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Title: The Works of John Knox,  Vol. 1 (of 6)

Author: John Knox

Editor: David Laing

Release Date: June 26, 2007 [EBook #21938]

Language: English

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THE WORKS

OF

JOHN KNOX

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

DAVID LAING, LL.D.

VOLUME FIRST.

EDINBURGH:

JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.

MDCCCXCV.

[Pg i]

WORKS

OF

JOHN KNOX.

[Pg ii]

THE WODROW SOCIETY,

Instituted May 1841.

FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE WORKS OF THE FATHERS AND EARLY

WRITERS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

[Pg iii]

THE WORKS

OF

JOHN KNOX.

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

DAVID LAING, LL.D.

VOLUME FIRST.

EDINBURGH:

JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.

MDCCCXCV.

[Pg iv]

Ad Scotos transeuntibus Primo-occurrit Magnus ille JOANNES CNOXUS: quem si Scotorum in vero Dei cultu instaurando, velut Apostolum quendam dixero. dixisse me quod res est existimabo.

THEOD. BEZA.

Manufactured in the United States of America

[Pg v]

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND

APPENDIX.

[Pg vii]

ILLUSTRATIONS

ADVERTISEMENT.

This publication of the Works of John Knox, it is supposed, will extend to Five Volumes. It was thought advisable to commence the series with his History of the Reformation in Scotland, as the work of greatest importance. The next volume will thus contain the Third and Fourth Books, which continue the History to the year 1564; at which period his historical labours may be considered to terminate. But the Fifth Book, forming a sequel to the History, and published under his name in 1644, will also be included. His Letters and Miscellaneous Writings will be arranged in the subsequent volumes, as nearly as possible in chronological order; each portion being introduced by a separate notice, respecting the manuscript or printed copies from which they have been taken.

It may perhaps be expected that a Life of the Author should have been prefixed to this volume. The Life of Knox, by Dr. MʻCrie, is however a work so universally known, and of so much historical value, as to supersede any attempt that might be made for a detailed bio[Pg viii]graphy; and none of the earlier sketches of his life is sufficiently minute or accurate to answer the purpose intended. In order to obviate the necessity of the reader having recourse to other authorities, I have added some chronological notices of the leading events in his life; reserving to the conclusion of the work any remarks, in connexion with this publication, that may seem to be requisite.

I was very desirous of obtaining a Portrait of the Reformer, to accompany this volume. Hitherto all my inquiries have failed to discover any undoubted original painting, among several which have either been so described, or engraved as such.[1] In the meantime, a tolerably accurate fac-simile is given of the wood-cut portrait of Knox,[2] included by Theodore Beza, in his volume entitled "Icones, id est, Veræ Imagines Virorum Doctrina simul et Pietate illustrium," &c., published at Geneva, in the year 1580, 4to. It is the earliest of[Pg ix] the engraved portraits, and, so far as we can judge, it ought to serve as a kind of test by which other portraits must be tried. A similar head engraved on copper, is to be found in Verheiden's "Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, &c., Effigies," published at the Hague, in 1602, folio; but this, I apprehend, is merely an improved copy from Beza, and not taken from an original painting. It does not retain the expressive character of the ruder engraving, although the late Sir David Wilkie, whose opinion in such matters was second to none, was inclined to prefer this of Verheiden to any at least of the later portraits of the Reformer.[3]

It may not here be superfluous to mention, that this publication was projected by the Editor many years ago, and that some arrangements had been entered into for having it printed in England. When the Wodrow Society, therefore, expressed a willingness to undertake the work, I proposed as a necessary condition, that I[Pg x] should have the privilege of causing a limited impression to be thrown off, for sale, chiefly in England; and the Council, in the most liberal manner, at once acquiesced in this proposal. Instead however of availing myself to the full extent of their liberality, which some circumstances rendered less desirable, but in order to avoid throwing, either upon the Society or the Editor, the extra expenses which have been incurred in various matters connected with the publication, it was finally arranged that a much more limited impression than was first proposed, should be thrown off on paper to be furnished by the Bannatyne Club, for the use of the Members of that Institution.

November, 1846.[Pg xi]

CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES.

[Pg xii]

[Pg xiii]

CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES

OF

THE CHIEF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JOHN KNOX.

Knox was born this year, at the village of Gifford, near the town of Haddington, in East-Lothian. His father is said to have been descended from the Knoxes of Ranferly, in the county of Renfrew; and the name of his mother was Sinclair. Knox himself, in describing an interview with the Earl of Bothwell, in 1562, mentions that his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, had all served his Lordship's predecessors, and that some of them had died under their standards; which implies that they must have been settled for a considerable period in East-Lothian, where the Hepburns, Earls of Bothwell, had their chief residence.

After being educated at Haddington, Knox was sent to the University of Glasgow; where John Major was Principal Regent or Professor of Philosophy and Divinity. The name "Johānes Knox," occurs in the Registers of the University, among those of the students who were incorporated in the year 1522. There is no evidence to shew that he afterwards proceeded to St. Andrews, as is usually stated, either to complete his academical education, or publicly to teach philosophy, for which he had not qualified himself by taking his degree of Master of Arts. If he ever taught philosophy, it must have been in the way of private tuition.[Pg xiv]

About this time Knox took priest's orders; and he was probably connected, for upwards of ten years, with one of the religious establishments in the neighbourhood of Haddington. It is generally supposed, that between the years 1535 and 1540, in the course of his private studies, the perusal of the writings of Augustine and other ancient Fathers, led him to renounce scholastic theology, and that he was thus prepared, at a mature period of life, to profess his adherence to the Protestant faith.

March 8. The name of "Schir John Knox" occurs among the witnesses to a deed concerning Rannelton Law, in a Protocol-book belonging to the borough of Haddington; and there is no reason to doubt that this was the Reformer.

Knox entered the family of Hugh Douglas of Longniddry, as tutor of his sons Francis and George Douglas; and also of Alexander Cockburn, son of John Cockburn of Ormiston.

In this year he attached himself as an avowed adherent of George Wishart, from the time of his first visit to East-Lothian.

George Wishart suffered martyrdom at St. Andrews, on the 1st of March 1545-6; and on the 29th of May that year, Cardinal Beaton was murdered.

April 10. Knox, with his young pupils, entered the Castle of St. Andrews, as a place of safety from the persecution of the Popish clergy.

May. At the end of this month, or early in June, he received a public call to the ministry, which he obeyed with great reluctance; but having undertaken the office, he continued, along with John Rough, to preach both in the parish Church, and in the Castle until its surrender.[Pg xv]

June. The French fleet appeared in St. Andrews Bay, to lay siege to the Castle, which surrendered on the 30th of July; but in defiance of the terms of capitulation, the chief persons in the place were sent as prisoners on board the French galleys.

During this winter, the vessel on board of which Knox was confined, remained in the river Loire.

The vessel returned to Scotland, about the time of the siege of Haddington in June; and when within sight of St. Andrews, Knox uttered his memorable prediction, that he would yet survive to preach in that place where God had opened his mouth for the ministry.

During this winter, he was kept prisoner at Rouen, where he wrote a Preface to Balnaves's Treatise of Justification, which was sent to Scotland, and until some years after his death, was supposed to be lost.

February. Knox obtained his liberty, after an imprisonment of nineteen months. He came to England, and soon afterwards was appointed by the English Council to be a preacher in the town of Berwick.

April 4. Knox was summoned to appear at Newcastle before Dr. Tonstall, Bishop of Durham, to give an account of his doctrine.

At the close of this year he was removed from Berwick to Newcastle, where he continued his ministerial labours.

December. Knox was appointed by the Privy Council of England one of six Chaplains to Edward the Sixth. This led to his occasional residence in London during 1552 and 1553.

October. He received an offer of the Bishopric of Rochester; but this preferment he declined.[Pg xvi]

In or about February, Knox was summoned before the Privy Council of England, upon complaints made by the Duke of Northumberland; but was acquitted.

April 14. He also declined accepting the vacant living of All-Hallows, in London, and, on account of his refusal, was again summoned before the Privy Council.

Edward the Sixth died on the 6th of July, and the persecution of the Protestants being revived during the reign of Queen Mary, most of the Reformed ministers and many of the laity made their escape, and sought refuge in foreign countries, in the course of that year.

January 28. Knox was at Dieppe, where he remained till the end of February. He then proceeded to Geneva, but was again at Dieppe in July, "to learn the estate of England."

April 10. The Queen Dowager, Mary of Guise, was installed Regent of Scotland.

On the 4th of September, he received a call from the English Congregation at Frankfort on the Maine, to become their minister. He accepted the invitation, and repaired to that city in November.

In consequence of the disputes which arose in the English Congregation at Frankfort, in regard to the use of the Book of Common Prayer, and the introduction of various ceremonies. Knox was constrained to relinquish his charge; and having preached a farewell discourse on the 26th of March, he left that city, and returned to Geneva. Here he must have resumed his ministerial labours; as, on the 1st of November that year, in the "Livre des Anglois, à Geneve," it is expressly said, that Christopher Goodman and Anthony Gilby were "appointed to preche the word of God and mynyster the Sacraments, in th' absence of John Knox." This refers to his having resolved to visit his native country.[Pg xvii]

Knox proceeded to Dieppe in August, and in the following month landed on the east coast of Scotland, not far from Berwick. Most of this winter he spent in Edinburgh, preaching and exhorting in private.

In the beginning of this year Knox went to Ayrshire, accompanied with several of the leading Protestants of that county, and preached openly in the town of Ayr, and in other parts of the country. He was summoned to appear before a Convention of the Popish Clergy, on the 15th of May, at Edinburgh. About the same time, he addressed his Letter to the Queen Regent.

Having received a solicitation for his return to Geneva, to become one of their pastors, Knox left Scotland in July that year. Before this time he married Marjory Bowes. Her father was Richard, the youngest son of Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlam; her mother was Elizabeth, a daughter and co-heiress of Sir Roger Aske of Aske.

On the 13th September, Knox, along with his wife and his mother-in-law, were formally admitted members of the English Congregation. At the annual election of Ministers, on the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman were re-elected.

Having received a pressing invitation from Scotland, which he considered to be his duty to accept, Knox took leave of the Congregation at Geneva, and came to Dieppe; but finding letters of an opposite tenor, dissuading him from coming till a more favourable opportunity, after a time he returned again to Geneva.

In May, his son Nathaniel was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the 23d, William Whittingham, afterwards Dean of Durham, being god-father.

On the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman still continued to be ministers of the English Congregation at Geneva.[Pg xviii]

April. Mary Queen of Scots was married, at Paris, to Francis, Dauphin of France.

In this year Knox republished, with additions, his Letter to the Queen Regent; and also his Appellation from the cruel sentence of the Bishops and Clergy of Scotland; and his First Blast of the Trumpet against the Regiment of Women.

In November, his son Eleazar was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the 29th, Myles Coverdale, formerly Bishop of Exeter, being witness or god-father.

November 17. Upon the death of Mary Queen of England, Elizabeth ascended the throne.

On the 16th December, Knox and Goodman were again re-elected ministers of the English Congregation.

January 7. Knox took his final departure from Geneva, in consequence of an invitation to return to Scotland; and was on that occasion honoured with the freedom of the city.

In March, he arrived at Dieppe, and finding that the English Government refused to grant him a safeconduct, on the 22d April he embarked for Leith, and reached Edinburgh on the 2d May. During that month, the Queen Regent published a Declaration against the Protestants, and the Lords of the Congregation sent a deputation to remonstrate; but their remonstrance being despised, they took arms in self-defence.

June 11. Knox preached in St. Andrews; and at Perth on the 25th, when the populace defaced several of the Churches or Monasteries in that city.

July 7. He was elected Minister of Edinburgh. Owing to the troubles, within a brief space he was obliged to relinquish his charge; but he continued his labours elsewhere for a time, chiefly at St. Andrews.

July 10. On the death of Henry II. of France, his son Francis, who had espoused Mary Queen of Scots, and had[Pg xix] obtained the Matrimonial Crown of Scotland in November 1558, at the age of sixteen, ascended the throne of France.

August 1. The Protestants assembled at Stirling, and having resolved to solicit aid from England, on the 3d of that month Knox proceeded to Berwick to hold a conference with Sir James Crofts. In this month, he sent Calvin a favourable report of his labours since his arrival in Scotland: Calvin's answer to this communication is dated in November.

September 20. Knox's Wife and children, accompanied by Christopher Goodman, arrived in Edinburgh.

October 18. The Protestants entered Edinburgh, while the Queen Regent retired to Leith, with the French troops which had come to her aid.

February 27. A treaty concluded between England and the Lords of the Congregation. The English fleet blockaded the port of Leith, and furnished reinforcements, their troops at the same time having entered Scotland.

April. At the end of this month, Knox had returned to Edinburgh. His work on Predestination was published this year at Geneva.

June 10. The Queen Regent died in the Castle of Edinburgh. Articles of Peace were concluded in July.

August 1. The Scotish Parliament assembled; and, on the 17th, the Confession of Faith was ratified, and the Protestant religion formally established.

December 5. Francis II. of France, the husband of Mary Queen of Scots, died.

December 20. The first meeting of the General Assembly was held at Edinburgh.

At the end of this year, Knox's Wife died, leaving him the two sons above mentioned.

An invitation having been sent by the Protestant Nobility[Pg xx] to their young Queen, to revisit Scotland, she arrived from France, and assumed the Government, on the 19th of August.

May. Knox engaged in a dispute at Maybole, with Quintin Kennedy, Abbot of Crossragwell; of which dispute he published an account in the following year.

December. He was summoned to appear before the Privy Council, on account of a circular letter which he had addressed to the chief Protestants, in virtue of a commission granted to him by the General Assembly.

The town of Edinburgh formed only one parish. Knox, when elected Minister, had the assistance of John Cairns as Reader. John Craig, minister of the Canongate or Holyrood, had been solicited to become his colleague, in April 1562; but his appointment did not take place till June 1563.

March. Knox married to his second wife, Margaret Stewart, daughter of Andrew Lord Ochiltree.

June 30. He was appointed by the General Assembly to visit the churches in Aberdeen and the North of Scotland. The following Assembly, 26th of December, gave him a similar appointment for Fife and Perthshire.

Knox was summoned before the Privy Council, on account of a sermon which, on the 19th of August, he had preached in St. Giles's Church.

In this year he appears to have written the most considerable portion of his History of the Reformation; having commenced the work in 1559 or 1560.

In consequence of the unsettled state of public affairs, after the murder of David Riccio, 9th of March, Knox left Edinburgh, and retired for a time to Kyle.[Pg xxi]

June 19. James the Sixth was born in the Castle of Edinburgh.

December. Knox obtained permission from the General Assembly to proceed to England, having received from the English Government a safeconduct, to visit his two sons, who were residing with some of their mother's relations.

February 10. Henry Lord Darnley was murdered.

April 24. Bothwell carried off Queen Mary to the Castle of Dunbar; and their marriage was celebrated on the 15th of May.

June 15. Bothwell fled from Carberry-hill to Dunbar; and the Queen was brought to Edinburgh, and afterwards confined in Lochleven Castle. About the same time, Knox returned from England.

July 29. At the King's Coronation at Stirling, Knox preached an inaugural sermon on these words, "I was crowned young."

August 22. James Earl of Murray was appointed Regent of Scotland.

December 15. Knox preached at the opening of Parliament; and on the 20th, the Confession of Faith, which had been framed and approved by Parliament in 1560, with various Acts in favour of the Reformed religion, was solemnly ratified.

May 2. Queen Mary escaped from Lochleven; but her adherents, who had assembled at Langside, being defeated, she fled into England, and was imprisoned by Queen Elizabeth for the rest of her life; having been beheaded at Fotheringay on the 8th of February 1586-7.

January 23. The Earl of Murray was assassinated at Linlithgow; and on occasion of his funeral, Knox preached a sermon on these words, "Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord." (Rev. xiv. 13.)[Pg xxii]

July 12. Matthew Earl of Lennox was elected Regent of Scotland; but was assassinated on the 4th of September. On the following day, John Earl of Mar was chosen Regent.

October. Knox had a stroke of apoplexy, but was enabled occasionally to resume his ministerial labours.

May 5. The troubles which then agitated the country induced Knox to quit the metropolis, and to retire to St. Andrews.

September. The news arrived of the massacre of the Protestants on St. Bartholomew's Eve, 24th of August, at Paris, and in other parts of France.

July. On the cessation of hostilities, at the end of this month, a deputation from the citizens of Edinburgh was sent to St. Andrews, with a letter to Knox, expressive of their earnest desire "that once again his voice might be heard among them." He returned in August, having this year published, at St. Andrews, his Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit.

The Earl of Mar died on the 29th of October; and James Earl of Morton, on the 24th of November, was elected Regent of Scotland.

On the same day, the 24th of November, having attained the age of sixty-seven, Knox closed "his most laborious and most honourable career." He was buried in the church-yard of St. Giles; but, as in the case of Calvin, at Geneva, no monument was erected to mark the place where he was interred.

Knox left a widow, and two sons by his first marriage, and three daughters by the second. In the concluding volume will be given a genealogical tree, or notices of his descendants.[Pg xxiii]

THE HISTORY

OF THE

REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.[Pg xxiv]

[Pg xxv]

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO THE HISTORY.

In the long series of events recorded in the Annals of Scotland, there is unquestionably none of greater importance than those which exhibit the progress and establishment of the Reformed Religion in the year 1560. This subject has accordingly called forth in succession a variety of writers of different sentiments and persuasions. Although in the contemporary historians, Lesley, Buchanan, and their successors, we have more or less copious illustrations of that period, yet a little examination will show that we possess only one work which bears an exclusive reference to this great event, and which has any claims to be regarded as the production of an original historian. Fortunately the writer of the work alluded to was of all persons the best qualified to undertake such a task, not only from his access to the various sources of information, and his singular power and skill in narrating events and delineating characters, but also from the circumstance that he himself had a personal and no unimportant share in most of the transactions of those times, which have left the character of his own mind so indelibly impressed on his country and its institutions. It is scarcely necessary to subjoin the name of John Knox.

The doubts which were long entertained respecting Knox's share in the "History of the Reformation," have been satisfactorily explained. Such passages as were adduced to prove that he could not have been the author, consist of palpable[Pg xxvi] errors and interpolations. Without adverting to these suspicions, we may therefore attend to the time when the work was actually written.

The necessity of leaving upon record a correct account of their proceedings suggested itself to the Reformers at an early period of their career, and led to this History being commenced. Knox arrived in Scotland in May 1559; and by his presence and counsels, he served to animate and direct their measures, which were attended with so much success. In a letter dated from Edinburgh 23d October that year, while alluding to the events which had taken place during their contentions with the Queen Regent and her French auxiliaries, he uses these words, "Our most just requeastes, which ye shall, God willing, schortlie hereafter onderstand, together with our whole proceeding from the beginning of this matter, which we ar to sett furth in maner of Historie." That he had commenced the work, further appears from a letter, dated Edinburgh, 23d September 1560, and addressed to Secretary Cecil by the English Ambassador, Randolph, in which he says, "I have tawlked at large with Mr. Knox concerning his Hystorie. As mykle as ys written thereof shall be sent to your Honour, at the comynge of the Lords Embassadours, by Mr. John Woode. He hath wrytten only one Booke. If yow lyke that, he shall continue the same, or adde onie more. He sayethe, that he must have farther helpe then is to be had in thys countrie, for more assured knowledge of thyngs passed than he hath hymself, or can come bye here: yt is a work not to be neglected, and greatly wyshed that yt sholde be well handled."

Whether this portion of the work was actually communicated to Cecil at that time, is uncertain; as no such manuscript has been discovered among his papers, either in the British Museum or the State Paper Office. It could only have con[Pg xxvii]sisted of part of the Second Book; and this portion remains very much in its original state, as may be inferred from these two passages.—In July 1559, while exposing "the craftyness of the Queen Regent," in desiring a private conference with the Earl of Argyle and Lord James Stewart, with the hope that she might be able to withdraw them from their confederates, we read, "And one of hir cheaf Counsale in those dayis, (and we fear but over inward with hir yit,) said," &c. See page 368 of this volume. This must necessarily have been written during the Queen Regent's life, or previously to June 1560. During the following month, after noticing the Earl of Arran's escape from France, and the imprisonment of his younger brother, Lord David Hamilton, it is stated, "For the same tyme, the said Frensche King, seing he could not have the Erle him self, gart put his youngar brother ... in strait prisoun, quhair he yitt remaneis, to witt, in the moneth of October, the yeir of God 1559." See page 383. In like manner, in a letter of intelligence, dated at Hamilton, 12th October 1559, and addressed to Cecil, Randolph says, "Since Nesbot went from hence, the Duke never harde out of Fraunce, nor newes of his son the Lord David."—(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 500.) We might have supposed that his restraint was not of long duration, as he is named among the hostages left in England, at the treaty of Berwick, 27th February 1559-60; a circumstance of which Knox could not have been ignorant, as he gives a copy of the confirmation of the treaty by the Duke of Chastelherault and the Lords of the Congregation; but it appears from one of the articles in the treaty of peace in July, that Lord David Hamilton, who was still a prisoner at Bois de St. Vincent, in France, then obtained liberty to return to Scotland; and he arrived at Edinburgh in October 1560. We are therefore warranted to infer that this portion of the Second Book of his History, must have been written towards the end of the year 1559.[Pg xxviii]

Knox himself in his general Preface, says, the intention was to have limited the period of the History from the year 1558, until the arrival of Queen Mary from France to assume the government in this country, in August 1561; thus extending the period originally prescribed beyond the actual attainment of the great object at which the Reformers aimed, in the overthrow of Popish superstition, and the establishment by civil authority of the Protestant faith, which was actually secured by the proceedings of the Parliament that met at Edinburgh on the 1st of August 1560. But he further informs us, that he was persuaded not only to add the First Book as an Introduction, but to continue the Narrative to a later period. This plan of extending the work he carried into effect in the year 1566, when the First and Fourth Books were chiefly written, and when there is reason to believe that he revised and enlarged the intermediate portion, at least by dividing it into two parts, as Books Second and Third. The Fourth Book extends to the year 1564; and he seems to intimate that he himself had no intention to continue the History to a later period; for alluding to the death of David Riccio, in March 1565-6, he says, "of whom we delay now farther to speik, becaus that his end will requyre the descriptioun of the whole, and referris it unto suche as God sall rayse up to do the same;" and a marginal note on this passage, written probably by Richard Bannatyne in 1571, says "This ves never done be this Authour."

Dr. MʻCrie states, that "the First and Fourth Books were composed during the years 1566, 1567, and 1568," and that "some additions were made to the Fourth Book so late as 1571." The only evidence to support this supposition, is founded upon the circumstance of some marginal notes having been added in those years, and introduced by subsequent transcribers, as belonging to the text. Whether the Fifth Book, published by David Buchanan in 1644, was actually written by the Reformer, will be considered in the preliminary notice[Pg xxix] to that Book. Meanwhile it may be remarked, that the Author himself whilst occasionally engaged in collecting materials for a continuation of his History, felt the necessity of delaying the publication; and in a letter addressed to Mr. John Wood, 14th February 1567-8, he expresses the resolution he had formed of withholding the work from the public during his own life.

MANUSCRIPT COPIES OF THE HISTORY.

The Manuscript of the History of the Reformation which has been followed in this edition, fully confirms the preceding statements regarding the period of its composition. It also serves to shew that no suppressions or alterations had been made by his friends, after his death, in these Four Books. Such an intention is alluded to, in a letter, dated from Stirling, 6th August 1572, and addressed to Randolph, by George Buchanan:—"As to Maister Knox, his Historie is in hys freindes handes, and thai ar in consultation to mitigat sum part the acerbite of certain wordis, and sum taunts wherein he has followit too muche sum of your Inglis writaris, as M. Hal. et suppilatorem ejus Graftone, &c." The Manuscript contains Four Books, transcribed by several hands, and at different intervals. Notwithstanding this diversity of hand-writing, there is every reason to believe that the most considerable part of the volume was written in the year 1566, although it is not improbable that in the Second and Third Books a portion of the original MS. of 1559 may have been retained. The marginal notes, which specify particular dates, chiefly refer to the years 1566, or 1567, and they leave no doubt in regard to the actual period when the bulk of the MS. was written, as those bearing the date 1567 are clearly posterior to the transcription of the pages where they occur. Some of these notes, as well as a number of minute corrections, are evidently in Knox's own[Pg xxx] hand; but the latter part of Book Fourth could not have been transcribed until the close of the year 1571. This is proved by the circumstance that the words, "Bot wnto this day, the 17. of December 1571," form an integral part of the text, near the foot of fol. 359, in "The Ressonyng betuix the Maister of Maxwell and John Knox." The whole of this section indeed is written somewhat hastily, like a scroll-copy, probably by Richard Bannatyne, his Secretary, from dictation; but whether it was merely rewritten in 1571, or first added in that year to complete Book Fourth, must be left to conjecture.

I.—Manuscript of 1566.—In the Editor's possession.

The accompanying leaf exhibits an accurate fac-simile of part of the first page of the MS; and it is worthy of notice, that in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 287, a fac-simile of a paper entitled "The Kirkis Testimonial, &c.," dated 26th December 1565, is evidently by the same hand.[4] It has the signatures of three of the Superintendents, Erskine of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynram, as well as that of John Knox. As this was a public document, and was no doubt written by the Clerk of the General Assembly, we may infer that Knox's amanuensis, in 1566, was either John Gray, who was Scribe or Clerk to the Assembly from 1560 till his death in 1574, or one of the other Scribes whom Knox mentions, in[Pg xxxi] his interview with Queen Mary, in 1563, as having implicit confidence in their fidelity. But this is no very important point to determine, since the Manuscript itself bears such unequivocal proofs of having passed through the Author's hands. Two short extracts, (corresponding with pages 109 and 115 of this volume,) are also selected on account of the marginal notes, both of which I think are in Knox's own hand. Further specimens of such notes or corrections will be given in the next volume. At fol. 249, four leaves are left blank to allow the form of "The Election of the Superintendant" to be inserted; but this can be supplied from either the Glasgow MS. or the early printed copies. A more important omission would have been the First Book of Discipline, but this the MS. fortunately contains, in a more genuine state than is elsewhere preserved; and it will form no unimportant addition to the next volume of the History.

The volume consists of 388 folios, chiefly written, as already stated, in the year 1566. No trace of its earlier possessors can be discovered; but the name of "Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of North-Berwick" (from 1692 to 1729,) written on the first page, identifies it with a notice, which is given by the Editor of the 1732 edition: "There is also a complete MS. copy of the first four Books of this History belonging now to Mr. Gavin Hamilton, Bookseller in Edinburgh, which formerly belonged to the late Reverend Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of the Gospel at North-Berwick; it is written in a very old hand, the old spelling is kept, and I am informed that it exactly agrees with the Glasgow MS., with which it was collated, during the time this edition was a printing." (page liii.)

This MS., came into the possession of the Rev. John Jamieson, D.D., probably long before the publication of his Etymological Dictionary in 1808, where he mentions his having two MSS. of Knox's History, (this, and the one marked No. VIII.) in his list of authorities; but neither of them was known, and conse[Pg xxxii]quently had never been examined by Dr. MʻCrie. At the sale of Dr. Jamieson's library in 1839, both MSS. were purchased by the Editor.

In the firm persuasion that this MS. must have been written not only during the Reformer's life, but under his immediate inspection, and that all the existing copies were derived from it, more or less directly, I should have held it a most unprofitable labour to have collated the other MSS., for no other purpose than to notice the endless variations, omissions, and mistakes of later transcribers. The reader may think I have paid too much regard in this respect to the various readings or errors in Vautrollier's suppressed edition, and in the Glasgow Manuscript; but these copies being the only ones referable to the sixteenth century, are deserving of greater attention than those of a more recent age, while the variations pointed out frequently serve to account for the mistakes in the later transcripts.

But before explaining the manner in which this edition has been printed, it may be proper to enumerate the other Manuscripts which are known to be preserved; and I may take this opportunity of expressing to the several Proprietors my grateful acknowledgments for the free use of the copies specified.

II.—Vautr. Edit.—Printed at London in 1586 or 1587.

This edition, described at page xxxix, is here introduced as representing an intermediate MS., from which some of the existing copies were apparently derived. Thomas Vautrollier the printer, a native of France, came to England in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. He retired to Scotland in the year 1584, and printed several works at Edinburgh in that and the following year. In 1586, he returned to London, carrying with him a manuscript copy of Knox's History, which he put to press; but all the copies were seized before the[Pg xxxiii] work was completed. The manuscript copy which he had obtained is not known to be preserved; but there is no reason to doubt that it was taken directly from the MS. of 1566. This appears from the marginal notes and a variety of minute coincidences, perceptible on collating the printed portion. We may likewise conclude, that from it several of the later transcripts were taken of the introductory portion, and the Fourth Book, to complete the text of the unfinished printed volume.

III. MS. G.—In the University Library, Glasgow.

In folio, containing 242 leaves, written before the end of the sixteenth century. This MS. was long considered to be the earliest and most authentic copy of the History, and consequently no small degree of importance was attached to it.

Many years ago, (before I was aware of the existence of the MS. of 1566,) I obtained, through the Rev. Dr. MʻTurk, late Professor of Ecclesiastical History, the use of this Manuscript for the purpose of collation; but I found that the text was so faithfully given in the Edinburgh edition 1732, folio, with the single exception of omitting such marginal notes as the MS. contains, that an entire collation of the text might only have exhibited slight occasional changes in orthography. At that time the MS. formed two volumes, in the old parchment covers, with uncut leaves; it has since been half-bound in one volume, and the edges unmercifully cropped.

At the beginning of the volume there is inserted a separate leaf, being the title of a distinct work, having the signature of "M. Jo. Knox," in 1581, probably the nephew of the Reformer, who became Minister of Melrose. It has no connexion with the volume in which it is preserved; but it led to some vague conjectures that the writer of the History itself may have been "the younger Mr. Knox, seeing the former died in the year 1572, and the other was alive nine years[Pg xxxiv] after;" or else, "that the latter Mr. Knox had perfected the work, pursuant to the order of the General Assembly in the year 1573 or 1574, so far as it was to be found in this MS."[5] Respecting the time of transcription, one minute circumstance is worthy of notice: Knox in one place introduces the words, "as may be, &c., in this year 1566," the copier has made it, "in this year 1586," an error not likely to have been committed previously to that year. But the hand-writing is clearly of a date about 1590, although the Fourth Book may have been a few years earlier. The absence of all those peculiar blunders which occur in Vautrollier's edition, evinces that the Glasgow MS. was derived from some other source; while the marginal notes in that edition are a sufficient proof that the MS. in question was not the one employed by the English printer. It is in fact a tolerably accurate copy of the MS. of 1566, with the exception of the marginal notes, and the entire omission of the First Book of Discipline. Nearly all the marginal notes in the First and Third Books are omitted; and others having been incorporated with the text, led to the supposition that Knox himself had revised the History at a later period of life.

See Footnote[5]

This manuscript was presented to the University of Glasgow by the Rev. Robert Fleming, Minister of a Scotish Congregation in London, and son of the author of "The Fulfilling of the Scriptures." Wodrow communicated to Bishop Nicolson, a collation of the MS. with Buchanan's folio edition of 1644, pointing out many of his interpolations. This letter[Pg xxxv] was inserted by Nicolson in the Appendix to his Scotish Historical Library.[6]

IV. MS. A. (1.)—In the Advocates Library.

In 4to, pp. 403. This MS. was acquired by the Faculty of Advocates, in 1792, with the mass of Wodrow's MSS.—It is very neatly written by Charles Lumisden, whose name (but partially erased) with the date 1643, occurs on the fly-leaf. Wodrow was correct in imagining that the greater portion of the volume was transcribed from Vautrollier's edition, some of the more glaring typographical errors being corrected; but in fact this copy was made from a previous transcript by Lumisden, to be mentioned as No. X. MS. W. It contains however the Fourth Book of the History; and Wodrow has collated the whole very carefully with the Glasgow MS., and has marked the chief corrections and variations in the margin.[Pg xxxvi]

V. MS. A. (2.)—In the Advocates Library.

In folio. This volume also belonged to the Wodrow collection. It is written in a very careless, slovenly manner, after the year 1639, by one Thomas Wood; and is scarcely entitled to be reckoned in the number of the MSS., as it omits large portions. Thus, on the title of Book Fourth, it is called "A Collection from the Fourth Book," &c.

VI. MS. E.—In the University Library, Edinburgh.

In folio, 143 leaves, written in an ordinary hand, apparently about the year 1635. It contains the Four Books, and includes both the First and Second Books of Discipline; but it omits all the marginal notes, and displays very little accuracy on the part of the transcriber. It is in fact a transcript from the identical copy of Vautrollier's edition, described as No. XIII., from its adopting the various marginal corrections and emendations on the printed portions of that copy.

VII. MS. I.—In the possession of David Irving, LL.D.

In folio, 266 leaves, written in a neat hand, and dated 1641. It contains the Four Books; but, like the three preceding MSS., it may without doubt be regarded as a transcript from Vautrollier's edition, with the addition of Book Fourth of the History. It also contains both the First and Second Books of Discipline, copied from Calderwood's printed edition of 1621, with such minute fidelity, as even to add the list of typographical "Errata" at the end, with the references to the page and line of that edition.

VIII. MS. L. (2.)—In the Editor's Possession.

In folio, 180 leaves, written probably between 1620 and 1630. It wants several leaves at the beginning, and breaks[Pg xxxvii] off with the Third Book, adding the Acts of Parliament against the Mass, &c., passed in 1560. It formerly belonged to the Rev. Dr. Jamieson, and was purchased at his sale in 1839. The press-marks on the fly leaf may probably identify the collection to which it formerly belonged, "2 H. 16.—Hist. 51," and "a. 66." Notwithstanding a MS. note by Dr. Jamieson, it is a transcript of no value, corresponding in most points with Vautrollier's edition.

IX. MS. N.—In the Library at Newtondon.

In folio, pp. 387. This is a MS. of still less importance, but it serves to show the rarity of Vautrollier's printed edition, previously to the appearance of Buchanan's editions in 1644. On the first leaf, the celebrated covenanting Earl of Glencairne has written,—

"This is the copie of Johne Knox his Chronicle, coppiede in the yeere of God 1643.—Glencairne."

It is in fact a literal transcript from a defective copy of the old suppressed edition; as the blanks in the MS. at pages 156, 157, and pages 166, 167, which break off, or commence at the middle of a sentence, would be completely supplied by pages 225, 226, and pages 239, 240, of Vautrollier's text. At page 347, only the heads of the Confession of Faith are inserted, "but (it is added) yee shall find them fullie set downe in the first Parliament of King James the Sext, holden at Edinburgh the 15 of December 1567, by James Earle of Murray, Regent to this Realme."

This MS. ends with page 546 of the printed copy; and after the words "would not suffer this corrupt generation to approve," instead of commencing with the Book of Discipline, from page 547, there is added, "And because the whole Booke of Discipline, both First and Secund, is sensyne printed by the selfe in one Booke, I cease to insert it heere, and referres the reader to the said booke. Finis."[Pg xxxviii]

X. MS. W.—In the possession of Richard Whytock, Esq., Edinburgh.

In 4to, pp. 452, not perfect. It is in the hand-writing of Charles Lumisden, who succeeded his father as Minister of Duddingstone, and who, during the reign of Charles the First, was much employed in transcribing. It is unquestionably copied from Vautrollier's printed edition, but many of the palpable mistakes have been corrected, and the orthography improved. In general the marginal notes are retained, while some others, apparently derived from David Buchanan's printed text, are added in a different hand. Like Vautrollier's edition, at page 560, this MS. breaks off with the first portion of the Book of Discipline, at the end of Book Third of the History.

Such are the Manuscript copies of Knox's History which are known to be preserved. There are however still existing detached portions of the History, made with the view of completing the defective parts of Vautrollier's edition; and these may also be briefly indicated.

XI. MS. C.—In the Library of the Church of Scotland. This MS., in folio, was purchased by the General Assembly in 1737, from the executors of the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd. The volume is in the old parchment cover, and has the autograph of "Alex. Colvill" on the first page. But it contains only the preliminary leaves of the text, and the concluding portion of the First Book of Discipline, (the previous portion being oddly copied at the end of it;) and Book Fourth of the History, all in the hand of a Dutch amanuensis, about 1640, for the purpose of supplying the imperfections of the suppressed edition.

XII. MS. M.—In a copy of Vautrollier's edition, which belonged to the Rev. Dr. MʻCrie, and is now in the possession of his son, the Rev. Thomas MʻCrie, the same portions are[Pg xxxix] supplied in an early hand, containing eight leaves at the beginning, and ninety-nine at the end, along with a rude ornamented title, and a portrait of Knox, copied by some unpractised hand from one of the old engravings. It contains the concluding portion of the First Book of Discipline, but several of the paragraphs in Book Fourth of the History are abridged or omitted.

XIII. MS. L. (3.)—A copy of the same volume, with these portions similarly supplied, and including both the First and Second Books of Discipline, appeared at the sale of George Paton's Library, in 1809. It is now in the Editor's possession. A number of the errors in printing have been carefully corrected on the margin, in an old hand; and the MS. portions are written in the same hand with No. VI. MS. E. of the entire work, which is literally transcribed from this identical copy.

XIV. and XV. MSS. L. (4 and 5.)—I have also a separate transcript of Book Fourth, in folio, 44 leaves, written about the year 1640; and another portion, in small 8vo, written in a still older hand, for the purpose of being bound with the suppressed edition.

PRINTED EDITIONS OF THE HISTORY.

Vautrollier's unfinished and suppressed edition, in 1586 or 1587, has already been noticed at page xxxii. The fate of this edition is thus recorded by Calderwood, in his larger MS. History:—"February 1586. Vauttrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr. Knox's History to England, and printed twelve hundred of them; the Stationers, at the Archbishop's command, seized them the 18 of February [1586-7]; it was thought that he would get leave to proceed again, because the Council perceived that it would bring the Queen of Scots in[Pg xl] detestation." The execution of the unfortunate Queen, which followed so soon after, or the death of the Printer himself, in 1588, may have prevented its completion. But copies had speedily come into circulation in its unfinished state. Thus Dr. (afterwards Archbishop) Bancroft, who frequently quotes this suppressed edition, says,—"If euer you meete with the Historie of the Church of Scotland, penned by Maister Knox, and printed by Vautrouillier: reade the pages quoted here in the margent."—(A Survay of the pretended Holy Discipline, &c. Imprinted at London, by Iohn Wolfe, 1593, 4to, p. 48.)

It is most inaccurately printed.[7] This may have been partly owing to the state of the MS. which he had procured in Scotland, as well as to haste in printing, and ignorance of the names of persons and places which occur in the work.

The following is a fac-simile reprint of the first page, which[Pg xli] corresponds with pages 10-11 of the present volume:—

Vautrollier's edition is a small 8vo, commencing with signature B, page 17, and breaking off with signature Mm, page 560, or near the beginning of the 5th chapter of the Book of Discipline, which Knox has introduced at the conclusion of Book Third of his History. Copies of this volume in fine condition are of rare occurrence.

The edition of the History published at London by David Buchanan in 1644, and reprinted at Edinburgh in the same year, in all probability under his own inspection, will be more particularly noticed in the following volume. It might perhaps have been well had this publication been actually prohibited, as Milton[8] seems to indicate was not unlikely to have taken place. So much use at least had been made of the unwarrantable liberties taken by the Editor, in altering and adding passages, as for a length of time to throw discredit on the whole work.

At length there appeared the very accurate edition, published at Edinburgh 1732, with a Life of the author, by the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd. Besides this and the two editions published in a more popular form by William MʻGavin, at Glasgow, there are numerous modernized and spurious republications, all of them taken from Buchanan's interpolated[Pg xliii] editions, and published at Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dundee, between the years 1731 and 1832. Even at an early period, both Calderwood, who had made such copious extracts from the work, and Spottiswood, who expressed his doubts respecting its authorship, appear to have employed Vautrollier's inaccurate edition. The necessity of publishing the work with greater care and in its most genuine form, will therefore by readily admitted. The acquisition of the Manuscript of 1566, has enabled the Editor to accomplish this, to a certain extent, by presenting the text of the History in the precise form "wherein he hath continued and perfectly ended at the year of God 1564," according to the declaration made to the first General Assembly which met after his death. Having such a MS. to follow, I have adhered to it with much more scrupulous accuracy, in regard to the othography,[9] than otherwise might have been deemed advisable. At first sight, indeed, the language may appear somewhat uncouth, and it may require a Glossary to be subjoined; but it was of essential importance that the work should be published in its original form, with the Author's own marginal notes and relections, as the genuine production of the great Scotish Reformer.

The labour bestowed by the Author in collecting information, with the desire of giving a true and faithful History of these transactions, rendered it also desirable that more than ordinary care should be bestowed in illustrating his narrative. For this purpose, I have taken considerable pains to identify the persons and places mentioned in the course of this History. Knox himself, on more than one occasion, states, that while[Pg xliv] he was careful in relating facts, he was no observer of times and seasons, in other words, that he made no pretensions to minute accuracy in dates. It became the more necessary to devote particular attention, either to confirm or correct his dates, by reference to contemporary documents; and no source that was accessible has been overlooked, although I am fully sensible that I may have failed in making suitable use of the information thus obtained. I have at least endeavoured to avoid cumbering the page with notes, unless where they seemed necessary to illustrate the text; and I consider no apology to be required for the Articles inserted in the Appendix.[Pg 1]

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOUN OF RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND: CONTEANYNG THE MANER AND BY WHAT PERSONS THE LIGHT OF CHRISTIS EVANGELL HATH BENE MANIFESTED UNTO THIS REALME, AFTER THAT HORRIBLE AND UNIVERSALL DEFECTIOUN FROM THE TREWTH, WHICH HES CUME BY THE MEANES OF THAT ROMANE ANTICHRIST.ToC [Pg 2]

[Pg 3]

PREFACE

TO THE GENTILL READAR, GRACE AND PEACE FROME GOD THE FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUALL ENCREASE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.[10]

It is not unknowen, Christeane Reader, that the same clud[11] of ignorance, that long hath darkened many realmes under this accurssed kingdome of that Romane Antichrist, hath also owercovered this poore Realme; that idolatrie[12] hath bein manteined, the bloode of innocentis hath bene sched, and Christ Jesus his eternall treuth hath bene abhorred, detested, and blasphemed. But that same God that caused light to schyne out of darknes, in the multitud of his mercyes, hath of long tyme opened the eis[13] of some evin within this Realme, to see the vanitie of that which then was universally embrased for trew religioun; and hes gevin unto them strenth to oppone thame selfis unto the same: and now, into these our last and moist corrupt dayis, hath maid his treuth so to triumphe amonges us, that, in despyte of Sathan, hipochrisye is disclosed, and the trew wyrschipping of God is manifested to all the inhabitantis of this realme whose eis[14] Sathan blyndis not, eyther by thair fylthy lustes, or ellis by ambitioun, and insatiable covetousnes, which maek them repung to the power of God working by his worde.

And becaus we ar not ignorant what diverse bruittis war dispersed of us, the professoures of Jesus Christ within this[Pg 4] realme, in the begynnyng of our interprise, ordour was lackin, that all our proceidingis should be committed to register; as that thei war, by such as then paynfullie travailled[15] boith by toung and pen; and so was collected a just volume, (as after will appeir,) conteanyng thingis done frome the fyftie-awght[16] year of God, till the arrivall of the Quenis Majestie furth of France,[17] with the which the Collectour and Writtar for that tyme was content, and never mynded further to have travailled in that kynd of writting.[18] But, after invocatioun of the name of God, and after consultatioun with some faythfull,[19] what was thought by thame expedient to advance Goddis glorie, and to edifie this present generatioun, and the posteritie to come, it was concluded, that faythfull rehersall should be maid of such personages as God had maid instrumentis of his glorie, by opponyng of thame selfis to manifest abuses, superstitioun, and idolatrie; and, albeit thare be no great nomber, yet ar thei mo then the Collectour wold have looked for at the begynnyng, and thairfoir is the volume some what enlarged abuif his expectatioun: And yit, in the begynnyng, mon we crave of all the gentill Readaris, not to look of us such ane History as shall expresse all thingis that have occurred within this Realme, during the tyme of this terrible conflict that hes bene betuix the sanctes of God and these bloody wolves who clame to thame selves the titill of clargie, and to have authoritie ower the saules of men; for, with the Pollicey,[20] mynd we to meddill no further then it hath Religioun mixed with it. And thairfoir albeit that many thingis which wer don be omitted, yit, yf we invent no leys, we[Pg 5] think our selves blamless in that behalf. Of one other [thing] we mon foirwarne the discreat Readaris, which is, that thei be not offended that the sempill treuth be spokin without partialitie; for seing that of men we neyther hunt for reward, nor yitt for vane[21] glorie, we litill pass by the approbatioun of such as seldome judge weill of God and of his workis. Lett not thairfoir the Readar wonder, albeit that our style vary and speik diverslie of men, according as thei have declared thame selves sometymes ennemyes and sometymes freindis, sometymes fervent, sometymes cold, sometymes constant, and sometymes changeable in the cause of God and of his holy religioun: for, in this our simplicitie, we suppoise that the Godlie shall espy our purpose, which is, that God may be praised for his mercy schawin, this present age may be admonished to be thankfull for Goddis benefittis offerred, and the posteritie to cum may be instructed how wonderouslie hath the light of Christ Jesus prevailled against darkness in this last and most corrupted age.

HISTORIÆ INITIUM.[22]

In the Scrollis of Glasgw is found mentioun of one whais name is not expressed,[23] that, in the year of God 1422, was burnt for heresye;[24] bot what war his opinionis, or by what ordour he[Pg 6] was condempned, it appearis not evidentlie. But our Cronikilles mack mentioun, that in the dayis of King James the First, about the year of God 1431, was deprehended in the Universitie of Sanctandrose, one named Paull Craw,[25] a Bohame,[26] who was accused of heresye befoir such as then war called Doctouris of Theologie. His accusatioun consisted principallye, that he followed Johnne Husse and Wyckleif, in the opinioun of the sacrament, who denyed that the substance of braid and wyn war changed be vertew of any wourdis; or that confessioun should be maid to preastis; or yitt prayeris to sanctes departed. Whill that God geve unto him grace to resist thame, and not to consent to thair impietie, he was committed to the secular judge, (for our bischoppis follow Pilat, who boith did condempne, and also wesche[27] his handis,) who condempned him to the fyre; in the quhilk he was consumed in the said citie of Sanctandrose, about the time afoir writtin. And to declair thame selvis to be the generatioun of Sathan, who, from the begynnyng, hath bein ennemy to the treuth, and he that desyrith the same to be hyd frome the knowledge of men, thei putt a ball of brass in his mouth, to the end that he should nott geve confessioun of his fayth to the people, neyther yit that thei should understand the defence which he had against thair injust accusatioun and condemnatioun.

Bot that thair fatheris practise did nott greatlie advance thair kingdome of darknes, nether yit was it able utterlie to extingueise the trewth: For albeit, that in the dayis of Kingis[Pg 7] James the Secund and Thrid, we fynd small questioun of religioun moved within this Realme, yit in the tyme of King James the Fourt, in the saxt year of his reigne, and in the twenty-twa yeir of his age, which was in the year of God 1494, war summoned befoir the King and his Great Counsell, by Robert Blackedar called Archebischope of Glasgw,[28] the nomber of thretty personis, remanyng some in Kyle-Stewart, some in Kingis-Kyile, and some in Cunyghame;[29] amonges whome,[30] George Campbell of Sesnok, Adame Reid of Barskymming, Johne Campbell of New Mylnes, Andro Shaw of Polkemmate, Helen Chalmour Lady Pokillie,[31] [Marion][32] Chalmours Lady[Pg 8] Stairs: These war called the Lolardis of Kyle. Thei war accused of the Articles following, as we have receaved thame furth of the Register[33] Glasgw.

i. First, That Images ar not to be had, nor yitt to be wirschepped.

ii. That the Reliques of Sanctes are not to be wirschepped.

iii. That Lawis and Ordinances of men vary frome tyme to tyme, and that by the Pape.

iv. That it is not lauchfull to feght, or to defend the fayth. (We translait according to the barbarousnes of thair Latine and dictament.[34])

v. That Christ gave power to Petir onlie, and not to his successouris, to bynd and lowse within the Kyrk.

vi. That Christ ordeyned no Preastis to consecrat.

vii. That after the consecratioun in the Messe, thare remanes braid;[35] and that thair is nott the naturall body of Christ.

viii. That teythes aught not to be given to Ecclesiasticall men, (as thei war then called.)

ix. That Christ at his cuming has tackin away power from Kingis to judge.[36] (This article we dowbt not to be the vennemouse accusatioun of the ennemyes, whose practise has ever bene to mack the doctrin of Jesus Christ suspect to Kingis[Pg 9] and rewllaris, as that God thairby wold depose thame of thair royall seattis, whare by the contrair, nothing confermes the power of magistrates more then dois Goddis wourd.—But to the Articles.)

x. That everie faythfull man or woman is a preast.

xi. That the unctioun of Kingis ceassed at the cuming of Christ.

xii. That the Pape is not the successour of Petir, but whare he said, "Go behynd me, Sathan."

xiii. That the Pape deceavis the people by his Bulles and his Indulgenses.

xiv. That the Messe profiteth not the soules that ar in purgatorye.

xv. That the Pape and the bischoppis deceave the people by thare pardonis.

xvi. That Indulgenses aught not to be granted to feght against the Saracenes.

xvii. That the Pape exaltis him self against God, and abuf God.

xviii. That the Pape can nott remitt the panes of purgatorye.

xix. That the blessingis of the Bischoppis (of dum doggis thei should have bein stilled) ar of non valew.

xx. That the excommunicatioun of the Kirk is not to be feared.

xxi. That in to no case is it lauchfull to swear.

xxii. That Preastis mycht have wieffis, according to the constitutioun of the law.

xxiii. That trew Christianes receave the body of Jesus Christ everie day.

xxiv. That after matrimonye be contracted, the Kyrk may mack no divorcement.

xxv. That excommunicatioun byndis nott.

xxvi. That the Pape forgevis not synnes, bot only God.[Pg 10]

xxvii. That fayth should not be gevin to miracules.

xxviii. That we should not pray to the glorious Virgyn Marie, butt to God only.

xxix. That we ar na mair bound to pray in the Kirk then in other plaices.

xxx. That we ar nott bound to beleve all that the Doctouris of the Kyrk have writtin.

xxxi. That such as wirschep the Sacrament of the Kyrk (We suppoise thei ment the Sacrament of the altar) committis idolatrie.

xxxii. That the Pape is the head of the Kyrk of Antichrist.

xxxiii. That the Pape and his ministeris ar murtheraris.

xxxiv. That thei which ar called principallis in the Church, ar thevis and robbaris.

By these Articles,[37] which God of his mercyfull providence caused the ennemies of his trewth to keip in thare Registeris, may appeir how mercyfullie God hath looked upoun this Realme, reteanyng within it some sponk of his light, evin in the tyme of grettast darkness. Nether yit awght any man to wonder, albeit that some thingis be obscurly, and some thingis scabruslie spokin;[38] but rather awght all faythfull to magnifye Goddis mercy, who without publict doctrin gave so great light. And farther, we awght to considder, that seing that the ennemies of Jesus Christ gathered the foirsaid Articles, thairupoun to accuse the personis foirsaid, that thei wold deprave the meanyng of Goddis servandis so far as thei could; as we dowbt not bot thei have done, in the headis of Excommunicatioun, Swearing, and of Matrimonye. In the which it is no dowbt[Pg 11] but the servandis of God did dampne the abuse only, and not the rycht ordinance of God; for who knowes not, that Excommunicatioun in these dayis was altogether abused! That Swearing abounded without punishment, or remorse of conscience! And that Divorsementis war maid for such causes as worldly men had invented!—But to our History.

Albeit that the accusatioun of the Bischop and his complices was verray grevouse, yitt God so assisted his servandis, partly be inclineing the Kingis hart to gentilness, (for diverse of thame war his great familiaris,) and partly by geving bold and godly answeris to thair accusatouris, that the ennemies in the end war frustrat of thair purpoise. For whill the Bischop, in mocking, said to Adam Reid of Barskemyng,[39] "Reid, Beleve ye that God is in heavin?" He answered, "Not as I do the Sacramentis sevin." Whairat the Bischop thinking to have triumphed, said, "Sir, Lo, he denyes that God is in heavin." Whairat the King wondering, said, "Adam Reid, what say ye?" The other answered, "Please your Grace to heir the end betuix the churle and me." And thairwith he turned to the Bischope, and said, "I nether think nor beleve, as thou thinkis, that God is in heavin; but I am most assured, that he is not only in the heavin, bot also in the earth. Bott thou[Pg 12] and thy factioun declayre by your workis, that eyther ye think thair is no God at all, or ellis that he is so shett up[40] in the heavin, that he regardis not what is done into the earth; for yf thou fermelie beleved that God war in the heavin, thou should not mack thy self chek-meat to the King, and altogether forgett the charge that Jesus Christ the Sone of God gave to his apostles, which was, to preach his Evangell, and not to play the proud prelatts, as all the rabill of yow do this day. And now, Sir, (said he to the King,) judge ye whither the Bischop or I beleve best that God is in heavin." Whill the Bischope and his band could not weill revenge thame selfis, and whill many tantis war gevin thame in thair teith, the King, willing to putt ane end to farther reassonyng, said to the said Adam Reid, "Will thou burne thy bill?" He answered, "Sir, the Bischope and ye will." With those and the lyik scoffis the Bischop and his band war so dashed out of countenance, that the greattest part of the accusatioun was turned to lawchter.

After that dyet, we fynd almoist no questioun for materis of religioun, the space ney of thretty yearis. For not long after, to witt in the year of God 1508,[41] the said Bischop Blackcater departed this lief, going in his superstitious devotioun to[Pg 13] Hierusalem; unto whome succeided Mr. James Beatoun, sone to the Lard of Balfour, in Fyfe, who was moir cairfull for the world then he was to preach Christ, or yitt to advance any religioun, but for the fassioun only; and as he soght the warld, it fled him nott,[42] it was weill knowin that at onis he was Archbischop of Sanctandrosse, Abbot of Dumfermeling, Abirbroth, Kylwynnyng, and Chancellare of Scotland: for after the unhappy feild of Flowdoun,[43] the which perrished King James the Fourt, with the grettast parte of the nobilitie of the realme, the said Beatoun, with the rest of the Prelattis, had the haill regiment of the realme; and by reassone thairof, held and travailled to hold the treuth of God in thraldome and bondage, till that it pleased God of his great mercy, in the year of God 1527, to raise up his servand, Maister Patrik Hammyltoun, at whome our Hystorie doith begyn. Of whose[Pg 14] progenye, lyif, and eruditioun, becaus men of fame and renune have in diverse workis writtin, we omitt all curiouse repetitioun, sending such as wald knaw farther of him then we write to Franciss Lambert,[44] Johne Firth, and to that notable wark,[45] laitlie sette furth be Johne Fox, Englisman, of the Lyvis and Deathis of Martyrs within this yle, in this our aige.

This servand of God, the said Maister Patrik, being in his youth providit to reassonable honouris and leving, (he was intitulat Abbot of Fern,[46]) as one haiting the world and the[Pg 15] vanitie thairof, left Scotland, and passed to the schoollis in Germany; for then the fame of the Universitie of Whittinberge was greatlie divulgat in all countreis, whare, by Goddis providence, he became familiare with these lyghtis and notable servandis of Christ Jesus of that tyme, Martyne Luther, Philipp Melanthon, and the said Franciss Lambert,[47] and did so grow and advance in godly knowledge, joyned with fervencie and integretie of lyiff, that he was in admiratioun with many. The zeall of Goddis glorie did so eat him up, that he could of no long continuance remane thair, bot returned to his countrie, whair the brycht beames of the trew light which by Goddis grace was planted in his harte, began most aboundantlie to burst furth, also weall in publict as in secreat: For he was, besydis his godlie knowledge, weill learned in philosophie: he abhorred sophistrye, and wold that the text of Aristotelis should have bene better understand and more used in the schoolles then than it was; for sophistrie had corrupted all asweil in divinitie as in humanitie. In schort proces of tyme, the fame of his reasonis and doctrin trubled the Clargye, and came to the earis of Bischope James Beatoun, of whome befoir we have maid mentioun, who being ane conjured ennemye to Christ Jesus, and one that long had had the whole regiment of this realme, bare impatientlie that any truble should be maid to that kingdome of darknes, whairof within this realme he was the head. And, thairfoir, he so travailled[48] with the said Maister Patrik, that he gat him to Sanctandrosse, whair, eftir the conference of diverse dayis, he had his freedome and libertie. The said Bischop and his blooddy bucheouris, called Doctouris, seamed to approve his doctryne, and to grant that many thingis craved reformatioun in the Ecclesiastical regiment. And amanges the rest, thair was ane that secreatlie[Pg 16] consented with him almest in all thingis, named Frear Alexander Campbell, a man of good wytt and learnyng, butt yitt corrupt by the warld, as aftir we will hear. When the bischoppis and the clergye had fully understand the mynd and judgement of the said Maistir Patrik, and fearing that by him thair kingdome should be endomaged, thei travailled with the King, who then was young, and altogitther addict to thair commandiment, that he should pass in pilgramaige to Sanct Dothess in Rosse,[49] to the end that no intercessioun should be maid for the life[50] of the innocent servant of God, who suspecting no such crueltie as in thair hartes was concluded, remaned still, (a lambe amonges the wolfis,) till that upoun a nycht hie was intercepted in his chalmer, and by the bischoppes band was caryed to the Castell, whare that nycht he was keapt; and upoun the morne, produccid in judgement, he was condampned to dye by fyre for the testimonye of Goddis trewth. The Articles for the which he suffered war bot of Pilgramage, Purgatorye, Prayer to Sanctes, and for the Dead, and such trifilles; albeit that materis of grettar importance had bein in questioun, as his Treatise,[51] which in the end we have added, may witness. Now that the condempnatioun of the said Mr. Patrik should have greattar authoritie, thei caused the same to be subscrived by all those of any estimatioun that with tham war present, and to mack thair nomber great, thei tuck the subscriptionis of childrin, yf thei war of the nobilitie; for the Erle of Cassilles, which last decessed in France,[52] then being bot twelf or thret[Pg 17]tein yearis of age, was compelled to subscrive his death, as him self did confesse. Immediatlie after dennar, the fyre was prepaired befoir the Ald Colledge,[53] and he led to the place of executioun. And yitt men suppoised that all was done but to geve unto him ane terrour, and to have caused him to have recanted, and have become recreant to those bloody beastis. But God, for his awin glorie, for the comforte of his servand, and for manifestatioun of thare beastly tyranny, had otherwiese decreed; for he so strenthened his faythfull witnes, that nether the luif of lyif, nor yitt the fear of that cruell death, could move him a joit to swarve from the trewth ones professed. At the plaice of executioun he gave to his servand, who had bene chalmer-child to him of a long tyme, his gown, his coit, bonet, and such lych garments, saying, "These will nott proffeit in the fyre; thei will proffeit thee: Aftir this, of me thow cane receave no commoditie, except the example of my death, which, I pray thee, bear in mynd; for albeit it be bitter to the flesche, and feirfull befoir men, yet is it the entress unto eternall lyif, quhilk non shall possesse that denyis Christ Jesus befoir this wicked generatioun."

The innocent servand of God being bound to the staik in the myddest of some coallis, some tymmer, and other mater appointed for the fyre, a trane of powder was maid and sett a fyre, quhilk gave to the blessed martyre of God a glaise, skrimpled[54] his left hand, and that syd of his face, but nether[Pg 18] kendilled the wood, nor yett the coallis.[55] And so remaned the appointed to death in torment, till that men rane to the Castell agane for moir poulder, and for wood more able to tack fyre; which at last being kendilled, with lowd voce he cryed, "Lord Jesus, receave my spreit! How long shall darknes owerquhelme this realme? And how long will thow suffer this tyranny of men?"—The fyre was slow, and thairfoir was his torment the more. Bott moist of all was he greved by certane wicked men, amongis whome Campbell the Blak Freir (of whome we spak befoir[56]) was principall, who continuallie cryed, "Convert, heretick: call upoun our Lady: say Salve Regina," etc. To whome he answered, "Departe, and truble me not, ye messingeris of Sathan." Bott whill that the foirsaid Freir still roared one thing in great vehemency, he said unto him, "Wicked man, thou knawis the contrair, and the contrair to me thou hast confessed: I appeall thee befoir the tribunall seatt of Jesus Christ!" After which and other wordis, which weall could nott be understand nor marked, bayth for the tumult, and vehemencye of the fyre, the witness of Jesus Christ gat victorie, after long sufferance, the last of Februar, in the zeir of God J^m. V^e. twenty and sevin zearis.[57] The said Freir departed this lyif within few dayis after, in what estait[Pg 19] we referr to the manifestatioun of the generall day. But it was plainlie knawin that he dyed, in Glaskow, in a phrenesye, and as one dispared.[58]

Now that all men may understand what was the singular eruditioun and godly knowledge of the said Mr. Patrik, we have inserted this his litill pithie werk, conteanyng his Assertionis and Determinationis concernyng the Law, the Office of the same, concernyng Fayth, and the fruittis[59] thairof; first, be the foirsaid Maister Patrik collected in Latine, and after translated in Inglisch.

John Frith unto the Christian Reader.

Blessed be God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these last dayes and perillous tymes, hath styrred up in all countreys, witnesses unto his Sonne, to testifye the truth unto the unfaythfull, to save at the least some from the snares of[Pg 20] Antichrist, which leade to perdition, as ye may here perceave by that excellent and well learned young man Patrike Hamelton, borne in Scotland of a noble progeny; who to testifie the truth, sought all meanes, and tooke upon him Priesthode, (even as Paule circumcised Timothy, to wynne the weake Jewes,) that he might be admitted to preache the pure word of God. Notwithstandyng, as soone as the Chamberleyne [Chancellor[61]] and other Byshops of Scotland had perceaved that the light began to shyne, which disclosed their falsehode that they conveyed in darkenes, they layde handes on hym, and because he wold not deny his Saviour Christ at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Nevertheles, God of his bounteous mercy (to publishe to the whole world what a man these monsters have murthered) hath reserved a little Treatise, made by this Patrike,[62] which, if ye lyst, ye may call Patrik's Places: For it treateth exactly of certaine Common Places, which knowen, ye have the pith of all Divinitie. This Treatise have I turned into the English toung, to the profite of my natioun; to whom I besech God to geve lyght, that they may espye the deceitfull pathes of perdition, and returne to the right way which leadeth to lyfe everlastyng.[63] Amen.]

[The Doctrine] of the Law.

The Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evill, as the Commandimentis heir contenit do specifie:

The Ten Commandimentis.

1. Thow shalt worschepp but one God. 2. Thow shalt maik thee nane image to worschipp it. 3. Thow shalt not sweare be his name in vane. 4. Hold the Sabbath day holy. 5. Honour thie father and mother. 6. Thow shalt not kill. 7. Thow shalt not committ adulterie. 8. Thow shalt nott steall. 9. Thow shalt bear no fals witness. 10. Thow shalt not desyre owght that belongeth unto thie nychtboure.

[All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here under ensuing]:—"Love the Lord thy God with all thyne harte, wyth all thy saule, and with all thy mynd." (Deut. 6.)—"This is the first and great commandiment. The secund is lyik unto this, Love thy nychtbour as thy selve. On these two commandimentis hang all the Law and the Propheittis." (Matth. 12.)

[CERTAINE GENERALL PROPOSITIONS PROVED BY THE SCRIPTURE.][64]

I. He that loveth God, loveth his nychtbour.[65]—"If anie man say, I love God, and yit hattith his nychtbour, he is a lyer: He that lovith not his brother whome he hath sene, how can he love God whome he hath nott sein." (1 Joan. 4.)

II. He that lovith his nychtbour as him self, keapeth the whole commandimentis of God.—"Quhatsoever ye wald that men should do unto yow, evin so do unto thame: for this is[Pg 22] the law and the propheittis." (Matth. 7.)—He that loveth his nychtbour fulfilleth the law. "Thow shalt not committ adulterie: Thow shalt not kyll: Thow shalt not steall: Thow shalt not bear fals witnesse against thy nychtbour: Thow shalt not desyre; and so furth: And yf thair be any uther commandiment, all ar comprehendit under this saying, Love thy nychtbour as thy self." (Rom. 13; Gallat. 5.)

"He that loveth his nychtbour, kepith all the commandimentis of God." "He that loveth God, loveth his nychtboure." (Roma. 13; 1 Joan. 4.)—Ergo, he that loveth God, kepith all his commandimentis.

III. He that hath the faith, loveth God.—"My father loveth yow, becaus ye luif me, and beleve that I came of God." (Joan. 19.)—He that hath the faith, keapith all the commandimentis of God. He that hath the faith, loveth God; and he that loveth God, keapith all the commandimentis of God.—Ergo, he that hath faith, keapith all the commandimentis of God.

IV. He that keapeth one commandiment, keapeth thame all.—"For without fayth it is impossible to keap any of the commandimentis of God."—And he that hath the fayth, keapeth all the commandimentis of God.—Ergo, he that keapith one commandiment of God, keapith thame all.

V. He that keapith nott all the commandimentis of God, he keapith nane of thame.—He that keapith one of the commandimentis, he keapith all.—Ergo, he that keapith not all the commandimentis, he keapith nane of thame.

VI. It is not in our power, without grace, to keap anie of Goddis commandimentis.—Without grace it is impossible to keap ane of Goddis commandimentis; and grace is not in our power.—Ergo, it is not in our power to keap any of the commandimentis of God.

Evin so may ye reassone concerning the Holy Ghost, and fayth.[Pg 23]

VII. The law was gevin to schaw us our synne.—"Be the law cumith the knowledge of the synne. I knew not what synne meant, bot throw the law. I knew not what lust had ment, except the law had said, Thow shalt not lust. Without the law, synne was dead:" that is, It moved me nott, nether wist I that it was synne, which notwithstanding was synne, and forbidden be the law.

VIII. The law biddith us do that which is impossible for us.—For it biddith us keape all the commandimentis of God: yitt it is not in oure power to keape any of thame.—Ergo, it biddeth us doo that which is impossible for us.

Thow wilt say, "Whairfoir doith God command us that which is impossible for us." I ansuere, "To mack thee know that thow arte bot evill, and that thair is no remeady to save thee in thine awin hand, and that thow mayest seak reamedy at some uther; for the law doith nothing butt command thee."

[The Doctrine] of the Gospell.

The Gospell, is as moche to say, in oure tong, as Good
Tydingis: lyk as everie one of these sentences be—

Christ is the Saviour of the world.

Christ is our Saviour.

Christ deid for us.

Christ deid for our synnes.

Christ offerred him selve for us.

Christ bare our synnes upoun his back.

Christ bought us with his blood.

Christ woushe us with his blood.

Christ came in the warld to save synnaris.

Christ came in the warld to tak away our synnes.

Christ was the price that was gevin for us and for our synnes.

Christ was maid dettour for our synnes.

Christ hath payed our debt, for he deid for us.

[Pg 24]Christ hath maid satisfactioun for us and for our synne.

Christ is our rychteousness.

Christ is oure wisdome.

Christ is our sanctifcatioun.

Christ is our redemptioun.

Christ is our satisfactioun.

Christ is our goodness.

Christ hath pacifeid the Father of Heavin.

Christ is ouris, and all his.

Christ hath delivered us frome the law, frome the devill, and hell.

The Father of Heavin hath forgevin us for Christis saik.
Or anie such other, as declair unto us the mercyes of God.

the nature [and office] of the law, and of the gospell.

The Law schawith us,
Our synne.
Our condemnatioun,
Is the word of ire.
Is the word of dispair.
Is the word of displeasure.

The Gospell schawith us,
A reamedy for it.
Oure redemptioun,
Is the word of grace.
Is the word of conforte.
Is the word of peace.

a disputatioun betuix the law and the gospell.

The Law sayith,
Paye thy debt,
Thow art a synnar desparat.
And thow shalt die.
[Pg 25]
The Gospell sayith,
Christ hath payed it.
Thy synnes ar forgevin thee.
Be of good conforte, thow shalt be saved.

The Law sayith,
Mack a mendis for thy synne.
The Father of Heaven is wraith wyth thee.
Quhair is thy rychteousnes, goodnes, and satisfactioun?
Thou art bound and obligat unto me, [to] the devill, and [to] hell.

The Gospell sayith,
Christ hath maid it for thee.
Christ hath pacefeid him with his blood.
Christ is thy rychteousnes, thy goodnes, and satisfactioun
Christ hath delivered thee from thame all.

[The Doctrine] off Faith.

Faith is to beleve God; "lyck as Abraham beleved God, and it was compted unto him for rychteousnes." (Gen. 15.)—"He that beleved God, beleved his word." (Joan. 5.)—To beleve in him, is to beleve his word, and accompt it trew that he speikith. He that belevith not Goddis word, beleveth not him self. He that belevith nott Goddis word, he compteth him fals, and ane lyar, and beleveth not that he may and will fulfill his word; and so he denyeth both the myght of God and him self.

IX. Faith is the gift of God.—"Everie good thing is the gift of God." (Jacob. 1.)—Fayth is good.—Ergo, faith is the gift of God.

X. [Faith is not in our power.]—The gift of God is not in oure power.—"Faith is the gift of God."—Ergo, fayth is not in oure power.

XI. [He that lacketh faith cannot please God.]—"Without[Pg 26] faith it is impossible to please God." (Hebr. 11.)—All that cummith nott of fayth, is synne; for without faith can no man please God.—Besydis, that he that lacketh faith, he trusteth nott God. He that trusteth not God, trusteth nott in his wourd. He that trusteth not in his wourd, hauldeth him self fals, and a liear. He that haldeth him self false and a lyer, he belevith not that he may doo that he promeseth, and so denyeth he that he is God. And how can a man, being of this fassioun, please him? No maner of way. Yea, suppoise he did all the werkis of man and angell.

XII. All that is done in fayth, pleaseth God.—"Richt is the wourde of God, and all his werkis in faith." "Lord, thine eis look to faith." That is asmuch to saye as, Lord, thow delitest in fayth. God loveth him that belevith in him. How cane thei then displease him?

XIII. He that hath the faith, is just and good.—And a good trie bringeth furth good fruite.—Ergo, all that is in faith done pleaseth God.

XIV. [He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease him.]—Moreovir, he that hath the faith belevith God.—He that belevith God, belevith his worde. He that belevith his word, woteth weall that he is trew and faithfull, and may nott lie: But knowith weall that he may and will boith fulfill his word. How can he then displease him? For thow canst not do ane greattar honor unto God, then to count him trew. Thow wilt then say, that thift, murther, adulterie, and all vices, please God? Nane, verrelie; for thei can not be done in faith: "for a good tree beareth good frute." He that hath the faith, woteth weall that he pleaseth God; for all that is done in fayth pleaseth God. (Hebr. 11.)

XV. Faith is a suirness.—"Faith is a suir confidence of thingis quhilk ar hoped for, and a certantie of thinges which ar not sene." (Hebr. 11.)—"The same spreit certifieth our spreit that we are the children of God." (Rom. 8.)—Moirovir,[Pg 27] he that hath the faith, woteth weill that God will fulfill his word.—Ergo, fayth is a suirness.

a man is justifeid be faith.

"Abraham beleveth God, and it was impueted unto him for ryghteousnes." "We suppose thirfoir that a man is justified (saith the Apostill) without the workis of law." (Rom. 4.)—"He that workith not, but belevith in him that justifieth the ungodlie, his faith is compted unto him for ryghteousnes." "The just man levith by faith." (Abac. 2; Rom. 1.)—"We wote, that a man that is justifeid, is not justifeid be the workis of the law, but be the faith of Jesus Christ, and not by the deadis of the law."

of the faith of christ

The faith of Christ is, to beleve in him; that is, to beleve his wourd, and to beleve that he will helpe thee in all thy neid, and deliver thee frome evill. Thow wilt ask me, What word? I answer, The Gospell. "He that beleveth on Christ shalbe saved." "He that belevith the Sone hath eternall lyif." "Verrelie, verrelie, I say unto yow, he that belevith on me hath everlasting lyif." (Joan. 6.)—"This I wret unto yow, that beleving in the name of the Sone of God, ye may know that ye have eternall lyif." (1 Joan. 5.)—"Thomas, becaus thow hast sein me thow belevest; but happie ar thei that have nott sein, and yit beleve in me." "All the Propheittis to him bare witness, that whosoevir belevith in him shall have remissioun of thair synnes." (Act. 10.)—"What must I do that I may be saved?" The Apostill answerid, "Beleve in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thow shalt be saved." "Yf thow acknowledge wyth the mouth, that Jesus is the Lord, and beleve in thyn harte that God raissed him up from the death, thow shalt be save." (Rom. 10.)—"He that beleveth not in Christ shalbe condemned." "He that beleveth nott the Sone[Pg 28] shall never see lyif; but the ire of God abydith upoun him." (Joan. 3.)—"The Holy Ghost shall reprove the world of synne, becaus thei beleve not in me." "Thei that beleve in Jesus Christ ar the sones of God." Ye ar all the sones of God, because ye beleve in Jesus Christ.

He that belevith in Christ the Sone of God is save. (Galat. 3.)—"Petir said, Thow art Christ, the Sone of the leving God. Jesus ansuered and said unto him, Happie arte thow, Symon, the sone of Jonas; for flesch and blood hath nott oppened unto thee that, bot my Father which is in heavin." (Matth. 16.)—"We have beloved and knowin that thow arte Christ the Sone of the leving God." "I beleve that thow arte Christ the Sone of the leving God, which should come into the warld." "These thingis ar written that ye mycht beleve that Jesus Christ is the Sone of God, and that in beleving ye mycht have lyef. I beleve that Jesus is the Sone of the leving God." (Joan. 9.)

XVI. He that belevith God, belevith the Gospell.—He that belevith God, belevith his Word:—And the Gospell is his Word. Thairfoir he that belevith God, belevith his Gospell. As Christ is the Saviour of the world, Christ is our Saviour. Christ bought us with his bloode. Christ woushe us with his blood. Christ offerred him self for us. Christ baire oure synnes upoun his back.

XVII. He that belevith nott the Gospell, belevith not God.—He that belevith not Goddis Word belevith nott him self:—And the Gospell is Goddis Word.—Ergo, he that belevith nott the Gospell belevith nott God him self; and consequentlie thei that beleve nott as is above written, and such other, beleve not God.

XVIII. He that belevith the Gospell, shalbe saved.—"Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospell unto everie creature: he that belevith and is baptised shalbe saved; bot he that belevith not shalbe condemned."[Pg 29]

a comparison betuix faith and indredulitie.

Faith is the root of all good:—
Makith God and man freindis.
Bringith God and man to gither.

Incredulitie is the root of all evill:—
Makith thame deidlie foes.
Bringith thame syndrie.

All that proceidis frome Faith pleaseth God.
All that proceidith from Incredulitie displeaseth God.

Faith only maketh a man good and rychteouse.
Incredulitie maketh him injust and evill.

Faith only maketh a man,
The member of Christ;
The inheritour of heavin;
The servand of God.
Faith schewith God to be a sweit Father.
Fayth hauldith styff be the Word of God: Countith God to be trew.
Faith knowith God: Lovith God and his nychtboure.
Faith only savith: Extolleth God and his werkis.

Incredulitie maketh him,
The member of the devill;
The inheritour of hell;
The servand of the devill.
Incredulitie maketh God a terrible Judge: It causeth man wandir heir and
thair: Maketh him fals and a liear.
Incredulitie knoweth him nott.
Incredulitie lovith nether God nor nychtbour: Onlie condemneth:
Extolleth flesche and hir awin deidis.[Pg 30]

off hope.

Hope is a trustie looking for of thingis that ar promesed to come unto us: as we hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promesed unto all that beleve on him. We should putt our hoipe and trust in God onlie, and no other thing. "It is good to trust in God, and nott in man." "He that trustith in his awin harte, he is a fuill." "It is good to trust in God, and not in princes." (Psal. 117.)—"Thei shal be lyik unto images that mack thame, and all that trust in thame." He that trusteth in his awin thoughts doeth ungodlie. "Curssed be he that trustith in man." "Bidd the rich men of this warld, that thei trust nott in thair unstable riches, but that thei trust in the leving God." "It is hard for them that trust in money to enter in the kingdome of God." Moirovir, we should trust in him onelie, that may help us [God onlie can help us.]—Ergo, we should trust in him onelie. Weill is thame that trust in God: and wo to thame that trust him nott. "Weill is the man that trustis in God; for God shalbe his trust." He that trusteth in him shall understand the trewth. "Thei shall all rejoyse that trust in thee: thei shall all evir be glaid; and thow wilt defend thame."

off charitie.

Charitie is the love of thy nychtboure. The rewll of charitie is to doo as thow woldest wer done unto thee: for charitie esteameth all alyke;[66] the riche and the poore; the friend and the foe; the thankfull and the unthankfull; the kynnesman and stranger.

a comparison betuix faith, hope, and charitie.

Faith commeth of the wourd of God: Hope commeth of
faith; and Charitie springis of thame boith.

Faith belevis the word: Hope trustith eftir that which is
promessed be the wourd: and Charitie doith good unto hir
nychtbour, throw the love that sche hath to God, and glaidnes
that is within hir selve.

Faith looketh to God and his worde: Hope lookith unto
his gift and reward: Charitie lookith unto hir nychtbouris
proffeit.

Faith receavith God: Hoipe receaveth his reward: Charitie
lookith to hir nychtbour wyth a glaid hart, and that without
any respect of reward.

Faith perteaneth to God onelie: Hope to his reward, and
Charitie to hir nychtbour.

[The Doctrine] of Good Workis.

No maner of werkis mack us rychteouse.—"We beleve that a man shalbe justifeid without werkis." (Galat. 3.)—"No man is justifeid be the deidis of the law; but be the faith of Jesus Christ. And we beleve in Jesus Christ, that we may be justifeid be the faith of Christ, and nott be the deidis of the law. Yf rychteousnes came be the law, then Christ deid in vane." That no man is justifeid be the law, it is manifest: for a rychteouse man levith by his faith; but the law is nott of faith. Moirovir, since Christ, the makar of heavin and earth, and all that thair in is, behoved to die for us; we ar compelled to grant, that we wer so far drowned in synne, that nether our deidis, nor all the treasouris that ever God maid, or might maik, might have help us out of thame: Ergo, no deidis nor werkis maie mack us rychteouse.

No werkis mak us unrychteouse.—For yf any werke maid us unrychteouse, then the contrarie werkis wold maik us[Pg 32] rychteouse. Butt it is provin, that no werkis can maik us righteouse: Ergo, no werkis maik us unrychteouse.

werkis maik us nether good nor evill.

It is proven, that werkis nether maik us rychteouse nor unrychteouse: Ergo, no werkis nether maik us good nor evill. For rychteouse and good ar one thing, and unrighteouse and evill, one. Good werkis maik not ane good man, nor evill werkis ane evill man: But a good man makith good werkis, and ane evill man evill werkis. Good fruct makith not the tree good, nor evill fruict the tree evill: But a good tree bearith good fruict, and ane evill tree evill fruict. A good man can not do evill werkis, nor ane evill man good werkis; for ane evill tree can not beare good fruct, nor ane good tree evill fruct. A man is good befoir he do good werkis, and ane evill man is evill before he do evill werkis; for the tree is good befoir it bear good fruict, and evill befoir it beir evill fruct. Everie man is either good or evill. Either maik the tree good, and the fruct good also, or ellis maik the tree evill, and the fruct lyikwyise evill. Everie manes werkis ar eyther good or evill: for all fructis ar either good or evill. "Either maik the tree good and the fruct also, or ellis maik the tree evill and the fruct of it lyikwyise evill." (Matth. 13.)—A good man is knowin be his werkis; for a good man doith good werkis, and ane evill, evill werkis. "Ye shall knaw thame be thair fruct; for ane good tree bringeth furth good fruct, and ane evill tree evill fruict." (Matth. 7.)—A man is likened to the tree, and his werkis to the fruct of the trie. "Bewar of the fals propheittis, which come unto yow in scheippis clothing; but inwardlie thei ar raveening wolves. Ye shall knaw thame be thair fructis."

none of oure werkis nether save us, nor condempne us.

It is provin, that no werkis maik us either righteouse or[Pg 33] unryghteouse, good nor evill: but first we are good befoir that we do good werkis, and evill befoir we do evill warkis: Ergo, no werk neither save us nor condempne us. Thow wilt say then, Makith it no mater what we do? I answer thee, Yes; for yf thow dost evill, it is a suir argument that thow art evill, and wantest faith. Yf thow do good, it is ane argument that thow art good and hast faith; for a good tree bearith good fruct, and an evill tree evill fruct. Yit good fruct maketh nott the tree good, nor evill fruct the tree evill. So that man is good befoir he do good werkis, and evill befoir he do evill werkis.

The man is the tree: the werkis ar the fruct. Faith maekith the good tree: Incredulitie the evill tree. Such a tree, such a fruct: such man, such warkis. For all that is done in faith pleasith God, and ar gud werkis; and all that is done without faith displeaseth God, and ar evill workis. Quhosoevir thinketh to be saved by his werkis, denyeth Christ is oure Saviour, that Christ deid for him, and, fynallie, all thing that belongeth to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour, yf thow mychtest save thy self by thy werkis? Or to what end should he have deid for thee, yf any werkis of thine might have saved thee? What is this to say, Christ deid for thee? It is nott that thow shouldest have deid perpetuallie, and that Christ, to deliver thee frome death, deid for thee, and changed thy perpetuall death in his awin death. For thow madest the falt, and he suffered the pane, and that for the luif he had to thee, befoir ever thow wast borne, when thow haddest done neither good nor evill. Now, since he hath payed thy debt, thow deist nott: no, thow canst nott, bot shouldest have bene damned, yf his death war not.[67] Bot since he was punished for thee, thow shalt not be punished. Fynallie, he hath delivered[Pg 34] thee from thye condemnatioun, and desyrith nought of thee, but that thow shouldest acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear it in mynd; and that thow woldest helpe other for his saik, boith in worde and deid, evin as he hath helped thee for nought, and without reward. O how ready would we be to help otheris, yf we knew his goodnes and gentilnes towardis us! He is a good and a gentill Lord, and he doith all thingis for nought. Let us, I beseich yow, follow his footsteps, whome all the world ought to prayse and wirschep. Amen.

he that thinkith to be savid be his werkis, calleth him selve christ:—

For he callith him self a Saviour, which aparteaneth to Christ onlie. What is a Saviour, butt he that savith? And thow sayist, I save my self; which is asmuch to say as, I am Christ; for Christ is onlie the Saviour of the world.

We should do no good werkis, for that intent to get the inheritance of heavin, or remissioun of synnes throw thame. For whosoevir belevith to gett the inheritance of heavin or remissioun of synnes, throw werkis, he belevith nott to gett that for Christis saik. And thei that beleve not, that thair synnes ar forgeivin thame, and that thei sal be saved for Christis saik, thei beleve not the Gospell; for the Gospell sayith, Yow sal be saved for Christis saik: synnes ar forgevin yow, for Christis saik.

He that belevith not the Gospell, belevith not God. And consequentlie, thei which beleve to be saved be thair werkis, or to gett remissioun of synnes be thair awin deidis, beleve not God, bot raccompt him a liear, and so utterlie denye him to be God. Thow wilt say, Shall we then do no good werkis? I say not so, but I say, We should do no good werkis for that intent to gett the kingdome of heavin, or remissioun of synnes. For yf we beleve to gett the inheritance[Pg 35] of heavin throw good werkis, then we beleve nott to gett it throw the promesse of God. Or, yf we think to gett remissioun of our synnes, as said is, we beleve nott that thei ar forgevin us by Christ, and so we compt God a liear. For God sayith, Thow shalt have the inheritance of heavin for my Sonnes saik. Yow say, It is nott so; but I will wynne it throw my awin werkis. So, I condempne not good werkis; but I condempne the fals trust in any werkis; for all the werkis that a man putteth confidence in, are thairwyth intoxicat or empoisoned, and become evill. Quhairfoir, do good werkis; but be war thow do thame to gett any good throw thame; for yf thow do, thow receavest the good, not as the gift of God, bott as debte unto thee, and maikest thy self fellow with God, becaus thow wilt tack no thing from him for nought. What nedith he any thing of thyne, who gevith all thing, and is not the poorare? Thairfoir do nothing to him, but tack of him; for he is ane gentill Lord, and with, a glaidar harte will geve us all thingis that we neid, than we taik it of him. So that yf we want any thing, lett us witt our selfis. Prease not then to the inheritance of heavin, throwght presumptioun of thy good werkis; for yf thow do, thow comptest thy selve holy and equall unto him, becaus thow wilt tack nothing of him for nowght; and so salt thow fall as Lucifer fell from heavin for his pride.

Thus endis the said Maistir Patrikis Articles.[68] And so we returne to oure Hystory.

When those cruell wolves had, as thei supposed, cleane devored the pray, thei fynd thame selfis in warse caise then thei war befoir; for then within Sanctandrose, yea, almost within the hole realme, (who heard of that fact,) thair was none found who begane not to inquyre, Whairfoir was Maistir Patrik Hammyltoun brunt? And when his Articles war rehersed, questioun was holden, yf such Articles war necessarie to be beleved under the pane of damnatioun. And so within schort space many begane to call in dowbt that which befoir thei held for a certane veritie, in so much that the Universitie of Sanctandrose, and Sanct Leonardis Colledge principallie, by the labouris of Maistir Gawin Logy,[69] and the novises[70] of the Abbay, by the Suppriour,[71] begane to smell somwhat of the veritie, and to espy the vanitie of the receaved superstitioun. Yea, within few yearis eftir, begane baith Black and Gray Frearis publictlie to preache against the pride and idile lief of Bischoppis, and against the abuses of the whole ecclesiasticall estaite. Amongis whome was one called Frear Williame Arth,[72] who, in a sermone preached in Dundye, spak somwhat moir liberallie against the licentious lyifes of the Bischoppis nor thei could weall beair. He spaik farther against the abuse of[Pg 37] curssing and of miracles. The Bischop of Brechin,[73] having his placeboes and jackmen in the toun, buffatted the Freir, and called him Heretick. The Freir, impatient of the injury receaved, past to Sanctandrose, and did communicat the headis of his sermone with Maister Johnne Mair,[74] whose wourd then was holden as ane oracle, in materis of religioun; and being assured of him, that such doctrin mycht weall be defendid, and that he wald defend it, for it conteaned no heresye; thair was ane day appointed to the said Frear, to maik repetitioun of the sam sermon; and advertisment was gevin to all such as war offended att the formar to be present. And so, in the parishe kirk of Sanctandrose, upoun the day appointed, appeared the said Frear, and had amonges his auditouris Maistir Johnne Mair, Maistir George Lockart,[75] the Abbot of Cambuskynneth,[76] Maistir Patrik Hepburne the[Pg 38] Priour of Sanctandrose,[77] with all the Doctouris and Maistires of the Universities. The theame of his sermone was, "Veritie is the strongest of all thingis." His discourse of Curssing was, "That yf it war rychtlie used, it was the moist fearfull thing upoun the face of the earth; for it was the verray separatioun of man frome God: but that it should nott be used rashlie, and for everie light cause, but onlie against open and incorrigible synnaris. But now, (said he,) the avarice of preastis, and the ignorance of thair office, has caused it altogitther to be vilipended;[78] for the preast, (said he,) whose dewitie and office is to pray for the people, standis up on Sounday, and cryes, 'Ane hes tynt a spurtill. Thair is ane flaill stollin from thame beyound the burne. The goodwyiff of the other syd of the gait hes tynt a horne spune. Goddis maleson and myne I geve to thame that knowis of this geyre, and restoris it not.'"—How the people mocked thair curssing, he ferther told a meary tale; how, after a sermoun that he had maid at Dumfermling, he came to a house whair gossoppis was drynking[Pg 39] thair Soundayis penny, and he, being dry, asked drynk. "Yis, Father, (said ane of the gossoppes,) ye shall haif drynk; bot ye mon first resolve ane doubt which is rissen amongis us, to witt, What servand will serve a man beast on least expenssis." "The good Angell, (said I,) who is manis keapar, who maikis great service without expenssis." "Tush, (said the gossope,) we meane no so heigh materis: we meane, What honest man will do greatest service for least expensses?" And whill I was musing, (said the Frear,) what that should meane, he said, "I see, Father, that the greatest clerkis ar nott the wysest men. Know ye not how the Bischoppis and thair officiallis servis us husband men? Will thei not give to us a lettir of Curssing for a plack, to laste for a year, to curse all that looke ower our dick [dyke]? and that keapis our corne better nor the sleaping boy, that will have three schillingis of fye, a sark, and payre of schone in the year. And thairfoir, yf thair curssing dow any thing, we held the Bischoppis beast chaip servandis, in that behalf, that ar within the realme." As concernyng miracles, he declaired, what diligence the ancientis took to try trew miracles frome false. "But now, (said he,) the greadynes of preastis not onlie receave false miracles, bot also thei cherise and feis knaiffis for that purpoise, that thair chapellis may be the better renouned, and thair offerand may be augmented. And thairupoun ar many chapelles founded, as that our Lady war mychttiar, and that sche took more pleasour in one plaice then in ane uther; as of laite dayis our Lady of Karsgreng hes hopped fra ane grene hillock to ane uther. But honest men of Sanctandrose, (said he,) yf ye luif your wyffis and your doughtaris, hald thame at hame, or ellis send thame in honest companye; for yf ye knew what miracles war kithed thaire, ye wold neyther thank God nor our Lady." And thus he mearelie tanted thare trystis of hurdome and adulterye used at such devotioun.

Ane uther article was judged more hard; for he alledged[Pg 40] the commoun law,[79] That the Civyle Magistrate mycht correct the Churchmen,[80] and deprive thame of thaire benefices, for oppin vices.

Ane uther day, the same Frear maid ane uther sermoun of the Abbote [of] Unreassone,[81] unto whome and whose lawis he compared the prelattis of that age; for thei war subdewid to no lawis, no moir then was the Abbote [of] Unreassoun. And amonges uther thingis he told such a meary bourd. "Thare was (said he) a Prelatt, or at least a Prelattis peir, a trew servand to the King of luif, who, upoun a nycht after suppar, asked at his gentillmen, be the fayth that thei awght to the king of luif, that thei should trewlie declare how many syndrie wemen everie ane of thame had haid, and how many of thame war menis wyffis. Ane answered, He had lyne with fyve, and two of thame war maryed. The other answered, I have haid sevin, and three of thame ar maryed. It came at last to my[Pg 41] Lord him self, who macking it veray nyce for a lytill space, gave in the end ane plain confessioun, and said, 'I am the yongest man, and yitt have I haid the round desone; and sevin of thame ar menis wyffis.' Now, (said the Frear,) this god and king of luif, to whome our Prelaittis maikis homage, is the maistir devill of hell, from whome such werkis and fruitis doo procead." This Prelatt was knowin by his proper tockenes to have bene Priour Patrik Hepburne,[82] now Bischop of Murray, who to this day hes continewed in the professioun that he anes maid to his god and king of luif.[83]

It was supposed, notwithstanding this kynd of preaching, that this Frear remaned papist in his heart; for the rest of the Frearis, fearing to losse the benedictioun of the Bischoppes, to witt, thair malt and thair maill, and thair other appoineted pensioun, cawsed the said Frear to flye to England, whair, for defence of the Paipe and Paipistrie, his was cast in preasone[84] at King Hary his commandiment. But so it pleasith God to open up the mouth of Baalames awin asse, to cry out againest the vitious lyves of the clergie of that aige. Schorte after this, new consultatioun was tackin, that some should be brunt;[Pg 42] for men began verray liberallie to speak. A meary gentillman, named Johnne Lyndesay, famylliar to Bisehope James Betoun, standing by when consultatioun was had, said, "My Lord, yf ye burne any mo, except ye follow my counsall, ye will utterlye destroy your selves. Yf ye will burne thame, lett thame be brunt in how sellarris; for the reik of Maister Patrik Hammyltoun hes infected as many as it blew upoun."[85] Thus it pleased God, that thei should be tanted in thair awin face. But hear followis the moist meary of all. Sandie Furrour, who had bene empreasoned sevin yearis in the Toure of Londone, Sir Johnne Dignwaill,[86] according to the cheritie of Churche men,[87] enterteneid his wyiff, and waisted the poore manes substance. For the which caus, at his returnyng, he spaik more liberallie of preastis then thei could bear, and so was he declaired[88] to[Pg 43] be accused of heresye, and called to his ansuer to Sanctandrose. He lapp up mearely upoun the scaffold, and, casting a gawmound, said, "Whair ar the rest of the playaris?" Maistir Audro Olephant,[89] offended thairwyth, said, "It shalbe no play to yow, Sir, befoir that ye depart." And so began to read his accusatioun. The first article whareof was, That he dispyssed the Messe. His ansuer was, "I hear mo Messis in awght dayis, then thre Bischoppis thair sitting sayis in a year." Accused secoundarly, Of contemptioun of the sacramentis. "The preastis, (said he,) war the maist commoun contempnaris of sacramentis, and especiallie of matrimonye," and that he witnessed by any of the preastis thare present, and named the menis wyffis with whome thei had medled, and especiallie Sir Johnne Dignwaill, who had sevin yearis togitther abused his awin wyff and consumed his substance; and said, "Becaus I complayne of such injuries, I am hear summoned, and accused, as one that is worthy to be brunt. For Goddis saik, (said he,) wil ye taick wyeffis of your awin, that I and utheris, whose wyiffis ye have abused, may be revenged upoun yow." Then Bisehope Gawin Dumbar,[90] named the Old Bischop of Abirdein, thinking to justifye him self befoir the people, said, "Carll, thow shalt not know my wyff." The said Alexander ansuered, "My Lord, ye ar too old; bot, with the grace of God, I shall drynk with your dochtter or I[Pg 44] departe." And thareat was smylling of the best, and lowd laughtter of some; for the Bisehop had a dowghter maryed with Andro Balfour[91] in that same toune. Then the Bischoppis bad, "Away with the earll." But he ansured, "Nay; I will not departe this houre; for I have more to speak against the vices of preastis, then I cane expresse this haill[92] day." And so, after diverse purposes, thei commanded him to burne his bill. And he demanding the caus, thei said, "Becaus ye have spoken these articles whairof ye ar accused." His ansuer was, "The mekill devill bear thame away, that first and last said thame." And so he tack the bill, and chowing it, hee after spatt it in Mr. Andro Oliphantis face, saying, "Now burne it or drune it, whitther ye will: ye heir na mair of me. Butt I man have somewhat of everie ane of yow to begyn my pack agane, which a preast and my wyif, a preastis hoore, hes spentt." And so everie prelate and riche preast, glaid to be qwyte of his evill, gave him somwhat; and so departed hie, for he understood nothing of religioun.

But so fearfull it was then to speak any thing against preastis, that the least word spokin against thame, yea, albeit it was spokin in a manes sleip, was judged heresye; and that was practised upoun Richart Carmichaell, yet leving in Fyfe,[93] who being young, and ane singar in the Chapell Royal of Striveling, happened in his sleepe to say, "The devill tak[Pg 45] away the preastis, for thei ar a gready pack." Hie, thairfor, accused be Sir George Clappertoun, Deane[94] of the said Chapell, was compelled tharefore to burne his bill.

But God schort after raised up against thame strongar campionis. For Alexander Setoun,[95] a Blak Frear, of good learning and estimatioun, began to tax the corrupt doctrin of the Papistrye. For the space of a hole Lentran,[96] he tawght the commandimentis of God onlye, ever beatting in the earis of his auditouris, That the law of God had of many yearis not bein trewlie tawght; for menis traditionis had obscured the puritie of it. These war his accustomed propositionis: First, Christ Jesus is the end and perfectioun of the law. 2. Thair is no syne quhair Goddis law is not violated. 3. To satisfie for syne lyes not in manis power, but the remissioun thairof cumis by unfeaned reapentance, and by faith apprehending[Pg 46] God the Father mercifull in Christ Jesus, his sone. Whill often tymes he puttis his auditouris in mynd of thir and the lyik headis, and maikis no mentioun of purgatorye, pardones, pilgramage, prayer to sanctes, nor such trifillis, the dum Doctouris, and the rest of that forsworne rable, begane to suspect him; and yitt said thei nothing publictlie, till Lentrain[97] was ended, and he passed to Dundie. And then, in his absence, ane hired for that purpose openlie damned the hole doctrin[98] that befoir he had tawght. Which cuming to the earis of the said Frear Alexander, then being in Dundye, without delay he returned to Sanctandrose, caused immediatlie to jow the bell, and to give significatioun that he wald preach; as that he did in deid. In the which sermon he affirmed, (and that more plainlie then at any uther tyme,) whatsoever in all his hole sermones hie had tawght befoir the haill Lentrantyde preceding;[99] adding, that within Scotland thair was no trew Bischoppe, yf that Bischoppes should be knawin by such notes and vertewis, as Sanct Paule requyres in Bischoppis. This delatioun flew with wyngis to the Bischoppis earis, who, butt farther delay, send for the said Frear Alexander, who began greveouslie to complayne, and sharplye to accuse, that he had so sclanderouslie spokin of the dignitie of the Bischoppes, as to say, "That it behoved a Bischope to be a preachear, or ellis he was but a dume dogg, and fed not the flock, but fed his awin bellye." The man being witty, and mynded of that which was his most assured defence, said, "My Lord, the reaportaris of such thingis ar manifest lyearis." Whareat the Bischope[100] rejosed, and said, "Your ansour pleasses me weall: I never could think of yow,[Pg 47] that ye wold be so foolische as to affirme such thingis. Whare ar thei knaiffis that have brought me this tale?" Who compearing, and affirmyng the same that thei did befoir, hie still replyed, That thei ware leyaris. But whill the witnesses war multiplyed, and men war browght to attentioun, he turned him to the Bischope, and said, "My Lord, ye may see[101] and considder what caris these asses have, who cane nott discerne betuix Paull, Isai, Zacharie, and Malachie and Frear Alexander Setoun. In verray deid, My Lord, I said that Paule sayis, 'It behoveth a Bischop to be ane teichear.' Isai sayith, 'That thei that feid nott the flock ar dum doggis.' And Zacharie sayeth, 'Thei ar idoll pastouris.' I of my awin head affirmed nothing, butt declared what the Spreitt of God had befoir pronunced; at whome, my Lord, yf ye be nott offended, justly ye cane nott be offended at me. And so yit agane, my Lord, I say, that thei ar manifest leyaris that reported unto yow, that I said, That ye and utheris that preach nott ar no Bischoppis, but belly Goddis."

Albeit after that, the Bischope was heightly offended, asweill at the skwff[102] and bitter mock, as at the bold libertie of that learned man; yitt durst he nott hasard for that present to execute his malice conceaved; for nott onlye feared he the learnyng and bold spreit of the man, bot also the favour that he had, alsweall of the people, as of the Prince, King James the Fyft, of whome he had good credite; for he was at that tyme his Confessour, and had exhorted him to the feare of God, to the meditatioun of Goddis law, and unto puritie of lyiff. Butt the said Bischope, with his complices, foirseing what danger mycht cume to thair Estaite, yf such familiaritie should continew betuix the Prince and a man so learned, and so repugnyng to thair affectionis, laubored by all meanes to mack the said Frear Alexander odiouse unto the Kingis Grace, and[Pg 48] easely fand the meanes by the Gray Frearis, (who by thare hypochrisye deceaved many,) to traduce the innocent as ane heretyk. This accusatioun was easely receaved and more easelye beleved[103] of the carnall Prince, who altogitther was gevin to the filthy loostis of the fleshe, abhorred all counsall that repugned thairto. And becaus he did remember what a terrour the admonitionis of the said Alexander was unto his corrupted conscience, without resistance he subscrived to thair accusatioun, affirmyng that he knew mair then thei did in that mater; for he understood weall ynewcht, that he smelled of the new doctrin, by such thingis as he had schawin to him under confessioun. And tharefoir he promessed, that he should follow the counsall of the Bischoppes in punishing of him and of all utheris of that sect. These thingis understand by the said Alexander, alsweall by informatioun of his freindis and familliaris, as by the strange contenance of the King unto him, provydit the nixt way to avoid the fury of a blynded Prince: and so, in his habite,[104] hie departed the realme,[105] and cuming to Berwik, wraitt back agane to the Kingis grace his complaint and admonitioun, the verray tennour and copy whareof followis, and is this:—

This letter was delivered to the Kingis awin handis, and of many redd.[111] But what could greatlie[112] admonitionis availl, whare the pryde and corruptioun of prelattis commanded what thei pleased, and the flatterie of courteouris fostered the insolent Prince in all impietie.

Frome the death of that constant witness of Jesus Christ, Maistir Patrik Hammyltoun, God disclosing the wickednes of the wicked, as befoir we have hearde, thare was one Forress of Lynlythqw[113] tacken, who, after long empreasonment in the[Pg 53] Sea toure[114] of Sanctandross, was adjudgeit to the fyre by the said Bischop James Betoun, and his doctouris, for non uther cryme but becaus he had ane New Testament in Engliss. Farther of that history we have nott, except that he deid constantlie, and with great patience, at Sanctandross. After whose death, the flame of persecutioun ceassed, till the death of Maistir Normound Gowrlaw, the space of ten yearis[115] or neyrby; not that thei bloody beastis ceassed by all meanes to suppresse the light of God, and to truble such as in any sorte war suspected to abhore thair corruptioun; but becaus the realme was trubled with intestine and civile warres, in the which much blood was sched; first, at Melrose, betuix the Dowglasse and Baleleweh, in the yeir of God J^m. V^c. twenty sax, the xviiij day of Julij; nixt, at Lynlythqw, betuix the Hammyltonis and the Erle of Levenax, whair the said Erle, with many utheris, lost his lyif, the thretten day of September, the year foirsaid; and last, betuix the King him self and the said Dowglasses,[116] whome he banished the realme, and[Pg 54] held thame in exyle during his hole dayis. Be reassone of these, we say, and of other trubles, the Bischoppis and thair bloody bandis cold not fynd the tyme so favorable unto thame as thei requyred, to execut thair tyranny.

In this mydd tyme, so did the wisdome of God provide, that Hary the Eyght, King of England, did abolishe frome his realme the name and authoritie of the Pape of Rome; suppress the Abbayis, and uther places of Idolatrie; which geve esperance to diverse realmes, that some godlye reformatioun should thairof have ensewed. And thairfoir, frome this our countrey, did diverse learned men, and utheris that leved in fear of persecutioun, repayre to that realme; whair albeit thei fand not such puritie as thei wished, (and thairfoir diverse of thame socht other countreis,) yit thei eschaped the tyranny of merciless men, and war reserved to better tymes, that thei mycht fructifie within His Church, in diverse places and partis, and in diverse vocationis. Alexander Setoun remaned in England, and publictlie, (with great praise and conforte of many,) tawght the Evangell in all sinceritie certane yearis. And albeit the craftynes of Wyncester,[117] and of otheris, circumvened the said Alexander, that thei caused him at Paules Croce to affirme certane thingis that repugned to his formar trew doctrin;[118] yit it is no dowbt, but that as God potentlie[Pg 55] had rung with him in all his lyiff, but that also in his death, (which schortlie after followed,) he fand the mercy of his God, whareupoun he ever exhorted all men to depend. Alexander Alæsius, Maistir Johnne Fyfe, and that famouse man Doctor Machabeus, departed unto Duch land,[119] whare by Goddis providence thei war distributed to severall places.[120] Makdwell, for his singular prudence,[121] besydis his learnyng and godlynes, was elected borrow maistir in one of the Steadis.[122] Alesius was appointed to the Universitie of Lipsia;[123] and so was Maistir Johnne Fyff,[124] whare, for thare honest behaveour and great cruditioun, thei war halden in admiratioun with all the godly. And in what honour, credite, and estimatioun, Doctor Machabeus[125] was with Christianus King of Denmark, Cawp[Pg 56]manhoven,[126] and famowse men of diverse nationis, cane testifie. Thus did God provid for his servandis, and did frustrat the expectatioun of these bloody beastis, who by the death of one, in whome the lyght of God did clearly schyne, intended to have suppressed Christis trewth for ever within this realme. But the contrary had God decryed; for his death was the cause, (as said is,) that many did awaik frome the deadly sleape of ignorance, and so did Jesus Christ, the onlye trew Light, schyne unto many, for the way-tackin of one. And albeit that these notable men did never after, (Maistir Johnne Fyfe onlie excepted,) conforte this countree with thair bodelye presence; yit maid thame fructifie in His Churche, and raissed thame up lightis out of darkness, to the prase of his awin mercy, and to the just condempnatioun of thame that then rewled, to wit, of the King, counsall, and nobilitie, yea of the hole people, who sufferred such notable personages, without crymes committed, to be injustlie persecuted, and so exyled. Otheris war after evin so entraited: but of thame we shall speak in thair awin places.

No soonare gatt the Bischoppis oportunitie, (which alwyise thei sought,) but so sone renewed thei the battell against Jesus Christ; for the foirsaid leprouse Bischop, in the year of God J^m. V^c. thretty four, caused to be summoned Sir Williame[Pg 57] Kirk, Adam Dayis, Hendrie Karnes, Johnne Stewart, indwellaris of Leyth,[127] with diverse otheris, such as, Maistir Williame Johnestoun,[128] Maister Henry Hendyrson, schoolmaister of Edinburgh,[129] of whome some compeired in the Abbay Kirk of[Pg 58] Halyrudhouse, and so abjured and publictlie brynt thare byllis:[130] otheris compeared nott, and tharefoir war exyled. Butt in judgement war produced two, to wit, David Stratoun,[131] a gentilman, and Maister Normound Gowrlay,[132] a man of reassonable eruditioun, of whom we mon schortlye speak. In Maister Normound appeared knawledge, albeit joyned with weakness. But in David Stratoun, could onlye be espyed, for the first, a haterent against the pride and avaritiousnes of the preastis; for the causse of his delatioun was, he had maid to him self ane fische boit to go to the sea. The Bischop of Murray, (then being Priour of Sanctandross,[133]) and his factouris, urgeid him for the teind thairof. His ansuer was, Yf thei wald haif teynd of that which his servandis wane in the sea, it war but reassoun, that thei should come and receave it whare his gatt the stock; and so, as was constantlye affirmed, he caused his servandis cast the tenth fische in the sea agane.[Pg 59] Processe of curssing was led against him, for non payment of such teindis:[134] which when he contempned, he was delaited to answer for heresye. It trubled him vehementlie; and thairfoir he begane to frequent the company of such as war godlie; for befoir he had bene ane man verry stubburne, and one that dispysed all reading, (cheaflie of those thingis that war godly;) but miraculouslie, as it war, his appeared to be changeid; for he delyted in nothing but in reading, (albeit him self could not reid,) and was ane vehement exhortar of all men to concord, to qwyetness, and to the contempt of the warld. He frequented much the company of the Lard of Dun, whome God, in those dayis, had marvelouslie illuminated. Upoun a day, as the Lard of Lowristoun,[135] that yit lyveth, then being ane young man, was reading unto him upoun the New Testament, in ane certane qwyet place in the feildis, as God had appointed, he chaunced to read these sentenceis of our Maistir, Jesus Christ: "He that denyis me befoir men, or is eschamed of me in the myddest of this wicked generatioun, I will deny him in the presence of my Father, and befoir his angellis." At which wordis, he suddandlie being as one ravissed, platt him self[136] upoun his knees, and extending baith handis and[Pg 60] visage constantlie to the heavin a reassonable tyme, at lenth he burst furth in these wourdis, "O Lorde, I have bene wicked, and justlie may thow extract thy grace from me. But, Lord, for thy mercyis saik, lett me never deny thee, nor thy trewth, for fear of death or corporall pane." The ischew declaired that his prayer was not vane: for when he, with the foirsaid Maistir Normound, was produceid in judgement in the Abbey of Halyrudhouse, the King him self, (all cled in redd,) being present, great laubouris war maid, that the said David Stratoun should have recanteid, and brunt his bill. But he ever standing at his defence, alledgeing that he had not offended, in the end was adjudgeid unto the fyre; and then, when that he perceaved the danger, asked grace of the King, (which he wold willinglye have granted unto him:) The Bischoppes proudly answered, That the Kingis handis war bound in that case, and that he had no grace to give to such as by thare law war condempned. And so was he, with the said Maistir Normond, after dennar, upoun the twentye sevin day of August, the zeir of God J^m. V^c. thretty four foirsaid, lead to a place besydis the Roode of Greynsyd;[137] and thair thei two war boyth hanged, and brunt, according to the mercy of the Papisticall Kirk.[138] To that same dyett war summoned, as befoir we have said, otheris of whome some eschaiped in England,[139] and so for that present eschaiped the death.

This thaire tyranny notwithstanding, the knowledge of God did[Pg 61] wonderouslie increase within this realme, partlie by reading, partlie by brotherlye conferance, which in those dangerouse dayis was used to the comforte of many; butt cheaflie by merchantis and marinaris, who, frequenting other cuntreis, heard the trew doctrin affirmed, and the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun openlye rebucked: Amongis whome war Dundy and Leyth principalles, against whome was maid ane verry strayte inquisitioun, by David Betoun, cruell Cardinall;[140] and diverse war compelled to abjure and burne thair byllis, some in Sanctandross, and some at Edinburgh. About the same tyme, Capitane Johnne Borthwik was brunt in figure, but by Goddis providence eschaiped thair fury.[141] And this was done, for a spectackle and triumphe to Marie of Loreane,[142] laitlie arrived fra France, as wyff to James the Fyft, King of Scottis. What plagues sche brought with hir, and how thei yitt continew, such as ar nott blynd may manifestlie see.

The raige of those bloody beastis proceadith so that the Kingis Courte it self eschaipit nott that danger; for in it[Pg 62] diverse war suspected, and some accused. And yitt ever still did some lycht burst out in the myddis of darknes; for the trewth of Christ Jesus entered evin in the cloastearis, alsweall of Frearis, as of Monkis and Channounes. Johnne Lyn, ane Gray freare, left his hipocryticall habite, and the den of those murtheraris the Gray Frearis. Ane Black freir, called Frear Kyllour,[143] sett furth the Historye of Christis Passioun in forme of a play, quhilk he boith preached and practised opinlie in Striveling, the King him salf being present, upoun a Good Friday in the mornyng: In the which, all thingis war so levelye expressed, that the verray sempill people understood and confessed, that as the Preastis and obstinat Pharisyes persuaded the people to refuise Christ Jesus, and caused Pilat to condampne him; so did the Bischoppes, and men called Religious, blynd the people, and perswaid Princes and Judgeis to persecute sick as professis Jesus Christ his blessed Evangell.

This plane speaking so enflammed the hartes of all that bare the beastis mark, that thei ceassed nott, till that the said Frear Kyllour, and with him Frear Beverage, Sir Duncane Symesoun,[144] Robert Froster,[145] ane gentilman, and Dene Thomas[Pg 63] Forret,[146] Channoun Regulare and Vicar of Dolour, ane man of upright lief, who all togetther war cruelly murthered in one fyre,[147] the last day of Februar, in the zeir of [God] 1538.[148] This cruelty was used be the said Cardinall, the Chancellar, Bischope of Glasgw, and the incesteous Bischope of Dumblane.[149]

After that this cruelty was used in Edinburght, upon the Castell Hill, to the effect that the rest of the Bischoppes mycht schaw thame selfis no less fervent to suppress the light of God, than hie of Sanctandrose was, war apprehended two in the Diosey of Glasgw. The one was named Jeronimus Russall,[150] a Cordyleyr frear, a young man of a meak nature,[Pg 64] qwyk spreat, and good letteris; and one Kennedy,[151] who passed not xviij yearis of aige, one of excellent injyne in Scotish poesye. To assist the Bischope of Glasgw in that cruell judgement, or att least to caus him dippe his handis in the blood of the Sanctes of God, war send Maister John Lawder,[152] Maister Andro Oliphant,[153] and Frear Maltman, sergeantis of Sathan,[154] apt for that purpose. The day appointed to thare crueltie approched, the two poore sanctis of God war presented befoir those bloody bowcheouris: grevouse war the crymes that war layed to thare charge. Kennedy at the first was faynt, and glaidly wald have recanted. But whill[Pg 65] that place of reapentance was denyed unto him, the Spreit of God, which is the Spreit of all conforte, begane to wyrk into him, yea the inward conforte begane to burst furth, alsweall in visage, as in tung and wourd; for his countenance begane to be chearfull, and with a joyfull voce upoun his kneis, hie said, "O eternal God! how wonderouse is that luf and mercy that thow bearest unto mankynd, and unto me the moist cative and miserable wrache above all utheris; for, evin now, when I wold have denyed thee, and thy Sone, our Lord Jesus Christ, my onlye Saveour, and so have casten my self in everlesting damnatioun; thow, by thy awin hand, has pulled me frome the verray bottome of hell, and mackis me to feall that heavinlie conforte which tackis fra me that ungodly fear, whairwyth befoir I was oppressed. Now I defy death; do what ye please: I praise my God I am readdy." The godly and learned Jeronimus, rayled upoun by those godless tyrantes, ansured, "This is your houre and the power of darknes: now sytt ye as judgeis; and we stand wrongfullie accused, and more wrongfullie to be condempned; but the day shall come, when our innocency shall appeare, and that ye shall see your awin blyndness, to your everlesting confusioun. Go fordward, and fulfill the measur of your iniquitie." Whill that these servandis of God thus behaved thame selfis, aryseth a variance betuix the Bischope and the beastis that came from the Cardinall; for the Bischope said, "I think it better to spayr these men, nor to putt thame to death."[155] Wharat the idiot Doctouris offended, said, "What will yo do, my Lord? Will ye condempne all that my Lord Cardinall and the other Bischoppes and we have done? Yf so ye do, ye schaw your self ennemye to the Kirk and us,[Pg 66] and so we will reputt yow, be ye assured." At which wordis, the faythless man effrayed, adjudgeed the innocentis to dye, according to the desyre of the wicked. The meak and gentill Jerome Russall conforted the other with many confortable sentences, oft saying unto him, "Brother, fear nott: more potent is He that is in us, then is hie that is in the world: The pane that we shall suffer is schorte, and shalbe lycht; but our joy and consolatioun shall never have end: And thairfoir lett us contend to enter in unto our Maister and Saveour, by the same strait way, which he has traidd[156] befoir us. Death cane not destroy us; for it is destroyed allreaddy by him for whose saik we suffer." Wyth these and the like confortable sentences, thei passed to the place of executioun; and constantlie triumphed owir death and Sathan, evin in the myddest of the flammyng fyre.

And thus did those cruell beastis intend nothing but murther in all the quarteris of this Realme.[157] For so far had that blynded and most vitious man, the Prince, (most vitious, we shall call him, for hie nether spaired manis wieff nor madyn, no more after his mariage then he did befoir,)—so far, we say, had he gevin him self to obey the tyranny of those bloody beastis, that he had maid a solempned vow, That none should be spaired that was suspect of Heresye, yea,[Pg 67] althought it war his awin sone. To press and push him fordward in that his fury, he lacked not flatteraris ynew; for many of his miazeonis war pensionaris to preastis; amangis whome, Oliver Synclar, yitt remaning ennemy to God, was the principale. And yit did not God cease to give to that blynded Prince documentis, that some suddane plague was to fall upoun him, in case hie did not reapent his wicked lief; and that his awin mouth did confesse. For after that Sir James Hammyltoun was beheaded,[158] (justlie or injustlie we disput nott,) this visioun came unto him, as to his familiaris him self did declare: The said Sir James appeared unto him, having in his handis a drawin sworde, by the which fra the King hie stroke boith the armes, saying to him these wourdis, "Tak that, whill thow receave a finall payment for all thy impietie." This visioun,[159] with sorowfull conteanance, hie[Pg 68] schew on the morow; and schortlie thaireftir deid his two sonnes, boith within the space of 24 houris; yea, some say, within the space of sex houris.[160] In his awin presence, Georde Steill, his greattest flatterar, and greattest ennemy to God that was in his Courte, dropped of his horse, and deid without worde,[161] that same day that, in oppin audience of many, the said George had refuisscd his portioun of Christis kingdome, yf the prayeris of the Virgin Marie should not bring him thairto. How terrible a visioun the said Prince saw,[Pg 69] lying in Lynlythqw, that nycht that Thomas Scott,[162] Justice Clerk, dyed in Edinburgh, men of good credite cane yitt reporte. For effrayed at mydnycht, or after, hie cryed for torches, and reissed all that lay besyd him in the Palice, and told that Thome Scott was dead; for hie had bene at him with a company of devillis, and had said unto him these wordes, "O wo to the day, that ever I knew thee, or thy service; for, for serving of thee against God, against his servandis, and against justice, I am adjudgeid to endless torment." How terrible voces the said Thomas Scott pronunced befoir his death, men of all estaitis heard; and some that yitt lyve cane witness;[163] his voce was ever, "[Pg 70]Justo Dei judicio condemnatus sum:" that is, I am condempned by Goddis just judgement. He was most oppressed for the delatioun and fals accusatioun of such as professed Christis Evangell, as Maister Thomas Marjoribankis,[164] and Maister Hew Rig,[165] then advocattis, did confesse to Maister Henrie Balnavis; who, from the said Thome Scott, cam to him, as he and Maister Thomas Ballenden[166] war sytting in Sanet Geillis Kirk, and asked him forgevance in the name of the said Thomas.[Pg 71] None of these terrible forwarnynges could eyther change or mollifie the heart of the indurat, licherous, and avaritious tyranne; but still he dois procead frome impietie to impietie. For, in the myddest of these admonitionis, he caused putt handis in that notable man, Maister George Balquhannan,[167] to whome, for his singulare eruditioun and honest behaveour, was committed the charge to instruct some of his bastard children.[168] Butt, by the mercifull providence of God, he eschaped (albeit with great difficultie,) the rage of these that sought his blood, and remancs alyve to this day, in the yeare of God J^m. V^c. threseor sax yearis, to the glorie of God, to the great honour of his natioun, and unto the conforte of those that delyte in letteris and vertew. That singulare werke of David his Psalmes in Latine meter and poesie,[169] besydis many utheris, cane witness the rare graces of God gevin to that man, which that tyrant, by instigatioun of the Gray Frearis, and of his other flatteraris, wold altogither have[Pg 72] devored, yf God had nott providit remeady to his servand by eschaping.[170]

This cruelty and persecutioun[171] notwithstanding, thei monstouris and hypocreattis the Gray Frearis, day by day, came farther in contempt; for not only did the learned espy[172] thare abhominable hypocrisye, but also men, in whom no such graces nor giftis ware thought to have bene, begane plainlie to paynt the same furth to the people; as this Ryme, which here we have inserted for the same purpose, maid by Alexander Erle of Glencarne,[173] yitt alyve, can witnesse, intitulat,

Ane Epistle direct fra the Holye Armite of Allarit,[174] to his Bretheren the Gray Freires.

I, Thomas, Armite in Larite, Sainet Frances brether[175] hartlie greit,[Pg 73]

When God had gevin unto that indurat Prince sufficient documentis, that[Pg 76] his rebellioun against his blessed Evangell should not prosperouslie succeid, hie rases up against him warr, as that he did against obstinat Saull, in the which he miserablie perrished, as we shall after hear.

The occasioun of the Warr was this. Hary the Eight, King of England, had a great desyre to have spokin with oure King; and in that poynt travailled so long, till that he gat a full promesse[187] maid to his Ambassadour, Lord Williame Hawart. The place of meatting was appointed [at] York; which the King of England keap[t] with such solempnitie and preparationis, as never for such ane purpoise was sein in England befoir. Great brute of that jorney, and some preparatioun for the same was maid in Scotland; but in the end, by persuasioun of the Cardinall David Betoun, and by otheris of his factioun, that jorney was stayed, and the Kinges[Pg 77] promesse falsefeid. Whareupoun war scharpe letteris of reproch send unto the King,[188] and also unto his Counsall. King Hary frustrat, returned to London, and after his indignatioun declaired, began to fortifie with men his frontearis foranent Scotland. Thare war send to the Bordouris Sir Robert Bowis, the Erle of Anguss, and his brother, Sir George Duglass. Upoun what uther trifeling questionis, (as for the debatable land and such like,) the war brak up, we omitt to wryte. The principall occasioun was the falsefeing of the promeisse befoir maid. Oure King perceaving that the warr wald ryse, asked the Prelattis and Kirkmen, what supporte thei wald maik to the susteanyng of the same; for rather wald he yitt satisfie the desyre of his Uncle, then he wald hasard warr, whare hie saw nott his force able to resist. Thei promissed montanes of gold, (as Sathan thaire father did to Christ Jesus yf he wold wirschipe him;) for rather wold thei have gone to hell, or he should have mett wyth King Hary: for then, thought thei, Fayr weill our kingdome; and fayr weill, thought the Cardinall, his credite and glorie in France. In the end, thei promissed fyftie thousand crownes by year,[189] to be weall payed, so long as the warres[Pg 78] lested; and farther, that thaire servandis, and otheris that appartened unto thame, and war exemed from common service, should not the less serve in tyme of necessitie. These vane promisses lifted up in pryde the harte of the unhappye King: and so begynnis the warr. The realme was quartered, and men war laid in Jedburgh and Kelso. All man, (foollis we meane,) bragged of victorie; and in verray deid the begynnyng gave us a fayr schaw. For at the first wardane raid, which was maid at the Sanct Bartholomess day,[190] in the zeir of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa, was the Wardane Sir Robert Bowis, his brother Richard Bowis, Capitane of Norhame, Sir Williame Mallerie[191] knycht, a bastarde sone of the Erle of Anguss, and James Dowglas of Parkhead, then rebelles, with a great number of borderaris, soldeouris, and gentilmen, tackin.

The Reade was termed Haldane Rig.[192] The Erle of Anguss, and Sir George his brother, did narrowlie eschaipe. Our Papistis and Preastis, proude of this victorye, encouraged the King, so that thare was nothing heard but, "All is owres. Thei ar butt heretyckis. Yf we be a thousand and thei ten thousand, thei dar not feght. France shall enter the ane parte, and we the other, and so shall England be conqueast within a year." Yf any man was sein to smyle att sick vanitie, his was no more bot a tratour and ane heretyck. And yitt by these meanes, men had greattar libertie then thei had befoir, as concernyng thair conscience; for then ceassed the persecutioun. The warr continued till mydd September; and then was send doune the old Duck of North[Pg 79]folk,[193] with such ane army as a hundreth yearis befoir had not come in Scotland. Thei wer in amassing thaire forses, and setting fordwarte of thare preparationis and munitionis, which ware exceading great, till mydd October, and after; and then thei merched from Berwik, and tended to the west, ever holding Tweid upoun thair one syd, and never camped from that ryver the space of a myle, during the hole tyme thei continewed in Scotland, which was ten or twelf dayis. Forresse war runne upon the day to Smallame,[194] Stichell, and such place nere about, but many snapparis thei gate. Some cornes thei brunt, besydis that which the great host consumed, but small butting thei caryed away. FALA RAID. The King assembled his forse att Falow,[195] (for hie was advertised that thei had promessed to come to Edinburght,) and tackin the mustaris all att ane howre, two dayis befoir Alhallow evein,[196] thair war found with him auchttein thousand able men. Upoun the bordouris, that awaited upoun the Engliss army, war ten thousand men, with the Erle of Huntlie, Lordis Erskyn, Seytoun, and Home. These ware judgeid men ynew to hasard battell, albeit the other war esteamed fourtie thousand. Whill the King lyis at Fawla, abyding upoun the gunnes, and upoun advertisment frome the armye, the Lordis begyne to remember how the King had bene long abused by his flatteraris, and principallie by the pensionaris of the preastis. It was[Pg 80] anes concluded, that thei wald mack some new remembrance of Lauder-brig[197] to see yf that wald, for a seassoun, somewhat help the estait of thare cuntrie. But, becaus the Lordis could nott aggrie amonges thame selfis, upoun the persones that deserved punishment, (for everie man favored his friend,) the hole eschaiped; and the purpoise was opened unto the King, and by him to the Curteouris, who after that, till that thei came to Edinburgh, stood in no litill feare: But that was suddandly foryett, as we shall after hear. Whill tyme is thus protracted, the Engliss army, for skarstye of victualles, (as was bruted,) retearis thame owir Twead upoun the nycht, and so begynnes to skaill. Whareof the King advertissed, desyris the Lordis and barronis to assist him, to follow thame in England. Whose answer was, with one consent, "That to defend his persone and realme, thei wold hasard lyef and whatsoever thei had; butt to invaid England, nether had thei so just titill as thei desyred; nether yit could thei be then able to do any thing to the hurte of England, considering that thei had long befoir bene absent fra thair houssis, thare provisioun was spent, thare horse wereyed, and that which was greatest of all, the tyme of year did utterlie reclame." This thare answer seamed to satisfie the King; for hie in woordis praised thare prudent foresight and wyse counsall. But the mynt maid to his Curteouris, and that bald repulse of his desyres gevin to him in his awin face, so wounded his proud harte, (for long had hie roung[198] as him self list,) that he decreed a notable revenge, which, no doubt, he had not failled to have executed, yf God by his awin hand had not cutted the coardis of his impietie. He returnes to Edinburgh; the nobilitie, barones, gentilmen, and[Pg 81] commones to thair awin habitationis: And this was the secund and thrid dayis of November.

Without longar delay, at the Palice of Halyrudhouse, was a new Counsall convened, a Counsall, we meane, of his abusaris; wharein war accusationis laide against the most parte of the nobilitie. Some war heretickis, some favoraris of England, some freindis to the Dowglassis, and so could thare be none faythfull to the King, in thaire opinioun. The Cardinall and the Preastis cast fagottis in the fyre with all thare force; and fynding the King hollie addict to thare devotioun, delivered unto him ane Scroll,[199] conteanyng the names of such as thei, in thare inquisitioun, had convict for Heretickis. For this was the ordour of justice, which these holy fatheris keapt in dampnying of innocent men. Whosoevir wald delaite any of heresye, he was heard: no respect nor consideratioun had what mynd the delatour bayre to the persone delated; whosoever war produced for witnesses war admitted, how suspitious and infame that ever thei ware; yf two or thre had provin any poynt, that by thare law was holden heresye, that was ane heretick: rested no moir but a day to be affixed to his condempnatioun, and to the executioun of thare corrupted sentence. What man could be innocent, whare such judgeis was party, the world may this day considder. Trew it is, by fals judgement and false witnesses, have innocentis bene oppressed from the begynnyng. Butt this fredome to sched innocent blood gatt never the Devill but in the kingdome of Antichrist, "that the innocent should dye, and neyther knaw accusatour nor yitt the witnesses that testifeid against him." Butt how shall the Antichrist be knowin, yf he shall not be contrarious to God the Father, and his Sone Christ Jesus, in law, lief, and doctrin. Butt this we omitt.

The same Scroll had the Cardinall and Prelattis ones[200] presented unto the King befoir, what tyme he returned frome the Navigatioun about the Ylis.[201] Butt then it was refuissed by the prudent and stowt counsall of the Lard of Grange,[202] who opened clearly to the King the practise of the Prelattis, and the danger that thairof mycht ensew. Which considered by the King, (for being out of his passioun, he was tractable,) gave this answer, in the Palice of Halyrudhouse, to the Cardinall and Prelattis, after that thei had uttered thair malice, and schew what profit[203] mycht arise to the Croune, yf hie wold follow thair counsall. "Pack you, Jefwellis:[204] gett yow to your chargeis, and reforme your awin lyves, and be nott instrumentis of discord[Pg 83] betuix my nobilitie and me; or ellis, I avow to God, I shall reforme yow, not as the King of Denmark by impreasonment does, neythor yitt as the King of England does, by hanging and heading; but I shall reforme yow by scharpe whingaris,[205] yf ever I heir such motioun of yow againe." The Prelattis dascht and astonyed with this ansure, ceassed for a seassoun to tempt any farther, by rigour against the nobilitie. But now, being informed of all proceadingis by thaire pensionaris, Oliver Synclar, Ross lard of Cragye,[206] and utheris, who war to thame faythfull in all thingis, thei conclude to hasarde ones[207] agane thare formar suyt; which was no sonar proponed but as sone it was accepted, with no small regrate maid by the Kingis awin mouth, that he had so long dyspised thare counsall; "For, (said hie,) now I plainlie see your woordis to be trew. The nobilitie neyther desyres my honour nor continuance; for thei wold nott rydd a myle for my pleasur to follow my ennemyes. SOLAN MOSS, HOW IT BEGAN. Will ye tharefor fynd me the meanes, how that I may have a Raid maid in England, without thare knawledge and consent, that may be knawin to be my awin[Pg 84] Raide? and I shall bynd me to your counsall for ever." Thare concurred togitther Achab and his false prophettis; thare war gratulationis and clappin of handis; thare war promisses of diligence, closenes, and felicitie. Finally, conclusioun was tackin, that the West bordour of England, which was moist empty of men and garresonis, should be invaided; the Kingis awin banner should be thare; Oliver,[208] the great moynzeoun,[209] should be generall levetenant; but no man should be pryvey, (except the Counsall that was thare then present,) of the interprise, till the verray day and executioun thaireof. The Bischoppes glaidly took the charge of that Raid. Letteris war sent to such as thei wold charge to meat the King, day and place appointed. The Cardinall, with the Earle of Errane, war directed to go to Haddingtoun, to mack a shaw against the East bordour, when the utheris ware in readdynes to invaid the Weast. And thus neather lacked counsall, practise, closenes, nor diligence, to sett fordwarte that interprise: And so, amanges these consultaris, thare was no doubt of ane good successe; and so was the Scroll thankfullie receaved by the King him self, and putt into his awin pocket, whare it remaned to the day of his death, and then was found. In it war conteaned mo then ane hundreth landed men, besydis otheris of meaner degree, amonges whome was the Lord Hammyltoun him self,[210] then secound persone of the realme, delaited.

It was bruted, that this Read was devised by the Lord Maxwell;[211] butt[Pg 85] the certaintie thairof we have not. The nyght befoir the day appointed to the interprise, the King was found at Lowmabane.[212] To him cumis cumpanyes frome all quarteris, as thei war appointed, no man knowing of ane uther, (for no generall proclamatioun past, but prevey letteris,) nether yitt did the multitude know any thing of the purpose till after mydnycht, when that the trompet blew, and commanded all man to march fordwart, and to follow the King, (who was constantlye supposed to have bene in the host.) Guydes war appointed to conduct thame towardis England, as boith faythfullye and closlye thei did. Upon the point of day, thei approched to the ennemys ground; and so passes the wattir without any great resistance maid unto thame. The forrow[213] goes furth, fyre ryses, herschip mycht have bein sein on everie syd. The unprovedeid people war all together amased; for brycht day appearing, thei saw ane army of ten thowsand men; thare cornes and howssis[214] upoun every syd send flambes of fyre unto the heavin. To thame it was more then a wonder, that such a multitud could have bene assembled and convoyed, no knowledge thairof cuming to any of thare Wardanes. For supporte thei looked nott; and so at the first thei ware utterlie dispared. And yitt begane thei to assemble togitther, ten in one company, twenty in ane uther; and so, as the fray proceaded, thare troopes encreassed, but to no number; (for Carleyle, fearing[Pg 86] to have bein assaulted, suffered no man to ishe out of thare yettis;) and so the greatast nomber, that ever appeared or approched befoir the discomfitour, past nott thre or foure hundreth men; and yitt thei maid hott skarmisching, as in thair awin ground, in such fates,[215] thei ar most experte. About ten houris, when fyris war kendilled and almost slokned[216] on every syd, thought Olyver tyme to schaw his glorie; and so incontinent was displayed the Kingis baner; Oliver upoun spearis lyft up upoun menis schoulderis, and thair with sound of trompett was he proclamed generall lievtenneant, and all man commanded to obey him, as the Kingis awin persone under all hieast panes. Thare was present the Lord Maxwaill, Wardane, to whome the regiment,[217] in absence of the King, propirlie apperteaned: he heard and saw all, butt thought more then he spak. Thare war also present the Erles Glencarne and Cassiles, with the Lord Flemyng, and many uther Lordis, Baronis, and gentilmen of Lotheane, Fyf, Anguss, and Mearnes. In this mean tyme did the skirmishing grow hottar[218] then it was befoir: schouttis war heard on everie syd. Some Scottismen war stryckin doune; some not knowing the ground lared, and lost thair horse.[219] Some Engliss horse of purpose war lett lowse, to provok gready and imprudent men to preak[220] at thame; as many did, but fand no advantage. Whill such disordour ryses more and more in the army, men cryed in everie care, "My Lord Lievetennant, what will ye do." Charge was gevin, that all man should lyght and go to array; for thei wald fight it. Otheris cryed, "Against whome will ye feght? Yone men will feght non utherwyise then ye see thame do, yf ye will stand hear whill the morne." New purpose was tackin, that[Pg 87] the foott men, (thei had with thame certane bandis of soldeouris,[221]) should softlye retear towardis Scotland, and the horsemen should tack thare horse agane, and so follow in ordour. Great was the noyse and confusioun that was heard, whill that everie man calles his awin sloghorne.[222] The day was neyre spent, and that was the cause of the greatast fear. The Lord Maxwell perceiving what wold be the end of such begynnynges, stood upoun his foote with his freandis, who being admonissed to tack his horse, and provide for him self; ansured, "Nay, I will rather abyd hear the chance that it shall please God to send me, then to go home and thare be hanged." And so hie remaned upoun his foote, and was tackin, whill the multitud fledd, and took the greattar schame. The ennemeis perceaving the disordour, increassed in courage. Befoir thei shouted; but then thei strok. Thei schote spearis and dagged arrowis, whare the cumpanyes war thikest. Some reacuntaris war maid, but nothing availled. The soldeouris caist from thame thaire pickis, culveringis, and utheris weaponis fensable; the horsmen left thair spearis; and so, without judgement, all man fled. The sea was filling, and so the watter maid great stope; but the fear was such as happy was hie that mycht gett a tackar. Such as passed the watter and eschaped that danger, nott weill acquented with the ground, fell into the Sollen Moss.[223] The entrie thairof was pleasing yneuch, but as thei proceaded, all that took that way, eyther lost thare horse, or ellis thame selfis and horse boith. To be schort, a greattar feir and disconfiture, without cause, hes seldome bein sein. For it is said, That[Pg 88] whare the men war nott sufficient to tack the handis of presonaris, some rane to houssis, and randred thame selfis to wemen. Stout Oliver[224] was without strack tackin, fleing full manfully; and so was his glorie (stincking and foolishe proudnes we should call it,) suddandly turned to confusioun and schame. In that disconfiture war tackin the two Erles foirsaid, the Lordis Flemyng, Somervaill, and many otheris baronis and gentilmen, besydis the great multitud of servandis. Worldly men may think, that all this came but by mysordour and fortoun, (as thei terme it;) but whosoever has the least sponk of the knowledge of God, may as evidentlie see the werk of his hand in this disconfiture, as ever was sein in any of the battelles left to us in registre by the Holy Ghost. 1. REG. 20. For what more evident declaratioun have we, that God faught against Benhadab, King of Aram, when he was disconfited at Samaria, then that we have that God faught with his awin arme against Scotland? In this formare disconfiture, thare did two hundreth and thretty personis in the skyrmyshe, with sevin thousand following them[Pg 89] in the great battell, putt to flyght the said Benhadad with thretty Kingis in his cumpany. But hear thare is, in this schamefull disconfiture of Scotland, verray few mo then three hundreth men, without knowledge of any back or battell to follow, putt to flight ten thowsand men without resistance maide. Thare did everie man reaconter his marrow, till that the 230 slew such as matched thame. But heir without slawchter the multitud fled. Thare had those of Samaria the prophete of God to conforte, to instruct, and to promesse victorie unto thame. But England, in that persute, had nothing, but as God secreatlie wrought by his providence in these men that knew nothing of his wirking, nether yitt of the causes thareof, more then the wall that fell upoun the rest of Benhadadis army knew what it did. And tharefor, yit agane we say, that such as in that suddane dejectioun beholdis not the hand of God, feghting against pride for fredome of his awin litill flock, injustly persecutted, dois willingly and malitiouslie obscure the glorie of God. But the end thairof is yitt more notable.

The certane knowledge of the disconfiture cuming to the Kingis earis, (who wated upoun newes at Lowmaban,[225]) hie was stryckin with ane suddane feare and astonisment, so that skarslye could hie speak, or had[226] purpoise with any man. The nycht constrayned him to remane whare he was, and so yead[227] to bed; but raise without rest or qwyet sleape. His continuall complaint was, "Oh, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? Oh, fled Oliver!" And these woordis in his melancholie, and[Pg 90] as it war caryed away in ane transe, repeated hie from tyme to tyme, to the verray hour of his death. Upone the morne, which was Sanct Katherins day,[228] returned he to Edinburgh, and so did the Cardinall from Hadingtoun. But the one being eschamed of the other, the brute of thare communicatioun came nott to publict audience. The King maid inventorie of his poise, of all his juwellis and other substance;[229] and tharefter, as eschamed to look any man in the face, secreatlie departed to Fyfe, and cuming to the Hall-yardis,[230] was humanlie receaved of the Ladye[231] Grange, ane ancient and godly matron, (the Lard at his cuming was absent.) In his cumpany war only with him Williame Kirkaldy, now Lard of Grange, and some otheris that wated upoun his chalmer. The Lady at suppar, persaving him pensive, begane to conforte him, and willed him to tack the werk of God in good parte. "My portioun, (said he,) of this world is schorte, for I will nott be with you fyvetene dayis." His servandis reparing unto him, asked, Whare hie wold have provisioun maid for his Yule?[232] quhilk then approched. He ansuered, with a disdanefull smyrk, "I can nott tell: chuse ye the place. Butt this I cane tell you, or Yule day,[233] ye wilbe maisterless, and the realme without ane King." Becaus of his displeasur, no man durst mack contradictioun unto him. So after that hie had visited the Castell of Carny,[234] perteanyng to the Erle of Crawfurd, whare the said Erles dowghter, ane of his hoores,[235] was, hie returned to Falkland and took bedd. And albeit[Pg 91] thare appeared unto him no signes of death, yet hie constantly affirmed, befoir such ane day, "I shalbe dead."

In this meantyme, was the Quene upoun the point of hir delivery in Linlithqw, who was delivered the awcht day of December,[236] in the yeare of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa yearis, of Marie, that then was borne, and now dois ring for a plague to this realme, as the progress of hir hole lief hath to this day declaired. The certantie that a dowghter was borne unto him cuming to his earis, he turned from such as spak with him, and said, "The devill go with it! It will end as it begane: it came from a woman; and it will end in a woman." After that, hie spak nott many woordis that war sensible. But ever hie harped upoun his old song, "Fy, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? All is loist." REGIS EXITUS In this meantyme, in his great extremitie, cumes the Cardinall, (ane apt confortare for a desperat man.) He cryes in his ear, "Tak ordour, Schir, with your realme: who shall rewill during the minoritie of your Dowghter? Ye have knawin my service: what will ye have done? Shall thare nott be four Regentes chosyn? and shall nott I be principall of thame?" Whatsoever the King answered, documentis war tackin that so should be, as my Lord Cardinall thought expedient.[237] As[Pg 92] many affirme, a dead manes hand was maid to subscrive ane blank, that thei mycht wryte above it what pleased thame best. This finissed, the Cardinall posted to the Quene, laitly befoir delivered, as said is. At the first sight of the Cardinall, sche said, "Welcome, my Lord: Is nott the King dead?" What moved hir so to conjecture, diverse men ar of diverse judgementis. Many whisper, that of old his parte was in the pott, and that the suspition thairof caused him to be inhibite the Quenis cumpany. Howsoever it was befoir, it is plane that after the Kingis death, and during the Cardinallis lyif, whosoever guyded the Court, he gat his secreat besynes sped of that gratiouse Lady, eyther by day or by nycht. Howsoever the tydingis lyked hir, she mended with als great expeditioun of that dowghter as ever she did befoir of any sone she bayre. The tyme of hir purificatioun was sonar then the Leviticall law appointes. But she was no Jewess, and thairefore in that she offended nott.[238]

The noyse of the death of King James divulgat, who departed this lyef, the threttene day of December, the year of God 1542 foirsaid,[239] the hartes of men begane to be disclossed. All man lamented that the realme was left without a male to succeid; yit some rejosed that such ane ennemy to Goddis treuth was tackin away. Hie was[Pg 93] called of some, a good poore manis King: of otheris hie was termed a murtherare of the nobilitie, and one that had decreed thair hole destructioun. Some prased him for the repressing of thyft and oppressioun; otheris disprased him for the defoulling of menis wyffis and virgines. And thus men spak evin as affectionis led thame. And yitt none spack all together besydis the treuth; for a parte of all these foresaidis war so manifest, that as the verteuis could nott be denyed, so could nott the vices by any craft be clocked. The questioun of governement was throught this realme universallie moved. The Cardinall proclamed the Kingis Last Will,[240] and thairin war expressed foure Protectouris, or Regentis, of whome him self was the first and principall, and with him war joyned the Erles Huntley, Ergyle, and Murray.[241] This was done the Mononday at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh. But the Mononday following, took the hole Regentis remissioun for there usurpatioun; for by the stout and wyese counsall of the Larde of Grange, did the Erle of Errane, then secound persone to the Croune,[242] causse assemble the nobilitie of the realme, and required the equitie of thare judgementis in that his just suyt to the governement of this realm, during the minoritie of hir to whome hie was to succeid, failling of hir and of hir lauchfull successioun.[243] His freindis convened, the nobilitie assembled, the day of decisioun is appointed. THE CARDINALIS REASSONIS AGAINST THE GOVERNEMENT OF HAMMYLTONIS The Cardinall and his factioun oppones[244] thame to the governement of one man, and especiallie to the regiment of any called Hammyltoun: "For[Pg 94] who knowis nott, (say the Cardinall,) that the Hammyltonis ar cruell murtheraris, oppressouris of innocentis, proud, avaritiouse, duble, and false; and finallie, the pestilence in this commoun wealth." Whairto the said Erle ansured, "Defraude me not of my right, and call me what ye please. Whatsoever my freindis have bene, yitt, unto this day, hes no man caus to complaine upoun me, nether yitt am I mynded to flatter any of my freindis in thare evill doing; but by Goddis grace shalbe as fordwarte to correct thare enormities, as any within the realme cane reassonablie requyre of me. And tharefor, yit agane, my Lordis, in Goddis name I crave that ye do me no wrong, nor defraud me not of my just titill befoir that ye have experience of my governement." At these woordis, war all that feared God or loved honestie so moved, that with one voce thei cryed, "That petitioun is most just, and onless we will do against God, justice, and equitie, it can nott be denyed." And, in dispyte of the Cardinall and his suborned factioun, was he declaired Governour, and with publict proclamatioun so denunceid to the people. The Kingis Palace, treasure, jewellis, garmentis, horse, and plate,[245] war delivered unto him by the officiaris that had the formar charge; and he honored, feared, and obeyed more hartlie, then ever any King was befoir, so long as his abood at God. The caus of the great favor that was borne unto him was, that it was bruted that hie favored Goddis woord; and becaus it was weall knowin, that hie was one appointed to have bene persecuted, as the Scroll found in the Kingis pockat, after his death, did witnesse. These two thingis to gitther, with ane opinioun that men had of his simplicitie, bowed the hartes of many unto him in the begynnyng, who after, with dolour of hartes, war compelled to[Pg 95] change thare opinionis: But heirof will after be spoken. The varietie of materis that occurred we omitt, such as the ordour tackin for keaping of the young Quene;[246] of the provisioun for the Mother; the home calling of the Dowglassis; and other such, as apperteane to ane universall Historye of the tyme: For, as befoir we have said, we mynd only to follow the progresse of the Religioun, and of the matteris that cane not be dissevered from the same.

The Governour[247] establissed in governement, godly men repaired unto him, exhorted him to call to mynd for what end God had exalted him; out of what danger he had delivered him; and what expectatioun all men of honestie had of him. At thare instant suyting, more then of his awin motioun, was Thomas Guylliame,[248] a Blak Freare, called to be precher.[Pg 96] The man was of solid judgement, reassonable letteris, (as for that age,) and of a prompt and good utterance: his doctrine was holsome, without great vehemency against superstitioun. Preached also sometymes Johnne Rowght, (who after, for the veritie of Christ Jesus, sufferred in England, in the dayis of Marie of curssed memorie,[249]) albeit not so learned, yett more sempill, and more vehement against all impietie. The doctrine of these two provoked against thame, and against the Governour also, the hatterent of all such as more favored darknes then light, and thare awin bellyes more then God. The Gray Frearis, (and amonges the rest Frear Scott,[250] who befoir had geavin him self furth for the greatest professour of Christ Jesus within Scotland, and under that cullour had disclosed, and so endangered many,) these slaves of Sathan, we say, rowped as thei had bein ravinis, yea, rather thei yelled and rored as devillis in hell, "Heresy! heresy! Guyl[Pg 97]liame and Rought will cary the Govornour to the Dewill." The Toune of Edinburgh, for the most parte, was drouned in superstitioun: Edwarte Hope,[251] young Williame Adamsone, Sibilla Lyndesay, Patrik Lyndesay,[252] Francess Aikman; and in the Cannogait, Johnne Mackaw, and Ryngzeane Broune, with few otheris, had the bruyte of knowledge in those dayis. Ane Wilsone, servand to the Bisehope of Dunkell, who nether knew the New Testament nor the Old, made a dispytfull rayling ballat against the Preachcouris, and against the Govenour, for the which he narrowly eschaped hanging. The Cardinall moved boith heavin and hell to trouble the Governour, and to stay the preaching; but yitt was the battell stowtlye foughtin for a seassone; for he was tackin, and was put first in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun. But at lenth by buddis gevin[253] to the said Lord Seatoun, and to the old Larde of Lethingtoun,[254] he was restored to Sanctandross,[255] frome whense he wrought all myscheif, as we shall after heare.

The Parliament approched, which was befoir the Pashe;[256] thare begane[Pg 98] questioun of the abolishing of certane tyrannicall Actes, made befoir,[257] at devotioun of the Prelattis, for manteanyng of thair kingdom of darkness, to witt, "That under pane of heresye, no man should reade any parte of the Scriptures in the Engliss toung, nether yitt any tractat or expositioun of any place of Scripture." Such articles begane to come in questioun we say, and men begane to inquyre, yf it was nott als lauchfull to men that understoode no Latyne, to use the woorde of thare salvatioun in the toung thei understood, as it was for Latine men to have it in Latyne, Græcianes or Hebrewis to have it in thare tounges. It was ansured, That the Kirk first had forbiddin all tounges but thei three. But men demanded, when that inhibitioun[Pg 99] was gevin; and what counsall had ordeaned that, considering, that in the dayis of Chrisostome he compleanes, that the people used not the Psalmes, and other holy bookis, in thare awin toungis? And yf ye will say thei war Greakis, and understoode the Greak toung; we ansure, that Christ Jesus commanded his woorde to be preached to all nationis. Now, yf it aught to be preached to all nationis,[258] it must be preached in the tung thei understand: Now, yf it be lauchfull to preach it, and to hear it preached[259] in all tounges, why shall it not be lauchfull to read it, and to hear it red in all tounges? to the end that the people may trye the spreittis, according to the commandiment of the Apostill. Beaten with these and other reassonis, thei denyed not but it may be red in the Vulgar toung, providit that the translatioun war trew. It was demanded, what could be reprehended in it? And when much searching was maid, nothing could be found, but that Luif, say thei, was putt in the place of Cheritie. When the questioun was asked, What difference was betuix the one and the other, and yf thei understud the nature of the Greak terme Αγαπε?[260] thei war dume. Ressoned for the party of the Secularis, the Lord Ruthven, (father to him that prudentlie gave counsall to tack just punishment upoun that knaif Dawie,[261] for that he abused the unhappy King Hary[262] in mo cases then one,) a stout and discreat man in the cause of God, and Maister Henrie Balnevis, ane old professour: For the parte of the Clargie, Hay, Dene of Restalrige,[263] and certane old Boses with him.

The conclusioun was, the Commissionaris of browghtis, and a parte of the[Pg 100] Nobilitie requyred of the Parliament, that it mycht be ennacted, "That it should be lauchfull[264] to everie man to use the benefite of the translatioun which then thei had of the Bibill and New Testament, togitther with the benefite of other tractises conteanyng holsome doctrine, unto such tyme as the Prelattis and Kirk men should geve and sett furth unto thame ane translatioun more correct." The Clargy hearto long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by reassonis and by multitud of votes in thare contrare, thei also condiscended; and so by Act of Parliament, it was maid free to all man and woman to reid the Scriptures in thair awin toung, or in the Engliss toung:[265] and so war all Actes maid in the contrair abolished.

This was no small victorie of Christ Jesus, feghting against the conjured ennemyes of his veritie; not small conforte to such as befoir war holdin in such bondage, that thei durst not have red the Lordis Prayer, the Ten Commandimentis, nor Articules of thare fayth, in the Engliss toung, but thei should have bene accused of heresye. Then mycht have bene sein the Byble lying almaist upoun everie gentilmanis table. The New Testament was borne about in many manis handes. We grant, that some (alace!) prophaned that blessed wourd; for some that, perchance, had never red ten sentenses in it, had it maist common in thare hand; thei wold chope thare[Pg 101] familiares on the cheak with it, and say, "This hes lyne hyd under my bed-feitt these ten yearis." Otheris wold glorie, "O! how oft have I bein in danger for this booke: How secreatlie have I stollen fra my wyff at mydnyeht to reid upoun it." And this was done of many to maik courte thairby; for all man esteamed the Governour to have bein the most fervent Protestand that was in Europa. Albeit we say that many abused that libertie granted of God miraculouslye, yitt thairby did the knowledge of God wonderouslie increase, and God geve his Holy Spreit to sempill men in great aboundance. Then ware sett furth werkis in our awin toung, besydis those that came from England, that did disclose the pryde, the craft, the tyranny, and abuses of that Romane Antichrist.

The fame of our Governour was spred in diverse cuntreis, and many praised God for him. King Hary send unto him his Ambassadour, Mr. Saidlar,[266] who lay in Edinburgh a great parte of the sommer. His commissioun and negotiatioun was, to contract a perpetuall amitie betuix England and Scotland: the occasion wharof God had so offerred, that to many men it appeared that from heavin He had declared his good pleasur in that behalf. For to King Hary, of Jane Somer,[267] (after the death of Quene Katherin, and of all utheris that mycht haif maid his mariage suspect,) was gevin a sone, Edwarte the Saxt of blessed memory, eldar some yearis then our Maistress, and unto us was left a Quene, as befoir we have heard. This wonderfull providence[Pg 102] of God caused men of greatast judgement to enter in disputatioun with thame self, whither that, with good conscience, any man mycht repugne to the desyres of the King of England, considdering that thairby all occasioun of warr mycht be cutt of, and great commoditie mycht ensew to his realme. The offerris of King Hary war so large, and his demandis so reassonable, that all that lovith quyetness war content tharewith. Thare war sent from the Parliament to King Hary, in commissioun, Schir Williame Hammyltoun,[268] Schir James Lermont, and Maister Henry Balnevis;[269] who long remaynyng in England, so travailled that all thingis concernyng the mariage betuix Edwart the Saxt and Marie Quene of Scottis was aggreed upoun, except the tyme of hyr deliverance to the custody of Englismen. Upoun the finall conclusioun of the which head, war added to the formare Commissionaris Williame Erle of Glencarne and Schir George Dowglasse, to whome was gevin ample commissioun and good instructionis. In Scotland remaned Maister Saidlare. NOTE WEALL Advertismentis past so frequentlie betuix, yea, the handis of our Lordis so liberallie war anoynted,[270] besydis other commodities promissed, and of some receaved; for diverse presonaris tackin at Solane Mosse[271] war send home[Pg 103] ransome free, upoun promesse of thair fidelitie, which, as it was keapt, the ishew will witnesse. Butt in the end, so weall war all ones content, (the Cardinall, the Quene, and the factioun of France, ever excepted,) that solempnedlye, in the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, was the contract of mariage betuix the personis foirsaid, togetther with all the clausis and conditionis requisite, for the faythfull observatioun tharof, red in publict audience, subscryved, sealled, approved and allowed of the Governour for his parte, Nobilitie and Lordis for thare partes; and that nothing should lack that mycht fortifie the mater, was Christis body sacrat, (as Papistes terme it,) brokin betuix the said Governour and Maister Saydlar, Ambassadour, and receaved of thame boyth as a signe and tockin of the unitie of thare myndis, inviolablye[272] to keap that contract,[273] in all poyntis, as thei looked of Christ Jesus to be saved, and after to be reputed men wourthy of credite befoir the world.

The Papistes raged against the Governour, and against the Lordis that consented, and abaide suyre at the contract foirsaide; and they made a brag to depose the Governour,[274] and to confund all: And without delay rased[Pg 104] their forces, and came to Linlitliqw, where the yong Quene was kept.[275] But, upoun the returneyng of the saidis Ambassadouris from England, pacyficatioun was maid for that tyme; for, by the judgements of eyght personis for ather party, chosyn to judge, Whitther that any thing was done by the said Ambassadouris, in the contracting of that mariage, which to do thei had not sufficient power fra the Counsall and Parliament, it was found, That all thingis war done according to thare commissioun, and that so thei should stand: and so war the Seallis of England and Scotland interchanged. Maister James Fowles,[276] then Clerk of Registre, receaved the Great Seall of England; and Maister Sadlare receaved the Great Seall of Scotland. The headis of the contract we pass by. Those thingis newly ratifeid, the merchantis maid frack[277] to saill, and to thare trafique, which, by the truble of warris, had some yearis bein hindered. Frome Edinburgh war frauchted xii schippis richlie ladin, according to the wares of Scotland. From other tounes and portes departed other, who all arryved upoun the coast of[Pg 105] England, towardis the south, to witt, in Yarmouht; and without any great necessitie, entered not only within readis, bot also within portes and places of commandiment, and whare that schippis mycht be arreisted. And becaus of the lait contracted amitie, and gentill intertenement that thei found at the first, thei maid no great expeditioun. Bot being, as thei supposed, in securitie, in merynes thei spend the tyme, abyding upoun the wynd.

In this meantyme, arryves from France to Scotland the Abbot of Paislay,[278] called bastard brother to the Governour, (whome yitt many esteamed sone to the old Bischope of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun,[279]) and with him Maister David Panteyr, (who after was maid Bischope of Ross.) The brut of the learnyng of these two, and thare honest lyiff, and of thare fervencye and uprychtnes in religioun, was such, that great esperance thare was, that thare presence should haif bene confortable to the Kirk of God. For it was constandlye affirmed of some, that without delay, the one and the other wald occupy the pulpete, and trewly preach Jesus Christ. But few dayis disclosed thair hypochrisye; for what terrouris, what promisses, or what enchanting boxis thei brought fra France, the commoun people knew not. But schort after, it was sein, that Frear Guylliame was inhibite to preach, and so departed to England; Johnne Rowght to Kyle,[280] (a receptakle of Goddis servandis of old.) The men of counsall, judgement, and godlynes, that had travailled to promote the Governour, and that gave him faythfull counsall in all dowt[Pg 106]full materis, war eyther craftely conveyed from him, or ellis, by threatnyng to be hanged, war compelled to leave him. Of the one nomber, war the Lard of Grange foirsaid, Maister Henry Balnavis, Maister Thomas Ballentyne,[281] and Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont;[282] men by whose laubouris he was promoted to honour, and by whose counsall he so used him self at the begynnyng, that the obedience gevin to him was nothing inferiour to that obedience that any King of Scotland of many yearis had befoir him. Yea, in this it did surmont the commoun obedience, that it proceaded from luif of those vertewis that was supposed to have bene in him. Off the number of those that war threatned, war Maister Michaell Durham,[283] Maister David Borthwik,[284] David Foresse, and David Bothwell; who counsalled him to have in his cumpany men fearing God, and not to foster wicked men in thare iniquitie, albeit thei war called his freindis, and war of his surname. This counsall understand by the foirsaid Abbote, and by the Hammyltonis, (who then repaired[Pg 107] to the Courte as ravenes to the carioun,) in plane wourdis it was said, "My Lord Governour nor his freandis will never be at qwyetness, till that a dosone of thire knaiffis that abuse his Grace be hanged." These wourdis was spokin in his awin presence, and in the presence of some of thame that had better deserved then so to have bene entracted: the speakar was allowed for his bold and plane speakin. And so the wicked counsall deprehended, honest and godly men left the Court and him in the handis of such, as by thare wicked counsall led him so far from God, that he falsefeid his promeise, dipt his handis in the bloode of the Sanctes of God, and brought this commoun welth to the verray poynt of utter ruyne.[285] And these war the first fructis of the Abbot of Paisley his godlynes and learnyng: butt heirefter we will hear more.

All honest and godly men banished from the Courte, the Abbot and his counsall begynnis to lay befoir the inconstant Governour, the dangeris that mycht ensew the alteratioun and change of religioun; the power of the King of France; the commoditie that mycht come to him and his house, by reatenyng the ancient league with France; and the great danger that he brought upoun him self, yf, in any joyt, he sufferred the authoritie of the Pape to be violated or called in dowbt within this realme: considering that thairupoun only stood the securitie of his rycht to the successioun of the Croune of this realme; for by Goddis word wold not the devorcement of his father frome Elizabeth Home, his first wyf,[286] be found lauchfull, and so wald his secound[Pg 108] mariage be judgeit null, and he declaired bastard. Caiaphas spak profesy, and yitt wist not what he spak; for, at that tyme, thare was no man that trewlie feared God, that mynded any such thing, but with thare hole force wold have fortifeid the titill that God had gevin unto him, and wold never have called in questioun thingis doun in tyme of darknes. But this head we pas by till God declair his will thairintill. Ane other practise was used; for the Cardinall being sett at libertie, (as befoir we have heard,) ceassed not to trafique with such of the nobilitie as he mycht draw to his factioun, or corrupt by any meanes, to raise a party against the said Governour, and against such as stoode fast at the contract of mariage and peace with England; and so assemblit at Linlythqw, the said Cardinall, the Earlis Ergyle, Huntely, Bothwell, the Bischoppis and thare bandis; and thairefter thei passed to Striveling, and tooke with thame bayth the Quenis, the Mother and the Dowghter,[287] and threatned the depositioun of the said Governour, as inobedient to thare Haly Mother the Kirk, (so terme thei that harlott of Babilon,[Pg 109] Rome.) The inconstant man, not throwghtlie grounded upoun God, left in his awin default destitut of all good counsall, and having the wicked ever blawing in his earis, "What will ye do! Ye will destroy your self and your house for ever:"—The unhappy man, (we say,) beaten with these tentationis, randered him self to the appetites of the wicked; for he qwyetlie stall away from the Lordis that war wyth him in[288] the Palice of Halyrudhouse, past to Stirling, subjected him self to the Cardinall and to his counsall, receaved absolutioun, renunced the professioun of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, and violated his oath that befoir he had maid, for observatioun of the contract and league with England.[289]

At that tyme was our Quene crouned,[290] and new promess maid to France. The certaintie heirof cuming to King Hary, our Schotish schippis war stayed, the sayles tackin from thare rayes, and the merchantis and marynaris war commanded to suyre custody. New commissioun was send to Maister Saidlar, (who then still remaned in Scotland,[291]) to demand the caussis of that suddane alteratioun, and to travaill by all meanes possible, that the Governour mycht be called back to his formar godly purpoise, and that he wold not do so foolishlie and inhonestlye, yea, so cruelly and unmercyfullie to the realme of Scotland; that he wold not only lose the commodities offerred, and that war presentlie to be receaved, but that also he wold expone it to the hasard[Pg 110] of fyre and suord, and other inconvenientis that mycht insew the warr that was to follow upoun the violatioun of his fayth: but nothing could availl. The Devill keapt fast the grippe that he gatt, yea, evin all the dayis of his governement. For the Cardinall gatt his eldast sone in pledge, whom he keapt in the Castell of Sanctandross, whill the day that Goddis hand punished his pryde.

King Hary perceaving that all hope of the Governouris reapentance was lost, called back his Ambassadour, and that with fearfull threatnyngis, as Edinburgh after felt; denunced warr, maid our schippis pryses, and merchantis and marynaris lauchfull preasonaris, which, to the browghtis of Scotland, was no small hearschipp. Butt thairat did the Cardinall and Preastis lawch, and jestinglye he said, "When we shall conqueise England, the merchantis shalbe recompenssed." The somar and the harvist pass ower without any notable thing; for the Cardinall and Abbot of Paislie parted the pray amonges thame: the abused Governour bayre the name only.

In the begynnyng of the wynter, came the Erle of Levenox to Scotland,[292] sent fra France in haterent of the Governour, whome the King, (by the Cardinallis advise,) promessed to pronunce bastard, and so to maik the said Erle Governour. The Cardinall forther putt the said Erle in vane hoipe that the Quene Dowager should marye him. He browght with him some money, and more he after receaved fra the handis of La Broche. Butt at lenth, perceaving him self frustrate of all expectatioun that he had, eyther by France, or yitt by the promeise of the Cardinall, he concluded to leave France, and to seak the favouris of England, and so begane to drawe a factioun aganis the Governour; and in haterent of the otheris inconstancie, many favored him in the begynning;[Pg 111] for thare assembled at the Yule, in the toune of Ayre, the Erles of Anguss, Glencarne, Cassilles, the Lordis Maxwaill, [and Somerville,][293] the Lard of Drumlangrig, the Schireff of Ayre,[294] with all the force that thei, and the Lordis that remaned constant at the opinioun of England, mycht mack; and after the Yule, thei came to Leyth. The Governoure and Cardinall, with thare forces, keape Edinburgh, (for thei war slaklie persewed.) Men excuse the Erle of Levenox in that behalf, and layd the blame upoun some that had no will of Stewartis regiment. Howsoever it was, such ane appointment was maid, that the said Erle of Levenox was disapoynted of his purpose, and narrowly eschaiped; and first gat him to Glasgw, and after to Dumbertane. Schir George Dowglass was delivered to be keapt as pledge. The Erle his brother,[295] was, in the Lentrane after, tackin at the sege of Glasgw. It was bruyted, that boyth the brethren, and otheris with thame, had lossed thare headis, yf by the providence of God the Engliss army had nott arryved the sonare.

After that the Cardinall had gottin the Governour hole addict to his devotioun, and had obtened his intent above a parte of his ennemyes, he begane to practise, how that such as he feared, and thairfoir deadly haited, should be sett by the earis one against ane other, (for in that, thowght the carnall man, stood his greatast securitie.) The Lord Ruthven he haited, be reassone of his knowledge of Goddis woord: the Lord Gray he feared, becaus at that tyme he used the cumpany of such as professed godliness, and bare small favour to the Cardinall. Now, thus reassoned the worldly wise man, "Yf I can putt ennimitie betuix those two, I shalbe rydd of a great nomber of unfreindis; for the most[Pg 112] parte of the cuntrey will either assist the one or the other; and so will thei be otherwise occupied, then to watch for my displeasur." He fyndes the meanes, without longe process; for he laubouris with Johnne Charterowse, (a man of stout corage and many freindis,)[296] to accept the provostrie of Sanct Johnestoun, which he purchasses to him by donatioun of the Governour, with a charge to the said Toune to obey him as thare lauchfull Provest. Whareat, not only the said Lord Ruthven, but also the toune, being offended, gave ane negative ansuer, alledging, That such intrusioun of men in office was hurtfull to thare priviledge and fredom; which granted unto thame free electioun of thare Provest from year to year, at a certane tyme appointed, quhilk thei could not nor wold nott prevent. Heirat the said Johnne offended said, "That he wold occupie that office by force, yf thei wold not give it unto him of benevolence;" and so departed and communicat the mater with the Lord Gray, with Normond Leslie, and with other his freindis; whome he easily persuaded to assist him in that persuyt, becaus he appeared to have the Governouris ryght, and had nott only a charge to the toune, as said is, but also he purchassed letteris to beseige it, and to tack it by strong hand, yf any resistance war maid unto him. Such letteris, we say, made many to favour his actioun. The other maid for defence, and so tuk[Pg 113] the Maister of Ruthven (the Lord that after departed in England,)[297] the mantenance of the toune, having in his cumpany the Lard of Moncreif,[298] and other freindis adjacent. The said Johnne maid frack for the persuyt; and upoun the Magdelane day,[299] in the mornyng, anno 1543, approched with his forses; the Lord Gray tacking upoun him the principall charge. It was appointed, that Normond Leslye, with his freandis, should have come by schip, with munitioun and ordnance, as thei war in reddynes. But becaus the tyde served nott so soone as thei wold, the other thinking him self of sufficient forse, for all that war in the toune, entered in by the brig, whare thei fand no resistance, till that the formar parte was entered a pretty space within the Fische Gate;[300] and then the said Maister of Ruthven, with his cumpany, stowtlie recountred thame, and so rudlye repulsed the formest, that such as war behynd gave back. The place of the retear was so straite, that men that durst not feght, could not flye at thare pleasur, (for the moist part of the Lord Gray his freindis war upoun the brig;) and so the slaughter was great; for thare fell in the edge of the suord threescoir men. The Cardinall had rather that the unhappe had fallen on the other parte; but howsoever it was, he thowght that such truble was his conforte and advantage. The knowledge whareof came unto the earis of the partie that had receaved the disconfiture, and was unto thame no[Pg 114] small greaff; for as many of thame entered in that actioun for his pleasour, so thowght thei to have had his fortificatioun and assistance, whairof fynding thame selfis frustrat, thei begane to looke more narrowly to thame selfis, and did not so much attend upon the Cardinallis devotioun, as thei had wont to do befoir: and so was a new jelosey engendered amanges thame; for whosoever wold nott play to him the good vallett, was reputed amangis his ennemyes. The Cardinall drew the Governour to Dundye;[301] for he understood that the Erle of Rothess and Maister Henrie Balnaves war with the Lord Gray in the Castell of Huntlie.[302] The Governour send and commanded the saidis Erle and Lord, with the foirsaid Maister Henrie, to come unto him to Dundy, and appointeid the nixt day, at ten houris befoir none; which hour thei decreid to keap; and for that purpose assemblet thare folkis at Bawgawy,[303] or thareby. The Cardinall advertissed of thare nomber, (thei war mo then thre hundreth men,) thowght it nott good that thei should joyn with the toune, for he feared his awin estaite; and so he persuaded the Governour to pas furth of Dundy befoir nyne houris, and to tak the strayth way to Sanct Johnnestoun.[304] Which perceaved by the foirsaid Lordis, thei begane to feare that thei war come to persew thame, and so putt thame selves in ordour and array, and merched fordward of purpose to have biddin the uttermost. But the craftie fox foirseing, that in feghtting stood nott his securitie, rane to his last refuge,[Pg 115] that is, to manifest treasone; and so consultatioun was tackin how that the force of the otheris mycht be brokin. And at the first, war send the Lard of Grange and the Provest of Sanctandross,[305] (knowing nothing of treason,) to ask "Why thei molested my Lord Governour in his jorney?" Whairto thei ansuered, "That thei ment nothing less; for thei came at his Grace's commandiment, to have keap the hour in Dundy appointed by him, which becaus thei saw prevented, and knawing the Cardinall to be thare unfreand,[306] thei could nott butt suspect thare unprovided cuming furth of the toune; and thairfoir, thei putt thame selfis in ordour not to invaid, but to defend in caise thei war invaded." This ansure reported, was send to thame the Bischope of Sanctandross,* THE ABBOT OF PASLEY[307]* Maister David Panter, the Lardis of Balclewhe and Coldinknowis, to desyre certane of the other cumpany to talk with thame; which thei easelie obteined, (for thei suspected no treasone.) After long communicatioun, it was demanded, Yf that the Erle and Lord and Maister Henrie foirsaid, wold nott be content to talk with the Governour, providit that the Cardinall and his cumpany war of the ground? Thei ansuerit, "That the Governour mycht command thame in all thinges lauchfull, but thei had no will to be in the Cardinalles mercye." Fayre promisses ynew war maid for thare securitie. Than was the Cardinall and his band commanded to depart; as that he did according to the pur[Pg 116]poise tackin. The Governour remaned and ane certane with him; to whom came without cumpany the saidis Erle, Lord, and Maister Henrye. After many fair woordis gevin unto thame all, to witt, "That he wold have thame aggreed with the Cardinall; and that he wold have Maister Henrye Balnaves the wyrkar and instrument thairof," he drew thame fordwartes with him towardis Sanet Johnnestoun, whether to the Cardinall was ridden. Thei begane to suspect, (albeit it was to lett,) and tharefor thei desyred to have returned to thare folkis, for putting ordour unto thame. But it was ansuerid, "Thei should send back fra the toune, but thei most neidis go fordwart with my Lord Governour." And so, partlye by flatterye and partlye by force, thei war compelled to obey. And how sone that ever thei war within the toune, thei war apprehended, and upoun the morne send all three to the Black Nesse, whare thei remaned so long as that it pleased the Cardinallis graceless Grace, and that was till that the band of manrent and of service, sett some of thame at libertie. And thus the Cardinall with his craft prevalled on everie syd; so that the Scotesh proverbe was trew in him, "So long rynnis the fox, as he fute hes."[308]

Whether it was at this his jorney, or at ane other, that that bloody bowchar executed his crueltye upoun the innocent personis in Sanct Johnestoun, we can not affirme; neyther yett thairin study we to be curious; but rather we travall to expresse the veritie, whersoever it was done, then scrupluslye and exactly to appoint the tymes,[309] which yitt we[Pg 117] omitt nott when the certaintye occurres. The veritie of that cruell fact is this. At Sanct Paules day,[310] befoir the first burnyng of Edinburgh, came to Sanct Johnestoun the Governour and Cardinall, and there, upoun invyous delatioun, war a great nomber of honest men and wemen called befoir the Cardinall, accused of heresye; and albeit that thei could be convict of nothing but only of suspitioun that thei had eittin a guse upoun Fryday, four men war adjudged to be hanged, and a woman to be drouned; which cruell and[Pg 118] most injust sentence was without mercy putt in executioun. The husband was hanged, and the wyfe, having ane suckin babe upoun hir breast, was drowned.—"O Lorde, the land is nott yitt purged from such beastlye crueltye; neyther has thy just vengence yitt strickin all that war criminall of thare blood: But the day approchcs when that the punishment of that cruelty and of otheris will evidentlye appear." The names of the men that war hanged, war James Huntar, Williame Lambe,[311] Williame Andersoun, James Rannelt, burgesses of Sanct Johnestoun. At that same tyme war banissed Schir Henrie Eldar,[312] Johnne Eldar, Walter Pyper, Laurence Pullare, with diverse utheris, whose names came nott to our knowledge. That sworne ennemye to Christ Jesus, and unto all in whome any sponk of trew knowledge appeared, had[Pg 119] about that same tyme in preason diverse; amonges whome was Johne Roger, a Blak Freir, godly, learned, and ane that had fruetfully preached Christ Jesus, to the conforte of many in Anguss and Mearnes, whome that bloody man caused murther in the ground of the Sea-toure of Sanctandross, and then caused to cast him ower the craig, sparsing a false bruyt, "That the said Johnne, seaking to flie, had broken[313] his awin craig."

Thus ceassed nott Sathan, by all meanes, to manteane his kingdome of darkness, and to suppresse the light of Christis Evangell. But potent is he against whome thei faught; for when thay wicked war in greatast securitie, then begane God to schaw his anger. For the thride day of Maij, in the year of God J^m. V^c. xliiij yearis, without knowledge of any man in Scotland, (we meane of such as should haif had the care of the realme,) was seene a great navye of schippis arryving towardis the Firth. The postis came to the Governour and Cardinall, (who boith war in Edinburgh,) what multitud of schippis ware sene, and what course thei took. This was upoun the Setterday befoir nune. Questioun was had, what should thei meane? Borne said, It is no doubt but thei ar Englismen, and we fear that thei shall land. The Cardinall scripped and said, "It is but the Island flote: thei ar come to mak a schaw, and to putt us in feare. I shall lodge all the men-of-ware into my cae,[314] that shall land in Scotland." Still sittis the Cardinall at his dennare, eavin as that thare had bene no danger appearing. Men convenis to gase upoun the schippis, some to the Castell Hill, some to the Craiggis, and other places eminent. But thare was no questioun, "With what forces shall we resist, yf we be invadit?" Sone after sax houris at nycht, war arryved and had casten anker in the Read of[Pg 120] Leyth, mo then two hundreth sailles. Schortlie thare after the Admirall schot a flote boite, which, frome Grantoun craigis[315] till be east Leyth, sounded the deipe, and so returned to hir schippe. Heirof war diverse opinionis. Men of judgement foresaw what it ment. But no credite was geavin to any that wold say, "Thei mynd to land." And so past all man to his rest, as yf thei schippis had bene a gard for thare defence.

Upone the poynt of day, upon Sounday, the fourt of Maij, addressed thei for landing, and ordered thei thare schippis so that a galay or two lade thare snowttis to the craiggis.[316] The small schippis called pinaces, and light horsmen approched als neir as thei could. The great schippis discharged thare souldiouris in the smallare veschellis, and thei by bottis, sett upon dry land befoir ten houris ten thousand men, as was judged, and mo. The Governour and Cardinall seing then the thing that thei could nott, or att least thei wold nott beleve befoir, after that thei had maid a brag to feght, fled as fast as horse wold cary them; so that after, thei approched nott within twenty myllis of the danger. The Erle of Anguss, and George[317] Dowglas war that nycht freed of ward, (thei war in Blakness.)[318] The said Schir George in merynes said, "I thank King Hary and my gentill Maisteris of England."

The Engliss army betuix twelf and one hour[319] entered in Leyth, fand the tables covered, the dennaris prepared, such aboundance of wyne and victuallis, besydis the other substance, that the lyik riches within the lyik boundis[Pg 121] was nott to be found, neyther in Scotland nor England. Upone the Mononday the fyft of Maij, came to thame from Berwik and the Bordour, two thowsand horsmen, who being somewhat reposed, the army, upoun the Wedinsday marched towardis the Toune of Edinburgh, spoyled and brynt the same, and so did thei the Palice of Halyrudhouse.[320] The horsmen took the House of Cragmyllare, and gatt great spoyle tharein; for it being judged[321] the strongast house near the Toune, other then the Castell of Edinburgh, all man sowght to saif thare movables thairin. But the stoutness of the Larde gave it over without schote of hack-que-boote, and for his reward was caused to merch upoun his foote to Londoun. He is now Capitane of Dumbar and Provest of Edinburgh.[322]

The Englismen seing no resistance, hurlled by force of men cannounes up the calsay to the Butter-throne,[323] or above, and hasarded a schoote at the for-entree of the Castell. Butt that was to thare awin paines; for thei lying without trinche or gabioun, war exponed to the force of the hole ordinance of the said Castell, which schote, and that nott[Pg 122] all in vane; for the quheill and extrye of one of the Engliss cannownes war brokin, and some of thare men slayne; and so thei left with small honour that interprise, tackin rather of rashnes, then of any advised counsall. When the most parte of the day thei had spoyled and brynt, towardis the nyeht thei returned to Leyth, and upoun the morow returned to Edinburgh, and executed the rest of Goddis judgementis for that tyme. And so when thei had consumed boyth the Tounes, thai laded the schippis with spoyle thareof,[324] and thei by land returned to Berwik, using the cuntry for the most parte at thare awin pleasur.

This was a parte of the punishment, which God took upoun the realme for infidelitie of the Governour, and for the violatioun of his solempned oath. Butt this was nott the end; for the realme was devided in two factionis; the one favored France; the other the league laitly contracted with England: The one did in no thingis throwghlie credite the uther; so that the countrey was in extreame calamitie; for to the Englismen war delivered diverse strenthis, such as Carelaverok, Lowmaben and Longhame. The maist parte of the Bordouris war confederat with England. And albeit that first, at Ankrome Mure, in Februare, in the year of God J^m. V^c. fourty four, was Schir Raif Evers,[325] with many[Pg 123] other Englismen slayne, and the yeare after war some of the saidis strenthis recovered; yitt was it nott without great loss and detriment to the commoun wealth. For in the moneth of Junij, in the year of God J^m. V^c. fourty fyve, Monsoure de Lorge,[326] with bandis of men of warr, came frome France for a further destructioun to Scotland; for upoun thare brag was ane army rased. Fordwarte go thei towardis Wark,[327] evin in the myddist of harvist. The Cardinallis baner was that day displayed, and all his fecallis war charged to be under it. Many had befoir promissed, but at the poynt it was left so bayre, that with schame it was schut up in the pock againe, and thei after a schaw returned with more schame to the realme, then skaith to thare ennemyes. The black booke of Hammyltoun maikis mentioun of great vassalege[328] done at that tyme by the Governour, and the Frenche.[329] But such as with thare eyis saw the hole progresse, knew that to be a lye, and dois repute it amonges the veniale synnes of that race, which is to speake the best of thameselves thei can.

That wynter following, so nurtored the French men, that thei learned to eatt, (yea, to beg,) caikes which at thare entrie thei skorned. Without jesting, thei war so miserable entreated, that few returned to France agane with thare lyves. The Cardinall had then almost fortifeid the Castell of Sanctandross, which he maid so strong, in his opinioun, that he regarded neyther England nor France. The Erle of Levenox, as said is, disapoynted of all thingis in Scotland, past to England, whare he was receaved of King Hary in protectioun, who gave him to wyffe Lady Margaret Dow[Pg 124]glas,[330] of whome was borne Hary, umquhile husband to our Jezabell Maistres.

Whill the inconstant Governour was sometymes dejected and sometymes resed up againe be the Abbot of Paslay,[331] who befoir was called "chaster then any madyn," begane[332] to schaw him self; for after he had tackin by craft the Castellis of Edinburgh and Dumbar, he tooke also possessioun of his Eme's wyiff,[333] the Lady Stennoss:[334] the woman is and hes bein famouse, and is called Lady Gylton. Hir Ladiship was holdin alwayis in propertie;[335] but how many[Pg 125] wyiffis and virgenes he hes had sen that tyme in commoun, the world knowis, albeit nott all, and his bastard byrdis[336] bear some witness. Such is the example of holynes that the flock may receave of the Papisticall Bischoppis.

In the myddest of all the calamities that came upoun the realme after the defectioun of the Governour from Christ Jesus, came in Scotland that blissed Martyre of God Maister George Wisharte,[337] in cumpany of the Commissionaris befoir mentionat, in the year of God 1544; a man of such graces as befoir him war never hard within this realme, yea, and ar rare to be found yit in any man, nocht withstanding this great lyght of God that sence his dayis hes schyned unto us. He was not onlye singularlye learned, aisweall in godlye knowledge, as in all honest humane science; bot also he was so clearlye illummated with the spreat of prophesye, that he saw nott only thingis perteanyng to him self, but also such thingis as some Tounes and the hole Realme afterward felt, which he foir-spak, nott in secreat, but in the audience of many, as in thare awin places shalbe declaired. The begynnyng of his doctrin was in Montrose. Tharefra hie departed to Dundy, whare, with great admiratioun of all that heard him, he tawght the Epistill to the Romanes, till that, by procurement of the Cardinall, Robert Myll, then one of the principall men in Dundye, and a man that of old had professed knowledge,[Pg 126] and for the same had sufferred trublc, gave, in the Quenis and Governouris name, inhibitioun to the said Maister George, that he should truble thare toune no more; for thei wold not suffer it. And this was said unto him, being in the publict place; which heard, he mused a pretty space,[338] with his eis bent unto the heavin, and thareafter looking sorowfullie to the speakar, and unto the people, he said, "God is witness, that I never mynded your truble, but your conforte. Yea, your truble is more dolorous unto me, then it is unto your selves. But I am assured that to refuse Goddis Word, and to chase from yow his messinger, shall not preserve yow frome truble; but it shall bring yow into it. For God shall send unto yow messingeris, who will not be efinayed of bornyng, nor yitt for banishment. I have offerred unto yow the woorde of salvatioun, and with the hasarde of my lyef I have remaned amanges yow. Now ye your selves refuise me, and tharefoir man I leave my innocencye to be declared by my God. Yf it be long prosperus with yow, I am nott ledd with the Spreitt of treuth. Butt and yf truble unlooked for apprehend yow, acknowledge the caus, and turne to God, for he is mercifull. But yf ye turne not at the first, he shall viseitt yow with fyre and sword." These woordis pronunsed, he came doune frome the preaching place. In the kirk present was the Lord Merschell,[339] and diverse noblemen, who wold have had the said Maister George to have remaned, or ellis to have gone with him in the countrey. Butt for no requeast wold he eyther tary in the toune or on that syd of Tay any longar. Butt with possible expeditioun past to the west-land, whare he begane to offerr Goddis woord, which was of many[Pg 127] gladlye received, till that the Bischop of Glasgw, Dumbar, by instigatioun of the Cardinall came with his gatheringis to the toune of Ayr, to mack resistance to the said Maister George, and did first occupy the kirk. The Erle of Glencarne being thairof advertissed, repaired with his freindis to the toune with diligence, and so did diverse gentilmen of Kyle, (amonges whome was the Lard of Lefnoryss,[340] a man far different frome him that now lyvith*, ANNO 1566.* in maneris and religioun,) of whome to this day yitt many lyve, and have declared thame selfis alwayes zelous and bold in the caus of God, as after wilbe heard. When all war assembled, conclusioun was tackin that thei wold have the kirk; wharto the said Maister George utterlye repugned, saying, "Lett him allone; his sermon will nott much hurte: Lett us go to the Merkate Croce;" and so thei did, whare he made so notable a sermon, that the verray ennemies thame selves war confounded. THE BISCHOPE OF GLASGOW HIS PREACHING IN AYRE The Bischope preached to his jackmen, and to some old bosses of the toune. The summe of all his sermon was: "Thei say that we shuld preach: why nott? Bettir late thrive then never thrive: had us still for your Bischop, and we shall provid better for the next tyme." This was the begynnyng and the end of the Bischoppis sermon, who with haist departed the toune, butt returned nott agane to fulfill his promisse.

The said Maister George remaned with the gentilmen in Kyle, till that he gate suyre knowledge of the estate of Dondye. Hie preached commonlie at the kirk of Gaston,[341] and used much in the Barr.[342] He was requyred to come to the kirk of Mauchlyne, as that he did. But the Schiref[Pg 128] of Ayr[343] caused man the kirk, for preservatioun of a tabernakle that was thare, bewtyfull to the eie. The personis that held the kirk was George Campbell of Mongaswood, that yitt lyveth,* ANNO 1566.* Mongo Campbell of Brounesyd, George Read in Dawdeling, the Lard of Tempilland.[344] Some zelous of the parishyne, amangis whome Hew Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[345] offended that thei shuld be debarred thare parish kirk, concludit by force to enter. But the said Maister George withdrew the said Hew, and said unto him, "Brother, Christ Jesus is as potent upoun the feildis as in the kirk; and I fynd that he him self often preached in the deserte, at the sea syd, and other places judged prophane, then that he did in the Tempill of Hierusalem. It is the woord of peace that God sendis by me: the blood of no man shalbe sched this day for the preaching of it." And so with drawing the hole people, he came to a dyck in a mure edge, upoun the sowth-west syd of Mauchlyne, upoun the which he ascended. The hole multitude stood and sat about him, (God gave the day pleasing and hote.) He continewed in preach[ing] more then three houris. In that sermoun, God wrowght so wonderfullye with him, that ane of the most wicked men that was in that countrey, named Laurence Ranckin lard of Scheill,[346] was converted.[Pg 129] The tearis rane from his eis in such habundance, that all men wondered. His conversioun was without hipochrysye, for his lyif and conversatioun witnessed it in all tymes to come.

Whill this faithfull servand of God was thus occupyed in Kyle, woord rais that the plague of pestilence was rissen in Dondye,[347] which begane within foure dayis, after that the said Maister George was inhibite preaching, and was so vehement, that it almost passed credibilitie, to hear what nomber departed everie foure and twenty houris. The certantie understand, the said Maister George tooke his leave of Kyle, and that with the regrate of many. Bot no requeist could mack him to remane: his reassone was, "Thei ar now in truble, and thei nead conforte: Perchance this hand of God will make thame now to magnifie and reverence that woord, which befoir (for the fear of men,) thei sett at light price."[348] Cuming unto Dondye, the joy of the faythfull was exceading great. He delayed no tyme, bot evin upoun the morow gave significatioun that he wold preache. And becaus the most parte war eyther seak, or ellis war in cumpany with those that war seak, he chosed the head of the East Porte of the Toune for his preaching place; and so the whole sat or stood within, the seik and suspected without the Porte.[349] The text upoun the which[Pg 130] his first sermoun was made, he took fra the hundreth and sevin Psalme; the sentence thareof, "He send his woorde and heallod thame;" and tharewith joyned these woordis, "It is neather herbe nor plaster, O Lord, butt thy woord healleth all." In the which sermoun, he maist confortablie did intreat the dignitie and utilitie of Goddis woord; the punishment that cumis for the contempt of the same; the promptitude of Goddis mercy to such as trewlye turne to him; yea, the great happynes of thame whome God tackis from this miserie, evin in his awin gentill visitatioun, which the malice of man cane neyther eak nor paire. By the which sermoun he so rased up the hartis of all that heard him, that thei regarded nott death, but judged thame more happy that should departe, then such as should remane behynd; considering that thei knew nott yf thei shuld have such a confortar with thame at all tymes. He spared not to viseit thame that lay in the verray extreamitie; he conforted thame as that he mycht in such a multitude; he caused minister all thingis necessarye to those that mycht use meat or drynk; and in that poynt was the Toune wonderouse beneficiall; for the poore was no more neglected then was the rich.

Whill he was spending his lyve to conforte the afflicted, the Devill ceassed nott to stirr up his awin sone the Cardinall agane, who corrupted by money a disperat preast, named Schir Johne Wightone, to slay the said Maister George, who looked not to him self in all thingis so circumspectlie as worldlie men wold have wissed. And upoun a day, the sermoun ended, and the people departing, no man suspecting danger, and tharefore nott heading the said Maister George, the Preast that was corrupted stood wating at the foot of the steppis, his goune lowse, and his whinger drawin into his hand under his gown, the said Maister George, as that he was most scharpe of eie and judge[Pg 131]ment, marked him, and as he came neyr, he said, "My friend, what wald ye do?" And tharewith he clapped his hand upoun the Preastis hand, wharein the whingar was, which he tooke from him. The Preast abassed, fell down at his feitt, and openly confessed the veritie as it was. The noyse rysing, and cuming to the earis of the seik, thei cryed, "Deliver the tratour to us, or ellis we will tack him by forse;" and so thei birst[350] in at the yett. But Maister George took him in his armes, and said, "Whosoevir trubles him shall truble me; for he has hurte me in nothing, bot he hes done great conforte boyth to yow and me, to witt, he hes lattin us understand what we may feare in tymes to come. We will watch better." And so he appeased boith the one parte and the other, and saved the lyif of him that soght his.

When the plague was so ceassed, that almost thare war none seak, he tooke his leave of thame, and said, "That God had almost putt end to that battell: he fand him self called to ane other." The gentilmen of the West had written unto him, That he should meitt thame at Edinburgh; for thei wald requyre disputatioun of the Bischoppis, and that he should be publictlie heard. Whaireto he willinglye aggreed; but first, he passed to Montrose, to salute the Kirk thare; whare he remaned occupyed sometymes in preaching, but most parte in secreat meditatioun, in the which he was so earnest, that nycht and day he wold continew in it. Whill he was so occupyed with his God, the Cardinall drew a secreat drawght for his slawchter. He caused to writt unto him a letter, as it had bein frome his most familiare friend, the Larde of Kynneyre,[351] "Desyring[Pg 132] him with all possible diligence to come unto him, for he was strickin with a suddane seakness." In this meantyme, had the tratour provided thre score men, with jackis and spearis, to lye in wate within a myll and a half of the toune of Montrose, for his dispatche. The letter cuming to his hand, he maid haste at the first, (for the boy had brought a horse,) and so with some honest men, he passes forth of the toune. But suddandlye he stayed, and musing a space, returned back; whareat thei wondering, he said, "I will nott go: I am forbiddin of God: I am assured thare is treasone. Lett some of yow, (sayis he,) go to yonder place, and tell me what ye fynd." Diligence made, thei fand the treassone, as it was; which being schawin with expeditioun to Maister George, he ansured, "I know that I shall finysh this[352] my lief in that blood-thrusty manis handis; butt it will not be of this maner."

The tyme approching that he had appointed to meit the gentilmen at Edinburght, he took his leave of Montrose, and, sore against the judgement of the Lard of Dune,[353] he entered in his jorney, and so returned to Dondy; but remaned not, but passed to the hous of a faythfull brother, named James Watsone, who dwelt in Inner Gowrye, distant frome the said toune two myles, and that nycht, (as informatioun was gevin to us by Williame Spadin and Johnne Watsoun, both men of good credyte,) befoir day a litill he passed furth into a yard. The said Williame and Johne followed previlie, and took head what he did. When he had gone up and doune into ane alay a ressonable space, with many sobbes and deape grones, he platt upoun[354] his knees,[Pg 133] and setting thareon, his grones increassed; and frome his knees he fell upoun his face; and then the personis fornamed heard weaping and, as it war ane indigest sound, as it war of prayeris, in the which he continewed neyre ane hour, and after begane to be qwiet; and so arrose and came in to his bed. They that awated prevented him, as thei had bein ignorant, till that he came in; and than begane thei to demand whare he had bein? Butt that nycht he wold ansuer nothing. Upoun the morow, thei urged him agane; and whill that he dissimuled, thei said, "Maister George, be plaine with us; for we heard your grones; yea, we heard your bitter murning, and saw yow boyth upoun your kneis and upoun your face." With dejected visage, he said, "I had rather ye had bein in your beddis, and it had bein more profitable to yow, for I was skarse weall occupyed." When thei instantlie urged him to lett thame know some conforte; he said, "I will tell yow, that I am assured that my travail is neir ane end; and tharefor call to God with me, that now I schrink not when the battell waxis moist hoote." And whill that thei weaped, and said, "That was small conforte unto thame;" PROPHECIE SPOKIN BY MAISTER GEORGE WISHARTE he ansured, "God shall send yow conforte after me. This realme shalbe illuminated with the light of Christis Evangell, as clearlie as ever was any realme sence the dayis of the Apostles. The house of God shalbe builded in to it. Yea, it sall not lack, (whatsoever the ennemye imagyne in the contrare,) the verray cope stone:"[355] Meanyng that it shuld anes be browght to the full perfectioun. "Neyther, (said he,) shall this be long to: Thare shall nott many suffer after me, till that the glorie of God shall evidently appear, and shall anes triumphe in dispyte of Sathan. Butt, allace! yf the people shall after be unthankfull, then fearfull and terrible shall the plagues be[Pg 134] that after shall follow." And with these woordis he marched fordwardis in his jorney towardis Sanct Johnestoun; and so to Fyff, and then to Leyth. Whare arryved, and hearing no wourd of those that appointed to meitt him, (to witt, the Erle of Cassilles, and the gentill men of Kyle and Cunynghame,[356]) keap him self secreat a day or two. But begynnyng to wax sorowfull in spreit, and being demanded of the caus, of such as war nott into his cumpany of befoir, he said, "What differ I from a dead man, except that I eat and drynk? To this tyme God hes used my laubouris to the instructioun of otheris, and unto the disclosing of darknes; and now I lurk as a man that war eschamed, and durst not schaw him self befoir men." By these and lyik woordis, thei that heard him understoode that his desyre was to preach; and tharefoir said, "Maist confortable it war unto us to hear yow: but becaus we know the danger wharein ye stand, we dar not desyre yow." "But dar ye and otheris hear, (said he,) and then lett my God provide for me, as best pleasith him." Finally, it was concluded, that the nixt Sounday he should preach in Leyth; as that he did, and took the text, "The Parable of the Sowar that went furth to saw sead," Mathæi, 13. And this was upoun a fyvetene dayis[357] befoir Yule. The sermon ended, the gentill men of Lotheane, who then war earnest professouris of Christ Jesus, thought not expedient that he shuld remane in Leyth, becaus that the Governour and Cardinall war schortlie to come to Edinburgh; and tharefore thei tooke him with thame, and keapt him sometymes in Brounestoun, sometymes in Langnudry, and sometymes in Ormestoun; for those thrie[358] diligentlie awated upoun him. The Sounday following,[Pg 135] he preached in the kirk of Enresk,[359] besydis Mussilburght, both befoir and at after none, whare thare was a great confluence of people, amonges whome was Schir George Douglass,[360] who after the sermon said publictlie, THE WOORDIS OF SIR GEORGE DOWGLASS "I know that my Lord Governour and my Lord Cardinall shall hear that I have bein at this preaching, (for thei war then in Edinburght.) Say unto thame that I will avow it, and will nott onlye manteane the doctrin that I have hard, bot also the persone of the teachare to the uttermost of my power." Which woordis greatly rejosed the people and the gentilmen then present.

One thing notable in that sermon we can not pass by. Amonges otheris thare came two Gray Frearis, and standing in the entrie of the kirk doore, thei made some whispering to such as came in. Which perceaved, the preachar said to the people that stoode ney thame, "I hartlye pray yow to mack roome to those two men: It may be that thei be come to learne." And unto thame he said, "Come neyr, (for thei stoode in the verray entrye of the doore,) for I assure yow ye shall heare the woord of veritie,[Pg 136] which shall eyther seall in to yow this same day your salvatioun, or condempnatioun." And so proceaded he in doctrin, supposing that thei wold have bein qwyette. But when he perceaved them still to truble the people that stood ney thame, (for vehement was he against the false wirschipping of God,) he turned unto thame the secound tyme, and with ane awfull countenance said, "O sergeantis of Sathan, and deceavaris of the soules of men, will ye nether hear Goddis trewth, nor suffer otheris to hear it? Departe and tack this for your portioun,—God shall schortlie confound and disclose your hipochrisie: Within this realme ye shall be abhominable unto men, and your places and habitationis shalbe desolate." This sentence he pronunced with great vehemeneye, in the myddist of the sermoun; and turneying to the people, he said, "Yone wicked men have provocked the Spreat of God to angar." And so he returned to his mater, and proceaded to the end. That dayis travaill ended, he came to Langnudrye; and the two nixt Soundayis preached in Tranent, with the lyik grace and lyik confluence of people. In all his sermonis, after his departure from Anguss, he forespake the schortnes of the tyme that he had to traval, and of his death, the day whairof he said approched neyar then any wold beleve.

In the hynder end of those dayis that ar called the Holy dayis of Yule, past he, by consent of the gentilmen, to Hadingtoun, whare it was supposed the greatast confluence of people should be, boyth be reassoun of the toune and of the countrey adjacent. The first day befoir nune the auditouris[361] was reassonable, and yitt nothing in comparisone of that which used to be in that kyrk. Butt the after nune, and the nixt day following befoir nune, the auditure[362] was so selender, that many wondered. The cause was judged to[Pg 137] have bein, that the Erle Bothwell, who in those boundis used to have great credite and obedience, by procurement of the Cardinall, had gevin inhibitioun, asweell unto the toune, as unto the countrey, that thei should nott hear him under the pane of his displeasur. The first nycht he lay within the toune with David Forress, now called the Generall,[363] ane man that long hes professed the trueth, and upoun whom many in that tyme depended. The secound nycht, he lay in Lethingtoun, the Lard[364] whareof was ever civile, albeit not persuaded in religioun. The day following, befoir the said Maister George past to the sermoun, thare came to him a boy with ane letter from the West land, which receaved and red, he called for Johne Knox,[365] who had awaited upoun him carefullie frome the tyme he came to Lotheane; with whome he began to enter in purpose, "that he weryed of the world:" for he perceaved that men begane to weary of God.[366] The caus of his complaint was, the gentilmen of the West had writtin unto him, that thei could nott keape dyet at Edinburgh. The said Johne Knox wondering that he desyred to keape any purpoise befoir sermoun, (for that was never his accustomed use befoir,) said, "Schir, the tyme of sermoun approches: I will leave yow for the present to your meditatioun;" and so took the bill conteanyng the purpose foirsaid, and left him. The said Maister George spaced up and doune behynd the hie altar more then half ane houre: his verray contenance and visage declared the greaf and alteratioun of his mynd. At last, he passed to the pulpett, but the auditure was small. He should have[Pg 138] begune to have entreated the secound table of the Law; But thareof in that sermoun he spak verray litill, but begane on this maner; "O Lord, how long shall it be, that thy holy woord shalbe despysed, and men shall not regard thare awin salvatioun. I have heard of thee, Hadingtoun, that in thee wold have bein at ane vane Clerk play[367] two or three thowsand people; and now to hear the messinger of the Eternall God, of all thy toune nor parishe can not be nombred a hundreth personis. Sore and feirfull shall the plagues be that shall ensew this thy contempt: with fyre and sword thow shalt be plagued; yea, thow Haddingtoun, in speciall, strangearis shall possesse thee, and yow, the present inhabitantes shall eyther in bondage serve your ennemyes, or ellis ye shalbe chassed fra your awin habitationis; and that becaus ye have not knawin, nor will nott know the tyme of Goddis mercifull visitatioun." In such vehemency and threatnyng continewed that servand of God neyr ane hour and ane half, in the which he declared all the plagues that ensewed, as plainlie as after our eyes saw thame performed. In the end he said, "I have forgotten my self and the mater that I should have entraited; but lett these my last woordis as concernyng publict preaching, remane in your myndis, till that God send yow new conforte." Thairefter he maid a schorte paraphrasis upoun the Secound Table, with ane exhortatioun to patience, to the fear of God, and unto the werkis of mercy; and so putt end, as it war macking his last testament, as the ischew declaired, that the spreat of trewth and of trew judgement war both in his harte and mouth. For that same nycht was he apprehended, befoir mydnycht, in the house of Ormestoun, by the Erle Bothwell, made for money bucheour to the Cardinall.

The maner of his tackin was thus: departing frome the toune of[Pg 139] Hadingtoun, he tuk his good nyght, as it war for ever, of all his acquentance, especiallie from Hew Dowglas of Langnudrye. Johne Knox preassing to have gone with the said Maister George, he said, "Nay, returne to your barnes, and God blisse yow. One is sufficient for one sacrifice." And so he caused a twa handed sweard, (which commonly was caiyed with the said Maister George,) be tackin fra the said Johnne Knox, who, albeit unwillinglie, obeyit, and returned with Hew Dowglass of Langnudrye.[368] Maister George having to accompany him the Lard of Ormestoun, Johnne Sandelandis of Caldar youngar, the Lard of Brounestoun, and otheris, with thare servandis, passed upoun foote, (for it was a vehement frost,) to Ormestoun. After suppar he held confortable purpose of the death of Goddis chosen childrin, and mearely[369] said, "Methink that I desyre earnestlye to sleap;" and thairwith he said, "Will we sing a Psalme?" And so he appointed the 51st Psalme, which was put in Scotishe meter, and begane thus,—

Which being ended, he past to chalmer, and sonar then his commoun dyet was past to bed, with these wourdis, "God grant qwyet rest." Befoir mydnycht, the place was besett about that none could eschape to mack advertisment. The Erle Bothwell[371] came and called for the Lard, and declaired the purpose, and said, "that it was but vane to maik him to hold his house; for the Governour and the Cardinall with all thare power war cuming," (and indead the Cardinall was at Elphinstoun,[372] not a myle distant frome Ormestoun;) THE LORD BOTHWELLIS PROMESSE "butt and yf he wald deliver the man to him, he wold promeise upoun his honour, that he should be saif, and that it should pass the power of the Cardinall to do him any harme or[Pg 141] skaith." Allured with these wordis, and tackin counsall with the said Maister George, (who at the first word said, "Open the yettis: the blissed will of my God be doun,") thei receaved in the Erle Bothwell him self, with some gentilmen with him, to whome Maister George said, MAISTER GEORGE HIS WOORDIS TO THE ERLE BOTHWELL "I praise my God that sa honorable a man as ye, my Lord, receavis me this nycht, in the presence of these noble men; for now, I am assured, that for your honouris saik, ye will suffer nothing to be done unto me besydis the ordour of law. I am nott ignorant, that thaire law is nothing but corruptioun, and a clock to sched the bloode of the sanctes; but yitt I lesse fear to dye openlye, then secreatlye to be murthered." The said Erle Bothwell ansured, "I shall not onlye preserve your body frome all violence, that shalbe purposed against yow without ordour of law, but also I promeisse, hear in the presence of these gentilmen, that neyther shall the Governour nor Cardinall have thare will of yow;[373] but I shall reteane yow in my awin handis, and in my awin place, till that eyther I shall mack yow free, or ellis restoir yow in the same place whare I receave yow." The Lardis foirsaid said, "My Lord, yf ye will do as ye have spokin, and as we think your Lordship will do, then do we hear promesse unto your Lordschip, that not only we our selfis shall serve yow all the dayis of our lyiff, but also we shall procure the haill professouris within Lotheane to do the same. And upoun eyther the preservatioun[374] of this our brother, or upoun his delyverie agane to our handis, we being reassonable advertissed to receave him, that we, in the name and behalf of our freindis, shall deliver to your Lordschip, or to any sufficient man, that shall deliver to us agane this servand of God, our band of manrent in manor foirsaid." As thus promesse maid in the presence of God, and handis stracked[Pg 142] upon boith the parties, for observatioun of the premisses,[375] the said Maister George was delivered to the handis of the said Erle Bothwell, who immediatlye departing with him, came to Elphinstoun, whare the Cardinall was; who knowing that Caldar yongar and Brunestoun war with the Larde of Ormestoun, send back with expeditioun to apprehend thame also. The noyse of horsmen being hard, the servandis gave advertisment, that mo then departed, or that war thare befoir, war returned; and whill that thei disput, what should be the motive, the Cardinallis garison had ceased both the utter and the inner close. Thei called for the Larde, and for the Larde of Calder, who presenting thame selves, demanded what thare commissioun was. "To bring yow two," say thei, "and the Larde of Brunestoun to my Lord Governour." Thei war nothing content, (as thei had no cause,) and yitt thei maid fayr contenance, and entreated the gentilmen to tack a drynk, and to bate thare horse, till that thei mycht putt thame selves in redynes to ryd with thame. In this meantyme, Brunestoun convoyed him self, fyrst secreatlye, and then by spead of foote, to Ormestoun wood, and frome thense to Drundallon,[376] and so eschaped that danger. The other two war putt in the Castell of Edinburght, whare the one, to witt Caldar youngar, remaned whill his band of manrent to the Cardinall was the meanes of his deliverance, and the other, to witt Ormestoun, fread him self by leapping of the wall of the Castell, betuix ten houris and allevin befoir none; and so breakin ward,[377] he eschaped preassone, which he injustlye sufferred.

The servand of God, Maister George Wisharte, was caryed first to[Pg 143] Edinburgh; thareafter browght back, for the fassionis saik, to the hous of Hales[378] agane, which was the principall place that then the Erle Bothwell had in Lotheane. But as gold and wemen have corrupted all wordlye and fleschlye men from the begynning, so did thei him. For the Cardinall gave gold, and that largelye, and the Quene, with whome the said Erle was then in the glondouris, promissed favouris in all his lauchfull suyttis to wemen, yf he wold deliver the said Maister George to be keap[379] in the Castell of Edinburgh. He made some resistance at the first, be reassone of his promesse:[380] IRONICE. butt ane effeminat man cane nott long withstand the assaultes of a gratious Quein. And so was the servand[Pg 144] of God transported to Edinburgh Castell, whare he remaned nott many dayis. For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall, ever thrusting the blood of the servand of God, so travailled with the abused Governour, that he was content that Goddis servand should be delivered to the power of that tyranne. And so, small inversioun being maid, Pilate obeyed the petitioun of Cayiaphas and of his fellowis, and adjugeid Christ to be crucifeid. The servand of God delivered to the hande of that proude and mercyless tyranne, triumphe was maid by the preastis. The godly lamented, and accused the foolishnes of the Governour; for, by the reteanyng of the said Maister George, he mycht have caused Protestantis and Papistis, (rather proude Romanistis,) to have served, the ane to the end, That the lyef of thare preachear mycht have bene saved, the other, For fear that he should have sett him at libertie agane, to the confusioun of the Bischoppis. But where God is left, (as he had plainlie renunced him before,) what can counsall or judgement availl?

How the servand of God was entreated, and what he did frome the day that he entered within the Sea-tour of Sanctandrose, quhilk was in the end of Januare, in the year of God J^m. V^c. xlvj, unto the first of Merch[381] the same year, when he sufferred, we can not certanelye[382] tell, except we understand that he wrett somewhat being in preason; but that was suppressed by the ennemyes. The Cardinall delayed no tyme, but caused all Bischoppis, yea, all the cleargy that had any preheminance, to be convocat to Sanctandrose against the penult of Februare, that consultatioun mycht be had in[Pg 145] that questioun, which in his mynd was no less resolved then Christis death was in the mynd of Caiaphas; butt that the rest should bear the lyek burdein with him, he wold that thei should befoir the world subscrive whatsoever he did.[383] In that day was wrought no less a wonder than was at the accusatioun and death of Jesus Christ, when that Pilate and Herode, who befoir war ennemyes, war maid freindis, by consenting of thame boith to Christis condempnatioun, differris nothing, except that Pilate and Herode war brethrene under thare father the Devill, in the Estaite called Temporall, and these two, of whome we ar to speak, war brethren (sonnes of the same father the Devill) in the Estaite Ecclesiasticall. Yf we enterlase merynes with earnest materis, pardon us, goode Readar; for the fact is so notable that it deservith long memorye.

The Cardinall was knowin proude; and Dumbare, Archibischope of Glasgw, was knowin a glorious foole; and yitt, becaus sometymes he was called the Kingis Maister,[384] he was[Pg 146] Chancelour of Scotland. The Cardinall cumis evin thus same year, in the end of harvest befoir, to Glasgw; upoun what purpose we omitt.[385]A QUESTION WORTHY OF SUCH TWO PRELATTIS. But whill they remane togither, the one in the toune, the other in the Castell,[386] questioun ryses for bearing of thare croces. The Cardinall alledgeid, by reassoun of his Cardinallschip, and that he was Legatus Natus, and Primat within Scotland, in the kingdom of Antichrist, that he should have the pre-eminence, and that his croce should not onlye go befoir, but that also it should onlye be borne, wharesoever he was. Good Gukstoun Glaikstour, the foirsaid Archibischop, lacked no reassonis, as he thowght, for mantenance of his glorie: He was ane Archibischope in his awin dioscy, and in his awin Cathedrall seat and Church, and tharefor awght to give place to no man: The power of the Cardinall was but begged from Rome, and apperteined but to his awin persone, and nott to his bischoprik; for it mycht be, that his successour should nott be Cardinall: Bot his dignitie was annexed with his office, and did apperteane to all that ever should be Bischoppis of Glasgw. Howsoever these dowbtis war resolved by the doctouris of divinitie of boith the Prelattis; yitt the decisioun was as ye shall hear. Cuming furth, (or going in, all is one,) att the qweir doore of Glasgw Kirk, begynnes stryving for state betuix the two croce beraris, so that from glowmyng thei come to schouldering; frome schouldering, thei go to buffettis, and from dry blawes, by neffis and neffelling; and then for cheriteis saik, thei crye, Dispersit, dedit pauperibus, and assayis quhilk of the croces war fynast mettall, which staf was strongast, and which berar could best defend his maisteris pre-eminence; and that thare should be no superioritie in that be[Pg 147]half, to the ground gois boyth the croces. And then begane no litill fray, but yitt a meary game; for rockettis war rent, typpetis war torne, crounis war knapped,[387] and syd gounis mycht have bene sein wantonly wag from the one wall to the other: Many of thame lacked beardis, and that was the more pitie; and tharefore could not bukkill other by the byrse, as[388] bold men wold haif doune. Butt fy on the jackmen that did nott thare dewitie; for had the one parte of thame reacontered the other, then had all gone rycht. But the sanctuarye, we suppose, saved the lyves of many. How mearelye[389] that ever this be writtin, it was bitter bowrding[390] to the Cardinall and his courte. It was more then irregularitie; yea, it mycht weall have bene judged lease majestie to the sone of perdition, the Papes awin persone; and yitt the other in his foly, as proud as a packoke, wold lett the Cardinall know that he was a Bischop when the other was butt Betoun, befoir he gat Abirbrothok.[391] This inemitie was judged mortall, and without all hope of reconsiliatioun.

Butt the blood of the innocent servand of God buryed in oblivioun all[Pg 148] that braggine and boast. For the Archibischope of Glasgw was the first unto whome the Cardinall wraitt, signifeing unto him what was done, and earnestly craving of him, that he wold assist with his presence and counsall, how that such are ennemye unto thare estaite mycht be suppressed. And thareto was nott the other slow, but keapt tyme appointed, satt nixt to the Cardinall, voted and subscrivit first in the ranck, and lay ower the East blok-house[392] with the said Cardinall, till the Martyre of God was consumed by fyre. For this we man note, that as all thei beastis consented in harte to the slawchter of that innocent, so did thei approve it with thare presence, having the hole ordinance of the Castell of Sanctandrose bent towardis the place of executioun, which was ney to the said Castell, reddy to have schote yf any wold have maid defence, or reskew to Goddis servand.

The maner of his Accusatioun, Process, and Ansueris followis, as we have receaved the same frome the Book of the Martyres,[393] which, woord by woord, we have hear inserted, and that becaus the said book, for the great price thairof, is rare to be had.

[The Condemnation of M. George Wischeart, Gentleman, who suffered[Pg 149] Martyrdome for the Fayth of Christ Jesus, at Saint Andrewes in Scotland, anno 1546, Marche 1; with the Articles objected against him, and his Answeres to the same.[394]

With moste tender affection and unfayned hart consider, (gentle Reader,) the uncharitable maner of the Accusation of Maister George Wischart, made by the bloudye enemies of Christes fayth. Note also the Articles whereof he was accused, by order digested, and his meeke answeares, so farre as he had leave and leysure to speake. Finally, ponder with no dissemblyng spirite the furious rage, and tragicall cruelnes of the malignant Churche, in persecuting of this blessed man of God; and, of the contrarye, his humble, pacient, and most godly answeares, made to them sodaynely without al feare, not having respect to their glorious manasinges and boysterous threates, but charitably and without stop answearing: not movyng his countenance, nor changing his visage, as in his Accusation hereafter folowyng manifestly shal appeare.]

Upone the last of Februare, was send to the preason, quhare the servand of God lay, the Deane of the toune, by the commandiment of the Cardinall and his wicked counsall, and thai summoned the said Maister George, that he should upoun the morne following appeir befoir the Judge, then and thare to give accompt of his seditious and hereticall doctrine. To whome the said Maister George ansuered, "What needith, (said he,) my Lord Cardinall to summound me to ansuere for my doctrine oppinlie befoir him, under whose power and dominioun I am thus straitlie bound in irnes. May not my Lord compell me to ansuer to his extorte power? Or be[Pg 150]levith he that I am unprovided to rander accompt of my doctrine? To manifest your selves what men ye ar, it is weall done that ye keapt your old ceremonyes and constitutions maid by men."

Upoun the nixt morne, my Lord Cardinall caused his servandis to address thame selves in thare most warlyk array, with jack, knapscall, splent, speir, and axe, more semyng for the war, then for the preaching of the trew word of God. And when these armed campionis, marching in warlyk ordour, had conveyed the Bischoppis unto the Abbay Church, incontinentlye thei sent for Maistor George, who was conveyed unto the said churche by the Capitane of the Castell, and the nomber of ane hundreth men, addressed in maner foirsaid, lyik a lambe led thei him to sacrifice. As he entered in at the Abbay Church doore, there was a poore man lying vexed with great infirmities, asking of his almouse, to whome he flang his purse. And when he came befoir the Cardinall, by and by the Suppriour of the Abbay, called Dene Johne Wynreme,[395] stoode up in the pulpete, and maid a sermon to all the congregatioun there then assembled, taking his mater out of the xiij chaptour of Matthew; whose sermon was devided into four principall partes. The First was, a schorte and breaf declaratioun of the Evangelist. The Secound, of the interpretatioun of the good seid; and becaus he called the Word of God the Good seid, and Heresye the Evill seid, he declaired what Heresye wes, and how it should be knowin. BONA HÆRESEOS DEFINITIO He defyned it on this maner: "Heresye is a fals opinioun, defended with pertinacie, cleirlye repugning to the word of[Pg 151] God." The Third parte of his sermoun was, the caus of Heresye within that realme, and all other realmes. "The caus of Heresie, (quod he,) is the ignorance of thame which have the cure of menis saules, to whome it necessarelie belongeth to have the trew understanding of the word of God, that thei may be able to wyn agane the fals doctouris of heresyes, with the sword of the Spreat, which is the word of God; and not only to wyne agane, bot also to owircum:—as saith[396] Paule, 'A bischope most be faltles, as becumith the minister of God, not stubburne, not angrie, no drunkard, no feghtar, not gevin to filthy lucre; but harberous, one that loveth goodnes, sober mynded, rychteous, holy, temperat, and such as cleaveth unto the trew word of the doctrine, that he may be able to exhorte with holsome learning, and to improve that which thei say against him.'" The Fourte parte of his sermon was, how Heresyes should be knowin. "Heresyes (quod he) be knawin on this maner: As the goldsmyth knowith the fyne gold frome the unperfite, by the towch stone, so lyikwyise may we know heresye by the undowbted towch stone, that is, the trew, syncere, and undefyled worde of God." At the last, he added, "That heretikis should he putt down in this present lyef: To the which propositioun the Gospell appeired to repunge whilk he entreated of, 'Lett thame boith grow unto the harvist:' The harvest is the end of the world; nevertheles, he affirmed, that thei should be putt down by the Civile Magistrat and law."

And when he ended his Sermone, incontinent thei caused Maister George to ascend into the pulpet, there to heir his Accusatioun and Articles; for rycht against him stood up one of the fedd flok, a monstere,[397] Johnne Lawder, ladin full[Pg 152] of cursingis, writtin in paper, of the which he took out a roll boyth long and also full of cursingis,[398] threatnynges, maledictionis, and wordis of devillesh spyte and malice, saying to the innocent Maister George so many cruell and abhominable wordis, and hit him so spytfullie with the Popis thunder, that the ignorant people dreded least the earth then wold have swallowed him up qwick. Nochtwythstanding, he stood still with great patience hearing thare sayingis, not ones moving or changeing his countenance. When that this fedd sow had red throwghout all his lying minasingis, his face runnyng doune with sweat, and frothing at the mouth lyik ane bayre, he[399] spate at Maister George his face, saying, "What ansuerist thow to these sayingis, thow runnigat, tratour, theef, which we have dewlye proved by sufficient witnes against thee." Maister George hearing this, satt doune upoun his kneis in the pulpete, making his prayer to God. When he had ended his prayer, sweitlye and Christianelie he answered to thame all in this maner.

Maister George his Oratioun.

Suddanlie then, with ane heycht voce,[402] cryed the Accusare, the fed sow, "Thow heretike, runnigate, tratour, and theif, it was not lauchfull for thee to preach. Thow hes tackin the power at thyne awin hand, without any autoritie of the Church. We forthink that thow hes bene a preachar so long." Then said all the hole congregatioun of the Prelattis, with thare complices, these woordis, "Yf we give him licience to preach, he is so craftie, and in Holy Scriptures so exercised, that he will perswaid the people to his opinioun, and rase them against us."

Maister George, seing thare maliciouse and wicked intent, appealed [from the Lord Cardinall to the Lord Governour, as[403]] to ane indifferent and equall judge.[404] To whome the Accusare, Johne Lauder foirsaid, with hoggish voce answered, "Is not my Lord Cardinall the secund persone within this realme, Chancellar of Scotland, Archibischope of Sanctandross, Bischope of Meropose, Commendatour of Abirbrothok, Legatus Natus, Legatus a Latere?" And so reciting as many titilles of his unworthy honouris[405] as wold have lodin a schip, much sonare ane asse; "Is not he, (quod Johnne Lauder,) ane equall judge apparantlye to thee? Whome other desyrest thow to be thy judge?"

To whome this humble man answered, saying, "I refuise not my Lord Cardinall, but I desyre the word of God to be my judge, and the Temporall Estate, with some of your Lordschippis myne auditoures; becaus I am hear my Lord Gover[Pg 155]nouris presonar." Whareupone the pridefull and scornefull people that stood by, mocked him, saying, "Suche man, such judge," speaking seditious and reprochfull wordis aganis the Governour, and other the Nobles, meanyng thame also to be Heretykis. And incontinent, without all delay, thei wold have gevin sentence upoun Maister George, and that without farther process, had not certane men thare counselled my Lord Cardinall to reid agane the Articles, and to heir his ansueris thareupoun, that the people mycht nott complaine of his wrongfull condemnatioun.

And schortlie for to declair, these war the Articles following, with his Ansueris, as far as thei wold give him leave to speak; for when he intended to mitigate thare lesingis, and schaw the maner of his doctrine, by and by thei stoped his mouth with ane other Article.

The First Article.

Thow fals Heretyk, runiagate, tratour, and theif, deceavar of the people, dispysest the holy Churches, and in lyik case contemnest my Lord Governouris authoritie. And this we know for suyrtie, that when thow preached in Dundye, and was charged be my Lord Governouris authoritie to desist, nevertheles thow woldest not obey, but persevered in the same. And tharefoir the Bischope of Brechin curssed thee,[406] and delivered thee into the Devillis handis, and gave thee in commandiment that thow souldest preach no more: Yitt nochtwythstanding, thow didest continew obstinatlye.

The Ansuer.

My Lordis, I have red in the Actes of the Apostles, that[Pg 156] it is not lauchfull, for the threattis and minacinges of men, to desist from the preaching of the Evangell.[407] Tharefoir it is writtin, "We shall rather obey God then men." I have also red [in] the Propheit Malachie, "I shall curse your blissinges, and bliss your cursingis, sayeis the Lord:" beleving firmelie, that he wold turne your cursingis into blissinges.

The Secund Article.

Thow fals Heretike did say, that a preast standing at the altare saying Masse, was lyik a fox wagging his taill in Julie.

The Ansuer.

My Lordis, I said not so. These war my sayinges: The moving of the body outward, without the inward moving of the harte, is nocht ellis bott the playing of ane ape, and nott the trew serving of God; for God is a secreit searchare of menis hartes: Tharefoir, who will trewlye adorne and honour God, he must in spreit and veritie honour him.

Then the Accusatour stopped his mouth with ane other Article.

The Thrid Article.

Thow fals Heretik preachest aganis the Sacramentis, saying, That thare ar not Sevin Sacramentis.

The Answer.

My Lordis, if it[408] be your pleasuris, I tawght never of the nomber of the Sacramentis, whither thei war sevin, or ane ellevin. So many as ar instituted by Christ, and ar schawin to us by the Evangell, I professe opinlie. Except it be the word of God, I dar affirme nothing.

The Fourte Article.

Thow fals Heretike hes oppinlie tawght, that Auriculare Confessioun is not a blessed Sacrament; and thow sayest, that we should only confess us to God, and to no preast.

The Answer.

My Lordis, I say, that Auriculare Confessioun, seing that it hath no promeis of the Evangell,[409] tharefoir it can not be a Sacrament. Of the Confessioun to be maid to God, thare ar many testimonyes in Scripture; as when David sayeth, "I thowght that I wold knowledge my iniquitie against my self unto the Lord; and he forgave the trespasses[410] of my synnes." Heir, Confessioun signifieth the secreat knowledge of our synnes befoir God: when I exhorted the people on this maner, I reproved no maner of Confessioun. And farther, Sanct James sayith, "Knowledge your synnes[411] one to ane uther, and so lett yow to have peace amonge your selfes." Heir the Apostle meaneth nothing of Auriculare Confessioun, but that we should acknawledge and confesse our selfis to be synneris befoir our brethrene, and befoir the world, and not to esteame our selfis as the Gray Freiris dois, thinking thame selfis allreddy purgeid.[412]

When that he had said these wordis, the horned Bischopis and thare complices cryed, and girned[413] with thare teith, saying, "See ye not what colouris he hath in his speich, that he may begile us, and seduce us to his opinioun."

The Fyft Article.

Thow Heretike didest say openlye, that it was necessarie to everie man to know and understand his Baptisme, and that it was contrarie to Generall Counsallis, and the Estaites of Holy Churche.

The Answer.

My Lordis, I beleve thare be none so unwyse hear, that will mak merchandise with ane Frenche man, or any other unknawin stranger, except he know and understand first the conditioun or promeise maid by the French man or stranger. So lyikwyse I wold that we understood what thing we promeis in the name of the infante unto God in Baptisme: For this caus, I beleve, ye have Confirmatioun.

Then said Maister Bleiter,[414] chaplen, that he had the Devill within him, and the spreit of errour. Then answered him a cheild,[415] saying, "The Devill cane not speik such wordis as yonder man doith speik."

The Saxt Article.

Thow fals Heretike, tratour, and theif, thow saidest that the Sacrament of the Altare was but a pece of bread, backin upon the asches, and no other thing elles; and all that is thare done, is but a superstitious ryte aganis the commandiment of God.

The Answer.

Oh Lord God! so manifest lyes and blasphemyes the Scrip[Pg 159]ture doith not so teach yow. As concernyng the Sacrament of the Altare, (my Lordis,) I never tawght any thing against the Scripture, the which I shall, (by Goddis grace,) mak manifest this day, I being ready tharefore to suffer death.

The lauchfull use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God: but the great abuse of it is verray detestable unto him. But what occasioun thei have to say such wordis of me, I sall schortlie schaw your Lordschippes. I once chanced to meitt with a Jew, when I was sailling upoun the watter of Rhene.[416] I did inqueir of him, what was the caus of his pertinacie, that he did not beleve that the trew Messias was come, considering that thei had sene all the prophecyes, which war speking of him, to be fulfilled: moreover, the prophecyes tackin away, and the Scepter of Juda. By many other testimonyes of the Scriptour, I vanquest him, and approved that Messias was come, the which thei called Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answered agane unto me, "When Messias cumith, he shall restore all thingis, and he sall not abrogate the Law, which was gevin to our fatheris, as ye do. For why? we see the poore almost perish throw hunger amang yow, yitt yow ar nott moved with pitie towardis thame; butt among us Jewes, thowght we be puir, thare ar no beggares found. Secundarly, It is forbiddin by the Law, to faine any kynd of imagrie of thingis in heavin above, or in the erth beneth, or in the scy under the erth; but one God only to honour; but your sanctuaries and churches ar full of idolles. Thridly, A peice of braid backin upone the aschis, ye adore and wirschip, and say, that it is your God." I have rehersed hear but the sayingis of the Jew,[417] which I never affirmed to be trew.

Then the Bischoppis schooke thare headis, and spitted into the earth:[Pg 160] And what he ment in this mater farther, thei wold nott heare.[418]

The Sevint Article.

Thow fals Heretike did say, that Extreme Unctioun was not a Sacrament.

The Answer.

My Lord, forsuyth, I never tawght any thing of Extreme Unctioun in my doctrine, whetther it war a Sacrament or no.

The Eyght Article.

Thow fals Heretike saidest that the Holy Watter is no sa good as wasche, and suche lyik. Thow contempnest Conjuring, and sayest, that Holy Churches cursing availled nott.

The Answere.

My Lordis, as for Holy Watter, what strenth it is of, I tawght never in my doctrine. Conjuringes and Exorzismes, yf thei war conformable to the word of God, I wold commend thame. But in so far as thei ar not conformeable to the commandiment and worde of God, I reprove thame.

The Nynt Article.

Thow fals Heretike and runnagate hast said, that everie Layman is a Preast; and such lyik thow sayest, that the Pope hath no more power then any other man.

The Answere.

My Lordis, I tawght nothing but the worde of God. I[Pg 161] remember that I have red in some places in Sanct Johnne and Sanct Petir, of the which one sayeth, "He hath made us kingis and preastis;" the other sayeth, "He hath made us the kinglye preasthode:" Wharefoir, I have affirmed, any man being cuning and perfite in the word of God, and the trew faith of Jesus Christ, to have his power gevin him frome God, and not by the power or violence of men, but by the vertew of the word of God, the which word is called the power of God, as witnesseth Sanct Paule evidentlie ynewgh. And agane, I say, any unlearned man, and not exercised in the woord of God, nor yit constant in his faith, whatsoever estaite or order he be of; I say, he hath no power to bynd or loose, seing he wanteth the instrument by the which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the word of God.

After that he had said these wordis, all the Bischoppes lawghed, and mocked him. When that he beheld thare lawghing, "Lawgh ye, (sayeth he,) my Lordis? Thowght that these my sayingis appeir scornefull and worthy of derisioun to your Lordschippis, nevertheless thei ar verray weightye to me, and of a great valow; becaus that thei stand not only upon my lyif, bot also the honour and glorie of God." In the meantyme many godly men, beholding the wodness and great crueltie of the Bischoppis, and the invincible patience of the said Maister George, did greatlie mourne and lament.

The Tent Article.

Thow fals Heretike saidst, that a man hath no Free Will; but is lyik to the Stoickis, which say, That it is nott in man's will to do any thing, but that all concupiscence and desyre cumith of God, of whatsoever kynd it be of.

The Answer.

My Lordis, I said nott so, trewlie: I say, that as many as[Pg 162] beleve in Christ firmelie, unto thame is gevin libertie, conformable to the saying of Sanct Johnne, "If the Sone mak yow free, then shall ye verelie be free." Of the contrarie, as many as beleve not in Christ Jesus, thei ar bound servandis of synne: "He that synneth is bound to synne."

The Ellevint Article.

Thow fals Heretike sayest, It is as lawfull to eitt flesche upoun Fryday, as on Sonday.

The Answere.

Pleasith it your Lordschippis, I have redd in the Epistles of Sanct Paule, "That who is cleane, unto thame all thingis is cleane." Of the contrarie, "To the filthie men, all thingis ar uncleane." A faithfull man, cleane and holy, sanctifieth by the worde the creature of God; but the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God: so that a creature may not sanctifie any impure and unfaithfull man. But to the faythfull man, all thingis ar sanctifeid, by the prayer of the worde of God.

After these sayingis of Maister George, then said all the Bischoppes, with thare complices, "Quhat nedeth us any witnesse against him: hath he nott oppinlie hear spokin blasphemie?"

The Twelth Article.

Thow fals Heretike doest say, That we should nott pray to Sanctes, butt to God onlye: Say whetther thow hast said this or no: say schortlye.

The Answer.

For the weaknes and the infirmitie of the heararis, (he said,) without doubt plainelie, that Sanctis should not be honored nor incalled upone. My Lordis, (said he,) thare ar two[Pg 163] thingis worthy of note: the one is certane, and the other uncertane. It is found plainlie and certane in Scriptures, that we should wirschipe and honour one God, according to the saying of the first Commandiment, "Thow sall onlie wirschip and honour thy Lord God with all thy harte." But as for praying to and honoring of Sanctes, thare is great dowbt amang many, whether thei hear or no invocatioun maid unto thame. Tharefoir, I exhorted all men equallye in my doctrine, that thei should laif the unsure way, and follow the way which was taught us by our Maister Christ:

He is onlye our Mediatour, and maketh intercessioun for us to God his Father:

He is the doore, by which we must enter in:

He that entereth not in by this doore, but clymeth ane other way, is a theif and a murtherare:

He is the Veritie and Lyef:

He that goeth out of this way, thare is no dowbt but he shall fall into the myre; yea, verrelye, he is fallin in to it all readdy. This is the fassioun of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. Verrelie that which I have heard and redd in the woorde of God, I taught opinelye and in no cornerris, and now ye shall witness the same, yf your Lordschippis will hear me: Except it stand by the worde of God, I dar nott be so bold to affirme any thing. These sayingis he rehersed diverse tymes.

The xiii Article.

Thow fals Heretike has preached plainelie, saying, That thare is no Purgatorie, and that it is a fayned thing, any man, after this lyfe, to be punished in Purgatorie.

The Answere.

My Lordis, as I haif oftentymes said heirtofoir, without expresse witnes and testimonye of Scripture, I dar affirme[Pg 164] nothing. I have oft and divers tymes redd ower the Bible, and yitt such a terme fand I never, nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thairunto. Tharefore, I was eschamed ever to teach of that thing, which I could nott fynd in Scripture.

Then said he to Maister Johnne Lauder, his accusare, "Yf yow have any testimonye of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place, schew it now befoir this auditoure."[419] But that dolt had not a worde to say for him self, but was as doume as a bitle[420] in that mater.

The xiiii Article.

Thow fals Heretyke hast taught plainelie against the vowis of Monkis, Freiris, Nonnes, and Preastis, saying, That whosoever was bound to such lyik vowis, thei vowed thame selves to the estate of damnatioun: Moreover, that it was lauchfull for Preastis to marye wyffis, and not to leve sole.

The Answer.

Of suth, my Lordis, I have redd in the Evangell, that thare ar three kynd of chast men: some ar gelded frome thare motheris wombe; some ar gelded by men; and some have gelded thame selfis for the kingdome of heavinis saik: verrelye, I say, these men ar blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have nott the gyft of Chastitie, nor yitt for the Evangell have nott owercome the concupiscence of the flesche, and have vowed chastitie, ye have experience, althowght I suld hold my toung,[421] to what inconvenience thei have vowed thame selfis.

When he had said these wordis, thei were all doume,[422] thinking better to have ten concubynes, then one maryed wyfe.

The xv Article.

Thow fals Heretike and runnagate, sayest, That thow will not obey our Generall nor Principale[423] Councellis.

The Answer.

My Lordis, what your Generall Counsallis ar, I know not: I was never exercised in thame; butt to the pure woord of God I gave my laubouris. Read hear your Generall Counsallis, or ellis give me a book, whairin thei ar conteaned, that I may reid thame: Yf that thei aggree with the word of God, I will not disagree.

Then the ravineyng wolves turned into madnes,[424] and said, "Whareunto lett we him speak any further? Reid furth the rest of the Articles, and stay not upoun thame." Amonges these cruell tygres, thare was one fals hypocryte, a seducer of the people, called Johnne Scot,[425] standing behynd Johnne Lauderis back, hasting him to reid the rest of the Articles, and nott to tary upone his wittie and godlye ansueris; "For we may not abyde thame, (quod he,) no more then the Devill may abyde the sign of the croce, when it is named."

The xvi Article.

Thow Heretike sayest, That it is vane to buyld to the honour of God costlie Churches, seing that God remaneth not in Churches made by menis handis, nor yit can God be in so litill space, as betuix the Preastis handis.

The Answer.

My Lordis, Salomon sayith, "Yf that the heavin of heavinis can not comprehend thee, how much less this house that I[Pg 166] have buylded." And Job consenteth to the same sentence, saying, "Seing that he is heychtar then the heavins, tharefor what can thow buyld unto him? He is deapar then the hell, then how sall thow know him? He is longar then the earth, and breadar then the sea." So that God can nott be comprehended into one space, becaus that he is infinite. These sayingis, nochtwithstanding, I said never that churches should be destroyed; bot of the contrarie, I affirmed ever, that churches should be susteaned and upholdin, that the people should be congregat in thame to hear the worde of God preached. Moreover, wharesoever is the trew preaching of the word of God, and the lauchfull use of the Sacramentes, undoubtedlye thare is God him self. So that both these sayingis ar trew together: God can nott be comprehended into any one place: And, "Wharesoever thare ar two or three gathered in his name, thare is he present in the myddest of thame." Then said he to his Accusar, "Yf thow thinkest any otherwyise then I say, schaw furth thy reasonis befoir this auditorie." Then he, without all reassone, was dome,[426] and could not answer a worde.

The xvii Article.

Thow fals Heretike contemnest Fasting, and sayest, thow shouldest not fast.

The Answer.

My Lordis, I find that Fasting is commended in the Scripture; tharefor I war a sclanderar of the Gospell, yf I contemned fasting. And not so onlye, but I have learned by experience, that fasting is good for the health and conservatioun of the body. But God knowith onlye who fastith the trew fast.[Pg 167]

The xviii Article.

Thow fals Heretike hes preached opinlie, saying, That the Soulles of men shall sleip to the latter day of judgement, and shall not obtene lyfe immortale untill that day.

The Answer.

God, full of mercy and goodnes, forgeve thame that sayeth such thingis of me. I wote and know suirelie by the word of God, that he which hath begone to have the faith of Jesus Christ, and belevith fermelie in him, I know suirelie, that the sawll of that man shall never sleape, bot ever shall leve ane immortall lyef; the which lyef, frome day to day, is renewed in grace and augmented; nor yitt shall ever perish, or have ane end, but shall ever leve immortall with Christ thare heid: To the which lyfe all that beleve in him shall come, and rest in eternall glorie. Amen.

When that the Bischoppis, with thare complices, had accused this innocent man, in maner and forme afoirsaid, incontinentlie thei condemned him to be brynt as are Heretike, not having respect to his godly answeris and trew reassones which he alledged, nor yitt to thare awin consciences, thinking verelye, that thei should do to God good sacrifice, conformable to the sayingis of Jesus Christ in the Gospell of Sanct Johnne, chapter 16: "Thei shall excommunicat yow; yea, and the tyme shall come, that he which killeth yow shall think that he hath done to God good service."

The Prayer of Maister George.

"O Immortall God! how long sall thow suffer the woodnes and great crudelitie of the ungodlie to exercise thare furie upoun thy servandes, which do further thy word in this world, seing thei desyre to do the contrarie, that is, to chok[Pg 168] and destroy thy trew doctrin and veritie, by the which thow hast schewed thee unto the world, which was all drouned in blyndness and mysknowledge of thy name. O Lord, we know suirlie, that thy trew servandes most neidis suffer, for thy names saik, persecutioun, afflictioun, and troubles in this present lyef, which is but a schaddow, as thow hast schewed to us, by thy Propheittis and Apostles. But yitt we desyre thee, (Mercyfull Father,) that thow conserve, defend, and help thy Congregatioun, which thow hast chosen befoir the begynning of the world, and give thame thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy trew servandis in this present lyef."

Then, by and by, thei caused the commoun people to remove,[427] whose desyre was alwyise to hear that innocent speak. And the sonis of darknes pronunced thare sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgement of God. When all this was done and said, my Lord Cardinall caused his tormentares[428] to pas agane with the meke lambe unto the Castell, untill such tyme the fyre was maid reddy. When he was come into the Castell, then thare came two Gray feindis, Freir Scott and his mate, saying, "Schir, ye must maik your confessioun unto us." He answered, and said, "I will mak no confessioun unto yow. Go fetch me yonder man that preached this day, and I will maik my confessioun unto him." Then thei sent for the Suppriour of the Abbay,[429] who came to him with all dilegence; but what he said in this confessioun, I can not schaw.[430]

When the fyre was maid reddy, and the gallowse, at the West parte of the Castell, neir to the Priorie, my Lord Cardinall, dreading that Maister George should have bene takin[Pg 169] away by his freindis, tharefoir he commanded to bend all the ordinance of the Castell richit against the place of executioun, and commanded all his gunnaris to be readdy, and stand besyde thare gunnes, unto such tyme as he war burned. All this being done, thei bound Maister George's handis behind his back, and led him furth with thare soldeouris, from the Castell, to the place of thare cruell and wicked executioun. As he came furth of the Castell gate, thare mett him certane beggeris, asking of his almes, for Goddis saik. To whome he answered, "I want my handis, wharewith I wont to geve yow almes. But the mercyfull Lord, of his benignitie and aboundand grace, that fedith all men, votschafe to geve yow necessaries, boith unto your bodyes and soules." Then afterward mett him two fals feindis, (I should say, Freiris,) saying, "Maister George, pray to our Lady, that sche may be a mediatrix for yow to hir Sone." To whome he answered meiklie, "Cease: tempt me not, my brethrene." After this, he was led to the fyre, with a rope about his neck, and a chaine of irne about his myddill.

When that he came to the fyre, he sat doun upoun his knees, and rose agane; and thrise he said these wordis, "O thow Saviour of the warld, have mercy upon me: Father of heavin, I commend my spreit into thy holy handis." When he had maid this prayer, he turned him to the people, and said these wordis: "I beseik yow, Christiane brethrene and sisteris, that ye be nott offended att the word of God, for the afflictioun and tormentis which ye see already prepared for me. But I exhorte yow, that ye love the word of God, your salvatioun, and suffer patientlie, and with a confortable harte, for the wordis saik, which is your undoubted salvatioun and everlesting conforte. Moirover, I pray yow, shew my brethrene and sisteris, which have heard me oft befoir, that thei cease nott nor leve of to learne the word of God, which I taught unto thame, after the grace gevin unto me, for no[Pg 170] persequutionis nor trubles in this world, which lestith nott. And schaw unto thame, that my doctrine was no wyffes fables, after the constitutions maid by men; and yf I had taught menis doctrin, I had gottin grettar thankis by men. Bot for the wordis saik, and trew Evangell, which was gevin to me by the grace of God, I suffer this day by men, not sorowfullie, but with a glaid harte and mynd. For this caus I was sent, that I should suffer this fyre for Christis saik. Considder and behold my visage, ye sall not see me change my cullour. This gryme fyre I fear nott; and so I pray yow for to do, yf that any persecutioun come unto yow for the wordis saik; and nott to fear thame that slay the body, and afterwarte have no power to slay the saule. Some have said of me, that I taught, that the saule of man should sleap untill the last day; but I know suirlie, and my faith is such, that my saule sail sowp[431] with my Saviour this nycht, or it be sex houris, for whome I suffer this." Then he prayed for thame which accused him, saying, "I beseik the Father of Heavin to forgive thame that have of any ignorance, or ellis of any evill mynd, forged lyes upone me; I forgeve thame with all myne hearte: I beseik Christ to forgeve thame that have condemned me to death this day ignorantlye." And last of all, he said to the people on this maner, "I beseik yow, brethrene and sisteris, to exhorte your Prelattis to the learnyng of the word of God, that thei at the least may be eschamed to do evill, and learne to do good; and yf thei will not converte thame selves frome thare wicked errour, thare shall hastelie come upone thame the wrath of God,[432] which thei sail not eschew."

Many faythfull wordis said he in the meane tyme, takin no head or cair[Pg 171] of the cruell tormentis which war then prepared for him. Then, last of all, the hangman, that was his tormentour, sat doune upoun his kneis, and said, "Schir, I pray yow, forgive me, for I am nott guiltie of your death." To whome he answered, "Come hither to me." When he was come to him, he kissed his cheik, and said, "Lo! hear is a tokin that I forgeve thee: My harte, do thyn office." And then by and by, he was putt upoun the gibbet, and hanged, and there brynt to poulder.[433] When that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, thei mycht not withhold frome piteous morning and complaining of the innocent lambes slawchter.[434]

After the death of this blissed martyre of God, begane the people, in plaine speaking, to dampne and detest the crueltie[Pg 172] that was used. Yea, men of great byrth, estimatioun, and honour, at open tables avowed, That the blood of the said Maister George should be revenged, or ellis thei should cost lyef for lyef. Amonges whome Johnne Leslye,[435] brother to the Erle of Rothess, was the cheaf; for he, in all cumpanyes, spared not to say, "That same whingar, (schawin furth his dager,) and that same hand, should be preastis to the Cardinall." These bruytis came to the Cardinalles earis; but he thought him self stout yneuch for all Scotland; for in Babylon, that is, in his new blok-house, he was suyre, as he thought; and upoun the feildis, he was able to matche all his ennemies. And to wryte the trewth, the most parte of the Nobilitie of Scotland had ether gevin unto him thare bandis of manrent, or ellis war in confideracye, and promessed amitie with him. He onlye feared thame in whose handis God did deliver him, and for thame had he laid his neattis so secreatlie, (as that he maid a full compt,) that thare feit could not eschap, as we shall after heare; and something of his formare practises we man reacompt.

After the Pasche he came to Edinburgh, to hold the seinze,[436][Pg 173] (as the Papistes terme thare unhappy assemblie of Baallis schaven sorte.) It was bruyted that something was purposed against him, at that tyme, by the Erle of Anguss and his freindis, whome he mortally hated, and whose destructioun he sought. But it failled, and so returned he to his strenth; yea, to his God and only conforte, asweill in heavin as in earth. And thare he remaned without all fear of death, promissing unto him self no less pleasur, nor did the riche man, of whome mentioun is maid by our Maister in the Evangell; for he did nott onlie rejois and say, "Eitt and be glade, my saule, for thow hast great riches laid up in store for many dayis;" THE BRAGGYN OF THE CARDINALL A LITLE BEFOIR HIS DEATH bot also he said, "Tush, a feg for the fead, and a buttoun for the braggyne of all the heretikis and thare assistance in Scotland. Is nott my Lord Governour myne? Witness his eldast sone[437] thare pledge at my table? Have I not the Quene at my awin devotioun? (He ment of the mother to Mary that now myschevouslie regnes.) Is not France my freind, and I freind to France? What danger should I fear?" And thus, in vanitie, the carnall Cardinall delyted him self a lytill befoir his death. But yit he had devised to have cutt of such as he thought mycht cummer him; for he had appointed the haill gentilmen of Fyff to have mett him at Falkland, the Mononday after that he was slane upoun the Setterday. THE TREASOUN OF THE CARDINALL His treasonable purpoise was nott understand but by his secreat counsall; and it was this: That Normond Leslie, Schireff of Fyff,[438] and appearing air to his father, the Erle of Rothess; the said Johnne Leslye, father-brother to Normound; the Lardis of Grange, eldar and[Pg 174] youngar; Schir James Lermound of Darsye,[439] and Provest of Sanctandrose; and the faythfull Lard of Raith;[440] should eyther have bene slane, or ellis tane, and after to have bene used at his pleasur. This interprise was disclosed after his slawchtter, partlye by letteris and memorialles found in his chalmer, butt playnlie affirmed by suche as war of the consall. Many purposes war devised, how that wicked man mycht have bene tackin away. But all failled, till Fryday, the xxviij of Maij, Anno 1546, when the foirsaid Normound came at nycht to Sanctandross; Williame Kirkcaldye of Grange youngar was in the toune befoir, awaitting upoun the purpoise; last came Johnne Leslye foirsaid, who was most suspected. What conclusion thei took that nycht, it was nott knawin, butt by the ischew which followed.

But airlie upoun the Setterday, in the mornyng, the 29. of Maij, war thei in syndree cumpanyes in the Abbay kirk-yard, not far distant frome the Castell. First, the yettis being oppin, and the draw-brig lettin doun, for receaving of lyme and stanes, and other thingis necessar for buylding, (for Babylon was almost finished,)—first, we say, assayed Williame Kirkcaldy of Grange youngar, and with him sex personis, and gottin enteress, held purpose with the portare, "Yf My Lord was walking?" who ansuered, "No." (And so it was in dead; for he had bene busy at his comptis with Maistres Marioun Ogilbye[441] that nycht, who was espyed to departe[Pg 175] frome him by the previe posterne that morning; and tharefor qwyetness, after the reuillis of phisick, and a morne sleap[442] was requisite for My Lord.) Whill the said Williame and the Portar talked, and his servandis maid thame to look the work and the workemen, approched Normound Leslye with his company; and becaus thei war in no great nomber, thei easilie gat entress. Thei address thame to the myddest of the close, and immediatlie came Johnne Leslye, somewhat rudlye, and four personis with him. The portar, fearing, wold have drawin the brig; but the said Johnne, being entered thairon, stayed, and lap in. And whill the portar maid him for defence, his head was brokin, the keyis tackin frome him, and he castin in the fowsea;[443] and so the place was seased. The schowt arises:[444] the workemen, to the nomber of mo then a hundreth, ran of the wallis, and war without hurte put furth at the wicked yett.[445] The first thing that ever was done, Williame Kirkcaldye took the garde of the prevey posterne, fearing that the fox should have eschaped. Then go the rest to the gentilmenis chalmeris, and without violence done to any man, thei put mo then fyftie personis to the yett: The nomber that interprised and did this, was but sextein personis. The Cardinall, awalkned with the schouttis, asked from his windo, What ment that noyse? It was answered, That Normound Leslye had tackin his Castell. Which understand, he ran to the posterne; but perceaving the passage to be keapt without, he returned qwicklye to his chalmer, took his twa[Pg 176]handed sword, and garte his chalmer child cast kystes, and other impedimentis to the doore. THE CARDINALLIS DEMAND In this meane tyme came Johnne Leslye unto it, and biddis open. The Cardinall askyne, "Who calles?" he answeris, "My name is Leslye." He re-demandis, "Is that Normond?" The other sayis, "Nay; my name is Johnne." "I will have Normound," sayis the Cardinall; "for he is my friend."[446] "Content your self with such as ar hear; for other shall ye gett nane." Thare war with the said Johnne, James Melven,[447] a man familiarlie acquented with Maister George Wisharte, and Petir Caremichaell,[448] a stout gentilman. In this meanetyme, whill thei force at the doore, the Cardinall hydis a box of gold under coallis that war laide in a secreat cornar. At lenth he asked, "Will ye save my lyef?" The said Johnne answered, "It may be that we will." "Nay," sayis the Cardinall, "Swear unto me by Goddis woundis, and I will open unto yow." Then answered the said Johnne, "It that was said, is un[Pg 177]said;" and so cryed, "Fyre, fyre;" (for the doore was verray stark;) and so was brought ane chymlay full of burnyng coallis. Which perceaved, the Cardinall or his chalmer child, (it is uncertane,) opened the doore, and the Cardinall satt doune in a chyre, and cryed, THE CARDINALLIS CONFESSIOUN "I am a preast; I am a preast: ye will nott slay me." The said Johnne Leslye, (according to his formar vowes,) strook him first anes or twyse, and so did the said Petir. But James Melven, (a man of nature most gentill and most modest,[449]) perceaving thame boyth in cholere, withdrew thame, and said, "This worke and judgement of God, (althought it be secreit,) aught to be done with greattar gravitie;" and presenting unto him the point of the sweard, said, THE GODLY FACT AND WOORDIS OF JAMES MELVEN.[450] "Repent thee of thy formar wicked lyef, but especiallie of the schedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God, Maister George Wisharte, which albeit the flame of fyre consumed befoir men; yitt cryes it, a vengeance upoun thee, and we from God ar sent to revenge it: For heir, befoir my God, I protest, that nether the hetterent of thy persone, the luif of thy riches, nor the fear of any truble thow could have done to me in particulare, moved, nor movis me to stryk thee; but only becaus thow hast bein, and remanes ane obstinat ennemye against Christ Jesus and his holy Evangell." And so he stroke him twyse or thrise trowght with a stog sweard; and so he fell, never word heard out of his mouth, but THE CARDINALLIS LAST WOORDIS "I am a preast, I am a preast: fy, fy: all is gone."[451]

Whill they war thus occupyed with the Cardinall, the fray rises in the[Pg 178] toune. The Provest[452] assembles the communitie, and cumis to the fowseis syd, crying, "What have ye done with my Lord Cardinall? Whare is my Lord Cardinall? Have ye slayne my Lord Cardinall? Lett us see my Lord Cardinall?" Thei that war within answered gentilye, "Best it war unto yow to returne to your awin houssis; for the man ye call the Cardinall has receaved his reward, and in his awin persone will truble the warld no more." But then more enraigedlye, thei cry, "We shall never departe till that we see him." And so was he brought to the East blok-house head, and schawen dead ower the wall to the faythless multitude, which wold not beleve bofoir it saw: How miserably lay David Betoun, cairfull Cardinall.[453] And so thei departed, without Requiem æternam, and Requiescant in pace, song for his saule. Now, becaus the wether was hote, (for it was in Maij, as yo have heard,) and his funerallis could not sud[Pg 179]dandly be prepared, it was thowght best, to keap him frome styncking, to geve him great salt ynewcht, a cope of lead, and a nuk[454] in the boddome of the Sea-toore, (a place whare many of Goddis childrene had bein empreasoncd befoir,) to await what exequeis his brethrene the Bischoppes wold prepare for him.[455]

These thingis we wreat mearelie.[456] But we wold, that the Reader should observe Goddis just judgementis, and how that he can deprehend the worldly wyse in thare awin wisdome, mak thare table to be a snare to trape thare awin feit, and thare awin presupposed strenth to be thare awin destructioun. These ar the workis of our God, wharby he wold admonish the tyrantis of this earth, that in the end he will be revenged of thare crueltye, what strenth so ever thei mack in the contrare. But such is the blyndnes of man, (as David speakis,) "That the posteritie does ever follow the footsteppes of thare wicked fatheris, and principallie in thare impietie;" for how litill differres the cruelty of that bastarde, that yitt is called Bischope of Sanctandrois,[457] frome the crueltie of the formar, we will after heare.

The death of this foirsaid tyrant was dolorous to the preastis, dolorous to the Governour, most dolorous to the Quene Dowager;[458] for in him perished faythfulnes to France, and the conforte to all gentilwemen, and especiallie to wantoun wedowis: His death most be revenged. To the Courte agane repares the Erle of Anguss, and his brother Schir George. Laubour is maid for the Abbacy of Abirbrothok, and a grant was ones maid of the samyn, (in memorie whareof George Dowglas,[459] bastard sone to the said Erle, is yet called[Pg 181] Postulat.) Butt it was more proper, (think the Hammyltonis,) for the Governouris keching, nor for reward to the Dowglasses. And yitt in esperance thairof, the saidis Erle and George his brother war the first that voted, that the Castell of Sanctandrois should he beseiged. The Bischope, to declair the zeall that he had to revenge the death of him that was his predecessour, (and yit for his wishe he wold nott haif had him leaving agane,) still blew the coallis. And first, he caused summound, then denunce accurssed, and then last, rebelles,[460] not only the first interprisaris, but all such also as[Pg 182] after did accumpany thame.[461] And last of all, the seige was concluded, which begane in the end of August; (for the 23 day thairof departed the soldeouris from Edinburgh,) and continewed near to the end of Januare. At what tyme, becaus thei had no other hope of wynnyng of it butt by hounger; and thairof also thei war dispared; for thei within had brockin throwght the east wall, and maid a plaine passage, by ane yron yett to the sea, which greatly releaved the besegeid, and abased the beseagearis; for then thei saw that thei could nott stope thame of victualles, onless that thei should be maisteris of the sea, and that thei clearlie understood thei could not be; for the Engliss schippis had ones bein thare, and had browght Williame Kirkcaldy frome London, and with much difficultie, (becaus the said yett was nott then prepared,) and some loss of men, had randered him to the Castell agane, and had tackin with thame to the Courte of England, Johnne Lesly and Maister Henry Balnavis, for perfyting of all contractes betuix thame and King [Pg 183]Harye, UPON WHAT CONDITIONIS KING HARY TOOK THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS IN HIS PROTECTIOUN who promissed to tak thame in his protectioun, upoun conditioun onlye, that thei should keape the Governouris sone, my Lord of Errane,[462] and stand freindis to the contract of mariage, whareof befoir we have made mentioun. These thingis clearly understand, (we say,) by the Governour and his Counsall, the preastis and the schavin sorte, thei conclude to make ane Appointment, to the end, that under treuth thei mycht eyther gett the Castell betrayed, or elles some principall men of the cumpany tackin at unwarres. In the which head was the Abbot of Dumfermling[463] principall; and for that purpose had the Lard of Monquhany,[464] (who was most familiar with those of the Castell,) laubored at foote and hand, and proceaded so in his trafique, that from entress upoun daylyght at his pleasur, he gat licience to come upoun the nycht whensoever it pleased him. But God had nott appointed so many to be betrayed, albeit that he wold that thei should be punished, and that justlye, as heirafter we will hear.

The Appointment maid, all the godly war glaid; for some esperance[468] thei had, that thairby Goddis woord should somewhat bud, as in deid so it did. For Johnne Rowgh,[469] (who sone after the Cardinalles slawghter entered within the Castell, and had continewed with thame the hole seige,) begane to preach in Sanctandrois; and albeit he was nott the most learned, yit was his doctrin without corruptioun, and tharefoir weall lyiked of the people.

At the Pasche[470] after, ANNO 1547.came to the Castell of[Pg 185] Sanctandrois Johnne Knox, who, weareid of removing from place to place, be reassone of the persecutioun that came upoun him by this Bischope of Sanctandros, was determinat to have left Scotland, and to have vesitid the schooles of Germany, (of England then he had no pleasur, be reassone that the Paipes name being suppressed, his lawes and corruptionis remaned in full vigour.) But becaus he had the cair of some gentilmenes childrene, whome certane yearis he had nurished in godlynes, thare fatheris solisted him to go to Sanctandrois, that himself mycht have the benefite of the Castell, and thare childrene the benefite of his doctrine; and so, (we say,) came he the tyme foirsaid to the said place, and, having in his cumpanye Franciss Dowglass of Langnudrye, George his brother,[471] and Alexander Cockburne, eldast sone then to the Lard of Ormestoun,[472] begane to exercise thame after his accustomed[Pg 186] maner. Besydis thare grammare, and other humane authoris, he redd unto thame a catechisme, a compt whairof he caused thame geve publictlie in the parishe Kirk of Sanctandrois. He redd moreover unto thame the Evangell of Johnne, proceading whare he left at his departing from Langnudrye, whare befoir his residence was; and that lecture he redd in the chapell, within the Castell, at a certane hour. Thei of the place, but especiallie Maister Henry Balnaves and Johne Rowght, preachear, perceaving the manor of his doctrin, begane earnestlie to travaill with him, that he wold tack the preaching place upoun him. But he utterlie refuissed, alledgeing "That he wold nott ryne whare God had nott called him;" meanyng, that he wold do nothing without a lauchfull vocatioun.

Whareupone thei prively amonges thame selfis advising, having with thame in counsall[473] Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont, thei concluded, that thei wold geve a charge to the said Johnne, and that publictlie by the mouth of thare preachear. And so upoun a certane day, a sermone had of the electioun of ministeris, What power the congregatioun (how small that ever it was, passing the nomber of two or three) had above any man, in whome thei supposed and espyed the giftes of God to be, and how dangerous it was to refuise, and not to hear the voce of such as desyre to be instructed. These and[Pg 187] other headis, (we say,) declaired, the said Johnne Rowght,[474] prcachear, directed his wordis to the said Johne Knox, saying, "Brother, ye shall nott be offended, albeit that I speak unto yow that which I have in charge, evin from all those that ar hear present, which is this: In the name of God, and of his Sone Jesus Christ, and in the name of these that presentlie calles yow by my mouth, I charge yow, that ye refuise not this holy vocatioun, but that as ye tender the glorie of God, the encrease of Christ his kingdome, the edificatioun of your brethrene, and the conforte of me, whome ye understand weill yneuch to be oppressed by the multitude of laubouris, that ye tack upoun yow the publict office and charge of preaching, evin as ye looke to avoid Goddis heavye dis[Pg 188]pleasur, and desyre that he shall multiplye his graces with yow." And in the end, he said to those that war present, "Was not this your charge to me? And do ye not approve this vocatioun?" Thei answered, "It was; and we approve it." Whairat the said Johnne[475] abashed, byrst furth in moist abundand tearis, and withdrew him self to his chalmer. His conteanance and behaveour, fra that day till the day that he was compelled to present him self to the publict place of preaching, did sufficiently declair the greaf and truble of his hearte; for no man saw any sign of myrth of him, neyther yitt had he pleasur to accumpany any man, many dayis togetther.

The necessitie that caused him to enter in the publict place, besydis the vocatioun foirsaid, was: Dean[476] Johne Annane,[477] (a rottin Papist,) had long trubled Johnne Rowght in his preaching: The said Johnne Knox had fortifeid the doctrine of the Preachear by his pen, and had beattin the said Dean Johne from all defences, that he was compelled to fly to his last refuge, that is, to the authoritie of the Church, "Which authoritie, (said he,) damned all Lutherianes and heretikes; and tharefoir he nedith no farther disputatioun." Johne Knox answered, "Befoir we hold our selfis, or that ye can prove us sufficientlie convict, we must defyne the Church, by the; rycht notes gevin to us in Goddis Scriptures of the trew Church. We must decerne the immaculat spous of Jesus Christ, frome the Mother of confusioun, spirituall Babylon, least that imprudentlie we embrase a harlote instead of the cheast spous; yea, to speak it in plaine wordes, least that[Pg 189] we submitt our selves to Sathan, thinking that we submitt our selfis to Jesus Christ. For, as for your Romane Kirk, as it is now corrupted, and the authoritie thairof, whairin standis the hope of your victorie, I no more dowbt but that it is the synagog of Sathan, and the head thairof, called the Pape, to be that man of syne, of whome the Apostle speakis, then that I doubt that Jesus Christ suffurred by the procurement of the visible Kirk of Hierusalem. THE OFFER OF JOHNE KNOX FIRST AND LAST UNTO THE PAPISTIS Yea, I offer my selve, by woord or wryte, to prove the Romane Church this day farther degenerat from the puritie which was in the dayis of the Apostles, then was the Church of the Jewes from the ordinance gevin by Moses, when thei consented to the innocent death of Jesus Christ." These woordis war spokin in open audience, in the parishe Kirk of Sanctandrois, after that the said Dean Johne Annane had spokin what it pleasith him, and had refuissed to dispute. The people hearing the offer, cryed with one consent, "We can not all read your writtingis, butt we may all hear your preaching: Tharefore we requyre yow, in the name of God, that ye will lett us hear the probatioun of that which ye have affirmed; for yf it be trew, we have bene miserable deceaved."

And so the nixt Sounday was appointed to the said Johne, to expresse his mynd in the publict preaching place. Which day approching, the said Johne took the text writtin in Daniel, the sevint chapter, begynnyng thus: "And ane other king shall rise after thame, and he shall be unlyik unto the first, and he shall subdew three kinges, and shall speak wordis against the Most Heigh, and shall consome the sanctes of the Most Heigh, and think that he may change tymes and lawes, and thei shalbe gevin into his handis, untill a tyme, and tymes, and deviding of tymes."

1. In the begynnyng of his sermon, he schew the great luif of God towardis his Church, whome it pleaseth to foir[Pg 190]warne of dangeris to come so many yearis befoir thei come to pas. 2. He breavelie[479] entraited the estait of the Israelitis, who thane war in bondage in Babylon, for the most parte; and maid a schorte discourse of the foure Impyres, the Babyloniane, the Persiane, that of the Greakis, and the fourte of the Romanes; in the destructioun whairof, rase up that last Beast, which he affirmed to be the Romane Church; for to none other power that ever has yitt bein, do all the notes that God hes schawin to the Propheit appertane, except to it allone; and unto it thei do so propirlie apperteane, that such as ar not more then blynd, may clearlie see thame. 3. But befoir he begane to opin the corruptionis of the Papistrie, he defyned the trew Kirk, schew the trew notes of it, whairupoun it was buylded, why it was the pillare of veritie, and why it could nott err, to witt, "Becaus it heard the voce of the awin pastor, Jesus Christ, wold not hear a strangere, nether yitt wold be caryed about with everie kynd of doctrin."

Every ane of these headis sufficientlie declared, he entered to the contrar; and upoun the notes gevin in his text, he schew that the Spreit of God in the New Testament gave to this king other names,[480] to witt, "the Man of Syn," "the Antichrist," "the Hoore of Babylon." He schew, that this man of syn, or Antichrist, was not to be restreaned to the person of any one man onlie, no more then by the fourte beast was to be understand the persone of any one Emperour. But by sic meanes[481] the Spreat of God wold forewarne his chosyn of a body and a multitud, having a wicked head, which should not only be synefull him self, butt that also should be occasioun of syne to all that should be subject unto him, (as Christ Jesus is caus of justice to all the membres of his body;) and is called the Antichrist, that is to say, one contrare to[Pg 191] Christ, becaus that he is contrare to him in lyeff, doctrin, lawes, and subjectes. And thane begane he to dissipher the lyves of diverse Papes, and the lyves of all the scheavelynges for the most parte; thare doctrine and lawes he plainelie proved to repugne directlye to the doctrin and lawes of God the Father, and of Christ Jesus his Sone. CONTRA DEI SPIRITUM AD GALATOS CA. 2. VERSU 16, ET 3, 11. This he proved by conferring the doctrin of justificatioun, expressed in the Scriptures, which teach that man is "justifyed by faith only;" "that the blood of Jesus Christ purges us from all our synnes;" and the doctrin of the Papistes, which attributeth justificatioun to the workis of the law, yea, to the workis of manis inventioun, as pilgremage, pardonis, and otheris sic baggage. That the Papisticall lawes repugned to the lawes of the Evangell, he proved by the lawis maid of observatioun of dayis, absteanyng from meattis, and frome mariage, which Christ Jesus maid free; and the forbidding whereof, Sanct Paule called "the doctrin of devillis." In handilling the notes of that Beast gevin in the text, he willed men to considder yf these notes, THE GREAT WOORDIS WHICH THE ANTICHRIST SPEAKITH "Thare shall ane arise unlyk to the other, heaving a mouth speaking great thinges and blasphemous," could be applyed to any other, but to the Pape and his kingdome; for "yf these, (said he,) be not great woordis and blasphemous, 'the Successor of Petir,' 'the Vicare of Christ,' 'the Head of the Kirk,' 'most holy,' 'most blessed,' 'that can not err;' that 'may maik rycht of wrong, and wrong of rycht;' that 'of nothing, may mak somewhat;' and that 'hath all veritie in the schryne of his breast;' yea, 'that hes power of all, and none power of him:' Nay, 'not to say that he dois wrong, althought he draw ten thowsand millioun of saules with him self to hell.' Yf these, (said he,) and many other, able to be schawin in his awin Cannone Law, be not great and blasphemous woordis, and such as never mortall man spak befoir, lett the world judge. And yitt, (said he,) is thare one most evident of all, to[Pg 192] wit, Johnne, in his Revelatioun, sayis, 'That the merchandeise of that Babyloniane harlot, amonges otheris thingis, shalbe the bodyes and saules of men.' Now, lett the verray Papistes thame selfis judge, yf ever any befoir thame took upoun thame power to relax the paines of thame that war in Purgatorie, as thei affirme to the people that daily thei do, by the merites of thare Messe, and of thare other trifilles." In the end he said, "Yf any here, (and thare war present Maister Johne Mayre,[482] the Universitie, the Suppriour,[483] and many Channonis, with some Freiris of boyth the ordouris,) that will say, That I have alledgeid Scripture, doctour, or historye, otherwyise then it is writtin, lett thame come unto me with sufficient witness, and by conference I shall lett thame see, not onlye the originall whare my testimonyes ar writtin, but I shall prove, that the wrettaris ment as I have spokin."

Of this sermon, which was the first that ever Johne Knox maid in publict, was thare diverse bruyttis. Some said, "Otheris sned[484] the branches of the Papistrie, but he stryekis at the roote, to destroy the hole." Otheris said, "Yf the doctouris, and Magistri nostri, defend nott now the Pape and his authoritie, which in thare awin presence is so manifestlie impugned, the Devill have my parte of him, and of his lawes boyth." Otheris said, "Maister George Wishart spak never so plainelye, and yitt he was brunt: evin so will he be." In the end, otheris said, "The tyranny of the Cardinall maid nott his cause the bettir, nether yitt the sufferring of Goddis servand maid his cause the worse. And tharefoir we wold counsall yow and thame, to provide bettir defenses then fyre and[Pg 193] sweard; for it may be that ellis ye wilbe disapointed: men now have other eyes then thei had than." This answer gave the Lard of Nydie,[485] a man fervent and uprycht in religioun.

The bastard Bischope, who yit was not execrated, (consecrated[486] thei call it,) wrait to the Suppriour of Sanctandrois, who (Sede vacante) was Vicare Generall, "That he wondered that he sufferred sic hereticall and schismaticall doctrin to be tawght, and nott to oppone him self to the same." Upoun this rebuck, was a conventioun of Gray Freiris and Blak feindis appointed, with the said Suppriour Dean Johnne Wynrame, in Sanct Leonardis yardis, whareunto was first called Johne Rowght, and certane Articles redd unto him; and thairafter was Johnne Knox called for. The caus of thare conventioun, and why that thei war called, was exponed; and the Articles war read, which war these:—

i. No mortall man can be the head of the Church.[Pg 194]

ii. The Pape is ane Antichrist, and so is no member of Christis misticall body.

iii. Man may nether maik nor devise a religioun that is acceptable to God: butt man is bound to observe and keap the religioun that fra God is receaved, without chopping or changeing thairof.

iv. The Sacramentis of the New Testament aucht to be ministred as thei war institut by Christ Jesus, and practised by his Apostles: nothing awght to be added unto thame; nothing awght to be diminished from thame.

v. The Messe is abominable idolatrie, blasphemous to the death of Christ, and a prophanatioun of the Lordis Suppar.

vi. Thare is no Purgatorie, in the which the saules of men can eyther be pyned or purged after this lyef: butt heavin restis to the faythfull, and hell to the reprobat and unthankfull.[487]

vii. Praying for the dead is vane, and to the dead is idolatrie.

viii. Thare is no Bischoppes, except thei preach evin by thame selfis, without any substitut.

ix. The teindis by Goddis law do not apperteane of necessitie to the Kirkmen.

"The strangeness, (said the Suppriour,) of these Articles, which ar gaddered furth of your doctrin, have moved us to call for you, to hear your awin answeres." John Knox said, "I, for my parte, praise my God that I see so honorable, and appearandlye so modest and qwyet are auditure. But becaus it is long since that I have heard, that ye ar one that is not ignorant of the treuth, I man crave of yow, in the name of God, yea, and I appell your conscience befoir that Suppreme Judge, that yf ye think any Article thare expressed contrarious unto the treuth of God, that ye oppone your self[Pg 195] plainelie unto it, and suffer nott the people to be tharewith deceaved. But, and yf in your conscience ye knaw the doctrin to be trew, then will I crave your patrocinye thareto; that, by your authoritie, the people may be moved the rather to beleve the trewth, whareof many dowbtes be reassone of our yowght."[488]

The Suppriour answered, "I came nott hear as a judge, but only familiarlie to talk; and tharefore, I will nether allow nor condempne; butt yf ye list, I will reassone. Why may nott the Kirk, (said he,) for good causes, devise Ceremonies to decore the Sacramentis, and other Goddis service?"

Johne Knox.

"Becaus the Kirk awght to do nothing, butt in fayth, and awght not to go befoir; but is bound to follow the voce of the trew Pastor."

The Suppriour.

"It is in fayth that the ceremonyes ar commanded, and thei have proper significationis to help our fayth; as the hardis in Baptisme signifie the rowchnes of the law, and the oyle the softnes of Goddis mercy; and lyikwyese, everie ane of the ceremonyes has a godly significatioun, and tharefoir thei boyth procead frome fayth, and ar done into faith."

Johne Knox.

"It is not yneucht that man invent a ceremonye, and then geve it a significatioun, according to his pleasur. For so mycht the ceremonyes of the Gentiles, and this day the ceremonyes of Mahomeit, be manteaned. But yf that any thing procead frome fayth, it man have the word of God for the assurance; for ye ar nott ignorant, 'That fayth cumis by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.' Now, yf ye will prove that your ceremonyes procead from fayth, and do pleas God, ye man prove that God in expressed wordis hes com[Pg 196]manded thame: Or ellis shall ye never prove, That thei proceid from fayth, nor yitt that thei please God; but that thei ar synne, and do displease him, according to the wordis of the Apostill, 'Whatsoever is nott of fayth is synne.'"

The Suppriour.

"Will ye bynd us so strait, that we may do nothing without the expresse word of God? What! and I ask a drynk? think ye that I synne? and yitt I have nott Goddis word for me."

This answer gave he, as mycht appear, to schift ower the argument upon the Freare, as that he did.

Johne Knox.

"I wald we should not jest in so grave a mater; nether wold I that ye should begyn to illud the trewth with sophistrie; and yf ye do, I will defend me the best that I can. And first, to your drinking, I say, that yf ye eyther eat or drynk without assurance of Goddis worde, that in so doing ye displease God, and ye synne into your verray eatting and drynking. For sayis nott the Apostle, speaking evin of meatt and drynk, 'That the creatures ar sanctifeid unto man, evin by the word and by prayer.' The word is this: 'All thingis ar clean to the clean,' &c. Now, let me hear thus much of your ceremonyes, and I sall geve you the argument; bot I wonder that ye compare thingis prophane and holy thingis so indiscreatlie togetther. The questioun wes not, nor is nott of meat or drynk, whairinto the kingdome of God consistis nott; butt the questioun is of Goddis trew wirschiping, without the quhilk we can have no societie with God. And, hear it is dowbted, yf we may tack the same fredome in the using of Christis Sacramentis, that we may do in eatting and drynking. One meat I may eatt, another I may refuise, and that without scrupill of conscience. I may change ane with ane other, evin as oft as I please. Whither may we do the same in materis of religioun? May we cast away what we[Pg 197] please, and reteane what we please? Yf I be weill remembred, Moses, in the name of God, sayis to the people of Israell, 'All that the Lord thy God commandis thee to do, that do thow to the Lord thy God: add nothing to it; diminyshe nothing from it.' Be this rewill, think I, that the Kirk of Christ will measur Goddis religioun, and not by that which seames good in thare awin eis."

The Suppriour.

"Forgeve me: I spak it but in mowes, and I was dry. And now, Father, (said he to the Freir,) follow the argument. Ye have heard what I have said, and what is answered unto me agane."

Arbuckill Gray-Freir.[489]

"I shall prove plainlye that Ceremonyes ar ordeyned by God."

Johne Knox.

"Such as God hes ordeyned we allow, and with reverence we use thame. But the questioun is of those that God hes nott ordeyned, such as, in Baptisme, ar spattill, salt, candill, cuide, (except it be to keap the barne from cald,) hardis, oyle, and the rest of the Papisticall inventionis."

Arbuckill.

"I will evin prove these that ye dampne to be ordeyned of God."

Johne Knox.

"The pruif thareof I wald glaidly hear."

Arbuckill.

"Sayis not Sanct Paule, 'That another fundatioun then[Pg 198] Jesus Christ may no man lay.' But upone this fundatioun some buyld, gold, silver, and precious stones; some hay, stuble, and wood. The gold, sylver, and precious stones, ar the Ceremonyes of the Church, which do abyd the fyre, and consumes nott away.' This place of Scripture is most plaine," (sayis the foolish Feind.)

Johne Knox.

"I prayse my God, throwght Jesus Christ, for I fynd his promeis suyre, trew, and stable. Christ Jesus biddis us 'Nott fear, when we shalbe called befoir men, to geve confessioun of his trewth;' for he promisses, 'that it salbe gevin unto us in that hour, what we shall speak.' Yf I had sowght the hole Scripturis, I could not have produced a place more propir for my purpose, nor more potent to confound yow. Now to your argument: The Ceremonyes of the Kirk, (say ye,) ar gold, silver, and pretious stonis, becaus thei ar able to abyd the fyre; but, I wold learne of yow, what fyre is it which your Ceremonies does abyd? And in the meantyme, till that ye be advised to answer, I will schaw my mynd, and make ane argument against youris, upoun the same text. And first, I say, that I have heard this text adduced, for a pruf of Purgatorie; but for defence of Ceremonies, I never heard, nor yitt red it. But omitting whetther ye understand the mynd of the Apostill or nott, I maik my argument, and say, That which may abyd the fyre, may abyd the word of God: But your Ceremonies may not abyd the word of God: Ergo, Thei may not abyd the fyre; and yf they may not abyd the fyre, then ar they not gold, silver, nor precious stones. Now, yf ye find any ambiguitie in this terme, Fyre, which I interpret to be the woord, fynd ye me ane other fyre, by the which thingis buylded upoun Christ Jesus should be tryed then God and his woord, which both in the Scriptures ar called fyre, and I shall correct my argument."[Pg 199]

Arbuckill.

"I stand nott thairupoun; but I deny your Minor, to wit, that our Ceremonies may not abyd the tryall of Goddis woord."

Johne Knox.

"I prove, that abydis not the tryall of Goddis word, which Goddis word condempnes But Goddis word condempnes your Ceremonies: Therefor thei do not abyd the tryall thairof. But as the theaf abydis the tryall of the inqueist, and tharby is condempned to be hanged, evin so may your ceremonies abyd the tryall of Goddis word; but not ellis. And now, in few wordis to maik plane that wharein ye may seme to dowbt, to wit, That Goddis woord damnes your Ceremonies, it is evident; for the plaine and strate commandiment of God is, 'Not that thing which appearis good in thy eis, shalt thow do to the Lord thy God, but what the Lord thy God hes commanded thee, that do thow: add nothing to it; diminish nothing from it'. DEUTE. 4 Now onless that ye be able to prove that God hes commanded your Ceremonies, this his formar commandiment will dampne boyth yow and thame."

The Freir, somewhat abased[490] what first to answer, whill he wanderis about in the myst, he falles in a fowll myre; for alledgeing that we may nott be so bound to the woord, he affirmed, "That the Apostles had not receaved the Holy Ghost, when thei did wryte thare Epistles; but after, thei receaved him, and then thei did ordeyn the Ceremonies." (Few wold have thought, that so learned a man wold have gevin so foolishe ane answer; and yitt it is evin as trew as he bayre a gray cowll.) Johne Knox, hearing the answer, starte, and said, "Yf that be trew, I have long bein in ane errour, and I think I shall dye thairintill." The Suppriour[Pg 200] said to him, "Father, what say ye? God forbide that ye affirme that; for then fayre weall the ground of our fayth." The Freir astonyed, made the best schift that he could to correct his fall;[491] but it wold not be. Johne Knox brought him oft agane to the ground of the argument: but he wold never answer directlie, but ever fled to the authoritie of the Kyrk. Whairto the said Johnne answered ofter then ones, "That the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against the word of God." Then said the Freir, "Yf so be, ye will leave us na Kirk." "Indead, (said the other,) in David I read that thare is a church of the malignantis, for he sayis, Odi ecclesiam malignantium. That church ye may have, without the word, and doing many thingis directly feghtting against the word of God. Of that church yf ye wilbe, I can not impead[492] yow. Bott as for me, I wilbe of none other church, except of that which hath Christ Jesus to be pastor, which hearis his voce, and will nott hear a strangeir."

In this Disputatioun many other thingis war merealy skooft ower;[493] for the Freir, after his fall, could speak nothing to a purpose. For Purgatorie he had no better pruf, but the authoritie of Vergile in his sext Æneidos; and the panes thareof to him was ane evill wyff. How Johne Knox answered that, and many other thingis, him self did witness in a treatise that he wrate in the gallayis, conteanyng the some of his doctrin, and Confessioun of his fayth,[494] and send it to his familiaris in Scotland; with his exhortatioun, that thei[Pg 201] should continew in the trewth, which thei had professed, nochtwithstanding any worldly adversitie that mycht ensew thareof. THE CAUS OF THE INSERTING OF THIS DISPUTATIOUN. Thus much of that Disputatioun have we inserted hear, to the intent that men may see, how that Sathan ever travellis to obscure the lyght; and yitt how God by his power, in his weak veschellis, confoundis his craft, and discloses his darkness.

After this, the Papistes nor Frearis had not great heart of farther disputatioun or reassonyng; butt invented ane other schift, which appeared to proceid frome godlynes; and it was this. Everie learned man in the Abbay, and in the Universitie, should preach in the parishe kirk his Sonday about. The Suppriour began, followed the Officiall called Spittall,[495] (sermones penned to offend no man,) followed all the rest in thare ranckes. And so Johne Knox smelled out the craft, and in his sermonis, which he maid upone the Weak dayis, he prayed to God, that thei should be als busye in preaching when thare should be more myster of it, then thare was then. THE PROTESTATIOUN OF JOHNE KNOX "Allwyise, (said he,) I praise God, that Christ Jesus is preached, and nothing is said publictlie against the doctrin ye have heard. Yf in my absence thei shall speak any thing, which in my presence thei do nott, I protest that ye suspend your judgement till that it please God ye hear me agane."

God so assisted his weak soldeour, and so blessed his laubouris, that not onlye all those of the Castell, but also a great nomber of the toune, openlie professed, by participatioun of the Lordis Table, in the same puritie that now it is[Pg 202] ministrat in the churches of Scotland, wyth that same doctrin, that he had taught unto thame. Amongis whome was he that now eyther rewillis, or ellis misrewillis Scotland, to wit, Schir James Balfour, (sometymes called Maister James,[496]) the cheaf and principall Protestant that then was to be found in this realme. This we wryte, becaus we have heard that the said Maister James alledgeis, that he was never of this our religioun; but that he was brought up in Martine's[497] opinioun of the Sacrament, and tharefoir he can nott communicat with us. But his awin conscience, and two hundreth witness besydes, know that he lyes; and that he was ane of the cheaff, (yf he had not bein after Coppis,) that wold have gevin his lyef, yf men mycht credite his wordis, for defence of the doctrin that the said Johnne Knox tawght. But albeit, that those that never war of us, (as none of Monquhanye's sones have schawin thame selfis to be,) departe from us, it is no great wonder; for it is propir and naturall that the children follow the father; and lett the godly levar of that rase and progeny be schawen;[498] for yf in thame be eather fear of God, or luf of vertew, farther then the present commoditie persuades thame, men of judgement ar deceaved. Butt to returne to our Historye.

The Preastis and Bischoppis, enraged at these proceadingis, that war in Sanctandrois, ran now upoun the Governour, now[Pg 203] upoun the Quene, now upoun the hole Counsall, and thare mycht have been hard complainetes and cryes, "What ar we doing? Shall ye suffer this hole realme to be infected with pernicious doctrin? Fy upoun yow, and fy upoun us." The Quein and Monsieur Dosell,[499] (who then was a secretis mulierum in the Courte,) conforted thame, and willed thame to be quyet, for thei should see remeady or it was long. THE FIRST CUMING OF THE GALAYES ANNO 1547 And so was provin in dead; for upoun the penult day of Junij, appeared in the sight of the Castell of Sanctandrois twenty ane Frenche galayis, with a skeife of an army,[500] the lyik whairof was never sein in that Fyrth befoir. THE TREASONABLE FACT OF THE GOVERNOUR AND THE QUEIN DOWAGER This treassonable meane had the Governour, the Bischope, the Quein, and Monsieur Dosell, under the Appointment drawin. Bot to excuse thare treasone, viij dayis befoir, thei had presented ane absolutioun unto thame, as sent from Rome, conteanyng, after the aggravatioun of the cryme, this clause, Remittimus Irremissibile, that is, We remitt the cryme that can nott be remitted. Which considdered by the worst of the company[501] that was in the Castell, answer was gevin, THE ANSWER GEVIN TO THE GOVERNOUR WHEN THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS WAS REQUIRED TO BE DELIVERED "That the Governour and Counsall of the Realme had promissed unto thame a sufficient and assured absolutioun, which that appeared nott to be; and tharefor could thei nott deliver the house, nether thought thei that any reassonable man wald requyre thame so to do, considering that promeis was nott keapt unto thame." The nixt day, after that the galayis arryved, thei summoned the hous, which being denyed, (becaus thei knew thame no magistrattis in Scotland,) thei prepared for seage. And, first thei begane to assalt by sey, and schote two dayis. Bott[Pg 204] thairof thei nether gat advantage nor honour; for thei dang the sclattis of houssis, but neyther slew man, nor did harme to any wall. THE GUNNARRIS GODDESS But the Castell handilled thame so, that Sancta Barbara, (the gunnaris goddess,) helped thame nothing; for thei lost many of thare rowaris, men chained in the galayis, and some soldeouris, bayth by sea and land. And farther, a galay that approched neyar then the rest, was so doung with the cannoun and other ordinance, that she was stopped under watter, and so almost drowned, and so had bein, war nott that the rest gave hir succourse in tyme, and drew hir first to the west sandis, without the schot of the Castell, and thaireftir to Dondye, whare thei remaned, till that the Governour, who then was at the seige of Langhope,[502] came unto thame, with the rest of the French factioun. The seige by land was confirmed about the Castell of Sanctandrois, the xviiij day of Julij. The trenchess war cast; ordinance was planted upoun the Abbay Kirk, and upoun Sanct Salvatouris Colledge, and yitt was the steaple thairof brunt; which so noyed the Castell, that neyther could thei keape thare blok-houssis, the Sea-tour head, nor the west wall; for in all these places war men slaine by great ordinance. Yea, thei monted the ordinance so height upoun the Abbay Kirk, that thei mycht discover the ground of the close[503] in diverse places. Moreover, within the Castell was the pest,[504] (and diverse thairin dyed,) which more effrayed some that was thairin, then did the externall force without. THE SENTENCE OF JOHNE KNOX TO THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS BEFOIR IT WAS WON But Johne Knox was of ane other judgement, for he ever said, "That thare corrupt lyef could nott eschape punishment of God;" and that was his continuall advertisment, fra the tyme that he was called to preache. When thei triumphed of thare victorie, (the first twenty dayis thei had many prosperous chances,) he lamented, and ever said, "Thei[Pg 205] saw not what he saw." When thei bragged of the force and thicknes of thare walles, he said, "Thei should be butt eggeschellis."[505] When thei vanted, "England will reskew us," he said, "Ye shall not see thame; but ye shalbe delivered in your ennemyis handis, and shalbe caryed to ane strange countrey."

Upone the penult of Julij,[506] at nycht, was the ordinance planted for the battery; xiiij cannons, whareof four was cannons royall, called double cannons, besydis other peices. The battery begane att iiij houris in the mornyng, and befoir ten houris of the day, the haill sowth qwarter, betuix the foir tour and the East blok-house, was maid saltable. The lawer transe was condempned, diverse slane into it, and the East blok-house was schote of fra the rest of the place, betuix ten houris and ellevin. Thare fell a schour of rane, that continewed neir ane hour, the lyek wharof had seldom bein sein: It was so vehement, that no man myeht abyd without a house: The cannounes war left allone. Some within the Castell war of judgement, that men should have ished, and putt all in the handis of God. But becaus that Williame Kirkcaldy was commonyng[507] with the Priour of Cappua,[508] who had the commissioun of that jorney from the King of France, nothing was interprysed. And so was appointment maid, and the Castell randered upone Setterday, the last of Julij.

The headis of the Appointment war; "That the lyefis of all within the Castell should be saved, alsweall Engliss as Scottish; That thei should be saiflie transported to France; and in case that, upoun conditionis that by the King of France should be offerred unto thame, thei could nott be content to remane in service and fredome thare, thei should, upoun the[Pg 206] King of France expenssis, be saiflie conveyed to what contrey thei wold requyre, other then Scotland." Wyth the Governour thei wold have nothing ado, neyther yitt with any Scottishe man; for thei had all tratorouslye betrayed them, "Which," said the Lard of Grange eldar, (a man sempill, and of most stout corage,) "I am assured God shall revenge it, or it be long."

The galayes, weall furnessed with the spoyle of the Castell foirsaid, after certane dayis, returned to France; and eschaping a great danger, (for upon the back of the sandis thei all schopped,) thei arryved first at Fekcam,[509] and thareafter past up the watter of Sequane,[510] and lay befoir Rowane; whare the principall gentilmen, who looked for fredome, war dispersed and putt in syndrie preasonis. The rest war left in the galayis, and thare miserable entreated, amonges whome the foirsaid Maister James Balfour was, with his two brethrein, David and Gilbert, men without God. Which we wryt, becaus that we hear, that the said Maister James, principall mysgydar now of Scotland, denyes that he had any thing to do with the Castell of Sanctandrois, or yet that ever he was in the galayis. Then was the joy of the Papistis boyth of Scotland and France evin in full perfectioun; for this was thare song of triumphe:—

The Pope wrote his letters to the King of France, and so did he to the Governour of Scotland, thanking thame hartlie for the tacking panes to revenge the death of his kynd creature, the Cardinall of Scotland; desyring thame to continew in[Pg 207] thare begune severitie, that such thingis after should not be attemptat. And so war all these that war deprehended in the Castell dampned to perpetuall preasone; and so judged the ungodly, that after that in Scotland should Christ Jesus never have triumphed. One thing we can not pass by: From Scotland was send a famous clerk, (lawghe not, readar,) Maister Johnne Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[511] with credite to the King of France, and unto the Cardinall of Lorane, (and yitt he nether had French nor Latine, and some say his Scottishe toung was nott verray good.) The sume of all his negotiatioun was, That those of the Castell should be scharplie handilled. In which suyt, he was heard with favouris, and was dispatched fra the Courte of France with letteris, and great credyte, which that famouse clark foryett by the way; for passing up to the craig[512] of Dumbertane, befoir his letteris war delyvered, he brack his nek; and so God took away a proude ignorant ennemye. Butt now to our Historie.

These thingis against promeissis, (but Princes have no fidelitie farther then for thare awin advantage,) done at Rowane,[513] the galayes departed to Nantes, in Bartainzie, whare upone the watter of Lore[514] thei lay the hole wyntar.

In Scotland, that somer, was nothing but myrth; for all yead[515] with the preastis eavin at thare awin pleasur. The Castell of Sanctandrois was rased to the ground,[516] the block houssis thairof cast doune, and the walles round about demolissed. Whitther this was to fulfill thare law, which commandis places whare Cartlinalles ar slane so to be used; or ellis for fear that England should have takin it, as after thei did Broughty Crage, we remitt to the judgement of such as was of counsall.

This same year, in the begynnyng of September, entered in Scotland ane army of ten thowsand men from England, by land, some schippes with ordinance came by sea.[Pg 209] The Governour and the Bischope, heirof advertissed, gathered togetther the forces of Scotland, and assembled at Edinburgh. The Protectour of England,[517] with the Erle of Warwik, and thare army, remaned at Preastoun, and about Preastoun Pannes:[518] for thei had certane offerres to have bein proponed unto the Nobilitie of Scotland, concernyng the promeissis befoir maid by thame, unto the which King Hary befoir his death gentillye required thame to stand fast; and yf thei so wald do, of him nor of his Realme thei should have no truble, but the helpe and the conforte that he could maike thame in all thingis lauchfull. And heirupoun was thare a letter direct to the Governour and Counsall;[519] which cuming to the handis of the Bischope of Sanctandros, he thought it could nott be for his advantage that it should be divulgat, and thairfoir by his craft it was suppressed.

Upone the Fryday, the [ixth[520]] of September, the Engliss army marched towardis Leyth, and the Scottishe army marched from Edinburgh to Enresk.[521] The hole Scottishe army was nott assembled, and yitt the skirmissing begane; for nothing was concluded but victorie without strok. The Protectour, the Erle of Warwik, the Lord Gray, and all the Engliss Capitanes, war played[522] at the dyce. No men war stowttar then the[Pg 210] Preastis and Channounes, with thare schaven crownes and blak jackis. FRYDAYIS CHASE The Erle of Warwik and the Lord Gray, who had the cheaf charge of the horsmen, perecaving the host to be molested with the Scotishe preakaris,[523] and knowing that the multitud war nether under ordour nor obedience, (for thei war devided fra the great army,) sent furth certane troupes horsmen, and some of thare Borderaris, eyther to feght thame, or ellis to putt thame out of thare syght, so that thei mycht not annoy the host. The skarmuch grewe hote, and at lenth the Scottishmen gave back, and fled without gane turne. The chase continewed far, bayth towardis the East and towardis the Weast; in the which many war slayne, and he that now is Lord Home was tane, which was the occasioun, that the Castell of Home[524] was after randered to the Engliss men. BRAGGIS The lose of these men neyther moved the Governour, nor yitt the Bischope, his bastard brother: Thei should revenge the mater weall yneuch upoun the morne; for thei war handis ynew, (no word of God;) the Engliss heretyckis had no faces; thei wald not abyd.

Upone the Setterday, the armyis of boyth sydis past to array. The Engliss army tackis the mydd parte of Fawsyd hill,[525] having thare ordinance planted befoir thame, and having thare schippes and two galayis brought as neir the land as watter wald serve. The Scottishe army stood first in ane ressonable strenth and good ordour, having betuix thame and the Engliss army the Watter of Esk, (otherwyese called Mus[Pg 211]silburgh Watter;) butt at length a charge was gevin in the Governouris behalf, with sound of trumpett, that all men should merche fordwarte, and go ower the watter.[526] Some say, that this was procured by the Abbote of Dumfermeling,[527] and Maister Hew Rig,[528] for preservatioun of Carbarry. Men of judgement lyeked not the jorney; for thei thought it no wisdome to leave thare strenth. But commandiment upoun commandiment, and charge upoun charge, was gevin, which urged thame so, that unwillinglie thei obeyed. The Erle of Anguss,[529] being in the vantgard, had in his cumpany the gentilmen of Fyfe, of Anguss, Mernes, and the Westland, with many otheris that of luif resorted to him, and especiallie those that war professouris of the Evangell; for thei supposed, that England wold not have maid gret persuyt of him. He passed first throwght the watter, and arrayed his host direct befoir the ennemies. Followed the Erle of Huntlie, with his Northland men. Last came the Duke, having in his cumpany the Erle of Ergyle,[530] with his awin freindis, and the body of the realme. The Englesmen perceaving the danger, and how that the Scottishe men intended to have tane the tope of the hill, maid hast to prevent the perrell. The Lord Gray was commanded to geve the charge with his[Pg 212] men of armes, which he did, albeit the hasard[531] was verray unliklye; for the Erle of Anguss host[532] stood evin as a wall, and receaved the first assaultairis upon the pointis of thare spearis, (which war longar then those of the Englismen,) so ruidlye, that fyftie horse and men of the first rank lay dead at ones, without any hurte done to the Scottishe army, except that the spearis of the formar two rankis war brokin. Which discomfitur receaved, the rest of the hors men fled; yea, some passed beyound Fawsyd hill. The Lord Gray him self was hurte in the mouth, and plainelie denyed to charge agane; for he said, "it was alyik as to ryne against a wall." The galayis and the schippes, and so did the ordinance planted upoun the mydd hill, schote terriblye. But the ordinance of the galayis schooting longis the Scotish army effrayed thame wonderuslye.[533] And whill that everie man laubouris to draw from the north, whense the danger appeired, thei begyne to reyll, and with that war the Engliss foot men marching fordwarte, albeit that some of thare horsmen war upoun the flight. The Erle of Anguss army stood still, looking that eyther Huntlie[534] or the Duke should have recountered the nixt battell; but thei had decreid that the favoraris of England, and the Heretickis, (as the Preastis called thame,) and the Englismen should parte it betuix thame for the day.

The fear ryses, and at ane instant thei, which befoir war victouris, and war nott yitt assaulted with any force, (except with ordinance, as said is,) cast frome thame thare spearis and fled. So that Goddis power was so evidentlie sein, that in one moment, yea, at one instant tyme, boyth the armyes war fleing. The schout came from the hill frome those that hoped no victorie upone the Engliss parte; the schout ryses,[Pg 213] (we say,) "Thei flye, thei flie;" but at the first it could nott be beleved, till at the last it was clearlie sein, that all had gevin backis, and then begane a cruell slawchtter, (which was the greattar be reassone of the lait displeasur of the men of armes.) The chase and slaughter lasted till ney Edinburght, upoun the one parte, and be-west Dalkeith, upon the other.[535] The number of the slane upoun the Scotishe syd war judged ney ten thowsand men. The Erle of Huntley was tackin, and caryed to London; but he releved him self, being suyrtie for many ransonis, honestlie or unhonestlie[536] we know nott; but, as the bruyt past, he used pollicye with England. In that same battell was slane the Maister of Erskin,[537] deirlie beloved of the Quein, for whome she maid great lamentatioun, and bayre his death many dayis in mind. When the certaintie of the disconfiture came, sche was in Edinburgh abyding upon tydinges; but with expeditioun she posted that same nycht to Stryveling, with Monsieur Dosell, who was[Pg 214] als fleyed as "a fox when his hole is smoked." And thus did God tak the secound revenge upoun the perjured Governour, with such as assisted him to defend ane injust qwerrell; albeit that many innocentis fell amonges the myddest of the wicked. The Engliss army came to Leyth, and thare tackin ordour with thare preasonaris and spoile, thei returned with this victorie, (which thei looked nott for,) to England.

That wynter following was great heirschippes maid upoun all the Bordouris of Scotland. Browghty crag[538] was tane by the Englismen, beseiged by the Governour, but still keapt; and at it was slane Gawen, the best of the Hammyltonis,[539] and[Pg 215] the ordinance left. Whareupon, the Englismen encouraged, begane to fortifie upoun the hill above Broughty hous, which was called the Forte of Broughty, and was verray noysome to Dondy, which it brunt and laid waist; and so did it the moist parte of Anguss, which was not assured, and under freindschipe with thame.

That Lentran[540] following, 1548 was Haddingtoun fortified by the Engliss men. The maist parte of Lothiane, from Edinburgh east, was eyther assured or laid wast. Thus did God plague in everie qwarter; butt men war blynd, and wald nott, nor could nott, considder the cause. The Lardes Ormestoun[541] and Brunestoun[542] war banissed, and after forfalted,[543] and so war[Pg 216] all those of the Castell of Sanctandrois. The suyre knowledge of the trubles of Scotland cuming to France, thare was prepared a navy and army. The navy was such as never was sein to come fra France, for the supporte of Scotland; for besydis the galayis, being twenty twa then in nomber, thei had threscoir great schippis, besydis vittallaris. Howsone soever thei took the playne seas, the read lyoun of Scotland was displayed, and thei holdin as rebelles unto France, (such pollicye is no falsett in Princes,) for good peax stoode betuix France and England, and the King of France approved nothing that thei did. The cheaf men, to whome the conducting of that army was committed, war Monsieur Dandelot, Monsieur de Termes, and Peir de Strois. In thare jorney thei maid some hereschepe upoun the coast of England; but it was nott great. 1549 They arryved in Scotland in Maij, anno 1549.[544] The galayis did visitt the forte of Browghty, but did no more at that tyme. Preparationis war maid for the seig of Hadyngtoun; but it was ane other thing that thei ment, as the ischew declared. THE PARLIAMENT ATT HADINGTOUN The hole body of the realme assembled, the forme of a Parliament was sett to be holdin thare, to witt, in the Abbay of Haddingtoun.[545] The principall head[Pg 217] was the mariage of the Princess (by thame befoir contracted to King Edwarte,) to the King of France, and of hir present deliverie, be reassone of the danger that she stood into, by the invasioun of our old ennemies of England. Some war corrupted with buddis, some deceaved by flattering promessis, and some for fear war compelled to consent; for the French soldartis war the officiaris of armes in that Parliament. The Lard of Balclewcht,[546] a bloody man, with many Goddis woundis, sware, "Thei that wold nott consent should do war." The Governour gat the Duchry of Chattellerawlt,[547] with the Ordour of the Cokill, and a full discharge of all intromissionis with King James the Fyft his treasure and substance whatsoever, with possessioun of the Castell of Dumbertane, till that ischew should be sein of the Quenis body. THE DUKIS FACT, AND WHAT APPEARIS TO FOLLOW THAREOF With these, and other conditionis, stood he content to sell his Soverane furth of his awin handis, which in the end wilbe his destructioun; God thairby punishing his formar wickedness, (yf speady reapentance prevent not Goddis judgementis, which we hartly wishe.) Huntley, Ergyle, and Anguss, was lykwiese maid Knyghtis of the Cockill;[548] and for that and other[Pg 218] good deid receaved, thei sold also thare parte. EXPERIENCE HES TAWGHT, AND FARTHER WILL DECLAIR Schortlie, none was found to resist that injust demand; and so was she sold to go to France, to the end that in hir youth she should drynk of that lycour, that should remane with hir all hir lyfetyme, for a plague to this realme, and for hir finall destructioun. And tharefoir, albeit that now a fyre cumes out frome hir, that consumes many, lett no man wonder, she is Goddis hand, in his displeasur punishing our formare ingratitude. PERFICE QUOD CEPISTI ME DEUS PROPTER TUI NOMINIS GLORIAM. 15 JUNIJ 1567.[549] Lett men patientlie abyd, and turne unto thare God, and then shall he eyther destroy that hoore in hir hurdome, or ellis he shall putt it in the harttis of a multitude, to tak the same vengeance upoun hir, that hes bein tane of Jesabell and Athalia, yea, and of otheris, of whome prophane historyis mak mentioun; for greattar abominatioun was never in the nature of any woman, then is in hir, whareof we have but sein only the buddis; butt we will after taist of the rype frutt of hir impietie, yf God cutt not hir dayis schorte. WRITTIN THE—— OF APRILE, ANNO 1566 But to returne to our Historie.

This conclusioun tackin, that our Quein, (butt farther delay,) should be delivered to France, the seig continewis, great schooting, but no assaulting; and yitt thei had fair occasioun[Pg 219] offered unto thame. For the Englismen approching to the toune, for the conforting of the beseiged, with powder, vittalles, and men, lost ane army of sax thowsand men. TUESDAYIS CHASE Schir Robert Bowes[550] so was tane, and the most parte of the Borderaris war eyther tackin or slane. And so mycht the Toune justlye have dispared of any farther succourse to have bein loked for; butt yit it held good; for the stout corage and prudent governement of Schir James Wolfurd,[551] generall, who did so encorage the hole capitanes and soldartis, that thei determined to dye upon thare wallis. But from the tyme that the Frenche men had gottin the bone for the which the dog barked, the persuyt of the toune was slow. The seig was rased, and she was convoyed by the Weast seas to France,[552] with four galayis, and some schippis; and so the Cardinall[Pg 220] of Lorane gatt hir in his keping, a morsall, assuyre yow,[553] meit for his awin mouth.

We omitt many thingis that, occurred in this tyme; as the sitting doun of the schip called the Cardinall, (the farest schip in France,) betuix Sanct Colmes Inch and Crawmond,[554] without any occasioun, except negligence, for the day was fair, and the wetther calme; but God wold schaw, that the countrie of Scotland can bear no Cardinallis. In this tyme also, was thare a combate betuix the galayis and the Engliss schippis; thei schote fracklie a whill. Ane Engliss schip took fyre, or ellis the galayis had come schorte hame, and, as it was, thei fled without mercy, till that thei war abuf Sanct Colmes Inch.[555] The Capitanes left the galayes, and took a forte maid upoun the Inch for thare defence. But the Engliss schippis maid no persuyt, (except that thei brunt the Cardinall whare that she lay,) and so the galayis and the galay-men did boyth eschape.

Ordoure was lackin, that nixt September, that some galayes should remane in Scotland, and that the rest should returne to France; as that thei did all, except one that was tackin by ane Engliss schip, (by one Engliss schip onlye, we say,) as that thei war passing betuix Dover and Calice.

That wynter remaned Monsieur De Arfe[556] in Scotland,[Pg 221] with the bandis of French men. Thei fortified Enresk, to stay that the Engliss should not invaid Edinburgh and Leyth. Some skarmessis[557] thare war betuix the one and the other, butt no notable thing done, except that the French had almost tackin Hadingtoun; the occasioun whareof was this.

The French men thinking thame selfis moir then maisteris in all partes of Scotland, and in Edinburgh principallie, thought that thei could do no wrong to no Scottishe man; for a certane French man delivred a coulvering to George Tod, Scottisman, to be stocked, who bringing it throwght the streat, ane other French man clamed it, and wold have reft it from the said George; but he resisted, alledgeing that the Frenche man did wronge. And so begane parties to assemble, asweall to the Scottishman, as to the French; so that two of the French men war stryckin doune, and the rest chassed from the Croce to Nudrye's Wynd head.[558] The Provost being upoun the streat, apprehended two of the French, and was carying thame to the Tolbuyth; but from Monsieur de Essie's loodgeing and close isched furth French men, to the nomber of threscoir persones, with drawin sweardis, and resisted the said Provest. But yitt the toune assembling repulsed thame, till that thei[Pg 222] came to the Nether Bow;[559] and thare Monsieur La Chapell, with the hole bandis of French men enarmed, rencontered the said Provest, and[560] repulsed him, (for the toune war without weapones, for the maist parte,) and so maid invasioun upoun all that thei mett. THE SLAUGHTER OF THE CAPITANE OF THE CASTELL OF EDINBURGH And first, in the throt of the Bow, war slane David Kirk and David Barbour, (being at the Provostes back,) and thareafter war slane the said Provest himself, being Lard of Stannoss, and Capitane of the Castell,[561] James Hammyltoun his sone,[562] Williame Chapman, a godly man, Maister Williame Stewarte,[563] Williame Purvess, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewarte; and thareafter taryed within the toune, by force, from fyve houris, till after sevin at nycht, and then reteared to the Cannogat, as to thare receptackle and refuge.

The hole Toun, yea, the Governour and Nobilitie commoved at the unwoorthynes of this bold attemptat, craved justice upoun the malefactouris, or ellis thei wold tack justice of the hole. The Quein, crafty yneweht, Monsieur de Essye, and Monsieur Dosel, laubored for pacificatioun, and did promeise, "That onless the French men, by thame selfis allone, should do such ane act, as mycht recompense the wrong that thei had done, that then thei should not refuise, but that justice should be executed to the rigour." These fayre woordis pleased our[Pg 223] foollis, and so war the Frenche bandis the nixt nycht direct to Hadingtoun,[564] to the which thei approched a lytill after mydnycht, so secreatlye, that thei war never espyed, till that the formar war within the basse courte, and the haill cumpany in the church yard, nott two payre of boot lenthis distant frome the toune. The soldartis, Englishmen, war all a sleape, exceapt the watch, the which was sklender, and yitt the schowt arises, "Bowes and billes: Bowes and billes;" which is significatioun of extreame defence, to avoid the present danger, in all tounes of warr. The effrayed aryses: weapones that first come to hand serve for the nead. One[565] amongis many cumes to the East porte, whare lay two great pieces of ordinance, and whare the ennemies war knowin to be, and cryed to his fellowes that war at the yett macking defence, "Ware befoir;" and so fyres a great peace, and thareafter another, which God so conducted, that after thame was no farther persuyt maid; for the bullates redounded fra the wall of the Freir Kirk, to the wall of Sanct Katherine's Chapell, which stood direct foiranent it, and fra the wall of the said Chapell to the said Kirk wall agane, so oft, that thare fell mo then ane hundreth of the French, att those two schottis only. Thei schott oft, but the French reteired with diligence, and returned to Edinburgh, without harme done, except the destructioun of some drynkin bear, which lay in the saidis Chappell and Kirk. And this was satisfactioun more then[Pg 224] yneuht,[566] for the slawchter of the said Capitane and Provest, and for the slawghter of such as war slane with him. This was the begynnyng of the French fruittis.

This wynter, in the tyme of Christen Masse, was the Castell of Home recovered from the Engliss, by the negligence of the Capitane named Dudley.[567]

This wynter also did the Lard of Rayth most innocentlie suffer, and after was forfalted, becaus that he wrait a bill to his sone, Johne Melvin,[568] who then was in England, which was alleged to have bein found in the house of Ormestoun; but many suspected the pauckis[569] and craft of Ringzen Cockburne, (now called Capitane Ringzeane,[570]) to whome the said letter was delivered. Butt howsoever it was, thei cruell beastis, the Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Dum[Pg 225]fermling, ceassed nott, till that the head of the said noble man was strickin from him; especiallie becaus that he was knawin to be ane that unfeanedlie favored the treuth of Goddis word, and was a great freind to those that war in the Castell of Sanctandrois; of whose deliverance, and of Goddis wonderouse wyrking with thame during the tyme of thare bondage, we man now speak, least that in suppressing of so notable a wark of God, we mycht justlie be accused of ingratitude.

And, first, the principalles being putt in severall houssis, as befoir we have said, great laubouris was maid to mack thame have a good opinioun of the Messe. But cheaflie travail was takin upoun Normond Leslye,[571] the Lard of Grange, and the Lard of Petmyllie,[572] who war in the Castell of Scherisburgh,[573] that thei wold come to the Messe with the Capitane: Who answered, "That the Capitane had commandiment to keape thare bodyes, but he had no power to command thare conscience." The Capitane replyed, "That he had power to command and to compell thame to go whare he yead." Thei answered, "That to go to any lauchfull place with him, thei wold nott refuise; but to do any thing that was against thare conscience thei wold not, nether for him, nor yitt for the[Pg 226] King." The Capitane said, "Will ye nott go to the Messe?" Thai answered, "No; and yf ye wald compell us, yitt will we displease yow farther; for we will so use our selfis thare, that all those that ar present shall knaw that we dispite it." These same answeris, (and somewhat scharpar,) Williame Kirkcaldye, Petir Carmichaell, and such as war with thame in Mont Sanct Michaell, gave to thare Capitane; for thei said, "Thei wold nott only hear Messe everie day, but that thei wold help to say it, provided that thei mycht stick the preastis, or ellis thei wold nott." Maister Henry Balnaves,[574] who was in the Castell of Rowane, was most sharplie assaulted of all; for becaus he was judged learned, (as he was, and is, in deid,) tharefoir learned men war appointed to trawall with him, with whome he had many conflictes; but God so ever assisted him, that thei departed confounded, and he, by the power of Goddis Spreit, remaned constant in the trewth and profession of the same, without any wavering or declynyng to idolatrie. In the preasone he wrait a most profitable Treatise of Justificatioun,[575] and of the workis and conversatioun of a[Pg 227] justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know nott. These that war in the galayis war threatned with tormentis, yf thei wold not geve reverence to the Messe, (for at certane tymes the Messe was said in the galay, or ellis heard upoun the schoar, in[576] presence of the forsaris;) butt thei could never mack the poorest of that cumpanye to geve reverence to that idole. Yea, when upoun the Setterday at nycht, thei song thare Salve Regina, the hole Scottishmen putt on thare cappes, thare hoodis, or such thing as thei had to cover thare headis; and when that otheris war compelled to kyss a paynted brod, (which thei called "Nostre Dame,") thei war not preassed after ones; for this was the chance. MEARY FACT Sone after the arrivall at Nances,[577] thare great Salve was song, and a glorious painted Lady was brought in to be kissed, and, amongis otheris, was presented to one of the Scotishmen then cheyned. He gentillye said, "Truble me nott; such ane idole[578] is accurssed; and tharefoir I will not tuich it." The Patron and the Arguesyn, with two officeris, having the cheaf charge of all such materis, said, "Thow salt handill it;" and so thei violentlie thrust it to his face, and putt it betuix his handis; who seing the extremitie, tooke the idole, and advisitlie looking about, he caist it in the rivare, and said, "Lett our Lady now saif hir self: sche is lycht aneuch; lett hir learne to swyme." After that was no Scotish man urged with that idolatrie.

These ar thingis that appear to be of no great importance; and yit yf we do rychtlie considder, thei expresse the same[Pg 228] obedience that God requyred of his people Israell, when that thei should be caryed to Babylon; for he gave charge unto thame, that when thei should see the Babylonians wirschipe thare goddis of gold, silver, mettall, and woid, that thei should say, JERE. 10 "The goddis that have nott maid the heavin and the earth shall perish frome the heavin, and out of the earth." That confessioun gave that hole nomber, during the tyme of thare bondage: in the which, wald God thei had continewed in thare fredome; for then had nott Maister James Balfour bein Officiall,[579] neyther yitt borne a cope[580] for pleasur of the Bischope. But to proceid. The said Maister James and Johne Knox being intill one galay, and being wounderous familiare with him, wold often tymes ask his judgement, "Yf he thought that ever thei should be delivered?" Whose answer was ever, fra the day that thei entered in the galayis, "That God wald deliver thame from that bondage, to his glorie, evin in this lyef." QUÆVIS MULTA SINT JUSTORUM MALA. And lyeing betuix Dundye and Sanctandrois, the secound tyme[581] that the galayis returned to Scotland, the said Johne being so extreamlye seak, that few hoped his lyeff, the said Maister James willed him to look to the land, and asked yf he knew it? Who answered, "Yes: I knaw it weall; for I see the stepill of that place, whare God first in publict opened my mouth to his glorie, and I am fullie persuaded, how weak that ever I now appear, that I shall nott departe this lyif, till that my toung shall glorifie his godlie name in the same place." This reported the said Maister James in presence of many famous witness, many zearis befoir that ever the said Johne sett his futt in Scotland, this last tyme, to preache.

Williame Kirkcaldy, then of Grange, youngar, Petir Carmichaell, Robert and Williame Leslyes, who war altogetther[Pg 229] in Mont Sanct Michaell,[582] wrait to the said Johnne, asking his counsall, "Yf thei mycht with saif conscience break thare preasone?" Whose answer was, "That yf without the blood of any sched of spilt by thame for thare deliverance, thei mycht sett thame selfis at fredome, that thei mycht saiflye tak it: but to sched any manes bloode for thare fredome, thairto wold he never consent." Adding farther, "That he was assured that God wold deliver thame, and the rest of that cumpany, evin in the eis[583] of the world; but not by such meanes as we had looked for, that was by the force of freindis, or by thare other labouris." By such meanes he affirmed thei should nott be delivered, but that God wold so wirk in the deliverance of thame, that the praise thairof should redound to his glorie onlye. He willed, tharefoir, everie one to tack the occasioun that God offerred unto thame, providing that thei committed nothing against Goddis expresse commandiment, for deliverance of thame selves. He was the more earnest in geving his counsall, becaus that the old Larde of Grange,[584] and otheris, repugned to thare purpoise, fearing least that the eschaping of the otheris should be ane occasioun of thare warse entreatment. Whareunto the said Johnne answered, "That such fear proceided nott from Goddis Spreat, but only from ane blynd luif of the self; and tharefor, that no good purpoise was to be stayed for thingis that war in the handis and power of God." And added, "That in one instant God delivered all that cumpany in the handis of unfaythfull men, but so wald he nott releave thame. But some wald he[Pg 230] deliver by one meanes, and at one tyme, and otheris must abyd for a season upon his good pleasur." This counsall in the end embrased, upoun the Kinges Evin,[585] when French men commonlie use to drynk liberallie, the foirsaid four personis, having the helpe and conducting of a boy of the house, band all those that war in the Castell, putt thame in syndrie houssis, locked the doores upon thame, took the keyis from the Capitane, and departed, without harme done to the persone of any, or without tueching of any thing that apparteaned to the King, the Capitane, or the house.

Great search was maid throweh the hole countrey for thame.[586] But it was Goddis gud pleasur so to conduct thame, that thei eschaped the handis of the faithless, albeit it was with long travaill, and grait pane and povertie susteaned; for the French boy left thame, and took with him the small poise that thei had; and so nether having money, nor knawledge of the countrey, and farther fearing that the boy should discrive thame, (as that in verray dead he did,) thei took purpose[587] to devid thame selfis, to change thare garmentis, and to go in sindrie partes. The two brethrein, Williame and Robert Leslyes,[588] (who now ar become, the said Robert espe[Pg 231]ciall, ennemies to Christ Jesus and to all vertew,) came to Rowane. Williame Kirkcaldy and Petir Carmichael, in beggaris garment, came to Conqwet,[589] and by the space of twelf or threttein weakis, thei travalled as poore marinaris, frome porte to porte, till at lenth thei gat a French schipe, and landed in the Weast, and from thense came to England, whare thei mett befoir thame the said Johne Knox, who that same wynter was delivered, and Alexander Clerk[590] in his cumpany.

The said Johne[591] was first appointed preachar to Berwik, then to Newcastell; last he was called to London, and to the sowth partes of England, whare he remaned to the death of King Edwart the Sext.[592] When he left England, then he passed to Geneva, and thare remaned at his privat study, till that he was called by the Engliss[593] congregatioun, that then[Pg 232] was assembled at Franctfoorde, to be preachear to thame: Which vocatioun he obeyed, (albeit unwillinglye,) at the commandiment of that notable servand of God, Johne Calvyne. At Franctfoord he remaned, till that some of the learned, (whose names we suppress,) moir gevin to unprofitable ceremonies,[594] then to synceritie of religioun, began to qwerrall with the said Johnne; and becaus thei dispared to prevaill befoir the Magistrat thare, for the establissing of thare corruptionis, thei accused him of treasone committed against the Emperour, and against thare Soverane Quein Marie, that in his Admonitioun to England,[595] he called the one lytill inferiour to Nero, and the other more cruell then Jezabell. The Magistrat perceaving thare malice, and fearing that the said Johnne should fall in the handis of his accusatouris, by one meane or by other, gave advertisment secreatlie to him to departe thare citie; for thei could not saif him yf he ware required by the Emperour, or by the Quein of England in the Emperouris name; and so the said Johne returned to Geneva, from thense to Deape, and thairafter to Scotland, as we shall after hear.

The tyme and that wynter that the galayes remaned in Scotland, war[Pg 233] delivered Maister James Balfour, his twa brethrein, David and Gilbert, Johne Auchinlek, Johnne Sibbald, Johne Gray, William Gutthery, and Stevin Bell.[596] The gentilmen that remaned in preasonis war, by the procurement of the Quein Dowager, to the Cardinall of Lorane and to the King of France, sett at libertie in the moneth of Julij, Anno 1550; who schorte tharefter war called to Scotland,[597] thare peax proclamed, and thei thame selfis restored to thare landis, in dyspite of thare ennemies. And that was done in hatterent of the Duck, becaus that then France begane to thrist to have the regiment of Scotland in thare awin handis. How soever it was, God maid the heartis of thare ennemyes to sett thame at libertie and fredome. Thare rested a nomber of commoun servandis yitt in the galayes, who war all delivered upoun the contract of peace that was maid betuix France and England, after the tackin of Bullon; and so was the haill cumpany sett at libertie, none perishing,[598] (no nott befoir the world,)[Pg 234] except James Melvin, who departed from the miserie of this lyif in the Castell of Byrst in Bartainzea.[599]

This we wryte to lett the posteriteis to come understand, how potentlye God wrought in preserving and delivering of these that had butt a small knowledge of his trewth, and for the luif of the same hasarded all; that yf that eyther we now in our dayis, having grettar lycht, or our posteriteis that shall follow us, shall see ane fearfull dispersioun of such as oppone thame selfis to impietie, or tack upoun thame to punishe the same, otherwiese then lawis of men will permite: yf, (we say,) we or thei[600] shall see such left of men, yea, as it war, dispyssed and punished of God; yit lett us nott dampne the personis that punish vice, (and that for just caussis;) nor yitt dispare, butt that the same God that dejectes, (for causes unknawin to us,) will raise up agane the personis dejected,[Pg 235] to his glorye and thare conforte. And to lett the world understand in plane termes what we meane, that great abusar of this commoun wealth, that pultron and vyle knave Davie, was justlie punished, the nynt of Merch, in the year of God[601] J^m. V^c. threscore fyve, for abusing of the commoun wealth, and for his other villany,[602] which we list nott to express, by the counsall and handis of James Dowglas, Erle of Morton, Patrik Lord Lyndesay, and the Lord Ruthven, with otheris assistaris in thare cumpany, who all, for thare just act, and most worthy of all praise, ar now unworthely left of thare brethrein, and suffer the bitterness of banishement and exyle. But this is our hope in the mercyes of our God, that this same blynd generatioun, whither it will or nott, shalbe compelled to see that he will have respect to thame that ar injustlye persewed; that he will apardoun thare formar offenses; that he will restore thame to the libertie of thare countrey and common wealth agane; and that he will punish, (in dispyte of man,) the head and the taill, that now trubles the just, and manteanes impietie. THE REULARIS OF MARY, ANNO 1566, AND THAIRE PREDICTIOUN The head is knawin: the taill hes two branches; the temporall Lordis that manteane hir abhominationis, and hir flattering counsallouris, blasphemous Balfour, now called Clerk of Register,[603] Sinclar Deane of Restalrige and Bischope of Brechin, blynd of ane eie in the body, but of boithe in his saule,[604] upoun whome God schortlie[Pg 236] after took vengeance; [John[605]] Leslye, preastis gett,[606] Abbot of Londorse and Bischope of Ross, Symon Preastoun of Craigmyllare,[607] a right epicureane, whose end wilbe, or it be long, according to thare warkis. Butt now to returne to our Historye.

Haddingtoun being keapt,[608] and much hearschipe done about in the countrey, (for what the Engliss men destroyed nott, that was consumed by the French,) God begynnis to feght for Schotland; for in the toun he send a peast so contagious, that with great difficultie could thei have thare dead buryed. Thei war oft refresched with new men, but all was in vane. Hunger and pest within, and the persuyt of the ennemy with a campe volant lay about thame, and intercepted all victuallis, (except when thei war brought by ane convoy from Berwik,) so constrayned thame that the Counsall of England was compelled in spring tyme to call thare forses from that place; and so spuilzeing and burnyng some parte of the toune, thei left it to be occupyed to such as first should tack possessioun,—and those war the Frenchmen, with a meane nomber of the ancient inhabitantis. And so did God performe the woordis and threatnyng of his servand, Maister George Wisharte, who said, "That for thare contempt of Goddis messinger, thei should be visited with sweard and fyre, with pestilence, strangearis, and famyne;" which all thei fand in such perfectioun, that to this day yitt, that toune hes neyther re[Pg 237]covered the formar beautie, nor yit men of such wisdome and habilitie, as then did inhabite it.

Hearafter was Peace contracted betuix France and England and Scotland;[609] yea, a severall Peace was contracted betuix Scotland and Flanderis, togetther with all the Easterlingis; so that Scotland had peace with the world.[610] Butt yitt wold thare Bischopcs maik warr against God; for how sone that ever thei gat any qwyetness, thei apprehended Adame Wallace,[611] alias Fean, a sempill man, without great learnyng, but ane that was zelous in godlynes and of ane uprycht lyeff. He, with his wyif Beatrice Levingstoun, frequented the cumpany of the Lady Ormestoun,[612] for instructioun of hir childrein, during the truble of hir husband, who then was banissed. This bastard, called Bischope of Sanctandrois, took the said Adame furth of the place of Wyntoun,[613] (men supposed that[Pg 238] thei thowght to have apprehended the Lard,) and caryed him to Edinburgh; whare, after certane dayis, he was presented to judgement in the Kirk of the Blak thevis alias Freiris,[614] befoir the Duik, the Erle of Huntley, and diverse otheris besydis, the Bischoppes and thare rable. Thei begyn to accuse him, (Maister Johnne Lauder[615] was Accusatour,) THE ACCUSATIOUN OF ADAME WALLACE AND HIS ANSWERIS "That he took upoun him to preach." He answered, "That he never judged himself worthy of sa excellent a vocatioun, and tharefoir he never took upoun him to preach; but he wold not deny, butt sometymes at the table, and sometymes in other prevey places, he wald reid, and had red the Scriptures, and had gevin such exhortatioun as God pleaseth to geve to him, to such as pleased to hear him." THE PAPISTICALL MANER OF ACCUSATIOUN "Knave, (quod ane,) what have ye to do to medle with the Scriptures?" "I think, (said he,) it is the dewitie of everie Christiane to seak the will of his God, and the assurance of[Pg 239] his salvatioun, whare it is to be found, and that is within his Old and New Testament." "What then, (said ane other,) shall we leave to the Bischoppis and Kirkmen to do, yf everie man shalbe a babler upoun the Byble?" "It becumith[616] yow, (said he,) to speak more reverentlie of God, and of his blessed worde: Yf the judge war uncorrupt, he wald punish yow for your blasphemye. But to your questioun, I answer, That albeit ye and I, and other fyve thowsand within this realme, should read the Byble, and speak of it what God should geve us to speak, yitt left we more to the Bischoppes to do, nor eyther thei will or yit can weill do; for we leave to thame publictly to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to fead the flock, which he hath redeamed by his awin bloode, and hes commanded the same to the cayre of all trew pastouris. And when we leave this unto thame, me think we leave to thame a heavy burdein; and that we do unto thame na wrong, althowght we search our awin salvatioun whare it is to be found, considdering that thei ar but dum doggis, and unsavery salt, that hes altogither lost the seasson." The Bischoppes heirat offended, said, "What pratting is this? Lett his accusatioun be redd."

And than was begun, "False tratour, heretik, thow baptised thy awin barne: Thow said, thare is no Purgatorie: Thow said, that to pray to Sanctes and for the dead is idolatrie and a vane superstitioun, &c. What sayis thow of these thinges?" He answered, "Yf I should be bound to answer, I wold requyre an uprycht and indifferent judge." The Erle of Hunteley[617] disdanefullie said, "Foolishe man,[Pg 240] wilt thow desyre ane uther judge nor my Lorde Dukis Grace, great Governour of Scotland, and my Lordis the Bischoppes, and the Clargy hear present?" Whairto he answered, "The Bischoppes can be no judges to me; for thei ar oppen ennemyes to me and to the doctrin that I professe. And as for my Lord Duck, I can not tell yf he hes the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and decerne betuix lyes and the trewth, the inventionis of men and the trew wirschipping of God. I desyre Goddis word (and with that he produced the Byble) to be judge betuix the Bischoppes and me, and I am content that ye all hear, and yf by this book, I salbe convict to have tawght, spokin, or done, in materis of religioun, any thing that repugnes to Goddis will, I refuise not to dye; but yf I can nott be convict, (as I am assured by Goddis woord I sall nott,) then I in Goddis name desyre your assistance, that malicious men execut not upoun me injust tyranny." The Erle of Hunteley said, "What a babling foole is this? Thow shalt gett none other judges then those that sitt heir." Wharunto the said Adam ansured, "The good will of God be done. But be ye assured, my Lord, with sic measur as ye mett to otheris, with the same measur it shalbe mett to yow agane. I know that I shall dye, but be ye assured, that my blood shalbe requyred of your handis."

Alexander Erle of Glencarne,[618] yitt alyve, said to the Bischope of Orknay,[619] and otheris that satt ney him, "Tack yow yon, my Lordis of the Clargye;[620] for hear I protest, for my parte, that I consent nott to his death." And so, without fear, prepared the said Adam to answer. And first, to the baptising of his awin child, he said, "It was and is als lauchfull to me, for lack of a trew minister, to baptise[Pg 241] my awin child, as that it was to Abraham to circumcise his sone Ismael and his familie. And as for Purgatorie, praying to Sanctes, and for the dead, I have oft redd, (said he,) boith the New and Old Testamentis, but I nether could find mentioun nor assurance of thame; and tharefoir, I beleve, that thei ar but mear inventionis of men, devised for covetousnes saik." "Weall, (quod the Bischope,) ye hear this, my Lordis." "What sayis thow of the Messe?" spearis the Erle of Huntley. He ansuered, "I say, my Lord, as my master Jesus Christ sayis, 'That which is in greatast estimatioun befoir men, is abomination befoir God.'" LUCÆ. [16.] Then all cryed out, "Heresye! heresye!" And so was the sempill servand of God adjudged to the fyre; which he patientlie susteaned that same day, at after nune, upoun the Castell-hill.[621]

And so began thei agane to pollute the land, which God had laitlie plagued; for yitt thare iniquitie was nott come to so full rypnes, as that God wold that thei should be manifested to this hole realme, (as this day thei ar,) to be faggottis prepared for the everlesting fyre, and to be men whome nether plagues may correct, nor the light of Goddis woorde converte from thare darknes and impietie.

The Peace, as said is, contracted, the Quein Dowager past by sea to France, with galayes,[622] that for that purpose war prepared, and took with hir diverse of the nobilitie of Scotland, to witt, the Erles Huntley, Glencarne, Marschell, Cassilles, the Lordis Maxwell, Fleyming, Schir George Dowglass,[Pg 242] togither with all the Kinges Sonnes, and diverse baronis and gentillmen of ecclesiasticall estait, the Bischope of Galloway, and many otheris, with promisses that thei should be richely rewarded for thare good service. What thei receaved we can nott tell; but few maid ruse at thare returnyng. The Dowager had to practise somewhat with hir brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and the Cardinall of Lorane, the weght wharof the Governour after felt: for schortly after hir returnyng, was the Governour deposed of the governement, (justly by God, but most injustly by men,) and she maid Regent in the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty four;[623] and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye a sight, (yf men had eis,) as to putt a sadill upoun the back of ane unrewly kow. And so began she to practise practise upoun practise, how France mycht be advanced, hir freindis maid riche, and sche brought to immortall glorie: for that was hir commoun talk, "So that I may procure the wealth and honour of my freindis, and a good fame unto my self, I regard nott what God do after with me." And in verray deid, in deap dissimulatioun, to bring hir awin purpose to effect, sche passed the commoun sorte of wemen, as we will after heare. Butt yit God, to whose Evangell she declared hir self ennemye, in the end frustrat hir of all hir devises.

Thus did light and darknes stryve within the realme of Scotland; the darknes ever befoir the world suppressing the light, from the death of that notable servand of God, Maister Patrik Hammyltoun, unto the death of Edwarde the Saxt, that most godly and most verteous King that hath bein knowin to have rounge in England, or elles whare, these many[Pg 243] yearis bypast, who departed the miserie of this lyef the vj of Julij, Anno, &c., 1553. The death of this Prince was lamented of all the godly within Europe; for the graces gevin unto him of God, as weall of nature as of eruditioun and godlines, passed the measur that accustomablye useth to be gevin to other Princes in thare grettast perfectioun, and yitt exceaded he nott sextein yearis of aige. What gravitie abuf age, what wisdome passing all expectatioun of man,[624] and what dexteritie in answering in all thingis proponed, war into that excellent Prince, the Ambassadouris of all countreeis, (yea, some that war mortall ennemyes to him and to his realme, amonges whome the Quein Dowager of Scotland was not the least,) could and did testifie; for the said Quein Dowager, returnyng from France throwght England, commoned with him at lenth,[625] and gave record when sche came to this Realme, "That sche fand more wisdome and solidd judgement in young King Edward, then she wold have looked for in any three Princes that war then in Europe." His liberalitie towardis the godly and learned, that war in other realmes persecuted, was such as Germanes, Frenchmen, Italianes, Scottis, Spainzardis, Polonianes, Grecianis, and Hebrewis borne, can yitt geve sufficient document; for how honorablie war Martyn Buceir,[626] Petir [Pg 244]Martyre, Joannes Alasco, ...[627] Emanuel Gualterus,[628] and many otheris, upoun his publict stipendis interteaned, thare patentis can witnesse, and thei thame selfis during thare lyffis wold never have denyed.

After the death of this most verteous Prince, of whome the godless people of England, (for the most parte,) was nott worthy, Sathan intended nothing less then the light of Jesus Christ utterly to have bein extinguissed, within the hole Ile of Britannye; for after him was rased up, in Goddis hote displeasur, that idolatress Jesabel, mischevous Marie, of the Spaynyardis bloode;[629] a cruell persecutrix of Goddis people, as the actes of hir unhappy regne can sufficiently witnesse.[630] And in to Scotland, that same tyme, (as we have hard,[631]) rang that crafty practisar, Marie of Lorane, then named Regent of Scotland; who, bound to the devotioun of hir two brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and Cardinall of Lorane, did onlye abyd the oportunitie to cutt the throttis of all those in whome she suspected any knowledge of God to be, within the realme of Scotland. And so thought Sathan, that his kingdome of darkness was in qwietness and rest, asweall in the one realme, as in the other: but that provident eie of the Eternall our God, who continually watches for preservatioun of his Church, did so dispone all thingis, that Sathane schorte after fand him self far disapointed of his conclusioun tackin. For in that cruell persecutioun, used by that monstour, Marie of England,[Pg 245] war godlie men dispersed in diverse nationis, of whom it pleaseth the goodnes of our God to send some unto us, for our conforte and instructioun.

And first cam a sempill man, Williame Harlaw,[632] whose eruditioun, althowght it excell nott, yit for his zeill, and diligent plainess in doctrin, is he to this day worthy of praise, and remanes a fruitfull member within the Church of Scotland. After him cam that notable man, Johne Willok,[633] as one that had some commissioun to the Quein Regent, from the Duchess of Emden. Butt his principall purpose was to assay what God wald wirk by him in his native countrey. These two did sometymes, in severall cumpanyes, assemble the brethrein, who by thare exhortationis begane greatlie to be encoraged, and did schaw that thei had ane earnest thrist of godlines.

And last came Johne Knox,[634] in the end of the harvest, in[Pg 246] the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty fyve; who first being loodged in the house of that notable man of God, James Syme, begane to exhorte secreatly in that same house; whareunto repared the Lard of Dun, David Forress, and some certane personages of the toune, amonges whome was Elizabeth Adamsoun, then spous to James Barroun,[635] burges of Edinburgh, who be reasson that she had a trubled conscience, delyted much in the cumpany of the said Johne, becaus that he, according to the grace gevin unto him, opened more fullie the fontane of Goddis mercyes, then did the commoun sorte of teachearis that sche had hard befoir, (for sche had heard none except Freiris,) and did with such gredynes drynk thairof, that at hir death she did expresse the frute of hir hearing, to the great conforte of all those that repared to hir; for albeit that she sufferred most grevous torment in hir body, yitt out of hir mouth was heard nothing but praising of God, except that somtymes she wold lament the trubles of those that war trubled by hir. Being somtymes demanded by hir Sisteris, "What she thought of that pane, which she than sufferred in body, in respect of that wharewith sometymes she was trubled in spreit?" She ansuered, "A thowsand year of this torment, and ten tymes more joyned unto it, is not to be compared to the qwarter of ane hour that I sufferred in my spreit. I thank my God, throught Jesus Christ, that hes delivered me from that most fearfull pane; and welcome be this, evin so long as it pleassed his godlie Majestie to exercise me thairwith." A litill befoir hir departuyre, she desyred hir Sisteris, and some otheris that war besyd hir, to sing a psalme, and amonges others, she appointed the 103. Psalme, begynnyng, "My saule praise thow the Lord alwyes;"[636][Pg 247] which ended, sche said, "At the teaching of this Psalme, begane my trubled soule first effectually to taist of the mercy of my God, which now to me is more sweat and precious, then[637] all the kingdomes of the earth war gevin to me to possesse thame a thowsand yearis." The Preastis urged hir with thare ceremonies and superstitionis; to whome she answered, "Depart from me, ye sergeantis[638] of Sathan; for I have refused, and in your awin presence do refuise, all your abominationis. That which ye call your Sacrament and Christes body, (as ye have deceaved us to beleve in tymes past,) is nothing but ane idole, and hes nothing to do with the rycht institutioun of Jesus Christ; and thairfor, in Goddis name, I command yow nott to truble me." Thei departed, allegeing, That she raved, and wist not what sche said. And she short thereafter sleapt in the Lord Jesus, to no small conforte of those that saw hir blessed departing. This we could nott omitt of this wourthy woman, who gave sa notable a confessioun, befoir that the great lycht of Goddis word did universallie schyne throwght this realme.

At the first cuming of the said Johne Knox, he perceaving diverse who had a zeall to godlynes maik small scrupill to go to the Messe, or to communicat with the abused Sacramentis in the Papisticall maner, begane alsweall in privy conferance as in doctrin, to schaw the impietie of the Messe, and how dangerous a thing it was to communicat in any sort with idolatrie. Wharewith the conscience of some being effrayed, the mater began to be agitat fra man to man, and so was the said Johne called to suppar by the Lard of Dun, for that same purpose, whare war conveaned David Forress, Maister Robert Lockart, Johne Willock, and Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun youngar, a man of good learnyng, and of scharpe witt and reassonyng. The questioun was proponed, and it was answered by the said Johne, "That no-wyise it was lauch[Pg 248]full to a Christiane to present him self to that idoll." Nothing was omitted that mycht maik for the temperisar,[639] and yitt was everie head so fullie ansuered, and especially one whairinto thei thought thare great defence stood, to wit, "That Paule at the commandiment of James, and of the eldaris of Jerusalem, passed to the tempill and fanzeid him self to pay his vow with otheris." This, we say, and otheris, war so fullye ansuered, that Williame Maitland concluded, saying, "I see perfytlye, that our schiftis will serve nothing befoir God, seing that thei stand us in so small stead befoir man." The answer of Johne Knox to the fact of Paule, and to the commandiment of James, was, "That Paule's fact had nothing to do with thare going to the Messe; for to pay vowes was sometymes Goddis commandiment, and was never idolatrie: but thare Messe, from the originall, was and remaned odiouse idolatrie; tharefor the factes war moist unlyik. Secundarly, (said he,) I greatly dowbt whitther eyther James's commandiment or Paule's obedience proceaded frome the Holy Ghost. We knaw thare counsall tended to this, That Paule should schaw him self one that observed the verray small pointes of the law, to the end that he mycht purchase to him the favouris of the Jewes, who war offended at him be reassone of the bruittis that war sparsed, that he tawght defectioun from Moses. Now, whill he obeyed thare counsall, he fell into the most disperat danger that ever he susteaned befor, whareof it was evident, that God approved nott that meane of reconciliatioun; but rather that he plainelie declaired, 'That evill should not be done that good mycht come of it.' Evill it was to Paule to confirme those obstinat Jewes in thare superstitioun by his exampill; worse it was to him to expone him self, and the doctrin which befoir he had tawght, to sklander and mockage; and tharefoir, (concluded the said Johne,) that the fact of Paule, and the seqwell that tharof followed, ap[Pg 249]peired rather to feght against thame that wold go to the Messe, than to geve unto thame any assurance to follow his example, onless that thei wold, that the lyik truble should instantlye apprehend thame that apprehended him, for obeying worldly wyise counsall." After these and lyik reassonynges, the Messe began to be abhorred of such as befoir used it for the fassioun, and avoiding of sclander, (as then thei termed it.)

Johne Knox, at the request of the Lard of Dun,[640] followed him to his place of Dun, whare he remaned a moneth, dalye exercised in doctrin, whairunto resorted the principall men of that countrey. After his returnyng, his residence was most in Calder,[641] whare repared unto him the Lord Erskin that now is,[642] the Erle of Argyle, then Lord of Lorne,[643] and Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois,[644] and now Erle of Murray; whare[Pg 250] thei hard and so approved his doctrin, that thei wissed it to have bein publict. That same wynter[645] he tawght commonly in Edinburgh; and after the Youle, by the conduct of the Lard of Barr, and Robert Campbell of Kingyeancleucht, he came to Kyle,[646] and tawght in the Barr, in the house of the Carnell, in the Kingyeancleuch, in the toune of Air, and in the houssis of Uchiltrie, and Gathgyrth, and in some of thame ministrat the Lordis Table. Befoir the Pasche,[647] the Erle of Glencarne send for him to his place of Fynlastoun;[648] whare, after doctrin, he lyikwiese ministrat the Lordis Table, whairof besydis him self war parttakaris, his Lady, two of his sonnis, and certane of his freindis; and so returned he to Calder, whare diverse frome Edinburgh, and frome the countrey about, convened, asweall for the doctrin, as for the rycht use of the Lordis Table, which befoir thei had never practised. From thense he departed the secound tyme to the Lard of Dun; and teiching then in grettar libertie, the gentilmen required that he should ministrat lyikwiese unto thame the Table of the Lord Jesus, whairof war partakaris the moist parte of the gentilmen of the Mernse; who, God be praised, to this day constantlie do remane in the same doctrin which then thei professed, to witt, that thei refuissed all societie with idolatrie,[Pg 251] and band thame selfis,[649] to the uttermost of thare poweris, to manteane the trew preaching of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, as God should offer unto thame preachearis and oportunitie.

The bruyt heirof sparsed, (for the Freiris from all qwarteris flokked to the Bischoppes,) the said Johne Knox was summond to compeir in the Kirk of the Black Freiris in Edinburgh, the xv day of Maij [1556,] which day the said Johne decread to keape; and for that purpose Johne Erskin of Dun, with diverse otheris gentilmen, convened to the toune of Edinburgh. Butt that dyet held nott; for whitther that the Bischoppis perceaved informalitie in thare awin proceidyngis, or yf thei feared danger to ensew upoun thare extremitie, it was unknown unto us. But the Setterday befoir the day appointed, thei caist thare awin summondis; and the said Johne, the same day of the summondis, tawght in Edinburgh in a greattar audience then ever befoir he had done in that toune: The place was the Bischope of Dunkellis his great loodgeing, whare he continewed in doctrin ten dayis, boyth befoir and after nune. The Erle of Glencarne allured the Erle Merschall,[650] who with Harye Drummound,