorette, where some half-breeds are yet to be found.

The Count de Frontenac was the third Viceroy of Canada. He succeeded De Courcelle in 1692, and soon after his arrival erected the fort which his predecessor had decided upon erecting at Cataraqui, giving it his own name—a name which still distinguishes the County, the chief town in which Kingston or Catarqui is. De Frontenac was a man of astonishing energy. His self will and self esteem were only compensated for by ability and a spirit of independence and honesty. It was not to be supposed that such a man could long submit to the whims of his co-equals, as far as governing was concerned. Nor did he. The triumvirate—the Viceroy, the Bishop, and the Intendant—each with an equal vote, were soon at loggerheads. Chesnau, the Intendant, without Frontenac's ability, had all his bad qualities. The Intendant and Viceroy were soon violently opposed to each other, and to make matters worse, the Bishop, supported by his clergy, was annoyed with both. The Bishop considered the sale of spirits to the Indians abominable; De Frontenac thought it profitable; and Chesnau did not think at all. An appeal was made by the clergy to the home government, and both De Frontenac and Chesnau were re-called with censure, and the profitable sale of spirits to the Indians was prohibited by a royal edict. De Frontenac ruled Canada for ten years, and during his administration La Salle discovered the mouths of the Mississippi. Only the year after De Frontenac's arrival in Canada, the Indians reported that there was a large river flowing out to the Atlantic, to the southwest of the colony, and the Reverend Messire Marquette[2] and a merchant of Quebec, were sent on an exploring expedition. Starting in two canoes, with only a crew of six men for both, they found themselves, after an exceedingly tedious voyage, on the Mississippi, and, rejoicing at their success, returned back immediately to report progress. At Chicago, Marquette separated from his companion. In that Indian village of Lake Michigan, now a populous commercial town, the missionary remained with the Miami Indians, while Jollyet went back to Quebec for further instructions. Of course Jollyet was highly communicative at Quebec. The multitude could not travel by steam in those days from Gaspé to Lake Michigan. It was no easy matter at that period to paddle over those great seas, the inland lakes, in a birch-bark canoe. Jollyet had much to boast of and might, without chance of detection, boast of more than either his experience or a strict adherence to truth could warrant. Jollyet was a curiosity. Jollyet was the lion of Quebec, and he was toasted and boasted accordingly. The Sieur La Salle was in Quebec when Jollyet returned. He heard of the merchant's adventures with deep interest. La Salle, a young man of good family, and of sufficient fortune, had emigrated to Canada in search of fame, and with the further view of increasing his pecuniary resources. He expected, like Cabot and some others, to find a passage through Canada, by water, to China, imagining that the Missouri emptied itself into the north Pacific. The narrative of Jollyet made La Salle more sanguinely credulous, that he had the "way" before him. First he gained the sanction of the governor to explore the course of that river, and then he returned to France for support in his enterprise. So plausible a story did he relate, that means were soon forthcoming. The Prince of Conti most liberally entered into La Salle's views, and assisted him to prepare an expedition. The Chevalier de Tonti, an army officer, with one arm, joined him, and on the 14th July, 1678, De La Salle, and De Tonti sailed for Quebec from France, with thirty men. It was two months before they reached Quebec; but no sooner did they arrive than they hastened to the great lakes, accompanied by Father Hennepin. Father Hennepin was the historian of the voyage. He tells a wonderfully interesting story. La Salle built a vessel of 60 tons, and carrying 7 guns, above the Falls of Niagara, having laid the keel in July, 1679. There are always difficulties attending new enterprises, and La Salle's shipbuilding operations were frequently and annoyingly interfered with. The carpenter was an Italian, named Tuti, and he occupied seven months in building the craft. One day, an Indian, pretending to be drunk, attempted to stab the blacksmith, but that worthy son of Vulcan, like Bailie Nicol Jarvie, successfully defended himself with a red hot bar of iron. Again the savages tried to burn the ship, but were prevented by a woman. A squaw gave La Salle's people warning of the Indian's intention. Alarms were frequent, and only for Father Hennepin's exhortations, shipbuilding would have been abandoned to a later period, on the lake. But carpenter Tuti persevered, and amid enthusiastic cheering, the chanting of a Te Deum, and the firing of guns, she was safely launched. The "Cataraqui" was square rigged. She was a kind of brigantine, not unlike a Dutch galliot of the present day, with a broad elevated bow and a broad elevated stern. Very flat in the bottom, she looked much larger than she really was, and when her "great" guns were fired off, the Indians stared marvellously at the floating fort. With the aid of tow-lines and sails the Niagara River was with difficulty ascended, and on the 7th of August, 1679, the first vessel that ever sat upon the lakes entered Lake Erie. The day was beautifully calm, and the explorers chanted Te Deums, and fired off guns, to the no small consternation, perhaps amusement, of the Senecas. In four days they sailed through the lake, and entering the River Detroit they sailed up it to Lake St. Clair, and in twelve days more Lake Huron was entered. In that lake storms and calms were alternately encountered. On one occasion the wind blew so strongly, that La Salle's man of war was driven across to Saginaw Bay. But worse weather was yet in store for La Salle. A tempest swept over the lake, and topmasts and yards were let go by the run. There was neither anchorage nor shelter, and La Salle and all his crew, now terribly frightened, prayed and prepared for death. Only the pilot swore. He anathematized the fresh water. It was bad enough to perish in the open ocean, but something terrible to be drowned in a nasty fresh water lake, to be devoured, perhaps, by an ichthyosaurus. Prayers and curses seemingly had produced the desired effect; indeed, the pilot's anathematizing was prayer; but such prayer is not by any means to be recommended. It would be as well to curse as only to pray when fear is excited. Prayer, doubtless, often is, but never ought to be, the effect of fear. Prayer should be the holy offering up of reasonable desires to the Creator, and in times of danger there should be confidence in the Creator as all powerful, and in ourselves as the instruments of the Creator. However, favored with less adverse winds, the exploring expedition reached Michillimacinac, and anchored in 60 fathoms, living on delicious trout, white fish, and sturgeon. From thence entering Lake Michigan, they proceeded to an Island at the mouth of Green Bay, where La Salle loaded his ship with furs and sent her back to Niagara. The cargo was rich. It was valued at 50,000 livres. The blaspheming pilot and five men were sent off with the vessel, but whether the craft foundered in Lake Huron or was piratically visited by the Indians, she was no more heard of. Two years elapsed before La Salle or Father Hennepin learned the fate of the "Cataraqui" and her blasphemous pilot. They perseveringly pushed their way down the Mississippi and reached the Atlantic, thus discovering the mouths of a stream which has been a great source of wealth to our enterprising neighbours. In two years he turned his steps to Quebec, and going home to France was appointed Governor of the territory he had discovered. He was the first Governor of Louisiana, a territory ceded by Napoleon I. to the United States, in 1803. The unlucky Governor was not destined to reach his government. La Salle, in command of four ships, with settlers, sailed from Rochelle, on the 24th of July, 1689. He was ignorant of the exact geographical situation of the mouths of the Mississippi, but passing through the Antilles, reached Florida, where he was murdered by his own people—a melancholy and lamentable fate for one of whom all Frenchmen may justly boast. Canada now numbered 8,000 souls, including converted Indians; and French America extended from Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia through the St. Lawrence and the great lakes to the Pacific, and from the great lakes again to the ocean through the Mississippi, all the westward of even that stream being French soil. Yet it was only nominally so. The Indians were virtually the owners of the soil, those spots on which forts or trading posts had been erected or established, only excepted.

M. De La Barre now (1682) succeeded Frontenac as Viceroy. The new Governor was of a restless and overbearing disposition. He required, or supposed that he required, a strong government. He certainly needed an able one. The idea of drawing off the trade of the St. Lawrence had first occurred to the English colonists on the Hudson. The Iroquois preferred trading with the "down south" English to trading with the French. Their furs were chiefly carried down the Hudson, to the no small annoyance of the French exporter. De La Barre had no idea of tolerating such a mode of doing business. The furs of Canada were French furs. The Indians were merely hunters for the French, and had no right whatever to dispose of their goods in the dearest market, and buy their necessaries in the cheapest market. De La Barre, weakened though he was in the number of his troops, many men having converted their swords into ploughshares, and their guns into reaping hooks, resolved upon punishing the free-trading children of the woods. He obtained two hundred additional soldiers from France, and proceeded up the St. Lawrence on his labor of love. The Indians only laughed at him. They thought he was in a dream when he pompously required them not to war upon each other, or permit the English to come among them. His troops were sick and starving, and were at the mercy rather of the Indians than the Indians at their mercy. M. De La Barre was compelled to withdraw his troops. The blustering, pompous, mischief-loving De La Barre was recalled by his government, for incompetency, and in 1685 was succeeded by Denonville.

The Marquis Denonville was only more cunning than his predecessor, and perhaps more decided. No sooner had he set foot in the colony, than, with the assistance of the missionaries, he persuaded the Iroquois chiefs to meet him on the banks of Lake Ontario. Denonville and the Indians did meet, and no sooner had they met, than Denonville treacherously caused a number of them to be seized and put in irons, to be sent as prisoners to the King of France, for service in his gallies. Denonville erected a fort at Niagara, became more violent and overbearing to the Indians, treated the remonstrances of the English of New York, concerning the erection of Fort Niagara, with contempt, and at last brought upon himself, as the arrogant generally do, defeat and disgrace. This fort, to which the North West Fur Company of Quebec had offered to contribute 30,000 livres annually, in consideration of a monopoly of the fur trade, was destroyed by the Iroquois, who followed the now retreating French to Cataraqui, made themselves masters of the whole country west of Montreal, and, to crown all, appeared before that city with proposals of peace. Denonville was required to restore the chiefs who had been sent to France, and he was either in a position not to resist, or wished to gain time. He consented to negotiate. The Hurons, his allies, were not now so peaceably disposed. For the first time, they seem to have evinced a warlike spirit. They attacked the deputies, and insinuated to their prisoners that the French Governor had instigated them to do so. The prisoners were allowed to depart; a large party of the Five Nations heard their tale, descended upon Montreal, carried off two hundred of the inhabitants, and retired unmolested. The fort at Cataraqui was blown up, and for a time of course abandoned. Thus, in 1686, French Canada was again virtually reduced to Montreal, Three Rivers, Quebec, and Tadousac.

It was in 1689 that the Count de Frontenac returned to Canada a second time, as Viceroy, to succeed the incompetent Denonville. He took out the captured chiefs, and attempted to conciliate the Iroquois. But the Indians had been too frequently deceived by his immediate predecessors. They would have nothing to do with him, unless he restored, without stipulation, their captured chiefs. De Frontenac complied. He complied the more readily because he feared an alliance between the Ottawas and the Iroquois. The Ottawas were quite indifferent to French friendship, because the gain, in their estimation, was altogether in favor of the French, whose protectors the Ottawas considered themselves to be. So far from provocation being now given to the Indians, a policy extremely opposite was pursued. The English and Dutch of the New England settlements coveted the Indian trade in furs, and the Indians were more favorably disposed towards the English and Dutch traders than towards the French, because from the former a larger consideration was received. It was De Frontenac's policy to prevent such a union, which would, as he conceived, have injured the trade of the St. Lawrence, and have injured the revenue of the Fur Company. De Frontenac induced the Ottawas to assist him against the English of New England, whom he had resolved to attack, France and England being then at war. He fitted out three expeditions, one against New York, a second against New Hampshire, and a third against the Province of Maine. The party against New York fell upon Schenectady, in February, 1690. The weather was exceedingly cold, and the ground deeply covered with snow. It was never even suspected, that, at such a season, a campaign would be begun. Yet, at the dead of night, while the inhabitants of Schenectady were asleep, and not a sentinel was awake to announce the danger, the war-whoop was raised, every house in the village was simultaneously attacked, buildings were broken into and set on fire, men and women were dragged from their beds, and even mothers, with their sleeping infants at their breasts, were inhumanly murdered. Sixty persons were massacred; thirty were made prisoners, and such as escaped, almost naked, fled through the deep snow, many perishing with the extreme cold, and the most fortunate being terribly frost bitten. At Salmon Falls, the party sent by Frontenac against New Hampshire, killed thirty of the inhabitants, took fifty-four prisoners, and burned the village. At Casco, in Maine, the third party killed and captured one hundred persons. Such was the business of colonists in those days. In Canada the majority had no voice in popular affairs. Governors, Intendants, Seigniors, and Priests, controlled the colonists as they willed. However much the Governor may have despised the Intendant, the Intendant the Seignior, or the Priest all put together, the merchant, artisan, and peasant were of no account. Wealth without title was only a bait for extortion. The peasantry were serfs, and the nobles uneducated despots. Education was in the hands of the clergy, while power was solely vested in the Heads of Military Departments. But if ignorance was particularly characteristic of the Canadians, the New Englanders could lay little claim to superior enlightenment. Harvard's College, in Massachusetts, had apparently done no more for the New Englanders, in 1692, than the Seminary of Quebec, in the way of diffusing a knowledge of letters among the people, from which the desire for freedom invariably springs, had done for Canada. The people of Salem, Andover, Ipswich, Gloucester, and even Boston, were accusing each other of witchcraft. A "contagious" malady, which affected children of ten, twelve or fifteen years of age, it was, oddly enough, said by the learned physicians of the period, was the result of witchcraft. A respectable merchant of Salem, and his wife, were accused of bewitching children; the sons of Governor Bradstreet were implicated in the divinations; and the wife of Sir William Phipps was not above suspicion. One man, for refusing to put himself on trial by jury, was pressed to death. Nor was Giles Correy the only sufferer:—nineteen persons, "members of the Church", were executed, and one hundred and fifty persons were put in prison. It was sometime before the conviction began to spread, that even men of sense, education, and fervent piety could entertain the madness and infatuation of the weak, illiterate, and unprincipled. A disbeliever in witchcraft was an 'obdurate sadducee.' That conviction did at last possess men. The disease which affected the supposed bewitched children somewhat resembled St. Vitus' Dance. It was an involuntary motion of the muscles. The affected were sometimes deaf, sometimes dumb, sometimes blind. Oftentimes, they were at once deaf, dumb, and blind. Their tongues were drawn down their throats, and then pulled out upon their chins to a prodigious length. Their mouths were forced open to such a wideness, that their jaws went out of joint, only to clap again together, with a force like that of a spring lock. Shoulder-blades, elbows, wrists, and knees were similarly affected. Sometimes the sufferer was benumbed, or drawn violently together, and immediately afterwards stretched out and drawn back.

De Frontenac set earnestly to work to pacify his old enemies of the Five Nations. A new and more dreaded enemy had to be encountered. The Puritans of Massachusetts, provoked by De Frontenac's aggressions, resolved to attack Canada, in self-defence. Sir William Phipps, afterwards the first Captain General of Massachusetts, born on the River Kennebec, a man of extraordinary firmness and great energy, who had raised himself to eminence by honesty of purpose, a strong will, and good natural ability, was appointed to the command of an expedition, consisting of seven vessels and eight hundred men. The object of the expedition was the reduction of Port Royal, or Annapolis, in Nova Scotia, which Sir William speedily and easily accomplished. A second expedition, under Sir William, was resolved upon, for the reduction of Montreal and Quebec. Two thousand men were to penetrate into Canada by Lake Champlain, to attack Montreal, at the same time that the naval armament, consisting of between thirty and forty ships, should invest Quebec. The expedition failed. The Commissariat and Pontoon Departments of the land expedition, were sadly deficient, and the naval expedition did not reach Quebec until late in October. The weather became tempestuous, and scattered the fleet, while the land force to Montreal mutinied through hunger. Sir William, on the 22nd of October, re-embarked the soldiers which he had landed, and sailed, without carrying with him his field pieces or ammunition waggons. Humiliating as the repulse was to Massachusetts, it was highly creditable to De Frontenac, who now easily succeeded in winning over the Five Nation Indians. Indeed, matters had so very much changed, that these enemies of his most Christian Majesty solicited the Governor to rebuild the fort at Cataraqui, which was accordingly done. The Indians were not, however, unanimous in their desire for peace. There was a war and a peace party. To show his power, De Frontenac conceived the idea of a great expedition against the Indians. He collected regulars, militia, and all the friendly Indians to be procured, and, marching to Cataraqui, passed into the country of the Onondagos. On entering a lake, it was ascertained by the symbol of two bundles of rushes, that 1,434 fighting men were in readiness to receive them. De Frontenac threw up an earthwork, or log fort, to fall back upon, and proceeded. De Callières, Governor of Montreal, commanded the left wing; De Vaudreuil the right; and De Frontenac, now 76 years of age, was carried, like Menschikoff at Alma, in the centre, in an elbow chair. The Indians fell back, and as they did so, pursued the Russian policy of destroying their own forts by fire. The French never came up with the Onondagos or Oneidas, but contented themselves with destroying grain, and returned to Montreal.

De Frontenac's next expedition was to join Admiral, the Marquis Nesmond,—who had been despatched with ten ships of the line, a galliot, and two frigates,—with a force of 1,500 men at Penobscot, with the view of making a descent on Boston; to range the coast of Newfoundland; and to take New York, from whence the troops were to return overland to Canada, by the side of the River Hudson and Lake Champlain. The junction was not effected, and the expedition failed. A treaty of peace, on the 10th of December, 1697, concluded between France and England, at Ryswick, in Germany, put an end to colonial contention for a short time. By that peace, all the countries, forts, and colonies taken by each party during the war, were mutually given back. De Frontenac, an exceedingly courageous and skilful officer, now became involved with his government at home. The French government began to perceive that advanced posts for the purpose of trading with the Indians for furs, were of little, if, indeed, they were of any advantage, while they were a continued source of war. It was proposed to abolish these stations, so that the Indians might, to the great saving of transport, bring in their furs themselves, to Montreal. De Frontenac demurred. These forts were the sign of power, as they were a source of patronage. The fur trade was a monopoly, carried on by licenses granted to old officers and favorites, which were sold to the inland traders as timber limits are now disposed of. Profits of 400 per cent were made on successful fur adventures, under a license to trade to the extent of 10,000 crowns on the merchandize and 600 crowns to each of the canoemen. Beaver skins, at Montreal, were then worth 2s. 3d. sterling a pound weight. The first fishery was formed at Mount Louis, on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, about half way between the mouth of the Gulf and Quebec, in 1697. A company formed by the Sieur de Reverin, was tolerably successful. Canada was even now beginning to look up, in a commercial point of view. De Frontenac died in November following, in the 78th year of his age, and the Governor of Montreal, De Callières, succeeded him. De Callières died suddenly, a few years after his elevation, (1703) when the people of Canada petitioned for the appointment of the Marquis De Vaudreuil to the Viceroyalty, and the king granted their prayer. The death of De Callières occurred one year after a new declaration of war between France and England. This war was the result of unsettled boundaries, by the peace of Ryswick. England declared war against both France and Spain. Again Canadians and New Englanders suffered severely. The French of Canada, especially, allowed their Indians to perpetrate the most horrible atrocities. Women prisoners were inhumanly butchered in cold blood, before the very eyes of their husbands, only because they were unable to keep pace with other prisoners, or their captors. Both the French and the English colonists were permitted by the parent states to fight almost unaided, to fight on imperial account, at colonial expense of blood and treasure. To Canada, nearly altogether a military colony, fighting was particularly agreeable, and yet the population had not reached 15,000, while Massachusetts contained 70,000 souls; Connecticut, 30,000: Rhode Island, 10,000; New Hampshire, 10,000; New York, 30,000; New Jersey, 15,000; Pennsylvania, 20,000; Maryland, 25,000; North Carolina, 5,000; South Carolina, 7,000, and in all 142,000 souls. The difficulty of land transport confined hostilities to the border States, and preserved a balance of power between the contending colonists. Indeed, the St. Lawrence afforded a comparatively easy means of communication for the French to that afforded by the mountain passes of Vermont to the New Englanders. The French could more easily pounce upon the outposts of Lake Champlain than the New Englanders could march to defend them. The English colonists resolved upon making a great effort. Massachusetts petitioned Queen Anne for assistance, who promised to send five regiments of regular troops, which, with 1,200 men, raised in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, were to sail from Boston for Quebec. The fleet, with the five regiments on board, never came to hand, having been sent to Portugal; but 1,800 colonists marched against Montreal, by way of Lake Champlain, and penetrated as far as Wood Creek, where the news of the altered destination of the fleet reached them and caused them to return. The French Governor acted on the defensive. He made extraordinary preparations for defence, which were needless, as the Iroquois Indians, having quarrelled with the English, on the ground that Iroquois safety consisted in the jealousies of the French and English, would not fight, and the invaders retreated. Another application being made to the Queen of England for protection, on the part of the New Englanders, Colonel Nicholson came over with five frigates and a bomb ketch, and having been joined by five regiments of troops from New England, he sailed with the frigates and about twenty transports, from Boston, on the 18th September, for Port Royal, which he captured and called, in honor of his Queen, Annapolis. Animated with his success, Nicholson sailed for England, to solicit another expedition to Canada. His request was granted. Orders were immediately sent to the colonies to prepare their quotas of men, and only sixteen days after the orders to that effect were received, a fleet of men of war and transports, under Sir Hovenden Walker, with seven regiments of the Duke of Marlborough's troops, and a battalion of marines, under Brigadier General Hill, arrived at Boston. The fleet had neither provisions nor pilots, but by the prompt exertions of the colonists, 15 men of war, 40 transports, and 6 storeships, with nearly 7,000 men, sailed from Boston for Canada, while Colonel, now General Nicholson, marched at the head of 4,000 provincialists, from Albany towards Canada. The fleet arrived in the St. Lawrence on the 14th of August, (1710) but in proceeding up the river the whole fleet was nearly destroyed. The pilots were ignorant of the channels, and the winds were contrary and strong. About midnight of the 22nd, a part of the fleet were driven among islands and rocks on the north shore, eight or nine transports were cast away, and nearly 1,000 soldiers were drowned. The attempt to take Quebec was again abandoned. The ships of war sailed directly for England, and the transports, having provincial troops on board, returned to Boston. General Nicholson remained at Fort George until he heard of the miscarriage of the St. Lawrence expedition, when he retraced his steps to Albany. The Canadians had made extensive preparations for defence. The greatest possible enthusiasm prevailed in Quebec. The merchants of Quebec, in 1712, raised a subscription and presented the Governor with 50,000 crowns, for the purpose of strengthening the fortifications of the town. The peace of Utrecht was, however, concluded, in 1713, and Canada was left to contend only with the Outagamis, a new Indian enemy, who, in conjunction with the Iroquois, had determined upon burning Detroit, the limit of civilisation to the north west. The French soon caused their Indian enemies to bury their hatchets.

At the peace, Quebec had 7,000 inhabitants, and the population of all Canada amounted to 25,000, of whom 5,000 were capable of bearing arms. Already the banks of the St. Lawrence below Quebec were laid out in seigniories, and the farms were tolerably well cultivated. Some farmers were in easier circumstances than their seigneurs. The imported nobility had dwindled down to the condition of placemen or traders. The Baron Beçancour held the office of Inspector of Highways, and Count Blumhart made ginger beer. Three Rivers contained 800 inhabitants. A few farmers lived in the neighbourhood of the mouth of the St. Francis. Montreal was rising rapidly into importance, having obtained the fur trade of Three Rivers, in addition to its own, and the island having been carefully cultivated, through the well directed efforts of the Jesuits. Above Montreal there was nothing but forts—Fort Kingston or Cataraqui, Fort Niagara, Fort Detroit, and Fort Machillimakinac.

The Marquis de Vaudreuil having ruled Canada for twenty-one years, died on the 10th of April, 1725. He was succeeded by the Marquis de Beauharnois, under whose judicious management of affairs, the province became prosperous. Cultivation was extended. The Indians were so much conciliated, that intermarriages between the French and Indians were frequent. And there was nothing to excite alarm but the growing importance and grasping disposition of the New Englanders and New Anglo-Hollanders. The Governor of New York had erected a fort and trading post at Oswego, on Lake Ontario, with the view of monopolizing the trade of the Lakes. Beauharnois followed the English Governor's example, by building an opposition fort in the neighbourhood of Niagara. Another fort was erected by the Marquis, at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain, and yet another at Ticonderoga. The English very soon had a more reasonable pretext than a monopoly of the fur traffic, for more active demonstrations against the French. War was again declared in 1745, between France and England, by George II.; and Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, without waiting for instructions from England, determined upon attacking Louisbourg, then considered to be the "Gibraltar of America." Louisbourg, on Cape Breton, was fortified by the French, after the peace of Utrecht, at an expense of $5,500,000. The fortifications consisted of a rampart of stone, nearly 36 feet in height, and a ditch eighty feet wide. There were six bastions, and three batteries, with embrasures for 148 cannon and 6 mortars. On an island at the entrance of the harbor was another battery of 30 cannon, carrying 28 pound shot, and at the bottom of the harbour, opposite the entrance, was situated the royal battery of twenty-eight forty-two pounders, and two eighteen pounders. The entrance of the town, on the land side, was at the west, over a draw-bridge, near which was a circular battery, mounting 16 guns of 24 pounds shot. And these works had been 25 years in building. Louisbourg was a place of much importance to the French. It was a convenient retreat to such privateers as always annoyed and sometimes captured the New England fishing vessels. And the manner of this attack upon it is exceedingly interesting. It was determined on in January, 1745. Massachusetts furnished 3,250 men; Connecticut, 510; Rhode Island and New Hampshire, each 300. The naval force consisted of twelve ships, and in two months the army was enlisted, victualled, and equipped for service. On the 23rd of March, an express boat, which had been sent to Commodore Warren, the Naval Commander in Chief in the West Indies, to invite his co-operation, returned to Boston with the information, that without orders from England he could take no share in a purely colonial expedition. Governor Shirley and General Pepperell nevertheless embarked the army, and the colonial fleet sailed the next morning. The expedition arrived at Canso on the 4th of April, where the troops from New Hampshire and Connecticut joined it. Here, Commodore Warren, with his fleet, very unexpectedly joined the expedition. Shortly after his refusal to join, instructions which had been sent off from the British Government, approving of the attack upon Louisbourg, as proposed by Governor Shirley, and which Pepperell had gone to attack, without waiting for Imperial approval, had reached Commodore Warren, and without loss of time he proceeded direct to Canso, whither it was reported the Colonial fleet had gone. His arrival was the cause of great joy among the colonists. After a short consultation with General Pepperell, the Commodore sailed to cruise before Louisbourg, and was soon followed by the colonial fleet and army, which, on the 30th April, arrived in Cap Rouge Bay. It was not until then that the French were aware that an attack upon them was meditated. Every attempt was made to oppose the landing. They sent detachments to the landing places. But General Pepperell deceived them. He made a feint of landing at one point, and actually landed at another. The story reminds us of Sebastopol. Next morning 400 of the English marched round behind the hills, to the north west of the harbour, setting fire to all the houses and stores, till they came within a mile of the Royal Battery. The conflagration of the stores, in which was a considerable quantity of tar, while it concealed the English troops, increased the alarm of the French so greatly, that they precipitately abandoned the Royal battery. Upon their flight, the English troops took possession of it, and by means of a well directed fire from it, seriously damaged the town. The main body of the army now commenced the siege. For fourteen nights they were occupied in drawing cannon towards the town, over a morass, in which oxen and horses could not be used. The toil was incredible, but men accustomed to draw the pines of the forests, for masts, could accomplish anything. By the 20th of May, several fascine batteries had been erected, one of which mounted five forty-pounders. These batteries, on being opened, did immense execution. While the siege was being proceeded with, Commodore Warren captured the French ship of war "Vigilant," of 74 guns, with her 560 men, and a great quantity of military stores. This capture was of very great consequence, as it not only increased the English force and added to their military supplies, but seriously lessened the strength of the enemy. Shortly after this important capture, the English fleet was considerably augmented by the arrival of several men of war. A combined attack by sea and land was now determined on, and fixed for the 18th of June. Already the inland battery had been silenced; the western gate of the town was beaten down, and a breach effected in the wall; the circular battery of sixteen guns was nearly ruined; and the western flank of the King's bastion was nearly demolished. The besieged were in no condition to resist a joint attack by sea and land. The preparations for such an attack altogether dispirited them. A cessation of hostilities was asked for, on the 15th, and obtained. On the 17th, after a siege of forty-nine days, Louisbourg and the Island of Cap Breton surrendered. Stores and prizes to the amount of nearly a million sterling fell into the hands of the conquerors. Nor was this the only advantage. Security was given to the colonies in their fisheries; Nova Scotia was preserved to England; and the trade and fisheries of France were nearly ruined. The successful General, a New Englander by birth, was created a baronet of Great Britain, in recognition of his important services to the State. Sir William Pepper(w)ell rose on the ruins of Louisbourg. On France the blow fell with great severity. The court, aroused to vengeance, sent the Duke D'Anville, a nobleman of great courage, in 1746, at the head of an armament of forty ships of war, fifty-six transports, with three thousand five hundred men, and forty thousand stand of arms for the use of the French and Indians in Canada, to recover possession of Cape Breton, and to attack the colonies. Four vessels of the line, forming the West India squadron, were to join the expedition, and Canada sent off 1,700 men with the same view. The greatest consternation possessed the English colonists, as part of this immense fleet neared the American coast. But there was, in reality, no cause for fear. The tempest had blasted the hopes of France. Only two or three of the ships, with a few transports, reached Chebucto Bay, in Nova Scotia. Many of the ships of this once formidable expedition were seriously damaged by storms, others were lost, and one was forced to return to Brest, on account of cholera among her crew. On arrival at Chebucto, where Halifax is now situated, the Admiral became so despondent that he poisoned himself, and the Vice Admiral, no more a Roman than his superior, ran himself through the body with his sword. So died both these gallant but unfortunate men, whose moral courage quailed before what they knew must be public opinion in France. Nor were the disasters of the Duke d'Anville's armament yet over. That part of the fleet which had arrived in America, sailed for the purpose of attacking Annapolis, only to be dispersed by a storm, in the Bay of Fundy, and to return to France crest-fallen. Another expedition was however, determined upon. Six men of war, of the largest class, six frigates, and four East Indiamen, with a convoy of thirty merchant vessels, set sail from France, with the Admiral de la Jonquiere appointed to succeed de Beauharnois as Governor of Canada. But a British fleet, under Admiral Anson and Rear Admiral Warren, dispatched to watch, and, if possible, intercept it, fell in with the French fleet on the 3rd of May, and before night all the battle ships had surrendered. The new Governor of Canada found himself a prisoner. The disagreeable intelligence of this second failure reached France on the somewhat sudden and unexpected return of a part of the convoy, which had escaped capture, as night fell, on the day of the surrender of the fleet. Another Governor for Canada was appointed, the Count de la Gallisonière, who arrived safely. De la Gallisonière took an intelligent view of the position of affairs. He saw the folly, in a military point of view, of keeping the frontier a wilderness, and recommended that a large number of settlers should be sent from France, who, by being located on the frontier, would act as a check upon the British. His advice was, however, unheeded, and de la Jonquière having been released from captivity and conveyed to Canada, the Count resigned his trust to the Admiral, and returned to France. De la Jonquière was exceedingly active and able. Shortly after, or about the time of his release from captivity, the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed, and all conquests—Louisbourg included—made during the war, were mutually restored. But de la Jonquière hated the English cordially, and by his hostile acts against the English fur traders, of the Ohio Company, he brought on that war between France and England, known as "The French and Indian War." Several English traders were seized and carried to a French port, on the south of Lake Erie, and fortifications, at convenient distances, were erected and occupied by French troops, between Fort Presqu'isle and the Ohio. War was ultimately declared, and Colonel George Washington, afterwards President of the United States, was sent, at the head of a regiment of Virginians, by the British Governor Dinwiddie, to put a stop to the fort building, which, although joined by nearly 400 men from New York and South Carolina, he failed to accomplish, having been compelled by De Villiers, at the head of a force of 1,500 French soldiers, to capitulate, with the privilege of marching back to Virginia unmolested. In Canada, De la Jonquière was by no means a favorite. Terribly avaricious, while the Intendant sold licenses to trade, the Governor and his Secretary sold brandy to the Indians. De la Jonquière became enormously wealthy, but his grasping disposition so annoyed the people of Quebec and Montreal, that complaints against him were loudly made, and he was recalled. He died, however, at Quebec, before his successor, the Marquis du Quesne de Menneville, was appointed. The Anglo-Indian French War now raged furiously. The English colonists were recommended by the British Government to unite together in some scheme for their common defence. A convention of delegates from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, with the Lieut. Governor and Council of New York, was accordingly held at Albany, in 1754, and a plan of a federal union adopted. The plan was simply this:—a Grand Council, to be formed of members chosen by the provincial assemblies, and sent from all the colonies; which Grand Council, with a Governor General appointed by the Crown, having a negative voice, should be empowered to make general laws, to raise money in all the colonies, for their defence, to call forth troops, regulate trade, lay duties, &c. It met, however, neither with the approbation of the Provincial Assemblies nor the King's Council. The Assemblies rejected it because it gave too much power to the Crown, and the King's Council rejected it because it gave too much power to the people. Nevertheless, the Assemblies unreservedl declared, that, if it were adopted, they would undertake to defend themselves from the French, without any assistance from Great Britain. The mother country refused to sanction it. Another plan was proposed, which met with universal disapprobation. A convention was to be formed by the Governors, with one or more of their Council to concert measures for the general defence, to erect fortifications, to raise men, &c., with power to draw upon the British Treasury to defray all charges, which charges were to be reimbursed by taxes upon the colonies, imposed by Acts of Parliament. The English colonies, however, vigorously attempted to repel the encroachments of the French from Canada, and ultimately succeeded, notwithstanding the blundering incompetency of General Braddock and Colonel Dunbar, the afterwards celebrated Washington being Aid-de-Camp to the former on the Ohio. Braddock, in proceeding against Fort du Quesne,[3] with upwards of 2,200 men, one thousand of which were regulars, suffered himself to be surprised by only five hundred French and Indians, had five horses killed under him, was himself mortally wounded, and his troops were defeated. Nay, out of sixty-five officers, sixty-four were killed and wounded, and of the troops engaged, one half were made prisoners, through the ungovernable folly of a man, who advanced without caution, and attempted to form a line when surrounded in a thicket. It was at this time, when the English colonists, not only contemplated a federal union, but had determined upon expeditions—one against the French in Nova Scotia, which completely succeeded; a second against the French on the Ohio; a third against Crown Point; and a fourth against Niagara. The Marquis du Quesne organized the militia of Quebec and Montreal; minutely inspected and disciplined the militia of the seigneuries; and attached considerable bodies of regular artillery to every garrison. Tired of the continual fighting between Canada and the English colonies, the Marquis du Quesne solicited his recall. His request was conceded. His most Christian Majesty appointed the Marquis de Vaudreuil de Cavagnac, son of a former Governor to succeed him. De Vaudreuil de Cavagnac sailed for the seat of his government with Admiral La Mothe, who was in command of a fleet newly fitted out, at considerable cost, at Brest. The sailing was not unnoticed by the English Channel fleet. Admiral Boscawen gave chase. He had eleven ships of the line, and with these he came up with the French fleet off Newfoundland. A battle ensued, and two French vessels fell into the hands of the British, the remainder of the French ships escaping under cover of a fog. Quebec was reached without further molestation, and Governor De Vaudreuil de Cavagnac was installed. All Canada was, on his arrival, in arms. Every parish was a garrison, commanded by a captain, whose authority was not only acknowledged, but rigidly sustained. Agriculture was, consequently, entirely neglected. Provisions were scarce; the price of food was enormously high; and the fur trade was rapidly declining. Notwithstanding this, the Intendant, Bigot, shipped off large quantities of wheat to the West Indies, on his own account. The Marquis de Vaudreuil de Cavagnac sanctioned the avaricious exactions and dealings of Bigot. Practices the most dishonest and demoralizing were winked at or excused. The Governors positively enriched themselves on the miseries of the governed. A high standard value was given to grain in store. It was studiously reported that the farmers were hoarding up their stocks, and prejudice was so excited against them, that it was no difficult matter to confiscate their corn, on pretence that it was absolutely necessary for the city and the troops. De Cavagnac and Bigot bought cheaply and sold extravagantly dear. As the Russian officials cheat the Russian government, so did the French officials cheat both the people and the government of France. But it was little wonder. The Governor had only a salary of £272 sterling, out of which he was expected to clothe, maintain, and pay a guard for himself, consisting of two sergeants and twenty-five soldiers, furnishing them with firing in winter, and other necessary articles. A Governor was compelled to trade to be on a pecuniary level with the merchant.

The hostilities between the colonists of English and French extraction for the two preceding years had been carried on, without any formal declaration of war. It was not until June, 1756, that war was declared by Great Britain against France, and operations were determined upon on a large scale. Lord Loudon was appointed Commander in Chief of the English forces in America, and General the Marquis de Montcalm was appointed Generalissimo in Canada, in room of Dieskau, who was disabled at Lake George. The English commander matured a plan of campaign, formed by his locum tenens, General Abercrombie, which embraced an attack upon Niagara and Crown Point, still in possession of the French, the former being the connecting link in the line of fortifications between Canada and Louisiana, and the latter commanding Lake Champlain, and guarding the only passage at that time to Canada. Loudon was as hesitating and shiftless, as Abercrombie had been an improvident commander. The expedition against Crown Point was unaccountably delayed. General Winslow, at the head of 700 men, was not permitted to advance. Montcalm, as energetic, able, and enterprising as his opponents were indecisive, with 8,000 regulars, Canadians, and Indians, made a rapid descent upon Oswego, at the south-east side of Lake Ontario, and captured it. Sixteen hundred men, one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, fourteen mortars, two ships of war, and two hundred boats and batteaux, fell into the conqueror's hands. Lord Loudon, prone to inactivity, instead of vigorously pushing forward upon Crown Point, to retrieve this great disaster, made the disaster an excuse for relinquishing the enterprise. The failure of the campaign of '56 much annoyed the British Parliament and people, and great preparations were made in the following year to prosecute the war to a successful issue. It was in vain, while Lord Loudon was in command of the colonial army. A fleet of eleven ships of the line, and fifty transports, with more than six thousand troops, arrived at Halifax, for the reduction of Louisbourg, and Lord Loudon ordered a large body of troops, designed to march upon Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to co-operate. But so dilatory was his Lordship, that before the expedition from Halifax was ready to sail, a French fleet of 17 sail had arrived at Louisbourg, with reinforcements, making the garrison nine thousand strong—and this fine specimen of a hereditary commander deemed it inexpedient to proceed, and abandoned the expedition. Montcalm, again profitting by the weakness and indecision of his adversaries, made a descent on Fort William Henry, situated on the north shore of Lake George, with nine thousand men. The fort, garrisoned by three thousand men, was commanded by Colonel Munroe, who obstinately defended it. Nay, had it not been for the silly indifference of General Webb, who was in command of Fort Edward, which was within only fifteen miles of Fort William Henry, and was garrisoned by 4,000 men, the French General might have been unable to make any impression upon it. But Webb, although solicited by his second in command, Sir William Johnston, to suffer his troops to march to the rescue, first hesitated, next granted permission, and then drew back. In six days the garrison surrendered, Munroe and his troops being admitted to an honorable capitulation. Reverses such as these, involving great misery, inasmuch as the Indians too frequently butchered their prisoners in cold blood, could not fail to have an effect upon a ministry which had appointed such incapables to command. A change of ministry was loudly demanded, and most fortunately for the honor of the British arms, and for the salvation of the colonies, there was a change. The great Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, was the Palmerston of that day. Placed at the head of the administration, he breathed into the British Councils a new soul. He revived the energies of the colonies. He gave new life to dependencies, whose loyalty was weakened, and whose means were exhausted by a series of as ill-contrived and unfortunate expeditions as were ever attempted. He addressed circulars to the colonial Governors, assuring them of the determination of the ministry to send a large force to America, and called upon the colonies to raise as many troops as possible, and to act promptly and liberally in furnishing the requisite supplies. The colonies nobly responded. Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New England unitedly raised 15,000 men, who were ready to take the field in May. An expedition to Louisbourg, a second to Ticonderoga, and a third against Fort du Quesne were determined upon. The tide of success was on the turn. Admiral Boscawen, with a fleet of twenty ships of the line, eighteen frigates, and an army of fourteen thousand men, under the command of General Amherst, his second in command being General Wolfe, sailed from Halifax, for Louisbourg, on the 28th of May. Louisbourg resisted vigorously, but on the 26th of July this important fortress was a second time in the possession of Great Britain. 5,735 men, 120 cannon, 5 ships of the line, and 4 frigates were captured. Isle Royal and St. John's, with Cape Breton, fell, also, into the hands of the English. Against Ticonderoga the English were not so successful. This central expedition was conducted by General Abercrombie, who had succeeded Lord Loudon as Commander-in-Chief in America, that nobleman having returned home. He had with him 16,000 men and a formidable train of artillery. Ticonderoga was only garrisoned by 3,000 French. The passage of Abercrombie across Lake Champlain was only a little less splendid than that of the British and French armies over the Black Sea, from Varna to Eupatoria, in September, 1854. The morning was remarkably bright and beautiful, and the fleet moved with exact regularity, to the sound of fine martial music. The ensigns waved and glittered in the sunbeams, and the anticipation of future triumphs shone in every eye. Above, beneath, around, the scenery was that of enchantment. It was a complication of beauty and magnificence, on which the sun rarely shines. But General Abercrombie was unequal to the command of such an army. He left to incompetent Aides-de-Camp the task of reconnoitering the ground and entrenchments, and without a knowledge of the strength of the place, or of the points proper for attack, and without bringing up a single piece of artillery, he issued his orders to attempt the lines. The army advanced with the greatest intrepidity, and for upwards of four hours (the duration of the battle of the Alma) maintained the attack with incredible obstinacy. Nearly two thousand of the English were killed or wounded, and a retreat was ordered. On reaching Lake George, his former quarters, the defeated and mortified Abercrombie yielded to the solicitations of Colonel Bradstreet, who desired to be sent against Fort Frontenac, (now Kingston) on Lake Ontario. Three thousand provincials were detached on this expedition, and in two days the fortress had surrendered, and 9 armed vessels, 60 cannon, and sixteen mortars, and a vast quantity of ammunition were taken possession of. Fort du Quesne was evacuated on the approach of General Forbes, with 8,000 men, and was re-named Pittsburg, in honor of the Prime Minister of England, Mr. Pitt.

Elated by success, the entire conquest of Canada was now determined upon by the English. Three powerful armies were simultaneously to enter the French Province by three different routes—Ticonderoga and Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec were to be attacked as nearly as possible at the same time. On the 22nd of July, 1759, the successor of Abercrombie, General Amherst, attacked, first, Ticonderoga, and then Crown Point, both places being evacuated on his approach, the French retiring to Isle Aux Noix, where General Amherst could not follow them, for want of a naval armament. On the 6th of the same month, Fort Niagara was invested by Sir William Johnston, who succeeded to the command of the Niagara division of the army on the death of General Prideaux, an able and distinguished officer, unfortunately killed, four days previously, by the bursting of a cohorn. A general battle took place on the 24th, which decided the fate of Niagara, by placing it in the hands of the invaders.

The intended campaign of 1759, was early made known to General Montcalm: that on Quebec was made known to him on the 14th of May, by M. de Bougainville, appointed on the Marquis' staff, as Aid-de-Camp. In January, a census of those capable of bearing arms in Canada was taken, when 15,229 were reported as available for service. Montcalm went energetically to work to preserve the country to France. A council of war was held at Montreal, and it was decided that a body of troops, under Montcalm, the Marquis de Levi, and M. de Jennezergus, should be posted at Quebec; that M. de Bourlemaque should hasten to Ticonderoga, blow up the works at the approach of the English, retire by the Lake to Isle-aux-Noix, and there stubbornly resist. With 800 regulars and militia, the Chevalier de la Corne was directed to hold the rapids above Montreal, to entrench himself in a strong position, and hold out to the last. It is, therefore, obvious, that the evacuation of Ticonderoga was determined upon; and that the retention of Niagara was not much desired. The intended march upon Quebec, by a large force from England, caused the greatest uneasiness. Montcalm, hastening to Quebec, pushed on the defences of the city and its outposts vigorously. The buoys, and other marks for the safe navigation of the St. Lawrence were removed. Proclamations, calling upon the people to make a determined resistance, were issued. The people were reminded that they were about to contest with a powerful and ruthless enemy of their religion and their homes. The Church urged the faithful to resist the heretical invaders.

General Wolfe was in the harbour of Quebec before either Ticonderoga or Niagara had fallen. Eight thousand men had been embarked at Louisbourg, under convoy of Admirals Saunders and Holmes. The expedition arrived without accident off the Island of Orleans, where the troops were disembarked, on the 25th of June. General Wolfe, three days afterwards, issued an address to the colonists. He appealed to their fears. General Amherst was approaching in one direction, Sir W. Johnston in another, and he (Wolfe) was at their very doors. Succour from France was unobtainable. To the peasantry he, therefore, offered the sweets of peace, amid the horrors of war. The French colonists, however, were ignorant of the English language as of English customs. They saw no sign of fine feeling towards themselves in so large a fleet and so considerable an army. Every obstacle that could be placed in the way of an invading force, the French colonists patriotically placed in the way of General Wolfe. They readily formed themselves into battalions for defence. They hung about the skirts of that part of the army which had been landed, cutting off foraging parties, and otherwise harassing it. They prayed in the churches for the preservation of their country. The most noble spirit animated the Canadians. General Monckton was sent to drive the French off Point Levi, opposite Quebec, and take possession of the post. He succeeded. Batteries were thrown up and unceasingly worked. The firing was, but however, of little use, only the houses of the town being injured. The fortifications were not only uninjured, they were being rapidly strengthened. More energetic measures were determined upon. Wolfe crossed the river and attacked the enemy in their entrenchments, at Montmorenci. But, some of the boats in which the soldiers had crossed, unluckily grounded, and the attacking party did not all land together. The grenadiers rushed impetuously forward, without even waiting to form, and were mowed down by the enemy's close, steady, and well directed fire. Montcalm's force now advanced to the beach, and the contest waxed hotter. A thunder storm was approaching, and the tide was setting in. Wolfe, fearing the consequences of delay, ordered a retreat, and returned to his quarters, on the Island of Orleans. He lost six hundred of the flower of his army in this unhappy encounter, and left behind him some of his largest boats. The condition of the invaders was far from enviable. Sickness prevailed to an alarming extent in the camp. They had been already five weeks before the city, and many lives had been lost, not only in skirmishes, but by dysentery. Wolfe himself fell sick. Depressed in spirits by the disastrous attempt to land on the Beauport shoals, and worn down with fatigue and watching, he was compelled to take to his bed. It was while lying ill that the plan occurred to him of proceeding up the river, scaling the heights by night, and forcing Montcalm to a general engagement. On his recovery he proceeded to carry his plan into execution. A feint of landing again at Beauport was made. The boats of the fleet, filled with sailors and marines, apparently made for the shore, covered by a part of the fleet, the other part having gone higher up the river. At one hour after midnight, on the 12th September, the fleet being now at anchor at the narrows of Carouge, the first division of the army, consisting of 1,600 men, were placed in flat bottomed boats, which silently dropped down the current. It was intended to land three miles above Cape Diamond, and then ascend to the high grounds above. The current, however, carried the boats down to within a mile and a half of the city. The night was dismally dark, the bank seemed more than ordinarily steep and lofty, and the French were on the qui vive. A sentinel bawled out, "Que vive," who goes there? "La France," was the quick reply. Captain Macdonald, of the 78th Highlanders, had served in Holland, and knew the proper reply to the challenge of a French sentry. "A quel regiment?" asked the sentry, "De la Reine" was the response. "Passe" said the soldier, who made the darkness vibrate as he brought his musket to the carry. Other sentinels were similarly deceived. One was more particularly curious than the others. Something in the voice of the passing friend did not please his ear. Running down to the water's edge, he called "Pour quoi est-ce que vous ne parlez plus haut," why don't you speak louder? "Tais toi, nous serons entendu!" Hush, we shall be overheard and discovered, said the cunning highlander, still more softly. It was enough, the boats passed. Within one hour of daylight a landing was effected, and the British army began to scale the heights, the base of which was then washed by the St. Lawrence. By daylight, the army was drawn up in battle array, on the "Plains of Abraham." The ground was somewhat undulating, and well calculated for manœuvring. Every knoll was taken advantage of. Every little hillock served the purpose of an earthwork. For the invaders it was victory or death. To retreat was impossible. The position of the British army was speedily made known to Montcalm. There was not a moment to be lost. The French General rapidly crossed the St. Charles, and advanced with his whole army, to meet that of Wolfe. Fifteen hundred Indians first ascended the hill, from the valley of the St. Charles, and stationing themselves in cornfields and bushes, fired upon the English, who took no notice of their fire. Between nine and ten o'clock, the two armies met, face to face, and when the main body of the French, advancing rapidly, were within forty yards, the English opened their fire, and the carnage was terrible. The French fought gallantly, but under a galling and well directed fire, they fell, in spite of the exertions of their officers, into disorder. The British Grenadiers charged at this critical moment. The Highlanders rushing forward, with the claymore, hewed down every opponent, and the fate of the battle was no longer doubtful—the French retreated. Wolfe had just been carried to the rear, mortally wounded in the groin. Early in the battle, a ball struck him in the wrist, but binding his handkerchief around it, he continued to encourage his men. It was while in the agonies of death, that he heard the cry of "they flee," "they flee," and on being told that it was the French who fled, exclaimed, "Then I die happy." His second in command, General Monckton, was wounded and conveyed away, shortly after assuming the direction of affairs, when the command devolved upon General Townshend who followed up the victory, rendered the more telling by the death of the brave Montcalm, who fell, mortally wounded, in front of his battalion, and that of his second in command, General Jennezergus, who fell near him. Wolfe's army consisted of only 4,828 men, Montcalm's of 7,520 men, exclusive of Indians. The English loss amounted to 55 killed and 607 wounded, that of the French to nearly a thousand killed and wounded; and a thousand made prisoners. Montcalm was carried to the city; his last moments were employed in writing to the English general, recommending the French prisoners to his care and humanity; and when informed that his wound was mortal, he sublimely remarked:—"I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec." On the 14th he died, and on the evening of the 18th the keys of Quebec were delivered up to his conquerors, and the British flag was hoisted on the citadel. French imperial rule had virtually ended in Canada. Not so, French customs. By the capitulation, which suffered the garrison to march out with the honors of war, the inhabitants of the country were permitted the free exercise of their religion; and, afterwards, in 1774, the Roman Catholic Church establishment was recognized; and disputes concerning landed and real property were to be settled by the Coutume de Paris. In criminal cases only was the law of England to apply.

Admiral Saunders, with all the fleet, except two ships, sailed for England, on the 18th of October, Quebec being left to the care of General Murray and about 3,000 men. After the fleet had sailed, several attempts were made upon the British outposts at Point Levi, Cape Rouge, and St. Foy, unsuccessfully. Winter came, and the sufferings of the conquerors and the conquered were dreadful. The Frazer Highlanders wore their kilts, notwithstanding the extreme cold, and provisions were so scarce and dear, that many of the inhabitants died of starvation. The Marquis de Vaudreuil, the Governor General of His Most Christian Majesty, busied himself, at Montreal, with preparations for the recovery of Quebec, in the spring. In April, he sent the General De Levi, with an army of 10,000 men, to effect that object. De Levi arrived within three miles of Quebec, on the 28th, and defeated General Murray's force of 2,200 men, imprudently sent to meet him. The city was again besieged, but this time by the French. Indeed, it was only on the appearance of the British ships, about the middle of May, that the siege was raised. De Levi retreated to Jacques Cartier. The tide of fortune was again turning. General Amherst was advancing from New York upon Montreal. By the middle of May, that city, and with it the whole of Canada, including a population, exclusive of Indians, of 69,275 souls, was surrendered to England.

Montcalm, who was not only a general, but a statesman, is said to have expressed himself to the effect, that the conquest of Canada by England would endanger her retention of the New England colonies, and ultimately prove injurious to her interests on this continent. Canada, not subject to France, would be no source of uneasiness or annoyance to the English colonists, who already were becoming politically important, and somewhat impatient of restraint. How far such an opinion was justifiable, is to be gathered from the condition of Canada and the colonies of Great Britain in America, at this hour.

Canada was, in 1763, ceded by His Most Christian Majesty, the King of France, to His Britannic Majesty King George the Second. Emigration from the United Kingdom to Canada was encouraged—not to Canada only, but to Nova Scotia, which then included the present Province of New Brunswick. By the treaty of 1763, signed at Paris, Nova Scotia, Canada, the Isle of Cape Breton, and all the other Islands in the Gulf and River St. Lawrence, were ceded to the British Crown. Britain, not only powerful in arms, but, even at this period, great in commerce, was about to change, though almost imperceptibly, the feelings of her new subjects. The old or New England colonies, which had so largely contributed to the subjugation of Canada, were already largely engaged in trade. They had not made much progress in agriculture. They had made no progress in manufactures. It was six years later before their first collegiate institution, at Hanover, New Hampshire, was founded. But, while Canada, perhaps, only loaded a couple of vessels with the skins of the bear, the beaver, the buffalo, the fox, the lynx, the martin, the minx, and the wolf, to prevent the total evaporation of heat from the shoulders of the gentler sex in Paris or London, or to fringe the velvet robes of the courtiers of St. James and the Tuileries, the New Englanders employed, annually, about one thousand and seventy-eight British vessels, manned by twenty-eight thousand nine hundred seamen, while their whale and other fisheries had become of great importance.[4] To change the military character of the sixty-nine thousand inhabitants of Canada ceded by France to England, could not be done immediately. That was as impossible as to make them abjure by proclamation, their religion. All changes, to be lasting, must be gradual, and the government of Great Britain only contemplated a lasting change, by the introduction into Canada of her own people, imbued with somewhat different ideas, religiously, legally, and commercially, from those which actuated the conquered population.

CHAPTER II.

For some years after the conquest, the form of government was purely military. It was, indeed, only in 1774, that two Acts were passed by the British government, one with the view of providing a revenue for the civil government of the Province of Quebec, as the whole of Canada was then termed, the other, called "The Quebec Act," defining the boundaries of the Province, setting aside all the provisions of the Royal proclamation, of 1763, and appointing a governing Council of not more than twenty-three, nor less than seventeen persons. And whatever may have been the motive for this almost unlooked for liberality on the part of the mother country, it is not a little singular that only a year later, England's great difficulty with her old colonies occurred. The Parliament of Great Britain had imposed, without even consulting the colonists, a tax for the defence and protection of the colonies, on clayed sugar, indigo, coffee, &c., and the colonists resisted. The American colonies contended that taxation and representation were inseparable, and that having no voice in the administration of affairs, they were free from any taxation, but that which was self-imposed, for local purposes. So far, however, from paying any heed to the remonstrances of the colonists, the Imperial Parliament became more exacting and tyrannical. Not only were the necessaries of life taxed in America, for the benefit of the red-tapists and other place-holders of the Imperial government, but a stamp Act was passed through the Imperial Parliament, ordaining that instruments of writing—bonds, deeds, and notes—executed in the colonies, should be null and void, unless executed upon paper stamped by the London Stamp Office. It was then that a coffin, inscribed with the word "Liberty" was carried to the grave, in Portsmouth, Massachusetts, and buried with military honours! Had the views of Governor Pownall, of Massachusetts, with regard to the representation of the colonies in the British Parliament, been adopted, no umbrage could have been taken at the imposition of taxes, because the colonies would have been open to civil and military preferment in the state equally with the residents of the United Kingdom. It was, and is, an unfortunate mistake to look upon colonists with contempt. Colonists, more even than the inhabitants of old countries, inhale a spirit of independence. Often, lords of all they survey, they call no man lord. They are the pioneers of their own fortunes. They make glad the wilderness. They produce more than they themselves require. But Great Britain was, at the time of which we speak, perfectly infatuated. On the 4th of Sept. of the very year in which the Quebec Act was granted, 1774, a Continental Congress was held, of which Peter Randolph, of Virginia, was President, to sympathize with the people of Boston, on account of their disabilities, by reason of the tea riot.[5] But such Congresses produced no effect in England. On the contrary, Massachusetts was more rigorously punished, and was prevented from fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland. Is it wonderful that the battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker's Hill followed? Is it wonderful that those who had assisted Wolfe in taking Canada from the French, should have afterwards attempted to conquer Canada for themselves? Is it wonderful that, on the 3rd of November, 1775, one of Washington's Brigadier Generals, Montgomery, should have received the surrender of 500 regular British troops, at St. John's, Canada East; the surrender of one hundred Canadians, of thirty-nine pieces of cannon, of seven mortars, and of five hundred stand of arms? Is it wonderful that Montreal, then so thinly inhabited and indifferently garrisoned, should have capitulated, or that Quebec should have been invested by Arnold, who sailed down the Chaudiere on rafts, and by Montgomery, to whom Montreal had capitulated? It is only wonderful that Quebec was successfully defended, and that General Montgomery perished under her walls. Canada, notwithstanding the temporary annexation of Montreal, was true to Great Britain, feeling that whatever might have been the injustice of Britain to the old Colonies, Canada had nothing then of which to complain. Indeed, the attack upon the newly ceded province of Canada, was amongst the earliest demonstrations of a disposition on the part of the old Colonies to resort to violence. "The Quebec Act" was in itself a cause of offence to them. On the 21st of October, 1774, the following language was made use of by the Congress, in reference to that Act, in an Address to the people of Great Britain:—"Nor can we suppress our astonishment, that a British Parliament should ever consent to establish in that country, a religion that has deluged your Island in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion through every part of the world." And "That we think the Legislature of Great Britain is not authorized by the Constitution to establish a religion fraught with sanguinary and impious tenets." The attack was of a two-fold nature. Both the sword and the pen were brought into requisition. It was supposed by the discontented old colonists, that the boundary of the lakes and rivers which emptied themselves into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and had formed the natural barrier between two nations, until the peace of Paris, in 1763, when Canada passed from the dominion of France to that of the British Crown, formed no boundary to British rule, as the sway of the Anglo-Saxon race was now fully established over the whole of the northern part of the continent; and it was further supposed, that it was, therefore, proper to detract, if possible, from the power of Great Britain, to harm the revolutionary colonists on the great watery highway of the lakes and rivers, or to prevent such a united force of Colonial and Provincial inhabitants as might counterbalance, in a great measure, the pertinacious loyalists who were to discountenance American appeals for justice,—the warfare, before the declaration of American Independence, being "neither against the throne nor the laws of England, but against a reckless and oppressive ministry."[6] Efforts were, for such reasons, made to obtain possession of the keys of the Lakes and of the St. Lawrence at Quebec and Montreal. The old colonists were to make a war of political propagandism on Canada and they resolved upon the employment of both force and persuasion. Generals Montgomery, Arnold, and Allen invaded Canada, and, to a certain point, with complete success. After the successes of the two latter officers at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, Arnold pushed on towards Quebec, through the wilderness, and had ascended the heights of Abraham before Montgomery, who had proceeded towards Quebec from Montreal, had arrived. Under these circumstances, Arnold retired about twenty miles above Quebec, to wait for Montgomery. Meanwhile, the Governor of Canada, Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped, through Montgomery's army, in the dead of night, in an open boat, rowed with muffled oars, and guided by Captain Bouchette, of the Royal Navy, and was now safely lodged in the chief fortress of America. On the 1st of December, Montgomery effected a junction with Arnold, and the siege of Quebec was commenced, although the besiegers were most indifferently provided with camp equipage, and were poorly clad. Their cannon, too, was of so small a description, as to be almost useless. The design evidently was to carry the town, which was not then nearly as strongly fortified as now, and was only garrisoned by a few troops, militia, and seamen, by assault, in the full persuasion that the Canadians would be only most happy to be identified with the American struggle for liberty, or by being neutral, would show to the ministry of England the formidable animosity of a united continent, by which the ends of the old colonists would be gained, and the war nipped in its ripening bud.[7] This, Generals Montgomery and Arnold were unable to do. The attempt was made on the 31st December, but signally failed. Arnold proceeded with one division towards Sault-au-Matelot Street, by way of St. Roch's, and succeeded in establishing himself in some houses at the eastern extremity of that street, but being attacked in the rear, by a part of the garrison, directed by General Carleton to make a sortie from Palace Gate, only a remnant of the assailants, with considerable difficulty, managed to get back to camp. Montgomery approached by the road under the Cape, called Près-de-Ville, with another division, but was stoutly resisted, and fell mortally wounded. After the attack, Montgomery's body was found embedded in the snow, together with the bodies of his two Aides-de-Camp, Captain McPherson and Captain Cheeseman. Arnold now retired about three miles from Quebec, where he encamped during the winter.

On the 15th of February, 1776, the American Congress appointed Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll, of Carrollton—the last mentioned gentleman being requested to prevail upon his brother, the Revd. John Carroll, a Jesuit of distinguished theological attainments, and celebrated for his amiable manners and polished address, to accompany them—to proceed to Canada with the view of representing to the Canadians that the Americans south of the St. Lawrence, "had no apprehension that the French would take any part with Great Britain; but that it was their interest, and, the Americans had reason to believe, their inclination, to cultivate a friendly intercourse with the colonies." They were to have religious freedom, and have the power of self-government, while a free press was to be established, to reform all abuses.[8] The Committee, or, more properly speaking, the Commission, were, however, far from being successful in their attempt to negotiate Canada into revolt. The clergy of Canada could not be persuaded that, as Roman Catholics, they would be better treated by the Revolutionary colonists than they had been under the British government, after the expression of such sentiments as those addressed to the people of Great Britain, on the 21st of October, 1774. The Americans, uncouth in manners, were, in truth, most intolerant of papacy. In the "Cradle of American Liberty," a dancing school was not permitted. While in Boston a fencing school was allowed, there were no musicians permitted to exist, and the anti-papal character of the people was even more evident from the fact, that the first thing printed in New England was the Freeman's Oath! the second an almanac; and the third an edition of the psalms.

On the day after the Reverend Mr. Carroll had failed in his part of the mission, joined Dr. Franklin, and returned to the South, Chase and Carroll of Carrollton had been busy with the military part of their embassy. At a council of war held in Montreal, it was resolved to fortify Jacques Cartier—the Richelieu Rapids, between Quebec and Three Rivers—and to build six gondolas at Chambly, of a proper size to carry heavy cannon, and to be under the direction of Arnold. But disasters thickened around the insurgents. The small pox had broken out among the troops, and was making deep inroads upon their scanty numbers. To crown the whole, the worst news was received from the besiegers at Quebec, for out of 1,900 men, there were not more than 1,000 fit for duty, all the rest being invalids, chiefly afflicted with the small-pox. On the 5th of May, 1776, a council of war was held at Quebec, and it was resolved to remove the invalids, artillery, batteaux, and stores higher up the river; but, on the evening of that day, intelligence was received in the American camp, that fifteen ships were within forty leagues of Quebec, hastening up the river; and early next morning, five of them hove in sight. General Thomas immediately gave orders to embark the sick and the artillery in the batteaux, whilst the enemy began to land their troops. About noon, a body of the British, a thousand strong, formed into two divisions, in columns of six deep, and supported with a train of six pieces of cannon, attacked the American sentinels and main guard. The Americans stood for a moment on the plains, with about 250 men and one field piece only, when the order for retreat was given, and the encampment was precipitately deserted. In the confusion, all the cannon of the besiegers fell into the hands of the British, and about 200 invalids were made prisoners. Following the course of the river, the broken army of the Americans fled towards Montreal, and halting for a while at Deschambault, finally retreated along the St. Lawrence, until they made a stand at Sorel, with the view to an "orderly retreat out of Canada."[9] By the 18th of June, the British General, Burgoyne, was close behind Arnold, who now, with the whole of the American army, had quitted Canadian soil, and was proceeding somewhat rapidly up the Richelieu, into Lake Champlain.

In the very year that Arnold retired from Quebec, on the 4th of July, 1776, the thirteen now confederated colonies, on the report of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Phillip Livingston, dissolved their allegiance to the British Crown, declaring themselves to be free and independent. The lions, sceptres, crowns, and other paraphernalia of royalty were now rudely trampled on, in both Boston and Virginia. Massachusetts, and, shortly afterwards, New York, were, indeed, in the possession of rebels, commanded by Washington. It was then that, in 1777, the execution of a plan of attacking the New Englanders, by way of Canada, was entrusted to General Burgoyne, who, with some thousands of troops, a powerful train of artillery, and several tribes of Indians, proceeded down Lake Champlain, to cut off the northern from the southern colonies of the rebellious confederation. Burgoyne chased the American General St. Clair out of Ticonderoga; hunted Schuyler to Saratoga; destroyed the American flotilla on Lake Champlain; demolished bridges, and reduced forts. He, nevertheless, met with a severe check at Bennington, Vermont. Being at Fort Edward, he sent Colonel Baum, with a detachment of the army to seize a magazine of stores at Bennington. When within a few miles of that place, however, Baum learned that the Americans were strongly entrenched. He, therefore, halted, and sent to Burgoyne for a reinforcement. But the American General Stark, who had a large body of Vermont Militia under his command, in addition to his ordinary New Hampshire corps, now determined to be the assailant. With only 500 regulars and 100 Indians, Colonel Baum did not consider it prudent to fight a body vastly superior in numbers, and he retreated. Assistance reached him at this critical moment, which seemed to make a battle, if not expedient, a point of honour. Unfortunately the sense of honour prevailed, Baum gave battle, and was himself slain and his men defeated, the British loss being 700 in killed and wounded, while that of the Americans was only about 100. It was a pity that Baum had not the moral courage to retire, even when reinforced, for his defeat much embarrassed Burgoyne, and made an attempt at a general retreat even necessary, as the courage of the enemy had so increased by the moral effect of a victory, that Burgoyne was in danger of being surrounded by the hordes of State Militiamen who, on all sides of him, were taking the field. Burgoyne was, nevertheless, still on the advance, with the main body of his army, and was approaching Saratoga, when he heard of the defeat of Baum. Unwilling to retreat, and yet unable to advance, he hesitated, but ultimately decided upon returning. That, however, was now impossible. He had hardly turned his face towards the place from whence he came, than he fell in with General Gates, losing about 600 men; and he had hardly realized his loss, when he learned that Fort Edward, which stood between him and Canada, was in the possession of the enemy. No avenue of escape appeared open, and this fine army from Canada, consisting of five thousand seven hundred effective men, with General Burgoyne at their head, laid down their arms to the American General Gates, at Saratoga. Even according to the testimony of Lady Harriet Ackland, Burgoyne, though sufficiently brave for anything, was quite incompetent for command. He had neither resources nor strategy. He knew neither what to do nor what he was doing. He neither knew when to advance nor when to retreat. It was all haphazard with him. Through his very stupidity an army was positively sacrificed. Lord Cornwallis, afterwards, easily defeated Gates. And in the campaign of 1780, Washington was himself in straits. His commissariat was wretchedly bad. For days the medical department of his army had neither sugar, coffee, tea, chocolate, wine, nor spirituous liquors of any kind; and the army had not seen the shadow of money for five months. A junction cleverly effected between the two British armies might have changed, or rather checked the destinies of the Confederated Colonies. But, by the awkwardness, carelessness, and want of prudence of Burgoyne, in the first place, Cornwallis got also hemmed in, being intercepted on one side by the French fleet, and on the other by the army commanded by Washington, and he capitulated after his defeat at Yorktown, in September, 1781. Had a line of communication northward been maintained for the British army, even seven thousand men might have escaped the blockade of the sixteen thousand militia, under Washington, to whom the conqueror of Charleston was compelled, by the fortune of war, to present his sword. The stupidity of the British Generals, combined with the previous stupidity of the Imperial administrations, led to the evacuation of those colonies by Great Britain, to which she was in a great measure indebted for the acquisition of Port Royal and Louisbourg in Nova Scotia, and for Niagara, Frontenac, Montreal, and Quebec in Canada. The prediction of Montcalm had come to pass. The United States were independent. But, however much the war in America, between Great Britain and her own old colonies, had temporarily interfered with, it had paved the way for a more extended, commerce in Canada. There were men in New England who would not, on any account, be rebels. Many of these, with their families, sought an asylum in Canada, and the advancement of the Far West, on the British side of the lines, is, in no small degree, to be attributed to the integrity and energy of those highly honourable men. Canada was then entirely, or almost entirely, under military rule. It could not well be otherwise. The necessities of the times required unity of action. There was no room for party squabbling, nor were there numbers sufficient to squabble. The province, the population of which did not extend beyond Detroit, a mere Indian trading post, and beyond which it was expected civilisation could not be extended for ages, was divided into two sections, the western and the eastern. Sir Guy Carleton, afterwards Lord Dorchester, had divided all west of the monument of St. Regis into four districts, after the manner of ancient Gaul, which he termed Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Nassau, and Hesse; and the Seminary of Quebec had cut up the eastern section into parishes, distinguished by cross roads. In the lower section of the province, the bonnets rouges and bonnets bleus were on the increase, but the increase was like that of the frogs: it was multiplying in the same puddle, with the same unchanging and unchangeable habits. The peaweeting, the whistling, the purring, and the whizzing, were only the louder, as the inhabitants became more numerous. There was no idea of change of any kind. Language, manners, and knowledge were the same as they ever had been: only the pomp of the church had succeeded to the pomp and circumstance of war. There was no more industry, no more energy, no more scientific cravings, and no earnest pursuit of wealth. All was contentment. Even by the authorities, no desire to awaken the Franco-Canadian from his slumber, was entertained. On the contrary, the restless United Empire loyalists were to be separated from them. The isolation of Lower Canada from the rest of the world was to be as complete as possible.

Not very long after the declaration of American Independence, Canada was divided, by Act of the Imperial Parliament, into two distinct provinces, called Upper Canada and Lower Canada. Mr. Adam Lymburner, a merchant of Quebec, not being particularly anxious for isolation, appeared at the bar of the House of Commons on behalf of himself and others. He was against the separation. The united province was not even in a condition to maintain a good system of government. Oppressed by the tyranny of officials, industry and improvement had been neglected, and a state of languor and depression prevailed. The public buildings were even falling into a state of ruin and decay. There was not a Court House in the province, nor a sufficient prison nor house of correction. Nor was there a school house between Tadousac and Niagara. The country upon the Great Lakes was a wilderness. Lymburner did not, however, prevail. The British government desired to put the United Empire loyalists upon the same footing with regard to constitutional government as they had previously enjoyed before the independence of the United States in that country, a condition about which a certain class of merchants in Quebec have always been indifferent. Lord Dorchester was appointed Governor-in-Chief in Canada, and administrator in Lower Canada, while General Simcoe was named Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada. General Simcoe selected for his capital Niagara,[10] and resided there at Navy Hall. On the site of Toronto, in 1793, there was a solitary wigwam. That tongue of land called the peninsula, which is the protection wall of the harbour, was the resort only of wildfowl. The margin of the lake was lined with nothing else but dense and trackless forests. Two families of Massassagas had squatted somewhere in the neighbourhood of the present St. Lawrence Hall when General Simcoe removed to little York with his canvass palace, and drew around him the incipient features of a Court. The progress in material improvement in this country may be guessed at from the then condition and the present state and appearance of Toronto. The revenue of the country between 1775, and 1778, was not over £10,000. The salary of the Governor-in-Chief was only £2,500.

During the American War, the Canadians, though they exhibited no signs of disaffection to Great Britain, did not ardently lend a helping hand against the enemy. Being appealed to by Middleton, the President of the Provisional Congress of Rebel States,—who told them that their Judges and Legislative Council were dependent on the Governor, and their Governor himself on the servant of the Crown in Great Britain; that the executive, legislative, and judging powers were all moved by nods from the Court of St. James; and that the Confederated States would receive their ancient and brave enemies on terms of equality—the Canadians stood firm in their new allegiance. It is more than probable, indeed, that the bombastic state paper never reached the ears of those for whom it was intended. There was no press in Canada at that period, and only one newspaper, the "Quebec Gazette," established by one Gilmore, in 1764. Unable, as the majority of the French were, to read their own language, it was not to be expected that they could read English. Still less is it to be supposed that His Excellency Lord Dorchester circulated it in French. Lord Dorchester was exceedingly prudent in his administration of affairs, and,—unlike Governor Murray, who, by the way, was succeeded in the administration of the Government by Paulus Æmilius Irving, Esquire, with Brigadier General Carleton for Lieutenant Governor, obtained the affection of one race and the resentment of the other,—conciliated both races. His lordship, in one of his speeches "from the throne," tells us that he "eschewed political hypocrisy, which renders people the instruments of their own misery and destruction." There was, in truth, no Parliament, in the proper sense of the term, then. Such artifices as are now necessary for good legislation, had not therefore to be resorted to.

On the political separation of the two sections of Canada, it was agreed that Lower Canada should be permitted to levy the duties on imports. Of all imports, Lower Canada was to receive seven-eighths, and Upper Canada one eighth, and the revenue for the year following the separation was £24,000, including £1,205, the proportion of the duties belonging to Upper Canada. In those days, a week was consumed in the transport of the mail from Burlington in Vermont, via Montreal, to Quebec; but yet there must have been wonderful progress from Governor Murray's time,—during which a Mr. Walker, of Montreal, having caused the military much displeasure, by the imprisonment of a captain for some offence, was assailed by a number of assassins of respectability, with blackened faces, who entered his house at night, cut off his right ear, slashed him across the forehead with a sword, and attempted and would have succeeded in cutting his throat, but for his most manly and determined resistance—for on surrendering the government of Lower Canada into the hands of General Prescott, previously to going home to England, in the frigate "Active," in which he was afterwards wrecked on Anticosti, he was lauded in a most obsequious address, by the inhabitants both of Quebec and Montreal, the latter place then numbering a little more than 7,000 inhabitants, for his "auspicious administration of affairs, the happiness and prosperity of the province having increased in a degree almost unequalled." General Prescott, not long after Lord Dorchester's return home, in a frigate from Halifax, after the wreck of the "Active," was raised to the Governor Generalship. During the three years of this Governor's rule, nothing, politically or otherwise, important occurred in Canada. Great Britain was successfully engaged in war with both France and Spain, and in the former country a revolution had occurred which preceded one of the most terrible periods on the page of history. In Quebec, a madman named McLane, a native of Rhode Island, fancying himself to be a French General, conceived the project of upsetting British authority in Canada. He intended, with the co-operation of the French Canadians, to make a rush upon the garrison of Quebec. His imaginary followers were to be armed with spears, and he dreamed of distributing laudanum to the troops. Unfortunately for himself, he made known his plans to all and sundry, and was rewarded for his indiscretion by being hanged on Gallows Hill, as an example to other fools.

The next Governor of Lower Canada was Robert S. Milnes, Esquire. Under his sway, something akin to public opinion sprang up. So soon as the last of the Jesuits had been gathered to his fathers, it was the purpose of the Imperial government to seize upon the estates of "The Order." Mr. Young, one of the Executive Council, had, however, no sooner informed the House of Assembly that His Excellency had given orders to take possession of these estates as the property of George the Third, than the House went into Committee and expressed a desire to investigate the pretensions or claims which the province might have on the college of Quebec. The Governor was quite willing to suffer the Assembly to have copies of all documents, deeds, and titles having reference to the estates, if insisted upon, but considered it scarcely consistent with the respect which the Commons of Canada had ever manifested towards their sovereign, to press the matter, as the Privy Council had issued an order to take the whole property into the hands of the Crown. The House considered His Excellency's reply, and postponed the inquiry into the rights and pretensions alluded to. The next thing which this slightly independently disposed Assembly undertook, was the expulsion of one of its members, a Mr. Bouc, who had been convicted of a conspiracy to defraud a person named Drouin, with whom he had had some commercial transactions, of a considerable sum of money. He was heard by Counsel at the Bar of the House, but was believed to have been justly convicted, and was expelled. Again and again he was re-elected, and as often was he expelled, and at last he was, by special Act of Parliament, disqualified. Whether or not he was the object of unjust persecution by the government, the moral effect upon the country of the expulsion and disqualification of a person in the position of Mr. Bouc, cannot be doubted. The number of bills passed during a parliamentary session in those days, was not considerable. Five, six, or eight appear to have been the average. The income of the province was about £20,000, and the expenditure about £39,000. Under such circumstances, corruption was nearly impossible.

In the next session of parliament an attempt was made to establish free schools, and the Royal Institution, for the advancement of learning was founded. Nor was this all, an Act was passed for the demolition of the walls that encircled Montreal, on the plea that such demolition was necessary to the salubrity, convenience and embellishment of the city. They were thrown down, and in seventeen years after it was impossible to have shown where they stood. The parliament did more. At the dictation of the Governor, it assigned three townships for the benefit of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, who had served during the blockade of Quebec, in 1775-6. Field officers were to be entitled to 1,000 acres; captains to 700 acres, lieutenants and ensigns to 500 acres, and non-commissioned officers and privates to 400 acres each. Still another bill, of no mean importance, was carried through the three branches of the Legislature, the second branch being positively a House of Lords, composed, as it was, of Lord Chief Justices and Lord Bishops,—the mind, capacity, and education of the country. No picture of the legislature of this time can be made. There were no reporters nor any publication of debates. Newspapers were in their infancy. Radicalism had not got hold of its fulcrum, and the lever of public opinion was, consequently useless. Nay, in anticipation, as it were, of the unruliness that afterwards exhibited itself, the Governor, now Sir Robert Milnes, recommended the culture of hemp in the province, and the Assembly voted £1,200 for the experiment. An Agricultural Bureau, of which the Governor was himself the President, was established, but the cultivation of hemp was not more agreeable to the farmer of Lower Canada then than it is now. The experiment did not succeed. Jean Baptiste would raise wheat, which he knew would pay, and would not raise hemp, which might or might not pay. He was a practical, not a theoretical farmer. Like the "regular" physicians of every period, and in every country, he practised secundum artem, and eschewed dangerous theories and unprofitable innovations.

About this period, 1802, land jobbing began. Vast grants of territory were made to favourites and speculators, only to lie waste, unless improved by the squatter. To obtain a princely inheritance, it was only necessary to have a princely acquaintance with the government, and, in some cases, the Governor's servants. Land was not put up to public competition, but handsomely bestowed upon the needy and penniless Court attendant. A Governor's Secretary, a Judge's nephew, or some Clerk of Records was entitled to at least a thousand acres; the Governor's cook to 700 arpents. There was no stint, and no income or land tax.

In 1803, Parliament "better regulated" the militia; the revenue had increased to £31,000; the expenditure had increased to £37,000, and the two Governors' salaries to £6,000; war re-broke out with France; the feeling of loyalty throughout the province was enthusiastic; and offers to raise volunteer corps were freely made.

During the next Session of Parliament, measures of some importance occupied the attention of the Legislature. A bill was passed, making provision for the relief of the insane and for the support of foundlings. In all thirteen bills were passed, and the revenue had increased one thousand pounds. It was the last session of the third Parliament. In July the election of members for the fourth Parliament took place. They were conducted, on the whole, quietly, but were, nevertheless, vigorously contested. Strong party feeling did not then run high, and there were no prejudices against persons of respectable standing in society, whatever might be their origin. Quebec had four representatives, two of whom were of French extraction and two, apparently of Scottish descent. Montreal was similarly represented. If there were as representatives of Quebec a Grant and a Panet, a Young and a De Salaberry, Montreal was represented by a Richardson and a Mondelet, a McGill and a Chaboillez. The Parliament was convened for the despatch of business on the 9th, and having disposed of some contested elections proceeded energetically to work. The idea of a Canal to overcome the difficulties of the Lachine Rapids or Sault St. Louis suggested itself; and the consideration of the expediency of its construction engaged the attention of the House. The construction of a canal was not considered within the means of the province, and a sum of only £1,000 pounds was voted for the removal of impediments in the rapids. A Seigniorial Tenure Bill, not dissimilar in character to that which so very recently has become law, was introduced, but fell through. The Gaols Act, imposing a duty of two and a half per cent on imports, for the erection of common gaols at Quebec and Montreal, was adopted. The trade was dissatisfied, and, as has been too frequently the case, when the merchants of this province have been dissatisfied with the Acts of a Legislature, of whose acts, unless in so far as their own business interests have been concerned, they have been altogether indifferent, the trade petitioned the Imperial authorities against the Act, representing with all the force of which they were capable, the serious injury inflicted by it upon bohea, souchong, hyson, spirits, wane, and molasses. The gaols were, however, built, without direct taxation having been resorted to. Another act of very considerable importance became law: that for the better regulation of pilots and shipping, and for the improvement of the navigation of the River St. Lawrence between Montreal and the sea. By this Act the Trinity Houses were established, the abolition of which has lately engaged the serious attention of the Hon. William Hamilton Merritt. The fourth Parliament, like its predecessors, possessed within itself, some men of enterprize, energy, and independence. However willing it might have been to treat the Governor with respectful consideration, there was no disposition in it to become a mere tool in the hands of those who took upon themselves to guide His Excellency. They conceived that they had the power of appropriating the revenue, of voting the supplies, and of paying their own officers such salaries as they pleased. The French Translator to the Assembly having applied for an increase of salary, it occurred to the Assembly that the translator, Mr. P. E. Desbarats, was a very efficient officer and worthy man, and that it was within their province to pay him such a sum as they estimated his services to be worth. But they did not arbitrarily do that which it seemed to them they might have done. With extreme courtesy, they addressed the Governor, begging that His Excellency would make such addition to the salary of this officer as to His Excellency might seem fit. So far, however, from complying with a very reasonable request, Sir Robert regretted the absence of some observances, the nature of which was never ascertained, and felt compelled to resist a precedent which might lead to injurious consequences. The Assembly were staggered. With very considerable reason they were offended at the Executive, who pretended to the right of money grants in the Assembly. The House went into committee, by a majority of one, and were about to consider His Excellency's considerate message, when the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod appearing at the Bar, commanded the attendance of the Commons at the Bar of the Upper House, where His Excellency, somewhat bombastically prorogued the Parliament. About to return to England, he was perfectly indifferent to the censure of the Commons of Canada. He cared nothing for the effect of a coup d'etat. He never dreamed of the possibility of a misunderstanding between a Governor and his Legislature. It was the first of the kind that he had known, and it was a duty which he owed to his sovereign to nip it in the bud. Sir Robert, Mr. Christie says, was not a popular Governor. Had that been his only misfortune, it would have been well. He was, evidently, something worse, in being only that which might emphatically be expressed in a single word. A few grains of common sense in one or two Governors of colonies would have saved England some millions of pounds. Sir Robert Shore Milnes having ruled, or having been ruled, for a period of six years, set sail for England, on the 5th of August, in H.M.S. Uranie, leaving Mr. Dunn, the Senior Executive Councillor of Canada, to administer the government.

Lower Canada, however politically insignificant, with only some £47,000 of revenue, was yet gradually rising into something like commercial importance. In the course of 1805, one hundred and forty-six merchant vessels had been loaded at Quebec, and another newspaper, the Quebec Mercury, still existing, and published in the English language, was established by Mr. Thomas Cary. Montreal, only second in commercial importance to Quebec, had also its newspapers, and already began to exhibit that energy for which it is now preeminently conspicuous. Toronto, the present "Queen City of the West," was yet only surrounded by the primeval forest, and thirty years later could boast of but four thousand inhabitants, although, in 1822, "Muddy Little York" was not a little proud of its "Upper Canada Gazette," and Niagara of its "Spectator." Kingston had only twenty wooden houses, while Detroit was the residence of but a dozen French families. Upper Canada, indeed, contained scarcely a cultivated farm, or even a white inhabitant, sixty or seventy years ago.

Allusion has already been made to the division of Canada into two provinces. A more particular allusion to that circumstance will not be out of place. Already, General Simcoe, the Hon. Peter Russell, and Lieut. General Hunter have ruled over the Upper, and not the least interesting of the two provinces. The object of the separation may have been to keep the Lower Province French as long as possible, to prevent the consummation devoutly anticipated by Montcalm, and the Duc de Choiseul, and to raise up a conservative English colony in the Far West, to counteract the growing power of the now United States. By the Union, constitutions very distantly related to the British constitution were conferred upon the two provinces. The 31st Act of George the Third constituted a Legislative Council and Legislative Assembly for each province. The Council was to be composed of at least seven members, appointed by writ of summons, issued pursuant to a mandamus under the sign manual of the Sovereign. The tenure of appointment was for life, to be forfeited for treason or vacated by swearing allegiance to a foreign power, or by two years continual absence from the province without the Governor's permission, or four years of such absence without permission of the Sovereign. The King could grant hereditary titles of honor, rank or dignity. The Speaker of the Council was to be appointed by the Sovereign or his representative. The Assembly was to be elected by persons over twenty one years of age, subjects of the British Crown, by birth or naturalization, possessing property of the yearly value of forty shillings sterling, over and above all rents and charges, or paying rent at the rate of ten pounds sterling per annum. Here were, undoubtedly, three legislative branches; but as the Legislative Assembly could, at the most, only be composed of thirty members, many of whom would be half pay officers, the Crown, through its representative, had a direct and overwhelming preponderance. Yet, however unsuited such a Parliament would be for the present time, however uncongenial it might have been to the feelings of a Cobbett or Hunt-man, escaped from Spa Felds ten or twenty years afterwards, it undoubtedly well represented the conservative, semi-despotic feelings of the military settler, or United Empire loyalist, a kind of privileged being, whose very descendants were entitled to a free grant of two hundred acres of land. When the Separation Act was before the British Parliament, the public mind in England was to some not altogether inconsiderable extent contaminated by the spurious liberty-feeling of the French Revolution, and by the consequences of the American strike for independence. "The Rights of Man," as enunciated by Paine, had infected many among the lower orders in society, and not a few among the higher orders. Edmund Burke, Mr. Chancellor Pitt, and Charles Fox, were members of the British Parliament. By the Act, a provision for a Protestant Clergy, in both divisions of the province, was made, in addition to an allotment of lands already granted. The tenures in Lower Canada, which had been the subject of dispute, were to be settled by the local legislature. In Upper Canada the tenures were to be in free and common soccage. No taxes were to be imposed by the Imperial Parliament, unless such as were necessary for the regulation of trade and commerce, to be levied and to be disposed of by the legislature of each division of the former Province of Quebec. On the 9th of April, 1791, the Separation Bill was somewhat unexpectedly offered for the acceptance of the House of Commons. Mr. Fox declared that he had not had time to read it, and felt unwilling to express an opinion upon its merits. On a motion by Mr. Hussey, "that the Bill be recommitted," Mr. Fox, however, remarked, that many clauses were unexceptionable. The number of representatives, in his opinion, were not sufficient. An assembly to consist of 16 or 30 members seemed to him to give a free constitution in appearance, while, in fact, such a constitution was withheld. The goodness of a bill, making the duration of Parliaments seven years, unless dissolved previously by the Governor, might be considered doubtful. In Great Britain, general elections were attended with inconveniences, but in Canada, where, for many years, elections were not likely to be attended with the consequences which ministers dreaded, he could not conceive why they should make such assemblies, not annual or triennial, but septennial. In a new country the representatives of the people would, for the most part, be persons engaged in trade, who might be unable to attend Parliament for seven consecutive years. The qualifications necessary for electors in towns and counties were much too high. It seemed to him that ministers intended to prevent the introduction of popular government into Canada. While the number of the members of the Assembly were limited, the numbers of the Council, although they could not be less than seven members, were unlimited. He saw nothing so good in hereditary powers or honours as to justify their introduction into a country where they were unknown. They tended rather to make a good constitution worse, than better. If a Council were wholly hereditary, it could only be the tool of the King and the Governor, as the Governor himself would only be the tool of the King. The accumulation of power, confirmed by wealth, would be a perpetual source of oppression and neglect to the mass of mankind. He did not understand the provision made by the Bill for the Protestant clergy. By Protestant clergy, he understood not only the clergy of the Church of England, but all descriptions of Protestants. He totally disapproved of the clause which enacted that, "whenever the King shall make grants of lands, one seventh part of those lands shall be appropriated to the Protestant Clergy." In all grants of lands made to Catholics, and a majority of the inhabitants of Canada were of that persuasion, one seventh part of those grants was to be appropriated to the Protestant clergy, although they might not have any congregation to instruct, nor any cure of souls. If the Protestant clergy of Canada were all of the Church of England, he would not be reconciled to the measure, but the greatest part of the Protestant clergy in Canada were Protestant dissenters, and to them one seventh part of all the lands in the province was to be granted. A provision of that kind, in his opinion, would rather tend to corrupt than to benefit the Protestant clergy of Canada. The Bill, while it stated that one seventh of the land of Canada should be reserved for the maintenance of a Protestant clergy, did not state how the land so set aside should be applied. With regard to the Bill, as it related to the regulation of Appeals, he was not satisfied. Suitors were, in the first instance, to carry their complaints before the Courts of Common Law in Canada, to appeal, if dissatisfied, to the Governor and Council, to appeal from their decision to the King in Council, and to appeal from His Majesty's decision to the House of Lords. If the Lords were a better Court of Appeal than the King, the Lords ought to be at once appealed to. By such a plan of appealing, lawsuits would be rendered exceedingly expensive, and exceedingly vexatious. He did not like the division of the Province. It seemed to him inexpedient to distinguish between the English and French inhabitants of the province. It was desirable that they should unite and coalesce, and that such distinctions of the people should be extinguished for ever, so that the English laws might soon universally prevail throughout Canada, not from force but from choice, and a conviction of their superiority. The inhabitants of Lower Canada had not the laws of France. The commercial code of laws of the French nation had never been given to them. They stood upon the exceedingly inconvenient "Coutume de Paris." Canada, unlike the West Indies, was a growing country. It did not consist of only a few white inhabitants and a large number of slaves. It was a country increasing in population, likely still more to increase, and capable of enjoying as much political freedom, in its utmost extent, as any other country on the face of the globe. It was situated near a country ready to receive, with open arms, into a participation of her democratic privileges, every person belonging to Great Britain. It was material that a colony, capable of freedom, and capable of a great increase of people, should have nothing to look to among their neighbours to excite their envy. Canada should be preserved to Great Britain by the choice of her inhabitants, and there was nothing else to look to. The Legislative Councils ought to be totally free, and repeatedly chosen, in a manner as much independent of the Governor as the nature of a colony would admit. He was perfectly desirous of establishing a permanent provision for the clergy, but could not think of making for them a provision so considerable as was unknown in any country of Europe, where the species of religion to be provided for prevailed.

It is impossible to do other than admire the farsightedness of that great statesman, Charles Fox, with his blue coat and yellow waistcoat, in this manly, sensible, and telling address. Time has nearly brought round the state of things that he desired to see, and if disembodied spirits can take an interest in things earthly, it will be no small addition to his present state of bliss to discover almost the realization of suggestions made sixty years ago, before the Browns of this period were conceived, and while the Rolphs were puling infants.

Mr. Chancellor Pitt did not join issue with Mr. Fox, but did not consider it expedient to flash legislative freedom upon a people. He thought that if the Assembly were not rightly consolidated by the Bill, little harm was done, because there was nothing to hinder the Parliament of Great Britain from correcting any point which might hereafter appear to want correction. He did not like the elective principle of democratic governments, and with respect to the land appropriated to the clergy, like every thing else provided by the bill, it was subject to revision. Where land had been given in commutation of tithes, the proportion of one seventh had grown into an established custom. The Bill was re-committed. Next day the clauses of the Bill being put, paragraph by paragraph, Mr. Burke eloquently defended its provisions, ridiculed the "Rights of Man," and almost extinguished the light of the new lantern, which exhibited in the academies of Paris and the club-rooms of London, the constitutions of America and France as so much superior to that of Great Britain. The distinguished orator was certainly more declamatory than argumentative, and he was repeatedly called to order. It was alleged that Mr. Burke had no right to abuse the governments of France and America, as the "Quebec Bill" only was before the House. Nay, there was something like a scene. Mr. Burke complained of having been deserted by those, with whom he formerly acted, in his old age, and Mr. Fox, with tears in his eyes and strong emotion, declared that he would esteem and venerate Burke to the end of time. The same cries of "order," "order," "chair," "chair," "go on," "go on," that are heard in our most tumultuous debates, in the Assembly, were frequent in the course of the debate, and Mr. Burke was unable, on account of the tumult, to proceed with his account of "the horrible and nefarious consequences flowing from the French idea of the rights of man." The debating continued for a number of days, and the Bill was read a third time on the 18th of May. When the report of the Bill in Committee was brought up, on the 16th of May, the House divided upon an amendment by Mr. Fox, to leave out the clause of hereditary nobility, which amendment was lost by an adverse majority of forty-nine. It was then moved, in amendment to the Bill, by Mr. Chancellor Pitt, that the number of representatives in the Assemblies should be fifty instead of thirty, but that motion was also lost by an adverse majority of fifty-one.

The government of Upper Canada was assumed by General Simcoe, on the 8th of July, 1792. He carried out with him to Upper Canada the Act constituting it into a province, and on the 18th of September he was enabled to meet his Parliament. The capital of the Province was at Newark, now Niagara. The seat of Government, according to the Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt, who visited it in 1795, consisted of about a hundred houses, "mostly very fine structures." Governor Simcoe apparently did not occupy one of them, but a "miserable wooden house,"—formerly occupied by the Commissaries, who resided there on account of the navigation of the lake,—his guard consisting of four soldiers, who every morning came from the fort, to which they returned in the evening. It is difficult even to guess at the appearance of the Parliament building. Assuredly it did not require to be of great size. When the time arrived for opening the Session, only two, instead of seven members of the Legislative Council were present. No Chief Justice appeared to fill the office of Speaker of the Council. Instead of sixteen members of the Legislative Assembly, five only attended. What was still more embarrassing, no more could be collected. The House was, nevertheless, opened. A guard of honour, consisting of fifty soldiers from the fort, were in attendance. Dressed in silk, Governor Simcoe entered the hall, with his hat on his head, attended by his Adjutant and two Secretaries. The two members of the Council gave notice of his presence in the Upper House to the Legislative Assembly, and the five members of the latter having appeared at the Bar of the two Lords, His Excellency read his speech from the throne. He informed the honorable gentlemen of the Legislative Council and the gentlemen of the House of Assembly, that he had summoned them together under the authority of an Act of Parliament of Great Britain, which had established the British constitution, and all that secured and maintained it to Upper Canada; that the wisdom and beneficence of the sovereign had been eminently proved by many provisions in the memorable Act of Separation, which would extend to the remotest posterity the invaluable blessings of that constitution; that great and momentous trusts and duties had been committed to the representatives of the province, infinitely beyond whatever had distinguished any other British Colony; that they were called upon to exercise, with due deliberation and foresight, various offices of civil administration, with a view of laying the foundation of that union of industry and wealth, of commerce and power, which may last through all succeeding ages; that the natural advantages of the new province were inferior to none on this side of the Atlantic; that the British government had paved the way for its speedy colonization; and that a numerous and agricultural people would speedily take possession of the soil and climate. To this speech the replies of the Council and Assembly were but an echo. The seven gentlemen legislators proceeded actively to business. An Act was passed to repeal the Quebec Act, and to introduce the English law as the rule of decision in all matters of controversy relative to property and civil right; an Act to establish trials by jury; an Act to abolish the summary proceedings of the Court of Common Pleas in actions under ten pounds sterling; an Act to prevent accidents by fire; an Act for the more easy recovery of small debts; an Act to regulate the tolls to be taken in mills (not more than a twelfth for grinding and bolting); and an Act for building a Gaol and Court House in every district within the province, and for altering the names of the said districts, the district of Lunenburg to be called the Eastern District; that of Mecklenburg, the Midland District; that of Nassau, the Home District; and that of Hesse, the Western District.

Parliament was about a month in session, when it was prorogued by His Excellency. On the 15th of October he gave the assent of the Crown to the Bills passed, and in the prorogation speech, made on the same day, he intimated his intention of taking such measures as he deemed prudent to reserve to the Crown, for the public benefit, a seventh of all lands granted or to be granted; and he begged the popular representatives to explain to their constituents, that the province was singularly blest with a constitution the very image and transcript of the British Constitution! There being only thirty thousand inhabitants in the whole province, small as the Parliament was, the people, if not fairly, were at least sufficiently represented. It is somewhat doubtful, nevertheless, that a constitution which gave only a quasi-sovereign to Upper Canada, neither directly, nor, as the Governors of Canada now are, indirectly responsible to the people, could have been the very image and transcript of the British Constitution. There was a misty resemblance to that celebrated and unwritten form of government, in the erection of three estates—King, Lords, and Commons—and no more. But, as it is sometimes expedient to be thankful for small favors, it may have appeared to Governor Simcoe that the new constitution of the colony was superior to that of England before magna charta. Undoubtedly the Governor was an honest man, a good soldier, a prudent ruler, liberally educated, and of considerable mental capacity. He appears to have been a member of the Imperial Parliament at the time of the passage of the Separation Act, for when the report of the Bill was brought up in the Commons, on the 16th of May, 1791, it appears by the debate, that a Colonel Simcoe spoke in favor of the adoption of the report, pronounced a panegyric on the British Constitution, and wished it to be adopted in the present instance, as far as circumstances would admit. Aware of the advantages which such a colony as Upper Canada, if it attained perfection, might bring to the mother country, he accepted the government of a mere wilderness, to adopt means adequate for that purpose. Independent in means, high in rank, possessed of large and beautiful estates in England, Governor Simcoe, in the opinion of the Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt, could have had no motive of personal aggrandizement in view when he accepted the government of Upper Canada. The General, however, loathed the Americans of the United States. He had been with Burgoyne. He had tasted of that officer's humiliation. It was impossible for General Simcoe to speak of the "rebels" calmly. A zealous promoter of the American war, as well as participator in it, the calamitous issue of that unfortunate and most deplorable struggle increased the intensity of his bitterness. Although he did not hope for a renewal of the strife, he trusted that if it were renewed, he might have the opportunity of laying the country in waste, and of exterminating the canting, hypocritical, puritanical, independents. He soon perceived the folly of the Seat of Government being situated on the very frontier, the more especially as Detroit was to be surrendered to the very people whom he most detested. York, from its security, situation and extent, seemed, at first glance, to be the most desirable place. Determined, however, to do nothing rashly, General Simcoe weighed the matter well in his mind. It seemed to him that a town might be founded on the Thames, a river previously called De La Trenche, which rises in the high lands, between Lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie, and flows into Lake St. Clair, which would be most suitable, and in process of time, most central. He even selected the site of a town upon the river, which he had named the Thames, and called the site London. Indeed it is somewhat astonishing that this excellent Anglo-tory, as the Americans, south of 45°, doubtless, esteemed him, did not call Sandwich, Dover; Detroit, Calais; and the then Western and Home Districts of the western section of the Province, which is almost an Island, England. The garden of Upper Canada, almost surrounded by water, Governor Simcoe did intend, that as England is mistress of the seas, so her offshoot, Canada, should be Queen of the Lakes. Whatever might have been, or may yet be the natural advantages of London, Canada West, for a seat of government, the Governor General of British North America, Lord Dorchester, not then on the best possible terms with General Simcoe, would not hear of it, and he, notwithstanding the boast of the Lieutenant Governor that Upper Canada had obtained the exact image and transcript of the British Constitution, exercised a powerful influence in the state. Lord Dorchester insisted that Kingston should be the capital of the Upper Province. He was determined, moreover, that if he could not prevail on the Imperial Government to convert Kingston into the provincial capital, that the seat of government should not be at the London of General Simcoe. He was not favorable to York. A muddy, marshy, unhealthy spot, it was unfitted for a city. Lord Dorchester, peevish from age, was, to some extent, under the influence of the Kingston merchants, and was inclined, by a feeling of gratitude, to grant the wishes of Commodore Bouchette, who resided at Kingston, with his family, and to whom Lord Dorchester was indebted for safe conduct through the American camp, after Montreal had fallen into the hands of Montgomery. Kingston, as a town, was then inferior even to Newark, but the back country was in a more advanced state, as far as cultivation was concerned. The number of houses in the two towns was nearly equal, but the houses in Kingston were neither as large nor so good as those of Newark. Many of the houses in Kingston were merely log-houses, and those which consisted of joiners work were badly constructed and painted. There was no Town Hall, no Court House, and no Prison. The trade consisted chiefly in furs, brought down the Lake, and in provisions brought from Europe. There were only three merchant ships, that made eleven voyages in the year. In the district, three or four thousand bushels of corn were raised, and the surplus of that required for the feeding of the troops and inhabitants was exported to England, the price of flour being six dollars per barrel. In 1791, a thousand barrels of salt pork were sent from Kingston to Quebec, at a price of eighteen dollars a barrel. In selecting a site for the seat of government, then, as now, local interests were brought into play, but General Simcoe ultimately succeeded in obtaining the permission of the Imperial authorities to fix it at York.

The revenue of Upper Canada, in 1793, was only £900, and the pay of the members of Assembly was $2 a day. There was a Chief Justice and two Puisne Judges, the members of the Executive Council, five in number, being a Court of Appeal; and the Governor, with an assistant, formed a Court of Chancery. Murders were of more frequent occurrence than other crimes, and were rarely punished. There were Quakers, Baptists, Tunkers, Presbyterians, and Roman Catholics without places of worship. The ministers of the Episcopal Church in connection with the Church of England, were the only clergymen paid by government.

Governor Simcoe's schemes for the improvement of the country and the development of its resources, are worthy of notice, as being "extremely wise and well arranged." The central point of the settlements he designed to be between the Detroit River and the plantations previously established in Lower Canada, within a square formed by Lake Ontario, Lake Erie, Detroit River, and Lake Huron. He conceived that Upper Canada was not only capable of satisfying all the wants of its inhabitants, but also of becoming a granary for England. He did not doubt but that the activity of Upper Canada, in agricultural pursuits, would operate as a powerful example in regard to Lower Canada, and arouse it from its then supineness and indolence. He conceived that the vast quantities of sturgeons in Lake Ontario would afford a successful competition with Russia in the manufacture of isinglass or fish-glue. The corn trade was, in his opinion, preferable to the fur trade, which threw the whole trade of a large tract of territory into the hands of a few. He detested military government without the walls of the forts. To the Lieutenants of each county he deputed the right of nominating the magistracy and officers of militia. A justice of the peace could assign, in the King's name, two hundred acres of land to every settler, with whose principles and conduct he was acquainted. The Surveyor of the District was to point out to the settler the land allotted to him by the magistrate. He did not care to enlarge his territory at the expense of the Indians. It appeared to him that a communication between Lakes Huron and Ontario might be opened, by means of the St. Joseph's river, which would relieve the fur traders of the Far West from the navigation of the Detroit River, of Lake Erie, of the Niagara River, and of a great part of Lake Ontario, and would disappoint the United States in their hope of receiving, in future, any articles across the Lakes, situated above Lake Huron. He was further of opinion, that a direct communication, the idea now entertained by the Honble. John Young, of Montreal, might be established between Lake Huron and the River St. Lawrence. Unfortunately for the Province, Governor Simcoe did not remain long enough in it to put his admirably conceived projects into execution. These schemes when conceived, could not be very easily brought under public notice. There was in all Upper Canada only one newspaper, and that very far from being an organ of public opinion. The Newark Spectator, or Mercury, or Chronicle, or whatever else it may have been, was but a loose observer of men and manners, printed weekly. Had it not been supported by the government, not a fourth part of the expenses of the proprietor would have been refunded to him by the sale of his newspaper. It was a short abstract of the newspapers of New York and Albany, "accommodated" to the anti-American principles of the Governor, with an epitome of the Quebec Gazette. It was the medium through which the Acts of the Legislature, and the Governor's notices and orders were communicated to the people. It was par excellence the government organ.

The Second Session of the First Provincial Parliament of Upper Canada was held at Niagara, on the 31st of May, 1793. There is no copy of the speech from the throne to be found, unless it may have been in the Newark Spectator, which is not within reach. Its contents may be gleaned from the nature of the Bills passed during the Session, and assented to by the Lieutenant Governor. An Act was passed for the better regulation of the militia; the nomination and appointment of parish and town officers were provided for; the payment of wages to the members of the House of Assembly, at a rate not exceeding ten shillings per diem, was authorized and provided for; the laying out, amending, and keeping in repair the public high roads was regulated, the roads not to be less than thirty nor more than sixty feet wide; marriages solemnized by justices of the peace, before the separation, were to be valid, and in future justices of the peace were empowered to marry persons not living within eighteen miles of a parson of the Church of England, the form of the Church of England to be followed; the times and places of holding Courts of Quarter Sessions were fixed; the further introduction of slaves was prevented, and the term of contracts for servitude limited; a Court of Probate was established in the Province, and a Surrogate Court in every district; Commissioners were appointed to meet Commissioners from the Lower Province, to regulate the duties on commodities, passing from one Province to the other; a fund for paying the salaries of the officers of the Legislative Council, and for defraying the contingent expenses thereof, by a duty of four pence a gallon on Madeira, and two pence on all other wines imported into the Province was established; the destruction of wolves and bears was encouraged by a reward of twenty shillings for a wolf's head, and of ten shillings for a bear's head; returning officers were appointed for the several counties; and a further fund for the payment of the House of Assembly and its officers was created, by an "additional" duty of twenty shillings to be levied on all licenses for the retail of wines or spirituous liquors. In the third Session of the Parliament, convened on the 2nd June, 1794, an Act was passed for the regulation of juries; a Superior Court of Civil and Criminal Jurisdiction was established, and a Court of Appeal regulated; a Court was established for the cognizance of small causes in every district; the Lieutenant Governor was empowered to license practitioners in the law; fines and forfeitures reserved to His Majesty for the use of the Province were to be accounted for; the Assessment Act for the payment of wages to the Assembly was amended; the militia was further regulated; horned cattle, horses, sheep, and swine were not to run at large; the Gaols and Court Houses Act was amended; a duty of one shilling and three pence per gallon was laid upon stills, and the manner of licensing public houses was regulated.

The Fourth Session of the First Parliament of Upper Canada having met for the despatch of business, on the 6th July, 1795, the practice of physic and surgery was regulated; an Act was passed to ascertain the eligibility of persons to be returned to the House of Assembly; the agreement between Upper Canada and Lower Canada, by which the latter were to collect all the duties on goods, wares and merchandize arriving at Quebec, giving the former one eighth of their nett produce, was ratified, approved, and confirmed; the Superior Court Act of the previous Session was amended and explained; and Registry Offices were established for the enregistering of deeds, lands and tenements. There were no private Bills. The measures for Parliamentary consideration were all of a public nature, and the legislation was eminently judicious and peremptory. Mr. Attorney General White was the great man in the Commons, and Mr. Speaker Chief Justice Powell in the Lords. The first Parliament died a natural death, and the members of it went quietly to their respective places of abode.

The second Parliament met at Newark, after a general election not productive of any very great degree of excitement, on the 16th of May, 1796, opened by the Governor in person, with the usual formalities. Certain coins were better regulated; the juries Act was amended; the Quarter Sessions Act was amended; the public houses Act was amended; the wolves and bears destruction Act was partially repealed, by the rewards for killing bears being withdrawn; the Lieutenant Governor was authorized to appoint Commissioners to meet others from the Lower Province, about duties and drawbacks on goods passing from one Province to the other; and the assessment Act was amended.

This Session of the second Parliament was hardly concluded, when Governor Simcoe was required to relinquish his Government and proceed to St. Domingo, in a similar capacity, the government of Upper Canada, until the arrival of a regularly appointed successor, devolving upon the Hon. P. Russell, President of the Council. Mr. Russell convened the second Session of the Provincial Parliament, at the new capital of York, selected by his predecessor, and in which a gubernatorial residence of canvass had been erected. The first Act passed during his very quiet reign of only three years, was one for the better security of the Province against the King's enemies. It provided that no person professing to owe allegiance to any country at war against the King, should be permitted to enter, remain, reside, or dwell in the province. The second Act was one to enable the inhabitants of the township of York to assemble for the purpose of choosing and nominating parish and township officers; an Act for securing the titles to lands; an Act for the regulation of ferries; an Act to incorporate the legal profession; the word "clergyman" in land grants to signify clergy; felons from other Provinces to be apprehended, and the trade between the United States and the Province to be temporarily provided for, by the suspension of an Act repugnant to the free intercourse with the United States, established by treaty of 1794. Several amendments to Acts and other Acts were passed, when the Session was prorogued in due form.

On the 5th of June, 1798, the third Session of the second Provincial Parliament met, and seven Acts received the gubernatorial assent. Among other things, the boundary lines of the different townships were to be determined, the ministers of the Church of Scotland, Lutherans or Calvinists, were authorized to celebrate marriage; and the method of performing statute labor on the roads was altered.

The fourth and last Session of this second Parliament of Upper Canada met at York, on the 12th June, 1799, and six Acts were assented to, among which was one providing for the education and support of orphan children; and another enabling persons holding the office of Registrar to be elected members of the House of Assembly, a member of which body accepting the office to vacate his seat, with the privilege, however, of being re-elected.

On the 17th August, 1799, General Hunter appeared and assumed the Lieutenant Governorship to which he had been appointed by the King. He was not, however, simply Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada; but also the Lieutenant, General commanding-in-chief, in both of the Canadas. He took possession of the Government of Upper Canada about a fortnight after the general government of British North America had been entrusted to His Excellency Robert Shore Milnes, Esquire. The Lieutenant General was well advanced in years. He had seen fifty-three summers, and it was not to be expected that his previous education and habits would give way to the new ideas of younger men in a new country. General Hunter was, nevertheless, connected with a highly talented family, his brother being the celebrated Dr. Hunter of London, and his talents for government were possibly better than the bills passed during his reign would indicate. There was, indeed, little, if any, advance in legislation. The Acts of former Sessions, relative to duties, the administration of justice, and to the militia, were patched and repatched, made more stringent, less liberal, and more complicated. In the first Session of the third Parliament, which met at York, on the 2nd June, 1800, six Acts of revival, regulation, or amendment were assented to, one of which, making a temporary provision for the regulation of trade between Upper Canada and the United States, established ports of entry. The second Session of the third Parliament was held on the 28th of May, 1801, at the now established capital. The Parliament, as usual, was recommended to look after the King's enemies, the militia, the Quarter Sessions, the Customs Duties, the Roads, and the payment of the Assembly and its officers. There was no change in the matters legislated upon, worthy of note, with the exception that Cornwall, Johnstown, Newcastle, York, Niagara, Queenston, Fort Erie Passage, Turkey Point, Amherstburgh, and Sandwich were declared to be Ports of Entry, collectors being appointed by the Governor to receive a salary of £50 per cent on duties, till the same amounted to £100, above which sum there was to be no advance, and having the privilege of appointing their own deputies; the Governor was authorized to appoint Flour and Ashes Inspectors, who were to receive three pence for every barrel of flour they inspected, and one shilling for every cask of pot and pearl ashes; and an Act was passed preventing the sale of spirituous or intoxicating drinks to the Moravian Indians, on the River Thames. The third Session of the third Parliament met on the 25th of May, 1802, when five Acts only were passed. Titles of lands were to be better ascertained and secured; the administration of justice in the Newcastle District was provided for; the rates which the Receiver General should take and retain for his own use out of the monies passing through his hands, subject to the disposition of the Province, was to be declared and ascertained; one or more ports of entry were established, and one or more collectors of Customs appointed; and an Act for applying £750 to encourage the growth of hemp, and £84 0s. 8d. for stationery for the Clerks of Parliament was adopted. On the 24th of January, 1803, the Parliament being again assembled for the despatch of business, an Act was passed, allowing time for the sale of lands and tenements by the Sheriff; a fund was established for the erection and repair of light-houses; the rights of certain grantees of the waste lands of the Crown were declared; married women were enabled to convey and alienate their real estate; attornies were enabled to take two clerks and "no more," the Attorney and Solicitor General excepted, as they could take three each, and "no more;" the swine and horned cattle restraint Act was extended; members of Parliament, having a warrant from the Speaker of attendance, were, for their own convenience, enabled to demand from justices of the peace, ten shillings a day, to be levied by assessment. After this, Parliament was prorogued, unless it be that a second fourth Session of the Parliament was held, which is not very probable, although Mr. Gourlay, in his account of Canada, gives two fourth Sessions to the third Parliament, and afterwards complains that the business of the first Session of the sixth Provincial Parliament was nowhere to be found.

Parliament next assembled on the 1st of February, 1804. Sedition was provided against; persons who should seduce soldiers into desertion were to be exemplarily punished; fees, costs, and charges were to be regulated by the Court of Kings Bench; the swine Act was amended, so that sheep might run at large, and rams only be restrained between the 1st December and 20th December; £300 was appropriated to the printing of all the Acts of the Province, and £80 a year was allowed for the annual printing of the laws, which were to be distributed among members of Parliament, judges, and militia officers; £100 was granted for the building of bridges and repairing old roads and laying out new ones; the Customs Act was explained; £175 was granted for the purchase of the Statute Laws of England; £400 per annum was granted to be applied in the erection of Parliament Buildings; £303 11s. 10½d. was voted for the clerks and officers of the Parliament, including stationary, and to the government commissioners appointed to adopt means to encourage the growth of hemp a sum of £1,000 was granted. The Session of the fourth Parliament, next bent on the despatch of business, came together on the 1st February, 1805. It altered the time of issuing tavern and still licenses; afforded relief to heirs or devizees of the nominees of the Crown, entitled to claim lands in cases where no patent had issued for such lands; regulated the trial of contested elections; continued the Duty-Commissioners Act for four years; altered certain parts of the Newcastle-District administration of justice Bill; made provision for the further appointment of parish and town officers; relieved insolvent debtors, by an Act which enabled a debtor in prison to receive five shillings weekly from his creditor during his detention, if the prisoner were not worth five pounds, worthlessness being, in this instance, to a man's advantage; the curing, packing and inspection of pork was regulated by the appointment of inspectors, whose fees were to be one shilling and six pence per barrel, exclusive of cooperage, with six pence a mile to the Inspector, for every mile he had to travel; £45 9s. 8d., advanced by His Majesty, through the Lieutenant Governor, for the purchase of hemp seed, and £229 8s. 6d., advanced for contingencies, clerks of Parliament and so forth, were to be made good out of a certain sum applied to that purpose; and for the further encouragement of the growth and cultivation of hemp, and for the exportation thereof, it was by law determined that £50 per ton should be paid for hemp.

Lieutenant General Hunter died at Quebec on the 21st August of the same year, (1805) at the age of 59, and was buried in the English Cathedral at Quebec, where a monument in marble has been erected to his memory, by his brother, the physician. It is recorded on his tombstone, that General Hunter's life was spent in the service of his King and country, and that of the various stations, both civil and military, which he filled, he discharged the duties with spotless integrity, unwearied zeal, and successful abilities.

The Honorable Alexander Grant, as President of the Council, succeeded General Hunter in the administration of affairs. Mr. Grant reigned only one year, when he was succeeded by His Excellency Sir Francis Gore. During Mr. Grant's short rule, £50 a year each, was provided for eight years, to six Sheriffs; an Act was passed to regulate the practice of physic and surgery; £490 was appointed for the purchase of instruments to illustrate the principles of natural philosophy, to be deposited in the hands of a person employed in the education of youth; £1,600 was granted for public roads and bridges; the Acts for the appointment of Parish officers, for the collection of assessments, and for the payment of the wages of the House of Assembly were altered and amended; the Custom Duties' Act was continued; and £498 8s. 5d. was made good to the Commissioners treating with Lower Canada, and to the Clerks of Parliament.

The Governments, of both Upper and Lower Canada, were administered by residents of the country at the same period of time. While Mr. Grant, the administrator of Upper Canada, had convened the parliament of the province on the 4th of February, 1806, Mr. Dunn had convoked the parliament of Lower Canada for the 22nd of the same month in the same year. On opening the parliament of Lower Canada Mr. Dunn tellingly alluded to the important victory of Lord Nelson at Trafalgar and to the subsequent action off Ferrol, recommending the renewal of the acts deemed expedient during the previous war for the preservation of His Majesty's government and for the internal tranquillity of the province. By the address, in reply, he was assured that these acts would be renewed. Shortly after the assembly had met it occurred to them that their peculiar privileges, as an offshoot of the Commons of England, had been assailed. The proceedings of a dinner party given to the representatives of Montreal in that city had been printed and circulated in the Montreal Gazette of the 1st April, 1805. The dinner was given in Dillon's tavern, and the party were particularly merry with the abundant supply of wines. Mr. Isaac Todd, merchant, presided. After the customary toasts on all such occasions had been given, the president proposed:—"The honorable members of the Legislative Council, who were friendly to constitutional taxation as proposed by our worthy members in the House of Assembly;"—"Our representatives in parliament, who proposed a constitutional and proper mode of taxation, for building gaols, and who opposed a tax on commerce for that purpose, as contrary to the sound practice of the parent state;"—"May our representatives be actuated by a patriotic spirit, for the good of the province, as dependent on the British empire, and be divested of local prejudices;"—"Prosperity to the agriculture and commerce of Canada, and may they aid each other, as their true interest dictates, by sharing a due proportion of advantages and burthens;"—"The city and county of Montreal and the grand juries of the district, who recommended local assessments for local purposes;"—"May the city of Montreal be enabled to support a newspaper, though deprived of its natural and useful advantages, apparently, for the benefit of an individual." It is difficult to perceive where any breach of privilege was involved, but the assembly looked upon these aspirations and upon the compliments to the Montreal representatives as a false and scandalous and malicious libel, highly and unjustly reflecting upon His Majesty's representative and on both Houses of the Provincial Parliament, and tending to lessen the affections of His Majesty's subjects towards the government of the province. A committee of inquiry was appointed, and reported that the libellers were the printer of the Gazette, Edward Edwards, and the president of the dinner party, Isaac Todd. Nay, the libel was reported to be a "high" breach of the privileges of the Assembly and Messrs. Todd and Edwards were ordered to be taken into custody. But the Serjeant-at-Arms, or his deputy, could not lay his hands upon these gentlemen and the matter was no more thought of until the editor of the Quebec Mercury ridiculed the whole proceedings, when it was ordered that Mr. Cary should be arrested. Mr. Cary was afraid that such unpleasant investigations might give rise to other unpleasant investigations with regard to the powers of the House. He intimated that in France it was customary to tie up the tongue and lock up the press, and for so doing he was compelled either to submit to be himself locked up or apologize. On being arrested he apologized at the Bar of the House and was released. The time of the House was frittered away by empty discussions and wordy addresses upon the gaol tax, previously mentioned, which the king did not disallow as required by the mercantile community. Indeed the administrator of the government in his prorogation speech remonstrated with the Assembly for the non-completion of the necessary business. The civil expenditure of the year came to £35,469 sterling, including £2,000 to General Prescott, who was then in England, and £3,406 to Sir Robert Shore Milnes, with the addition of £2,604 currency, for salaries to the officers of the Legislature, the expenditure exceeding the revenue by £869.

General Prescott, the Governor General, absent in England, was yet in the receipt of £2,000 a year, and the year before he had £4,000; Sir Robert Milnes, the Lieutenant Governor, also absent, had received the salary above mentioned, while Mr. Dunn received £750, as a judge of the King's Bench, £100 for his services as administrator of the government, a pension of £500 sterling a year, on relinquishing the administration, and an additional allowance of £1,500 a year while he had administered the government. Beyond question their "Excellencies" and "His Honor," were amply remunerated. The Governor General and his Lieutenant were absent on business. Indeed, while the Legislative Assembly, in defence of imaginary privileges, were cutting such fantastic capers before high heaven, the confidential secretary of Lord Dorchester and of his successors so far, the Honorable Herman Witsius Ryland,—who, having been Acting Paymaster General to His Majesty's Forces captured by the Americans, went to England, when His Lordship, then General Sir Guy Carleton, evacuated New York, and returned with him to Canada, when that officer was appointed Governor-in-Chief in 1793, full of the sympathies, antipathies, prepossessions, and prejudices of the English conservative of that day,—had devised a scheme, which, had it been carried out, would have rendered their privileges not very valuable. He only designed to "anglify" the French-Canadians by compulsion. Before the separation of the province into Upper Canada and Lower Canada it was a matter of consideration whether all the Roman Catholic churches in the Province could not be converted into Reformed Anglo-Episcopal churches. The contemplated plan of doing so was to take from the "Vicaire du Saint Siége Apostolique" the power of nominating and appointing the parish priests; the appointment of subsequent bishops was to be given to the king; and the Popish Bishop then living, was to be succeeded by a Protestant Bishop, who would find an easy method of turning Cardinal Richelieu's church extension schemes to excellent account in a new mode of ordaining new "catholic" priests, who might be disposed to abandon, at least, some of the doctrines of Rome and embrace, at least, some of those of the Protestant religion. The religious principle involved in this interesting scheme would have done credit to the eighth Henry. It would have had the effect of erecting on a Popish foundation, of building up on the sainted Rock, a church militant as a more powerful safeguard to English influence and power in Canada than the citadel of Quebec has been. Together with the creation of a Provincial Baronetage, in the persons of the members of the Upper House, the honor being descendible to their eldest sons in lineal succession, and the raising of the most considerable of these eldest sons at a future period to a higher degree of honor, as the province increased in wealth, together with the recognition of Mr. DeBoucherville's old noblesse, it would have most certainly much sooner produced that state of things which Sir Francis Bond Head and the "family compact" so ably brought to a crisis. The secretary of all the governors Lower Canada had yet had, corresponded, most confidentially, with his home masters, somewhat, perhaps, to the prejudice of his honor the administrator. As general Simcoe loathed the nasal twang, attenuated appearance, and the vulgar republicanism of a downeast American, so Mr. Witsius Ryland abominated Romanism. Speaking of the Roman Catholic clergy of Canada, he says:—"I call them Popish to distinguish them from the clergy of the Established Church and to express my contempt and detestation of a religion, which sinks and debases the human mind, and which is a curse to every country where it prevails." Nay, he laid it down, as a principle, to undermine the authority and influence of the Roman Catholic Priests. It was or should be the highest object of a governor to crush every papist scoundrel. Following the line of conduct which had so widely established the authority of the Popes of Rome, it was the duty of governors to avail themselves of every possible advantage, and never to give up an inch but with the certainty of gaining an ell. He lamented that the seminary and perhaps some other estates had not been taken possession of by the crown, incorporated, and trustees appointed, out of which incorporated estates a handsome salary might have been paid to the King's Superintendent and Deputy Superintendent of the Romish Church! but the proceeds of which should principally have been applied to the purposes of public education. And he was deeply mortified that "a company of French rascals" had momentarily deprived the country of any hope of such a destiny of these estates. The private and confidential remarks of the secretary were not altogether without effect. His Grace of Portland, then His Majesty's Secretary for the Colonies, peremptorily ordered Governor Milnes to resume and exercise that part of the king's instructions requiring that no person whatever was to have holy orders conferred upon him, or to have cure of souls, without license, first had and obtained from the Governor, and Lord Hobart, the Duke's successor in the Colonial Department, intimated to Sir Robert Milnes that it was highly proper that he should signify to the Catholic Bishop the impropriety of his assuming any new titles or exercising any additional powers to those which he had as the Vicar of the Holy Apostolic See. The French Priests were also to be reminded that their residence in Canada was merely on sufferance, and that it was necessary for them to behave circumspectly, else even that indulgence would be withdrawn. Greatly alarmed at these proceedings the Bishop of Rome respectfully remonstrated. He humbly reminded His Most Excellent Majesty, the King, that nineteen-twentieths of the population were of the Roman Catholic religion; that the humble remonstrant was himself the fourteenth bishop who had managed the church since Canada had happily passed into the hands of the Crown of Great Britain; that the extension of the province was prodigious, requiring more than ever that the superintending bishop should retain all the rights and dignities which His Majesty had found it convenient to suffer the bishops to have at the conquest; and that in the Courts of Justice there should be no room to doubt their powers. It was indeed no wonder that the superintendent of the Church of Rome was alarmed at the aspect of affairs. The Attorney-General Sewell reported with regard to the nomination of Laurent Bertrand to be curé of Saint Léon-le-Grand, by the titular Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec, in the case of one Lavergne, who having refused to furnish the pain béni, was prosecuted in the Court of King's Bench, that it was a usurpation in the bishop to erect parishes and appoint curés. He went farther and said that there was no such person as the Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec. The title, rights, and powers of that office had been destroyed by the conquest. Nay, there could not, legally, be any such character, as, if he existed, the King's supremacy would be interfered with, contrary to the Statutes of Henry the Eighth and of Elizabeth. Not only was there a quiet but arbitrary denial of the right of the Roman Catholic Bishop to manage the affairs of his diocese, the possibility of negotiating the Reverend Coadjutor Plessis out of his influence was entertained. Mr. Attorney-General ultimately waited upon that ecclesiastic to explain his own private sentiments to him. The bishop was studiously guarded and significantly polite. The Attorney-General thought that a good understanding ought to exist between the government and the ministers of religion. Mr. Plessis was quite of that opinion. Mr. Attorney-General thought the free exercise of the Roman Catholic religion having been permitted the government ought to avow its officers, but not at the expense of the Established Church. Mr. Coadjutor Plessis said that position might be correct. Mr. Attorney-General thought that the government could not allow to Mr. Plessis that which it denied to the Church of England. Mr. Plessis saw that the government thought that the bishop should act under the King's commission, and could see no objection to it. The Attorney-General was strongly of opinion that the right of appointing to curés, which no bishop of the Church of England had, must be abandoned. Mr. Plessis thought that even Buonaparte and the Pope had effected a compromise on that matter. Mr. Attorney-General had no faith in Buonaparte and was but an indifferent Catholic, but the Crown only could select from a Bishop's own Priesthood, and a Bishop, once acknowledged, would be the head of a department. That said Mr. Plessis would be a departure from the Romish doctrine of church discipline. To some extent it would, but your clergy would be officers of the Crown, and you would obtain the means of living in splendour, said the Attorney-General. Splendour, said Mr. Plessis, is not suitable to the condition of a bishop; ecclesiastical rank and a sufficient maintenance is all he needs. The Attorney-General meant that a bishop should have the income of a gentleman. Mr. Plessis meant the same thing, but it was a delicate matter to pension a bishop, for relinquishing his right of nominating to the cures, as the public would not hesitate to say he had sold his church. Never mind, said the Attorney-General, if the matter is viewed aright, you have none to relinquish. I do not know, replied Mr. Plessis. Whatever is to be done must now be done, intimated the Attorney-General. You speak truly, was the modest reply, something must be done, and though we may differ in detail, I hope we shall not in the outline.

Not very long after this conversation Bishop Denaud died. Now was the time for Mr. Witsius Ryland to act or never. He did act most energetically. He ear-wigged Mr. President Dunn, concerning his proper line of conduct on the occasion. He attempted to dissuade Mr. Dunn from a formal acknowledgement of Mr. Plessis, as Superintendent of the Romish Church, till His Majesty's pleasure should be declared. He thought an order should be immediately issued from home, prohibiting the assumption, by a Roman Catholic prelate, of the title of Bishop of Quebec. It occurred to him that a French emigrant bishop, if one could be found, would be more easily managed than Mr. Plessis. But Mr. Plessis was too much for Mr. Ryland, and found favor in the President's sight. Mr. Dunn would not listen to the representations of his secretary, and the wrath of his secretary was kindled. He wrote to Sir Robert Milnes on the subject, and to "My dear Lord," the Right Reverend Jacob Mountain, D.D. Not only was Mr. Dunn determined upon formally recognizing the new Roman Catholic Bishop but he was determined to suffer the Reverend Mr. Panet to take the oath as Coadjutor, without either waiting for His Majesty's pleasure, or for any other sanction whatever. It was most distressing, but "where was the layman, free from vanity, who, at seventy-three years of age, would let slip an opportunity of making a bishop?" It was dreadful. His contempt and indignation rose to a height that nearly choked him. As an apology for the recognition of Mr. Panet, it was all very well to say that his brother was a mighty good sort of a man. A mighty good sort of a man! How devoted were such mighty good sort of men, those very loyal subjects, to His Majesty! From the Speaker himself, down to the "fellow" who held a lucrative office in the Court of King's Bench, and who had sent his son to join the banditties of Mr. Buonaparte, who was not, to suit his purpose, brimfull of loyalty! Things were wretchedly managed, but the wisest thing to be done under present circumstances was nothing.

The Home Government anxious to build up in some manner a Protestant Church establishment had appointed the Right Reverend Jacob Mountain, Doctor in Divinity, to the Diocese of Quebec. At the expense of the Imperial Government, a Cathedral was built in Quebec, which was consecrated in 1804, on the ruins of the Recollet Church of the Jesuits. To this day it is possibly the most symmetrical in appearance of any church of the Church of England in Canada. Exteriorly, it is 135 feet in length and 73 in breadth, while the height of the spire above the ground is 152 feet, the height from the floor to the centre arch, within, being 41 feet. The communion plate, together with the altar cloth, hangings of the desk and pulpit of crimson velvet and cloth of gold, and the books for divine service, was a private present from George the Third. There was then also a Rector of Quebec, having a salary, from the British Government, of £200 a year, such a sum as, Bishop Mountain reported to His Excellency the Governor, no gentleman could possibly live upon! a Rector of Montreal with the same salary, and £80 additional per annum made up by subscription from the parish; a Rector of Three Rivers with a like salary of £200 from home; a Rector of William Henry receiving £100 from home and £50 from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel; an evening lecturer at Quebec, receiving £100 from the Imperial Treasury; the incumbent of Missisquoi Bay, obtaining £100 from government, £50 from the Propagation Society, and £30 from the inhabitants; and two vacancies in the "new settlements," requiring £150 to be paid to each. The building of a stone church in Montreal was commenced, but the structure which promised to be "one of the handsomest specimens of modern architecture in the province," was not finished, for want of funds, ten years afterwards. In Upper Canada, so late as 1795, no church had been built. Even in Newark, it is quaintly added by the Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt, in the same halls where the Legislative and Executive Councils held their sittings, jugglers would have been permitted to display their tricks, if any should have ever strayed to a country so remote. His Grace, quite correct with regard to Newark, was at fault in speaking of the whole province. At Stamford there was a Presbyterian Church, built in 1791, and another church built for the use of all persuasions, a kind of free and common soccage church, in 1795, which was destroyed in the subsequent war. It was in this year that one of the most remarkable men, and one of the most able and indefatigable of the colonial clergy, was strolling about Marischal College, in Aberdeen, studying philosophy. He was a very plain-looking Scotch lad and very cannie. Altogether wanting in that oratorical brilliancy so necessary for an efficient preacher of the great truths of Christianity, Mr. John Strachan had diligently acquired a dry knowledge of the humanities, to fit himself for a teacher of youth. He was, in a limited sense, a classical scholar. Greek and Latin, Hebrew and the Mathematics, were at his fingers' ends. Not long after leaving college, he obtained the place of a preceptor to the children of a farmer in Angus-shire. The situation of schoolmaster of Dunino, a parish situated foury miles south of St. Andrews, in Fifeshire, and six miles north of Anstruther, the school taught by Tennant, the orientalist, professor of Hebrew and other oriental languages in St. Mary's College, St. Andrews, and the author of the Poem of Anster Fair, became vacant, when Mr. John Strachan made application for the fat berth, the salary being nearly £30 a year, and obtained it. Mr. Strachan taught quietly at Dunino, attending St. Andrews College, in the winter, until he received the offer of £50 a year, as tutor to the family of a gentleman living in Upper Canada. He accepted it, left Dunino, and went to the wilderness. Mr. Strachan taught as a private tutor for some time and subsequently established a school for himself, when he married a widow possessed of cash and respectably connected. The Church of Scotland, in Canada, was then at a very low ebb. Even in Quebec, although there had been a regularly ordained clergyman of the church officiating since 1759, there was only, from 1767 to 1807, an apartment assigned to the Scotch Church for the purpose of divine worship, by the King's representative, in the Jesuits' College. Nay, in 1807, the Scotch Church was entirely sent adrift by Colonel Brock, to be afterwards permitted to meet in a room in the Court House. Until 1810 there was no Scotch Church in Quebec. What inducement was there for a progressive Scotchman to remain in connection with such a church? Mr. Strachan clearly perceived that the road to worldly preferment ran through the Church of England, and, having a wife, and the expectation of a family, he recognised the expediency of obtaining orders as a descendant of the apostles. It was not long before he obtained permission to officiate as a minister of the Church of England, and he abandoned the birch for the surplice. Mr. Strachan justified every expectation that may have been formed of him. He became a most zealous churchman, and a very short time elapsed until the Scotch schoolmaster was the Hon. and Revd. Dr. Strachan, Rector of York, now Bishop of Toronto, and he may go to the grave satisfied that he has done more to build up the Church of England in Canada, by his zeal, devotion, diplomatic talent, and business energy, than all the other bishops and priests of that church put together.

Some idea will now have been formed of the state of the Church of England "establishment," in Canada, about a time, when it was intended to amalgamate with it the fabrics of Rome. Bishop Mountain had a seat it in the Legislative Councils of both provinces. He only was the embodiment of Church and State.

Mr. Secretary Ryland, anxiously active against the Church of Rome, was very favorably disposed towards the Church of England. His creed with regard to the "Protestant Church Establishment," in the provinces, was for it to have as much splendour and as little power as possible. His chief desire was to make episcopalianism fashionable. He would have given to the Bishopric of Quebec a Dean, a Chapter, and all the other ecclesiastical dignitaries necessary for show, and he would have endowed the See with sufficient lands to support the establishment in the most liberal manner. But not a grain of civil power beyond their churches and churchyards was he inclined to give to the clergy. He even thought that in regard to the particular case at Montreal, and in any other case where a church should be, or was about to be built by private contribution, the bishop would exhibit infinite discretion, if he did not do more than wish to advise and to consecrate. The same rights, privileges, prerogatives and authority as bishops enjoy under the common Law of England could not safely be given to colonial bishops, nor could it be possible to obtain them. A more worldly view of church extension could not well be conceived, but the suggestion was not by any means an imprudent one. Bishops, being but men, are too apt to abuse power, and it is surely well that too much of it should not be granted to experiment upon.

While all this was quietly going on, sub rosa, in Lower Canada, the Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians, were quietly taking hold of the public mind in Upper Canada. Although the meeting houses were only few and far between, and churches and chapels were extremely rare, the most illiterate of the sects were itinerating, hither and thither, with wonderful success.

About this time there was also a disposition to diffuse education. His Majesty, the King, gave directions to establish a competent number of free schools in the different parishes, to be under the control of the Executive, but the project was strenuously opposed by the Roman Catholic clergy, and only grammar schools in Montreal and Quebec were provided for, which have languished and died. It was feared by Bishop Mountain that the want of colleges and good public schools would render it necessary for parents to send their children to the United States, to imbibe, with their letters and philosophy, republican principles. It was at his suggestion also that the idea of free schools was entertained. The Canadians were deplorably ignorant, and their children, it was designed, should be free from that reproach. It is only now, however, that they are emerging from the most debasing state of mental darkness, into something like enlightenment. Example has done that which force would have failed to accomplish.

As illustrative of the saying "there is nothing new under the sun," it is worthy of remark here that upon the arrival of the intelligence in Canada, respecting the breaking out of the war with France, in 1798, some of the leading members of the House of Assembly, which was then sitting, proposed to levy the sum of £20,000 sterling, by a tax on goods, wares, and merchandize, to be applied, as a voluntary gift to His Majesty, from the province, to enable the King the more effectually to prosecute the war. This was proposed by Mr. Attorney-General, Mr. Young, and Mr. Grant, and as far as the House was concerned, the measure was found practicable. But General Prescott, the Governor, having been informed of the matter, did not think it expedient to encourage a scheme which Lord Elgin would have jumped at.

In 1805, the whole revenue of the province was only £37,000, yet, it appears that Sir Robert Milnes, the Governor, did not think that he could sufficiently entertain to gain a due consideration from the principal persons in the province, on £4,000 a year. He sent a whining letter to Lord Hobart on the subject, begging for an increase of salary. £5,000 was not a sufficient sum to keep up the hospitality of Government House. It would hardly support the summer residence at Spencer Wood. He had said nothing about so delicate a matter, while the war lasted, though he had expended £1,000 a year out of his own private income. And he would rather resign than sacrifice the comforts and waste the means of his family.

Canada, now, continued steadily to advance, both politically and commercially. Neither her political advancement nor the extent of her commerce was great, but both were yearly becoming greater. During the summer of 1806, one hundred and ninety-one vessels, 33,474 tons of shipping, entered at Quebec. Coasters were in full and active employment, and shipbuilding was to some considerable extent carried on. The military of the garrison were still antiquated. The army made no perceptible progress, soldiers still plastered their hair, or if they had none, their heads, with a thick white mortar, which they laid on with a brush, afterwards raked, like a garden bed, with an iron comb; and then fastening on their heads a piece of wood, as large as the palm of the hand, and shaped like the bottom of an artichoke, they made a cadogan, which they filled with the same white mortar, and raked in the same manner, as the rest of the head dress.[11] The army wore cocked hats, knee breeches and gaiters. The habitants, or peasantry, had retrograded, and Volney found that, in general, they had no clear and precise ideas: that they received sensations without reflecting on them; and that they could not make any calculation that was ever so little complicated. If asked how far the distance from this place to that was; a French-Canadian peasant would reply:—"it is one or two pipes of tobacco off," or "you cannot reach it between sunrise and sunset." But the better classes, in close contact with the upper classes among the English, were rapidly improving, and began to entertain the idea that they had political rights. They even started a newspaper called "Le Canadien" and began most vigorously to abuse "les Anglais" and the government. The "Canadien" published entirely in French, first appeared in November 1806. Had it been less anti-British, possibly, it would have been less disagreeable; but the idea had strongly taken possession of its supporters that French-Canadians were looked upon, by the government and its satellites, as mere serfs, and they agitated accordingly. Not only that. They began to exhibit some sparks of independence. Their watchword became:—"Nos institutions, notre langue, et nos lois." They branded the British immigrants and the British population as "étrangers et intrus." Mr. Crapaud's temper was fairly up. There was cause. The worm will bite when trodden upon. Unless there had been substantial grievances, the Canadien could not by any possibility have become so popular as to have given not only umbrage, but uneasiness to the government. Yet it did cause such uneasiness and was peremptorily checked. It was impossible then for a native-born Canadian, whether of English or French extraction, to look a home-appointed government official in the face. "Tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis."

On the 21st January, 1807, Mr. President Dunn again met the Legislature of Lower Canada. That invaluable constitution enjoining on the ruler to meet his parliament once a year, rendered it imperative upon him to summon the Council and Assembly for the despatch of business. He recommended to the assembled wisdom before him the propriety of continuing several temporary acts then in force; congratulated them on the brilliant success of His Majesty's arms; alluded with pride to the conquest of the Cape of Good Hope; and touched upon the repeated victories obtained by Sir John Stuart in Calabria. The Assembly replied in terms most flattering to the President personally, promising to do as he required. On proceeding to business, the first subject which engaged the attention of the House was the propriety of defraying the expenses of members of the House residing at a distance from Quebec. The House was disposed to defray such expenses, but nevertheless, the further consideration of the matter was postponed by a majority of two. The expediency of having a Provincial Agent or Ambassador, resident in London, to look after the interests of the province at the metropolis of the empire was discussed, and it was resolved in the affirmative. The Alien Act was passed, and that for the better preservation of His Majesty's government continued for another year, together with several other acts, and on the 16th of April, the parliament was prorogued.

Serious apprehensions of a war between England and the United States now began to be entertained. American commercial interests were grievously affected by the war in Europe, and a kind of spurious activity, in the hostile preparations which would surely follow a declaration of war against England, on which country in peace the merchants of New York, Boston, and the other seaports of the United States principally depend, seemed to be the only incentive for such a war. But while the filibusters of "the greatest nation in creation," were looking for any cause of war, a good cause, in American eyes, arose. The American ships of war were mostly manned by British seamen. Men were greatly in demand for British war vessels, and it was conceived that the right to impress a British sailor anywhere on land or water belonged to His Majesty's naval officers. It having reached the ears of Admiral Berkeley, the Naval Commander in Chief, on the Halifax Station, that the American frigate "Chesapeake," was partly manned by British seamen, the Admiral, unthinkingly ordered Captain Humphreys, of the "Leopard," to recover them. The men on board of the "Chesapeake" were indeed known to be deserters from H.M.S. "Melampus." William Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strachan and John Little, British seamen, within a month after their desertion, had offered themselves as able seamen at Norfolk, in Virginia. Their services were accepted, and the "Chesapeake," on board of which they were sent, prepared for sea. Being made aware of the enlistment of these men, the British Consul at Norfolk, formally demanded their surrender by the Captain of the "Chesapeake." Their surrender was refused. Application for them was then made to the American Secretary of the navy. But he did not consider it expedient to give them up. Three of the men were natives of America, two had protection, and the other had merely lost his protection. The "Chesapeake" sailed on the 22nd of June, and on the same day was intercepted by the British frigate "Leopard," of 50 guns, off Cape Henry. Captain Humphreys, of the "Leopard," stepping on board of the "Chesapeake," demanded the muster of the crew of the American frigate. Captain Barron, in command of the American frigate, refused compliance. The British Commander returned and both vessels got ready for action, the American frigate only, it is said, anticipating hostilities. Then the Leopard fired upon the Chesapeake and, in thirty minutes, so disabled her that she struck, when Captain Humphreys boarded her and took, from among her crew, Ware, Martin, and Strachan, together with one John Wilson, a deserter from a British merchant ship. The United States now burned with indignation. Their outraged nationality could never brook such an insult. Every British armed vessel was ordered to leave the waters of the United States by the President. A special meeting of Congress was held. And the American Minister at the Court of St. James was ordered to demand satisfaction. He did do so. Mr. Canning, the British Minister, at once offered reparation, but he objected to any reference to the general question of impressments from neutral vessels being mixed up with an affair so unfortunate. Mr. Munroe was not authorized to treat these subjects separately, and further negotiation between the two ministers was suspended. Great Britain then sent a special minister to the United States, empowered to treat concerning the special injury complained of. Before he arrived most ample preparations were being made in the United States for war. Millions of dollars were appropriated towards the construction of 188 gun-boats, and the raising of horse, foot, and artillery. It was not until 1811 that this huge mistake was settled, when the British Minister communicated to the American Secretary of State that the attack on the Chesapeake was unauthorized by His Majesty's government; that Admiral Berkeley was recalled; that the men, taken from the Chesapeake, should be restored; and that suitable provision for the families of the six American seamen killed in the fight should be made. But, settled as this gross and deplorable mistake was to the perfect satisfaction of the President, the trading community of the United States were every day becoming more dissatisfied with the state of affairs in Europe and the consequent state of affairs at home. The situation of affairs, on this side of the Atlantic, was indeed gloomy and critical. France and England were fiercely at war, and were arraying against each other the most violent commercial edicts to the destruction of the commerce of neutral nations. There was the British blockade from the Elbe to Brest; Napoleon's Berlin decree; the British Order in Council prohibiting the coasting trade; the celebrated Milan decree; and the no less celebrated British Orders in Council, of November the 11th, 1807, together with the American Government's edicts respecting non-intercourse with Great Britain and France to set on edge the teeth of a people now little scrupulous as to what they did, provided money could be made, or power be obtained. Strife had introduced a disposition to intrigue; political cunning had become fashionable; and political duplicity had lost much of its deformity in the United States. The finger of derision was no longer pointed at meannesses; the love of honor, and manliness of conduct, was blunted; cunning began to take the place of wisdom; professions took the place of deeds, and duplicity stalked forth with the boldness of integrity. The American people wanted a quarrel that the whole boundless continent might be theirs. They had badgered France out of Louisiana, and they would badger England out of Canada and the West Indies. In New York and Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore, it was customary to talk of walking into Canada and squat a conquest, as was afterwards carried into effect with regard to Texas. Mr. Dunn, the President of the Canadian government, looked upon the state of feeling in the adjoining republic with suspicion. He conceived it expedient to feel the public pulse in Canada. Like a skilful physician he approached the patient cautiously and good humouredly, to prevent flurry or agitation, and in putting his hand on the pulse of public opinion, he found it to be healthily strong and regular. He prescribed only a draft of one-fifth part of the whole militia of the province. The draft was taken immediately. The Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec, or rather the yet only Superintendent of the Romish Church in Quebec, Mr. Plessis, now rapidly rising into favor with the Colonial Court, promptly issued a mandement to the faithful, concerning the war, and a "Te Deum" was sung in all of the churches under his control in Lower Canada. The Canadians turned out with great alacrity. His Honor the President and Commander-in-Chief expressed his satisfaction in general orders. Burn's artillery company volunteered. In ballotting, young bachelors procured the prize tickets of the married men. Some that were not drawn purchased tickets from some that were drawn, and there were not a few married people who refused to sell out, if all that is stated in a Quebec paper of that period can be credited. No doubt the glories of war were uppermost in men's minds. It is possible to make war popular and the braggart tone of the Americans had doubtless contributed considerably to its popularity with the Canadians.

Colonel Brock was then Commandant at Quebec. He was a man of much decision of character and of strong natural sense. With the President he made the most vigorous exertions to discipline the militia and to put the fortifications of Quebec into a good state of defence. Night and day men labored at the fortifications. Every addition that "science, judgment and prudence could suggest," was made.

The income this year was £36,417, and the civil expenditure £36,213.

In Upper Canada, Francis Gore, Esquire, it has been previously intimated, was Lieutenant-Governor. He first met Parliament on the 2nd of February, 1807. Twelve Acts were passed, the most remarkable of which were the Act to establish Public Schools in every district of the Province, £800 having been appropriated for that purpose, with the view of giving to each of the eight districts of the Province, a schoolmaster having a salary of £100 a year; the Act imposing licenses on Hawkers, Pedlars, and Petty Chapmen,—to the amount of three pounds for every pedlar, with twenty shillings additional for a hawker with a horse; eight pounds for every chapman sailing with a decked vessel and selling goods on board;—five pounds for the same description of traders sailing in an open boat; and eight pounds on transient merchants; and the Act for the Preservation of Salmon, which permitted that fish to be taken with a spear or hook, but prohibited the use of a net in the Newcastle and Home Districts.

When next the Parliament met, on the 20th January, 1808, the same fears that were felt in Lower Canada, being felt in Upper Canada, an Act was passed to raise and train the Militia; £1,600 was granted towards the construction of roads and bridges; £200 of yearly salary was granted to an Adjutant-General of Militia; £75 additional was given to the Clerks of the Assembly; £62 10s. per ton was to be the price of hemp purchased under an Act of Parliament for the encouragement of its growth in the Province; an Act for the more equal representation of the Commons was passed; and Collectors of Rates were to enter into bonds of £200 security.

On the 2nd February, 1809, the Parliament of Upper Canada was again convened. An Act was adopted for quartering and billeting the Militia and His Majesty's troops on certain occasions. Householders were to furnish them with house-room, fire, and utensils for cooking. Officers, in case of an invasion, having a warrant from a Justice of the Peace, could impress horses, carriages, and oxen, on regulated hire. Upper Canada was evidently preparing for an expected struggle, as well as Lower Canada. £1,045 was this session granted for the Clerks of Parliament and contingencies, including the erection of a Light House on Gibraltar Point; Menonists and Tunkers were permitted to affirm in Courts of Justice; £250 was appropriated for a bridge across the Grand River; and £1,600 was granted for bridges and highways. In the next session of the Fifth Parliament, which Governor Gore assembled at York, on the 1st of February, 1810, £2,000 were granted for the roads and bridges; the Common Gaols were declared to be Houses of Correction for some purposes; a duty of £40 a year was set upon a Billiard Table set up for hire or gain; £606 were applied to printing Journals, Clerks of Parliament, and building Light Houses. The Act establishing a Superior Court of Criminal and Civil jurisdiction, and regulating a Court of Appeals, was repealed; and £250 additional was granted for the erection of a bridge across the Grand River.

To return to Lower Canada, Lieutenant-General Sir James Henry Craig arrived at Quebec in the capacity of Governor General, on the 18th October, 1807, in the frigate Horatio, and relieved Mr. President Dunn of the government, on the 24th of October. Mr. Secretary Ryland was very busy at the time. He was flattering himself, he told the Bishop of Quebec, that the Secretary of State would have received from him a series of despatches which would "give that functionary a general and useful knowledge of the state of things in Lower Canada." There were some who had exerted themselves to defame and injure the President, with a view to their own private interests. He particularly alluded to that contemptible animal, Chief Justice Alcock; to his worthy friend and coadjutor, of whose treacherous, plausible, and selfish character, he had never entertained a doubt; and to that smoothfaced swindler, whom the Lieutenant-Governor had taken so affectionately by the hand, as the man, who, of all others, came nearest in point of knowledge, virtue, and ability, to the great Tom of Boston. He would add to these worthies a pudding-headed commanding officer (General Brock!) who, if the President had given in to all his idle "Camelian" projects, would have introduced utter confusion into the whole system, civil and military. He anxiously expected Sir James Craig, whose established fame assured him that a better choice could not have been made. And he thought it probable that if his dear, dear Lordship, should not have had an opportunity of honoring him with a recommendation to His Excellency of established fame, his services would be dispensed with, and then he could join his family in England. But should he remain as Secretary to General Craig, he had it in contemplation to lay before him a copy of his letter to Lord S., concerning ecclesiastical affairs, though it would not be prudent to do so until he had ascertained how far the General's sentiments accorded with his own. In a postscript to his letter to the dear Lord Bishop, Mr. Ryland goes into raptures. He had just received a message from Mr. Dunn, telling him that the Governor General had arrived. He dressed himself immediately and got on board the frigate with Mr. Dunn's answer to the General's despatch, before the ship cast anchor, and before any of the other functionaries knew even that the Governor General was at hand. He found the General ill in bed, but was so politely received, that the General begged that he would do him the favor to continue his secretary. He never was so pleased with any person at first sight. Although he saw him to every disadvantage, the General appeared to be a most amiable, a most intelligent, and a most decided character. He, (the General,) landed about one o'clock, but was so unwell that he begged to be left alone, and Mr. Ryland only saw him for an instant. But that curious beast, the Chief Justice, after intruding himself with unparalleled assurance, upon the General, before he landed, forced himself again upon him, at the Chateau, when every body but the President had withdrawn, and most impudently sat out the latter. He did so for the purpose of recommending as secretaries, his father-in-law, and a young man named Brazenson, or some such name, whom he had brought out with him from England, but his scheme entirely failed, and his folly would fall upon his own pate! Mr. Ryland had transacted business with the Governor every day since he had landed, and had even drawn up a codicil to his will, the poor, decided Governor, who had adopted Mr. Ryland, was so ill. Nay, Mr. Ryland, for the love of this one honorable and just man, could have almost forgotten that he was surrounded by scoundrels, and would bury in oblivion the mean jealousies of a contemptible self-sufficiency, and the false professions of smiling deceit. But should it please Almighty God to remove the incomparable man, and should there be a chance that the civil government of the province should be again disunited from the military command, he did hope that the dear, dear Lord, would favor him with his utmost interest towards enabling him to make the exchange which Mrs. Ryland would tell his dear Lordship, the Bishop, her husband had in contemplation.

Sir James Craig was an officer of good family. He was one of the Craigs of Dalnair and Costarton, in Scotland, but was born in Gibraltar, where his father had the appointment of Civil and Military Judge. He had seen much service in the camp and in the field. In 1770 he was appointed Aid-de-Camp to General Sir Robert Boyd, then Governor of Gibraltar, and obtained a Company in the 47th Regiment of the line. Having gone to America, with his regiment, in 1774, he was present at the battle of Bunker's Hill, where he was severely wounded. In 1776, he accompanied his regiment to Canada, commanding his company at the action at Trois Rivières, and he afterwards commanded the advanced guard in the expulsion of Arnold and his "rebels." He was wounded at Hubertown, in 1777, and was present at Ticonderoga in the same year. He was wounded again at Freeman's Farm, and was at Saratoga with Burgoyne, and after that disastrous affair was selected to carry home the despatches. On his arrival in England, he was promoted to a majority in the 82nd Regiment, which he accompanied to Nova Scotia, in 1778, to Penobscot, in 1779, and to North Carolina, in 1781, where he was engaged in a continued scene of active service. He was promoted to the rank of Major General, in 1794, and the following year was sent on the expedition to the Cape of Good Hope, where, in the reduction and conquest of that most important settlement, with the co-operation of Admiral Sir G. K. Elphinstone and Major General Clarke, he attained to the highest pitch of military reputation. Nor were his merits less conspicuous, it is said, in the admirable plans of civil regulation, introduced by him in that hostile quarter, when invested with the chief authority, civil and military, till succeeded in that position by the Earl of Macartney, who was deputed by the King to invest General Craig with the Red Ribbon, as a mark of his sovereign's sense of his distinguished services. Sir James served, subsequently, in India and in the Mediterranean, where he contracted a dropsy, the result of an affection of the liver. This was the officer, of an agreeable but impressive presence, stout, and rather below the middle stature, manly and dignified in deportment, positive in his opinions, and decisive in his measures, though social, polite, and affable, who was sent out to govern Canada because a rupture with the United States was considered probable. Sir James on arrival at Quebec did not, however, consider hostilities imminent. Nor did he immediately organize the militia. But he lauded the Canadians for the heroic spirit which they had manifested. One of his first acts was to release from prison a number of persons convicted of insubordination, and sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment in the gaol of Montreal. The militia of the parish of L'Assomption, in the district of Montreal, had formed a painful exception in the spirit which they exhibited on being called upon to enrol for service, to that which had been exhibited everywhere else. But the rioting had been immediately suppressed, and the rioters punished by the ordinary Courts at Montreal. In gaol the rioters manifested contrition, promised good behaviour for the future, and Sir James, overlooking the faults of the few in consideration of the general merit, set the prisoners free. On the 29th of January, 1808, he convened the Legislature. He regretted, in his opening speech, that there was little probability of a speedy cessation of hostilities, in Europe. He congratulated the "honorable gentlemen," and "gentlemen," on the capture of Copenhagen and the Danish fleet, defending the morality of the offensive measures against Denmark. He lamented the discussions that had taken place between His Majesty's government and that of America. He hoped that the differences would be so accommodated as to avert the calamities of war between two nations of the same blood. He intended that no means should be neglected to prepare for the worst. Though the militia had been selected, he did not think it necessary to call them together, no immediate circumstance seeming to require it. He had appointed commissioners for the erection of new gaols in Quebec and Montreal. And he expected perfect harmony and co-operation between the legislative bodies and himself, as the representative of the sovereign. All that Sir James wished to be done the Assembly promised to do.

In those days not only was the Chief Justice a member of the Upper House, but the Judges of the King's Bench were not ineligible for election to the Lower House, and some, or all of them, contrived to get seats there. It does not appear that the Chief Justice was in the Upper House a mere government tool, for Sir Robert Milnes most bitterly complained to the Duke of Portland, of the opposition to certain measures, which he had met with, from Chief Justice Osgoode, who, even in public, treated him contemptuously. But it is yet probable that some of the judges in the Assembly, were less the representatives of the people who had elected them, than the mouth-pieces of the government, to whom they were indebted for their appointments to the Bench, and on whose good pleasure, their continuance on the judgment seat, depended. Be that as it may, the Assembly were jealous of their presence in the House, and accordingly, this session of Parliament, a motion was introduced into the Assembly, declaring it to be expedient that the Judges of the Court of King's Bench, the Provincial Judges of the Districts of Three Rivers and Gaspé, and all Commissioned Judges of any Courts that might afterwards be established, should be incapable of being elected, or of sitting, or of voting in the House of Assembly. The motion was adopted, and a bill framed upon the resolution, passed the Assembly. Unfortunately, heedless of the pressure of public opinion, the Legislative Council threw out the bill! The Assembly were greatly incensed, and the idea of expelling the judges was entertained; but for a while relinquished.

Mr. Ezekiel Hart appeared at the Bar of the House to take his seat for Three Rivers, Mr. Lee, the previous representative of that town, had died in the course of the previous session, and Mr. Hart had been elected to succeed him. Mr. Hart was a merchant of good standing. Of the most spotless private character, he stood in high esteem with his neighbours and fellow townsmen. But Mr. Hart was not faultless. He was, by birth, education, and religion, a Jew. When he prayed, he placed the ten commandments next his heart. In him, those devoted members of the Society of Jesus, found neither a sympathizer nor a persecutor. A Christian Legislative Assembly, like that of Canada, of which Sir James Craig afterwards privately expressed an opinion so ludicrously high, could not be contaminated with the presence of a Jew. By a vote of twenty-one to five, it was resolved:—"That Ezekiel Hart, Esquire, professing the Jewish religion, cannot take a seat, nor sit, nor vote in this House." Ezekiel departed. The word "baruch," was on his tongue, the signification of which, like that of the French word "sacré," may signify, according to the humour of the utterer, either an anathema or a blessing. The Assembly being, however, ignorant of the Hebrew tongue, Mr. Hart was not sent to gaol for breach of privilege, nor was he even required to apologize. These were the chief topics of debate, and much time was occupied with them. A sum was voted to repair the Castle of St. Louis then tottering to decay. The Militia and the Alien Acts were continued for another year. A bill for the trial of controverted elections was passed, and in all thirty-five bills were carried through, all of which His Excellency, the Governor, sanctioned, except that relative to gaols in Gaspé, which, though afterwards sanctioned, was reserved for the pleasure of the King to be expressed on it. On the 14th of April the Parliament was prorogued. The speech was somewhat lengthy, and on the whole, it was a good one. Sir James was induced to put a period to the session that he might be enabled to issue writs for a new House. The critical situation of affairs made him anxious for legislative assistance, under circumstances, that would not be liable to interruption from the expiration of the period, for which one of the branches was chosen. He was glad that so much attention had been paid to business. He was very much pleased to find that a sum of money had been granted for the repair of the Chateau. Events of great magnitude had taken place in Europe. Napoleon had succeeded in exciting Russia, Austria, and Prussia, to hostilities, against England, and the Ministers of those Courts had demanded their passports to retire from the Court of St. James. Napoleon had done more than that. The disturber of mankind had subverted the government of Portugal, but that magnanimous Prince, Don Pedro, had emigrated with his Court to the Brazils, rather than submit to the degrading chains of such a master. His Majesty, the King of Great Britain, had offered the Americans reparation, immediately and spontaneously, for the unauthorised attack upon the Chesapeake, but the American government taking advantage of the state of affairs in Europe, were endeavoring to complicate the difficulty, to the injury of that power which alone stood between it and an inevitable doom to the worst of tyranny. And in conclusion, he begged the representatives of the people to instruct their constituents, by the influence of their education and knowledge; to point out to them a sense of their duties in due subordination to the laws; to advise them to be faithfully attached to the Crown; to let them into the knowledge of their true situation; to conceal not the difficulties by which the empire was surrounded, but, at the same time, to point out the miseries Britain was combatting to avoid; and to assure them that while Britons were united among themselves, there was no dread of the result of the present struggle between liberty and despotism.

The war had had its effect upon the trade of the country. The revenue had fallen off nearly £1,000, being only £35,943, while the civil expenditure had increased to £47,231.

In May the general election took place. The contests were not marked by much bitterness. As before, in the larger towns, the two origins were equally represented. Even in the counties, several gentlemen of English extraction, were returned to the Assembly. Mr. James Stuart, the Solicitor General, now no friend to the Governor nor to his sub rosa adviser, Mr. Ryland, was returned for the East Ward of Montreal. Mr. Stuart, a lawyer of excellent acquirements, of great independence of spirit, and of extraordinary mental capacity, instead of being raised to the Attorney-Generalship, on the elevation of Mr. Sewell to the Chief Justiceship, in the room of Mr. Chief Justice Alcock, who had died in August, had been superseded by Mr. Edward Bowen, a barrister of very limited acquirements, and, being then only a young man, professionally, very inexperienced. Nay, he was soon afterwards dismissed from the Solicitor-Generalship, by the Governor, to whom he had, in some mysterious way, given offence. The Honorable Mr. Panet, Speaker of the Assembly for the four previous parliaments, was nominated for the Upper Town of Quebec, and went to the hustings. He presided at an election meeting, at which there was something like plain-speaking, a particular kind of speaking most distasteful to the Acting Paymaster General of Burgoyne's army, an army with which even Sir James Craig had himself served. All the official class of the city, "including the resident military officers, and dependents upon the Commissariat, Ordnance, and other departments in the garrison," entitled to vote, voted in favor of another French gentleman, more acceptable to the government. The Quebec Mercury was strongly opposed to the Speaker, who, by his plainspeaking, had become offensive to Mr. Ryland, the confidant of Sir James Craig. Mr. Panet lost his election for Quebec, but was returned to the Assembly for Huntingdon. The Governor and his Secretary were very much displeased, and the Mercury was inspired to speak against the bilious spleen of the triumphant Panet, who was connected with that vile print, the Canadien. During the election for Quebec, a handbill had appeared, calling the government feeble. Those who issued that handbill, the Mercury exultingly remarked, would have felt that they were not quite under the government of King Log. The Canadien was, in abuse, the freest of any paper in the province. It was licentious. It no more consulted that which it was expedient for a free press to do, than did the House of Assembly consider that which was suitable to it, a few years past, on the article of privilege. Mr. Ex-Speaker Panet was connected with the Canadien. He was also a Colonel of Militia. It occurred to Mr. Ryland that the position of a militia officer was incompatible with the proprietorship of a newspaper. Accordingly, a few days after the return of Mr. Panet for Huntingdon, Mr. "H. W. R." the Private Secretary of the Governor General, was directed to inform Messrs. J. H. Panet, Lieutenant-Colonel, P. Bedard, Captain, J. T. Taschereau, Captain and Aid-Major, J. L. Borgia, Lieutenant, and F. Blanchet, Surgeon, proprietors of the Canadien, that the Governor-in-Chief considered it necessary for His Majesty's service to dismiss them from their situations as Colonel, Captain, Aid-Major, Lieutenant, and Surgeon, of the Militia. With regard to the Honorable Mr. Panet, in particular, His Excellency could place no confidence in the services of a person whom he had good reason for considering as one of the proprietors of a seditious and libellous publication, disseminated through the province, with great industry, to vilify His Majesty's government, to create a spirit of dissatisfaction and discontent among his subjects, and to breed disunion and animosity between two races. Had it been the purpose of the Canadien and of its proprietors to breed discord between the two races of settled inhabitants, the censure of Sir James Craig would have been deserved. But that was not its purpose. It aimed only at equality of privileges, and complained of the sway of officials having no abiding interest in the country. It was a war between the imported official class and the native-born or naturalized classes which the Canadien waged. Doubtless, it went, occasionally, too far. Doubtless, it forgot to make such distinctions between the officials and the traders or agriculturists of British origin. Doubtless, it did remember that the French Canadians had been captives at the conquest, and their souls revolted at the idea of being lorded over still, though no longer captives, but British subjects, anxious for the honour of their King, and ready to defend him from his enemies.

The new Parliament met on the 9th of April, 1809. The Assembly were directed to choose a Speaker. Out of doors and indoors, in the Governor's Castle, at the official desk, in the merchant's counting room, in the baker's shop, in the Council, and in the Assembly itself, the choice of a Speaker by the Assembly, was a matter of interest. It was whispered that Mr. Panet had incurred the Governor's displeasure, and that all the toadies would vote against him. It was blandly hinted that Mr. Panet having been dismissed from the Militia, the House, having, regard to its own dignity, could not call him to the Chair. It was said in conversation that Mr. Panet was an excellent and most impartial Speaker, and it was a pity that he had suffered himself to have been connected with the seditious and libellous Canadien. Only for Mr. Panet's unfortunate position, no more suitable person, for the highly honorable office of Speaker, could have been thought of. But he must not be Speaker under present circumstances. The Assembly thought otherwise and, acting independently and fearlessly, elected Mr. Panet as their Speaker. His Excellency the Governor did not much relish the choice. He did not, however, refuse to confirm Mr. Panet as Speaker of the Assembly. It was thought that he would be refused confirmation. But when he appeared at the Bar, with the House at his heels, and supported by the Mace, the Honorable the Speaker of the Legislative Council was only commanded to tell Mr. Panet, that having filled the Chair of Speaker, during four successive Parliaments, it was not on the score of insufficiency that he would admit an excuse on Mr. Panet's part, nor form objections on his own part. He had no reason to doubt the discretion and moderation of the present House of Assembly, and as he was, at all times, desirous of meeting their wishes, so he would be particularly unwilling not to do so, on an occasion, in which they were themselves principally interested. He, therefore, allowed and confirmed Mr. Panet to be Speaker. His Excellency, though somewhat ironical in his mode of confirmation, acted liberally and prudently. In His Excellency's speech from the throne, allusion was made to the unfavourable posture of affairs with America; to the revolution in Spain and to the generous assistance afforded that country by Great Britain; again to the emigration of the Royal Family of Portugal to Brazil; to Wellington's victory at Vimeira, by which Portugal had been rescued from the French; he cautioned the members of the Legislature against jealousies among themselves, or of the government, which could have no other object in view than the general welfare; and alluded to the non-intercourse and embargo policy of the United States, which, so far, had operated favourably for the Canadian trade, particularly in the article of lumber, which, owing to the exclusion of British shipping from the Baltic, had become a staple export. The House was not pleased at the hints about jealousies, nor very much pleased with His Excellency's remarks in confirming their Speaker. The reply was not quite an echo of the speech. It was more. It was a quiet remonstrance against governmental insinuation. On proceeding to business, the propriety of expelling the judges was again discussed. A motion to expel them was even made, but it was negatived. Some even who were averse to the judges having seats in the Assembly were not prepared to go the length of expelling them from the House. All that was wanted was that, in future, judges should be ineligible for seats in the Assembly. To this end, a committee was appointed to inquire into the inconvenience resulting from the elections of judges to the Assembly, with orders to report to the House. The committee inquired and reported, and of course, reported unfavourably to the judges. A bill to disqualify the judges was re-introduced and read a first time. Mr. Hart again appeared at the Bar to take his seat for Three Rivers. He had been re-elected. He was still a Jew, and showed no disposition to recant his error. Nor would the House recant their error. The resolution which had been adopted against Mr. Hart's taking his seat in the previous Parliament was repeated in this. The House of Assembly went still farther. A bill to disqualify all Jews from being eligible to seats in the Assembly, was introduced and read twice. Five weeks had elapsed and the public business had not begun. The Governor was very much annoyed. The refractory spirit of the House, as regarded the judges, was most distasteful to him. Suddenly, on the 15th of May, he went down to the Legislative Council, assented to five bills, and summoned the attendance of the Commons. "When I met you, said the now irate Sir James, at the commencement of the present session, I had no reason to doubt your moderation or your prudence, and I therefore willingly relied upon both. I expected from you a manly sacrifice of all personal animosities. I hoped for a zealous dispatch of your public duty. I looked for earnest endeavours to promote the general harmony. I looked for due and indispensable attention to the other branches of the Legislature. It was your constitutional duty. It was due to the critical juncture of the times. I have been disappointed in every hope on which I relied. You have wasted in frivolous debates, or by frivolous contests on matters of form, that time and those talents to which the public have an exclusive title. You have abused your functions. In five weeks, you have only passed five bills. You have been so intemperate in debate that moderation and forbearance is scarcely to be looked for without a new Assembly. Gentlemen, Parliament is dissolved. A new Parliament will be convened as soon as convenience will permit. My object in thus acting, is to preserve the true principles of the free and happy constitution of the Province." He turned with peculiar satisfaction from lecturing to the Assembly, to offer his acknowledgements to the gentlemen of the Legislative Council, for their unanimity, zeal, and unremitting attention to the public business, manifested in their proceedings. They were not to blame for the waste of time and for the little that had been done for the public good. The Assembly were surprised. It never entered the head of a single member that Sir James Craig, who, on first meeting a Canadian Parliament, had been so courteous, would have been so abruptly censorious. A prorogation was anticipated, when the Usher of the Black Rod commanded, by order of His Excellency, their presence at the Bar of the Upper House, but the possibility of a dissolution of Parliament never occurred to any one. The constitution, boasted so much of, was certainly a happy one. The representatives of the people were suddenly sent back to their constituents as unfitted for their business. And for some time, the country, tickled with the bluntness of the Governor, applauded the act. Had Sir James desired to be absolute, the country, before it had had time to consider, would have assisted His Excellency in a coup d'état. It was not until the Canadien had taken the matter up energetically that any of the discarded legislative materials could obtain a hearing from their constituents. After the Canadien had criticised the speech from the throne, and had commented on the Bill of Rights, in allusion to the Governor's measures, with respect to the Assembly, and as applicable to the existing circumstances of the Province—"Nos institutions, notre langue, et nos lois,"—public opinion gradually turned round in favor of the Assembly.

Sir James Craig's opinion of the Canadians had undergone a very considerable change for the worse. In a despatch to Lord Liverpool, some short time afterwards, on the state of affairs in Canada, which Mr. Ryland was sent to London with, Sir James speaks of Canada as being a conquered country, a fact never to be put out of view. He spoke of a colony usually estimated to contain a population of 300,000 souls. Of these, 20,000, or 25,000 only, might have been English or Americans, and the remainder were French. They were in language, religion, in manners, and in attachment, French. They were bound to the English (officials) by no tie, but that of a common government. They looked upon the government of the province with mistrust, jealousy, envy, and hatred. He was certain his opinion of them was well founded. There were very few French Canadians in the country who were not tainted with the sentiments he had imputed to them generally. Common intercourse hardly existed between the French and English. The lower class, to strengthen a word of contempt, added the word Anglais to it. The upper classes, who formerly associated with the English upper classes, had entirely withdrawn themselves. The Canadians, generally, were ignorant, credulous, and superstitious. He did not perceive that they had any great vice except one. Drunkenness was the prevailing vice. When drunk they were brutal and quarrelsome. Like other people, suddenly freed from a state of extreme subjection, they were apt to be insolent to their superiors. They were totally unwarlike and averse to arms or military habits, though vain to an excess, and possessing a high opinion of their prowess. They had been so flattered and cajoled about their conduct, in the year 1775, that they really believed they stood as heroes, in history, whereas no people, with the exception of a very few individuals, behaved worse than they did on that occasion. Now came the teachings of Mr. Secretary Ryland, which that gentleman did not think it prudent to bore Sir James with until he had ascertained how far the incomparable man's sentiments accorded with his own. The Superintendent of the Church of Rome in Canada, had been designated Roman Catholic Bishop, by other Governors, which was both dangerous and wrong, in view of the Queen's supremacy. The Bishop did as he pleased, in the appointment of curés. His patronage was at least equal to that of the government. The Bishop was cautious not to perform any act that might be construed into an acknowledgement of His Majesty's rights. He would not obey a Proclamation of the King for a fast or thanksgiving, but issued a "mandat," of his own, to the same effect, but without the least allusion to His Majesty's authority. The arms of Great Britain were nowhere put up in the churches. With the curés no direct communication with the government existed. The church selected its ecclesiastics, the Governor knew not why, from the lower orders. The Bishop was the son of a blacksmith. The Coadjutor was brother to a demagogue, the Speaker of the Assembly, an "avocat." The curés saw in Buonaparte the restorer of the Catholic religion. The Legislative Council, an object of jealousy to the Lower House, was composed of everything that was respectable in the Province. There were about 300,000 French inhabitants to 25,000 English and American, yet there never had exceeded fourteen or fifteen English members in the House of Assembly, while then there were only ten, and it was desired to get rid of the judges! The interests of certainly not an unimportant colony, was in the hands of six petty shopkeepers, a blacksmith, a miller, and fifteen ignorant peasants, a doctor or apothecary, twelve Canadian "avocats" and notaries, and four people respectable so far as that they did not keep shops, together with the ten Englishmen, who composed the Legislative Assembly. Some of the habitants could neither read nor write. Two members of a preceding Parliament had actually signed the roll by marks, and there were five more whose signatures were scarcely legible, and were such as to show that to be the extent of their writing. Debate was out of the question. A Canadian Parliament did not understand it. The habitant M.P., openly avowed that the matter, whatever it was, had been explained to him. The "moutons" were crammed at meetings held nightly for the purpose. There was one singular instance, of a habitant, who, in every instance, voted against the prevailing party. But that was the solitary exception to a general rule. The Canadians voted en masse, as directed—not by the government. The government was entirely without influence. The Assembly was the most independent in the world, for the government could not obtain even that influence which might arise from personal intercourse. He could not be expected to associate with blacksmiths, millers, and shopkeepers. Even the avocats and notaries he could nowhere meet, except during the actual sitting of Parliament, when he had a day in the week expressly appropriated to receiving a large portion of them at dinner. The leaders in the House were mostly a set of unprincipled avocats and notaries, totally uninformed as to the principles of the British constitution, or parliamentary proceedings, which they, nevertheless, professed to take for their model. Without property to lose, these men had gradually advanced in audacity, in proportion as they had considered the power of France as more firmly established by the successes of Buonaparte in Europe. They were obviously paving the way for a change of dominion. Without one act by which to point out either injury or oppression, the people of the Province had been taught to look upon His Majesty's government with distrust, and they publicly declared, while avowing such distrust, that no officer of the Crown was to be elected into the House. The English in general and their own seigneurs were entirely proscribed. Except in the boroughs or cities these classes had no chance of election. A paper called the Canadien, had been published, and industriously circulated in the country, for three or four years, to degrade and vilify the officers of government, under the title of gens en place; and to bring the government itself into contempt, by alluding to the Governor as a ministère, open to their animadversions. Nothing calculated to mislead the people had been omitted in this vile print. The various circumstances that brought about the abdication of James the Second, had been pointed out, with allusions, as applicable to the government here. "La nation Canadienne," was their constant theme. Religious prejudices, jealousy, and extreme ignorance, forbade the expectation of any improvement in the Assembly. Questions before the Houses were always viewed as affecting or otherwise some temporal right of their clergy, or having some remote tendency to promote the establishment of the Protestant interest. How the Act for the establishment of Public Schools had passed had always been matter of surprise to him. There was much jealousy at the progress of the Eastern Townships, which were settled by American loyalists. The country was beginning to look up to the members of the Assembly as the governors of the country. Formerly the cry was—"La Chambre to the devil!" He thought that the only remedy for the state of things which he had described was to deprive the province of its constitution, as the provincialists termed their charter. The people were unfitted for liberty. And here are the Governor's reasons for saying that a people were incapable of free institutions. "That spirit of independence, that total insubordination among them, that freedom of conversation, by which they communicate their ideas of government, as they imbibe them from their leaders, all which have increased wonderfully within these five or six years, owe their origin entirely to the House of Assembly and to the intrigues incident to elections. They were never thought of before." One really wonders that even a general officer could have ventured upon sending to England such trash, a country which had produced a Charles Fox, who took at the passing of the Separation Act so opposite a view of human nature. Doubtless, the habitants are precisely, even at this day, as Sir James represented them to be. But it was superlative impudence in a man of plebeian extraction to say that he could not associate with members of Parliament, who followed the occupation of shopkeeping for a living. It surely was enough for Buonaparte to have stigmatized England as a nation of shopkeepers. Sir James might have left it alone, after having experienced the independent energies of a nation of wooden clock and wooden nutmeg makers. The "gens en place" had badly advised him, and he was too blind to see it. Sir James was an Indian Governor with a vengeance.

The fortifications of the City of Quebec had been much improved during the summer of 1808, and the foundations of the four martello towers, which now stand outside of the fortifications, on the land side, at the distance of nearly a mile, were laid.

After the dissolution of the Parliament, about the middle of June, the Governor set out on a tour through the Province. He was attended by a numerous suite, travelled in great state, and was well received wherever he halted. At Three Rivers, Montreal, St. Johns, and William Henry, addresses were presented to him. He was applauded and even thanked for having stretched the royal prerogative so far as to dissolve the House without any sufficient reason. What was gained by the fulsome adulation is not particularly apparent, unless it be that the Canadien had an opportunity afforded it for not very flattering criticisms. The opportunity was not by any means lost. The Canadien grinned at the gens en place, and even ventured to laugh at the royal prerogative himself. But the gens en place were not to be laughed out of countenance by a vile print, which only could appeal to French passions and Romish prejudices. They only waited until His Excellency returned to Quebec, to renew their congratulations. The citizens of Quebec, on Sir James' return to the Chateau, waited upon him with an address. They approved of his judicious and firm administration. Sir James, perfectly elated, expressed, in a particular manner, his satisfaction. It was most gratifying to have received such an address from those whose "situations" afforded them the more immediate opportunity of judging of the motives by which he might be actuated on particular occasions.

In November of this year, the first steamer was seen on the St. Lawrence. At 8 o'clock on the 6th of that month, the steamboat Accommodation arrived at Quebec, with ten passengers from Montreal. She made the passage (180 miles) in sixty-six hours, having been thirty hours at anchor. In twenty hours, after leaving Montreal, she arrived at Three Rivers. The passage money was only eight dollars for the downward trip and nine dollars for the trip upward. Neither wind nor tide could stop the Accommodation, and the Accommodation was eighty-two feet long on deck. The accommodation afforded to passengers was not, however, very great. Twenty berths were all that cabin passengers could be accommodated with. Great crowds visited her saloons. The Mercury told its readers that the steamboat received her impulse from an open, double-spoked perpendicular wheel, on either side, without any circular band or rim. To the end of each double-spoke, a square board was fixed, which entered the water, and by the rotatory motion, acted like a paddle. The wheels were put and kept in motion by steam, which operated in the vessel. And a mast was to be fixed in her for the purpose of using a sail, when the wind was favourable, which would occasionally accelerate her headway. After the Accommodation had made several trips, Upper Canada began to "guess" about the expediency of having "Walks-in-the-Water." The Accommodation was built by Mr. John Molson, of Montreal, an exceedingly enterprising man of business, and for a number of years, his enterprise secured to him a monopoly of the steam navigation of the lower St. Lawrence. He died an "honorable," only a few years ago.

During 1808, 334 vessels, or according to the Harbour Master's statement, 440 vessels, arrived at Quebec from sea, making up 66,373 tons of shipping, in addition to which, 2,902 tons of shipping were built at the port. The revenue was £40,608, and the civil expenditure £1,251 sterling. The salaries and contingencies of the Legislature amounted to £3,077. The salary of the Governor-in-Chief was £4,500 sterling, and that of the Lieutenant-Governor, who had been three years absent in England, £1,500. On the 28th of November, in this year, Sir Francis Nathaniel Burton, whose brother was Marquis of Cunningham, succeeded Sir Robert Shore Milnes, in the now sinecure office of Lieutenant-Governor, where he remained to enjoy the otium sine dignitate.

A continuance of the peace between His Majesty's government and that of the United States was, in the beginning of 1810, considered less probable than ever. After the death of Washington, which occurred on the 4th December, 1799, during the Presidency of Mr. Adams, political excitement ran high in the United States. At the expiration of Mr. Adams' term of office, there were, as candidates for the Chief Magistracy of the Union, and for the Vice-Presidency:—Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, on the one side, and Mr. Adams and Mr. C. D. Pinckney, on the other. Mr. Adams, elected by the Federalist or Tory party, had given much offence to the Democratic party, by his law against sedition, designed to punish the abuse of speech and of the press. By this law a heavy fine was to be imposed, together with an imprisonment for a term of years, upon such as should combine or conspire together, to "oppose any measure of the government." No one, on any pretence, under pain of similar punishment, was to write or print, utter or publish, any malicious writing against the government of the United States, or against either House of the Congress, or against the President. In a word, the liberty of discussion was annihilated. A more extraordinary law could not possibly have been put upon the Statute Books of a country, where every official, being elective by the people, his conduct, while in office was, in a common sense point of view, open to popular animadversion. As far as producing the effect contemplated was concerned, the law was altogether inefficacious. The people met and talked together against their President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives. Nay, Mr. Adams lost what he designed to secure, his re-election, by it. The Democrats were furiously opposed to him. While Messrs. Jefferson and Burr got each seventy-three votes, the opposition candidates for President and Vice-President, Messrs. Adams and Pinckney only got, for the former, sixty-five votes, and for the latter, sixty-four. Messrs. Burr and Jefferson having each an equal number of votes, it became the duty of the House of Representatives, voting by States, to decide between these pretenders to the chief power in the State. The constitution provided that the person having the greatest number of votes should be President, and that the person having the next highest number of votes should be Vice-President. For several days the ballot was taken. The Federalists or Tories supported Mr. Burr, and the Democrats Mr. Jefferson. At last the choice fell upon the latter, and Mr. Burr was elected to the Vice-Presidency. It is well to know these circumstances in connection with subsequent events. Mr. Jefferson annihilated the minority of the republic. He had as much contempt for them as Sir James Craig or Mr. Ryland could have had for the conquered Canadians. He swept them from every office of profit or emolument under the State. When remonstrated with, by the merchants of New Haven, respecting the removal of the Collector of Customs at that port, merely because he was a Federalist or tory, the President quietly replied, that time and accident would give the Tories their just share. Had he found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the Democratic party with whom he acted, his removals and substitutions would have been less sweeping. But their total exclusion called for a more prompt corrective. And he would correct the error. When the error was fully corrected then he would only ask himself concerning an applicant for office, these questions:—"Is he honest?" "Is he capable?" and "Is he faithful to the Constitution?" The Tories were almost inclined to burn the White House.

Ohio was admitted into the Union in 1802; in 1804, Colonel Burr, the Vice-President of the United States, killed General Hamilton in a duel; Mr. Jefferson was re-elected President in 1804, and Mr. George Clinton, of New York, instead of Burr, now deservedly unpopular with all but the filibustering classes, Vice-President; in 1805, Michigan became a territorial government of the United States; and in the autumn of 1805 the outcast President Burr was detected at the head of a project for revolutionizing the territory west of the Alleghanies, and of establishing an independent empire there, of which New Orleans was to be the capital, and himself the chief. To the accomplishment of this scheme, Burr brought into play all the skill and cunning of which he was possessed. And it was not a little. He had his design long in contemplation. He pretended to have purchased a large tract of territory, of which he conceded to his adherents considerable slices. He collected together, from all quarters where either he himself, or his agents, possessed influence, the ardent, the restless, and the desperate, persons ready for any enterprise analogous to their characters. He also seduced good and well-meaning citizens, by assurances that he possessed the confidence of the government, and was acting under its secret patronage. He had another project, in case of the failure of the first. He designed to make an attack upon Mexico and to establish an empire there. He failed. Before his standard was raised, the government was made aware of his designs, and he was brought to trial, at Richmond, on a charge of treason, committed within the district of Virginia. It was not proved, however, that he had been guilty of any overt act, within the State, and he was released. It was probably to find employment for that restless and desperate class of persons, with which the United States even then abounded, that the government of America sought cause of quarrel with Great Britain, as well as to produce that spurious activity among the industrial classes, which is ever the result of warlike preparations.

In 1809, Mr. James Madison was elected President of the United States. During Mr. Jefferson's administration, commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain had been interdicted. When, however, Mr. Madison was fairly established in the Presidency, he showed a disposition to renew intercourse, and was seconded in his endeavours by Mr. Erskine, then British Minister at Washington. Mr. Erskine non-officially intimated to the American Secretary of State, that if the President would issue a Proclamation for the renewal of intercourse with Great Britain, that it was probable the proposal would be readily accepted. It was done. But the British government refused to rescind the Orders in Council of January and November 1807, so far as the United States were concerned, which would have given the benefit of the coasting trade of France to the Americans, recalled Mr. Erskine for having exceeded his instructions, and sent Mr. Jackson to Washington in his stead. A correspondence was immediately after Mr. Jackson's arrival at the American seat of government, opened with Mr. Madison's Secretary of State, and was as suddenly closed. Mr. Jackson was, as a diplomatist, rather blunt. Repeatedly, he asserted that the American Executive could not but have known from the powers exhibited by Mr. Erskine, that in stipulating, as he had done, he had transcended those powers, and was, therefore, acting without the authority of his government. The American Executive deemed such an assertion equivalent to a declaration that the American government did know that Mr. Erskine had exceeded his instructions. Mr. Jackson denied that his language could be so interpreted. The American Executive at once replied that Mr. Jackson's tone and language could not but be looked upon as reflecting upon the honor and integrity of the American government, and the correspondence was closed. The British government, not considering Mr. Jackson's diplomatic efforts as particularly happy, recalled him. He escaped, however, more direct censure.

These events had just occurred, across the line '45, when Sir James Craig, now more anxious than ever, to obtain legislative assistance, under circumstances that would not be liable to interruption from the expiration of the period for which one of the branches was chosen, ordered the writs to be issued for a new general election. The elections took place in October, 1809, when, contrary to the expectation of His Excellency, most of the gentlemen who held seats in the parliament which, in the previous May, had been so unexpectedly dissolved, were again returned. There were some substitutions. But those only who halted between two opinions, in fearing the government, while representing the people, were supplanted by men who would echo the vox (populi) et preterea nihil, in the Chamber of Deputies. They were called together on the 29th of January, 1810. They were told to elect a Speaker, which they did, by selecting the former Speaker, Mr. Panet. They were told to appear at the Bar of the Upper House. And they did appear in the confusion usual on all similar occasions. The Governor, graciously confirmed their choice of a Speaker, and Mr. Panet having bowed his acknowledgments, His Excellency expressed his concern that, far from an amicable settlement of the existing differences, between the British and American governments, as was anticipated from the arrangement agreed upon by His Majesty's Minister at Washington, circumstances had occurred that seemed to have widened the breach, and to have removed that desirable event to a period scarcely to be foreseen by human sagacity; the extraordinary cavils made with a succeeding minister; the eager research to discover an insult which defied the detection of "all other penetration;" the consequent rejection of further communication with that minister, and indeed every step of intercourse, the particulars of which were known by authentic documents, evinced so little of a conciliatory disposition, and so much of a disinclination to meet the honorable advances made by His Majesty's government, while these had been further manifested in such terms, and by such conduct, that the continuance of peace seemed to depend less on the high sounded resentment of America, than on the moderation with which His Majesty might be disposed to view the treatment he had met with; he felt it to be unnecessary to urge preparation for any event that might arise from such a condition of things; he persuaded himself that in the great points of security and defence one mind would actuate all; he assured the country of the necessary support of regular troops should hostilities ensue, which with the "interior" force of the country would be found equal to any attack that could be made upon the province; the militia would not be unmindful of the courage which they had displayed in former days, (when, of course, they behaved worse, with the exception of a few individuals, than any people ever did![12] ) the bravery of His Majesty's arms had never been called in question; he congratulated the legislature on the capture of Martinique, and triumphantly alluded to the battle of Talavera, which had torn from the French that character of invincibility which they had imagined themselves to have possessed in the eyes of the world. He recommended the renewal of those Acts which were designed to enable the Executive to discharge its duty against dangers, which could not be remedied by the course of common law; he drew attention to the numerous forgeries of foreign bank notes, and recommended a penal statute for their suppression; and he remarked that the question of the expediency of excluding the Judges of the King's Bench from the House of Representatives had been, during the two last sessions, much agitated, and that, although he would not have himself interdicted the judges from being selected by the people to represent them in the Assembly, had the question ever come before him, he had been ordered by His Majesty to give his assent to any proper bill, concurred in by the two Houses, for rendering the judges ineligible to a seat in the Assembly.

The Assembly, very naturally, entertained the opinion that the Imperial government had not approved of the conduct of Sir James Craig in dissolving the previous Parliament. Indeed, even before taking the speech from the throne into consideration, the Assembly resolved that every attempt of the executive government and of the other branches of the legislature against the House of Assembly, whether in dictating or censuring its proceedings, or in approving the conduct of one part of its members, and disapproving that of others, was a violation of the statute by which the House was constituted; was a breach of the privileges of the House, which it could not forbear objecting to; and was a dangerous attack upon the rights and liberties of His Majesty's subjects in Canada. There were, not ten only, but thirteen members of British origin now in the House of Assembly, and the vote, for the adoption of the resolution, exhibited a wonderful degree of unanimity of opinion with regard to the right of freedom of opinion and the freedom of debate. There were twenty-four affirmative to eleven adverse votes, and, among those who voted with the minority, were some officials of French origin. In reply to the address from the throne, the House expressed its unalterable attachment to Great Britain, they were grateful and would be faithful to that sovereign and nation which respected their rights and liberties; it was unnecessary to urge them to prepare for any event that might arise, they would be prepared; and the militia, not unmindful of the courage which they had, in former days, displayed, would endeavour to emulate that bravery, natural to His Majesty's arms, which had never been called in question. Nay, the House was exuberant with loyalty. No sooner was the address in reply presented to the Governor than an address, congratulating the King on the happy event of having entered upon the fiftieth year of his reign, was unanimously adopted, and transmitted to the Governor for transmission to England. The expediency of relieving the Imperial government of the burthen of providing for the civil list of Canada was next discussed. It was considered that the sooner the payment of its own government officers devolved upon the province, the better it would be for all classes inhabiting it. Ultimately, the province would be required to defray the expenses of its own government, and the sooner it did so the less weighty would the civil list be. The minority were very much opposed to the proposed change. Some, who, twenty-seven years before, were most anxious to present £20,000 to the King, by a tax on goods, wares, and merchandise, to assist in enabling His Majesty to prosecute the war against France vigorously, now that the province was more than paying her expenses, could not see the necessity of saddling the country with a burthen which would make it, as they alleged, necessary to impose duties to the amount of fifty thousand pounds a year. At first, the very ignorant[13] country people, not knowing that which was going on, became alarmed at the startling information conveyed to them by the majority. They expressed their fears that their friends were betraying them. They were soon pacified. Their members informed them, or they were informed by the Canadien, that when the House of Assembly had the entire management of the civil list, they would not fail to reduce the sum necessary to keep up the hospitality of Government House, and only, consequently, consideration for the Governor-in-Chief; nor would they fail to retrench the several pensions, reduce the heavier salaries of the employees, cut off the sinecurists, and, in a variety of ways, lessen the public burthens. The habitants were no longer alarmed at the additional taxation of £50,000 a year, with which they were threatened. A series of resolutions passed the Assembly, intimating that the province was able to supply funds for the payment of the civil list. The province was able to pay all the civil expenses of its government. The House of Assembly ought "this session" to vote the sums necessary for defraying the expenses of the civil list. The House will vote such necessary sums. And the King, Lords, and Commons of England, were to be informed that the Commons of Canada had taken upon itself the payment of the government of the province and that they were exceedingly grateful to England for the assistance hitherto afforded, and for the happy constitution, which had raised the province to a pitch of prosperity so high that it was now able and willing to support itself. Ten gentlemen of British extraction voted against these resolutions and only one Canadian. The address to the King, pursuant to the resolutions, was carried by a vote of thirteen to three. Many members appear to have been afraid of themselves or rather of the consequences to be apprehended from the offence which the adoption of such resolutions was calculated to give the Imperial advisers of the representative of the King in a colony. Nay, the Governor-in-Chief did not much relish the resolutions. He turned them over in his mind, again and again. There was something more than appeared upon the surface. He disrelished the idea of getting his meat poisoned by its passage through Canadian fingers. He was sure the King, his master, would pay him well, but, as for the Canadians, they might stop the supplies. The Assembly waited upon His Excellency with their addresses. They requested that His Excellency would be pleased to lay them before His Majesty's ministers for presentation. Sir James hesitated. The addresses were so peculiarly novel as to require a considerable degree of reflection. The constitutional usage of Parliament, recognised by the wisdom of the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, forbade all steps on the part of the people towards grants of money which were not recommended by the Crown, and although by the same parliamentary usage all grants originated in the Lower House, they were ineffectual without the concurrence of the Upper House. There was no precedent of addresses to the House of Lords, or Commons, separately, by a single branch of the Colonial Legislature. He conceived the addresses to be unprecedented, imperfect in form, and founded upon a resolution of the House of Assembly, which, until sanctioned by the Legislative Council, must be ineffectual, except as a spontaneous offer on the part of the Commons of Canada. The resolutions were premature. He regretted that he could not take it upon himself to transmit these addresses to His Majesty's ministers. In his refusal he was impressed by a sense of duty. But, besides the sense of duty, His Majesty's ministers, unless commanded by His Majesty, were not the regular organs of communication with the House of Commons. Even were he to transmit those addresses, he could not pledge himself for their delivery, through that channel. He would have felt himself bound upon ordinary occasions to have declined any addresses similar to those then before him, under similar circumstances. He would on the present occasion transmit to the King his own testimony of the good disposition, gratitude, and generous intentions of his subjects. He thought it right that His Majesty, "by their own act," should be formally apprised of the ability and of the voluntary pledge and promise of the province to pay the civil expenditure of the province when required. He then engaged to transmit the King's address to His Majesty, with the understanding that no act of his should be considered as compromising the rights of His Majesty, of his Colonial Representative, or of the Legislative Council. He significantly hoped that the House of Assembly might not suppose that he had expressed himself in a way that might carry with it an appearance of checking the manifestation of sentiments under which the House had acted. A committee of seven members were, on the receipt of His Excellency's answer, appointed to search for the precedents and parliamentary usages alluded to by the Governor-in-Chief, with instructions to report speedily. And, that there might be no excuse, with regard to the improper introduction of a money matter, for a refusal to sanction any bill that the Assembly might think proper to pass, a resolution was adopted by the Assembly to the effect that the House had resolved to vote, in the then session, the sums necessary for paying all the civil expenses of the government of the province, and to beseech that His Excellency would be pleased to order the proper officer to lay before the House an estimate of the said civil expenses. The practice of these avocats, shopkeepers, apothecaries, doctors, and notaries, was tolerably sharp. The House went again to work upon the expediency of appointing a Colonial Agent in England, and introduced a bill with that object, which was read. A bill to render the judges ineligible to sit in the Assembly passed the Assembly; but the Council amended the bill, by postponing the period at which the ineligibility was to have effect, to the expiration of the parliament then in being, and sent it back to the Assembly for concurrence. Indignant at this amendment, the Assembly adopted a resolution to the effect that P. A. DeBonne, being one of the Judges of the King's Bench, could neither sit nor vote in the House, and his seat for Quebec was declared to be vacant. The vote was decisive. There were eighteen votes in favor of the resolution and only six against it, the six being all English names. McCord, Ross, Cuthbert, Gugy, and such like. If the practice of the avocats was sharp, the practice of the Governor was yet sharper. Down came the Governor-in-Chief in two days after the search for precedents had begun in the Assembly, in not the best of humour, to the Legislative Council Chamber. On the 26th of February, the uncontrollable Assembly were summoned before the representative of royalty. He informed the two Houses that he had come to prorogue the legislature, having again determined to appeal to the people by an immediate dissolution. It had been rendered impossible for him to act otherwise. Without the participation of the other branches of the Legislature the Assembly had taken upon themselves to vote that a judge could not sit nor vote in their House. It was impossible for him to consider what had been done in any other light than as a direct violation of an Act of the Imperial Parliament. He considered that the House of Assembly had unconstitutionally disfranchised a large portion of His Majesty's subjects, and rendered ineligible, by an authority they did not possess, another, and not inconsiderable class of the community. By every tie of duty, he was bound to oppose such an assumption. In consequence of the expulsion of the member for Quebec, a vacancy in the representation of that county had been declared. It would be necessary to issue a writ for a new election, and that writ was to be signed by him. He would not render himself a partaker in the violation of an Act of the Imperial Parliament, and to avoid becoming so he had no other recourse but that which he was pursuing. He felt much satisfaction when the Parliament met, in having taken such steps as he thought most likely to facilitate a measure that seemed to be wished for, and that, in itself, met his concurrence; but as, in his opinion, the only ineligibility of a judge to sit in Parliament arose from the circumstance of his having to ask the electors for their votes, he could not conceive that there could be any well founded objection to his possession of a seat in the Assembly, when he was elected. He believed that the talents and superior knowledge of the judges, to say nothing of other considerations, made them highly useful. He lamented that a measure, which he considered would have been beneficial to the country, should not have taken effect. But he trusted that the people, in the disappointment of their expectations, would do him justice, and acquit him of being the cause that so little business had been done.

Such is human nature, that, on leaving the Council Room, Sir James Craig was loudly cheered. His manliness, combined with stupidity, and his real honesty of purpose, had its temporary effect upon those who admire pluck as much in a Governor as in a game cock. Not only was His Excellency cheered on leaving the Parliament buildings, addresses poured in upon him from all quarters. Quebec, Montreal, Terrebonne, Three Rivers, Sorel, Warwick, and Orleans, complimented Sir James. A more cunning man would have flattered himself that he had acted rightly. But there was to be a day of retribution. The late members of the late House of Assembly were not idle. Nor was the Canadien silent. Every means that prudence could dictate, and malevolence suggest, were resorted to, with a view to the re-election of the dismissed representatives. The "friends" of the government suggested that there were plans of insurrection and rebellion. It was insinuated that the French Minister at Washington, had supplied the seditious in Canada with money. It was even broadly stated that the plenipotentiary's correspondence had been intercepted by the agents of the government. And that which was not said is more difficult of conjecture than that which was said.

The revenue was this year £70,356, and the expenditure £49,347 sterling; 635 vessels, consisting of 138,057 tons, had arrived from sea; and 26 vessels had been built and cleared at the port.

At this time there were five papers in Lower Canada. The Quebec Gazette, the Quebec Mercury, Le Canadien, the Montreal Gazette, and the Courant. The three former were published in Quebec, the other two in Montreal. The Gazettes were organs of the government, the Mercury and Courant were "namby-pamby," and the Canadien was as the voice of le peuple.

The elections were, in the month of March, again about to take place, and the government conceived the magnificent idea of carrying a printing office by assault. When everything was prepared, then was the time to act. Headed by a magistrate, a party of soldiers rushed up the stairs leading to the Canadien printing office. The proprietor received them with a low bow, and much annoyance was felt that no opposition was offered. The premises were searched. Some manuscripts were found, and, "under the sanction of the Executive," the whole press, and the whole papers of every description, were forcibly seized, and conveyed as booty to the vaults of the Court House. In this action one prisoner was made. The printer was seized, and "after examination," was committed to prison. And, as if an insurrection were expected, the guards at the gates were strengthened, and patrols sent in every direction. The public looked amazed, as well it might. The Mercury did not know whether most to admire the tyrannical spirit or the consummate vanity of the Canadians, and of No. 15, of the Canadien, which contended that the Canadians had rights. As a striking proof of Canadian tyranny, the Canadien would not allow any but the members of the Assembly to be a judge of the expediency of expelling Judge DeBonne! and it was even said that of all those who signed the address to His Excellency, presented in the name of Quebec, not one was capable of understanding the nature of the question. In a dependence, such as Canada, was the government to be daily flouted, bearded, and treated with the utmost disrespect and contumely? "He" expected nothing less than that its patience would be exhausted, and energetic measures resorted to, as the only efficient ones. From any part of a people conquered from wretchedness into every indulgence, and the height of prosperity, such treatment, as the government daily received was far different from that which ought to have been expected. But there were characters in the world on whom benefits have no other effect than to produce insolence and insult. The stroke was struck, the Mercury would say no more. The greatest misfortune that can ever happen to the press is for it to be in the possession of invisible and licentious hands. It said no more, because "the war was with the dead!"

Sir James was not very sure that he had acted either wisely or well. He thought it necessary to explain. Divers wicked and seditious writings had been printed. Divers wicked and seditious writings had been dispersed throughout the province. Divers writings were calculated to mislead divers of His Majesty's subjects. Divers wicked and traitorous persons had endeavoured to bring into contempt and had vilified the administration, and divers persons had invented wicked falsehoods, with the view of alienating the affections of His Majesty's subjects from the respect which was due to His Majesty's person. It was impossible for His Majesty's representative longer to disregard or suffer practices so directly tending to subvert His Majesty's government, and to destroy the happiness of His Majesty's subjects. He, therefore, announced, that with the advice and concurrence of the Executive Council, and due information having been given to three of His Majesty's Executive Councillors, warrants, as by law authorised, had been issued, under which, some of the authors, printers, and publishers of the aforesaid traitorous and seditious writings had been apprehended and secured. Deeply impressed with a desire to promote, in all respects, the welfare and happiness of the most benevolent of sovereigns, whose servant he had been for as long a period as the oldest inhabitant had been his subject, and whose highest displeasure he should incur if the acts of these designing men had produced any effect, he trusted that neither doubts nor jealousies had crept into the public mind. He would recall to the deluded, if there were any, the history of the whole period during which they had been under His Majesty's government. It was for them to recollect the progressive advances they had made in the wealth, happiness, and unbounded liberty which they then enjoyed. Where was the act of oppression—where was the instance of arbitrary imprisonment—or where was the violation of property of which they had to complain? Had there been an instance in which the uncontrolled enjoyment of their religion had been disturbed? While other countries and other colonies had been deluged in blood, during the prevalent war, had they not enjoyed the most perfect security and tranquillity? What, then, could be the means by which the traitorous would effect their wicked purposes? What arguments dare they use? For what reason was happiness to be laid aside and treason embraced? What persuasion could induce the loyal to abandon loyalty and become monsters of ingratitude? The traitorous had said that he desired to embody and make soldiers of twelve thousand of the people, and because the Assembly would not consent, that he had dissolved the Parliament? It was monstrously untrue, and it was particularly atrocious in being advanced by persons who might have been supposed to have spoken with certainty on the subject. It had been said that he wanted to tax the lands of the country people, that the House would only consent to tax wine, and that for such perverseness he had dissolved the Assembly. Inhabitants of St. Denis! the Governor General never had the most distant idea of taxing the people at all. The assertion was directly false. When the House offered to pay the civil list, he could not move without the King's instructions. But in despair of producing instances from what he had done, the traitorous had spoken of that which he intended to do. It was boldly said that Sir James Craig intended to oppress the Canadians. Base and daring fabricators of falsehood! on what part of his life did they found such assertions? What did the inhabitants of St. Denis know of him or of his intentions? Let Canadians inquire concerning him of the heads of their church. The heads of the church were men of knowledge, honor, and learning, who had had opportunities of knowing him, and they ought to be looked to for advice and information. The leaders of faction and the demagogues of a party associated not with him, and could not know him. Why should he be an oppressor? Was it to serve the King, the whole tenor of whose life had been honorable and virtuous? Was it for himself that he should practice oppression? For what should he be an oppressor? Ambition could not prompt him, with a life ebbing slowly to a close, under the pressure of a disease acquired in the service of his country. He only looked forward to pass the remaining period of his life in the comfort of retirement, among his friends. He remained in Canada simply in obedience to the commands of his King. What power could he desire? For what wealth would he be an oppressor? Those who knew him, knew that he had never regarded wealth, and then, he could not enjoy it. He cared not for the value of the country laid at his feet. He would prefer to power and wealth a single instance of having contributed to the happiness and prosperity of the people whom he had been sent to govern. He warned all to be on their guard against the artful suggestions of wicked and designing men. He begged that all would use their best endeavours to prevent the evil effects of incendiary and traitorous doings. And he strictly charged and commanded all magistrates, captains of militia, peace officers, and others, of His Majesty's good subjects to bring to punishment such as circulated false news, tending, in any manner, to inflame the public mind and to disturb the public peace and tranquillity.

Could anything have been more pitiable than such a proclamation? The existence of a conspiracy on the part of some disaffected persons to overthrow the King's government was made to appear with the view of covering a mistake. The proclamation was the apology for the illegal seizure of a press and types used in the publication of a newspaper, in which nothing seditious or treasonable had in reality been published. It was true that the Canadien upheld the Assembly and criticised the conduct of the Executive, with great severity. It was true that the Canadien complained of the tyranny of "les Anglais." It was true that the Canadien strenuously supported the idea of the expenses of the civil list being defrayed by the province and not by the Imperial government. And it was true that it contended for "nos institutions, notre langue, et nos lois." It did nothing more. No hint was thrown out that Canada would be more prosperous under the American, than under the English dominion. It was not even insinuated that Canada should be wholly governed by Canadians. All that was claimed for French Canadians was a fair share in the official spoils of the land they lived in, freedom of speech, and liberty of conscience. Governor Craig asked the inhabitants of St. Denis or any of the other inhabitants of the province to remind him of any one act of oppression or of arbitrary imprisonment. And at that very moment the printer of the Canadien was in prison. Nor was he there alone, there were Messrs. Bedard, Blanchet, and Taschereau, members of the recently dissolved House of Assembly, together with Messrs. Pierre Laforce, Pierre Papineau, of Chambly, and François Corbeille, of Isle Jésus, to keep him company, on charges of treasonable practices, concerning which there was not, and never had been, even the shadow of proof, on charges which the government did not attempt even to prove, and on charges which were withdrawn without the accused having ever been confronted with their accusers. Base and daring fabricators of falsehood! François Corbeille, an innocent man, the victim only of unjust suspicions, on the one hand, and of diabolical selfishness, on the other, died in consequence of the injury his health received in that prison where tyranny had placed him. But he could issue no proclamation. His voice was not loud enough in the tomb to reach the Court of St. James, surrounded as that Court was, by an impenetrable phalanx of Downing Street Red-tapists. Canada was only mis-governed because England was deceived, through the instrumentality of Governors, honorable enough as men, but so wanting in administrative capacity, as to be open to the vile flattery and base insinuations of those who were, or rather should have been at once the faithful servants of the Crown and of that people who upheld it, who were virtually taken possession of, on arrival, by the "gens en place," and held safely in custody, until their nominal power had ceased. And when power had passed away, then only did many of them perceive, as Sir James Craig is reported to have done, the deception, the ingratitude, and the almost inhumanity of man. There is some excuse to be offered for the extraordinary course of policy pursued by Sir James Craig; and an apology even can be made for the crooked policy of those voluntary advisers who had hedged him in. Great Britain was at war with France. The name of a Frenchman was unmusical in the ears of any Englishman of that period, and it sounded harshly in the ears of the British soldier. It was France that had prostituted liberty to lust. It was France that had dragged public opinion to the scaffold and the guillotine. It was France that held the axe uplifted over all that was good and holy. It was France that was making all Europe a charnel-house. It was General Buonaparte of France, who only sought to subdue England, the more easily to conquer the world. Many an English hearth had cursed his name. Many a widow had he made desolate, and many an orphan fatherless. The "conquered subjects" of King George spoke and thought in French. They held French traditions in veneration. There could only be a jealousy, a hatred, a contempt entertained of everything seeming to be French, in the heart of an Englishman. And these sentiments were doubtless reciprocated. But, still the French of Canada, were only, now, French by extraction. They had long lost that love of the land of their origin, which belongs to nativity. Few men in the province had been born in France. Few Canadians knew anything about the new regime, or took any interest in the "Code Napoléon." And few even cherished flattering recollections of Bourbon rule. The Canadians wanted English liberty, not French republicanism. The Canadians wanted to have for themselves so much liberty as a Scotchman might enjoy at John O'Groats, or an Englishman obtain at Land's-End. And for so desiring liberty they were misrepresented, because of English colonial prejudices, and because of official dislikes and selfishness. When the first Attorney-General of Canada, Mr. Mazzeres, afterwards Cursitor Baron of the Exchequer, in England, of whom Mr. Ryland was but a pious follower, proposed to convert the Canadians to Anglicism in religion, in manners, and in law, assuredly little opposition could have been made to the scheme. Then, the pursuance of Cardinal Richelieu's policy would, in after ages, have exemplified that the pen had been mightier than the sword. Then the whole population of the province could have been housed in one of the larger cities of the present time. But when the province had increased in numbers to 300,000, partially schooled in English legislation, the exercise of despotism was only as impolitic as it was obviously unjust. It was feared by the officers of the civil government of Canada, when this despotism was practised, that the legislature might have the power, which has since been conceded, of dispensing with the services of merely imperial officers, and of filling, with natives to the manor born, every office of profit or emolument in the province. It was feared if the exclusive power were granted to the Colonial Legislature of appropriating all the sums necessary for the civil expenditure of the province, that it would give the Legislature absolute control over the officers of the empire and of the colony, and annihilate, if not actually, potentially, the imperium of Great Britain over her colony. A distinction was drawn between the privileges of a colonist and of the resident of the United Kingdom. While every municipality in the latter was permitted to pay and control its own officers, the voice of a colonist was to be unheard in the councils of the nation to which he was attached, and he was to have no control over the actions of those who were to make or administer the laws, under which he lived. He was patiently to submit to the overbearing assumptions of some plebeian Viceroy, accidentally raised to a quasi-level with the great potentates of the earth, and inclined to ride with his temporary and borrowed power, after that great impersonage of evil, which, it is alleged, the beggar always attempts to overtake when, having thrown off his rags and poverty, he has been mounted on horseback. It is admitted that at this time the province was controlled by a few rapacious, overbearing, and irresponsible officials, without stake or other connection with the country, than their offices,[14] having no sympathy with the mass of the inhabitants. It is admitted that these officials lorded it over the people, upon whose substance they existed, and that they were not confided in, but hated. It is admitted that their influence with the English inhabitants arose from the command of the treasury. And it is admitted that, though only the servants of the government, they acted as if they had been princes among the natives and inhabitants of the province, upon whom they affected to look down, estranging them from all direct intercourse, or intimacy, with the Governor, whose confidence, no less than the control of the treasury, it was their policy to monopolise. To the candidates for vice-regal favors, their smiles were fortune, and their frowns were fate. The Governor was a hostage in the keeping of the bureaucracy, and the people were but serfs.

Nothing has been left on record to show that when Sir James Craig issued his absurd proclamation, treason was to have been feared, unless it be that the clergy were required to read the proclamation from the pulpits of the parish churches, that Chief Justice Sewell read it from the Bench, that the Grand Jury drew up an address to the Court and strongly animadverted upon the dangerous productions of the Canadien, and that the Quebec Mercury expressed its abhorrence of sedition, and chronicled the fact that 671 habitants had expressed their gratitude to the Governor, for his "truly paternal proclamation."

In the April term of the Court of King's Bench, the release of Mr. Bedard from gaol, was attempted, by an attempt to obtain a writ of Habeas Corpus. But the Bench was not sufficiently independent of the Crown. The writ was refused. The State prisoners were compelled to remain in prison, indulging the hope that whatever charges could be preferred against them would be reduced to writing, and a trial be obtained. It was hoping against hope. Some of the imprisoned fell sick, among whom was the printer of the Canadien, and all in the gaol of Quebec, with the exception of Mr. Bedard, were turned out of prison. Mr. Bedard refused to be set at liberty without having had the opportunity of vindicating his reputation by the verdict of a jury. Conscious of the integrity of his conduct, and of the legality of his expressed political opinions, he solicited trial, but the September session of the Criminal Term of the King's Bench was suffered to elapse without any attention having been paid to him. Three of the prisoners were imprisoned in the gaol of Montreal, and were not only subjected to the inconveniences and discomforts of a damp and unhealthy prison, but to the petty persecutions of a relentless gaoler. They were one after the other enlarged without trial, Mr. Corbeil only to die.

In the course of the summer the government had been occupied with the regulation and establishment of a system of police, in Montreal and Quebec, and, with that view, salaried chairmen were appointed to preside over the Courts of Quarter Sessions. The government also determined upon opening up a road to the Eastern Townships, which would afford a direct land communication between Quebec and Boston. Commencing at St. Giles, on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, that road to the township of Shipton, which still bears the name of Governor Craig, was completed by a detachment of troops.

On the 10th of December, Parliament again met. The House of Assembly re-elected Mr. Panet to the Speakership, and the Governor approved of his election. In his speech from the throne, Governor Craig had never doubted the loyalty and zeal of the parliaments which had met since he had assumed the administration of affairs. He was confident that they were animated by the best intentions to promote the interests of the King's government and the welfare of the people. He looked for such a disposition in the tenor of their deliberations. He called their attention to the temporary Act for the better preservation of His Majesty's government, and for establishing regulations respecting aliens or certain subjects of His Majesty, who had resided in France. No change had taken place in the state of public affairs, that would warrant a departure from those precautions which made the Act necessary. He did not mean that it should be supposed that he meant to divide the interests of His Majesty's government from the interests of the public, for they were inseparable. But the preservation of His Majesty's government was the safety of the province, and its security was the only safeguard to the public tranquillity. He therefore recommended those considerations together with the Act making temporary provision for the regulation of trade between Canada and the United States to their first and immediate consideration. He entreated them to believe that he should have great satisfaction in cultivating that harmony and good understanding which must be so conducive to the prosperity and happiness of the colony, and that he should most readily and cheerfully concur, in every measure, which they might propose, tending to promote those important objects. And he further intimated that the rule of his conduct was to discharge his duty to his sovereign, by a constant attention to the welfare of his subjects, who were committed to his charge, and these objects he felt to be promoted by a strict adherence to the laws and principles of the constitution, and by maintaining in their just balance the rights and privileges of every branch of the legislature. Sir James Craig's attempts at maintaining a balance of power were the chief causes of all his blundering. He did not himself know the proper balance of power between himself and the governed. He could not possibly perceive when his balance-beam was out of its centre, and if he had seen a slight leaning to one side, and that side not his own, he could not have conceived that the scales of justice would have been very much affected. It never occurred to him that the displacement of it, only to the extent of one-sixteenth half of an inch, on the side of Government and Council, would weigh a quarter of a century against the Assembly, the people and progress. But so it was. The beam with which Sir James Craig would have and did weigh out justice, was one-sided, and, to make matters still worse, the Governor threw into the adverse scale a host of his own prejudices, and of the prejudices of his secret councillors. He would have been glad, had the House expelled Mr. Bedard, one of its members, on the plea that it was prejudicial to its dignity that a representative of the people should be kept in durance, while the House was in session, and still more discreditable that that member should be charged with treason. Hardly had he delivered his speech, and the Assembly returned to their chamber, when the Governor sent a message to the House intimating that Mr. Bedard, who had been returned to Parliament, as the representative of Surrey, was detained in the common gaol of Quebec, under the "Preservation Act," charged with treasonable practices. The House most politely thanked the Governor-in-Chief for the information. The House resolved that Mr. Bedard was in the common gaol of Quebec. The House resolved that Pierre Bedard was, on the 27th day of March, returned to Parliament, as one of the Knights Representative of Surrey. The House resolved that Pierre Bedard, was then one of the members of the Assembly, for the existing Parliament. The House resolved that the simple arrest of any one of His Majesty's subjects did not render him incapable of election to the Assembly. The House resolved that the Government Preserves Act, guaranteed to the said Pierre Bedard, Esquire, the right of sitting in the Assembly. And the House resolved to present a humble address to His Excellency, informing him that his message had been seriously considered, that several resolutions had been passed, which they conceived it to be their duty to submit to His Excellency, and that it was the wish of the House that Pierre Bedard, Esquire, Knight Representative for the County of Surrey, might take his seat in the House. The vote in favor of the resolutions was expressively large. There were twenty-five members present, and twenty voted for the resolutions. Messrs. Bourdages, Papineau, senior, Bellet, Papineau, junior, Debartch, Viger, Lee, and Bruneau, were named a committee to present an address to the Governor, founded on the resolutions, but they managed to escape that honor. When it was moved to resolve that an enquiry be made as to the causes which had prevented the messengers from presenting the address, as ordered by the House, Mr. Papineau, senior, moved that nothing more should be said about the address, and the motion was carried. Nor was anything more said about the unfortunate gentleman who was imprisoned, as the Governor himself afterwards stated, only as a measure of precaution, not of punishment, until the close of the session, when he was released. He was kept in Ham because he might have done mischief, on the principle that prevention is better than cure, and, when Mr. Bedard desired to know what was expected of him, the Governor sent for his brother, the curé, and authorized him to tell Mr. Bedard that he had been confined by government, "only looking to its security and the public tranquillity," and that when Mr. Bedard expressed a sense of that error, of which he was ignorant, he would be immediately enlarged. Mr. Bedard replied courteously, but declined admitting any error, which he had not made, or of confessing to any crime of which he was not guilty. The Governor had heard of the resolutions of the House, and expected the presentation of the address embodying them, when he received an application from the elder Papineau, one of the committee, requesting a private conference on the subject of the resolutions. That conference only drew from His Excellency the remark that:—"No consideration, Sir, shall induce me to consent to the liberation of Mr. Bedard, at the instance of the House of Assembly, either as a matter of right, or as a favor, nor will I now consent to his being enlarged on any terms during the sitting of the present session, and I will not hesitate to inform you of the motives by which I have been induced to come to this resolution. I know that the general language of the members, has encouraged the idea which universally prevails, that the House of Assembly will release Mr. Bedard; an idea so firmly established that there is not a doubt entertained upon it in the province. The time is therefore come, when I feel that the security as well as the dignity of the King's government, imperiously require that the people should be made to understand the true limits of the rights of the respective parts of the government, and that it is not that of the House of Assembly to rule the country." And Mr. Bedard, sensible of having done no wrong, remained in gaol until the Parliament was prorogued, as an example to the people that there was no public opinion worth heeding, in the province, and that the power of the Governor was something superior to that of the Assembly. The Assembly went to work after having made the fruitless attempt to liberate Mr. Bedard, and passed as many bills as were required. The "gaols" bill was temporarily continued: the repairs of the Castle of St. Lewis having cost £14,980, instead of £7,000, as contemplated, the additional outlay was voted; £50,000 were voted towards the erection of suitable parliament buildings. The Alien Act and that for the Preservation of the Government were continued, together with the Militia Act, to March 1813; the bill to disqualify judges from being elected to the Assembly passed both Houses, and to these the Governor assented, proroguing the Parliament afterwards with great pleasure. Communication with Europe had been difficult during the winter, on account of the impediments thrown in the way of American commerce. The Princess Charlotte had died, and the sovereign himself had become alarmingly indisposed. A new Act of non-intercourse had been passed in the American Congress. He had seen among the Acts passed, and to which he had just declared His Majesty's assent, with peculiar satisfaction, the Act disqualifying the judges from holding a seat in the House of Assembly. It was not only that he thought the measure right in itself, but that he considered the passing of an Act for the purpose, as a complete renunciation of the erroneous principle, the acting upon which put him under the necessity of dissolving the last parliament. The country was becoming luxuriantly rich, and he hoped that all would be harmony and tolerance. He would be a proud man who could say to his sovereign that he found the Canadians divided and left them united.

On the 19th of June, 1811, Lieut.-General Sir James Craig embarked for England, in H.M.S. Amelia. Previous to his departure he received addresses from Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers, Warwick, and Terrebonne, and when he was about to leave the Chateau St. Louis, the British population, who admired the old General more perhaps than they did the constitutional ruler, exhibited considerable feeling. The multitude took the place of His Excellency's carriage horses and popularly carried away, to the Queen's wharf, His Majesty's representative. Nay, the old soldier, who really had a heart, almost wept as he bade farewell to men, some of whom he had first met with in the battle field, and had since known for nearly half a century. Sir James too was ill. It was not indeed expected that he would have lived long enough to reach England. His dropsy was becoming not only troublesome but dangerous.[15]

Sir James was succeeded in the administration of the government of Canada by Mr. Dunn.

The Canadians had, during the administration of Governor Craig, earnestly pursued Junius' advice to the English nation. They had never, under the most trying circumstances, suffered any invasion of their political constitution to pass by, without a determined and persevering resistance. They practically exhibited their belief in the doctrine that, one precedent creates another; that precedents soon accumulate and constitute law; that what was yesterday fact becomes to-day doctrine; that examples are supposed to justify the most dangerous measures, and that where they do not suit exactly, the defect is supplied by analogy. They felt confident that the laws which were to protect their civil rights were to grow out of their constitution, and that with it the country was to fall or flourish. They believed in the right of the people to choose their own representatives. They were sensibly impressed with the idea that the liberty of the press is the palladium of the civil, political, and religious rights of a British subject, and that the right of juries to return a general verdict, in all cases whatsoever, is an essential part of the British constitution, not to be controlled, or limited, by the judges, nor in any shape to be questionable by the legislature. And they believed that the power of the King, Lords, and Commons, was not an arbitrary power, but one which they themselves could regulate. In a word, they believed that, whatever form of government might be necessary for the maintenance of order, and for putting all men on an equality in the eye of the law, the people themselves were the source of all power, and they acted accordingly.

Mr. Peel, (afterwards Sir Robert Peel,) Under Secretary of State, condemned the conduct of Sir James Craig, as Governor of Canada. Mr. Ryland, himself, informed Sir James, by letter, from London, whither he had been sent with despatches, that when he observed to Mr. Peel that Sir James Craig had all the English inhabitants with him, and, consequently, all the commercial interest of the country, Mr. Peel remarked that the Canadians were much more numerous, and he repeated the same remark more than once, in a way that indicated a fear of doing anything that might clash with the prejudices of the more numerous part of the community. And when Mr. Ryland ventured to suggest that the decided approbation of the Governor's conduct could not fail to have a desirable effect on the minds of the Canadians, and that the best way of expressing such approbation, was by suspending the constitution, as Sir James Craig had recommended, Mr. Peel thought that a reunion of the provinces would be better than a suspension of the constitution of Lower Canada. Lord Liverpool thought that it was not very necessary to imprison the editors of the Canadien. He quietly asked if they could not have been brought over to the government? Mr. Ryland said that it was not possible, that Mr. Bedard's motive for opposing the government, was possibly to obtain office, but he had acted in such a way as to make that impossible. At dinner with the Earl of Liverpool, at Coombe Wood, Mr. Ryland seems to have had a combing from Mr. Peel. He writes to Sir James Craig that, in a conversation with Mr. Peel, before dinner, concerning the state of things in Canada, he was mortified to find that he had but an imperfect idea of the subject. He expressed himself as though he had thought that Sir James Craig had dissolved the House of Assembly on account of their having passed a bill for excluding the judges. He endeavored to give Mr. Peel a clear and correct conception of these matters, but God knew with what success! He recollected Governor Craig's advice, and kept his temper, but it was really very provoking to see men of fine endowments and excellent natural understanding, too inattentive to make themselves masters of a very important subject, which had been placed before them, in an intelligible manner. When Mr. Peel asked him if the English members of the House were always with the government, Mr. Ryland said that in every case of importance, with the exception of Mr. James Stuart, formerly Solicitor-General, the English members always supported the views of the government. And, indeed, the Attorney-General of England, Sir Vicary Gibbs, reported against the despotic intentions of Sir James Craig, and, at the suggestion of his secretary, further expressed his official opinion that the paper published in the Canadien, and upon which the proceedings of the Executive Council of Canada had been founded, was not such as to fix upon the publishers, the charge of treasonable practices, and that it was only the apprehensions that had been in Canada entertained, of the effects of the publication of the paper in the Canadien, that might have made it excusable to resort to means, not strictly justifiable in law, for suppressing anticipated mischief. The truth was simply that a stupid old man, filled with the most violent prejudices, against change of any sort, had been sent to govern a new and rapidly rising country, and knew not how success was to be obtained. His mind was full of conspiracies, rebellions, and revolutions, and nothing else. When he retired to rest, and had drawn the curtains of his bed, there sat upon him, night after night, three horrible spectres:—the Rebellion in Ireland, the Reign of Terror in France, and the American revolution. He slept only to dream of foul conspiracies, and he was dreaming how they best could be avoided, when in broad daylight he was most awake.

Upper Canada had not yet become sufficiently populous to require much legislation. Indeed, the legislature of that province hardly transacted any business more important than now devolves upon some insignificant county municipality. There was as yet no party. There were as yet no grievances. Parliament was annually assembled by Governor Gore, rather because it was a rule to which he was bound to attend, than because it was required. He met his parliament again, on the 1st of February, 1811, and business having been rapidly transacted, the royal assent was given to nine Acts, relative to the erection and repair of roads and bridges, to the licensing of petty chapmen, to the payment of parliamentary contingencies, to the regulation of duties, to the further regulation of the proceedings of sheriffs, in the sale of goods and chattels, taken by them in execution, to assessments, to bills of exchange, and to the raising and training of the militia.

On the 30th of September, in the same year, Lieutenant-Governor Francis Gore resigned the government into the hands of Major-General, Sir Isaac Brocke, and returned to England, Mr. Dunn, having, on the 14th of the same month, been relieved of the government of Lower Canada, by Lieutenant-General Sir George Prevost, Baronet, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, and now appointed Governor General of British North America, in consideration as well of his administrative ability, as of his distinguished reputation as an officer in the army. No sooner had Sir George arrived at Quebec, than he set out on a tour of military observation. War was now more than ever imminent. Another difficulty had occurred at sea. A British sloop of war, the Little Belt, had been fired into by the American frigate, President, and, in the rencontre which followed, had suffered greatly in her men and rigging. The British Orders in Council had not been rescinded, American commerce was crippled, the revenue was falling off, and there was that general quarrelsomeness of spirit which, sooner or later, must be satisfied, pervading the middle States of the American Union. Congress was assembled by proclamation, on the 5th of November, and the President of the United States indicated future events by a shadow in his opening "Message." Mr. Madison found that he must "add" that the period had arrived which claimed from the legislative guardians of the national rights, a system of more ample provision for maintaining them. There was full evidence of the hostile inflexibility of Great Britain. She had trampled on rights, which no independent nation could relinquish, and Congress would feel the duty of putting the United States into an armour and an attitude, demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectation. Congress did as they were recommended to do. Bills were passed having reference to probable hostilities, one of which authorized the President to raise, with as little delay as possible, twenty-five thousand men.

In Canada every man held his breath for a time.

CHAPTER III.

General Prevost was the very opposite of Sir James Craig. While the latter considered force the only practical persuasive, the former looked upon persuasion as more practicable than force. He was determined to be conciliatory, to throw aside unjust suspicions, to listen to no tales from interested parties, to redress such grievances as existed, and to create no new causes of discontent if he could avoid it. He was made acquainted with all the steps that had been taken by his predecessor, and he entered on the administration of the government of Lower Canada, with a determination to pursue a very opposite policy. A few weeks after his assumption of office he remodelled, or rather recommended to the Imperial ministry, the expediency of remodelling the Executive Council. He caused seven new members to be added to it, and he further offended the officers of the principalities or departments, by preferring to places of trust and emolument, some of the demagogues persecuted by Sir James Craig. Sir George Prevost met the parliament on the 21st of February, 1812. He congratulated the country on the brilliant achievements of Wellington, in the deliverance of Portugal and the rescue of Spain from France. Notwithstanding the changes, so astonishing, which marked the age, the inhabitants of Canada had witnessed but as remote spectators the awful scenes which had desolated Europe. While Britain, built by nature against the contagious breath of war, had had her political existence involved in the fate of neighboring nations, Canada had hitherto viewed without alarm a distant storm. The storm was now approaching her. The mutterings of the thunder were already within hearing. All was gloomy, still, and lurid. It was necessary to be vigilant. To preserve the province from the dangers of invasion it would be necessary to renew those Acts which experience had proved essential for the preservation of His Majesty's government, and to hold the militia in readiness to repel aggression. The renewal of the "Preservation Acts," was not that which the Assembly very much desired. They had had enough of such "Preservation" of government Acts already. They would much rather have been preserved from them than be preserved with them. On the principle of self preservation, the Assembly would rather be excused from continuing any such Act as that which had been so abused as to have afforded a licence for the imprisonment of three members of the Assembly, on vague charges, which the ingenuity of the public prosecutor could not reduce to particulars. Had it not been from a conviction of the goodness of the new Governor, the Assembly would not have renewed any such Act. Sir George regretted that the Parliament had thought it necessary to revert to any of the proceedings of his predecessor, under one of the "Preservation Acts," and he earnestly advised the gentlemen of the House of Assembly to evince their zeal for the public good, by confining their attention solely to the present situation of affairs. But the House thought it due to the good character of His Majesty's subjects that some measure should be adopted by the House, with the view of acquainting His Majesty of the events which had taken place under the administration of Sir James Craig, its late Governor, together with the causes which such events had originated, so that His Majesty might take such steps as would prevent the recurrence of a similar administration, an administration which tended to misrepresent the good and faithful people of the province, and to deprive them of the confidence and affection of His Majesty, and from feeling the good effects of his government, in the ample manner provided for by law. Nay, this was not all. It was moved that an enquiry be made into the state of the province, under the administration of Sir James Craig, and into the causes that gave rise to it, and the resolution was carried, two members only voting against it. A committee was appointed, but no report was made. The bill for the better preservation of His Majesty's government, and the Alien bill were both lost, not by ill intention, but by awkward management. But the loss of these bills was amply compensated by the militia bill, authorizing the Governor to embody two thousand young, unmarried men, for three months in the year, who, in case of invasion, were to be retained in service for a whole year, when one-half of the embodied would be relieved by fresh drafts. In the event of imminent danger, he was empowered to embody the whole militia force of the country, but no militiaman was to be enlisted into the regular forces. For drilling, training, and other purposes of the militia service, £12,000 were voted, and a further sum of £30,000 was placed at the disposal of the Governor-in-Chief, to be used in the event of a war arising between Great Britain and the United States.

Sir George Prevost prorogued Parliament on the 19th of May, well satisfied with the proofs which had been exhibited to him, of the loyalty of the parliament and people of a country so very shortly before represented to be treasonable, seditious, disaffected, and thoroughly imbued with hatred towards Great Britain. He shortly afterwards re-instated, in their respective ranks in the militia, such officers as had been set aside by Sir James Craig, without just cause, and indeed spared no exertion to make the people his friends, well judging that the office, or place men would, of necessity be so. On the 28th of May, he levied and organised four battalions of embodied militia; and a regiment of voltigeurs was raised, the latter being placed under the command of Major De Salaberry, a French-Canadian, who had served in the 60th regiment of foot.

There was need for this embodiment of troops. Already, dating from the 3rd of April, the American Congress had passed an Act laying an embargo for ninety days on all vessels within the jurisdiction of the United States. The President, Mr. Jefferson, had recommended the embargo. He had long intended to gratify the lower appetites of the worst class of the American people, who were now more numerous than that respectable class of republicans of which that great man, Washington, was himself the type. The measure was preparatory to a war with Great Britain. And war was very soon afterwards declared. On the 4th of June, a bill declaring that war existed between Great Britain and the United States passed the House of Representatives by a majority of seventy-nine to forty-nine. The bill was taken to the Senate, and there it passed only by the narrow majority of six. The vote was nineteen voices in the affirmative and thirteen in the negative. Mr. Jefferson assented to the bill on the 18th of June. The grounds of war were set forth in a message of the President to Congress, on the 1st of June. The impressment of American seamen by British naval officers; the blockade of the ports of the enemies of Great Britain, supported by no adequate force, in consequence of which American commerce had been plundered in every sea, and the great staples of the country cut off from their legitimate markets; and on account of the British Orders in Council. The Committee on Foreign relations believed that the freeborn sons of America were worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers had purchased at the price of much blood and treasure. They saw by the measures adopted by Great Britain, a course commenced and persisted in, which might lead to a loss of national character and independence, and they felt no hesitation in advising resistance by force, in which the Americans of that day would prove to the enemy and the world, that they had not only inherited that liberty which their fathers had given them, but had also the will and the power to maintain it. They relied on the patriotism of the nation, and confidently trusted that the Lord of Hosts would go down with the United States to battle, in a righteous cause, and crown American efforts with success. The committee recommended an immediate appeal to arms. The confidential secretary of Sir James Craig was not a little to blame for the terrible state of fermentation into which the representatives of the sovereign people of America had wrought themselves. Without the knowledge of the Imperial government, Mr. Secretary Ryland had received the concurrence of Sir James Craig to a scheme for the annexation of the New England States to Canada. A young man named Henry, of Irish parentage, and a captain in the militia of the American States had come to Montreal with the view of remaining in Canada. He studied law and made considerable proficiency. Indeed, he was a young man possessed of some talent and of great assurance. And as there was another suspicion haunting the minds of Sir James Craig and of Mr. Secretary Ryland, Mr. John Henry, late captain in the American service, and now Barrister-at-law, was introduced to Governor Craig, as a gentleman likely to inform the government of Canada, whether or not, the suspicions of the Governor and of the Governor's Secretary, were correct, these suspicions being that the North Eastern States of the American Republic desired to form a political connection with Great Britain. Mr. Henry appeared to be the very man for such a mission. He was immediately employed as a spy, and went to Boston, where he did endeavour to ascertain the public mind, in those places in which it is most frequently spoken. He lingered about hotels and news rooms. He visited the parks and the saloons. He went to church, or wherever else information was to be obtained, and he sent his experiences regularly to Mr. Ryland, who furnished him with instructions. But Captain Henry required to be paid for all this trouble. He applied to Governor Craig to find that excellent gentleman had no idea of their value. He then memorialized Lord Liverpool, asking for his services only the appointment of Judge Advocate of Lower Canada, to which the salary of £500 a year was attached. The noble Lord, at the head of the government, knew nothing about Captain Henry, and recommended him, if he had any claim upon Canada, to apply to Sir George Prevost, the Governor General. Captain Henry would do no such thing. He went to the United States, and, for the sum of fifty thousand dollars, gave up to the American government a very interesting correspondence between the Secretary of the Governor General of Canada, Mr. Ryland, and himself. Congress was so transported with rage, at the attempted annexation, that a bill was brought into the House of Representatives, and seriously entertained, the object of which was to declare every person a pirate, and punishable with death, who, under a pretence of a commission from any foreign power, should impress upon the high seas any native of the United States; and gave every such impressed seaman a right to attach, in the hands of any British subject, or of any debtor to any British subject, a sum equal to thirty dollars a month, during the whole period of his detention.[16] The federalist Americans were somewhat favourably disposed towards England. The minority in the House of Representatives, among which were found the principal part of the delegation from New England, in an address to their constituents, solemnly protested, on the ground that the wrongs of which the United States complained, although in some respects, grievous, were not of a nature, in the then state of the world, to justify war, nor were they such as war would be likely to remedy. On the subject of impressment they urged that the question between the two countries had once been honorably and satisfactorily settled, in the treaty negotiated with the British Court by Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, and that although that treaty had not been ratified by Mr. Jefferson, arrangements might probably again be made. In relation to the second cause of war—the blockade of her enemies' ports, without an adequate force, the minority replied that it was not designed to injure the commerce of the United States, but was retaliatory upon France, which had taken the lead in aggressions upon neutral rights. In addition it was said, that as the repeal of the French decrees had been officially announced, it was to be expected that a revocation of the Orders in Council would follow. They could not refrain from asking what the United States were to gain from war? Would the gratification of some privateers-men compensate the nation for that sweep of American legitimate commerce, by the extended marine of Great Britain, which the desperate act of declaring war invited? Would Canada compensate the middle States for New York, or the Western States for New Orleans? They would not be deceived! A war of invasion might invite a retort of invasion. When Americans visited the peaceable, and, to Americans, the innocent colonies of Great Britain, with the horrors of war, could Americans be assured that their own coast would not be visited with like horrors. At such a crisis of the world, and under impressions such as these, the minority could not consider the war into which the United States had, in secret, been precipitated, as necessary, or required by any moral duty, or any political expediency. The country was divided in opinion, respecting either the propriety or the expediency of the war. The friends of the administration were universally in favor of it.

That there was no just cause for a declaration of war on the part of the United States, it may be sufficient to state that the news of the repeal of the obnoxious Order in Council, reached the United States before England was aware of the declaration of war. But the American government wanted a war as an excuse for a filibustering expedition to Canada, which was to be peaceably separated from Great Britain, and quietly annexed to the United States. Then existing differences would have been speedily patched up to the satisfaction of all parties, the Lower Canadians being, in the language of Sir James Craig, treasonable, seditious, and attached to the country with which the United States was in alliance, France. The United States were not prepared for war. While Great Britain had a hundred sail of the line in commission, and a thousand ships of war bore the royal flag, the Americans had only four frigates and eight sloops in commission, and their whole naval force afloat in ordinary, and building for the Ocean and the Canadian Lakes, was eight frigates and twelve sloops. Their military force only amounted to twenty-five thousand men, to be enlisted for the most part, but the President was authorised to call out one hundred thousand militia, for the purpose of defending the sea coast and the Canadian frontiers. The greatest want of all was proper officers. The ablest of the revolutionary heroes had paid the debt of nature, and there was no military officer to whom fame could point as the man fitted for command. With means so lamentably inconsiderable had America declared war against a country whose arms were sweeping from the Spanish Peninsula the disciplined and veteran troops of France. It was marvellous audacity. And it was a marvellous mistake. Canada, it is true, had only 5,454 men of all arms, who could be accounted soldiers, 445 artillery, 3,783 infantry of the line, and 1,226 fencibles. She had only one or two armed brigs and a few gun-boats on the lakes, but the Upper Canadians were not prepared to exchange their dependency on Great Britain for the paltry consideration of being erected into a territory of the United States, and the Superintendent of the Church of Rome, in Lower Canada, hardly thought it possible that a new conquest of Canada would make her peculiar institutions more secure than they were. The militia of both sections of Canada were loyal. They felt that they could, as their enemies had done before, at least defend their own firesides. There was no sympathy with the American character, nor any regard for American institutions then. Those feelings were to be brought about by that commercial selfishness which time was to develop.

The declaration of war by the United States was only known in Quebec on the 24th of June. A notification was immediately given by the police authorities to all American citizens then in Canada, requiring them to leave the province on or before the third of July. But Sir George Prevost afterwards extended the time to fourteen days longer, to suffer American merchants to conclude their business arrangements. Proclamations were issued, imposing an embargo on the shipping in the port of Quebec, and calling the legislature together, for the despatch of business. Parliament met on the 16th of July. The Governor-in-Chief announced the declaration of war, expressed his reliance upon the spirit, the determination, the loyalty and the zeal of the country. With the aid of the militia, His Majesty's regular troops, few in number, as they were, would yet gallantly repel any hostile attempt that might be made upon the colony. It was with concern that he saw the expense to which the organization and drilling of the militia would put the province. But battles must be fought, campaigning had to be endured, and true and lasting liberty was cheap at any cost of life or treasure. The reply was all that could be desired. While the House deplored the hostile declaration that had been made against Great Britain, and seemed to shrink from the miseries which war entails, they assured the Governor that threats would not intimidate, nor persuasions allure them from their duty to their God, to their country, and to their king. They were convinced that the Canadian militia would fight with spirit and determination, against the enemy, and would, with the aid of the tried soldiers of the king, sternly defend the province against any hostile attack. As far as spirit went there was no deficiency, but Canada was worse off for money than the United States was for soldiery. There were forty thousand militia about to rise in arms, but where was the money to come from necessary to keep them moving? Congress intended to raise an immediate loan of ten millions of dollars. It was essential Canada should immediately replenish her exchequer, as those not being the days of steamships, funds from England could not be soon obtained. Sir George Prevost resolved to issue army bills, payable either in cash, or in government bills of exchange, on London. The House of Assembly assented to the circulation of any bills, and granted fifteen thousand pounds annually for five years, to pay the interest that would accrue upon them. Bills to the value of two hundred and fifty thousand were authorised to be put in circulation; they were to be received in the payment of duties; they were to be a legal tender in the market; and they were to be redeemed at the army bill office, in any way, whether in cash or bills, the Governor-in-Chief might signify. Nothing could have been more satisfactory to Sir George Prevost. He prorogued the Parliament on the 1st of August, with every expression of satisfaction. And well he might be satisfied. The men who were, according to the representations of his predecessor, not at all to be depended upon, in a case of emergency, had most readily, liberally, and loyally, met the demands of the public service. The men who feared martial law, and could not tolerate the withholding of the Habeas Corpus, came forward nobly to defend from outward attack the dominions of their king. The whole province was bursting with warlike zeal. A military epidemic seized old and young, carrying off the latter in extraordinary numbers. Montreal, Quebec, and even Kingston and Toronto teemed with men in uniform and in arms. The regular troops were moved to Montreal, and Quebec was garrisoned by the militia. At Montreal, even the militia turned out for garrison duty. And on the 6th of August, the whole militia were commanded to hold themselves in readiness for embodiment. A little of the zeal now began to ooze out. There never yet was a rule without an exception. In the Parish of Ste. Claire, some young men, who had been drafted into the embodied militia, refused to join their battalion. Of these, four were apprehended, but one was rescued, and it was determined by the able-bodied men of Pointe Claire to liberate such others of their friends as had already joined the depot of the embodied militia at Laprairie. Accordingly, on the following day, some three or four hundred persons assembled at Lachine. They had not assembled to pass a series of resolutions censuring the government for illegally and wantonly carrying off some of the best men of the Parish of Pointe Claire, nor did they express any opinion favorable to Mr. Madison and the Americans, but they had assembled to obtain, by force, the liberty of their friends about to be subjected to military discipline. It seemed to have been a misunderstanding, however. The infuriated parishioners of Pointe Claire, who would not be comforted, on being appealed to, to go to their homes, frequently raised the cry of "Vive le Roi." It might be supposed that the Ste. Claire people meant to wish a long and happy reign to His Imperial Majesty Napoleon, as Mr. Ryland shrewdly suspected. But that supposition was not entertainable for any considerable length of time, inasmuch as the people without any prompting intimated that they had been informed that the militia law had not been put into force, but that if the Governor should call for their services they were ready to obey him. The magistrates assured the people that the militia law was really to be enforced, and advised them to disperse. They refused to budge. Two pieces of artillery and a company of the 49th regiment, which had been sent for, to Montreal, now appeared at Lachine. Still the mob would not disperse. Accordingly, the Riot Act was read, and the artillery fired a ball high over the heads of the stubborn crowd, which, of course, whizzing harmlessly along, produced no effect upon the crowd, except that the eighty, who were armed with fusils and fowling pieces, somewhat smartly returned the compliment, proving to the satisfaction of the soldiers the possession of highly military qualities, in a quarter where it was least expected. In reply, the troops fired grape and small arms, but without any intention of doing mischief. The rioters again fired at the troops, but not the slightest harm resulted to the troops. It was a kind of sham battle. The military authorities began, however, to tire of it, and the mob was fired into, when one man having been killed, and another having been dangerously wounded, the mutineers dispersed, leaving some of the most daring among them, to keep up a straggling fire from the bushes! The military made thirteen prisoners and, as night was setting in, left for Montreal. Next day, four hundred and fifty of the Montreal militia marched to Pointe Claire, and from thence to St. Laurent, which is situated in the rear of the Island of Montreal. There, they captured twenty-four of the culprits, and brought them to head quarters. Thus, there were thirty-seven rebels, prisoners in Montreal, when the United States had declared war against Britain, and the first blood shed, in consequence of the declaration of war in Canada, by the troops, was, unfortunately, that of Canadians. But the Pointe Claire habitants bitterly repented the resistance which they had made to the militia law, and many of them came to Montreal, craving the forgiveness of the Governor, which they readily obtained. The ringleaders alone were punished.

Hostilities were commenced in Upper Canada. No sooner had General Brocke learned that war was proclaimed, than he conceived a project of attack. He did not mean to penetrate into the enemy's country, but for the better protection of his own, to secure the enemy's outposts. On the 26th of June, he sent orders to Captain Roberts, who was at St. Joseph's, a small post, or block house, situated on an island in Lake Huron, maintained by thirty soldiers of the line and two artillerymen, in charge of a serjeant of that corps, under the command of the gallant captain, to attack Michillimackinac, an American fort defended by seventy-five men, also under the command of a captain. He was further instructed to retreat upon St. Mary's, one of the trading posts belonging to the North West Fur Company, in the event of St. Joseph's being attacked by the Americans. General Brocke's instructions reached Captain Roberts on the eighth of July, and he lost no time in carrying the first part of them into execution. Communicating the design, the execution of which he had been entrusted with, to Mr. Pothier, in charge of the Company's Post, at St. Joseph's, that gentleman patriotically tendered his services. Mr. Pothier, attended by about a hundred and sixty voyageurs, the greater part of whom were armed with muskets and fowling pieces, joined Captain Roberts with his detachment of three artillerymen and thirty soldiers of the line, and in a flotilla of boats and canoes, accompanied by the North West Company's brig Caledonia, laden with stores and provisions, a descent was made upon Michillimackinac. They arrived at the enemy's fort, without having met with the slightest opposition, and summoned it to surrender. The officer in command of the American fort at once complied. He had indeed received no certain information that war had been declared. Very shortly afterwards two vessels, laden with furs, came into the harbour, ignorant of the capture of the fort, and were taken possession of, though subsequently restored to their proprietors, by Major-General DeRottenburgh, the President of the Board of Claims. Unimportant as this achievement was, it yet had the effect of establishing confidence in Upper Canada. It had an excellent effect upon the Indian tribes, with whose aid the struggle with the Americans, was afterwards efficiently maintained.

Upon the declaration of war, the government of the United States despatched as skilful an officer, as they had, to arm the American vessels on Lake Erie, and on Lake Ontario, with the view of gaining, if possible, the ascendancy on those great inland waters, which separate a great portion of Canada from the United States. The American army was distributed in three divisions:—one under General Harrison called "The North Western Army," a second under General Stephen Van Rensellaer, at Lewiston, called "The Army of the Centre," and a third under the Commander-in-Chief, General Dearborn, in the neighbourhood of Plattsburgh and Greenbush. As yet the armies had not been put in motion, but on the 12th of July, General Hull, the Governor of Michigan, who had been sent, at the head of two thousand five hundred men, to Detroit, with the view of putting an end to the hostilities of the Indians in that section of the country, crossed to Sandwich, established his head-quarters there, and issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada. He expressed the most entire confidence of success. The standard of union, he alleged, waved over the territory of Canada. He tendered the invaluable blessings of liberty, civil, political, and religious, to an oppressed people, separated from, and having no share in the Councils of Britain, or interests in her conduct. And he threatened a war of extermination if the Indians were employed in resisting the invasion.

General Brocke met the Parliament of Upper Canada, at York, on the 28th of the same month, and issued a proclamation to the people, in which he ridiculed General Hull's fears of the Indians. He then despatched Colonel Proctor to assume the command at Amherstburgh, from Fort St. George.

So confident was the American General of success that, as yet, he had not a single cannon or mortar mounted, and he did not consider it expedient to attempt to carry Amherstburgh, which was only situated eighteen miles below, by assault. But, as his situation, at Sandwich, became more and more precarious, he, at length, did resolve upon attacking Amherstburgh, if he could get there. He sent detachment after detachment, to cross the Canard, the river on which Amherstburgh stands. The Americans attempted thrice to cross the bridge, situated three miles above Amherstburgh, in vain. Some of the 41st regiment and a few Indians drove them back as often as they tried it. Another rush was made a little higher up. But the attempt to ford the stream was as unsuccessful as the attempts to cross the bridge. Near the ford, some of those Indians, so much dreaded by General Hull, lay concealed in the grass. Not a blade stirred until the whole of the Americans were well in the stream, and some had gained the bank, on the Canadian side, when eighteen or twenty of the red children of the forest, sprang to their feet, and gave a yell, so hideous, that the Americans, stricken with panic, fled with almost ludicrous precipitancy. So terror-stricken, indeed, were the valiant host, that they left arms, accoutrements, and haversacks, behind them. No further attempt was made by General Hull, on Amherstburgh. It would have been captured with great difficulty, if it could have been captured at all. At the mouth of the river Canard, a small tributary of the Detroit, the Queen Charlotte, a sloop of war, armed with eighteen twenty-four pounders, lay at anchor, watching every manœuvre.

On the 3rd of July, Lieutenant Rolette, commanding the armed brig Hunter, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, succeeded in capturing the Cayuga packet, bound from the Miami river to Detroit, with troops, and laden with the baggage and hospital stores of the American army. He made a dash at the Cayuga in his barge, and, with only six men, secured her.

Colonel Proctor now assumed the offensive. He sent Captain Tallon, on the 5th of August, with an inconsiderable detachment of the 41st regiment, and a few of the many Indians, who were flocking to his standard, to Brownstown, a village opposite Amherstburgh. Captain Tallon energetically carried out his instructions, by surprising and routing more than two hundred of the Americans, who were under the command of Major Vanhorne. The captured detachment were on their way from Detroit to the river Raisin, in the expectation of meeting there a detachment of volunteers, from Ohio, under Captain Burr, with a convoy of provisions for the army. General Hull's despatches fell into the hands of the captors. The deplorable state of the American army was disclosed, and, without loss of time, Colonel Proctor sent over a reinforcement, consisting of one hundred men, of the 41st regiment, with some militia and four hundred Indians, under the command of Major Muir, their landing being protected by the brig Hunter. Nor were the American General's misfortunes yet to be ameliorated. While these things were taking place, a despatch reached him from the officer commanding the Niagara frontier, intimating that his expected co-operation was impossible. On every side, General Hull was being hemmed in. His supplies had been cut off. Defeat had befallen him so far and death, sickness, fatigue and discomfiture had its depressing effect upon his soldiery. There was no insurrection in Canada. The people of the backwoods had not the slightest desire to be territorially annexed to that country over which the standard of union had waved for thirty years. On the contrary, they were bent upon doing it as much mischief as possible. They had no idea of transferring their allegiance to a power who had visited them with the miseries of war, for no fault of theirs. Hull was dismayed. When it was announced that General Brocke was advancing against him, he sounded a retreat. Unwilling that his fears should be communicated to the troops under him, General Hull retreated ostensibly with the view of concentrating the army. After he had re-opened his communications with the rivers Raisin and Miami, through which the whole of his supplies came, he was to resume offensive operations. That time never came. On the 8th of August, Sandwich was evacuated. Two hundred and fifty men only were left behind, in charge of a small fortress, a little below Detroit. When again in Detroit, General Hull sent six hundred men under Colonel Miller, to dislodge the British from Brownston. Major Muir, who commanded at Brownston, instead of waiting for the attack, quixotically went out to meet his adversaries. The two opposing detachments met at Maguago, a kind of half way place, where a fight began. It was of short duration, but, considering the numbers engaged, was sanguinary. Seventy-five of the Americans fell, and the British were compelled, though with inconsiderable loss, to retreat. On the water as on the land, the chief mischief fell upon the Americans. Lieutenant Rolette, with the boats of the Queen Charlotte and Hunter, intercepted, attacked, and captured eleven American batteaux and boats, which were en route for Detroit, under the escort of two hundred and fifty American soldiers, marching along the shore, the boats and batteaux having on board fifty-six wounded Americans and two English prisoners.

General Brocke, who had prorogued his Parliament, now appeared at the seat of war. He had collected together a force of seven hundred of British regulars and militia and six hundred auxiliary Indians. And he very coolly determined upon obtaining the surrender of His Excellency, General Hull, and his whole force. Knowing from his absurd proclamation, how much in dread he stood of the Indians, General Brocke intimated that if an attack were made, the Indians would be beyond his control; that if Detroit were instantly surrendered, he would enter into conditions such as would satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor; and that he had sent Lieutenant-Colonel McDonnell and Major Glegg with full authority to conclude any arrangement that might prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. General Hull replied very courteously in the negative. Captain Dixon, of the Royal Engineers, had thrown up a battery in Sandwich, on the very ground so recently occupied by the Americans, to act upon Detroit. In this battery there were two five and a half inch mortars, and one eighteen and two twelve pounder guns, and it was manned by sailors under the command of Captain Hull. For upwards of an hour the cannonade was terrific, the fire of the enemy being very feebly maintained, from two twenty-four pounders. On the morning of the eighteenth, the cannonade recommenced, and General Brocke crossed the river with his little army, unopposed, at the Spring Wells, three miles below Detroit, the landing being effected under cover of the guns of the Queen Charlotte and Hunter. General Brocke formed his troops upon the beach, into four deep, and flanked by the Indians, advanced for about a mile, when he formed this miniature army into line, with its right resting on the river Detroit, and the left supported by the Indians. He then made preparations for assault, and was about to attack, when to the surprise as much, it is said, of the American as of the British regiments, a flag of truce was displayed upon the walls of the fort, and a messenger was seen approaching. It was an intimation that General Hull would capitulate. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonnell and Major Glegg were accordingly sent over to the American General's tent where, in a few minutes, the terms of capitulation were signed, sealed, and delivered in duplicate, one copy for the information of His Britannic Majesty, and the other for that of Mr. President Madison, the chief of the authors of the war. To Mr. Madison, the information that General Hull had capitulated to the Governor of Upper Canada, with two thousand five hundred men, and thirty-three pieces of cannon, and that, in consequence, the whole territory of Michigan had been ceded to Great Britain, could only have been as disagreeable as it was animating to the people of Canada. So entirely indeed were the Americans unprepared for a blow of such extraordinary severity, that no one could be brought to believe in it. It seemed an impossible circumstance. It was felt to be a delusion. It seemed as if some one had practised a terrible hoax upon the nation. Until officially made known to the sovereign people, the disaster was looked upon as a lying rumour of the enemy. Another Henry had been at work, tampering with the New England States, or the federalist minority had set it afloat. True it could not be. It was indeed something to excite surprise. The trophy of a British force, consisting of no more than seven hundred men, including militia, and six hundred Indians was the cession of a territory and the surrender of a General-in-Chief, a strong fort, the armed brig John Adams, and the two thousand five hundred men, who were designed not to defend their country only, but to wrest Upper Canada from the Crown of Great Britain. To General Hull's fears of the savage ferocity of the Indians, this bloodless victory must, to some extent, however trifling, be attributed. General Hull was evidently superstitiously afraid of an Indian. While asking the inhabitants of Upper Canada to come to him for protection, he could not help entreating, as it were, protection for himself against the Indians. If you will not accept my offer, the General seemed to say, either remain at home or cross bayonets with American soldiers, but turn into the field one of the scalping savages of your forests, and we shall kill, burn and destroy, everything that comes before us. With his regular troops, the unfortunate man was sent a prisoner to Montreal. He was led into that city, at the head of his officers and men, and was at once an object of pity and derision. But the Commander-in-Chief received his prisoner with the courtesy of a gentleman, and with every honor due to his rank. Nay, he even suffered him to return to the United States on parole, without solicitation.

In his official despatch, to the American government, Hull took pains to free his conduct from censure. His reasons for surrender, were the want of provisions to maintain the siege, the expected reinforcements of the enemy, and "the savage ferocity of the Indians," should he ultimately be compelled to capitulate. But the federal government so far from being satisfied with these excuses, ordered a Court Martial to assemble, before which General Hull was tried, on the charges of treason, cowardice, and unofficerlike conduct. On the last charge only was he found guilty and sentenced to death. The Court, nevertheless, strongly recommended him to mercy. He was an old man, and one who, in other times, had done the State some service. He had served honorably during the revolutionary war. The sentence of death was accordingly remitted by the President, but his name was struck off the army list, and this republican hero, who had forgotten the art of war, went in his old age, broken-hearted and disgraced, to a living grave, with a worm in his vitals, gnawing and torturing him, more terribly than thousands of Indians, practising the most unheard of cruelties could have done, until death, so long denied, came to him, naturally, as a relief.

The circumstance is not a little curious that only three days after General Hull had surrendered to Governor Brocke, Captain Dacres, commanding H.M.S. Guerrière, had surrendered to Captain Isaac Hull, after a most severe action with the American frigate Constitution. The Constitution was most heavily armed for a vessel of that period. On her main deck she carried no less than 30 twenty-four pounders, while on her upper deck she had 24 thirty-two pounders, and two eighteens. In addition to this, for a frigate, unusually heavy armament, there was a piece mounted, under her capstan, resembling seven musket barrels, fixed together with iron bands, the odd concern being discharged by a lock—each barrel threw twenty-five balls, within a few seconds of each other, making 145 from the piece within two minutes. And she was well manned. Her crew consisted of 476 men. The Guerrière mounted only 49 carriage guns, and was manned by only 244 men, and 19 boys. On the 19th of August, the look-out of the Guerrière noticed a sail on the weather beam. The ship was in latitude 40°., 20 N., and in longitude 55°. W., and was steering under a moderate breeze on the starboard tack. The strange sail seemed to be bearing down upon the Guerrière, and it was not long before the discovery was made that the stranger was a man-of-war, of great size and largely masted. Her sailing qualities, under the circumstances, were considerably superior to those of the Guerrière, and it became consequently necessary to prepare for an action, which it was impossible to avoid. At three o'clock, in the afternoon, Captain Dacres, the commander of the British frigate, beat to quarters. An hour later and the enemy was close at hand. She seemed to stand across the Guerrière's bows and Captain Dacres wore ship to avoid a raking fire. No sooner had this manœuvre been executed than the Guerrière ran up her colours and fired several shots at her opponent, but they fell short. The stranger soon followed the example set to him, and, hoisting American colours, fired in return. Captain Dacres now fully aware of the size, armament and sailing powers of his opponent, wore repeatedly, broadsides being as repeatedly exchanged. While both ships were keeping up a heavy fire, and steering free, the Constitution, at five o'clock, closed on the Guerrière's starboard beam, when the battle raged furiously. Twenty minutes had hardly elapsed when the mizen mast of the Guerrière was shot away, bringing the ship up into the wind, and the carnage on board became terrific. The Constitution, during the confusion, caused by the loss of the Guerrière's mast, was laid across the British frigate's bow, and while one or two of the bow guns of the Guerrière could only be brought to bear upon the Constitution, that vessel scoured the decks of the British ship, with a stream of metal. "At five minutes before six o'clock, says Captain Hull, when within half pistol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our guns, double shotted with round and grape." On board the Guerrière, Mr. Grant, who commanded the forecastle, was carried below, the master was shot through the knee; and I, says Captain Dacres, was shot in the back. At twenty minutes past six the fore and mainmasts of the Guerrière went over the side, leaving her an unmanageable wreck. The Constitution ceased firing and shot a-head, her cabin having taken fire from the Guerrière's guns. The Guerrière would have renewed the action, but the wreck of the masts had no sooner been cleared than the spritsail yard went, and the Constitution having no new braces, wore round within pistol shot again to rake her opponent. The crippled ship lay in the trough of the sea, rolling her main deck guns under water. Thirty shots had taken effect in her hull, about five sheets of copper down; the mizen mast, after it fell, had knocked a large hole under her starboard quarter, and she was so completely shattered as to be in a sinking state. The decks were swimming with blood. Fifteen men had been killed and sixty-three had been severely wounded, when Captain Dacres called his officers together and consulted them. Farther waste of life was useless, and the British colours were dropped in submission to those of America. But the result of the contest, though it could not fail to cause great exultation in the United States, reflected no dishonor upon the flag of Britain. A more unequal contest had never before been maintained with such spirit, zeal, skill, or bravery. The battle had lasted for nearly three hours and a half, and the result was the sure effect of size, as all things being otherwise equal, the heavier must overcome the lighter body. When the Guerrière surrendered, it was only to permit her gallant commander, her other officers, and the men, the wounded and the untouched, to be transferred for safety from a watery grave to the Constitution. Captain Hull, the conqueror, told his government that the Guerrière had been totally dismasted and otherwise cut to pieces, so as to make her not worth towing into port. With four feet of water in her hold, she was abandoned and blown up. The Constitution had only the Lieutenant of Marines and six seamen killed, and two officers, four seamen, and one marine wounded.

On each side there was now something to be proud of and something to regret. If the British exulted over the fall of Detroit and the surrender of General Hull, and the United States viewed these occurrences with indescribable pain and a sense of humiliation, the Americans could now boast of the success of their arms at sea, while Britain regretted a disaster upon that element, on which she had long held and yet holds the undisputed mastery. There was now no room for the American government, on the ground of having been too much humiliated, to refuse peace if it were offered to her. Yet peace was refused. Soon after these occurrences the news of the repeal of the Orders in Council reached this continent, and the ground of quarrel being removed, peace was expected, and an armistice was agreed to between the British Governor of Canada, Sir George Prevost and General Dearborn, the American commander-in-chief, on the northern frontier. But the American government, bent upon the conquest of this province, disavowed the armistice and determined upon the vigorous prosecution of the contest. It was then that the Northern States of the American Union, who were the most likely to suffer by the war became clamorous for peace. The whole brunt of the battle, by land, was necessarily to be borne by the State of New York, and the interruption of the transatlantic traffic was to fall with overwhelmingly disastrous pressure upon Massachusetts and Connecticut. Addresses to the President were sent in, one after another, from the Northeastern States, expressing dissatisfaction with the war and the utmost abhorrence of the alliance between imperial France and republican America. They would have none of it, and if French troops were introduced into their States, as auxiliaries, New England would look upon them and would treat them as enemies. Nay, the Northern States went still further. Two of the States, Connecticut and Massachusetts, openly refused to send their contingents or to impose the taxes which had been voted by Congress, and "symptoms of a decided intention to break off from the confederacy were already evinced in the four Northern States, comprising New York, and the most opulent and powerful portions of the Union."[17]

General Brocke, ignorant of the armistice, and indeed it did not affect him, for General Hull had acted under the immediate orders of the American Secretary at War, and was consequently irresponsible to General Dearborn, with the aid of the Lilliputian navy of the Lakes, was maintaining the ascendancy of Great Britain in Upper Canada and Michigan. He was about indeed to make an attempt upon Niagara, to be followed by another upon Sackett's Harbour, with that daring, promptitude and judgment, which was characteristic of the man, when he received instructions from the Governor General to rest a little. Following the advice of the Duke of Wellington, Sir George Prevost had wisely determined not to make a war of aggression with the only handful of troops that could be spared to him from the scene of prouder triumphs and of harder and more important struggles. But the American government, indifferent to the menaces of the Northern Provinces of the Union, and mistaking for weakness the conciliatory advances of Sir George Prevost, soon disturbed the rest of the gallant Brocke. Early on the morning of the 13th of October, a detachment of between a thousand and thirteen hundred men, from the American army of the centre, under the immediate command of Colonel Solomon Van Rensellaer,[18] crossed the river Niagara, and attacked the British position of Queenstown. It was when Van Rensellaer having himself crossed, and the British had been driven from their position, that General Brocke, and about six hundred of the 49th regiment, in the grey of the morning, arrived at the scene of conflict. The Americans being about the same time reinforced by the addition of regulars and militia. General Brocke put himself at the head of the 49th's Grenadiers, and while gallantly cheering them on, he fell mortally wounded, and soon after died. His trusty aid-de-camp, the brave Colonel McDonell, fell beside him, almost at the same moment, never again to rise in life. The 49th fought stoutly for a time, but, discouraged by the loss of the General, they fell back and the position was lost. But the fortune of the day was not yet decided, although Van Rensellaer, with the aid of Mr. Totter, his Lieutenant of Engineers, had somewhat strengthened the recently captured position on the heights. Reinforcements, consisting partly of regular troops, partly of militia, and partly of Chippewa Indians, in all about eight or nine hundred men, came up about three in the afternoon, to strengthen and encourage the discomfitted 49th, under General Roger Sheaffe, who now assumed the command. A combined attack was made on the Americans by the English troops and artillery, in front and flank, while Norton, with a considerable body of Indians, menaced their other extremity. It was entirely successful. The Americans were totally defeated, and one General Officer, (Wadsworth, commanding in the room of General Van Rensellaer, who had re-crossed the river to accelerate the embarkation of the militia, which, though urged, entreated, and commanded to embark, remained idle spectators, while their countrymen were, as the American accounts say, struggling for victory,) two Lieutenant-Colonels, five Majors, and a corresponding number of Captains and subalterns, with nine hundred men, were made prisoners; one gun and two colours were taken; and there were four hundred killed and wounded, while the loss on the side of the British did not exceed seventy men. Thus was the battle won. It had cost England an excellent soldier, a man who thoroughly understood his duty, and felt his position in whatever capacity he was placed. He died at the age of 42, and the remains of this gallant defender of Upper Canada were buried at Fort George, together with those of his aid-de-camp, Colonel McDonell. One grave contained both. General Brocke was buried amidst the tears of those whom he had often led to victory, and amidst the sympathetic sorrowing of even those who had caused his death. Minute guns were fired during the funeral, alike from the American as from the British batteries. Thus it was with the Americans on land. It was, as has been seen, very different on the sea. And the first rencontre took place on the latter element. When war was declared it was with the intention of intercepting the homeward bound West India fleet of British merchantmen. Three frigates, one sloop, and one brig of war, under the command of Captain Rogers, of the American frigate President, were despatched on that errand. It was about three on the morning of the 23rd of June, that Captain Rogers was informed, by an American brig, bound from Madeira to New York, that four days before a fleet of British merchantmen, were seen under convoy of a frigate and a brig, steering to the eastward. Captain Rogers accordingly shaped his course in pursuit of them. At six o'clock in the morning, a sail was descried, which was soon discovered to be a frigate. The signal was made for a chase, and the squadron made all sail on the starboard tack. This being perceived by Captain Byrn, who commanded the British frigate Belvidera, protecting the convoy, he tacked and made all sail, steering northeast by east. It was now eight o'clock in the morning, and the President seemed to be gaining on the Belvidera, leaving her consorts, however, far behind her. About half past three in the afternoon, the President fired three guns, the shot from one of which was terribly destructive. Two men were killed, and Lieutenant Bruce and four men were more or less severely wounded. Broadside after broadside was fired by both vessels soon afterwards, and the President at last bore off. Each party lost about twenty-two men, but the British frigate had the advantage. Her guns were pointed with great skill, and produced a surprising effect, as the American squadron failed in taking the single English frigate, and the whole merchantmen escaped untouched. Indeed after a cruise of twenty days and before the declaration of hostilities was known at sea, the American squadron returned to port, having only captured seven merchantmen.

The action between the Constitution and the Guerrière occurred after this event, the result of which has been already stated, somewhat out of place, it is true, but, with the design of exhibiting how a peace might have been effected, had it been desired by the Americans, without loss of honor on either side. The simultaneousness of the advantages gained by the British on the land, and of the advantages gained by the Americans on the sea, is not a little remarkable, nor is it less remarkable that after the tide of battle had slightly turned with the British on land, towards the close of the war, the naval actions at sea were nearly all to the disadvantage of the Americans. It would seem that providence had designed to humble the pride of the unnatural combatants.

About the exact time of the surrender of General Wadsworth, at Queenston, an engagement occurred between the English sloop of war Frolic, and the American brig of war Wasp, which proved disastrous to the former. As far as the number of guns went, both vessels were equal. Each had eighteen guns, nine to a broadside, but while the sloop had only 92 men and measured only 384 tons, the brig had 135 men and measured 434 tons. The Frolic, on the night of the 17th of October, had been overtaken by a most violent gale of wind, in which she carried away her mainyard, lost her topsails, and sprung her maintopmast. It was, while repairing damages, on the morning of the 18th, that Captain Whinyates, of the Frolic, was made aware of the presence of a suspicious looking vessel, in chase of the convoy, which the Frolic had in charge. The merchant ships continued their voyage with all sails set, and the Frolic, dropping astern, hoisted Spanish colours to decoy the stranger under her guns and give time for the convoy to escape. The vessels soon approached sufficiently to exchange broadsides, and the firing of the Frolic was admirable. But the vessel could not be worked easily, and the gaff braces being shot away, while no sail could be or was placed upon the mainmast, her opponent easily got the advantage of position. To be brief, the storm of the night before had given the Wasp an advantage which, neither nautical skill, nor undaunted resolution could counteract, and the Frolic, an unmanageable log upon the ocean, was compelled to strike. Undoubtedly this was another triumph to the United States, although, materially considered, the gain was not much. In only a few hours after this action, both the Wasp and the Frolic were surrendered to H.M.S. Poictiers, of seventy-four guns.

Seven days afterwards, another naval engagement occurred, more tellingly disastrous to Great Britain. The United States, a frigate of fifteen hundred tons burthen, carrying 30 long 24-pounders, on her main deck, and 22 42-pounders, with two long 24-pounders, on quarter deck and forecastle, howitzer guns in her tops, and a travelling carronade on her deck, with a complement of 478 picked men,[19] was perceived by H.M. frigate Macedonian, of 1081 tons, carrying 49 guns, and manned by 254 men and 35 boys. The Macedonian approached the enemy and the enemy backed her sails, awaiting the attack, after the firing had continued for about an hour, at long range. When in close battle, Captain Carden perceived that he had no chance of success, but he was determined to fight his ship while she floated and was manageable, hoping for, rather than expecting, some lucky hit, which would so cripple the enemy as to permit the Macedonian, if no more could be done, to bear off with honor. But the fortune of war was adverse. Every shot told with deadly and destructive effect upon the Macedonian, and even yet, with nearly a hundred shots in her hull, her lower guns under water, in a tempestuous sea, and a third of her crew either killed or wounded, Captain Carden fought his ship. To "conquer or die," was his motto, and the motto of a brave crew, some of whom even stood on deck, after having paid a visit to the cockpit, and submitted to the amputation of an arm, grinning defiance, and anxious to be permitted the chance of boarding with their fellows, when Captain Carden called up his boarders as a dernier resort. But boarding was rendered impossible, as the fore brace was shot away, and the yard swinging round, the vessel was thrown upon the wind. The United States made sail ahead and the crew of the Macedonian fancying that she was taking her leave cheered lustily. They were not long deceived. Having refilled her cartridges, the United States, at a convenient distance, stood across the bows of her disabled antagonist, and soon compelled her to strike. While the Macedonian had thirty-six killed and sixty-eight wounded, the United States had only five killed and seven hors de combat.

It was such advantages as these that induced the Americans to continue the war. The Americans were inflated with pride. In their own estimation they had become a first rate maritime power, and even in the eyes of Europe, it seemed that they were destined to become so. The disparity in force was justly less considered than the result. However bravely the British commanders had fought their ships, the disasters were no less distressing, politically considered, than if they had been the result of positive weakness or of lamentable cowardice. These advantages even compensated in glory to the Northeastern States for the losses which their commerce had sustained, and would, had they continued very much longer, have stimulated them to forget their selfishness, their bankruptcies, and their privations, though perhaps they tended on the other hand, to cause less vigorous efforts to be made for the acquisition of Canada, than otherwise would have been the case, by rivetting the public attention of America more on the successful operations by sea than on their own disastrous operations by land. There was yet another disaster to overtake Great Britain. And it was little wonder. The Lords of the Admiralty, wedded to old notions, unlike the Heads of the Naval Department of the United States, were slow to alter the build or armament of the national ships. They seemed to think that success must ultimately be dependent upon pluck, and that there could be again few instances in which a sloop could be so disabled by a storm as to be unable to cope with a brig, better manned, better armed, and in good sailing trim. They continued to send slow-sailing brigs and ill-armed sloops-of-war, for the protection of large fleets of merchantmen, with valuable cargoes, while the frigates of the enemy, in search of them, whether in the calm or in the storm, were faster than British seventy-fours, and were equal to British ships of the line in armament. It was after the loss of the Macedonian that the British Admiralty commissioned and sent to sea the frigate Java, of the same tonnage, with the same deficiency of men, and, worse than all, half of whom were landsmen, and of exactly the same armament as the Macedonian, only that her weight of metal was less, to cope with such frigates as the United States, the President, and the Constitution. On the 12th of November, the Java sailed from Spithead, the remonstrances of Captain Lambert against the inadequacy and inexperience of his crew being of no avail with the authorities. He was told, when he insisted that he was no match for an American, even of equal size, that "a voyage to the East Indies and back would make a good crew." The difficulties in the way of getting to the East Indies, to say nothing of coming back again, never entered into the heads of men, who had long been laid up in ordinary, and were dry-rotting to decay. These were the men who sent the water casks to contain the fresh water of His Majesty's vessels afloat on our fresh water lakes. Then, as now, were the wrong men in the wrong places. Men, who should have been in Greenwich Hospital, talking of times gone by, or living in dignified retirement, were entrusted with the management of affairs in a new age, the country rather losing than gaining by their individual experiences. And the British public stung to the quick, were aware of it. The correctness of Captain Lambert's judgment was too soon brought to the test. The Java fell in with the Constitution on the 28th of December, when the latter stood off as the former approached, to gain a first advantage by firing at long range. But as the Java was fast gaining upon her, the Constitution made a virtue of necessity, and shortened sail, placing herself under the lee bow of the Java, so that in close action, the crew of the Constitution might fight like men behind a rampart, while the crew of the Java stood at their guns en barbette. The action immediately commenced, and the effect of the Java's first broadside, on the enemy's hull, was such that the American wore to get away. Captain Lambert also wore his ship, and a running fight was kept up with great spirit for forty minutes. The Java had, as yet, suffered little, but the vessels coming within pistol shot, a determined action ensued. Captain Lambert had resolved upon boarding his enemy, if it were possible in any measure to effect it. With that view he was closing upon his antagonist, when the foremast of the Java fell suddenly and with a crash so tremendous as to break in the forecastle and cover the deck with the wreck. Only a moment later and the main topmast also fell upon the deck, while Captain Lambert lay weltering in his blood, mortally wounded. Lieutenant Chads, on whom the command now devolved, found the Java perfectly unmanageable. The wreck of the masts hung over the side, next to the enemy, and every discharge of the Java's own guns set her on fire. Yet, Lieutenant Chads continued the action for three hours and a half, until the Java was felt to be going down. It was then that the Constitution assumed a raking position, and it was then only that Lieutenant Chads struck. The Java was no prize to the victors of great value, for her crew were no sooner taken out than the American commander blew her up. In this desperate engagement the Java had twenty-two killed and one hundred and two wounded; the Constitution had ten killed and forty wounded. Captain Lambert's worst fears had been realised, and the death of that gallant and skilful sailor aroused a tongue which, in Great Britain, has a potency and influence, such as official insolence cannot withstand, nor official incapacity escape from. The spirit of the "Times" was up. The voice of the many loudly condemned the incompetency of the few. The conduct of the war had now become a matter of moment, and reforms, in the marine department at least, were imperative.

By the fall of Gen'l. Brocke, the civil governorship of the Upper province devolved upon Major Gen'l. Roger Sheaffe, the senior military officer there, and to him, Gen'l. Smyth, the new American commander at Niagara, applied for an armistice, which was granted, and which lasted from the battle of Queenston until the 20th of November. Nothing could have been more silly than this consent to an armistice on the part of a general so very fortunate as General Sheaffe had been. He needed no rest. He could gain nothing by inactivity. Delay necessary to the enemy was of course injurious to him. Without any molestation whatever the Americans were enabled to forward their naval stores from Black Rock to Presque Isle, by water, which, had hostilities been active, would have been impossible. This truce, not to bury the dead, or preparatory to submission, was obtained with the view of gaining time, so that a fleet might be equipped to co-operate with the army, by wresting from the British their previous superiority on the lakes. General Smyth had, with the true trickery of the diplomatist, rather than with the blunt honesty of the soldier, exerted himself during the armistice, in the preparation of boats for another attempt to invade Upper Canada. Alexander Smyth, Brigadier-General, in command of the American army of the centre, though a rogue, in a diplomatic point of view, was not necessarily a fool. He had shrewd notions in a small way. Like a true downeast Yankee, he knew the effect of soft sawder upon human nature. Like the unfortunate Hull, before taking possession of a territory so extensive as Upper Canada, he thought it necessary to assure the stranger that he was, on submitting to be conquered, to become "a fellow citizen." He proclaimed this interesting fact to his own companions in arms. If the stranger citizens behaved peaceably, they were to be secure in their persons, as a matter of course, but only in their properties so far as Alexander's imperious necessities would admit, and how far that would have been, time was to unfold. He strictly forbade private plundering, but whatever was "booty," according to the usages of war—"booty and beauty," doubtless combined,—Alexander's soldiery were to have. Appealing to the trader-instincts of his hordes, he offered two hundred dollars a head for artillery horses, of the enemy, and forty dollars for the arms and spoils of each savage warrior, who should be killed, and every man, who should shrink, in the moment of trial, was to be consigned to "eternal infamy." The watchword of the "patriots," was to be "the cannon lost at Detroit or death."

During the truce, in Upper Canada, there was some skirmishing in Lower Canada. At St. Régis, four hundred Americans surprised the Indian village. Twenty-three men were made prisoners, and Lieutenant Rolette, with Serjeant McGillivray, and six men were slain. But to counterbalance this affair, a month later, some detachments of the 49th regiment, a few artillery, and seventy militiamen from Cornwall and Glengary, surrounded a block house at the Salmon River, and made prisoners of a Captain, two subalterns and forty men; four batteaux and fifty-seven stand of arms, falling also into the hands of the captors.

In no way discouraged, however much they may have been irritated by these repeated failures, which had not even the excuse of inferiority in numbers, or in any want of the materials of war, if the want of vessels on the lake be not considered, the American government energetically exerted itself to augment their naval forces on the lakes and to reinforce General Dearborn. Indeed, that officer was now at the head of ten thousand men, at Plattsburgh, and the American fleet on Lake Ontario was already so much superior to that of the British, as to make it necessary for the latter to remain inactive in harbour. The British ship Royal George, was actually chased into Kingston channel, and was there cannonaded for some time. It was only when the American fleet came within range of the Kingston forts that they hauled off to Four Mile Point, and anchored, the commander taking time to reflect upon the expediency of bombarding Kingston. Next morning, having come to an opposite conclusion, he stood out with his fleet into the open lake and fell in with the Governor Simcoe. A chase was commenced, and the Governor Simcoe narrowly escaped by running over a reef of rocks, and making for Kingston, which, like the Royal George, she reached more hotly pursued than she had bargained for. It was late in the season, and the weather becoming more and more boisterous, the Americans bore away for Sackett's Harbour, in making for which they captured two British schooners, taking from one of them, Captain Brocke, the paymaster of the 49th regiment of the line, who had with him the plate which had belonged to his gallant deceased brother, the late Governor of Upper Canada. But the American Commodore Chancey, generously paroled him, and suffered him to retain the plate.

Unable to remain longer inactive, General Dearborn, in command of the American army of the north, approached Lower Canada. On the 17th of November, Major DeSalaberry, commanding the Canadian Cordon and advanced posts, on the line, received intelligence of Lieutenant Phillips, that the enemy, ten thousand strong, were rapidly advancing upon Odelltown. There was no time to be lost and he set about strengthening his position as speedily as he could. Two companies of Canadian Voltigeurs, three hundred Indians, and a few militia volunteers were obtained from the neighboring parishes, and there was every disposition manifested to give the intruders a warm reception. The enemy, however, halted at the town of Champlain, and nothing of moment occurred until the 20th of November, when the Captain of the day, or rather of the night, as it was only three in the morning, noticed the enemy fording the river Lacolle. Retracing his steps, he had only time to warn the piquet of their danger, when a volley was fired by the Americans, who had surrounded the log guard-house, at so inconsiderable a distance that the burning wads set fire to the birch covering of the roof, until the guard-house was consumed. But long before that happened, the militia and Indians had discharged their guns, and dashed through the enemy's ranks. It was dark, and the position which the Americans had taken, with the view of surrounding the guard-house, contributed somewhat to their own destruction. In a circle, face to face, they mistook each other in the darkness, and fought gallantly and with undoubted obstinacy. Neither side of the circle seemed willing to yield. For half an hour a brisk fire was kept up, men fell, and groaned, and died; and the consequences might have been yet more dreadful had not the moon, hidden until now by clouds, revealed herself to the astonished combatants. The victors and the vanquished returned together to Champlain, leaving behind four killed and five wounded. From the wounded prisoners, whom, with the dead, the Indians picked off the battle field, it was learned that the unsuccessful invaders consisted of fourteen hundred men and a troop of dragoons, commanded by Colonels Pyke and Clarke.

Unfortunate to the Americans as this night attack had been, it was sufficient to lead the Governor General of Canada to the conclusion that it would not be the last. Nay, he was persuaded that a most vigorous attempt at invasion would be made, and having no Parliament to consult, nor any public opinion to fear, he turned out the whole militia of the province for active service, and ordered them to be in readiness to march to the frontier. Lieutenant-Colonel Deschambault was directed to cross the St. Lawrence at Lachine, and from Caughnawaga, to march to the Pointe Claire, Rivière-du-Chène, Vaudreuil, and Longue Pointe. Battalions upon L'Acadie, and volunteers from the foot battalions, with the flank companies of the second and third battalions of the Montreal militia, and a troop of militia dragoons, crossed to Longueil and to Laprairie. Indeed the whole district of Montreal, armed to the teeth, and filled with enthusiasm, simultaneously moved in the direction from whence danger was expected. General Dearborn quietly retreated upon Plattsburgh and Burlington, and, like a sensible man, as he undoubtedly was, abandoned for the winter, all idea of taking possession of Lower Canada.

On the 28th of November, the armistice being at end, General Smyth invaded Upper Canada, at the foot of Lake Erie. With a division of fourteen boats, each containing thirty men, a landing was effected between Fort Erie and Chippewa, not however unopposed. Lieutenant King, of the Royal Artillery, and Lieutenants Lamont and Bartley, each in command of thirty men of the gallant 49th, gave the enemy a reception more warm than welcome. Overwhelmed, however, by numbers, the artillery and the detachment of the 49th, under Lamont gave way, when Lieutenant King had succeeded in spiking his guns. Lamont and King were both wounded, and with thirty men, were overtaken by the enemy and made prisoners. Bartley fought steadily and fiercely. His gallant band was reduced to seventeen, before he even thought of a retreat, which his gallantry and tact enabled him to effect. The American boats had, while Bartley was keeping up the fight, returned to the American shore with the prisoners, and as many Americans as could crowd into them, leaving Captain King, General Smyth's aid-de-camp, to find his way back, as best he might. He moved down the river shore with a few officers and forty men, followed, from Fort Erie, by Major Ormsby, who made them all prisoners with exceedingly little trouble. Unconscious of any disaster, another division of Americans, in eighteen boats, made for the Canada shore. Colonel Bishop had now arrived from Chippewa, and had formed a junction with Major Ormsby, the Commandant of Fort Erie, and with Colonel Clarke and Major Hall, of the militia. There were collected together, under this excellent officer, about eleven hundred men, taking into account detachments of the 41st, 49th, and Royal Newfoundland regiments, and in addition, some Indians. The near approach of the Americans was calmly waited for. A cheer at last burst from the British ranks and a steady and deadly fire of artillery and musketry was opened upon the enemy. The six-pounder, in charge of Captain Kirby, of the Royal Artillery, destroyed two of the boats. The enemy were thrown into confusion, and retired.

General Smyth again tried the effect of diplomacy upon the stubborn British. He displayed his whole force of full six thousand men, upon his own side of the river. Colonel Bishop ordered the guns which had been spiked to be rendered serviceable, and the spikes having been withdrawn, the guns were remounted and about to open fire, with the view of scattering the valiant enemy, when a flag of truce brought a note from General Smyth. It was simply a summons to surrender Fort Erie, with a view of saving the further effusion of blood. He was requested to "come and take it," but did not make another attempt until the 1st of December, when the American troops embarked merely again to disembark and go into winter quarters. Murmur and discontent filled the American camp, disease and death were now so common, and General Smyth's self-confidence was so inconsiderable that the literary hero, who had spoken of the "eternal infamy" that awaits him who "basely shrinks in the moment of trial," literally fled from his own camp, afraid of his own soldiery, who were exasperated at his incapacity. Thus ended the first year of the invasion. The Americans had learned, the not unimportant lesson, that, as a general rule, it is so much more easy successfully to resist aggression, than, as the aggressor, to be successful. The invasion of any country, if only occupied by savages, requires more means than is generally supposed.

Sir George Prevost, somewhat relieved from the anxiety attendant upon anticipated and actual invasions, now summoned his Parliament of Lower Canada, to meet for the despatch of business. He opened the session on the 29th of December, and in his speech from the throne, alluded to the honorable termination of the campaign, without much effusion of blood, any loss of territory, or recourse having been had to martial law. He proudly alluded to the achievements in Upper Canada, and feelingly alluded to the loss sustained by the country, in the death of General Brocke. He spoke of the recent advantages gained over the enemy in both provinces, and recommended fervent acknowledgements to the ruler of the universe, without whose aid the battle is not to the strong nor the race to the swift. And it was not alone for such advantages, great as they were, that the country had to be thankful; the Marquis of Wellington had gained a series of splendid victories in Spain and Portugal. In Spain and Portugal British valour had appeared in its native vigour, encouraging the expectation that these countries would soon be relieved from the miseries which had desolated them. His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, had directed him to thank the House for their loyalty and attachment. His Royal Highness felt not the slightest apprehension of insidious attacks upon the loyalty of a people who had acted so liberally and loyally as the Canadians had done. Sir George spoke of the beneficial effects arising from the Army Bill Act, and recommended it to their further consideration. The militia had been called out and had given him the cheering satisfaction of having been a witness of a public spiritedness, and of a love of country, religion, and the laws, which elsewhere might have been equalled, but could not be anywhere excelled. He recommended a revision of the militia law and urged upon the legislature the expediency of concluding the public business with dispatch.

Sir George had aroused the better feelings of the country. His words fell gratefully upon the ear. The Canadian people and their representatives felt that they were treated with respect and were proud in the knowledge of deserving it. All that the Assembly wanted was the confidence and affection of their sovereign. No longer treated with suspicion and looked upon with aversion they were ready to sacrifice everything for their country, and the reply of the House of Assembly was an assent to his every wish.

As soon as the House had proceeded to business, Mr. James Stuart, one of the members for Montreal, with the view of embarrassing the government, and with no purpose of creating uneasiness in England, moved for an enquiry into the causes and injurious consequences that might have resulted from the delay incurred in the publication of the laws of the Provincial Parliament, passed in the previous session. His assigned object in making the motion was to palliate the conduct of the Pointe Claire rioters. The motion carried and the Clerks and other officers of the Upper House were summoned to attend at the Bar of the Assembly. The Upper House, seemingly, considered that their officers had equal privileges with themselves, and at first refused to allow these gentlemen to attend, but, seeing the Assembly resolute, and being anxious not to throw any obstacle in the way of the speedy despatch of the public business, they permitted their attendance under protest. The result of the enquiry amounted to nothing, and the House proceeded to other business. The subject of appointing an agent to England was again considered, but postponed until a more suiting time, when the propriety of an income tax was discussed. It was indeed resolved in the Assembly to impose a tax upon persons enjoying salaries from the government, of fifteen per cent upon such as had £1,500 a year, twelve per cent upon such as had £1,000 and upwards, ten per cent upon £500 and upwards, and five per cent upon every £250 and upwards. The bill was, of course, rejected by the Council. The Assembly, however, firmly convinced of the loyalty of the people, were neither to be cajoled nor brow-beaten out of their rights, and they proceeded to other business of a singularly unpleasant character to the higher powers. Mr. Stuart, the leader of the opposition, was a man of extraordinary capacity and of great firmness of purpose. Those who had made Sir James Craig do him an injustice still held their appointments, and he was determined to bring about a change without the slightest regard whatever to the consequences of change. He moved for an enquiry into the power and authority exercised by His Majesty's Courts of Law, with a view to put a stop to such trifling with justice as had been exhibited in the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Bedard and others. It was asserted by Mr. Stuart that under the name of Rules of Practice, the Chief Justice, in league with the government, had subverted the laws of the province, and had assumed legislative authority, to impose illegal burthens and restraints upon His Majesty's subjects, in the exercise of their legal rights, which were altogether inconsistent with the duties of a Court and subversive of the rights and liberties of the subject. The House granted the enquiry sought for, and proceeded to other business. But it is here worthy of note that Mr. Bedard, who had been so unjustly treated by Sir James Craig, in virtue of these Rules of Practice, had now triumphed over his enemies. He, who only two years back, had been presented, at the instance of the government, by the Grand Juries of Quebec and Montreal, was now seated upon the Bench as Provincial Judge for the District of Three Rivers, and thus, says his secret enemy, Mr. Ryland, is he associated with the Chief Justice of the province, who, in his capacity of Executive Councillor, had concurred in his commitment to the gaol of Quebec, on treasonable practices. It was to secure the independence of the judges by freeing them from executive trammels, that Mr. James Stuart himself, afterwards Chief Justice of the province, and a Baronet of the United Kingdom, moved for an enquiry concerning their Rules of Practice, rules obviously incompatible with the liberty of speech and with the freedom of the press. The enquiry had an excellent indirect effect. It seemed to some extent, to have secured the liberty of the press. From the time, says Mr. Ryland, that the Assembly began its attacks on the Courts of Justice, the licentiousness of a press, (the Gazette,) recently established at Montreal, has appeared to have no bounds. Every odium that can be imagined, is attempted in that publication, to be thrown on the memory of the late Governor-in-Chief, on the principal officers of government, and on the Legislative Council. The people's minds are poisoned and the disorganizing party encouraged to proceed. Thus is it led to hope that any future Governor may be deterred from exercising that vigor, which the preservation of His Majesty's government may require. A higher tribute to a free press no man ever paid than that. The hope has been realised, the trials have all been passed through, and persecutions for opinion's sake must now be cloaked, at least, by something more than expediency.

The Assembly next proceeded to the consideration of the expediency of legally enlarging the limits and operation of martial law, as recommended in the speech from the throne, and reported that such enlargement was inexpedient. The House then renewed the Army Bill Act, authorised the sum of five hundred pounds to be put in circulation, and commissioners were appointed to ascertain the current rate of exchange on London, which holders were entitled to recover from government. Fifteen thousand pounds were granted for the equipment of the militia, and £1,000 additional for military hospital. Towards the support of the war £25,000 were granted. £400 were granted for the improvement of the communication between Upper and Lower Canada. A duty of two and a half per cent, for the further support of the war was placed upon all imported merchandize, with the exception of provisions, and two and a half per cent additional on imports by merchants or others not having been six months resident. A motion was made by one of the most independent members of the Assembly, for a committee of the whole, to enquire whether or not it was necessary to adopt an address to the King concerning the impropriety of the judges being members of the Legislative Council. But the motion was not pressed. This gentleman, though very desirous of as much liberty as it was possible to obtain for himself, was not particularly disposed to give an undue share to others. He took umbrage at an article communicated to the Mercury, ably written, and perhaps, at the time, strikingly true, relative to the conduct which Mr. Stuart had been and was pursuing, since he had been stript of his official situation by the late Governor. It was hinted that the discontented legislator was actuated in his opposition to the government by no unfriendly feeling to the United States. It was asked if he were not determined to be somebody. He was a man not unlike him who fired the temple of Ephesus. He was sowing seeds of embarrassment and delay, and picking out flaws, with the microscope of a lawyer, in the proceedings of the government. And he was prostituting his talents and perverting his energies. The House resolved that the letter of "Juniolus Canadensis," was a libel, and perhaps it was, but if so, Mr. Stuart had the Courts of Law open to him, and therefore the interference of the House was as silly as it was tyrannical. Mr. Cary, the publisher of the Mercury, evaded the Sergeant-at-Arms, and laughed at the silliness of the collective wisdom afterwards. The House was prorogued on the 15th of February. The war had not so far produced any injurious effect on the commerce of the country The revenue was £61,193 currency, and the expenditure, which included the extraordinary amount of £55,000 granted towards the support of the militia, was only £98,777. The arrivals at Quebec numbered 399 vessels of 86,437 tons, and in 1812, twenty vessels were built at the port of Quebec.

The first operations of the next campaign, in 1813, were favorable to the British. On the 22nd of January, a severe action was fought at the River Raisin, about twenty-six miles from Detroit, between a detachment from the north-eastern army of the United States, exceeding seven hundred and fifty men, under General Winchester, and a combined force of eleven hundred British and Indians, under Colonel Proctor. General Harrison, in command of the north western army of the United States, was stationed at Franklintown. Anxious, at any cost, to afford the discontented and sickly troops under him, active employment, he detached General Winchester with his seven or eight hundred, or, as it is even said, a thousand men, to take possession of Frenchtown. This, General Winchester had little difficulty in doing, as he was only opposed by a few militiamen and some Indians, under Major Reynolds. The intelligence of the capture of Frenchtown had, however, no sooner reached Colonel Proctor than he collected his men together and marched with great celerity from Brownston to Stoney Creek. Next morning, at the break of day, he resolutely attacked the enemy's camp and a bloody engagement ensued. General Winchester fell into the hands of the chief of the Wyandot Indians, soon after the action began, and was sent a prisoner to Colonel Proctor. The Americans soon retreated, taking refuge behind houses and fences, and, terribly afraid of the Indians, determinedly resisted. The Americans blazed away; every fence and window of the village vomited a flame of fire; but the British, with their auxiliary Indians, were still driving in the enemy, and about to set the houses on fire, when the captured General Winchester, stipulated for a surrender. On condition of being protected from the Indians, he assured Colonel Proctor that the Americans would yield, and this assurance being given, General Winchester caused a flag of truce to be sent to his men, calling upon them to lay down their arms, which they were only too glad to do. The Americans lost between three and four hundred in killed alone; while one brigadier-general, three field officers, nine captains, twenty subalterns, and upwards of five hundred rank and file, were taken prisoners.[20] Comparatively considered, the British loss was trifling. Twenty-four men were killed, and one hundred and fifty-eight were wounded. Colonel Proctor was raised to the rank of Brigadier-General, in reward for his successful gallantry.

As if to counterbalance the effect of this success, another naval engagement occurred at sea, on the 14th of February, between the British sloop of war Peacock and the American brig Hornet. The fight was long continued, bloody and destructive. The Peacock, after an hour and a half of hard fighting was in a sinking state. The effect of the enemy's fire was tremendous, but the men of the Peacock behaved nobly. Mr. Humble, the boatswain, having had his hand shot away, went to the cockpit, underwent amputation at the wrist, and again voluntarily came upon deck to pipe the boarders. The Peacock was now rapidly settling down, and a signal of distress was consequently hoisted. The signal was at once humanely answered. The firing ceased immediately, the American's boats were launched, and every effort praiseworthily made to save the sinking crew. All were not, however, saved. Three of the Hornet's men and thirteen of the crew of the Peacock went down in the latter vessel together. The Hornet carried twenty guns, while the Peacock had only eighteen, and the tonnage of the former exceeded, by seventy-four tons, that of the latter.

The Americans now gathering up their strength, irritated by their repeated failures on the land, and disheartened, but yet not discouraged by their original weakness on the lakes, were about, in some degree, to be compensated more suitably for their inland losses than by the capture or rather by the negative kind of advantage of destroying at considerable cost and risk, frigates and sloops of war at sea, inferior in every respect, the bravery of the sailors and the skill of the officers excepted, to the huge and properly much esteemed American double-banked frigates and long-gunned brigs. The command of Lake Ontario had devolved on the Americans. New ships of considerable size, and well armed, under the superintendence of experienced naval officers, were built and launched day after day. Troops were being collected at every point for an attack, by sea and land, upon either York or Kingston. It was now exceedingly necessary that some activity of a similar kind should be displayed by the British. The forests abounded in the very best timber; there were able shipbuilders at Quebec; the Canadian naval commanders had distinguished themselves frequently; there was a secure dockyard at Kingston; and, indeed, there existed no reason whatever, for the absence of that industry on the Canadian side of the rivers and lakes, dividing the two countries, but one, and a more fatal one could not have been listened to. It was simply that the British had been hitherto able to repel the invader wherever he had effected a landing, and would be, under any circumstances, quite able, as they were willing, to repel him again. And there was an ignorance about Canada, on the part of both the heads of the naval and of the military departments in England, as disgraceful, as it was inexcusable. It was believed that there were neither artisans to be found in the country nor wood. It seemed to be a prevalent opinion that the country was peopled only by French farmers, a few French gentlemen, and some hundreds of discharged soldiers, with a few lawyers and landed proprietors, styled U.E. Loyalists, besides the few naval officers resident at Kingston, and the troops in the different garrisons. In Upper Canada, during the winter, nothing, or almost nothing, was done in the way of building ships for the lakes. Sir George Prevost, it is true, made a hurried visit to Upper Canada, after having prorogued the Parliament. He was a man admirably adapted for the civil ruler of a country having such an elastic and very acceptable constitution as that which Canada has now had for some years past. He was one of those undecided kind of non-progressive beings, who are always inclined to let well alone. He was well meaning, and he was able too, in some sense. He was cautious to such a degree that caution was a fault. He was not, by any means, deficient in personal courage, but his mind always hovered on worst consequences. If he had hope in him at all, it was the hope that providence, without the aid of Governor Prevost, would order all things for the best. He had a strict sense of duty and a nice sense of honor, but he always considered that it was his duty not to risk much the loss of anything, which he had been charged to keep, and his moral was so much superior to his physical courage, that he never considered it dishonorable to retreat without a struggle, if the resistance promised to be very great. An instance of this occurred while Sir George was on his way to Upper Canada. On the 17th of February, Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson, commanding at Prescott, proposed to him an attack upon Ogdensburgh, which was then slightly fortified, and was a rallying point for the enemy. Indeed, an attack had some days previously been made upon Brockville, by General Brown, at the head of some militia from Ogdensburgh, and Colonel Pearson thought that the sooner an enemy was dislodged from a position exactly opposite his own and only separated by a frozen river, three quarters of a mile in width, the more secure he would have felt himself to be, and the less danger would there have been of the communication between the Upper and Lower provinces of Canada, being interrupted. General Prevost would not consent to an attack, but he allowed a demonstration to be made by Colonel McDonnell, the second in command at Prescott, so that the enemy might exhibit his strength, and his attention be so much engaged that no attempt would be made to waylay the Governor General, on the information of two deserters from Prescott, who would, doubtless, have informed the commandant, at Ogdensburgh, of Sir George's arrival and of his chief errand. Colonel McDonell moved rapidly across the river, and on landing, was met by Captain Forsyth and the American forces under him. A movement designed for a feint, was now converted into a real attack. Colonel McDonell, as he perceived the enemy, still more rapidly pushed forward, and, in a few minutes, was hotly engaged. The Americans were driven from the village, leaving behind them twenty killed and a considerable number wounded. On the side of the British, the loss of Colonel McDonell, seven other officers and seven rank and file had to be deplored, while forty-one men were wounded. The attack was most successful however. Eleven cannons, several hundred stands of arms, and a considerable quantity of stores fell into the hands of the victors, while two small schooners and two gun-boats were destroyed in winter quarters.

Recruiting and drilling were being briskly carried on about Quebec and Montreal. Some troops began to arrive, about the beginning of March, from the Lower Provinces. The 104th regiment had arrived overland from Fredericton, in New Brunswick, by the valley of the St. Johns River, through an impenetrable forest, for hundreds of miles, to Lake Temiscouata, and from thence to River-du-Loup, proceeding upwards along the south shore of the St. Lawrence.

A month later and the Americans were ready to resume the offensive in Upper Canada. The American fleet, consisting of 14 vessels, equipped at Sackett's Harbour, situated at the foot of the lake, and not very far from Kingston, in a direct line across, sailed from the harbour under Commodore Chancey, with seventeen hundred men, commanded by Generals Dearborn and Pike, to attack York, (now Toronto.) In two days the fleet was close in shore, a little to the westward of Gibraltar Strait. A landing was soon effected at the French fort of Toronto, about three miles below York, under cover of the guns of the fleet, but the enemy's advance was afterwards stoutly opposed. Six hundred militia men altogether, including the grenadiers of the 8th regiment of the line, could not long withstand seventeen hundred trained troops. They withdrew and the schooners of the fleet approaching close to the fort, commenced a heavy cannonade, while General Pike pushed forward to the main works, which he intended to carry by storm, through a little wood. As General Sheaffe, in command of the British, retired, and as General Pike, in command of the Americans, advanced, a powder magazine exploded which blew two hundred of the Americans into the air, and killed Pike. Of the British, fully one hundred men were killed, and the walls of the fort were thrown down. The Commodore was now in the harbour. And General Sheaffe seeing that not the remotest chance of saving the capital of Upper Canada, now existed, most wisely determined to retreat upon Kingston. He accordingly directed Colonel Chewett, of the militia, to make arrangement for a capitulation, and set off with his four hundred regulars for Kingston. By the capitulation, private property was to be respected, and public property only surrendered. The gain was not great, if the moral effect of victory be not considered. The victors carried off three hundred prisoners, and the British, before retreating, had considered it expedient to burn a large armed ship upon the stocks, and extensive naval stores.

The Clerk of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada, a volunteer, fell during the struggle. In all, the British loss was one hundred and thirty killed and wounded.

It is said that General Sheaffe suffered severely in the public estimation, because he retreated. The public had forgotten that he had killed and destroyed more Americans than had fallen on the side of the British. Nor did it occur to them that had their general not retreated, and capitulated, an armed fleet was in the harbour, which it was impossible to drive out, even had the fort been standing, or had there been great guns, with which earth batteries could have been formed. It had not occurred to the public of Lower Canada that if York had been burned, Sheaffe's retreat to Kingston, would have been no less imperative than it was. He was, however, superseded in the command in chief of Upper Canada by Major General De Rottenburgh.

The American fleet landed the troops at Niagara after this success, and then sailed for Sackett's Harbour for reinforcements. The Commodore, an energetic, clearheaded sailor, sent two of his vessels to cruise off the harbour of Kingston, vigilantly, and then sent vessel after vessel, at his convenience, with troops, up the lake to Michigan. There he concentrated the whole of his ships, including his Kingston cruisers, for an attack upon Fort George, in combination with the land force under General Dearborn. The British were under the command of General Vincent, who could not muster above nine hundred soldiers. It was early on the morning of the 27th of May, that the enemy began the attack. The fort was briskly cannonaded, and during the fire, Colonel Scott, with a body of eight hundred American riflemen, effected a landing. But they were promptly met by the British and compelled to give way, in disorder. The Americans retreated to the beach and crept under cover of the bank, from whence they kept up a galling fire, the British troops being unable to dislodge them, on account of the heavy broadsides of the American fleet, formed in Crescent shape, to protect their soldiers. Indeed, under cover of this fire from the fleet, another body of the enemy, numbering ten thousand men, effected a landing, and the British were reluctantly compelled to retire. General Vincent blew up the fort and fell back upon Burlington Heights, every inch of ground being stoutly contested. Flushed with success, Dearborn, the American General-in-Chief, now confidently anticipated the conquest of the whole of Upper Canada, and pushed forward a body of three thousand infantry, two hundred and fifty horse, and nine guns. But General Vincent having learned of the enemy's advance, sent Colonel Harvey, with eight hundred men, to impede their progress. Harvey, an experienced and brave officer, was not long in discovering that the enemy kept a bad look out. He resolved upon surprising them. Accordingly, he waited for the darkness of night, under cover of which, a sudden attack was made so successfully, that he made prisoners of two generals and a hundred and fifty men, besides capturing four guns. It was now the enemy's turn to retreat, and they did so in admirable confusion. Arrived at Fort George a halt took place, but a fortnight elapsed before General Dearborn had sufficiently recovered from the effect of this surprise to send out an expedition of six hundred men to dislodge a British picquet, posted at Beaver's Dam, near Queenstown. The dislodgement was most indifferently effected, inasmuch as the expedition was waylaid on their passage through the woods, by Captain Kerr, with a few Indians, and by Lieutenant Fitzgibbons, at the head of forty-six of the 49th regiment, in all, less than two hundred men, but so judiciously disposed as to make the Americans believe that they were the light troops of a very superior army, the approach of which was expected, and they, to the number of five hundred, surrendered, with two guns and two standards.

It now became the turn of the British to invade, and early in July, Colonel Bishop set out on an expedition to Black Rock, at the head of a party of militia, aided by detachments of the 8th, 41st, and 49th regiments of the line. He was perfectly successful. The enemies' block-houses, stores, barracks, and dockyard were burned, and seven pieces of ordnance, two hundred stand of arms, and a great quantity of stores were brought away. But it was at great cost. While employed in securing the stores, the British were fired upon, from the woods, by some American militia and Indians, and while Captain Saunders, of the 41st, dropped, severely wounded, Colonel Bishop, who had planned, and so gallantly executed the assault, was killed.

While these things were happening in the Far-Civilised-West of that day, the British flotilla on Lake Champlain, had captured two American schooners, the Growler and Eagle, of eleven guns each, off Isle-aux-Noix.

After it had become apparent that the Americans had the command of Lake Ontario, and could visit to burn and destroy every village or unfortified town, held by the British, some slight and very inadequate exertion was made to remedy so distressing a state of affairs. In May, Sir James L. Yeo, with several other naval officers and 450 seamen arrived at Quebec, en route for the lakes. Captains Barclay, Pring, and Finnis, had been some time at Kingston, and were doing something in the way of preparing for service the few, vessels at Kingston, by courtesy called a fleet. Sir George Prevost and Sir James L. Yeo lost little time in reaching Kingston together. The American fleet was off Niagara, bombarding Fort George. It occurred to the two commanders that an attack upon their naval station at Sackett's Harbour would not be amiss, and it was resolved upon. About a thousand men were embarked on board of the Wolfe, of 24 guns, the Royal George, of 24 guns, the Earl of Moira, of 18 guns, and four armed schooners, each carrying from ten to twelve guns, with a number of batteaux. The weather was very fine. Everything was got in readiness for an expeditious landing. The soldiers were transferred from the armed vessels to the batteaux, so that no time might be lost in the debarkation. Two gun-boats were placed in readiness, as a landing escort, The boats were under the direction of Captain Mulcaster, of the Royal Navy, and the landing under the immediate supervision of Sir George Prevost and Sir James L. Yeo. It was expected that, in the absence of the American fleet and army, the growing and formidable naval establishment of the enemy would be temporarily rendered worthless. And the expectation was not an unnatural one. It was, indeed, in a trifling degree, realised. There was some injury done to Sackett's Harbor, but not of such a nature as to produce a strong effect upon either Canadian minds or American nerves. A number of boats, containing troops, from Oswego, were dispersed, while doubling Stoney Point, and twelve of them, with 150 men on board, captured. But the loss to the British was the delay caused by such an unlucky acquisition. The landing was deferred by it. General Brown was put on the alert. He had time to make arrangements and to collect troops. He planted 500 militia on the peninsula of Horse Island, which is a sort of protection wall for the harbour. He ordered them to be still and close, keep their powder dry, and reserve their fire. And they did their best, in accordance with these instructions, until the fleet opened a heavy cannonade to cover the landing of the invaders, when General Brown's militiamen quaked exceedingly. When the troops had landed, and the American militia had lost, by death, their immediate commander, Colonel Mills, they fled with the utmost precipitation. But it was the conduct of these very cowards that afterwards alarmed, the ever suspicious Sir George Prevost, and caused, to a very considerable extent, the almost failure of the expedition. The British columns were advancing somewhat rapidly towards Fort Tomkins, when they were met by Colonel Backus, at the head of 400 regulars, and some militia, hastily assembled from the neighboring towns. A sharp contest ensued. Colonel Backus was mortally wounded. His regulars still maintained their ground, but a serious impression had been made upon his line. On the militia, so strong an impression had been made that before General Brown could bring up, to the assistance of Backus, 100 of the party dispersed at the landing, these irregulars fled by a road leading south westwardly, through a wood. The regulars stood firm. Captain Gray, commanding the British advanced corps fell, and the suspicious mind of Prevost fancied a snare. He saw the regular soldiery of the enemy standing unmoved; he had learned that a regiment of American regulars, under Colonel Tutle, were marching at double step, to the scene of action; and he fancied that the retreating militia were not at all afraid, but brilliantly executing a circuitous march to gain the rear of the British line, and cut off their retreat. It was true Fort Tomkins was about to fall into British hands. Already the officer in charge of Navy Point, agreeably to orders, and supposing the fort to be lost, had set on fire the naval magazine, containing all the stores captured at York; the hospital and barracks were illuminating the lake by their grand conflagration; and a frigate on the stocks had been set on fire, only to be extinguished, when Sir George Prevost's mind became unsettled, concerning the ulterior designs of the enemy. In the very moment of fully accomplishing the purpose of the expedition, he ordered a retreat; the troops were re-embarked without annoyance; the fleet returned safely to Kingston, and the Canadian public suspected that Sir George Prevost, as a military commander, had been weighed in the balance and found wanting. They felt, indeed, most acutely, that Major General Isaac Brock was dead, and that he was not replaced by Sir George Prevost.

In the west, the Americans, under Harrison, exerted themselves to recover Michigan. They were blockaded, it is true, and inactive within Fort George, but, on Lake Erie, the war was vigorously prosecuted. General Proctor was kept particularly busy. The Americans were inconveniently near. They showed no disposition to move. They had settled down and were practicing masterly inactivity at Sandusky. Proctor determined upon disturbing them. He moved rapidly upon Lower Sandusky, and invested it with five hundred regulars and militia, and upwards of three thousand Indians. The Indians were commanded by Tecumseh. Having battered the fort well and made a breach Proctor determined upon carrying the place by assault. The Indians, however, were worthless for the assault of a fortified place. Concealed in the grass of the prairie, or hidden in the trees of the forest, they could fire steadily and watch their opportunity to rush upon the foe, but they had a horror of great guns and stone walls. They kept out of range of the American cannon. Nothing could induce them to consent even to follow their British allies up to the breach. The assault was, nevertheless, determined upon, and Colonel Short led the storming party of regulars and militia. Under cover of the fire of cannon the gallant band reached the summit of the glacis and stood with only the ditch between them and the fort. The heavy fire of the enemy upon men in a position so exposed at first produced some confusion; but the storming party soon rallied and leaped into the ditch. It was then that they were smitten with such a fire of grape and musketry as no men could long withstand. The assailants retreated, leaving Colonel Short, three officers, and fifty-two men dead in the ditch, and having forty-one of their number wounded.

General Proctor, finding his force inadequate to carry the fort by assault, raised the siege and retired to Amherstburgh.

Although it was all important to have and maintain the command of the lakes, very little was done by the British with that view. It was especially necessary to obtain the command of Lakes Erie, Ontario and Champlain. No great aggressive movement could have been easily effected while the British had the command of the lakes. But on Lake Ontario the British fleet was inferior to that of the American, the American Captain Perry had almost established himself on Lake Erie, and on Lake Champlain the British had not a single vessel larger than a gun-boat, and very few of them. The excuse was that every vessel cost a thousand pounds a ton; that timber, nor iron, nor anything required for shipbuilding was obtainable in a province which was even then compensating for the check in the Baltic timber trade, in a province which abounds in iron, and was then quite capable of building large sea-going craft at Quebec. While it was in truth no more difficult for England to cover the lakes with cannon than it was for the United States to do so, England kept sending out, at great expense, timber, pitch, materials in iron, water casks, and such like to Quebec and Kingston, with some thirty or forty shipwrights, and less than a hundred sailors to man the flotillas of three lakes. Neither the Admiralty nor the Ordnance had time to make enquiries concerning Canada, or even to think of the American war. All eyes were upon Wellington in Spain. The attention of the people of England was not directed towards Canada. A wide sea rolled between the two countries, and, besides, there was an indistinct notion that Canada was wholly inhabited by Frenchmen, who might take care of themselves or not, as they pleased. The two first vessels belonging to the British on Lake Champlain, were built by the Americans. The British were contented with their fort at Isle-aux-Noix, and rejoiced in the luxury of two gun-boats. It was on a lovely morning very early in June, that a sail was seen stretching over a point of land, formed by a bed in the river Chambly, and about six miles distant from the fort. Another sail followed closely, and the shrewd suspicion seized upon Colonel Taylor, of the 100th foot, commanding the garrison, that the visitants were vessels of war. He determined to war with the two strangers, per mare et terram. He converted some of his soldiery into marines, manned his three gun-boats, and placing three artillerymen in each boat, proceeded towards the enemy. But he took the additional precaution of sending down both shores of the river a few detachments from the fort. The sloops of war came up majestically, the star-spangled banner waved gracefully in the gentle morning air, and the American commanders were guessing the effect of their first broadside upon Isle-aux-Noix, when they were met by a heavy and well directed fire of grape from the gun-boats, and by a steady torrent of bullets from the shore. Still they tacked shortly from shore to shore, and every time they were in stays, a shower of bullets swept the decks, while the grape of the gun-boats whistled through the rigging. From half past four in the morning until half past eight, the battle raged, but then it was necessary to run one of the sloops ashore, to prevent her from sinking, and both surrendered. The Growler and the Eagle were worth the trouble incurred in capturing them. Each mounted eleven guns. They had long eighteens upon their forecastles, and their broadside guns were composed of twelves and sixes. The crew of each vessel consisted of thirty-five men and between the two vessels there was a company of marines, who embarked on the previous evening at Champlain. Nor was the cost to the captors very great. No one was killed and only three men were severely wounded, while the enemy suffered severely in killed and wounded, and a hundred men were made prisoners.

These vessels now called the Shannon and the Blake, as forget-me-nots of an action recently fought, but not yet noticed, in Chesapeake Bay, were speedily turned to excellent use. It was conceived expedient to destroy the barracks, hospitals and stores at Plattsburgh, Burlington, Champlain, and Swanton, if possible, and an expedition was accordingly fitted out at Isle-aux-Noix. The two captured sloops of war were repaired and made ready for the lake. Captain Pring, from Lake Ontario, was promoted to the rank of commander and sent to take command, but the sloop of war Wasp, having shortly afterwards arrived at Quebec, Captain Everard, with his whole crew, were sent to Isle-aux-Noix, and as senior officer assumed the command of the two vessels and the three gun-boats. The squadron sailed on the 29th of July, with about nine hundred men on board, consisting of detachments of the 13th, 100th, and 103rd regiments of the line, under Lieutenants Colonel Taylor and Smelt, some royal artillery under Captain Gordon, and a few militia, as batteaux men, under Colonel Murray. The expedition was altogether successful. At Plattsburgh, the American General, Moore, made no opposition to the landing of the British, but retired with fifteen hundred soldiers, Murray, meanwhile, destroying the arsenal, public buildings, commissariat stores, and the new barracks, capable of accommodating five thousand men. Neither did the squadron lie idly by. Captains Everard and Pring, in the Growler and Eagle, proceeded to Burlington, and threw the place into the utmost consternation. Gen'l. Hampton, who was encamped there with four thousand men, was unable to prevent the capture and destruction of four vessels. And the two ships did not linger there either unnecessarily. They went back to Plattsburgh, re-embarked the troops, and proceeded to Swanton, Colonel Murray sending a detachment to Champlain to destroy the barracks and blockhouse. At Swanton the object of the expedition was accomplished, and the expedition returned without casualty.

Public opinion had its effect upon the Admiralty, notwithstanding the stubborn resistance of the old Lords, who still privately persisted in the notion that an old tub, manned by monkeys, if commanded by an officer in the royal navy, was a match for the best American frigate that ever floated. There had for some time back been considerable activity in the English dockyards. Several vessels were commenced on the model of the American frigates, and the commanders of frigates and sloops of war, on the American coast, were cautioned not to expose themselves to certain destruction by attacking large and heavily armed vessels, only nominally of the same rank or class as themselves. There was to be a real, not an apparent equality. There was to be an equality in tonnage, an equality in the number of guns, an equality in the weight of metal, an equality in the thickness of a ship's sides, and above all an equality in men, so far as such equality could be ascertained. Equality in sailing power was of great importance, but where it was wanting, the superior sailor, if superior in metal and men had an advantage which nothing but a calm or a lucky hit aloft could destroy. The crews of every ship on the North American Station were to be exercised in gunnery. Wisdom had been luckily forced upon the Admiralty. And the result was good. Sir John Borlase, the naval commander, in North America, blockaded every harbour in the United States. American commerce was ruined. The carrying trade of the Atlantic was no longer in American hands. The public revenue sank from twenty-four millions of dollars annually, to eight millions. Even had the Americans possessed the means of building new frigates, the expenditure would have been useless, while Sir John Borlase had the command of the sea. Congress did authorise the commencement of four new seventy-fours, and of four forty-four gun frigates, with six new sloops for the ocean, and as many vessels of every description, as circumstances would show the necessity for, on the lakes.

Admiral Cockburn, at the head of a light squadron, was most annoying to the Americans. Not only did he blockade the Chesapeake and Delaware inlets, but he scoured every creek and river. Every now and then gun-boats were sent on excursions, and marines landed to damage naval stores and arsenals. He was a kind of legalized pirate, who darted in to a harbour, bay, or port, doing every imaginable kind of mischief and running off.

About this time there were cruising off Boston two ships of equal strength, the Shannon and the Tenedos. Captain Broke, the commander of the Shannon, was the senior officer, and having determined upon a combat, if it were possible to effect it, between the American frigate Chesapeake, then in Boston harbour, where she had passed the winter, and his own vessel, he sent the Tenedos to sea, with instructions not to return for three weeks. Captain Broke had laboriously and anxiously drilled his men. He had sighted his guns and used them often. In a word, he had by long continued training brought his crew to the highest state of discipline and subordination. They could fire ball to a nicety. At sea and in harbour he had kept his men at great gun practice. He was in a position to cope with any forty-four gun frigate, belonging to the United States, for, though the Shannon was only pierced for 38 guns, she carried 52. When the Tenedos had put to sea, Captain Broke sent in a challenge to Captain Lawrence, of the Chesapeake, entreating him to try the fortunes of their respective flags in even combat. The Chesapeake had 49 guns. Captain Broke immediately lay close into Boston Light House, and the Chesapeake was quickly under weigh. It is said that Captain Lawrence had not received the challenge of his opponent when he stood out of the harbour, but, however that may be, the Chesapeake was escorted to sea by a flotilla of barges and pleasure boats. Victory, indeed, was considered certain by the Americans. Nay, so very certain were the inhabitants of Boston that the Shannon would either be sunk or towed into port that, counting their chickens before they were hatched, they prepared a public supper to greet the victors on their return to the harbour, with their prisoners. It was otherwise. Captain Broke saw with delight, from the masthead of the Shannon, that his challenge was to be satisfactorily replied to. The Shannon was cleared for action, and waited for the Chesapeake. She had not long to wait. The Chesapeake came bowling along with three flags flying, on which were inscribed—"Sailors, rights and free trade." The Shannon had her union jack at the foremast, and a somewhat faded blue ensign at the mizen peak. There were two other ensigns rolled into a ball ready to be fastened to the haulyard and hoisted in case of need. But her guns were well loaded, alternately with two round shot and a hundred and fifty musket balls, and with one round and one double-headed shot in each gun. The enemy hauled up within two hundred yards of the mizen beam and cheered. The Shannon cheered in return, and then the bravest held his breath for a time. A moment more and the Shannon's decks flashed fire. With deliberate aim each gun along her sides was discharged, and the enemy, in passing, fired with good effect his whole broadside. The Shannon's shot, however, told upon the rigging of the Chesapeake, and upon her men, and after two or three broad sides, the Chesapeake in att