The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Last Poems of Ovid, by Ovid

The Editor gratefully acknowledges the permission of the Herzog August Bibliothek for the use of Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel: Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4° (fragmentum Guelferbytanum).[Pg ii]

PREFACE

It is a pleasure to present to the public this digital edition, with commentary, of Ex Ponto IV, the final poems written by the Roman poet Ovid, published after his death as a posthumous collection quite separate from the earlier Ex Ponto I-III.

These poems have a special place among Ovid's works, but have not received the attention which they deserve. In particular, there has been no full modern commentary on these poems.

This text presented in this edition is based on my personal examination of ten manuscripts. I have also restored to the text certain readings commonly accepted by editors until the nineteenth century. Finally, the edition contains several dozen new textual conjectures by myself and others.

The intended audience of this edition

This edition is intended to serve as a guide to the poems for intermediate and advanced students of Latin poetry. However, I have deliberately made it as straightforward as possible, and my hope is that even a beginning student of Latin poetry embarking on the study of these poems will find the commentary helpful.

This edition is also directed towards present and future Latin textual critics.[Pg iii]

My expectation when starting my research for this edition was that I would be presenting a text that differed little from that to be found in current editions. However, I made two discoveries during my research into the text.

The first discovery was that many important textual corrections generally accepted in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been suppressed by editors in the course of the nineteenth century. I have restored many of these readings to the text, and others will be found in the textual apparatus.

The second discovery was that there was a surprisingly large number of passages which appeared to be corrupt and for which it was possible to suggest corrections. Given the long history of Latin textual criticism, and Ovid's central position in Roman literary history, it was surprising to find that so much remained to be done. Yet such was the case.

Nothing is more certain than that this book of poems as well as the three earlier books of the Ex Ponto represent an outstanding opportunity for future editors and commentators to contribute to the progress of Latin scholarship.[Pg iv]

History of this edition

I originally prepared this edition and commentary during my time as a graduate student at the University of Toronto. Upon its completion (and my graduation) in 1985, a copy was deposited at the National Library of Canada.

Had I followed a university teaching career after graduation, I would undoubtedly have taken the necessary steps to publish the edition, if only in pursuit of academic promotion. But I instead chose a career in the software industry, which both removed the external incentive to publish the edition, and denied me the time that I would have needed to prepare it for publication.

However, I wished to ensure that future editors and commentators were aware of the edition and would be able to make use of it. I therefore decided to publish two short articles drawn from the edition. These articles were intended to make generally available two textual conjectures which I considered likely to be correct. But the articles were also intended to make future editors aware that I had worked on the text of Ovid, so that they would seek out my unpublished edition.

The first article ("An Intrusive Gloss in Ovid Ex Ponto 4.13") appeared in Phoenix (vol. 40, p. 322) in 1986: it reported the restoration of IV xiii 45 discussed at page 408 of the[Pg v] commentary. Phoenix is published by the Classical Association of Canada, and since my own training in the classical languages had taken place almost entirely in Canada, it seemed appropriate that my first publication should be in a Canadian journal.

To my surprise and pleasure, my short article attracted a critique by Professor Allan Kershaw ("Ex Ponto 4.13: A Reply", Phoenix, vol. 42, p. 176), followed by a learned defense of my conjecture by Professor James Butrica ("Taking Enemies for Chains: Ovid Ex Ponto 4.13.45 Again", Phoenix, vol. 43, pp. 258-59).

Four years later, I published a second article ("A Palaeographical Corruption in Ovid, Ex Ponto 4.6"), which appeared in the May 1990 issue of the Classical Quarterly (pp. 283-84). This article reported the restoration of IV vi 38 discussed at pages 240-41 of the commentary. I selected the Classical Quarterly because of its prominence within the world of classical scholarship, and in particular because of its close association with the modern history of Latin textual criticism: it was in the Classical Quarterly that many of the learned articles of A. E. Housman first appeared.[Pg vi]

My hope had been that these two articles would serve as a signpost that would lead editors to my edition. The publication of J. A. Richmond's Teubner edition of the Ex Ponto in 1990 proved that this plan was inadequate. Professor Richmond had indeed discovered the existence of my edition: it received a prominent and flattering mention at the end of his preface. However, he stated that he received the microfilm of the edition too late for use in his edition!

In his review of Richmond's Teubner edition in the Classical Review (n.s. 42, 2 [1992], pp. 305-06), Professor James Butrica highlighted a number of proposed emendations from my edition.

It had become clear there was considerable outside interest in the work that I had done, and that simply having a copy of an unpublished edition on deposit at the National Library of Canada was not a sufficient means of making the edition available to the public, so over the years that followed I gave some consideration to how I might publish the edition so that it would be conveniently available to students of Latin poetry.

Early in 2006, I was working as a volunteer proofreader for the Project Gutenberg digital library: I noticed that the Project Gutenberg library included some public domain classical editions comparable in scope to my own. Prompted by this, I decided that I would publish my edition online in order to make it instantly accessible free of charge to anyone wishing to use it. This[Pg vii] seemed in every way preferable to seeking out a university press, going through the time-consuming process of seeking the necessary grants to subsidize publication, in order to produce a printed book so expensive that no student and not many libraries could afford to purchase a copy.

Nature of this edition

In essence, this is a corrected version of the original typescript. Typing errors have been corrected, and minor errors have been set right.

All statements made and conjectures proposed should be considered to have been made in 1985.

The HTML and Text versions of this edition

The HTML version takes advantage of the Unicode character set to present Greek passages using the Greek alphabet, and to present certain other special characters, such as the macron. It also offers hyperlinks from the table of contents and from the indices to the relevant sections of the edition.

Popular and useful as HTML is, it does not offer the universality of ASCII text. Essentially every computer can display plain ASCII text correctly. The Text version is presented so that the edition can be read on any computer, large or small, new or old. However, this portability comes at a price. The ISO 8859-1 ASCII character set does not include the Greek alphabet, nor does it include certain special characters which form part of this edition.

Therefore, the Text version of this edition presents Greek passages transliterated into the Latin alphabet. Similarly, in the textual apparatus any capital letter occurring in the report of a manuscript should be considered to be that letter in lower case, with a macron (dash) above.

When the textual apparatus reports a manuscript correction where the original reading is no longer legible, the HTML version underlines the corrected letters, but the Text version uses capitalization. For example, the Text version reports "facTisque _B2c_" at iii 25: a later hand in B has erased the original fourth letter, and has replaced it with "t".

In the commentary, when metre is being discussed and a Latin word is quoted, any vowel in that word which is capitalized is long, and any vowel which is not capitalized is short. I have occasionally pointed out explicitly that a word is metrically inconvenient because it has a series of short vowels: in the HTML edition, because the actual letters are marked short, these statements will appear to be redundant.

In the Latin text, the start and end of passages which are deeply corrupt and therefore difficult to correct are indicated by an asterisk, instead of the usual dagger (obelus).

Finally, in the critical apparatus, 'æ' is used where a manuscript has 'e' with a cedilla.

Enhancements made: the indices

In order to make the digital edition as useful as possible, I have added this preface, a full table of contents, and two indices.

The first index (starting on page 477) is an index of topics discussed. It is a selective rather than an exhaustive index for the following two reasons:[Pg viii]

(1) A commentary is already in effect indexed by the text it is linked to. If, for instance, readers wish to find what the commentary has to say about a certain passage, all they need do is turn to the part of the commentary dealing with that passage.

(2) A digital edition can be searched online very quickly and easily. A reader wishing to find any mention of the eminent Dutch textual critic Nicolaus Heinsius could find every mention of Heinsius in the edition simply by using "Heinsius" as a search argument.

However, some of the discussions in the commentary do not have an obvious link to the text, nor would they necessarily be found quickly by an electronic search. An example would be the discussion of "Simple verbs used for compound ones" at page 281.

Also, there were some parts of the introduction and commentary which I wanted to highlight to the reader as being of possible interest: including references to these in the index would serve this purpose.

For similar reasons, I have included (starting on page 489) an index of textual emendations first proposed in this edition. Some of these emendations involve works other than Ex Ponto IV, and authors other than Ovid. The index of textual emendations makes these corrections easy to find.[Pg ix]

The debt I owe to others

I was able to create this edition only because of the help that I have received over the years from others.

My basic training in the classical languages took place at the University of British Columbia, where I completed my B.A. in 1974, and my M.A. in 1977. It is impossible to repay the debt I owe to every single member of the Classics Department at that time.

Professor Charles Murgia of the University of California (Berkeley) initiated me into the mysteries of Latin palaeography and textual criticism.

I created this edition while a Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Classics at the University of Toronto. I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to Professor Richard Tarrant, who encouraged me to undertake the edition, posed many excellent questions, and offered many excellent suggestions.

I owe a similar debt to Professor Alexander Dalzell, Professor Elaine Fantham, Professor J. N. Grant, and Professor C. P. Jones, all of them members of the Graduate Department of Classics at the University of Toronto when I was creating the edition.[Pg x]

I have known Rob Morrow for twenty-one years, and he has touched every aspect of my life. The study of Latin poetry is a field of endeavour far removed from his usual interests: but even here he has made an important contribution in the work he did in scanning the original typescript, and in his continuing encouragement and support during the months I worked on creating this digital edition. It is to him, with deep affection and gratitude, that I dedicate this edition.[Pg 1]

INTRODUCTION

In AD 8, when he was fifty years of age, Ovid was abruptly banished from Rome to Tomis, an exile from which he never returned. In his poetry from exile, he gives two reasons for the banishment: the publication of the Ars Amatoria, and an unnamed error (Tr II 207; EP III iii 71-72)[1]. The Ars Amatoria had been published some years previously, being generally dated on the basis of AA I 171-72 to 2 BC or shortly thereafter; compare Tr II 545-46. The error was clearly the real cause of the banishment; what precisely this error was Ovid does not reveal, but it appears from Tr II 103-4 and Tr III v 49-50 to have been the witnessing of some action that was embarrassing to the imperial family. Beyond this nothing is known, for Ovid was careful to avoid compounding his original mistake by mentioning what it consisted of.

The catastrophe which befell Ovid did not put an end to his poetic activity; from the eight or nine years of his exile we possess a corpus of elegiac verse that substantially exceeds in bulk the combined production of Tibullus and Propertius.

The first work produced by Ovid was book I of the Tristia. Although it is perhaps not literally true that Ovid wrote much of the[Pg 2] poetry on shipboard (Tr I xi 3-10), all of the poems are directly related to the circumstances of his downfall and his journey to exile; and it is reasonable to suppose that the book was published shortly after Ovid's arrival in Tomis.

In his first poems from exile, Ovid had attempted to engage the sympathy of the public on his behalf; his next production was a direct appeal to Augustus in the 578-line elegiac poem that comprises the second book of the Tristia. The poem is written with Ovid's usual clarity and elegance, but its failure to secure his recall is not surprising. The poem deals only with the publication of the Ars Amatoria, which was not the true cause of the exile; and rather than admitting his guilt and appealing to Augustus' clemency, Ovid tactlessly argues that Augustus had been wrong to exile him.

The years 10, 11, and 12 saw the publication of the final three books of the Tristia. The charge of monotony that is generally brought against Ovid's poetry from exile (and was brought by his friends at the time; Ovid makes his defence in EP III ix) is most nearly true of these three books of verse. He was unable to name his correspondents and vary his poetry with personal references as he was to do in the Ex Ponto; and the pain of exile was so fresh as to exclude other topics.

Not all of Ovid's literary efforts in exile were devoted to his letters. It appears from Fast IV 81-82 and VI 666, as well as from the dedication to Germanicus at the start of the first book (at[Pg 3] Tr II 551 Ovid says he dedicated the work to Augustus) that the Fasti in the edition we possess is a revision produced by Ovid in exile after the death of Augustus.

In AD 12 Ovid produced the Ibis. The greater part of the poem is a series of curses showing such minute mythological learning that many of them have not been explained; but the poem's lengthy exordium is a powerful treatment of Ovid's circumstances and Ibis's perfidy that has been considered Ovid's most perfect literary creation (Housman 1041).

Many scholars also ascribe the composition of the final six Heroides to the period of Ovid's exile; but although the literary appeal of these three sets of double epistles is considerable, I believe that their comparative diffuseness of manner indicates that Ovid was not their author. They are, however, clearly modelled on the Heroides written by Ovid, and I have frequently quoted from them in the commentary.

In AD 12 Ovid must have received some indication that it was safe for him to name his correspondents. He took full advantage of this new opportunity to induce his friends to work on his behalf; it is clear from Ovid's references to his fourth year of exile (I ii 26, I viii 28) and to Tiberius' triumph of 23 October AD 12 (II i 1 & 46, II ii 75-76, II v 27-28, III i 136, III iii 86, III iv 3)[2] that all three books were[Pg 4] written within the space of a single year: as fast a rate of composition as can be proved for any part of Ovid's life. The three books were published as a unit: the opening poem of the first book and the closing poem of the last are addressed to Brutus, who was therefore the dedicatee of the collection; both poems are apologies for Ovid's verse. No such framing poems are found at the start of books II or III, or at the end of books I and II, although the addressees of II i and III i, Germanicus and Ovid's wife, were clearly chosen for their respective importance and closeness to Ovid.

Ex Ponto IV

The fourth book of the Ex Ponto constitutes a work separate from the three books composed in AD 12. The earliest datable poem in the book is the fourth, written shortly before Sextus Pompeius' consulship in AD 14; the latest is the ninth, written in honour of Graecinus' becoming suffect consul in AD 16. Of the books of Ovid's verse which are collections of individual poems, the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is the longest, being some 926 lines in length (excluding the probably spurious distichs xv 25-26 and xvi 51-52). The mean average length of such books is 764 lines; and the next longest after Ex Ponto IV is Am III, with 824 lines (excluding the spurious fifth poem). I take the length of the book as an indication that in its present form it is probably a posthumous collection: Ovid's editor either gathered the individual poems to form a single book that was unusually long,[Pg 5] or added a few later poems to a book previously assembled by Ovid [3].

Syme (HO 156) argues that the order of the poems indicates that Ovid survived to publish or at least to arrange the book: the fact that the first and penultimate poems are addressed to Sextus Pompeius indicates that Ovid dedicated the book to him. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me correspondences of structure between EP IV and some of Ovid's earlier books. If the sixteenth and final poem of EP IV is considered a sphragis-poem, as is indicated by Nasonis in the opening line, we are left with a fifteen-poem book of which the first and last poems are addressed to Sextus Pompeius, and in which the middle poem is addressed to Germanicus through his client Suillius [4]. The same structural outline of 1-8-15 appears in Amores I and III—the opening and closing poems of both books are concerned with Ovid's verse, while the eighth poem of each book stands somewhat apart from the other poems: Am I viii is about the procuress Dipsas, while III ix (the eighth poem in the book after the removal of the spurious fifth poem) is the elegy on the death of Tibullus.

Ovid's addressees in Ex Ponto IV

Sextus Pompeius, consul ordinarius in 14, and himself a relative of Augustus, is the recipient of no less than four letters in EP IV [5]. It is significant that he is not the recipient of any of Ovid's earlier letters from exile; this is discussed in the next section.

In the attention Ovid gives Sextus Pompeius there can be seen, according to Syme (HO 156), a deliberate attempt to gain the favour of Germanicus, who is mentioned in connection with Sextus Pompeius at v 25. It is interesting that in viii Ovid addresses Germanicus' quaestor Suillius (and in the course of the poem addresses Germanicus), and that the recipient of xiii is Carus, the tutor of Germanicus' sons. But it is only natural that Ovid, when at last permitted, should address so influential a man as his benefactor Sextus Pompeius; and it does not seem strange that he should address his fellow poet Carus, still less that he should send a letter to Suillius, husband of his stepdaughter Perilla.

C. Pomponius Graecinus, the recipient of ix, must have had some political influence, since the poem is in celebration of his becoming suffect consul in 16. But he probably owed this influence to his brother Flaccus, a close friend of Tiberius who succeeded Graecinus as consul ordinarius for 17, and whom Ovid gives prominent mention at[Pg 7] ix 57 ff. Graecinus must have been an old associate of Ovid, since he has the rare distinction of being mentioned by name in a poem written by Ovid before his exile (Am II x 1).

Two of Ovid's correspondents were orators. Gallio, the addressee of the eleventh poem, is frequently quoted by the elder Seneca. He was a senator; both Tacitus and Dio give accounts of how he fell into disfavour with Tiberius for proposing that ex-members of the Praetorian guard be granted the privilege of using the theatre seats reserved for members of the equestrian order (Ann VI 3; LVIII 18 4). Brutus, the recipient of the sixth poem and dedicatee of the first three books of the Ex Ponto, is not mentioned by other writers, but it appears from vi 29-38 that he had a considerable reputation as a forensic orator, although some allowance must be made for possible exaggeration in Ovid's description of his close friend. The poem contains six lines on the death of Fabius Maximus, to whom Ovid had addressed EP I ii and III iii; perhaps he and Brutus had been associates.

Five epistles are addressed to Ovid's fellow poets. Cornelius Severus, the recipient of the second poem, was one of the most famous epic poets of the day; he is mentioned by Quintilian (X i 89), and the elder Seneca preserves his lines on the death of Cicero (Suas VI 26), Albinovanus Pedo, the recipient of the tenth epistle, was known as a writer of hexameter verse and of epigram. He served in Germanicus' campaign of AD 15 (Tac Ann I 60 2), and the elder Seneca preserves a fragment of his poem on Germanicus' campaigns (Suas I 15). It might[Pg 8] be argued that in addressing him Ovid is once again trying to win Germanicus' favour. But in view of his intimacy with Ovid (mentioned at Sen Cont II 2 12), Albinovanus seems a natural choice to receive one of Ovid's letters. Tuticanus, the recipient of the twelfth and fourteenth poems and author of a Phaeacid based on Homer (mentioned at xii 27 and again in the catalogue of poets at xvi 29), is known only through the Ex Ponto; the same is true of Carus, author of a poem on Hercules and, as already mentioned, tutor of the sons of Germanicus.

Vestalis, the recipient of the seventh poem, is in a class separate from the other recipients of Ovid's verse epistles. As primipilaris of the legion stationed in the vicinity, he would of course have been without influence at Rome, but as (apparently) the prefect of the region around Tomis, he presumably had some control over Ovid's circumstances.

The traitorous friend to whom the third poem is addressed was a real person, for Ovid is quite explicit when speaking of their past together and of the friend's perfidy towards him; the same cannot be said of the inuidus to whom is addressed the concluding poem of the book, a defence of Ovid's reputation as a poet.

Cotta Maximus, the younger son of Tibullus' patron Messalla, is prominently mentioned at xvi 41-44 as an unpublished poet of outstanding excellence. He is the recipient of six letters in the earlier books of the Ex Ponto. Syme finds it significant that there is[Pg 9] no poem in EP IV addressed to Cotta: 'Ovid ... was now concentrating his efforts elsewhere: Germanicus, the friends of Germanicus, Sextus Pompeius ... The tardy tribute may perhaps be interpreted as a veiled reproach' (HO 128). But arguments from silence are dangerous; and Ovid's mention of Cotta seems flattering enough.

It is perhaps safer to postulate a change in Ovid's feelings towards his wife. She is never mentioned in EP IV, although she had been the recipient of some eight earlier letters from exile (Tr I vi, III iii, IV iii, V ii, xi, xiv, EP I iv, III i; Tr V v was written in honour of her birthday). At EP III vii 11-12 Ovid indicates that his wife's efforts on his behalf had not matched his hopes:

nec grauis uxori dicar, quae scilicet in me
quam proba tam timida est experiensque parum.

The fact that Ovid chose not to address any verse epistle to his wife during his final years at Tomis may well reflect a cooling in his attitude towards her.

Differences between Ex Ponto IV and the earlier poetry from exile

The criticism most often made of Ovid's poems from exile is that they are repetitive and therefore monotonous. EP III ix 1-4 shows that the same criticism was made while Ovid was still alive:

Quod sit in his eadem sententia, Brute, libellis,
carmina nescio quem carpere nostra refers:
nil nisi me terra fruar ut propiore rogare,
et quam sim denso cinctus ab hoste loqui.
[Pg 10]

Ovid does not attempt to deny the criticism, but explains that he wished to obtain the assistance of as many people as possible:

et tamen haec eadem cum sint, non scripsimus isdem,
unaque per plures uox mea temptat opem.

nec liber ut fieret, sed uti sua cuique daretur
littera, propositum curaque nostra fuit.
postmodo collectas utcumque sine ordine iunxi:
hoc opus electum ne mihi forte putes.
da ueniam scriptis, quorum non gloria nobis
causa, sed utilitas officiumque fuit.

Ovid's explanation is reasonable enough, and is confirmed by the speed with which he composed the first three books of the Ex Ponto once he knew that it was safe to name people in his verse. The first three books of the Ex Ponto, like the Tristia, were written with the single objective of securing Ovid's recall, and this naturally caused a certain repetition of subject-matter.

By the time Ovid wrote the poems that would form the fourth book of the Ex Ponto, he had lived in Tomis for six or more years, and it must have been clear to him that his chances of recall were slight. The result of this is a diminished use of his personal situation as a theme for his verse. Often he introduces his plight in only one or two distichs of a poem, subordinating the topic to the poem's main theme. The result of this technique can be seen in such extended[Pg 11] passages as the descriptions of the investiture of the new consul (iv & ix), the address to Germanicus on the power of poetry (viii), or the catalogue of poets that concludes the book. In all of these passages Ovid's desire for recall is only a secondary theme.

The mixing of levels of diction

As well as variety of subject, the fourth book of the Ex Ponto shows a variation in style that is typical of Ovid's letters from exile. The poems use the metre and language of elegiac verse. But at the same time they are letters, and are strongly influenced by the structure and vocabulary of prose epistles. This influence is naturally more obvious at some points than at others; and even within a single poem there can be a surprising degree of variation in the different sections of the poem.

Some poems tend more to one extreme than the other. The eleventh poem, a letter of commiseration to Gallio on the death of his wife, is extensively indebted to the genre of the prose letter of consolation; this prose influence is evident in such passages as:

finitumque tuum, si non ratione, dolorem
ipsa iam pridem suspicor esse mora

At the opposite extreme is the final poem of the book, a defence of Ovid's poetry; as this was a traditional poetic subject, the level of diction throughout the poem is extremely high, particularly in the catalogue of poets that forms the main body of the poem.[Pg 12]

An interesting result of the mixture of styles is the presence in the poems of exile of words and expressions which belong essentially to prose, being otherwise rarely or never found in verse. Some instances from Ex Ponto IV are ad summam (i 15), conuictor (iii 15), abunde (viii 37), ex toto (viii 72), di faciant (ix 3), secreto (ix 31), respectu (ix 100), quominus (xii 1), praefrigidus (xii 35), and tantummodo (xvi 49).

Both in subject and style the sixteen poems of Ex Ponto IV show a wide variety, worthy of the creator of the Metamorphoses. The following section examines the special characteristics of each of the poems.

The letters to Sextus Pompeius

Sextus Pompeius is the recipient of poems i, iv, v, and xv; only Cotta Maximus and Ovid's wife have more letters from exile addressed to them. It is clear from the opening of IV i that Pompeius had himself prohibited Ovid from addressing him; and Ovid is careful to present himself as a client rather than a friend; the tone is of almost abject humility, and he shows circumspection in his requests for assistance.

In the opening of the first poem, Ovid describes how difficult it had been to prevent himself from naming Pompeius in his verse; in the climactic ten lines he declares that he is entirely Pompeius' creation. Only in the transition between the topics does he refer[Pg 13] to future help from Pompeius, linking it with the assistance he is already providing:

nunc quoque nil subitis clementia territa fatis
auxilium uitae fertque feretque meae.

The fourth poem is a description of how Fama came to Ovid and told him of Pompeius' election to the consulship; Ovid then pictures the joyous scene of the accession. At the end of the poem he indirectly asks for Pompeius' assistance, praying that at some point he may remember him in exile. The device of having Fama report Pompeius' accession to the consulship serves to emphasize the importance of the event and raise the tone of the poem. Ovid had earlier used Fama as the formal addressee of EP II i, which described his reaction to the news of Germanicus' triumph. In the fifth poem Ovid achieves a similar effect through the device of addressing the poem itself, giving it directions on where it will find Pompeius and what consular duties he might be performing [6]. Only in the concluding distich does Ovid direct the poem to ask for his assistance.

The fifteenth poem contains Ovid's most forceful appeal for Pompeius' assistance. It is interesting to observe the techniques[Pg 14] Ovid uses to avoid offending Pompeius. The first part of the poem is a metaphorical description of how Ovid is as much Pompeius' property as his many estates or his house in Rome. This leads to Ovid's request:

atque utinam possis, et detur amicius aruum,
remque tuam ponas in meliore loco!
quod quoniam in dis est, tempta lenire precando
numina perpetua quae pietate colis.

He then attempts to compensate for the boldness of his request. First he says that his appeal is unnecessary:

nec dubitans oro; sed flumine saepe secundo
augetur remis cursus euntis aquae.

et pudet et metuo semperque eademque precari
ne subeant animo taedia iusta tuo

He ends the poem with a return to the topic of the benefits Pompeius has already rendered him.

The letter to Suillius addressing Germanicus

No poem in the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is addressed to a member of the imperial family, but the greater part of IV viii, nominally addressed to Suillius, is in fact directed to his patron[Pg 15] Germanicus. Suillius' family ties with Ovid and his influential position would have made it natural for Ovid to address him in the earlier books of the Ex Ponto or even in the Tristia; and it is clear from the opening of the poem that Suillius must have distanced himself from Ovid:

Littera sera quidem, studiis exculte Suilli,
huc tua peruenit, sed mihi grata tamen

In the section that follows, Ovid asks for Suillius' assistance, rather strangely setting forth his own impeccable family background and moral purity; then he moves to the topic of Suillius' piety towards Germanicus, and in line 31 begins to address Germanicus with a direct request for his assistance. In the fifty-eight lines that follow he develops the argument that Germanicus should accept the verse Ovid offers him for two reasons: poetry grants immortality to the subjects it describes; and Germanicus is himself a poet. In this passage Ovid allows himself a very high level of diction; as the topic was congenial to him, the result is perhaps the finest extended passage of verse in the book [7].

Ovid ends his address to Germanicus by asking for his assistance; only in the final distich of the poem does he return to Suillius.[Pg 16]

The letters to Brutus and Graecinus

Only two of the ten addressees named by Ovid in EP IV were recipients of earlier letters from him. Brutus, to whom IV vi is addressed, was also the addressee of EP I i and III ix, while Graecinus, to whom IV ix is addressed, was the recipient of EP I vi and II vi.

There is some difference between Ovid's treatment of Brutus and Graecinus in EP IV and in the earlier poems. EP IV vi is highly personal, being mostly devoted to a lengthy description of Brutus' apparently conflicting but in fact complementary qualities of tenacity as a prosecuting advocate and of kindness towards those in need; no poem in the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is more completely concerned with the addressee as a person. In contrast, nothing is said of Brutus in EP I i, where he acts as the mere recipient of the plea that he protect Ovid's poems, or in III ix, where Brutus is the reporter of another's remarks on the monotony of Ovid's subject-matter. The address to Graecinus in IV ix, on the other hand, is much less personal than in I vi and II vi. The part of EP IV ix concerned with Graecinus describes his elevation to the consulship, and was clearly written (in some haste) to celebrate the event. The earlier poems are more concerned with Graecinus as an individual: in EP I vi Ovid describes at length Graecinus' kindliness of spirit and his closeness to his exiled friend, while in II vi Ovid admits the justice of the criticism Graecinus makes of the conduct which led to his exile, but thanks him for his support and asks for its continuance.[Pg 17]

The letters to Tuticanus

Of the two poems, xii is more personal and more concerned with poetry. The first eighteen lines are a witty demonstration of the impossibility of using Tuticanus' name in elegiac verse, while the twelve verses that follow recall their poetic apprenticeship together. In the final twelve lines, referring to Tuticanus' senatorial career, Ovid asks him to help his cause in any way possible.

Poem xiv is far less personal than the earlier epistle. The only mention of Tuticanus is at the poem's beginning:

Haec tibi mittuntur quem sum modo carmine questus
non aptum numeris nomen habere meis,
in quibus, excepto quod adhuc utcumque ualemus,
nil te praeterea quod iuuet inuenies.

The bulk of the poem is a defense against charges raised by some of the Tomitans that he has defamed them in his verse. Ovid answers that he was complaining about the physical conditions at Tomis, not the people, to whom he owes a great debt. It is characteristic of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto that Ovid complains less of his exile than in his earlier verse from exile; this poem furnishes the most explicit demonstration that the years spent in exile and the dwindling likelihood of recall has made Ovid reach an accommodation with his new conditions of life.

The topic of the poem clearly has no relation to Tuticanus; Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me Ovid's use of the same[Pg 18] technique in some of the Amores, such as I ix (Militat omnis amans), and II x, to Graecinus on loving two women at once, where there is no apparent connection between the addressee and the subject of the poem. Professor E. Fantham notes that the bulk of xiv could even have been written before Ovid chose Tuticanus as its addressee.

Other letters to poets

Three other poems in the book are addressed to poets. In all of them poetry itself is a primary subject.

The letter to Severus

The second poem in the book, addressed to the epic poet Severus, opens with a contrast of the situations of the two poets. The main body of the poem is concerned with the difficulty of composing under the conditions Ovid endures at Tomis, and the comfort that he even so derives from pursuing his old calling. The poem is well constructed and the language vivid. A particularly fine example of the use Ovid makes of differing levels of diction is found at 35-38:

excitat auditor studium, laudataque uirtus
crescit, et immensum gloria calcar habet.
hic mea cui recitem nisi flauis scripta Corallis,
quasque alias gentes barbarus Hister obit?

The emotional height of the tricolon, where Ovid describes poetic inspiration, gives way to a comparatively prosaic distich where he explains that the conditions necessary for inspiration do not exist at Tomis.[Pg 19]

At the poem's conclusion Ovid reverts to Severus, asking that he send Ovid some recent piece of work.

The letter to Albinovanus Pedo

In the tenth poem of the book, poetry is not the main subject; instead, Ovid describes the hardships he endures at Tomis, and then describes at length the reasons the Black Sea freezes over. Towards the end of the letter, however, he explains why he is writing a poem to Albinovanus on this seemingly irrelevant topic [8]. The language recalls the poem to Severus:

'detinui' dicam 'tempus, curasque fefelli;
hunc fructum praesens attulit hora mihi.
abfuimus solito dum scribimus ista dolore,
in mediis nec nos sensimus esse Getis.'

In the poem's concluding lines he links his own situation with the Theseid Albinovanus is engaged on: just as Theseus was faithful, so Albinovanus should be faithful to Ovid.

The letter to Gallio

This letter is remarkable for its economy of structure, and indeed is so short as to seem rather perfunctory. Only twenty-two lines in[Pg 20] length, it is a letter of consolation addressed to Gallio on the death of his wife. In the first four lines Ovid apologizes for not having written to him earlier. Ovid's exile serves as a bridge to the main topic of the poem:

atque utinam rapti iactura laesus amici
sensisses ultra quod quererere nihil

The remainder of the poem consists of the ingenious interweaving of various commonplaces of consolation. The poem is a good illustration of the secondary importance Ovid often gives his own misfortune in the fourth book of the Ex Ponto.

The letter to Carus

The thirteenth poem, like the second letter to Tuticanus, shows Ovid's acceptance of his life in Tomis. In it he tells Carus of the favourable reception given a poem he had written in Getic on the apotheosis of Augustus. The poem's opening is of interest as showing Ovid's consciousness of verbal wit as a special characteristic of his verse. He starts the poem with a play on the meaning of Carus' name, then tells him that the opening will by itself tell him who his correspondent is. In the lines that follow he discusses the individuality of his own style and that of Carus; this serves to introduce the subject of his Getic verse.[Pg 21]

The letter to Vestalis

The subordination of the topic of Ovid's exile to another subject can be clearly seen in the seventh poem of the book, addressed to Vestalis, primipilaris of a legion stationed in the area of Tomis. As in the letter to Gallio, mention of Ovid's personal misfortune is confined to one short passage near the start of the poem:

aspicis en praesens quali iaceamus in aruo,
nec me testis eris falsa solere queri

The descriptions that follow of wine freezing solid in the cold and of the Sarmatian herdsman driving his wagon across the frozen Danube are so picturesque that the reader's attention is drawn away from Ovid's personal situation. Ovid describes the poisoned arrows used in the region; then, in language recalling his letter to Gallio, expresses his regret that Vestalis has had personal experience of these weapons:

atque utinam pars haec tantum spectata fuisset,
non etiam proprio cognita Marte tibi!

The remainder of the poem is a description of Vestalis' capture of Aegissos. The description is conventional and unfelt; Ovid seems merely to have assembled a few standard topics of military panegyric.[Pg 22]

The third poem

Poem iii, addressed to an unidentified friend who had proved faithless, is a well-crafted but not particularly original warning that Fortune is a changeable goddess, and his friend might well find find himself one day in Ovid's position. The familiar examples of Croesus, Pompey, and Marius are used; as the last and therefore most important example Ovid uses his own catastrophe. The device recalls the Ibis, where Ovid's final curse is to wish his enemy's exile to Tomis.

Poem xvi

The concluding poem of the book is a defence of Ovid's poetry. The poem's argument is that poets generally become famous only after their death, but that Ovid gained his reputation while still alive. The greater part of the poem is a catalogue of Ovid's contemporary poets, the argument being that even in such company he was illustrious.

As elsewhere he equates his exile with death; the defence of his poetry therefore includes only the poetry that he wrote before his exile.[Pg 23]

TEXTUAL INTRODUCTION

The Manuscripts

The manuscript authority for the text of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is significantly poorer than for the earlier books because of the absence of A, Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F. This ninth-century manuscript has been recognized since the time of Heinsius as the most important witness for the text of the Ex Ponto; it breaks off, however, at III ii 67.

The manuscript authorities for the fourth book can be placed in three categories. The fragmentary G is from a different tradition than the other manuscripts. B and C are closely related, and offer the best witness to the main tradition. The other manuscripts I have collated are more greatly affected by contamination and interpolation; of them M and F show some independence, while no subclassification can be made of H, I, L, or T.

The fragmentum Guelferbytanum, Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4°, generally dated to the fifth or sixth century, is the oldest manuscript witness to any of Ovid's poems. Part of the collection of the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, it was discovered by Carl Schoenemann, who published his discovery in 1829; details of his monograph will be found in the bibliography. The two pieces of parchment are a palimpsest, having been reused in the eighth century[Pg 24] for a text of Augustine; later they were incorporated into a bookbinding. As a result of this treatment they are in extremely poor condition.

G contains all or part of ix 101-8, ix 127-33, xii 15-19, and xii 41-44. To make it perfectly clear when G is a witness to the text, I have not grouped it with other manuscripts, but have always specified it by name. If G is not mentioned in an apparatus entry, it is not extant for the text concerned.

G is written in uncial script, with no division between words but with indentation of the pentameters. Its one contribution to the establishment of the text is at ix 103, where it reads quamquam ... sit instead of the more usual quamquam ... est found in the other manuscripts. In general, the text offered by G is surprisingly poor. At ix 108 it reads fato for facto, at ix 130 it has the false and unmetrical spelling praeces, at ix 132 it has misscelite for misi caelite, at xii 17 it reads lati for dilati, and at xii 19 naia for nota. These errors demonstrate that the rest of the tradition does not descend from G.

Korn gives an accurate transcription of the fragment in the introduction to his edition; photographs of parts of the fragment can be found at Chatelain, Paléographie des classiques latins, tab. xcix, 2 and E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, vol. IX, p. 40, no. 1377.[Pg 25]

B and C

Monacensis latinus 384 and Mon. lat. 19476, both dated by editors to the twelfth century, are descended from a common ancestor. This is easily demonstrated by the large number of shared errors not found in other manuscripts [9]. At iv 36 B and C have intendunt for the correct intendent, at viii 6 uolo for uoco, at viii 18 perueniemus for inueniemur (-ntur,-mus), at viii 44 illa for ulla, at viii 89 cara for care, at ix 44 fingit for finget, at ix 71 quod for cum (FILT) and ut (HM), at ix 92 praestat for perstat, at ix 97 et for ut, at xiii 5 certe est for certe, and at xiv 30 culpatus for culpatis. In some of these passages B's still visible original reading has been corrected by a later hand. In other passages it is clear from the signs of correction that B originally agreed with C in distinctive readings now preserved in C alone: subito for sed et (iii 27), erat for eras (vi 9), occidit for occidis (vi 11), suspicit for suscipit (ix 90), parent for darent (xvi 31).

B and C on the whole offer a better text than any other manuscript. At iii 44 B¹ and C omit the lost pentameter, where the other manuscripts offer interpolations. At iv 11 they alone give the probably correct solus for tristis, at xii 3 aut for ast, and at[Pg 26] xvi 31 tyrannis (conjectured by Heinsius) for tyranni. At v 40 C and B² alone have the correct mancipii ... tui for mancipium ... tuum.

Both manuscripts naturally have readings peculiar to themselves. B has about fifty unique readings. It places iii 11-12 after 13-14, omits v 37-40, and interchanges viii 49-50 and 51-52. At iv 34 B alone has erunt (for erit), conjectured by Heinsius; C omits the word. Similarly, at xi 21 B and F¹ have mihi, omitted by C; the other manuscripts have tibi. B has ab at i 9 for the other manuscripts' in; ab is possibly the true reading.

Under the influence of Ehwald, modern editors have wrongly taken some of B's other readings to be correct, placing aspicerem in the text for prospicerem at ix 23, ara for ora at ix 115, and illi for illum at ix 126. At ix 73 editors print B and T's quem, which is clearly an interpolation for the awkward transmitted reading qua.

C has more than one hundred readings peculiar to itself. Two of them I have accepted as correct: summo (for summum; H has mundum) at iii 32, and horas (that is, oras) at vii 1; the reading is also given by I. It is possible that C's correptior should be read at xii 13 for correptius. At xiv 38 C's sceptius is the manuscript reading closest to the correct Scepsius restored by Scaliger.

Most of C's errors are trivial, but at some points it departs widely from the usual text. It omits ix 47 and xiv 37, and interchanges the second hemistichs of iii 26 and 28; xvi 30 is inserted[Pg 27] by a later hand, perhaps in an erasure. At viii 43 it has in uita for officio, at xiii 12 contra uiam for nouimus, at xiv 36 in for loci, and at xv 31 colloquio for uerum quid.

C also contains a greater number of purely palaeographical errors than any other manuscript: hunc for nunc (i 25), humeris for numeris (ii 30), hec for nec (ix 30), lucos for sucos (x 19), hasto for horto (xv 7), ueiiuolique for ueliuolique (xvi 21), pretia for pr(o)elia (xvi 23).

B and C sporadically offer the third declension accusative plural ending -is (ix 4 fascis C, ix 7 partis C, ix 73 rudentis B, x 17 cantantis B, xii 30 albentis B). But more usually all manuscripts, including B and C, have the accusative in -es: compare for example ii 27 partes, iii 53 purgantes, ix 35 praesentes, and ix 42 fasces. The manuscripts show a similar variation in the earlier books of the Ex Ponto. The ninth-century Hamburg manuscript (A) sometimes offers accusatives in -is where the other manuscripts, even B and C, have -es (I iv 23 partis, I v 11 talis, I vi 39 ligantis, I vi 51 turris). At I ii 4, A has omnes, where C¹ has omnis, and in general even in A the accusative in -es is the predominant form. For example, A offers auris at II iv 13 and II ix 25, but aures at I ii 127, I ix 5, II v 33, and II ix 3. In view of the instability of the manuscript evidence [10], I have normalized the ending to -es in all cases,[Pg 28] considering the instances of -is to be scribal interpolations.

Similarly, I have used the form penna at iv 12 and vii 37, where C offers pinna. Penna is the form given in the ancient manuscripts of Virgil, and attested by Quintilian.

MFHILT

The other manuscripts I have collated belong to the vulgate class. They are not related to each other in the sense that B and C are related, nor does any of them possess independent authority as does G. Within the group firm lines of affiliation are hard to establish, and each of the manuscripts attests a handful of good readings that are found in few or none of the others, either by happy conjecture, or because a reading that was in circulation at the time as a variant chanced to get copied into a few surviving manuscripts. Professor R. J. Tarrant has noted that the presence of the Ex Ponto in north-central France 'can be traced from the eleventh century onwards, first from echoes in Hildebert of Lavardin and Baudri de Bourgeuil, later from the extracts in the Florilegium Gallicum, and finally from the complete texts [which include our H and F] ... that emanate from this region toward the end of the twelfth century' (Texts and Transmission 263); the vulgate manuscripts seem to have been propagated from the text current in the region of Orléans.

M and F show some originality. Their readings at xvi 33 differ somewhat from the version of that passage in HILT. F¹'s interpolation for the missing pentameter at iii 44 differs from that of MHILT, while[Pg 29] M has an interpolated distich following x 6 that is not otherwise attested.

Of the other manuscripts, I agrees with C in reading horas (=oras) for undas at vii 1, while T is the only manuscript collated to have the correct laeuus at ix 119 in the original hand (F² gives it as a variant reading). Similarly, H and L each have a few peculiar variants.

As a group MFHILT offer a good picture of the readings current in the later mediaeval period, and only rarely have I been obliged to cite a vulgate manuscript from the editions of Heinsius, Burman, or Lenz as testimony for a variant.

Heinsius did not have knowledge of B or C, and seems to have considered his codex Moreti (preserved at the Museum Plantin-Moretus in Antwerp as 'Latin, n° 68 [anc. 43] [salle des reliures, n° 32]' in Denucé's catalogue of the museum's collection) to be the best of the poor selection of manuscripts available; at xvi 33, understandably despairing of restoring the true reading, he accepted M's reading pending the discovery of better manuscripts.

M was dated by Heinsius to the twelfth or thirteenth century; Denucé assigns it to the twelfth century.

At viii 85 M alone has the correct ullo for the other manuscripts' illo; this could naturally have been recovered by conjecture. At x 1 it has cumerio, the closest reading in the manuscripts collated to the[Pg 30] correct Cimmerio; but Professor R. J. Tarrant informs me that Cimmerio is also found in British Library Harley 2607.

M has suffered from a certain degree of interpolation. Following x 6 there is the spurious distich set cum nostra malis uexentur corpora multis / aspera non possum perpetiendo mori. At ii 9 Falerno is a deliberate alteration of Falerna. At x 49 Niphates is an interpolation from Lucan III 245. At xiii 47 duorum (also given as a variant reading by F²) looks like an attempt to correct the cryptic transmitted reading deorum, and at xv 15 tellus regnata is presumably a metrical correction following the loss of -que from regnataque terra, the reading of the other manuscripts. At xvi 25 eticiusque looks to be a deliberate alteration of Trinacriusque, but I am not sure what the interpolation means.

Francofurtanus Barth 110, used by Burman, shows some signs of independence. At iii 44, where a pentameter has been lost, B and C omit the line, while the other manuscripts, including M, have the interpolation indigus effectus omnibus ipse magis; F has the separate interpolation Achillas Pharius abstulit ense caput, also found in Heinsius' fragmentum Louaniense. F omits viii 51-54, at xi 1 reads Pollio for Gallio, and at xvi 33 has a reading somewhat different from those offered by the other manuscripts.

F alone of the manuscripts collated offers the correct audisse (for audire) at x 17. At xi 21 it and B alone have the correct mihi[Pg 31] for tibi (omitted by C). At xiv 7 it has the probably correct muter for mittar, also found in Bodleianus Canon. lat. 1 and Barberinus lat. 26, both of the thirteenth century. With the exception of muter, these readings could have been recovered by conjecture; given the separative interpolation at iii 44, F differs surprisingly little from the other manuscripts.

The thirteenth-century Holkhamicus 322, now British Library add. 49368, contains (with I) the correct hanc at i 16, the other manuscripts having ha, ah (B), or a (C). At xvi 30, where I have printed leuis, the reading of most manuscripts, H has leui, the conjecture of Heinsius; Professor R. J. Tarrant informs me that the same reading is found in Othob. lat. 1469. At iv 45 H's qua libet is the manuscript reading closest to Heinsius' correct quamlibet; most manuscripts have quod licet.

Most other variants in H are trivial errors, although there seems to have been deliberate scribal alteration at x 18 (sucus amarus erat for lotos amara fuit), xiv 38 (Celsius for the usual Septius; Scaliger restored Scepsius), xvi 3 (ueniet for uenit et; presumably the intermediate step was uenit), and perhaps at xiv 31 (miserabilis for uitabilis).[Pg 32]

The thirteenth-century Laurentianus 36 32, Lenz's and André's m, has the correct perstas at x 83 for praestas; its reading is also found in P and as a variant of F². At vii 1 it shares with C the reading horas (=oras), which I have printed in preference to the usual undas.

At viii 15 I has the hypercorrect nil for nihil, and at xiii 26 ethereos ... deos for aetherias ... domos, but in general has few signs of deliberate alteration.

Lipsiensis bibl. ciu. Rep. I 2° 7, of the thirteenth century, has haec at ix 103 for the other manuscripts' et. Haec restores sense to the passage, and was the preferred reading of Heinsius; I consider it a scribal conjecture, now rendered obsolete by Professor R. J. Tarrant's more elegant quae. L's text has clearly been tampered with at xiv 41 (populum ... uertit in iram for populi ... concitat iram), but in general seems to have suffered little from interpolation. It is, however, of little independent value as a witness to the text.

Turonensis 879, written around the year 1200, was first fully collated by André for his edition; Lenz had earlier reported its readings for IV xvi and part of I i. At ix 119 only T and F² of the manuscripts collated have the correct laeuus, although other[Pg 33] manuscripts come close, and the reading could have been recovered by conjecture. At xv 40 T reads transierit saeuos for transit nostra feros; clearly nostra was at some point lost from the text, and metre forcibly restored.

I have also collated the thirteenth-century Parisinus lat. 7993, Heinsius' codex Regius. At ix 46 P offers the correct cernet for credet; cernet is also the reading of M after correction by a later hand and of the thirteenth-century Gothanus membr. II 121. At vi 7 P alone of collated manuscripts agrees with C in reading praestat for the correct perstat. P agrees with L in reading niuibus for the other manuscripts' nubibus at v 5, adeptum for ademptum at vi 49, signare for signate at xv 11, and in the orthography puplicus for publicus at ix 48, ix 102, xiii 5, and xiv 16. The manuscript has many corruptions: a few examples are i 30 igne for imbre, ii 18 supremo for suppresso, iv 6 pace for parte, vi 34 uirtus for uirus, vii 15 piacula for pericula, ix 42 praeterea for praetextam, x 63 in harena for marina, xiv 39 conuiuia for conuicia, and xvi 24 sacri for scripti. However, P has no unique variants with any probability of correctness. To have given a full report of P would have involved a considerable expansion of an already long apparatus, and I have cited the manuscript only occasionally, where a reading is only weakly attested by the other manuscripts.[Pg 34]

Titles

MF and B²H²I²T² usually supply titles for the poems. As will be seen from the apparatus, there is considerable variation among the titles, and there is no reason to suppose that they form an authentic part of the transmitted text.

The manuscript authority for the text of Ex Ponto IV

By and large the manuscripts of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto offer a remarkably uniform text of the poems, and one which, considering the late date of the manuscripts, is in surprisingly good condition. I believe that all the manuscripts, with the exception of G, are descended from a single archetype. B and C are the best witnesses to the text of the archetype, although the other, more heavily contaminated and interpolated manuscripts are indispensable, since they correct the peculiar errors of B and C.

The present edition

The apparatus of this edition is intended to be a full report of BCMFHILT and of the fragmentary G; some reports are also given of P. It includes corrections by original and by later hands.

When no manuscripts are specified for the lemma in an entry, the lemma is the reading for those manuscripts not otherwise specified. For instance, the entry

indicates that deductum carmen is the reading of BCFHILT, while carmen deductum is the reading of M.

I have from time to time cited from earlier editions readings of manuscripts which I have not collated. To make it clear that I have not personally verified these readings, I have added in parentheses after the citation the name of the editor whose report I am using. Professor R. J. Tarrant has inspected some nine manuscripts to see what readings they offered in some particularly vexed portions of the poems; I have similarly indicated when I am obliged to him for information on a manuscript.

The excerpta Scaligeri mentioned at xiii 27 I know of through Heinsius' notes as printed in Burman's edition; according to M. D. Reeve (RhM CXVII [1974] 163), the original excerpts are still extant in Diez 8° 2560, a copy of the editio Gryphiana of 1546. Reeve also gives identifications of certain of Heinsius' manuscripts; when citing Heinsius' codices, I give the modern name when the manuscript has been identified and is still extant.

The greater number of the manuscripts dealt with have been corrected, some heavily. In my apparatus B¹ means "the original hand in B" and B² means "a correcting hand in B". B^2ul indicates that the reading of B² is clearly marked as a variant reading. B^2gl indicates that the entry is marked in the manuscript as a gloss; B^2(gl) indicates a gloss not marked as such. I have reported glosses where they contribute to the understanding of a textual problem.[Pg 36]

If different correctors have been at work in different passages, both are called B². If a later hand has made a correction after B², the later hand is called B³. When I place B¹ in an entry but do not report B², it can be assumed that B² has the lemma as its reading.

Sometimes a corrector has altered the original text so much (without however erasing it entirely) that only the altered reading can be made out. In such cases I have used the siglum B^2c. Where a corrector has inserted or altered only certain letters of a word, I have indicated this in the HTML version of this edition by underlining the letters involved. In the Text version, these letters are capitalized.

Where the correction is apparently by the original scribe, B^ac indicates the original reading, and B^pc the correction.

The asterisk is used to indicate illegible letters, and the solidus (/) erasures.

When reporting variants, I have tried to indicate the spellings actually found in the manuscripts, but since mediaeval spellings do not in themselves constitute variant readings, they have not usually been reported when the text is not otherwise disturbed. I have been more generous with proper names, but have often excluded confusions of ae, oe, and e, of i and y, of ph and f, of c and t, the doubling of consonants, and the loss or addition of the aspirate.

The apparatus is intended to include a comprehensive listing of all conjectures proposed. When the author of a conjecture is not a previous editor of the poems, I have given a reference either to the publication where the emendation was first proposed, or to the earliest[Pg 37] edition I have consulted which reports the emendation. Conjectures of Bentley are from Hedicke's Studia Bentleiana. Conjectures of Professor R. J. Tarrant, Professor J. N. Grant, and Professor C. P. Jones were communicated to me by their authors.

Printed editions

The first editions of the works of Ovid were printed in 1471 by Balthesar Azoguidus at Bologna and by Conradus Sweynheym and Arnoldus Pannartz at Rome. The Bologna edition was edited by Franc. Puteolanus, and the Rome edition by J. Andreas de Buxis. Lenz's edition gives numerous readings from both editions; to judge from his reports, their texts of the Ex Ponto were derived from late manuscripts of no great value. The Roman edition, however, contained the elegant correction of iactate to laxate at ix 73.

For my knowledge of other early editions of the Ex Ponto I have relied upon Burman's large variorum edition of the complete works of Ovid, published at Amsterdam in 1727. The edition contains notes of various editors of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, among them Merula, Naugerius, Ciofanus, Fabricius, and Micyllus. Although I have occasionally quoted from these notes, they are in general of surprisingly little use, containing for the most part unlikely variant readings from unnamed manuscripts and explanations of passages not really in need of elucidation.

The principal event in the history of the editing of the Ex Ponto was the appearance at Amsterdam in 1652 of Nicolaus Heinsius'[Pg 38] edition of Ovid. Heinsius took full advantage of the opportunity his travels as a diplomat gave him of searching out manuscripts, thereby gaining a direct knowledge of the manuscripts of the poems which has never since been equalled [11]. Heinsius also possessed an unrivalled felicity in conjectural emendation. Some of his conjectures are unnecessary alterations of a text that was in fact sound, some of his necessary conjectures are trivial, and are already found in late manuscripts of the poems or could have been made by critics of less outstanding capacities; but many are alterations which are subtle and yet necessary to restore sense or Latinity. The present edition returns to the text many conjectures and preferred readings of Heinsius that were ejected by editors of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The edition of Heinsius formed the basis of all editions published during the two centuries that followed. Of these editions the most important was the 1727 variorum edition of Burman already referred to. It is from the copy of that edition at the University of Toronto Library that I have obtained my knowledge of Heinsius' notes. Burman was apparently the first editor to make use of F. On occasion he differs from Heinsius in his choice of readings. At xvi 44 he made the convincing conjecture Maxime (codd maxima),[Pg 39] subsequently confirmed by B and C. His notes are informative; and my note on x 37-38 in particular is greatly indebted to him.

For poem x Burman reproduced some notes from an anthology of Latin verse for use at Eton, produced by an anonymous editor in 1705 [12].

In 1772 Theophilus Harles published at Erlangen his edition of the Tristia and Ex Ponto 'ex recensione Petri Burmanni'. Harles was the first editor to make use of B. In the introduction to his edition Harles relates how he wrote von Oeffele, librarian to the Elector of Bavaria, asking if there was any manuscript in the Elector's library that might be helpful in preparing his edition, and thereby learned of the existence of B. It is clear from Harles' introduction that he fully appreciated the manuscript's importance; and in his notes he gives many of its readings, pointing out where it confirmed suggestions of Heinsius and Burman. However, his text is simply reprinted from Burman's variorum edition.

W. E. Weber's text of Ex Ponto IV in his 1833 Corpus Poetarum Latinorum is in effect a reprint of the Heinsius-Burman vulgate, except that at viii 59 he prints the manuscripts' incorrect accusative form Gigantes (Heinsius Gigantas). But this fidelity to the vulgate text seems not to have been the editor's intention: in his introduction he speaks of 'Heinsianae emendationes felices saepe,[Pg 40] superuacuae saepius ... quarum emendationum partem Mitscherlichius eiecit [Göttingen, 1796; I have not seen the edition], maiorem eiicere Iahnius coepit [Leipzig, 1828: the part of the edition containing the Ex Ponto was never published]. dicendum tamen, etiamnunc passim haud paucas fortasse latere Heinsii et aliorum correctiones minus necessarias in uerbis Ouidianis, quas accuratior codicum inter se comparatio, opus sane immensi laboris, extrudet'. It would be understandable enough if Weber, faced with the labour of editing the entire corpus of Latin poetry, found himself unable to effect a radical revision of the text of the Ex Ponto.

In 1853 there appeared at Leipzig the third volume of Rudolf Merkel's first Teubner edition of the works of Ovid, containing his text of the Ex Ponto. The part of Merkel's introduction dealing with the Ex Ponto is entirely concerned with describing the appearance, orthography, and readings of the ninth-century Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F. The manuscript ends, however, at III ii 67, and Merkel says nothing of the basis for his text of the later poems, which in general is the Heinsius-Burman vulgate.

In 1868 B. G. Teubner published at Leipzig Otto Korn's separate edition of the Ex Ponto. Korn's apparatus is the first to have a modern appearance; but this appearance is deceptive, for of the twenty sigla Korn uses, ten are for individual or several manuscripts collated by Heinsius, and only five are for manuscripts collated by Korn himself. The edition is important, since Korn was the first editor[Pg 41] to make substantial use of B in constituting his text. Usually he printed the text of B in preference to the vulgate: 'Ceterum eas partes in quibus A caremus, β [=B] libri uestigia secutus restitui, prorsus neglectis recentiorum exemplarium elegantiis, quorum ad normam N. Heinsius, cuius in tertio quartoque libro R. Merkelius assecla est, textum conformauit' (xv).

There was some reason to review critically the vulgate established by Heinsius and Burman. Even Heinsius was capable of error; examples of this in Ex Ponto IV include his preference for the inelegant idem for ille at iii 17, for the impossible ullo instead of the better attested nullo at v 15, and for the obvious interpolation domitam ... ab Hercule at xvi 19 instead of domito ... ab Hectore. His most pervasive fault is a partiality for elegant but unnecessary emendation: often he is guilty of rewriting passages which are in themselves perfectly sound. A typical instance is vii 30: Heinsius' globos is elegant enough, but there is no reason to suspect the transmitted uiros.

Some of the readings proposed or preferred by Heinsius had been unnecessary or wrong, but many had been necessary to make sense of the text; and Korn is often guilty of damaging the text by excluding readings not found in B. The supreme example of this is his restoration of the manuscripts' reading iactate for laxate at ix 73.

Korn used the collation of B by Harles, which had errors and omissions (in his preface Harles had warned that his report might[Pg 42] contain errors [13]), so that at i 9 Korn prints in istis and at x 83 perstas, without noting in his apparatus that B's false readings were ab istis and praestas respectively. He was aware that at xi 21 B read mihi, but printed tibi nonetheless, although Burman had already explained why mihi was the correct reading.

A curious feature of Korn's edition is its dual apparatus: below the report of manuscript variants is a listing of passages where his text differs from those of Heinsius and Merkel: 'Lectiones discrepantes editionum Heinsii et Merkelii adposui, ut et quantopere Ouidius Heinsianus a genuina forma discrepet dilucide perspiciatur, et quibus locis a Merkelio discesserim facilius adpareat' (xxxii). Korn ejects such obviously correct readings as leuastis at vi 44 and laxate at ix 73; in each instance the true reading is printed in large type at the bottom of the page. In addition, Korn rather unfairly included as different readings what were in fact only spellings which did not conform to the purified orthography then coming into use. Cymba does not differ from cumba (viii 28), nor is Danubium a variant for Danuuium (ix 80), nor again is Vlysses different from Vlixes (x 9). Finally, the second apparatus at several points misrepresents what Heinsius actually thought.[Pg 43]

Korn's confusion on this point is understandable, since determining Heinsius' textual preferences is often more difficult than it might at first appear. Editions were published under his name which did not incorporate all his preferred readings [14]; even the lemmas to his notes are taken from the edition of Daniel Heinsius, and are not a guide to Heinsius' own view of the text, which can only be discovered by reading the actual notes [15]. A good example of this can be found at x 47. Here Heinsius' text reproduces the standard reading Cratesque. The lemma in his note is Oratesque, the reading of Daniel Heinsius' edition. In the note itself Heinsius indicates his preference for the conjecture Calesque, communicated to him by his friend Isaac Vossius. Here Korn, along with all modern editors, prints Calesque in his text; he reports Cratesque as Heinsius' reading.

Korn made one important conjecture in Ex Ponto IV, printing decretis at ix 44 for the manuscripts' secretis.[Pg 44]

For the third volume of his complete edition of Ovid, published at Leipzig in 1874, Alexander Riese drew on Korn's edition, but was less radical in following the readings of B: 'nec eclecticam quam dicunt N. Heinsii nec libri optimi rigide tenacem O. Kornii rationem ingressus mediam uiam tenere studui' (vii). Riese restores Heinsius' preferred reading in only about a quarter of the places where it was deserted by Korn; even so, no editor since has shown such independence in the selection of readings.

In 1881 there appeared at London a text of Ex Ponto IV with accompanying commentary by W. H. Williams. The text, which Williams says is drawn from the "Oxford variorum edition of 1825", seems in general to be a reprint of the Heinsius-Burman vulgate with some readings drawn from Merkel's first edition. In spite of occasional conjectures and notes on variant readings, based on information drawn from Burman and Merkel, Williams is not generally concerned with the constitution of the text: his note on x 68 curasque fefelli is 'so Tennyson in the "In Memoriam'". The commentary, which is about eighty pages long, consists largely of discussions of the cognates of various Latin words in other Indo-European languages, 'though the limits of the work preclude more than the data from which a competent teacher can deduce the principles of comparative philology'. A typical note is that on i 11 scribere: 'from [root] skrabh = to dig, whence scrob-s and scrofa = 'the grubber,' i.e. the pig; Grk. γράφω by loss of sibilant[Pg 45] and softening'. The edition has been only occasionally useful in editing the poems or writing the commentary.

In 1884 Merkel published his second edition of the poems of exile. In his previous edition he had in general followed Heinsius and Burman in the fourth book; in the new edition, without specifically saying so (although in his introduction he mentions the "codex Monacensis uetustior"), he generally alters his text so as to conform with B's readings. He does not always desert his former text, rightly retaining hanc at i 16, quamlibet at iv 45, and tempus curasque at x 67; he also keeps lux at vi 9 and domitam ... ab Hercule at xvi 19.

In his 1874 monograph De codicibus duobus carminum Ouidianarum ex Ponto datorum Monacensibus Korn had made known the existence of C. S. G. Owen's first edition of the Ex Ponto, printed in Postgate's Corpus Poetarum Latinorum in 1894, was the first edition to report this manuscript as well as B. His text is unduly partial to the readings of B and C, and his well-organized apparatus is so abbreviated as to be deceptive. It cannot be relied upon even for reports of B and C. At ix 73 it gives no hint that for four centuries editors had read laxate; many of Heinsius' preferred readings are similarly consigned to oblivion. At vi 5-6 he reports Housman's ingenious repunctuation, presumably communicated to him by its author.

In 1896 Rudolf Ehwald published his monograph Kritische Beiträge zu Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto. I am often indebted to Ehwald for references he has collected; my notes on i 15 ad summam and xiii 48[Pg 46] quos laus formandos est tibi magna datos could not have been written without the assistance of his monograph. This said, the fact remains that Ehwald's judgment and linguistic intuition were exceptionally poor. He had not relied on Korn's apparatus for his knowledge of B, but had collated it himself; and the intent of his monograph was to establish B's authority as paramount. A typical example can be seen at ix 71. Here FILT offer cum ... uacabit and MH have ut ... uacabit, while the reading of B and C is quod uacabit. In one of the examples Ehwald adduces, Fast II 18, uacat is found in only a few manuscripts, and it can easily be seen how it arose from uacas; all the other examples are instances of quod superest or quod reliquum est. The cumulative effect of these examples is to demonstrate that quod ... uacabit is not a possible reading. This insensitivity to the precise meaning of the passages he discusses is usual with Ehwald, and his book, although useful, is an extremely unsafe guide to the textual criticism of the poems. It has unfortunately exercised a decisive influence on all succeeding editions.

The first of these editions was Owen's 1915 Oxford Classical Text of the poems of exile. In the preface Owen acknowledges the influence of Ehwald: "adiumento primario erat R. Ehwaldi, doctrinae Ouidianae iudicis peritissimi, uere aureus libellus ... in quo excussis perpensisque codicibus poetaeque locutione ad perpendiculum exacta rectam Ponticarum edendarum normam uir doctus stabilire instituit' (viii). In most instances Owen follows Ehwald's recommendations,[Pg 47] altering in to ab at i 9, prospicerem to aspicerem at ix 23, and at ix 44 abandoning Korn's decretis for the manuscripts' secretis.

Owen's reliance on Ehwald was noticed by Housman (903-4) in his short and accurate review of Owen's edition: 'In the ex Ponto Mr Owen had displayed less originality [than in his 1889 and 1894 editions of the Tristia] and consequently has less to repent of. Most of the changes in this edition are made in pursuance of orders issued by R. Ehwald in his Kritische Beiträge of 1896; but let it be counted to Mr Owen for righteousness that at III.7.37 and IV.15.42 he has refused to execute the sanguinary mandates of his superior officer'.

As in Owen's earlier edition, the apparatus is so short as to be misleading. His choice of manuscripts is too small, and exaggerates the importance of B and C; even of these two manuscripts his report is inadequate. At ix 73 he rightly prints laxate; the apparatus gives no indication that this is a conjecture, and that all manuscripts, including B and C, read iactate, which he had printed in 1894. At xi 21, where B gives mihi, indicated by Burman as the correct reading, Owen prints tibi and does not mention the variant in the apparatus. The situation is naturally worse with readings of manuscripts other than B and C, and with conjectures. In general, Owen's apparatus can be trusted neither as a report even of the principal readings of the few manuscripts he used, or as a register of critics' views of the constitution of the text.[Pg 48]

In the same year as Owen's second text there appeared at Budapest Geza Némethy's commentary on the Ex Ponto, of which twenty-six pages are devoted to the fourth book. The notes are too sparse and elementary to form an adequate commentary, consisting largely of simple glosses. They are a useful supplement to a plain text of the poems, however, and Némethy sometimes notices points missed by others: he correctly glosses Augusti as "Tiberii imperatoris" at ix 70. The notes are based on Merkel's second edition; Némethy lists in a preface his few departures from Merkel's text.

In 1922 Friedrich Levy published his first edition of the Ex Ponto as part of a new Teubner edition of the works of Ovid. The apparatus was a reduced version of that prepared by Ehwald, 'Qui ut totus prelis subiceretur ... propter saeculi angustias fieri non potuit'. Levy's text is virtually identical to Owen's, but the apparatus is more complete. It contains a full report of B and C, and also of the thirteenth-century Gothanus memb. II 121. This last manuscript has the correct cernet at ix 46, where most manuscripts read credet; but otherwise its readings are of very poor quality, consisting of simple misreadings (i 24 magnificas for munificas, vii 30 uento for uenit, viii 37 habendus for abunde), simplified word order (vi 25 tuas lacrimas pariter for tuas pariter lacrimas, xvi 39 et iuuenes essent for essent et iuuenes), and intrusive glosses (viii 61 captiuis for superatis, xvi 47 me laedere for proscindere). The manuscript does not deserve the important place it has in the editions of Levy, Luck,[Pg 49] and André [16]; Ehwald presumably included it in his apparatus because of its easy accessibility to him at Gotha, where he lived. No other manuscripts are regularly reported, so Levy's apparatus gives a false impression of the evidence for the text, although he often reports isolated readings from the manuscripts of Heinsius.

Levy omitted conjectures 'quatenus falsae uel superuacuae uidebantur'; the result is that Korn's elegant decretis does not appear even in the apparatus at ix 44, and the same fate befalls Scaliger's coactus at xiii 27.

In 1924 the Loeb Classical Library published A. L. Wheeler's text and translation of the Tristia and Ex Ponto. His text is based on Merkel's second edition, on Ehwald's Beiträge, and on Owen's Oxford Classical Text. In several places he rightly abandons B's reading, printing hanc for ah at i 16 and perstas for praestas at x 83; at iv 45 he was clearly tempted to print Heinsius' quamlibet. His judgment is good, and if Ehwald and Owen had supplied him with more information on other manuscripts and on the Heinsius-Burman vulgate, his text might well have superseded all previous editions. His translation is accurate, and in corrupt passages indicates the awkwardness of the original; I have often quoted from it.

In 1938 there appeared the elaborate Paravia edition of F. W. Levy, who in the period following his earlier edition had altered his[Pg 50] name to F. W. Lenz. The text is virtually unchanged from his edition of 1922, but has a much larger apparatus, which includes a large number of conjectures omitted from the earlier edition; I am indebted to Lenz for many of the conjectures I report, particularly at xvi 33. The large size of the apparatus is, however, deceptive; most of the manuscripts he knew of only from the reports of Heinsius, Korn and Owen, and the reports are therefore incomplete: the only manuscripts reliably reported are B and C. Since Lenz does not usually give the lemma for the variants reported, it is difficult to tell which manuscripts offer the reading in the text. Much space is wasted by reports of the readings of several heavily interpolated mediaeval florilegia; more is wasted by an undue attention to mediaeval spellings and attempts to reproduce abbreviations and to show the precise appearance of secondary corrections. These factors combine to render the apparatus virtually unreadable.

In 1963 Georg Luck published the Artemis edition of the Tristia and Ex Ponto, with a German translation by Wilhelm Willige. Luck shows some independence from Lenz, at i 16 printing hanc for ah, at iii 27 sed et for subito, at viii 71 mauis for maius, at viii 86 distet for distat, at ix 73 laxate for iactate, at xii 13 producatur for ut dicatur, and at xiv 7 muter for mittar, each time rightly. He suggests a new conjecture for the incurable xvi 33, and a new and possibly correct punctuation of xii 19. The apparatus is misleading, consisting of isolated readings from B and C and a small number of readings from[Pg 51] other manuscripts. No indication is given that hanc at i 16 or pars at i 35 are found only in a few manuscripts, and not in B or C. Luck criticizes modern editors for ignoring the discoveries of their predecessors, and rightly prints Heinsius' Gigantas (codd -es) at viii 59. However, he shows no direct knowledge of Heinsius' notes or of the Burman vulgate, making no mention of such readings as Gete for Getae at iii 52, leuastis for leuatis at vi 44, or fouet for mouet at xi 20. The oldest edition named in his apparatus is that of Riese.

In 1977 F. Della Corte published an Italian translation of the Ex Ponto with an accompanying commentary, of which fifty-eight pages are devoted to the fourth book. Most of the commentary consists of extended paraphrase of the poems; I have found it of little assistance.

The most recent text of the Ex Ponto is the 1977 Budé edition of Jacques André. His text is essentially that of Lenz, although at ix 23 he rightly prints prospicerem instead of B's aspicerem. There are a significant number of misprints in the text, apparatus, and notes, and other signs of carelessness as well.

André makes full reports of only four manuscripts in his apparatus, B, C, T, and Gothanus membr. II 121[17]. This is an inadequate sampling. B and C form a distinct group, and the Gotha manuscript is[Pg 52] too corrupt to merit a central part in an apparatus. The result is that T is the sole good representative of the vulgate class of manuscripts that is regularly cited.

For knowledge of many of his secondary manuscripts, André seems to have depended on the edition of Lenz. Since much of Lenz's information was drawn from Heinsius and other earlier editors, this means that André is often giving unverified information from collations made more than three centuries previously. He did not realize that the Antwerp manuscript he collated (our M) was Heinsius' codex Moreti, whose readings Lenz sometimes reports; the result is that he reports the same manuscript twice, under the sigla M and N.

At ix 127 he cites the sixth-century Wolfenbüttel fragment in support of the unassimilated spelling adscite (the assimilated form ascite is supported by the inscriptions and by the ancient manuscripts of Virgil). In fact, the word is not found in the fragment, which preserves only the first three letters of the line.

Finally, André shows insufficient knowledge of the Heinsius-Burman vulgate; this is evident not only from the text but from the introduction, where he prefaces his list of principal editions by saying 'Nous ne mentionnerons que les editions fondées sur des principes scientifiques, dont la première est celle de R. Merkel, Berlin, 1854' (the edition was published at Leipzig in 1853).

In spite of what I have said against it, André's edition has considerable merit. His apparatus is the first to supply a lemma[Pg 53] for each variant reading reported, and is clear and easy to read. His selection of manuscripts is inadequate, but at least he makes a full report of the four manuscripts he uses. The apparatus is in every way a great improvement on that of Lenz. At the same time, he provides a clear prose translation, an informative introduction, ample footnotes, and thirteen pages of "notes complémentaires". His notes sometimes come close to forming a true commentary, and I often quote from them.

In preparing this edition of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto, I have carefully read all the editions discussed above, and have attempted to include a comprehensive list of conjectures in the apparatus. I have read Burman's variorum edition with particular attention, and have often restored readings favoured by Heinsius to the text. A complete examination of the manuscripts must await a full edition of all four books of the Ex Ponto; but on the basis of published editions I have selected the nine manuscripts that appeared most likely to assist in establishing the text, and have included full reports of their readings in the critical apparatus. I believe that even this preliminary apparatus gives a clearer picture of the evidence for the text of Ex Ponto IV than any previous edition.[Pg 54]

P. OVIDI NASONIS

EPISTVLARM EX PONTO LIBER QVARTVS

CONSPECTVS SIGLORVM

G

Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel: Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4°
(fragmentum Guelferbytanum)
saec v/vi

continet ix 101-8 et 127-33, xii 15-19 et 41-44. uersus saepe non integri.

B

Monacensis lat. 384
saec xii

C

Monacensis lat. 19476
saec xii

M

Antuerpiensis Musei Plantiniani Denucé 68
saec xii/xiii
codex Moreti Heinsianus

F

Francofortanus Barth 110
saec xiii

H

Holkhamicus 322, nunc British Library add. 49368
saec xiii

I

Laurentianus 36 32
saec xiii
primus Mediceus Heinsii

L

Lipsiensis bibl. ciu. Rep. I 2° 7
saec xiii

T

Turonensis 879
saec xii/xiii

Accipe, Pompei, deductum carmen ab illo
debitor est uitae qui tibi, Sexte, suae.
qui seu non prohibes a me tua nomina poni,
accedet meritis haec quoque summa tuis;
siue trahis uultus, equidem peccasse fatebor,5
delicti tamen est causa probanda mei.
non potuit mea mens quin esset grata teneri;
sit precor officio non grauis ira pio.
o quotiens ego sum libris mihi uisus in istis
impius in nullo quod legerere loco!10
o quotiens, alii uellem cum scribere, nomen
rettulit in ceras inscia dextra tuum!

incipit liber quartus B² incipit quartus sexto pompeio M liber ·iiii· sexto pompeio F incipit ·iiii· sexto pompeio H^2(?) ad pompeium lib ·iiii· I² hanc epistulam mittit sexto pompeio L || 1 deductum carmen] carmen deductum M || qui] cui Williams || seu] si ILF^2ul || 4 accedet] accedat M || summa] summe C || 5 trahis] trahes Owen (1894) || uultus om C || equidem] equid e B || 7 quin esset] esset quin H || 9-10 add F² in marg || 9 o] di B dii I || in] ab B || istis] illis F || 10 quod] quid F² || 11 alii] aliis L aliis M^2c || uellem cum scribere] cum uellem scribere B uellem conscribere F¹ uellem describere P[Pg 57]

ipse mihi placuit mendis in talibus error,
et uix inuita facta litura manu est.
'uiderit! ad summam,' dixi 'licet ipse queratur,15
hanc pudet offensam non meruisse prius.'
da mihi, si quid ea est, hebetantem pectora Lethen,
oblitus potero non tamen esse tui;
idque sinas oro, nec fastidita repellas
uerba, nec officio crimen inesse putes,20
et leuis haec meritis referatur gratia tantis;
si minus, inuito te quoque gratus ero.
numquam pigra fuit nostris tua gratia rebus,
nec mihi munificas arca negauit opes.
nunc quoque nil subitis clementia territa fatis25
auxilium uitae fertque feretque meae.

13 mendis] mensis C || 14 manu est] manu T || 15 summam] summum LT finem F^2(gl) || ipse FTP ille BCMHIL || 16 hanc HI ha MFLT ah B a C hunc J. N. Grant || meruisse] merunisse M^ac || 18 non] nec L || 19 quid pro nec H, incertum || fastidita] fastidia F¹ || 20 putes] putas L puta I puto B^ac, ut uid || 21 et] sed fort legendum || leuis] lenis L || haec meritis] e meritis F¹T emeritis HM² || 23 numquam] non quam M || 24 mihi om C || negauit] negabit C || 25 nunc] hunc C || quoque] quisque C || nil] non M^pcF¹ nunc P || 26 feretque Heinsius refertque MFHILTB² referta C refert B¹[Pg 58]

unde rogas forsan fiducia tanta futuri
sit mihi? quod fecit quisque tuetur opus,
ut Venus artificis labor est et gloria Coi,
aequoreo madidas quae premit imbre comas,30
arcis ut Actaeae uel eburna uel aerea custos
bellica Phidiaca stat dea facta manu,
uindicat ut Calamis laudem quos fecit equorum,
ut similis uerae uacca Myronis opus,
sic ego sum rerum non ultima, Sexte, tuarum35
tutelaeque feror munus opusque tuae.

27 unde] un* B¹ || futuri] futura ITF² || 28 quisque ex quique C, ut uid || 29 ut] et T || est] et I^ac || 30 aequoreo] equoreas T^ac || 31 arcis] artis LP || ut Actaeae] et actee T ut athee L uta^aceae C, ut uid || eburna] uberna C || aerea fragmentum Louaniense Heinsii (Korn, Lenz), codex Iunianus Heinsii (Korn); uide Haupt Opuscula 584 aurea Heinsius enea (=aenea) BMFHILT, contra metrum anea C || 32 Phidiaca] phasadica C || facta] ficta Heinsius || 33 Calamis BCI^acL calais MFI^pcTP cala bis H, ut uid || laudem] laudes B² || quos] quas B^ac que I^ac, ut uid || sum] pars excerpta Politiani res M^2(gl?) || non] pars F om P || ultima] ultimȩ (=ultimae) C || 36 tuae] teuȩ (=teuae) C[Pg 59]

Quod legis, o uates magnorum maxime regum,
uenit ab intonsis usque, Seuere, Getis;
cuius adhuc nomen nostros tacuisse libellos,
si modo permittis dicere uera, pudet.
orba tamen numeris cessauit epistula numquam5
ire per alternas officiosa uices;
carmina sola tibi memorem testantia curam
non data sunt—quid enim quae facis ipse darem?
quis mel Aristaeo, quis Baccho uina Falerna,
Triptolemo fruges, poma det Alcinoo?10
fertile pectus habes, interque Helicona colentes
uberius nulli prouenit ista seges.
'mittere ad hunc carmen frondes erat addere siluis.'
haec mihi cunctandi causa, Seuere, fuit.

seuero B²H² seuero amico suo M ad mauximum F¹ [sic] ad seuerum F²I² hanc epistulam mittit seuero L || 1 regum] rerum C uatum M¹FIL || 2 intonsis] intensis H euxinis M¹ inuisis F^2ul || 5 orba ... numeris] uerba ... numerus C || cessauit] cessabit B¹ || 6 uices] uias T || 8 quae] quod T || 9 Falerna] falerno M || 10 triptolemo] triptolomo CL tritolemo F tritolomo IT || det] dat FT || 11 interque] inter I || 13 ad hunc carmen] carmen ad hunc fragmentum Louaniense Heinsii (Lenz) || 14 cunctandi] cunctanti FH cunctadi I[Pg 60]

nec tamen ingenium nobis respondet ut ante,15
sed siccum sterili uomere litus aro;
scilicet ut limus uenas excaecat †in undis†,
laesaque suppresso fonte resistit aqua,
pectora sic mea sunt limo uitiata malorum,
et carmen uena pauperiore fluit.20
si quis in hac ipsum terra posuisset Homerum,
esset, crede mihi, factus et ipse Getes.
da ueniam fasso: studiis quoque frena remisi,
ducitur et digitis littera rara meis.
impetus ille sacer qui uatum pectora nutrit,25
qui prius in nobis esse solebat, abest;
uix uenit ad partes, uix sumptae Musa tabellae
imponit pigras, paene coacta, manus,

17 uenas excaecat MFIT cum uenas cecat BCHL uenas cum caecat Castiglioni (Lenz) || in undis] in unda F in aruis Dalzell inundans Madvig (Lenz) apertas uel aquarum Tarrant hiulcas Merkel olim (1884) || 18 laesaque] lessaque M^ac lapsaque Merkel (1884) || resistit] resistat L || 21 Homerum] homorum H¹ quid C^ac, incertum (hameo?) || 22 ipse MFH ille BCILT || 23 studiis] studii FIM^pc || quoque frena] frena quoque I^ac || 26 quid pro qui HP, incertum || nobis] uobis M || abest] adest T || 27 uix sumptae ... tabellae BCMFHL (uix ex uin C, ut uid) uix sumpta ... tabella T assumpte [Pg 61]... tabelle I || 28 imponit] imposuit I

paruaque, ne dicam scribendi nulla uoluptas
est mihi, nec numeris nectere uerba iuuat,30
siue quod hinc fructus adeo non cepimus ullos,
principium nostri res sit ut ista mali,
siue quod in tenebris numerosos ponere gestus
quodque legas nulli scribere carmen idem est.
excitat auditor studium, laudataque uirtus35
crescit, et immensum gloria calcar habet.
hic mea cui recitem nisi flauis scripta Corallis,
quasque alias gentes barbarus Hister obit?
sed quid solus agam, quaque infelicia perdam
otia materia surripiamque diem?40

29 ne] nec L || uoluptas] uolumptas CM¹ uoluntas FL || 30 numeris] humeris C^ac || nectere] flectere T || 32 add in marg I^{1, ut uid} || 32 sit ut] fuit I (in ras?) fiat ut H¹ fiat H² || ista] illa FIP || 33 gestus] gressus I¹PF^2ul gestus [sic] F^3ul || 34 legas] legam L legant F^2ul || idem est] obest F¹I¹LP || 36 calcar] carcar C || habet] habes B^ac || 37 om P || 37 hic] haec T || Corallis] coraillis M^ac || 38 Hister] inster L || obit Damsté (Mnemosyne LXVI 32) habet codd || 39 quaque] quamque BC || 40 materia] materiam B^ac || diem] **dem M^ac[Pg 62]

nam quia nec uinum nec me tenet alea fallax,
per quae clam tacitum tempus abire solet,
nec me, quod cuperem si per fera bella liceret,
oblectat cultu terra nouata suo,
quid nisi Pierides, solacia frigida, restant,45
non bene de nobis quae meruere deae?
at tu, cui bibitur felicius Aonius fons,
utiliter studium quod tibi cedit ama,
sacraque Musarum merito cole, quodque legamus
huc aliquod curae mitte recentis opus!50

41 quia nec BCH(I^ac) me nec I^pcP neque me MFLT || uinum] unum C || nec me] neque me T || 42 tacitum add I¹ in marg tantum C || 43 nec me] nec I^ac hec me C, ut uid || 45 frigida] frigora C || restant] restat IP || 46 meruere] metuere L || 47 at] ac LP || Aonius] adonius I | | 48 cedit] cedat T || ama] amas M^2ul || 50 aliquod] aliquid CP[Pg 63]

III

Conquerar an taceam? ponam sine nomine crimen,
an notum qui sis omnibus esse uelim?
nomine non utar, ne commendere querela,
quaeraturque tibi carmine fama meo.
dum mea puppis erat ualida fundata carina,5
qui mecum uelles currere primus eras;
nunc, quia contraxit uultum Fortuna, recedis,
auxilio postquam scis opus esse tuo.
dissimulas etiam, nec me uis nosse uideri,
quisque sit audito nomine Naso rogas.10
ille ego sum, quamquam non uis audire, uetusta
paene puer puero iunctus amicitia;

ad ingratum MFB²H² ad inuidum I² || 1 conquerar] con****ar M¹ (confitear primitus?) || sine add M² || 2 qui sis] quis sis HLTM² || 3 ne] nec (B^ac)CH || commendere] commendare CL || querela] querelam C^pc quelelam C^ac || 4 carmine] carmi/ne I nomine H || 5 dum] cum M || 7 nunc quia] dum mea F¹ || contraxit] traxit M¹ abtraxit [sic] M² || 9 me uis] uis me I^pcT uis I^ac || uideri] fateri M^2ulF^2ul tueri P || 10 quisque] quique H^acP || sit add C^1? || 11-12 post 13-14 ponit B || 11 quamquam] quamquam I^2?c qūm C (=quoniam) quamuis M^2ul || 12 iunctus] uinctus HP || amicitia] amicia M[Pg 64]

ille ego qui primus tua seria nosse solebam,
et tibi iucundis primus adesse iocis;
ille ego conuictor densoque domesticus usu;15
ille ego iudiciis unica Musa tuis.
ille ego sum quem nunc an uiuam, perfide, nescis,
cura tibi de quo quaerere nulla subit.
siue fui numquam carus, simulasse fateris;
seu non fingebas, inueniere leuis.20
aut age, dic aliquam quae te mutauerit iram;
nam nisi iusta tua est, iusta querela mea est.

13 tua] sua L || 14 iocis] locis M^2ul locus P || 15 ille ego] ille B^ac || domesticus F^1c denso (F^ac) || 16 unica] uinea L || 17 ille] i/le B^1c idem (B^ac)CM¹H || ego sum] ego T^ac ego iudicii B^ac || quem nunc an uiuam Leidensis Heinsii qui nunc an uiuam BCMFHILT quem nunc an uiuat Heinsius || 18 subit Heinsius fuit codd || 19 fui] fuit (B^ac)CP || simulasse] simulare F¹ || fateris] fereris Heinsius || 20 leuis] lenis H || 21 aut age] eia age 'uterque Medonii [=Bodleianus Rawl G 105, 106] pro diuersa lectione', probante Heinsio || aliquam quae te mutauerit [mutauerat C mutauit F] iram BCMFHIL aliquid quod te mutauit in iram T || 22 est, iusta] est ista I^ac[Pg 65]

quod te nunc crimen similem uetat esse priori?
an crimen coepi quod miser esse uocas?
si mihi rebus opem nullam factisque ferebas,25
uenisset uerbis charta notata tribus.
uix equidem credo, sed et insultare iacenti
te mihi nec uerbis parcere fama refert.
quid facis, a demens? cur, si Fortuna recedat,
naufragio lacrimas eripis ipse tuo?30
haec dea non stabili quam sit leuis orbe fatetur
quem summo dubium sub pede semper habet.
quolibet est folio, quauis incertior aura:
par illi leuitas, improbe, sola tua est.

23 quod te nunc crimen similem] quod te nunc similem crimen H quae te consimilem res nunc FIL || uetat] ueta L¹ || 24 an] aut B || 25 factisque B^2c || 26 charta notata tribus] parcere fama refert C || 27 sed et] sed te I subito (B¹)C || 28 te ... nec] et ... non T || parcere fama refert] charta notata tribus C || 29 a] o M¹FILT || recedat TM² recedit BCM¹FHIL 30 tuo] meo HI || 31 stabili] stabilis L || quam sit leuis orbe] quam leuis orbe C quantum sit in orbe L || 32 quem fragmentum Boxhornianum Heinsii (=Leid. Bibl. Publ. 180 G) quae BCMFHILT || summo dubium scripsi summo dubio C summum dubio BMFILT mundum dubio H dubio summum fort scribendum || 33 quauis] quamuis MLP || aura] aura est MF || 34 par ex per M, ut uid || sola] ft̅a L(=facta) || tua est] tuē ē C[Pg 66]

omnia sunt hominum tenui pendentia filo,35
et subito casu quae ualuere ruunt.
diuitis audita est cui non opulentia Croesi?
nempe tamen uitam captus ab hoste tulit.
ille Syracosia modo formidatus in urbe
uix humili duram reppulit arte famem.40
quid fuerat Magno maius? tamen ille rogauit
summissa fugiens uoce clientis opem.
cuique uiro totus terrarum paruit orbis
. . . . . . . . . . . .

35 omnia] omina M¹FILT euentus F^2(gl) || pendentia] pedentia I || 36 ruunt] cadunt M^2ul || 38 tamen] etiam Riese || 39 Syracosia Heinsius syracusia CMFHILT siracuna B^2c syracusa Gothanus II 121, saec xiii (André) 'etiam bene'—Heinsius || formidatus] fortunatus M || 40 famem] famen C famē L || 41 Magno maius] maius magno I || ille] ipse MI || 43-44 damnat Bentley || 44 om B¹C indigus effectus omnibus ipse magis MHILTF² [(indigus: indiguus M indigens F^2ul) (indigus ... omnibus: omnibus ... indigus I) (effectus: est factus IL effectis Ellis[Owen 1894]) (ipse: ille T) (magis: fuit F^2ul)] achillas pharius abstulit ense caput F¹ fragmentum Louaniense Heinsii (Burman)[Pg 67]

ille Iugurthino clarus Cimbroque triumpho,45
quo uictrix totiens consule Roma fuit,
in caeno latuit Marius cannaque palustri,
pertulit et tanto multa pudenda uiro.
ludit in humanis diuina potentia rebus,
et certam praesens uix facit hora fidem.50
'litus ad Euxinum' si quis mihi diceret 'ibis,
et metues arcu ne feriare Gete',
'i bibe' dixissem 'purgantes pectora sucos,
quicquid et in tota nascitur Anticyra'.
sum tamen haec passus nec, si mortalia possem,55
et summi poteram tela cauere dei.
tu quoque fac timeas, et quae tibi laeta uidentur
dum loqueris fieri tristia posse puta.

45 ille] ipse I || Iugurthino] iuigurtino M, ut uid || Cimbroque] cimboque B || 47 latuit Marius M iacuit marius H marius latuit L marius iacuit BCFIT || 50 uix] non M^2ul || facit R.J. Tarrant feret BC habet MFHILT || 52 Gete Heinsius e codicibus Getae edd || 53 i bibe] ebibe B || purgantes pectora sucos] purgantia pocula sompnos F^2ul || 54 Anticyra] anticera MI || 55 nec] ne L || 57 laeta] lenta I^ac[Pg 68]

IIII

Nulla dies adeo est australibus umida nimbis
non intermissis ut fluat imber aquis,
nec sterilis locus ullus ita est ut non sit in illo
mixta fere duris utilis herba rubis;
nil adeo Fortuna grauis miserabile fecit5
ut minuant nulla gaudia parte malum.
ecce domo patriaque carens oculisque meorum,
naufragus in Getici litoris actus aquas,
qua tamen inueni uultum diffundere causam
possim fortunae nec meminisse meae.10
nam mihi cum fulua solus spatiarer harena
uisa est a tergo penna dedisse sonum.

de consulatu sexti pompe(i)i FB²H² pompeio amico suo M ad sextum pompeium I² || 3 nec] non F || 4 rubis ex iubis F || 6 ut] quin M^2ul || nulla] ulla M^2ul || parte BCMFHILT, sicut coni Bentley pace P || 8 aquas] aquis H || 9 uultum] uultumque L || diffundere] defendere P, I ut uid || causam] causa BCT || 10 possim] possem L possum F || nec] non I || 11 cum] dum FIT, sicut coni Bentley || solus BC tristis MFHILT || spatiarer] spatiare F^ac paciarer M^pc paciare M^ac || 12 penna] pinna C[Pg 69]

respicio, neque erat corpus quod cernere possem;
uerba tamen sunt haec aure recepta mea:
'en ego laetarum uenio tibi nuntia rerum,15
Fama, per immensas aere lapsa uias:
consule Pompeio, quo non tibi carior alter,
candidus et felix proximus annus erit.'
dixit et, ut laeto Pontum rumore repleuit,
ad gentes alias hinc dea uertit iter.20
at mihi dilapsis inter noua gaudia curis
excidit asperitas huius iniqua loci,
ergo ubi, Iane biceps, longum reseraueris annum,
pulsus et a sacro mense December erit,
purpura Pompeium summi uelabit honoris,25
ne titulis quicquam debeat ille suis.
cernere iam uideor rumpi paene atria turba
et populum laedi deficiente loco,

13 neque CMHL nec BFIT || erat corpus BCFL corpus erat MHIT || 19 rumore] sermone H || 20 ad gentes] agentes C || 23 reseraueris] reseruaueris L || 25 summi ... honoris] summo ... honore I || uelabit F^{2c, ut uid} || 27 paene atria] penetralia I, F^2ul ut uid laeta atria Burman, qui et plena atria coniecit[Pg 70]

templaque Tarpeiae primum tibi sedis adiri
et fieri faciles in tua uota deos,30
colla boues niueos certae praebere securi,
quos aluit campis herba Falisca suis,
cumque deos omnes, tum quos impensius aequos
esse tibi cupias, cum Ioue Caesar erunt.
curia te excipiet, patresque e more uocati35
intendent aures ad tua uerba suas.
hos ubi facundo tua uox hilarauerit ore,
utque solet tulerit prospera uerba dies,

29 tibi ... adiri] tibi ... adire L te ... adire H^2ul || 31 certae] cerno Owen (1915) certant Damsté (Mnemosyne XLVII 33-34) || 32 Falisca] falesca B palistra F^2ul ut uid || post 32 distichon excidisse putat Ehwald (KB 63) || 33 omnes, tum quos HL omnes tunc quos BCMFIT tunc hos ores P omnes, tunc hos Ehwald || 34 cupias] capias B, ut uid cupies fort scribendum || erunt B, sicut coni Heinsius erit MFHILT om C || 35 curia te] cura te H curiaque Heinsius || excipiet] excipias C || patresque] partesque C || e BCM ex FHILT || uocati] uocari C || 36 intendent] intendunt BC || ad ex at C || 37 hilarauerit] hilauerit M^ac[Pg 71]

egeris et meritas superis cum Caesare grates
(qui causam facias cur ita, saepe dabit),40
inde domum repetes toto comitante senatu,
officium populi uix capiente domo.
me miserum, turba quod non ego cernar in illa
nec poterunt istis lumina nostra frui!
quamlibet absentem, qua possum, mente uidebo:45
aspiciet uultus consulis illa sui.
di faciant aliquo subeat tibi tempore nostrum
nomen, et 'heu' dicas 'quid miser ille facit?'
haec tua pertulerit si quis mihi uerba, fatebor
protinus exilium mollius esse meum.50

40 qui] que B^ac, ut uid || facias cur ita, saepe dabit Riese facias cur ita saepe, dabit edd || dabit] dabunt LF^2ul || 43 cernar] cernor MIL cenor H || 45 quamlibet Heinsius qua libet H¹ qua licet M^acP quo licet L quod licet BCM^pcFIT et licet H^2ul scilicet Castiglioni (Lenz) || mente in ras F² || 46 aspiciet I^1c aspicuum (I^ac) || 47 di B dii CMFHILT || nostrum] nomen nostrum C || 48 miser ille facit] facit ille miser T || 49 pertulerit] protulerit H || 50 mollius] micius F^2ul(=mitius)[Pg 72]

Ite, leues elegi, doctas ad consulis aures,
uerbaque honorato ferte legenda uiro.
longa uia est, nec uos pedibus proceditis aequis,
tectaque brumali sub niue terra latet.
cum gelidam Thracen et opertum nubibus Haemon5
et maris Ionii transieritis aquas,
luce minus decima dominam uenietis in urbem,
ut festinatum non faciatis iter.
protinus inde domus uobis Pompeia petetur;
non est Augusto iunctior ulla foro.10
si quis ut in populo qui sitis et unde requiret,
nomina decepta quaelibet aure ferat;

sexto pompeio B²H² pompeo amico suo M ad sextum pompeium F ad eundem sextum pompeium I² || 4 latet] letet C^ac || 5 cum gelidam] congelidam F¹ || Thracen] tracem I tracē F || opertum] opertam L || nubibus] niuibus LP || Haemon Laurentianus 38 39, saec xv (Lenz); Ven. Marcianus XII 106, saec xv (Lenz); editio princeps Bononiensis (Lenz) hemum BCMFHILT || 6 Ionii] ycarii F^2ul || aquas] aquis M^ac? iter aquas C quid F^2ul, incertum (extasis?) || 7 luce F^2c 8 faciatis] facietis C^pc facetis C^ac || 9 Pompeia] ponpeia C || petetur FT petatur BCMHIL || 10 ulla] illa CI || 11 qui] que I^ac || requiret BMFH requirat CILT[Pg 73]

ut sit enim tutum, sicut reor esse, fateri
uera, minus certe ficta timoris habent.
copia nec uobis nullo prohibente uidendi15
consulis, ut limen contigeritis, erit:
aut reget ille suos dicendo iura Quirites,
conspicuum signis cum premet altus ebur,
aut populi reditus positam componet ad hastam,
et minui magnae non sinet urbis opes,20
aut, ubi erunt patres in Iulia templa uocati,
de tanto dignis consule rebus aget,
aut feret Augusto solitam natoque salutem,
deque parum noto consulet officio.
tempus ab his uacuum Caesar Germanicus omne25
auferet; a magnis hunc colit ille deis.

13 fateri] fatendum F futuri (B^ac) uerum L^2(gl) || 14 uera Hilberg, Die Gesetze der Wortstellung im Pentameter des Ovid 35-36 (fateri uera) uerba codd (uerba ... habent) ficta ex minus ficta M || 15 uobis] nobis L || nullo] ullo P, probante Heinsio || 18 cum premet] comprimet F¹ || altus] alter B¹ || 19 positam] ualidam H || componet] componit L || ad] in F || 20 opes] opem I || 21 aut] at H¹ || ubi erunt] ubi C || uocati] uoocati M || 23 aut feret BCFHILTM^3ul afferet M^2c || 24 parum noto] parum nato C patrum toto Burman || 25 ab] et BC || uacuum] uacuo Heinsius[Pg 74]

cum tamen a turba rerum requieuerit harum,
ad uos mansuetas porriget ille manus,
quidque parens ego uester agam fortasse requiret.
talia uos illi reddere uerba uolo:30
'uiuit adhuc uitamque tibi debere fatetur,
quam prius a miti Caesare munus habet.
te sibi, cum fugeret, memori solet ore referre
barbariae tutas exhibuisse uias,
sanguine Bistonium quod non tepefecerit ensem,35
effectum cura pectoris esse tui,
addita praeterea uitae quoque multa tuendae
munera, ne proprias attenuaret opes.
pro quibus ut meritis referatur gratia, iurat
se fore mancipii tempus in omne tui.40

27 turba] cura Heinsius || requieuerit] requierit C^ac requieurit F¹ || 30 reddere uerba] uerba reddere I || 32 a miti] * miti F^ac amiti BM¹H amitti L om I^ac || 33 referre] fateri F || 35 Bistonium] bistanium L || tepefecerit] tepefecerat M tepecerit I^ac || 36 cura] pura I^ac || 37-40 add B² in margine || 37 uitae quoque] sunt uite M || 40 mancipii ... tui CB² mancipium ... tuum MFHILTB³ mancipio ... tuo Brissonius ('lib. VI. de Form. pag. 517'—Burman) [Pg 75]mancipio ... tuum Merkel (1853) || tempus] tepus M

nam prius umbrosa carituros arbore montes,
et freta ueliuolas non habitura rates,
fluminaque in fontes cursu reditura supino,
gratia quam meriti possit abire tui.'
haec ubi dixeritis, seruet sua dona rogate;45
sic fuerit uestrae causa peracta uiae.

41 carituros] carituras L || ueliuolas] ueliferas M¹ || 44 possit] posset L 45 haec] hoc MT || 46 peracta] perac ta F^2c[Pg 76]

Quam legis ex illis tibi uenit epistula, Brute,
Nasonem nolles in quibus esse locis.
sed tu quod nolles, uoluit miserabile fatum;
ei mihi, plus illud quam tua uota ualet.
in Scythia nobis quinquennis Olympias acta5
iam tempus lustri transit in alterius.
perstat enim Fortuna tenax, uotisque malignum
opponit nostris insidiosa pedem.
certus eras pro me, Fabiae laus, Maxime, gentis,
numen ad Augustum supplice uoce loqui;10

bruto B²H² bruto amico suo M ad brutum FI² || 1 illis] ipsis T || 3 tu quod] tu qui L^ac, ut uid quod tu IT || 4 ei edd hei Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Lenz) et BCM¹FILT si H heu M^2ul || illud] istud H || ualet] ualent FIT H, ut uid || 5 Scythia] sythia HIL scithica M || Olympias acta LT olympias acta est BMFHI olimpia facta est C || 5-6 Olympias acta iam Housman (Owen) Olympias acta est. iam edd || 7 perstat] praestat CP || 8 opponit] opposuit H || nostris in loco a prima manu relicto add F² nostris B^2c || insidiosa] insidiosam C^ac inuidiosa FHM² || 9 eras] erat (B¹)C || pro me, Fabiae] fabie pro me I || laus BCMHILTF³ dux F¹ lux F², probante Burman || maxime] maxima CP[Pg 77]

occidis ante preces, causamque ego, Maxime, mortis
(nec fueram tanti) me reor esse tuae.
iam timeo nostram cuiquam mandare salutem;
ipsum morte tua concidit auxilium.
coeperat Augustus detectae ignoscere culpae;15
spem nostram terras deseruitque simul.
quale tamen potui de caelite, Brute, recenti
uestra procul positus carmen in ora dedi;
quae prosit pietas utinam mihi, sitque malorum
iam modus et sacrae mitior ira domus.20
te quoque idem liquido possum iurare precari,
o mihi non dubia cognite Brute nota;
nam cum praestiteris uerum mihi semper amorem,
hic tamen aduerso tempore creuit amor,

11 occidis] occidit (B¹)C || preces] pedes M || causamque] causaque B^2c || ego add F² || 12 fueram] fuero BC fuerim British Library Burney 220, saec xii-xiii (André) || 13 timeo nostram cuiquam] timeo cuiquam nostram F nostram cuiquam timeo I || 14 tua] tuȩ C(=tuae) || concidit] consul B^ac constitit Némethy || 15 Augustus] augstus I^ac augustum L^ac || detectae scripsi deceptae codd decepti J. N. Grant || 18 positus] positis C || 21 te quoque] teque I || idem] iam F || possum] possim F possem T || 22 cognite] condite M^2ul || nota] fide LTM^2ulF^2ul || 24 hic] plus T || aduerso] auerso H || creuit ex creauit H[Pg 78]

quique tuas pariter lacrimas nostrasque uideret25
passuros poenam crederet esse duos.
lenem te miseris genuit Natura, nec ulli
mitius ingenium quam tibi, Brute, dedit,
ut qui quid ualeas ignoret Marte forensi
posse tuo peragi uix putet ore reos.30
scilicet eiusdem est, quamuis pugnare uidentur,
supplicibus facilem, sontibus esse trucem.
cum tibi suscepta est legis uindicta seuerae,
uerba uelut taetrum singula uirus habent;
hostibus eueniat quam sis uiolentus in armis35
sentire et linguae tela subire tuae,
quae tibi tam tenui cura limantur ut omnes
istius ingenui pectoris esse negent.

26 crederet] diceret F^2ul || 27 lenem] lene C || 29 ignoret] ignorat TP || Marte BCHI in arte MFLT || 30 tuo] tuos M || 31 eiusdem est] eisdem est F^ac, ut uid eiusdem Heinsius 'cum tribus libris' || uidentur BMFH, sicut coni Bentley uidetur CILT || 33 est] est seuere M^ac || 34 taetrum R. J. Tarrant tinctum BCM¹FHILT tritum M^2ul coctum M^2ul tinctu Ehwald (KB 83) tinguat Merkel (1884) || 36 linguae ex linge B || 37 limantur] limatur C || 38 ingenui pectoris scripsi ingenium corporis codd ingenium nominis D. R. Shackleton Bailey[Pg 79]

at si quem laedi fortuna cernis iniqua,
mollior est animo femina nulla tuo;40
hoc ego praecipue sensi, cum magna meorum
notitiam pars est infitiata mei.
immemor illorum, uestri non immemor umquam
qui mala solliciti nostra leuastis, ero,
et prius hic nimium nobis conterminus Hister45
in caput Euxino de mare uertet iter,
utque Thyesteae redeant si tempora mensae,
Solis ad Eoas currus agetur aquas,

40 auxilium subito tu sibi [sic] ferre soles M² in marg || 41 hoc] haec FHL || 43 uestri] uestrum Heinsius || 44 mala F² in ras || solliciti BCM^2ul sollicite M¹FHILT || leuastis Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Heinsius) leuatis BCMFHILT || ero] ope C || 45 hic] hinc HTP || nimium nobis] nimium uobis BC nobis nimium I^acT || Hister] inster L || 46 Euxino] euxini I euxinum T eximio F || uertet] uertit FP || 47 utque] atque BHL² ante codd Feschii et Hafniensis Heinsii || si] ceu Heinsius ('ante, Thyesteae redeant ceu tempora mensae, / solis ad Eoas currus agetur aquas') || tempora] fercula 'malim reponi, sed obstant libri ueteres'—Heinsius[Pg 80]

quam quisquam uestrum qui me doluistis ademptum
arguat ingratum non meminisse sui.50

49 doluistis] lugetis T || ademptum] adempto Basileensis F IV 26, saec xiii-xiv (Korn), probante Heinsio adeptum LP || 50 arguat] arguar B[Pg 81]

VII

Missus es Euxinas quoniam, Vestalis, ad oras,
ut positis reddas iura sub axe locis,
aspicis en praesens quali iaceamus in aruo,
nec me testis eris falsa solere queri;
accedet uoci per te non irrita nostrae,5
Alpinis iuuenis regibus orte, fides.
ipse uides certe glacie concrescere Pontum,
ipse uides rigido stantia uina gelu,
ipse uides onerata ferox ut ducat Iazyx
per medias Histri plaustra bubulcus aquas,10
aspicis et mitti sub adunco toxica ferro,
et telum causas mortis habere duas;

uestali B²H² ad uestalem amicum suum M ad uestalem FI² hanc epistulam misit uostali L || 1 Euxinas] exunias I || horas [=oras] CI undas BMFHLT || 2 locis] getis T || 3 praesens] praeses P || iaceamus] aceamus C^ac || 4 queri] loqui IM^2ul || 5 nostrae] semper I^ac || 6 Alpinis] Arpinis Verpoorten (Lenz) || 8 uina] rura F^2ul || 9 ut ducat Iazyx BCMFHIT [Iazyx Merula (Burman) iahis B ayzys C¹ iazys C^1?ul iatis M iazis F yacis H hiacis I yases T] trahat ut glatiati L educat ut altas P || 10 bubulcus] bububcus B || 11-12 post 13-14 ponit T || 11 et mitti] et miti I^ac admitti F^2ul || adunco] aduuco L^ac || 12 telum] ferum T uulnus F^2ul[Pg 82]

atque utinam pars haec tantum spectata fuisset,
non etiam proprio cognita Marte tibi!
tenditur ad primum per densa pericula pilum,15
contigit ex merito qui tibi nuper honor;
sit licet hic titulus plenis tibi fructibus ingens,
ipsa tamen uirtus ordine maior erit.
non negat hoc Hister, cuius tua dextera quondam
puniceam Getico sanguine fecit aquam,20
non negat Aegissos, quae te subeunte recepta
sensit in ingenio nil opis esse loci;

13 spectata] speculata L || 14 quid pro etiam H, incertum || proprio] propria B || 15 tenditur Owen tenditis BCMFHI^pcL tendis et T tendet I^ac, ut uid tendisti Merkel tendit is Oberlin ('sc. Mars, cf. 45'—Owen 1894) tendis at [uel et] ad temptauit Castiglioni (Lenz) || 17 plenis] plenus (F^ac)I || plenis tibi fructibus ingens, edd plenus tibi fructibus, ingens Ehwald || ingens 'corruptum'—Riese; om M^ac || 18 erit] erat duo codd Burmanni inest Heinsius adest Heinsius || 19 hoc] hic B^2c haec I, ut uid || 19-21 negat ... negat] neget ... negat unus ex Thuaneis Heinsii (=Parisinus lat. 8256 uel 8462) neget ... neget Burman || 21 Aegissos uide CIL III pag. 1009 egisos I¹T ecisos I², ut uid egiros FLP egyros H egilos C egylos B egypsos M || recepta] recepto F¹HP || 22 opis] opis I^1c opus FH(I^ac)[Pg 83]

nam, dubium positu melius defensa manune,
urbs erat in summo, nubibus aequa, iugo.
Sithonio regi ferus interceperat illam25
hostis, et ereptas uictor habebat opes,
donec fluminea deuecta Vitellius unda
intulit exposito milite signa Getis.
at tibi, progenies alti fortissima Donni,
uenit in aduersos impetus ire uiros;30
nec mora: conspicuus longe fulgentibus armis
fortia ne possint facta latere caues,
ingentique gradu contra ferrumque locumque
saxaque brumali grandine plura subis.
nec te missa super iaculorum turba moratur,35
nec quae uipereo tela cruore madent:

23 dubium] dubium est CL dubum I^ac || manune BCT manuue M^pcFHIL manu M^ac || 24 urbs/ F^2c || iugo] loco I || 25 Sit(h)onio BCMFIT sidonio H scithonio L || 26 ereptas] erectas B^ac eruptas C || 27 deuecta] deuectus L || 29 Donni CB^1?ul domni IT, M ut uid dōni H dompni L dauni F domu B¹ || 30 uiros] globos Heinsius || 31 conspicuus] conspicuis IP || 34 saxaque ... plura] pluraque ... saxa F || subis] su/bis H || 35 moratur] miratur C || 36 madent] rubent Gottorphianus Heinsii uirent Heinsius[Pg 84]

spicula cum pictis haerent in casside pennis,
parsque fere scuti uulnere nulla uacat.
nec corpus cunctos feliciter effugit ictus,
sed minor est acri laudis amore dolor;40
talis apud Troiam Danais pro nauibus Aiax
dicitur Hectoreas sustinuisse faces.
ut propius uentum est admotaque dextera dextrae,
resque fero potuit comminus ense geri,
dicere difficile est quid Mars tuus egerit illic,45
quotque neci dederis quosque quibusque modis:
ense tuo factos calcabas uictor aceruos,
impositoque Getes sub pede multus erat.
pugnat ad exemplum primi minor ordine pili,
multaque fert miles uulnera, multa facit,50

37 haerent] horrent L || pennis] pinnis C || 38 parsque ex pasque M || fere] fero Heinsius || uacat] caret PM^2(gl)F^2(gl) || 39 ////ictus I || 40 minor] minus B^acP || acri] acro B acer P actae Iunianus Heinsii altae auctor electorum Etonensium || 41 Aiax] iaiax C || 42 Hectoreas] hectoas B^ac || 43 ut] et M^2ul || propius] proprius F^acH || dextera dextrae] dextre dextera I^ac dextera dextre est B (dextre ē) dextera dextra est C (dextraē) || 44 potuit om C || ense] esse C || 46 quotque] quodque CP || dederis] dederas L || quosque] quotque H || 47 aceruos] acerbos C, M^ac ut uid || 48 multus] uictus H || erat] eat C^ac[Pg 85]

sed tantum uirtus alios tua praeterit omnes
ante citos quantum Pegasus ibat equos.
uincitur Aegissos, testataque tempus in omne
sunt tua, Vestalis, carmine facta meo.

51 tantum] tamen et M || alios M^2?c || 52 ibat] ibit BP || 53 Aegissos uide ad 21 egisos T egiros CFHL egyros B egipsos I egypsos M || 54 sunt] sint F¹ || facta] ficta C[Pg 86]

VIII

Littera sera quidem, studiis exculte Suilli,
huc tua peruenit, sed mihi grata tamen,
qua, pia si possit superos lenire rogando
gratia, laturum te mihi dicis opem.
ut iam nil praestes, animi sum factus amici5
debitor: et meritum uelle iuuare uoco.
impetus iste tuus longum modo duret in aeuum,
neue malis pietas sit tua lassa meis.
ius aliquod faciunt adfinia uincula nobis
(quae semper maneant inlabefacta precor),10
nam tibi quae coniunx, eadem mihi filia paene est,
et quae te generum, me uocat illa uirum.
ei mihi, si lectis uultum tu uersibus istis
ducis, et adfinem te pudet esse meum!

swillio B² suillo amico suo M ad suillium F suillo H² ad suillum I² hanc epistulam mittit suillo L || 1 exculte] exculta L exulte M || Suilli] suille TP || 3 possit Gothanus II 121, saec xiii (Lenz), Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Lenz) posset BCMFHILT || rogando] precando T || 5 iam nil] mihi nil HT mihi non ILP || 6 uoco] uolo B¹C || 7 modo] mihi MFT || duret F^2c || 12 generum] gerum H¹, ut uid || 14 te] t* B¹(tu?)[Pg 87]

at nihil hic dignum poteris reperire pudore15
praeter fortunam, quae mihi caeca fuit;
seu genus excutias, equites ab origine prima
usque per innumeros inueniemur auos,
siue uelis qui sint mores inquirere nostri,
errorem misero detrahe, labe carent.20
tu modo si quid agi sperabis posse precando,
quos colis exora supplice uoce deos.
di tibi sunt Caesar iuuenis: tua numina placa.
hac certe nulla est notior ara tibi.
non sinit illa sui uanas antistitis umquam25
esse preces; nostris hinc pete rebus opem.

15 at] et T || nihil] nil I || reperire] re/perire F || pudore] pudoris T || 16 caeca] saeua Riese laeua fort legendum || 17 seu] si M¹ || excutias] inquiras F¹M^2ul || 18 inueniemur HILB^2ulF^2ul inuenientur MF¹T perueniemus B¹C || 19 uelis/ F^2c || qui sint mores] qui sunt mores I, ut uid mores qui sint M || inquirere] inquire M || nostri] nostros I, probante Heinsio || 20 detrahe] dete I¹ || 22 exora] excola B^ac || 23 di] at C || sunt] sint BCFM^2ul || 24 nulla est] nulla FT || notior] certior I || 25 non] nec I || sinit] sinet I || illa] ara M¹ || 26 rebus] *ebus B[Pg 88]

quamlibet exigua si nos ea iuuerit aura,
obruta de mediis cumba resurget aquis;
tunc ego tura feram rapidis sollemnia flammis,
et ualeant quantum numina testis ero.30
nec tibi de Pario statuam, Germanice, templum
marmore; carpsit opes illa ruina meas.
templa domus facient uobis urbesque beatae;
Naso suis opibus, carmine, gratus erit.
parua quidem fateor pro magnis munera reddi,35
cum pro concessa uerba salute damus;
sed qui quam potuit dat maxima gratus abunde est,
et finem pietas contigit illa suum,

27 quamlibet] qualibet I qua libet B^pcC || iuuerit] pauerit unus Vaticanus, unde fouerit Heinsius || 29 tunc] nunc C || 30 ualeant quantum] quantum ualeant F || 31 Pario] phario LF²H²I² || 32 carpsit] carsit C^ac carp*it B^2c capsit F^ac || meas] meos L || 33 facient uobis] facient nobis C faciant uobis FI, probante Heinsio uobis faciant M^{2c, ut uid} || urbesque] urbeque F¹ || beatae] batȩ C^ac bate F || 37 sed] si T || quam] quantum B² || abunde C ab unde B habunde MHILT, F^2c in ras || est om I¹[Pg 89]

nec quae de parua pauper dis libat acerra
tura minus grandi quam data lance ualent,40
agnaque tam lactens quam gramine pasta Falisco
uictima Tarpeios inficit icta focos.
nec tamen officio uatum per carmina facto
principibus res est aptior ulla uiris.
carmina uestrarum peragunt praeconia laudum,45
neue sit actorum fama caduca cauent;
carmine fit uiuax uirtus, expersque sepulcri
notitiam serae posteritatis habet;
tabida consumit ferrum lapidemque uetustas,
nullaque res maius tempore robur habet.50

39 nec quae] nequȩ C || pauper dis libat] pauper delibat F dis pauper libat ML || acerra] acerba C (=acerua) || 40 minus] minos C || lance] luce M || 41 lactens] lactans F¹ || 43 officio] in uita C || 44 aptior] altior P aptior F^2c gratior Heinsius ex tredecim codicibus || ulla] illa B¹C || 45 uestrarum] uastarum Burman certarum Heinsius || laudum] laudem I^ac, ut uid rerum M^2ul || 46 actorum MFIT auctorum BCHL || 47 sepulcri] sepul**ri M^ac || 49-50 in marg add F²; post 51-52 ponit B¹ || 49 t//abida I^2c, ut uid || consumit] cumsumit F², fort BCI[Pg 90]

scripta ferunt annos: scriptis Agamemnona nosti,
et quisquis contra uel simul arma tulit;
quis Thebas septemque duces sine carmine nosset
et quicquid post haec, quicquid et ante fuit?
di quoque carminibus, si fas est dicere, fiunt,55
tantaque maiestas ore canentis eget:
sic Chaos ex illa naturae mole prioris
digestum partes scimus habere suas;
sic adfectantes caelestia regna Gigantas
ad Styga nimbiferi uindicis igne datos;60
sic uictor laudem superatis Liber ab Indis,
Alcides capta traxit ab Oechalia;
et modo, Caesar, auum, quem uirtus addidit astris,
sacrarunt aliqua carmina parte tuum.

51-54 om F || 51 Agamemnona] agamenona IL nosti] nostis MH || contra] quid B², non liquet || 54 haec] has Heinsius || 55 dicere] credere T || 58 suas] duas F^2ul: 'id est oriens et occidens' (F^2gl) || 59 Gigantas Heinsius gigantes codd || 60 nimbiferi scripsi; possis et nimbigeri legere nimbifero BCI nibifero T nubifero MFHL fulmineo P fumoso M^2(gl) || uindicis] uindice B || datos] das M¹ || 62 capta traxit] traxit capta I^ac || Oechalia edd oethalia BI ethalia C(F^ac)L etholia MHPTF^pc || 63 addidit] addiuit B^ac addit F¹I^ac abdidit L[Pg 91]

si quid adhuc igitur uiui, Germanice, nostro65
restat in ingenio, seruiet omne tibi.
non potes officium uatis contemnere uates;
iudicio pretium res habet ista tuo.
quod nisi te nomen tantum ad maiora uocasset,
gloria Pieridum summa futurus eras.70
si dare materiam nobis quam carmina mauis,
nec tamen ex toto deserere illa potes:
nam modo bella geris, numeris modo uerba coerces,
quodque aliis opus est, hoc tibi lusus erit,
utque nec ad citharam nec ad arcum segnis Apollo,75
sed uenit ad sacras neruus uterque manus,
sic tibi nec docti desunt nec principis artes,
mixta sed est animo cum Ioue Musa tuo.

65 igitur om H^ac || uiui] riui Hertzberg ad Prop IV i 59 || 68 iudicio B^2c || tuo ex suo T, ut uid || 69 quod] qui T || nomen] numen 'unus Heinsii cum prima editione, ut Augustus intelligatur'—Burman || tantum] tanto C || 71 si R. J. Tarrant sed codd || mauis IF^2ul maius BF¹ utrumque legere possis in CMHLT || 72 nec] non I || 74 quodque] quod B^ac || lusus] ludus MLI² leue L^2(gl) || 75 citharam] citharum C || Apollo FILT apollo est BCMH || 77 docti desunt nec BF¹T docte desunt nec LF² docti nec desunt CM desunt docti nec HI[Pg 92]

quae quoniam nec nos unda summouit ab illa
ungula Gorgonei quam caua fecit equi,80
prosit opemque ferat communia sacra tueri
atque isdem studiis imposuisse manum,
litora pellitis nimium subiecta Corallis
ut tandem saeuos effugiamque Getas,
clausaque si misero patria est, ut ponar in ullo85
qui minus Ausonia distet ab urbe loco,
unde tuas possim laudes celebrare recentes
magnaque quam minima facta referre mora.
tangat ut hoc uotum caelestia, care Suilli,
numina, pro socero paene precare tuo.

79 nos] uos H^ac || summouit] dimouit H || 81 tueri] tuenti B^pcF¹ || 82 atque] at sit F^2ul || isdem CFI^ac iisdem T hi(i)sdem MHI^pcL his dem B¹ his det B², ut uid || 83 pellitis] peditis ex proditis C, ut uid || Corallis] coraulis M || 84 effugiamque] effugi*m F¹ || 85 misero patria est] misero est patria H || in add M² || ullo M illo BCFHILT || 86 minus] minor F^2ul || Ausonia] ausonio C ausonia F^2c || distet] distat BCT distet M^{2c, ut uid} || loco] locus F || 87 recentes] recenter Heinsius || 88 quam] cum H || minima BCHILTM², F² in ras nimia M¹ || 89 tangat] tangant C^acH || care] cara B^acC || Suilli] suille T || 90 socero ex cero M || paene] pena B^ac[Pg 93]

Vnde licet, non unde iuuat, Graecine, salutem
mittit ab Euxinis hanc tibi Naso uadis;
missaque di faciant auroram occurrat ad illam
bis senos fasces quae tibi prima dabit,
ut, quoniam sine me tanges Capitolia consul,5
et fiam turbae pars ego nulla tuae,
in domini subeat partes, et praestet amici
officium festo littera nostra die.
atqui ego si fatis genitus melioribus essem,
et mea sincero curreret axe rota,10
quo nunc nostra manus per scriptum fungitur, esset
lingua salutandi munere functa tui,

racino B² grecino amico suo M ad grecinum FI² grecino H² hanc epistulam mittit grecinno L || 1 unde] inde T || iuuat] uiuat F || Graecine] grecinne LT || 2 Euxinis] exinis C, ut uid (ecinis Lenz, André) || 3 di BC dii MFHILT || 4 fasces] fascis C faces F¹I^acP^ac || 5 ut] et MITF^2ulH^2ul || 7 domini] domino I^ac om M¹ || partes et praestet F² in ras || partes] partis C || praestet] pr̅āt L || 8 officium] officium et M^ac, ut uid || festo Burman iusto T, sicut coni Merkel iusso BCMFHIL || littera] litora C || 9 atqui unus e duobus Hafniensibus Heinsii atque BCM¹FHILT ast M^2ul || genitus] genitis F¹ || 12 lingua] linga I¹ || salutandi] salutanti C[Pg 94]

gratatusque darem cum dulcibus oscula uerbis,
nec minus ille meus quam tuus esset honor;
illa, confiteor, sic essem luce superbus15
ut caperet fastus uix domus ulla meos.
dumque latus sancti cingit tibi turba senatus,
consulis ante pedes ire iuberer eques,
et quamquam cuperem semper tibi proximus esse,
gauderem lateris non habuisse locum;20
nec querulus, turba quamuis eliderer, essem,
sed foret a populo tum mihi dulce premi.
prospicerem gaudens quantus foret agminis ordo,
densaque quam longum turba teneret iter;
quoque magis noris quam me uulgaria tangant,25
spectarem qualis purpura te tegeret;

14 minus ... meus quam] meus ... minus quam M minus ... meusque C minor ... meus quam T || tuus add I in marg || 16 ulla] illa B^acM^ac || 17 cingit] cinget MIF² tanget F^2ul || tibi add F² || 18 iuberer] uiderer unus Vaticanus, probante Heinsio || 19 cuperem add F² cuper** H || 20 lateris] lateri MFL || 22 sed] sic F || tum] tunc MFH || 23 prospicerem] aspicerem B respicerem Riese || 25-26 damnant Heinsius Bentley || 25 quoque] quodque L utque F^2ulM^2gl || tangant BC tangunt MFHILT || 26 tegeret] regeret L[Pg 95]

signa quoque in sella nossem formata curuli
et totum Numidae sculptile dentis opus.
at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces,
dum caderet iussu uictima sacra tuo,30
me quoque secreto grates sibi magnus agentem
audisset media qui sedet aede deus,
turaque mente magis plena quam lance dedissem,
ter quater imperii laetus honore tui.
hic ego praesentes inter numerarer amicos,35
mitia ius urbis si modo fata darent,
quaeque mihi sola capitur nunc mente uoluptas,
tunc oculis etiam percipienda foret.

27-28 damnat Merkel (1884) || 27 curuli] curili I || 28 Numidae edd numidi BCMHILT nimidi F || sculptile] scalpule C scutile F¹ sculptile M^2c || opus] ebur T || 29 at] et HL || arces] artes B^ac || 30 dum] cum CL || iussu] iusso B || 31 grates ex magnus T || 33 plena quam] plenaque CF¹ quam plena I || 34 ter] terque B² || laetus] plenus T || 35 hic] tunc Housman (Owen 1894) hinc Merkel (1884), Schenkl (Owen) sic Merkel (1853) || ego] mihi C || 36 ius urbis si editio Aldina 1502 ius uerbis si B¹CMF¹IT ius uerbi si H ius nobis si F² uim uerbis si B², F³ ut uid si uerbis uim L || 37 quaeque] quoque C, ut uid[Pg 96]

non ita caelitibus uisum est, et forsitan aequis:
nam quid me poenae causa negata iuuet?40
mente tamen, quae sola domo non exulat, usus
praetextam fasces aspiciamque tuos.
haec modo te populo reddentem iura uidebit,
et se decretis finget adesse tuis,
nunc longi reditus hastae supponere lustri45
cernet et exacta cuncta locare fide,
nunc facere in medio facundum uerba senatu
publica quaerentem quid petat utilitas,

39 aequis] aequos C || 40 causa] culpa Heinsius || negata] nagata C || iuuet] foret B^ac, 'unde uerum eliciendum'—Riese || 41 domo scripsi loco codd foco fort legendum || usus Heinsius utor BCL utar MFHIT utens Williams (utens ... aspiciamque) || 42 aspiciamque] aspiciensque Williams (utar ... aspiciensque) || 43 haec] nec B^ac || 44 decretis Korn secretis codd secreto Wheeler || finget] fingit B, C ut uid || tuis] locis Etonensis B. k. 6.18, saec xiii (Lenz), probante Heinsio (secretis ... locis) || 45 longi] longe TF² (=longae) || lustri] lutri H^ac lustra F^2ul || 46 cernet P, Gothanus membr. II 121, saec xiii (André) credet BCFHILT cernet M^2c || exacta] perfecta M^2(gl)I^2(gl) || 47 om C || 48 publica] puplica LP || petat] petit M[Pg 97]

nunc pro Caesaribus superis decernere grates,
albaue opimorum colla ferire boum.50
atque utinam, cum iam fueris potiora precatus,
ut mihi placetur principis ira roges;
surgat ad hanc uocem plena pius ignis ab ara,
detque bonum uoto lucidus omen apex.
interea, qua parte licet, ne cuncta queramur,55
hic quoque te festum consule tempus agam.
altera laetitiae est nec cedens causa priori:
successor tanti frater honoris erit.
nam tibi finitum summo, Graecine, Decembri
imperium Iani suscipit ille die,60
quaeque est in uobis pietas, alterna feretis
gaudia, tu fratris fascibus, ille tuis;

50 albaue BCI albaque MFHLT || opimorum] primorum IT || 51 iam] tu FT || potiora] maiora P || 52 principis] numinis M || 53 pius] prius I^ac || 57 laetitiae est LT laetitia est BCFHI letici* est M laetitiae Heinsius e tribus codd || cedens BCL^pcT credens L^ac cendens M cedet FHI || 59-60 fort spurii || 59 Graecine] degrecine M^1c (= grecine ex decembri[-is?]) || Decembri] decembris M || 60 suscipit] suspicit (B^ac)C suscipiet M^2(gl) || 61 uobis] nobis (F¹)H || alterna] aterna C, ut uid[Pg 98]

sic tu bis fueris consul, bis consul et ille,
inque domo binus conspicietur honor,
qui quamquam est ingens, et nullum Martia summo65
altius imperium consule Roma uidet,
multiplicat tamen hunc grauitas auctoris honorem,
et maiestatem res data dantis habet;
iudiciis igitur liceat Flaccoque tibique
talibus Augusti tempus in omne frui!70
cum tamen a rerum cura propiore uacabit,
uota precor uotis addite uestra meis,
et si quae dabit aura sinum, laxate rudentes,
exeat e Stygiis ut mea nauis aquis.

63 fueris consul] consul fueris T fueris B¹ || bis consul et ille] bis consul et ipse H et ille M^ac || 64 binus] bimus Gudianus 228 (Owen 1894), probante Heinsio || honor] honos L || 65 quamquam] quamque C || nullum] nullium B^acP || 67 auctoris] actoris MFI || 69 Flaccoque] flacco T || 71 cum FILT quod BC ut MH quum Weise (Ehwald KB 48) || a] ab B || propiore] propriore CFL || uacabit] uacabis Riese || 72 uotis] uestris M^ac || 73 et] quid B, incertum || quae scripsi qua CMFHIL quem BT || sinum] sonum Williams || laxate editio princeps Romana 1471 iactate codd || rudentes] rudentis B || 74 exeat] et exeat C || e BCH a MFILT || Stygiis] stigis C^ac[Pg 99]

praefuit his, Graecine, locis modo Flaccus, et illo
ripa ferox Histri sub duce tuta fuit:
hic tenuit Mysas gentes in pace fideli,
hic arcu fisos terruit ense Getas,
hic raptam Troesmin celeri uirtute recepit,
infecitque fero sanguine Danuuium.80
quaere loci faciem Scythicique incommoda caeli,
et quam uicino terrear hoste roga,
sintne litae tenues serpentis felle sagittae,
fiat an humanum uictima dira caput,
mentiar, an coeat duratus frigore Pontus,85
et teneat glacies iugera multa freti.

75 praefuit] praefugit C || 77 Mysas gentes BT misas gentis C missas gentes FI missus gentes L gentes missas MH sibi commissas F^2(gl) commissas H^2(g1) || 78 fisos] fortes M^2ul || 79 Troesmin Heinsius; uide CIL V 6183-88, 6195 troesmen C troesenen B¹ troien L troezen HITB² troezem F trozenam M || 80 infecitque] infecit M¹ || Danuuium Korn danubium codd || 81 quaere] queri T || Scythicique incommoda caeli add F² || Scythicique] siticique I || 82 terrear] terreat C || hoste] ense H || 83 serpentis] serpentes I^ac || felle] sola C || 85 mentiar] effluat FL anfluat P * fluat M^2c[Pg 100]

haec ubi narrarit, quae sit mea fama require,
quoque modo peragam tempora dura roga.
non sumus hic odio, nec scilicet esse meremur,
nec cum fortuna mens quoque uersa mea est;90
illa quies animo quam tu laudare solebas,
illa uetus solito perstat in ore pudor,
[sic ego sum longe, sic hic, ubi barbarus hostis
ut fera plus ualeant legibus arma facit,]
re queat ut nulla tot iam, Graecine, per annos95
femina de nobis uirue puerue queri.

87 ubi] ubi uel tibi B || narrarit] narraret C narrauit F¹ || fama] fata F² || 90 nec] hec C || uersa mea] mea uersa H¹ rapta mea F || 91 animo 'optimus Vaticanus', probante Heinsio animi BCMFHILT || 92 perstat] praestat BC || 93-94 damnat Merkel; 93 'uersus suspectus'—Heinsius; post longe hexametri finem, pentametrum, hexametri initium excidisse putat Ehwald || 93 sic ego sum longe [-ȩ C] sic hic BCMFHILT sic ego sum, sic hic sanctis Korn sic ego sum longe, Scythicis Owen (ed. Tristium 1889, p. xxxviii) || longe] lenis Némethy || 95 re ... nulla MHIL rem ... nullam BCFT tot iam] iam tot L || 96 uirue] uirque M[Pg 101]

hoc facit ut misero faueant adsintque Tomitae
(haec quoniam tellus testificanda mihi est):
illi me, quia uelle uident, discedere malunt;
respectu cupiunt hic tamen esse sui.100
nec mihi credideris: extant decreta quibus nos
laudat et immunes publica cera facit;
conueniens miseris quae quamquam gloria non sit,
proxima dant nobis oppida munus idem.
nec pietas ignota mea est: uidet hospita terra105
in nostra sacrum Caesaris esse domo.

97 hoc] hec H quies animi H^2(gl) || facit ut] facit et BC facitut F^2c faciunt (F¹) || misero faueant adsintque] faueant assint miseroque T || adsintque] adsinque C^ac adsintque F^2c absintque (F¹) || 98 quoniam] quid M^2c in ras, incertum (ipsum?) || mihi est] michi M || 99 illi] ille I^ac || malunt] malint Heinsius || 100 respectu ... sui] respectu ... suo ML || cupiunt] cupiant Heinsius || 101 nec] neu Heinsius || mihi] si B^2(gl?) || 102 immunes] in munem B || publica] puplica LP || cera BCMHILF^2ul cura T causa F¹F^2ul(sic) terra F^2ul || 103 quae R. J. Tarrant haec L, probante Heinsio et BCMFHIT ea Heinsius || gloria] gratia Heinsius || sit G est CMFHILT quid B, non liquet[Pg 102]

stant pariter natusque pius coniunxque sacerdos,
numina iam facto non leuiora deo,
neu desit pars ulla domus, stat uterque nepotum,
hic auiae lateri proximus, ille patris.110
his ego do totiens cum ture precantia uerba,
Eoo quotiens surgit ab orbe dies;
tota (licet quaeras) hoc me non fingere dicet
officii testis Pontica terra mei.
[Pontica me tellus, quantis hac possumus ora,115
natalem ludis scit celebrare dei,]
nec minus hospitibus pietas est cognita talis,
misit in has si quos longa Propontis aquas;

107 pariter GBMFHILT pariterque C || coniunxque GBCM^pcFHILT natusque M^ac || 108 iam ... non GBCMFHLT non ... iam I || facto] fato G || 109 neu] ne BC || 110 auiae BCILM^2ul liuie M¹FHTI^2gl || proximus] protimus [sic] H¹ || 112 surgit] fugit M || orbe] ore H¹ || 113-14 damnat Williams || 113 licet] uelim fort legendum || hoc me non BCT,H^ac? hec me non FHIL me numquam M || 115-16 damnat R. J. Tarrant || 115 possumus] nos possumus I || ora] ara B || 116 dei] diem HP || 117 cognita] condita F || 118 longa] loga M[Pg 103]

is quoque, quo laeuus fuerat sub praeside Pontus,
audierit frater forsitan ista tuus.120
fortuna est impar animo, talique libenter
exiguas carpo munere pauper opes,
nec uestris damus haec oculis, procul urbe remoti,
contenti tacita sed pietate sumus;
et tamen haec tangent aliquando Caesaris aures:125
nil illum toto quod fit in orbe latet.
tu certe scis haec, superis ascite, uidesque,
Caesar, ut est oculis subdita terra tuis;

119 is] hic M¹ his P || laeuus fuerat TF^2ul letus fuerat BC leuius fuerat LP leuuus fuerat M leuior fuerat F¹H fuerat letuus ^I || 120 audierit] audierat F || ista] illa M || 121 fortuna est] fortuna H¹ || 122 exiguas] exiguus B^ac || 123 haec] hoc F || urbe] orbe I^ac || 124 sed pietate] haec pietate ex haec pietate haec pietate I || /sumus B^2c || 125 et] ut C set L || tamen haec tangent] tanget tamen hoc F || aures] iram I^ac || 126 nil] non CL || illum] illi B¹ || fit BFI sit LT possis alterutrum legere in CMH || 127 tu certe] tu c seruat G spatium quinque litterarum reliquit C en certe M^2ul || haec] hoc FIT || ascite] adscite B accite M acṣcite F || 128 ut 'legendum ex ueteribus'—Naugerius et BCMFHILT[Pg 104]

tu nostras audis inter conuexa locatus
sidera sollicito quas damus ore preces.130
perueniant istuc et carmina forsitan illa
quae de te misi caelite facta nouo;
auguror his igitur flecti tua numina, nec tu
immerito nomen mite parentis habes.

129 conuexa] onu seruat G connexa L || 130 sollicito GB²CMFHILT sollito B¹ || preces CMHIT praeces G p̅ces BFL || 131 perueniant GBC peruenient FHILT perueniunt M || istuc GBCMFHI illuc LT || forsitan GBCFHILT forsita M || 132 misi] miss G || facta GBC^pcMFHILT facto C^ac || 133-34 nec ... immerito] nec seruat G nam ... e merito [unde ex merito C. P. Jones] fort legendum || 134 mite] mitte F^ac || habes] habet B¹[Pg 105]

Haec mihi Cimmerio bis tertia ducitur aestas
litore pellitos inter agenda Getas.
ecquos tu silices, ecquod, carissime, ferrum
duritiae confers, Albinouane, meae?
gutta cauat lapidem, consumitur anulus usu,5
atteritur pressa uomer aduncus humo.
tempus edax igitur praeter nos omnia perdit;
cessat duritia mors quoque uicta mea.

albinouano B² albino uano H² albinouano amico suo M ad albino uanom F ad albinouanum I² hanc epistulam mittit albinouano L || 1 Haec] hic MF || Cimmerio British Library Harley 2607 (Tarrant) cumerio M¹ in etiam memori C in ********** B¹ in hemonio HITP in euxino F in exino B^2c bistonio LM^2ul || aestas] aetas C || 2 pellitos] pellitas BH pellito C || 3 ecquos ... ecquod Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv (Lenz) et quos ... et quod BMFHILT at quos ... et quod C || carissime] ḣin̅e L || 4 Albinouane] albino uane H || 6 atteritur Heinsius et teritur codd deteritur Heinsius || post 6 hos uersus habet M: set cum nostra malis uexentur corpora multis / aspera non possum perpetiendo mori || 7 perdit I perdet BCMFHLT || 8 cessat duritia] duritia cessat C^ac cesset duritia Castiglioni (Lenz) || mea. edd mea? Riese, Castiglioni[Pg 106]

exemplum est animi nimium patientis Vlixes
iactatus dubio per duo lustra mari;10
tempora solliciti sed non tamen omnia fati
pertulit, et placidae saepe fuere morae.
an graue sex annis pulchram fouisse Calypso
aequoreaeque fuit concubuisse deae?
excipit Hippotades, qui dat pro munere uentos,15
curuet ut impulsos utilis aura sinus,
nec bene cantantes labor est audisse puellas,
nec degustanti lotos amara fuit:
hos ego qui patriae faciant obliuia sucos
parte meae uitae, si modo dentur, emam.20

9 exemplum est animi BCMFLT (anini T) exemplum animi est H exemplum animi I || 10 dubio ... mari] ćbio ... mori C || 11 non] quae 'liber unus Bers[manni]. & ego inueni in editione Vicentina. & Ciofano pro textu est'—Auctor Electorum Etonensium || 12 pertulit] non tulit Auctor Elect. Eton. (quae tamen ... non tulit) || morae] m-ore F || 13 pulchram ex pulcham M || Calypso] calipson FH || 14 aequoreaeque] equoreque I^ac Aeaeaeque Merkel || concubuisse] incubuisse T || deae] deo C || 15 Hippotades] hypodates FHT || 17 cantantes] cantantis B || audisse F audire BCMHILT || 18 lotos B¹C lothos MFLTH²I² lethes I¹P sucus H¹ quid B², incertum (votos?) || amara] amarus H¹ || fuit] erat H || 19 faciant] faciunt H || sucos] lucos C || 20 meae] meȩ est C[Pg 107]

nec tu contuleris urbem Laestrygonos umquam
gentibus obliqua quas obit Hister aqua,
nec uincet Cyclops saeuum feritate Piacchen,
qui quota terroris pars solet esse mei!
Scylla feris trunco quod latret ab inguine monstris,
25
Heniochae nautis plus nocuere rates.
nec potes infestis conferre Charybdin Achaeis,
ter licet epotum ter uomat illa fretum,
qui, quamquam dextra regione licentius errant,
securum latus hoc non tamen esse sinunt.30

21 urbem BCMT urbes FHIL || Laestrygonos BC lestrigonis MFIT listrigonis HL || 22 quas] quos T || Hister] inster L **ster C || 23 feritate] pietate BC, I^ac ut uid || Piacchen B piaechen C phiacem T piacē MFHIL || 24 mei] mihi T || 25 Scylla] silla CP || feris] ferox IT || quod] quae M^2ul quamuis H || latret] latrat FM^2ul || 26 Heniochae edd enioche CFH en*oche B¹ emioche M, ut uid enochie ITB² emochee L || nautis] multis I nobis B² || 27 nec] non L || Charybdin] caripdin I charydin C || Achaeis] ach—eis I || 28 epotum B et potum C epotet MFHILT || ter uomat] ter uomet H¹ euomat C || illa] ore M^2ul || 29 quamquam] quamuis T || errant BCFH errent MILT || 30 latus] natus C || hoc non] non M^ac I¹[Pg 108]

hic agri infrondes, hic spicula tincta uenenis;
hic freta uel pediti peruia reddit hiemps
ut, qua remus iter pulsis modo fecerat undis,
siccus contempta naue uiator eat.
qui ueniunt istinc uix uos ea credere dicunt;35
quam miser est qui fert asperiora fide!
crede tamen; nec te causas nescire sinemus
horrida Sarmaticum cur mare duret hiemps.
proxima sunt nobis plaustri praebentia formam
et quae perpetuum sidera frigus habent;40
hinc oritur Boreas, oraeque domesticus huic est,
et sumit uires a propiore polo.

31 infrondes] frondes C || 32 hic] hec L || uel] quae I¹ || reddit] fecit M^2ul || 34 naue] nauu C^ac, ut uid || 35 istinc] istuc MFI || uix uos] uix nos BL uos uix T || credere] crederer H || 36 fert] foret C^ac || 37 tamen] tantum L mihi M^2c in ras || nec te causas BCMFHLT (te in ras M^2c) causas nec te I || 39 praebentia] ducentia F, probante Burman || 40 perpetuum M2ul praecipuum BCM¹FHILT || 41 hinc] hic FL || huic] hinc L 42 uires ... polo 'Meynke, recte?'—Riese uires ... loco codd mores ... locus Merkel (1884) || a propiore] asperiore H¹ a superiore H^2ul[Pg 109]

at Notus, aduerso tepidum qui spirat ab axe,
est procul, et rarus languidiorque uenit.
adde quod hic clauso miscentur flumina Ponto,45
uimque fretum multo perdit ab amne suam.
huc Lycus, huc Sagaris Peniusque Hypanisque Calesque
influit, et crebro uertice tortus Halys;
Partheniusque rapax et uoluens saxa Cinapses
labitur, et nullo tardior amne Tyras,50

43 at BCMF²HILT et F¹ set F²[sic] || aduerso] auerso Bentley || tepidum] tepidus MH^2c tepide F^2ul || 46 multo] misto M^2ul(=mixto) || 47 Lycus] lucus I || Peniusque Heinsius ex Plin. NH VI 14 peneusque CI paneusque BMHT poneusque L panesque F || Hypanisque Heinsius 'ex libris antiquis' hitanisque B hyranisque C ut uid, M ut uid hytanusque F hytanesque T hitaneusque ex hitanque I hythausque H iponesque L || Calesque I. Vossius ex 'Eustathio Scholiis in Periegeten' (Heinsius) catesque BCMFHLT charesque I || 48 crebro] crebo B torto I || tortus] pulsus M || Halys B halis H alis MFILT hilas C || 49 Partheniusque BHL partheniasque C, ut uid parthemiusque IT parthiniusque M partenusque F || Cinapses BC; fluuius prorsus ignotus Cynapses edd cinapsis L tynapses H cinaspes FIT niphates M (ex Luc. III 245) Cinolis Auctor Electorum Etonensium 'Cinolis emporium Arriano' || 50 et nullo] et ullo I hanc aliquo Leidensis Heinsii haud aliquo Heinsius[Pg 110]

et tu, femineae Thermodon cognite turmae,
et quondam Graiis Phasi petite uiris,
cumque Borysthenio liquidissimus amne Dirapses
et tacite peragens lene Melanthus iter,
quique duas terras, Asiam Cadmique sororem,55
separat et cursus inter utramque facit,
innumerique alii, quos inter maximus omnes
cedere Danuuius se tibi, Nile, negat;
copia tot laticum quas auget adulterat undas,
nec patitur uires aequor habere suas.60
quin etiam, stagno similis pigraeque paludi,
caeruleus uix est diluiturque color;

51 Thermodon] themodon C || turmae BCM turbe FHILT || 52 Graiis CM grais BHILT a grais F || Phasi] phasis H¹ || 53 Borysthenio editio princeps Romana 1471 boristenico BCML boristonico F boistronico I boistonico T boistenio H || liquidissimus] rapidissimus T || Dirapses BCFHLT; fluuius ignotus diraspes I daraspes M Lycastus Auctor Electorum Etonensium, probante Riese || 54 Melanthus] melantis T || Cadmique] add I² in loco a prima manu relicto cathmique B || 56 inter] interque M || 57 alii] amnes M¹ || omnes] omnis B || 58 Danuuius Korn danubius codd || negat] neget F¹ || 59 laticum] liticum L || 61 quin] qui CP, fort F^ac || pigraeque] nigreque T[Pg 111]

innatat unda freto dulcis, leuiorque marina est,
quae proprium mixto de sale pondus habet.
si roget haec aliquis cur sint narrata Pedoni,65
quidue loqui certis iuuerit ista modis,
'detinui' dicam 'tempus, curasque fefelli;
hunc fructum praesens attulit hora mihi.
abfuimus solito dum scribimus ista dolore,
in mediis nec nos sensimus esse Getis.'70
at tu, non dubito, cum Thesea carmine laudes,
materiae titulos quin tueare tuae,
quemque refers imitere uirum; uetat ille profecto
tranquilli comitem temporis esse fidem.

63 marina est] marina ILT || 64 pondus] nomen ILB² momen Wakefield ad Lucr. VI 474 || 65 roget] rogat CT || 67 detinui ... tempus, curasque excerpta Politiani detinui ... tempus curamque LT detinui ... curas tempusque BCMFHI diminui ... curas tempusque codex Petri Daniel^ul (Burman), sicut coniecerat Burman distinui ... curas, tempusque Auctor Electorum Etonensium || 68 fructum praesens] praesens fructum F || 69 abfuimus] afluimus B¹ aff*uimus C absumus a M || scribimus] scripsimus MFL || dolore] labore M || 71 dubito] dubito M^2cF^{2c, ut uid} dubites F^3ul, ut uid || cum] tum C || 73 quemque] queque C || imitere] imite** C (folium lacerum) imitare HLT, I^pc ut uid imita I^ac ut uid[Pg 112]

qui quamquam est factis ingens et conditur a te75
uir tantus quanto debuit ore cani,
est tamen ex illo nobis imitabile quiddam,
inque fide Theseus quilibet esse potest.
non tibi sunt hostes ferro clauaque domandi,
per quos uix illi peruius isthmos erat,80
sed praestandus amor, res non operosa uolenti:
quis labor est puram non temerasse fidem?
haec tibi, qui perstas indeclinatus amico,
non est quod lingua dicta querente putes.

75 quamquam est] quamquam MP || factis ingens] ingens factis F ingens actis T factis uiges P || conditur] conditus HT cognitus F || a te] arte L || 76 uir] uix LT || tantus quanto L tanto quantus B^acCFHIT^pc tantus quantus M^2c tanto quanto B^pcT^ac quanto tantus fort legendum || 77 est] et I || ex] in C || nobis] uobis H || imitabile] imitabibe C || quiddam] quoddam L quidquam M^2ul || 78 fide MFH fidem BCILT || 80 quos in ras M² || illi MFHIL ulli BCT || 81 operosa] onerosa M^2c laboriosa I^2(gl) || 83 qui] quae C cum L || perstas IPF^2ul praestas BCMF¹HT pr̅ās L || 84 non est] non B¹[Pg 113]

Gallio, crimen erit uix excusabile nobis
carmine te nomen non habuisse meo.
tu quoque enim, memini, caelesti cuspide facta
fouisti lacrimis uulnera nostra tuis.
atque utinam rapti iactura laesus amici5
sensisses ultra quod quererere nihil;
non ita dis placuit, qui te spoliare pudica
coniuge crudeles non habuere nefas.
nuntia nam luctus mihi nuper epistula uenit,
lectaque cum lacrimis sunt tua damna meis.10
sed neque solari prudentem stultior ausim
uerbaque doctorum nota referre tibi,
finitumque tuum, si non ratione, dolorem
ipsa iam pridem suspicor esse mora.

gallioni B²H² gallioni amico suo M pollioni F ad gallionem I² hanc epistulam mittit gallioni L || 1 Gallio] pollio F || 3 cuspide] cupide M^ac || 6 quererere] querere BCP || 7 dis placuit] displicuit (B¹) || spoliare ex poliare F || 8 habuere] hūere IT (=habuere) hubuere C^ac || 9 nam] iam F || 10 damna] uerba TF^2ul || meis] nostris M mihi Ehwald || 12 uerbaque] uerba B¹ || nota] uota L uerba C || 13 dolorem] putarem C || 14 iam] tam I || pridem] prima C^ac[Pg 114]

dum tua perueniens, dum littera nostra recurrens15
tot maria ac terras permeat, annus abit.
temporis officium est solacia dicere certi,
dum dolor in cursu est, et petit aeger opem.
at cum longa dies sedauit uulnera mentis,
intempestiue qui fouet illa, nouat.20
adde quod (atque utinam uerum mihi uenerit omen!)
coniugio felix iam potes esse nouo.

15 perueniens scripsi peruenit codd || 16 ac BCML et FHIT || 17 officium est ... certi] officium ... certi est M || 19 at] aut C || longa] longua uel longna M || dies] quies L || 20 fouet Heinsius mouet codd || nouat] mouet T(M¹)(F¹) || 21 utinam] utinam ut F || mihi BF¹ tibi MHILTF² om C[Pg 115]

XII

Quominus in nostris ponaris, amice, libellis,
nominis efficitur condicione tui.
aut ego non alium prius hoc dignarer honore,
est aliquis nostrum si modo carmen honor.
lex pedis officio fortunaque nominis obstat,5
quaque meos adeas est uia nulla modos.
nam pudet in geminos ita nomen scindere uersus
desinat ut prior hoc incipiatque minor,
et pudeat si te qua syllaba parte moratur
artius appellem Tuticanumque uocem.10
et potes in uersum Tuticani more uenire,
fiat ut e longa syllaba prima breuis,

tuticano B²H²F tu[ti add M²]cano amico suo M han [sic] epistulam mittit tuticano L || 3 aut BC ast MFHILT || 5 fortunaque] naturaque excerpta Scaligeri, probante Heinsio || 6 modos] pedes I || 8 desinat] desinet I^ac || hoc] hic T || 9 pudeat] pudet H || te qua] te qua B^2c qua te H¹P || moratur] moretur FHT || 10 Tuticanumque] Tuditanumque Heinsius olim (Burman); uide Val Max VII viii 1 || 11 et] non M nec FI^pc at Camps (CQ n.s. IV [1954] 206-7)[Pg 116]

aut producatur quae nunc correptius exit,
et sit porrecta longa secunda mora.
his ego si uitiis ausim corrumpere nomen,15
ridear, et merito pectus habere neger.
haec mihi causa fuit dilati muneris huius,
quod meus adiecto faenore reddet amor,
teque canam quacumque nota, tibi carmina mittam,
paene mihi puero cognite paene puer,20
perque tot annorum seriem, quot habemus uterque,
non mihi quam fratri frater amate minus,
tu bonus hortator, tu duxque comesque fuisti,
cum regerem tenera frena nouella manu;

13 aut] nec R. J. Tarrant (nec potes ... nec producatur) || producatur MHI (ut M^2[gl]) ut ducatur LTB²F^2ul ut dicatur B¹CF¹ || correptius BFLT correptior C, fort recte correctius MHI || 14 sit] si B^acP || porrecta] producta F¹ || 16 merito GBCFHILT cunctis M || 17 dilati] lati G || muneris GBCMF¹HILT nominis F^2ul || 18 reddet GCMIT reddit BFHL || amor GBCFHI¹L ager TI²; add M² (in ras?) || 19 canam quacumque nota, tibi edd canam, quacumque nota tibi Luck || quacumque nota] quacumquenaia G quantumque licet I || tibi GBCMFHIL mea T || 20 mihi ... puer] mihi om I^ac puer ... mihi CT || 22 fratri F^2?c || 23 tu duxque] mihi duxque FL[Pg 117]

saepe ego correxi sub te censore libellos,25
saepe tibi admonitu facta litura meo est,
dignam Maeoniis Phaeacida condere chartis
cum te Pieriae perdocuere deae.
hic tenor, haec uiridi concordia coepta iuuenta
uenit ad albentes inlabefacta comas.30
quae nisi te moueant, duro tibi pectora ferro
esse uel inuicto clausa adamante putem.
sed prius huic desint et bellum et frigora terrae,
inuisus nobis quae duo Pontus habet,
et tepidus Boreas et sit praefrigidus Auster,35
et possit fatum mollius esse meum,

25 saepe] nempe M¹ || 26 tibi] tui L tuo T mihi H^2ul, ut uid || litura] litu/ra F^2c littera (F¹) || meo] mea T tuo H^2ul, ut uid || 27 dignam (B¹)CT^pc dignum MFHILT^acB^2c || Phaeacida] pheatica IL eacida C || 28 cum] cū/ I (=cum) || Pieriae BCF¹T pieride HF² pierides IL pyerides M^2c || deae] tue M^2ul || 29 uiridi] in uiridi L || 30 albentes] albentis B || 31 nisi ex ubi L || 32 inuicto] inuito uel inuecto 'libri nonnulli ueteres', unde inducto Heinsius olim || 33 desint] desunt M¹ deerint M^2ul, ut uid || 35 praefrigidus] praefigidus B¹H^ac perfrigidus ILF²[Pg 118]

quam tua sint lapso praecordia dura sodali;
hic cumulus nostris absit abestque malis.
tu modo per superos, quorum certissimus ille est
quo tuus assidue principe creuit honor,40
effice constanti profugum pietate tuendo
ne sperata meam deserat aura ratem.
quid mandem quaeris? peream nisi dicere uix est,
si modo qui periit ille perire potest.
nec quid agam inuenio, nec quid nolimue uelimue,45
nec satis utilitas est mihi nota mea.
crede mihi, miseros prudentia prima relinquit,
et sensus cum re consiliumque fugit;

37 lapso] lasso BCM || dura] clausa M^2ul || sodali ex sobali B || 38 nostris add F² || abestque ex absitque M || malis] meis C || 40 honor] amor C || 42 ne GBCMFHIT nec L || deserat GBCMHILT desinat F || 45 nolimue] molimne B || uelimue] uelim B¹ || 46 mihi ... mea] mea ... mihi CFT || nota] mora L || 47 relinquit] reliquit MF relinquat I^ac, ut uid refugit C^ac || 48 re] me M^ac, ut uid spe Heinsius[Pg 119]

ipse, precor, quaeras qua sim tibi parte iuuandus,
quaque uia uenias ad mea uota, uide.50

49 quaeras] uideas M¹ || qua sim] qua sum L sim qua C || tibi add M² || iuuandus] iuuanda C^ac || 50 quaque ... uide LF³ quaque ... uale F¹T quoque ... uide I^acM^2ul quoque ... uado BCHI^pc quoque ... modo [Pg 120]M¹ quoque ... uale F²I^2ul || uia uenias scripsi uiam facias codd

XIII

O mihi non dubios inter memorande sodales,
qui quod es, id uere, Care, uocaris, aue!
unde saluteris color hic tibi protinus index
et structura mei carminis esse potest,
non quia mirifica est, sed quod non publica certe;
5
qualis enim cumque est, non latet esse meam.
ipse quoque ut titulum chartae de fronte reuellas
quod sit opus uideor dicere posse tuum;
quamlibet in multis positus noscere libellis,
perque obseruatas inueniere notas;10
prodent auctorem uires, quas Hercule dignas
nouimus atque illi quem canis ipse pares.

ad sodalem B² caro amico suo M ad carum FI² caro H² || 1 memorande] numerande C || 2 qui quod es, id BCFI qui quod id es MH quique quod es LT, fort recte || aue] ades T || 3 saluteris MFT salutaris BCHIL || protinus] proximus CT || 5 mirifica] miririfica B murifica C || publica] puplica LP || certe] certe est BC || 6 cumque B^2c? || est, non] non L || 7 ut add M² || 8 quod ... uideor] quid ... uidear Heinsius || tuum] meum F^2ul || 11 prodent] produnt ILF^2ul credent C || auctorem] actorem MF || dignas] dipnas C^ac || nouimus] contra uiam C (cont̅ uiā) || illi] ille C || quem] que C || ipse] esse MT[Pg 121]

et mea Musa potest proprio deprensa colore
insignis uitiis forsitan esse suis;
tam mala Thersiten prohibebat forma latere15
quam pulchra Nireus conspiciendus erat.
nec te mirari si sint uitiosa decebit
carmina quae faciam paene poeta Getes.
a pudet, et Getico scripsi sermone libellum,
structaque sunt nostris barbara uerba modis,20
et placui (gratare mihi) coepique poetae
inter inhumanos nomen habere Getas.
materiam quaeris? laudes de Caesare dixi;
adiuta est nouitas numine nostra dei.

13 et] at C || colore] colure C^ac, ut uid || 14 insignis] insignis B^{2c, ut uid} ansignis C^ac || suis] meis F¹ || 15 Thersiten] therseten C || prohibebat] prohibebit H¹, ut uid || forma latere] latere forma I^ac || 16 Nireus edd nereus codd deus maris F^2(gl) || 17 sint] sunt L || decebit] licebit L (fort ex decebit) || 18 Getes] gethas F¹ || 19 Getico scripsi] geticos scripsi (B^ac) || libellum] libellos I || 20 structaque] scriptaque I || nostris] nobis H¹ || 22 inhumanos] inhumanas C^pc humanas C^ac || 23 laudes de Caesare dixi edd olim laudes: de Caesare dixi J. Gilbert, Jahrb. für kl. Ph. 1896, 62 (Owen 1915) || laudes] laudem M[Pg 122]

nam patris Augusti docui mortale fuisse25
corpus, in aetherias numen abisse domos,
esse parem uirtute patri qui frena coactus
saepe recusati ceperit imperii,
esse pudicarum te Vestam, Liuia, matrum,
ambiguum nato dignior anne uiro,30
esse duos iuuenes firma adiumenta parentis
qui dederint animi pignora certa sui.
haec ubi non patria perlegi scripta Camena,
uenit et ad digitos ultima charta meos,
et caput et plenas omnes mouere pharetras,35
et longum Getico murmur in ore fuit,

25 mortale] immortale T^ac || 26 aetherias ... domos] ethereos ... deos I || numen] nomen BC(M¹)L || 27 parem ... patri] parem ... patr* B patrem ... patri (H^ac) patri ... parem M || uirtute] in uirtute L || coactus excerpta Scaligeri rogatus codd || 28 recusati] recusari C || ceperit] ceperat L cepit F, fort ex recepit || inperii F^2c || 29 Vestam] uestem M deam M^2(gl) uastam F^acP testem H || 30 ambiguum] ambiguum est MFIL^2(gl) || 31-32 esse duos iuuenes firma adiumenta parentis qui interpunxi esse duos iuuenes, firma adiumenta parentis, qui edd || 32 qui] cui 'editi plures'—Burman || dederint] dederant M^2c dederit L¹ || certa] cara I || sui] fui C[Pg 123]

atque aliquis 'scribas haec cum de Caesare,' dixit
'Caesaris imperio restituendus eras.'
ille quidem dixit; sed me iam, Care, niuali
sexta relegatum bruma sub axe uidet.40
carmina nil prosunt; nocuerunt carmina quondam,
primaque tam miserae causa fuere fugae.
at tu, per studii communia foedera sacri,
per non uile tibi nomen amicitiae
(sic uincto Latiis Germanicus hoste catenis45
materiam uestris adferat ingeniis,
sic ualeant pueri, †uotum commune deorum†,
quos laus formandos est tibi magna datos),

37 haec] hac C || de] tu B^acC tu de B^pc || 38 imperio] imperii C || eras] eris M¹ILF^2ul || 39 me iam] iam me T || Care] kare M || 40 uidet] tenet F || 43 at tu] ast ego F¹ || studii] studui C || foedera] federe B^ac || 45 uincto scripsi capto codd || 46 uestris] nostris MIL || adferat] afferet F¹ praebeat I offerat Heinsius 47 pueri, uotum commune deorum edd pueri, uotum commune, deorum Postgate (Owen 1894) || uotum commune deorum corruptum || deorum] duorum M¹F^2ul augusti et liuie F^2gl suorum Heinsius || 48 quos ... formandos] quos ... formandos M^2c quis ... formandis LPF^2ul || laus est] est laus F tibi ... est H (laus H^2[gl] ad finem uersus) || magna] mag** L maga F¹ || datos] datos M^2c deos I^?ul data L datis F^2ulP datur F^2ul[Pg 124]

quanta potes, praebe nostrae momenta saluti,
quae nisi mutato nulla futura loco est.50

49 potes] potest B^ac || praebe nostrae] nostrae praebe FI || momenta Vaticanus 1595, saec xv (Mercati [Lenz]), sicut coni Scaliger et Gronouius monimenta BCMFHILT || 50 mutato ex muto B[Pg 125]

XIV

Haec tibi mittuntur quem sum modo carmine questus
non aptum numeris nomen habere meis,
in quibus, excepto quod adhuc utcumque ualemus,
nil te praeterea quod iuuet inuenies.
ipsa quoque est inuisa salus, suntque ultima uota5
quolibet ex istis scilicet ire locis;
nulla mihi cura est terra quo muter ab ista,
hac quia quam uideo gratior omnis erit.

epistula ad tuticanum B² tuticano amico suo M tuticano F²H² ad tuticanum I² || 1 quem BMFLT; add I² in spatio a prima manu relicto que CH || sum modo] summo (B¹) || 4 te Berolinensis Diez. B. Sant. 1, saec. xiii (Lenz), Bodleianus Rawlinson G 105^ul (Tarrant) me BCMFHILT || 5 est om I¹ || inuisa] non uisa C || 6 ex istis] ex illis C Euxinis Castiglioni (Lenz) || scilicet] ilicet fort legendum || 7 terra quo muter [mutar F²] ab ista F¹, Bodleianus Canon. lat. 1, saec xiii (Tarrant), Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Lenz) terra quo mittar ab ista BCMFHILT terra quam muter ut ista Heinsius [nulla prior cura est] terra quam muter ut ista Heinsius terra nisi muter ut ista Heinsius terrae quo muter ab Histro Williams || 8 quia quam] quamquam C[Pg 126]

in medias Syrtes, mediam mea uela Charybdin
mittite, praesenti dum careamus humo.10
Styx quoque, si quid ea est, bene commutabitur Histro,
si quid et inferius quam Styga mundus habet.
gramina cultus ager, frigus minus odit hirundo,
proxima Marticolis quam loca Naso Getis.
talia suscensent propter mihi uerba Tomitae,15
iraque carminibus publica mota meis.
ergo ego cessabo numquam per carmina laedi,
plectar et incauto semper ab ingenio?
ergo ego, ne scribam, digitos incidere cunctor,
telaque adhuc demens quae nocuere sequor?20

9 medias] medi*s B || Syrtes] syr*tis B¹, ut uid systes C || Charybdin CH caribdim BT caribdī MFL caripdī I || 10 mittite B^pcILF^2ul mitte MH mittat B^acC mittant F¹ mutē T (mittē legit André) || 12 inferius F^1c || 13 gramina] carmina C flamina Bentley || 14 Marticolis] in articolis C || 15 suscensent C succensent BM^pcFHILT successent M^ac || 16 publica] puplica LP || mota meis] nota meis H meis I¹ est [meis] I^2(gl?) || 17 laedi] lȩde C^ac || 18 plectar] plectat L || incauto] incapto M || 19 incidere] incindere F || 20 telaque] tela M || sequor] sequar CP[Pg 127]

ad ueteres scopulos iterum deuertor et illas
in quibus offendit naufraga puppis aquas?
sed nihil admisi, nulla est mea culpa, Tomitae,
quos ego, cum loca sim uestra perosus, amo.
quilibet excutiat nostri monimenta laboris:25
littera de uobis est mea questa nihil.
frigus et incursus omni de parte timendos
et quod pulsetur murus ab hoste queror.
in loca, non homines, uerissima crimina dixi;
culpatis uestrum uos quoque saepe solum.30
esset perpetuo sua quam uitabilis Ascra
ausa est agricolae Musa docere senis;

21 deuertor] deuertar B || et] ad M², 'quinque libri. quod placet'—Heinsius || 22 offendit] effudit F¹ || naufraga] naufagra H || 23 sed] at fort legendum || 24 quos B^2c || 25 excutiat] excuriat L || 27 frigus] frugus C || de om I¹ || timendos] timendus L || 29 in] non C || crimina] carmina H || 30 culpatis] culpatus B^acC || solum] locum MH || 31 'uersus suspectus'—Heinsius || quam uitabilis] quam miserabilis H quam uitiabilis A. G. Lee (PCPhS 181 [1950-51] 3), fort recte ut illaudabilis Bentley || Ascra] ascre BCH, fort recte || 32 agricolae] argolici I^2ul[Pg 128]

et fuerat genitus terra qui scripsit in illa,
intumuit uati nec tamen Ascra suo.
quis patriam sollerte magis dilexit Vlixe?35
hoc tamen asperitas indice docta loci est.
non loca, sed mores scriptis uexauit amaris
Scepsius Ausonios, actaque Roma rea est;
falsa tamen passa est aequa conuicia mente,
obfuit auctori nec fera lingua suo.40
at malus interpres populi mihi concitat iram,
inque nouum crimen carmina nostra uocat.

33 et] **t M¹ at Puteaneus Heinsii (=Parisinus lat. 8239, saec xiii) (Lenz), Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv (Lenz), edd ante Korn non uel nec fort legendum || in] ut L || 34 intumuit] intimuit I¹ || Ascra] illa I || 36 indice] iudice IL || docta B doctus C dicta MFHILT nota excerpta Scaligeri, sex codd Heinsii, probante Riese || loci est] loci FT in est C (ī ē) || 37 om C || 37 non] nec L || sed mores] sermones L || 38 Scepsius Scaliger, Castig. in Catull. 15, 19 (=32, ed. 2) (Lenz) sceptius C septius MFT septius B^2c septius L^2c septi L¹, ut uid sepcius I celsius H || Ausonios] ausononios uel ausonomos L || actaque MFT actaue BHIL acte ue C || 39 falsa] fassa M¹ || est om C || 40 auctori] actori [Pg 129]C^acF¹ || fera] sua F¹ || 41 populi ... concitat iram] populum ... uertit in iram L || 42 inque] isque F

tam felix utinam quam pectore candidus essem!
extat adhuc nemo saucius ore meo.
adde quod Illyrica si iam pice nigrior essem,45
non mordenda mihi turba fidelis erat.
molliter a uobis mea sors excepta, Tomitae,
tam mites Graios indicat esse uiros;
gens mea Paeligni regioque domestica Sulmo
non potuit nostris lenior esse malis.50
quem uix incolumi cuiquam saluoque daretis,
is datus a uobis est mihi nuper honor:
solus adhuc ego sum uestris immunis in oris,
exceptis si qui munera legis habent;

43 tam] iam C || pectore] pectorore H || candidus] callidus H || 44-45 in marg add B¹F² || 44 nemo ... meo] meo ... nemo H¹ || 45 Illyrica] ilira L || essem] eem M || 46 non] nec (F^ac?)L || mordenda] mordeda M || 47 uobis] nobis L || 48 Graios edd gratos BCMFHIL raros T geticos 'unus Vaticanus ... aeque bene [ac "Graios"!], nisi uis rectius'—Ciofanus || 49 gens] ius C || Paeligni] pēligni L || 50 lenior M^pcF^pcHIT leuior BC(M^ac)F^acL || 51 uix] uos F²] || incolumi] incolumi B^2c in colonia C || 52 is] i/s B est M || est] is M || 53 adhuc] ad hunc C || sum om F¹ || oris] aruis L || 54 si qui] siquid T || munera] mumera C[Pg 130]

tempora sacrata mea sunt uelata corona,55
publicus inuito quam fauor imposuit.
quam grata est igitur Latonae Delia tellus,
erranti tutum quae dedit una locum,
tam mihi cara Tomis, patria quae sede fugatis
tempus ad hoc nobis hospita fida manet.60
di modo fecissent placidae spem posset habere
pacis, et a gelido longius axe foret.

57 grata] gata H^ac || igitur latone F^2c || 59 cara] cala C^ac grata B² || 59 Tomis HLB² tomus B¹T thomus I^{2c, ut uid} domus CF¹ thomos MF^2ul || quae BMLT quae a CFHI || 61 placidae] placidam B || 62 foret] forent F², ut uid[Pg 131]

Si quis adhuc usquam nostri non immemor extat,
quidue relegatus Naso requirit, agam:
Caesaribus uitam, Sexto debere salutem
me sciat; a superis hic mihi primus erit.
tempora nam miserae complectar ut omnia uitae,5
a meritis eius pars mihi nulla uacat,
quae numero tot sunt, quot in horto fertilis arui
Punica sub lento cortice grana rubent,

sexto pompeio B²MFH² ad sextum pompeium I² || 1 usquam ... extat] usquam ... extet Guethling (Lenz) extat ... usquam M || 2 requirit Bodleianus Auct. F 2 1 (Tarrant), Laurentianus 38 39 (Lenz), editio princeps Bononiensis (Lenz), 'ex duobus' Heinsius requirat BCMFHLT requiret I, British Library Burney 220 (Tarrant), Bodleianus Rawlinson G 105 (Tarrant), Othob. lat. 1469, saec xv (Tarrant) || agam] agat fort legendum || 5 miserae] supere H || 6 pars] noster pars B^ac || 7 horto ... arui] hasto ... arui C horto ... agri TP horti ... aruo Williams || 8 lento] lecto 'Basil. et hoc probat Barth. Aduers. xxxvii.10'—Burman[Pg 132]

Africa quot segetes, quot Tmolia terra racemos,
quot Sicyon bacas, quot parit Hybla fauos.10
confiteor; testere licet—signate, Quirites!
nil opus est legum uiribus, ipse loquor.
inter opes et me, rem paruam, pone paternas,
pars ego sum census quantulacumque tui;
quam tua Trinacria est regnataque terra Philippo,15
quam domus Augusto continuata foro,
quam tua rus oculis domini Campania gratum,
quaeque relicta tibi, Sexte, uel empta tenes,
tam tuus en ego sum, cuius te munere tristi
non potes in Ponto dicere habere nihil.20

9 Tmolia terra BM^2ul tinolia t. C thimolia t. L thimola t. T timula t. I, ut uid mollia t. HP etholia t. F¹ gnosia t. F^2ul habet methina M¹ || racemos] ramos M^ac || 10 Sicyon] sicio B¹ scithion T || Hybla] hilba B^ac || 11 testere] testare (M¹)LI¹P tristare F¹ narare I^2ul || signate] signare LP || 12 est om F^ac || loquor] loquar M^pc || 13 rem paruam MHIT paruam rem BCFL, fort recte || 15 Trinacria] tinacria H || regnataque terra] regnaque terra I¹ tellus regnata M || philippo] phiūppo C || 19 tristi] cristi L || 20 potes H^2c[Pg 133]

atque utinam possis, et detur amicius aruum,
remque tuam ponas in meliore loco!
quod quoniam in dis est, tempta lenire precando
numina perpetua quae pietate colis.
[erroris nam tu uix est discernere nostri25
sis argumentum maius an auxilium.]
nec dubitans oro; sed flumine saepe secundo
augetur remis cursus euntis aquae.
et pudet et metuo semperque eademque precari
ne subeant animo taedia iusta tuo;30
uerum quid faciam? res immoderata cupido est;
da ueniam uitio, mitis amice, meo.

21 amicius] micius B^pc (=mitius) amicitius L || aruum] auum M^ac || 23 precando] rogando HF^2ul || 25-26 spurios puto. 'ambiguus hic locus est, eoque difficilior quoque, et obscurior'—Micyllus; 'xv 25 libri "Erroris nam", quod nisi aegre intellegi nequit, quamquam nec correctio satisfacit'—Merkel (1884), qui maeroris pro erroris coniecit || 25 nam] iam FI discernere] decernere MI¹ || 26 maius] magis I nauis F¹ || auxilium] axilium M xilium I¹ || 27 flumine] flamine M^2c, ut uid || saepe secundo] saepe F¹ secundo saepe I^ac || 29 semperque] semper C || 30 iusta] iussa F¹ || 31 uerum quid] colloquio C || faciam] fac in I[Pg 134]

scribere saepe aliud cupiens delabor eodem;
†ipsa locum per se littera nostra rogat.†
seu tamen effectus habitura est gratia, seu me35
dura iubet gelido Parca sub axe mori,
semper inoblita repetam tua munera mente,
et mea me tellus audiet esse tuum;
audiet et caelo posita est quaecumque sub ullo
(transit nostra feros si modo Musa Getas),40

33 aliud cupiens] uolens aliud I || delabor] dilabor L || 34 uix sanus; seclusit Merkel (1884) || 34 ipsa locum ... rogat] inque locum ... redit temptauit Tarrant || per se littera ... rogat] pro se tristia ... rogant [uel petunt] temptaui || per se ... rogat] per se ... petit unus Heinsii per se ... facit unus Heinsii pro se ... facit Heinsius || 35 me] nos M^2ul || 37 munera] carmina F¹ munere F^2ul nomina F^3ul, ut uid || 38 mea] tua H || me] te (F¹) || audiet FHIT audiat BCML || 39 audiet] audiat L || est om M || ullo] illo M^ac, sicut coni Bentley || 40 transit nostra feros] transierit seuos T[Pg 135]

teque meae causam seruatoremque salutis
meque tuum libra norit et aere magis.

41 seruatoremque] seruṭatoremque M seruataremque L || 42 meque] neque C || tuum libra norit et aere magis Barberinus lat. 26^2ul (Lenz), F³? (m̅ = magis) tuum libra norit et aere minus BCMHILT (libra ex liba I) tuum libra norit et aere datum F¹ || suum [libra norit et aere] minus F^2ul [tellus ... quaecumque ...] meque, tuum libra, nouit, et aere, minus Gronouius, Obs. II i meque tuum libra norit et aere tuum Heinsius tuae libra norit et aere manus Rappold (Owen 1915) tuae libra norit et aere domus temptaui; cf Suet Aug 61 1[Pg 136]

XVI

Inuide, quid laceras Nasonis carmina rapti?
non solet ingeniis summa nocere dies,
famaque post cineres maior uenit. at mihi nomen
tum quoque, cum uiuis adnumerarer, erat.
cum foret et Marsus magnique Rabirius oris5
Iliacusque Macer sidereusque Pedo,
et, qui Iunonem laesisset in Hercule, Carus,
Iunonis si iam non gener ille foret,
quique dedit Latio carmen regale, Seuerus,
et cum subtili Priscus uterque Numa,10

ad inuidum B²MI² ad inimicum H² || 1 carmina] carmia M || 3 uenit. at scripsi uenit et BCMFILT ueniet H || nomen] uoto H (noto?) || 4 tum] tunc F || uiuis] uiuus H || erat] eat C^ac || 5 cum foret et FHT cumque foret BCMIL || Rabirius MFI sabirius BC rabarius T rabirtius H rabilinus L Sabellius Barth, Adu. xxxvii 10 (Burman) || 6 Iliacusque] iliacus H || sidereusque] sidere/usque B Cecropiusque Bentley; cf x 71 'cum Thesea carmine laudes' || pedo M^2c || 7 Iunonem laesisset] iunonem lesissent B^ac, ut uid lesisset iunonem M || Carus] karus B || 8 Iunonis] iunonisque H || si iam] siam C¹ || gener ... foret BCMFHT (foret M^1c) neger foret L foret genus I[Pg 137]

quique uel imparibus numeris, Montane, uel aequis
sufficis, et gemino carmine nomen habes,
et qui Penelopae rescribere iussit Vlixem
errantem saeuo per duo lustra mari,
quique suam †Trisomen† imperfectumque dierum15
deseruit celeri morte Sabinus opus,
ingeniique sui dictus cognomine Largus,
Gallica qui Phrygium duxit in arua senem,

11 imparibus numeris] imparibus [spatium septem litterarum] his H || 12 sufficis, et] sufficis M^ac || 13 Penelopae] penelopi H penolope CI || 13 solinus H^2(gl) in marg || 15 Trisomen C (trisom̅) trisomem B¹ trosenē L trionē F troinē I trozenen M troezen T tr****m H troilem B² Troezena quidam apud Micyllum Tymelen temptauit Heinsius Thressen [=Hero] M. Hertz (Lenz) Chrysen Roeper (Riese) Troesmin Ehwald Troesmen Owen Sinatroncen ['Parthorum regis nomen'] Bergk, Opusc. I 664 pro suam t. || imperfectumque] imperfectamque H imperfectum I¹ interruptumque Bergk || 16 deseruit] destituit Bergk || Sabinus] salinus (M¹)T solius F^2ul || 17 dictus] dignus I || 18 Gallica] gallia M¹ || duxit] dixit M¹ || arua] arma B^1?ulHI[Pg 138]

quique canit domito Camerinus ab Hectore Troiam,
quique sua nomen Phyllide Tuscus habet,20
ueliuolique maris uates, cui credere posses
carmina caeruleos composuisse deos,
quique acies Libycas Romanaque proelia dixit,
et Marius scripti dexter in omne genus,
Trinacriusque suae Perseidos auctor, et auctor25
Tantalidae reducis Tyndaridosque Lupus,

19 domito ... ab Hectore] domitam ... ab hectore FM^2ul domitam ... ab hercule Gothanus II 121, saec xiii (André), probante Korn || Camerinus] cam̅inus T caminus F || 20 sua nomen Phyllide Tuscus] fata nomen pillide tuscus C sua tuscus phillide nomen L sua nomen Phyllide Fuscus Heinsius ('nomen magis Romanum') || 21 ueliuolique] ueiiuolique C || uates] nomen Merkel ad Ibin p. 377 (Owen) || posses BCMHILT possis F, fort recte || 23 quique] cuique C || proelia] pretia C || dixit] salustius M^2gl || 24 Marius scripti] marius scriptor C scriptor marius B || 24 dexter] promptus M, fort in ras P || 25 Trinacriusque BCFL tinacriusque IT tenar*sque H eticiusque M || Perseidos] perseidis BCI Peneidos Ehwald (=Daphnes) || auctor ... auctor] auctor ... actor H actor ... actor F || et] set F² || Tyndaridosque] tyndaridisque MI[Pg 139]

et qui Maeoniam Phaeacida uertit, et une
Pindaricae fidicen tu quoque, Rufe, lyrae,
Musaque Turrani tragicis innixa coturnis,
et tua cum socco Musa, Melisse, leuis;30
cum Varius Gracchusque darent fera dicta tyrannis,
Callimachi Proculus molle teneret iter,

27 Maeoniam] meonidē H || Pheacida L pheacida M^2c pheatida I pheicida H ecaeida B¹ aeacida C hetaterā F hecateida T ecateida B² || et une HLB² et une M^2c et una IT et uni B¹C in anguem F; 'latet aliquid'—Burman || 28 lyrae] l*rȩ C^ac || 29 Musaque] uisaque C || 29 Turrani BCMLT turani FI tiranni H Thorani Heinsius || tragicis] gtragicis T || innixa] innexa T || 30 (in ras?) add C² || 30 et tua] ipseque C² || socco] socio C², ut uid || Melisse MFB² mel isse B¹ molisse IL molasse T melose H molesse C² (malesse legunt Lenz, André) || leuis] leui H Othob. lat. 1469, saec xv (Tarrant), sicut coni Heinsius || 31 Varius LTB^2ul uariis C uarus B¹MFHI || Gracchusque edd olim graccusque T, probante Ehwald gra*ccusque B gracusque HIL gratusque CMF || 31 darent] daret F parent (B¹)C || tyrannis BC, sicut coni Heinsius tyranni MFHILT || 32 Proculus] proculuus M pro cuius B^2c prochius C[Pg 140]

†Tityron antiquas Passerque rediret ad herbas,†33
aptaque uenanti Grattius arma daret,

33 locus desperatus. 'haec nec Latina sunt, nec satis intelligo quid sibi uelint'—Heinsius

Tityron antiquas Passerque rediret ad herbas B¹C (Passerque ex passerque Riese)
titirus antiquas et erat qui pasceret herbas HILT (titirus: tiarus I^ac) (pasceret: diceret L)
[tityron antiquas] et erat qui gigneret [herbas] B^3ul
titirus eternas caneret qui procreet herbas F (procreet: pasceret F^2ul)
titirum et antiquas recuṣbasse referret ad umbras M
[tityron antiquas] recubasse refertur [ad herbas] B²
Tityron aprica recubantem pangeret umbra Heinsius (Korn)
Tityron aprica recubasse referret in umbra Heinsius (Korn)
Tityron apricus recubasse referret ad umbras [uel undas] Heinsius (Korn)
Tityrus antiquis armentaque pasceret herbis Withof (Korn)
Tityrus antiquas pastorque rediret ad herbas Korn
Tityrus antiquas rursus reuocaret ad herbas Madvig (Adu. crit. II praef)
Tityrus antiquas capras ubi pasceret herbas Madvig (Adu. crit. II 105)
Tityrus apricans, ut erat, qui pasceret, herbas Bergk (Opusc. I 667)
Tityron Andinasque esset qui diceret herbas Roeper (Korn)
Tityron antiquas pastorem exciret ad herbas Owen (1915)
Tityron antiquas carmenque referret ad herbas Schneiderhan (Lenz)
Tityron antiquas Passer reuocaret ad herbas Luck

33 antiquas] eternas F intactas uel ac uacuas uel ac uirides Riese || 34 aptaque ... arma] altaque ... arma M armaque ... apta I || uenanti] uenati C uenandi F^2ul || Grattius Buecheler e cod illius poetae (RhM 35 [1880] 407) gratius CFLT gracius BMHI[Pg 141]

Naiadas Satyris caneret Fontanus amatas,35
clauderet imparibus uerba Capella modis,
cumque forent alii, quorum mihi cuncta referre
nomina longa mora est, carmina uulgus habet,
essent et iuuenes quorum, quod inedita cura est,
appellandorum nil mihi iuris adest40
(te tamen in turba non ausim, Cotta, silere,
Pieridum lumen praesidiumque fori,

35 Naiadas C. P. Jones naiadas a HLI² nayades a MT naidas a BCFI² || Fontanus] fontusanus M montanus H, ut uid || 38 longa mora] mora longa L || uulgus habet] uulgus habent HI^ac fama tenet T || 39-40 spurios putat Williams || 39 essent et iuuenes] quid pro essent C, incertum et iuuenes essent H || iuuenes quorum, quod interpunxi iuuenes, quorum quod edd || cura unus Thuaneus Heinsii (=Parisinus lat. 8256 uel 8462) causa BCMFHILT || 41 tamen in] tanta in M¹L tamen e Heinsius || 42 lumen] numen 'editi aliquot'—Burman || praesidiumque fori] praesidiumque meum H¹; uide Hor Carm I i 2[Pg 142]

maternos Cottas cui Messallasque paternos,
Maxime, nobilitas ingeminata dedit),
dicere si fas est, claro mea nomine Musa45
atque inter tantos quae legeretur erat.
ergo summotum patria proscindere, Liuor,
desine neu cineres sparge, cruente, meos.
omnia perdidimus; tantummodo uita relicta est,
praebeat ut sensum materiamque mali.50
[quid iuuat extinctos ferrum demittere in artus?
non habet in nobis iam noua plaga locum.]

43 maternos] fraternos B¹CH || Cottas] coctas L || cui om FIL || Messallasque BCM messalosque IL messalinosque HT messalanosque F || 44 Maxime B¹CM^pc, sicut coni Burman maxima M^acFHILTB² || ingeminata] cui geminata F || 46 legeretur] regeretur BC^pc regaretur C^ac || 47 proscindere] procindere F^ac praescindere T discindere I || 48 neu] nec IF ne H || 49 relicta] retenta T, ut uid (retn̅ta) || 50 ut] ut ca T^ac || 51-52 spurios puto || 51 demittere Berolinensis Diez. B. Sant. 1, saec xiii (Lenz), Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv (Lenz), editio princeps Bononiensis (Lenz) dimittere BCMFHILT || artus] albis C (astus Lenz; André dubitanter) || explicit liber ouidii de ponto fe li ci ter sint bona scribenti sint uita salusque legenti B explicit liber ouidii de ponto C[Pg 143] explicit liber publii·o·n·de ponto M explicit ouidius de ponto uade sed incultus qualem decet exulis esse F explicit o de ponto H hic liber explicit gratia christo detur L[Pg 144]

COMMENTARY

EPISTVLARVM EX PONTO LIBER QVARTVS. The precise title of these poems is uncertain. The one mention Ovid makes of the poems' title is of little assistance: 'inuenies, quamuis non est miserabilis index, / non minus hoc illo triste quod ante dedi' (EP I i 15-16). The earliest manuscript of the poems, the ninth-century Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F (extant to III ii 67), gives no title at the start of the poems, but has 'EX PONTO LIBER ·II· EXPLICIT' at the end of the second book. Later manuscripts generally call the poems the De Ponto or Epistulae de Ponto. The original name was probably not present in the archetype; these titles were perhaps invented with the aid of the first distich of the first poem: 'Naso Tomitanae iam non nouus incola terrae / hoc tibi de Getico litore mittit opus'. Heinsius strongly preferred Ex Ponto to De Ponto ('nihil magis inscitum aut barbarum hac inscriptione'), citing in its support the first line of Tr V ii 'Ecquid, ut e Ponto noua uenit epistula, palles'. In reality ex and de are equally acceptable Latin (Cic Att XV xxvi 5; Fam XIV xx), but Ex Ponto is the title found in the oldest manuscript of the poems and has become usual since Heinsius' time; in the absence of further evidence it may be allowed to stand.

Heinsius made two other suggestions for the poems' title. The first, Pontica, seems best suited for a poem describing the geography of the area around Tomis or the characteristics of its inhabitants. His second suggestion, Epistulae Ponticae, is attractive, but without any particular probability.[Pg 146]

I. To Sextus Pompeius

Sextus Pompeius, consul ordinarius in AD 14, is the most illustrious of Ovid's correspondents in the Ex Ponto; patron of Valerius Maximus, he was related to Pompey the Great (Sen Ben IV 30 2) and to Augustus (Dio LVI 29 5). For discussions of his career, see Syme HO 156-62, Pauly-Wissowa XXI,2 2265 61, and Dessau PIR P 450. He is the recipient of four poems in the fourth book, but is nowhere mentioned in the first three books of the Ex Ponto. Since Pompeius helped Ovid during his journey to exile (v 31-38), their relationship must have been of long standing; clearly Pompeius had indicated to Ovid his preference not to be mentioned in his verse, even after it had become clear to most of Ovid's friends that being named by him would carry no penalty. In EP III vi, Ovid exhorts a timid friend to allow him to name him; there is no indication, however, that the poem was addressed to Pompeius.

Ovid seems to have been best served in exile by those of his friends who were of no particular eminence. In Tr III iv 3-8 & 43-44 he complains not only of the treatment he has received from Augustus, but also of the lack of assistance from those of his friends most in a position to help. Once Sextus Pompeius had indicated he was willing to be named publicly, Ovid could not ignore the influence that a man of such position could bring to bear; hence the number of poems addressed to him in the fourth book.[Pg 147]

Ovid starts the poem with an elaborate assertion of his past and present desire to mention Pompeius in his verse (1-22), and then briefly recounts the services Pompeius has rendered to him, and will continue to render (23-26). The reason he is confident that Pompeius will continue to assist him is that Pompeius' past assistance has been such that he is now, in effect, Pompeius' creation, and brings glory to him in the way that great works of art do for their creators (27-36).

1. DEDVCTVM. 'Composed'. Deducere is often used in reference to the drawing of fibres from the wool on the distaff and the shaping of the thread (Catullus LXIV 311-14). From this meaning derive the two senses the word can have when referring to poetry, 'composed' and 'finely spun, delicate'. The first sense is seen here and at Tr I i 39, EP I v 13, and at Tr V i 71 'ipse nec emendo, sed ut hic deducta legantur', and the second at Ecl VI 4-5 'pastorem, Tityre, pinguis / pascere oportet ouis, deductum dicere carmen', where deductum ... carmen represents the Μοῦσαν ... λεπταλέην of Callimachus Aetia I 24; Servius comments on the metaphor from spinning. It has been suggested that Met I 4 'ad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen' shows this meaning as well; see Kenney Ouidius Prooemians 51-52.

Hor Ep II i 225 'tenui deducta poemata filo' stands somewhere between the two senses.

2. DEBITOR ... VITAE. See v 33-36 (Ovid's letter speaking to Pompeius) 'te sibi, cum fugeret, memori solet ore referre / barbariae tutas[Pg 148] exhibuisse uias, / sanguine Bistonium quod non tepefecerit ensem, / effectum cura pectoris esse tui'. The passage suggests that Pompeius supplied Ovid with a bodyguard for his journey overland from Tempyra to Tomis, either in an official capacity—Dessau suggests (PIR P 450) that Pompeius might have been proconsul of Macedonia—or, more probably, from his Macedonian estates, for which Dessau and Syme (HO 157) cite xv 15.

3. QVI. Williams' CVI is possibly correct; the line would then refer to the titulus of the poem in a published text.

3. SEV NON PROHIBES. 'If you do not try to prevent'. The context makes it clear that Pompeius will not in fact prevent Ovid from mentioning Pompeius in his poem. This conative sense is much more commonly found with the imperfect than with the present; the only way it can be dispensed with in this passage is if cui is read and, as Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests, prohibes taken to refer to the later inclusion of the poem in a published collection.

4. ACCEDET MERITIS. Pompeius' even allowing Ovid to name him would count as a favour. Nowhere in the poem does Ovid specify why Pompeius might prefer not to be named.

4. ACCEDET MERITIS HAEC QVOQVE SVMMA TVIS. 'This sum will be added to the favours you have done me'. Professor J. N. Grant points out to me [Pg 149]the technical terms of finance used in the passage: debitor ... accedet ... summa. I once thought that summa was equivalent in sense to cumulus ('addition') at EP II v 35-36 'hoc tibi facturo, uel si non ipse rogarem, / accedat cumulus gratia nostra leuis', but have found no parallel for this sense of summa.

5. TRAHIS VVLTVS. 'Frown'—compare iii 7 'contraxit uultum Fortuna', viii 13-14 'ei mihi, si lectis uultum tu uersibus istis / ducis', Am II ii 33 'bene uir traxit uultum rugasque coegit', and Met II 774 'ingemuit uultumque una ac [Housman: ima ad codd] suspiria duxit'.

5-6. EQVIDEM PECCASSE FATEBOR, / DELICTI TAMEN EST CAVSA PROBANDA MEI. 'Yes, I shall certainly confess my guilt, but the reason for my offence is one that necessarily wins approval'. Ovid uses the correct legal terminology; compare Cic Mur 62 'fatetur aliquis se peccasse et sui [Halm: cui uel eius codd] delicti ueniam petit'. Other instances in Ovid of peccasse fateri at hexameter-ends are Am III xiv 37, Met III 718, VII 748 & XI 134, and EP II iii 33.

7. NON POTVIT MEA MENS. Compare Tr V ix 25-26 'nunc quoque se, quamuis est iussa quiescere, quin te / nominet inuitum, uix mea Musa tenet'.

8. OFFICIO. Used again of Ovid's writing of verse-epistles at Tr V ix 33-34 'ne tamen officio memoris laedaris amici, / parebo iussis—parce timere—tuis'.[Pg 150]

8. OFFICIO ... PIO. The words similarly combined at Tr III iii 84 and Tr V vi 4 'officiique pium ... onus'. The adjective ('loyal') is a favourite term of commendation in the poems of exile, applied to fides (Tr V xiv 20, EP III ii 98), coupled with memor (Tr IV v 18, V iv 43), or used to characterize the inseparable friends of myth such as Theseus and Pirithous (Tr I ix 31) or Castor and Pollux (Tr IV v 30).

9. IN. B's AB is possibly correct, ab istis meaning 'to judge by them, on the basis of their evidence'. Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Prop III iii 38 'ut reor a facie, Calliopea fuit'.

11. ALII VELLEM CVM SCRIBERE. The line confirms that Ovid was not at liberty to name Sextus Pompeius in his poems even after he had begun the composition of the first three books of the Ex Ponto.

Ovid similarly indicates his frustrated desire to name his correspondent at Tr IV v 10 'excidit heu nomen quam mihi paene tuum' and at EP III vi 1-2 'Naso suo (posuit nomen quam paene!) sodali / mittit ... hoc breue carmen'.

11. VELLEM CVM. B offers CVM VELLEM, which I take to be a simple corruption to prose word-order. It is however the reading printed by Owen; and it could be argued that cum uellem is the correct reading, and was altered to uellem cum for metrical reasons. Lucretius and Catullus were fond of placing a spondaic word in the fourth foot of the hexameter; in the Augustan age practice altered, and the pattern was generally avoided; compare Aen I 1 'Arma uirumque cano, Troiae qui[Pg 151] primus ab oris'. It was, however, permitted occasionally, especially when the previous foot ended in a long monosyllable (Platnauer 20-22). Scribes quite often alter such lines so as to remove the spondaic word from coinciding with the fourth foot; an instance of this can be seen at line 7 'non potuit mea mens quin esset grata teneri', where H offers the scribal alteration esset quin. For a full discussion see Housman 269.

13. MENDIS. This is probably a form of mendum rather than of menda; compare Cic II Ver II 104 'quid fuit istic antea scriptum? quod mendum ista litura correxit?' and Att XIII xxiii 2 ' tantum librariorum menda tolluntur'. I have found no earlier instance in verse of mendum meaning 'error' in this sense; Ovid in his poems of exile uses the terms of his craft more readily than any of his predecessors.

14. VIX INVITA FACTA LITVRA MANV EST. Vix goes with facta; André seems to take it with inuita ('ma main l'effaçait presque à regret').

15. VIDERIT is a complete sentence meaning 'let him look to himself'. Compare the following examples: 'nona terebatur miserae uia; "uiderit [sc Demophoon]" inquit / et spectat zonam pallida facta suam' (RA 601-2), '"uiderit! insanos" inquit "fateamur amores"' (Met IX 519), 'cur tamen est mihi cura tui tot iam ante peremptis? / uiderit! intereat, quoniam tot caede procorum / admonitus non est' (Met X 623-25), 'uiderit! audentes forsque deusque iuuat' (Fast II 782), 'uideris! [cod Ambrosianus G 37 sup (saec xiv), sicut coni Heinsius:[Pg 152] uiderit codd plerique] audebo tibi me scripsisse fateri' (EP I ii 9). The idiom is found with an expressed subject at AA II 371 'uiderit Atrides: Helenen ego crimine soluo' and AA III 671-72 'uiderit utilitas: ego coepta fideliter edam: / Lemniasin gladios in mea fata dabo'. It is clearly derived from the use of uiderit 'look after, take care of' with an expressed object, as at Her XII 209-11 'quo feret ira sequar! facti fortasse pigebit— / et piget infido consuluisse uiro. / uiderit ista deus qui nunc mea pectora uersat!'. Although uiderit in these passages clearly has a jussive sense, it is probably future perfect in origin, since uidero 'I shall look after' is quite frequent in Terence and Cicero: see Martin on Ter Ad 437 'de istoc ipse uiderit' and OLD uideo 18b.

15. AD SVMMAM means 'in short' or 'to sum up', and is used to introduce a recapitulation of what has just been expressed or concluded. The line should therefore be taken as the end of a debate which Ovid has had with himself. For the idiom, Ehwald (KB 45) cites Cic Att VII vii 7, XIV i 1, Hor Ep I i 106 'ad summam, sapiens uno minor est Ioue, Petronius Sat 37 5 'ad summam, mero meridie si dixerit illi tenebras esse, credet', 37 10, 57 3 & 9, 58 8 (in all these passages the narrator's neighbour at table is the speaker) and 71 1 (Trimalchio speaking). Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Sen Apoc 11 3 'ad summam, tria uerba cito dicat et seruum me ducat'.

AD SVMMVM is the reading of L and T and is printed by Burman (who punctuates uiderit ad summum) and Merkel (ad summum dixi). OLD summus[Pg 153] 8b gives only one instance of ad summum, where it means 'at most' (Scribonius Largus 122). The phrase does not seem appropriate to the present context.

15. IPSE (FTP) is so much better in sense ('although he may object') than the ILLE of most manuscripts that I have followed all previous editors in accepting it.

16. HANC. This, the reading of H and I (perhaps recovered by conjecture), must be preferred to HA (AH, A), the reading of the other manuscripts, since without it licet ipse queratur would have to be linked to uiderit, which seems awkward. The corruption of hāc to ha is not difficult, especially in view of the following pudet; compare Met IX 531 'pudet, a pudet edere nomen'.

17. SI QVID EA EST. 'If it really exists'. The affirmation would be 'est aliquid Lethe'; compare Prop IV vii 1 'Sunt aliquid Manes: letum non omnia finit'.

17. HEBETANTEM PECTORA. I have found no other instance in Ovid of this transferred sense of hebetare, but compare Aen II 604-6 'omnem quae nunc obducta tuenti / mortalis hebetat uisus tibi ... nubem eripiam' and Aen VI 731-32. The transferred sense is found at Celsus II i 11 'Auster aures hebetat ... omnis calor ... mentem hebetat'; compare as well Pliny NH XVIII 118 '[faba ...] hebetare sensus existimata' and Suet Cl 2 'animo simul et corpore hebetato'.

Oblitus in 18 indicates that pectus is virtually equivalent to[Pg 154] 'mind' or even 'memory'. In Ovid it often has the sense 'poetic feeling', as at xii 16 'pectus habere neger'.

17. LETHEN. Compare Tr IV i 47-48 'utque soporiferae biberem si pocula Lethes, / temporis aduersi sic mihi sensus abest'.

21. ET can be construed, as connecting with the preceding nec; compare Fast VI 325 'nec licet et longum est epulas narrare deorum'. SED should however possibly be read, the word contrasting with the preceding nec as at ii 15-16 'nec tamen ingenium nobis respondet ut ante, / sed siccum sterili uomere litus aro'. The error could easily be induced by the final s of the preceding putes; compare Med 55-56 'par erui mensura decem madefiat ab ouis / (sed [uar et] cumulent libras hordea nuda duas)'.

21. LEVIS HAEC ... GRATIA. 'This unimportant expression of gratitude'. The same use of leuis at EP II v 35-36 'hoc tibi facturo, uel si non ipse rogarem, / accedat cumulus gratia nostra leuis'.

21. HAEC MERITIS REFERATVR GRATIA. Similar phrasing at Met V 14-15 'meritisne haec gratia tantis / redditur?', Tr V iv 47 'plena tot ac tantis referetur gratia factis', EP I vii 61 'emeritis referenda est gratia semper', and EP III i 79-80 'nec ... debetur meritis gratia nulla meis'.

23. NVMQVAM PIGRA FVIT NOSTRIS TVA GRATIA REBVS. Wheeler rightly points out Ovid's play in 21-23 on the varying senses of gratia (thanks),[Pg 155] gratus (grateful), and gratia (favour, kindness).

26. FERETQVE is Heinsius' correction for the REFERTQVE of the manuscripts (REFERT B¹, REFERTA C); it is made necessary by the following fiducia tanta futuri. Owen, Lenz, and André report feretque as the reading of the thirteenth-century Canonicianus lat 1, but Professor R. J. Tarrant, who has examined the manuscript, informs me that it in fact reads refertque.

For the pattern compare Tr III viii 12 'quae non ulla tibi fertque feretque dies' and Tr II 155-56 'per superos ... qui dant tibi longa dabuntque / tempora'.

The corruption was natural enough, particularly in view of such passages as Fast VI 334 'errantes fertque refertque pedes', Tr I vii 5-6 (to a friend who owned a ring with Ovid's portrait) 'hoc tibi ... senti ... dici, / in digito qui me fersque refersque [codd: ferasque Heinsius] tuo', and Tr V xiii 29 'sic ferat ac referat tacitas nunc littera uoces'.

28. QVOD FECIT QVISQVE TVETVR OPVS. 'Everyone protects the work he has created'. This is hardly a commonplace of ancient poetry, and the catalogue which follows of famous works of art does not serve to illustrate it.

29-34. Ovid's description of the works of Apelles, Phidias, Calamis, and Myron was influenced by Propertius' catalogue of artists at III ix 9-16; in particular, he imitates 10-12 'exactis Calamis se mihi[Pg 156] iactat equis; / in Veneris tabula summam sibi poscit Apelles; / Parrhasius parua uindicat arte locum', and 15 'Phidiacus signo se Iuppiter ornat eburno'. Professor E. Fantham points out to me the inclusion of Apelles, Calamis, and Myron as canonical figures in a catalogue of artists at Cic Brut 70 and of all four in a similar catalogue at Quint XII x 6-9.

29. VENVS. Ovid is speaking of the famous Aphrodite Anadyomene painted by Apelles (fourth century BC) in Cos; hence the epithet Coi later in the line—Apelles was in fact from Colophon. Ovid had probably seen the picture in Rome, for Augustus brought it there from Cos (Strabo XIV 2 19; Pliny NH XXXV 91).

Ovid refers to the painting at Am I xiv 33-34 and Tr II 527-28. At AA III 223-24 (quoted in the next note) Ovid seems to be describing a cut gem copied from the painting.

30. AEQVOREO MADIDAS QVAE PREMIT IMBRE COMAS. Imbre depends on madidas. Premit is equivalent to exprimit, as is shown by AA III 224 'nuda Venus madidas exprimit imbre comas'. For exprimere taking as object that out of which something is pressed or squeezed see Celsus IV 24 and Pliny NH XXIX 31.

The Romans would not have found aequoreo ... imbre strange. Although the primary transferred sense of imber would be rain-water, it is used of sea-water as early as Ennius Ann 497-98 Vahlen[Pg 157] 'ratibusque fremebat / imber Neptuni', and without defining qualifier at Aen I 123.

31. ACTAEAE = the metrically difficult Atheniensis. The word is generally confined to high poetry (Ecl II 24, Met II 554 & 720, VI 711, VII 681 & VIII 170), but its first occurrence is in prose, at Nepos Thras 2 1 'hoc initium fuit salutis Actaeorum'; some manuscripts read Atticorum, which may be right.

31. VEL EBVRNA VEL AEREA CVSTOS. There were at Athens two famous statues of Athena sculpted by Phidias: 'Phidias ... fecit ex ebore auroque [Mayhoff: aeque codd] Mineruam Athenis quae est in Parthenone stans, ex aere uero ... Mineruam tam eximiae pulchritudinis ut formae cognomen acceperit ['was named the Minerva Formosa']' (Pliny NH XXXIV 54); the second, less famous statue is described at Pausanias I 28 2.

Heinsius' note is something of an oddity. He begins by reading AVREA for the AENEA of most manuscripts, taking uel eburna uel aurea custos to refer to the chryselephantine statue in the Parthenon, 'sed altius consideranti locum apparet de duplici statua Mineruae agi, altera eburnea, altera aenea'. Aenea therefore continued to be the accepted reading until 1873, when Haupt (Opuscula 584) pointed out that it was unmetrical, and restored aerea, found in some manuscripts.

The inverse error occurs at Her VI 32, where most manuscripts have the unmetrical aeripedes for aenipedes. But Merkel, followed by[Pg 158] Palmer, considered 31-38 an interpolation; and aeripedes may have been what the interpolator wrote.

32. PHIDIACA ... MANV. Ovid is recalling Prop III ix 15 'Phidiacus ... Iuppiter'. For the Latin poets' use of a personal adjective for the genitive of the noun, see Austin's interesting note on Aen II 543 Hectoreum.

33. VINDICAT VT CALAMIS LAVDEM QVOS FECIT EQVORVM. 'As Calamis lays claim to the praise given his horses'. Calamis, a sculptor of the fifth century BC, was particularly famous for his statues of horses; see Pliny NH XXXIV 71 'habet simulacrum et benignitas eius ['Praxiteles' generosity is seen in one of his statues']; Calamidis enim quadrigae aurigam suum imposuit, ne melior in equorum effigie defecisse in homine crederetur. ipse Calamis et alias quadrigas bigasque fecit equis sine aemulo expressis'.

33. QVOS FECIT EQVORVM. Similar instances of hyperbaton at 28 'quod fecit quisque tuetur opus', Met IV 803 'pectore in aduerso quos fecit sustinet angues', and Fast VI 20 'tum dea quos fecit sustulit ipsa metus'.

34. VT SIMILIS VERAE VACCA MYRONIS OPVS. The Cow of Myron (late fifth century BC) was his most famous work. Praise of the statue's lifelike appearance was a stock theme of Hellenistic writers of epigram; it appears from Pliny NH XXXIV 57 that the poetry written about the statue[Pg 159] was as notable as the statue itself. Thirty-six poems of the Palatine Anthology deal with the theme (IX 713-42 & 793-98). Ausonius wrote eight epigrams on the same subject (Ep LXVIII-LXXV), of which I quote LXVIII as a typical example of what both the Greek and Latin epigrams are like:

Bucula sum, caelo ['chisel'] genitoris facta Myronis
aerea: nec factam me puto, sed genitam,
sic me taurus init, sic proxima bucula mugit,
sic uitulus sitiens ubera nostra petit.
miraris quod fallo gregem? gregis ipse magister
inter pascentes me numerare solet.

The statue was in Athens during Cicero's lifetime (II Verr IV 135); Ovid is likely to have seen it during his visit to the city (Tr I ii 77). He would certainly have seen the four statues of cattle sculpted by Myron which Augustus placed in his temple of Apollo, and which Propertius described: 'atque aram circum steterant armenta Myronis, / quattuor artificis, uiuida signa, boues' (II xxxi 7-8).

35. VLTIMA. 'Smallest, least important'. For this rare sense compare Hor Ep I xvii 35 'principibus placuisse uiris non ultima laus est', Cons ad Liuiam 44 'ultima sit laudes inter ut illa tuas', Vell Pat I 11 1, and the other instances cited by OLD ultimus 9.

35. SVM ('I am not the least of your possessions') seems unobjectionable enough; most editors have, however, accepted PARS from the excerpta Politiani.[Pg 160]

36. MVNVS OPVSQVE is a Latin phrase with the general meaning of 'creation'. It is used in this sense at Cic Tusc I 70 'haec igitur et alia innumerabilia cum cernimus, possumusne dubitare quin iis praesit aliquis uel effector ... uel ... moderator tanti operis et muneris?', ND II 90, Off III 4 'nulla enim eius ingenii [sc Africani] monumenta mandata litteris, nullum opus otii, nullum solitudinis munus extat', and Met VII 435-36 (to Theseus) 'quodque suis securus arat Cromyona colonus, / munus opusque tuum est'.[Pg 161]

II. To Cornelius Severus

Cornelius Severus (Schanz-Hosius 268-69 [§ 317]) was one of the most famous poets contemporary with Ovid; of him Quintilian said 'etiam si uersificator quam poeta melior ['even if his facility outruns his inspiration'], si tamen (ut est dictum) ad exemplar primi libri bellum Siculum perscripsisset, uindicaret sibi iure secundum locum [sc after Virgil]' (X i 89). The elder Seneca quoted with approval Severus' lines on the death of Cicero, as the finest lament produced on the subject (Suas VI 26: Winterbottom ad loc refers to a commentary by H. Homeyer, Annales univ. Saraviensis [phil. Fak.] 10 [1961], 327-34). EP I viii was addressed to a different Severus: in the third and fourth lines of the present poem, Ovid expresses his embarrassment at having addressed no poem to Severus previously, and in the earlier poem no mention is made of the addressee's poetry.

The poem is an apology to Severus for Ovid's not having sent a poem to him before; he offers two excuses for the omission. In the first fourteen lines, he flatters Severus by saying that so good a poet hardly needs to receive verse from someone else; in the twenty-four lines that follow he describes how his poetry, because of the conditions at Tomis, is now less abundant and of poorer quality than before. The subject is one Ovid had employed before: Tr III xiv, a request for indulgence to Ovid's verse, and Tr V xii, a reply to a friend who had urged him to write more poetry, treat the same topic in much the same way. The theme is similar to that of Catullus LXVIII[Pg 162] 1-40, where the poet explains that his brother's death has caused his lack of interest in poetry.

In 39-46 Ovid moves to the somewhat discordant topic (which serves however to re-emphasize his misery at Tomis) of how he continues to write poetry to take his mind off present evils, a theme he had used several times before, most notably in EP I v. He ends the poem with a request that Severus send him some of his recent work (47-50).

1. QVOD LEGIS. Similar beginnings to verse-epistles at Her III 1 'Quam legis a rapta Briseide littera uenit', Tr V vii 1, EP I vii 1-2 'Littera pro uerbis tibi, Messaline, salutem / quam legis a saeuis attulit usque Getis', and EP III v 1 'Quam legis unde tibi mittatur epistula quaeris?'.

Compare as well Her X 3-4 'Quae legis ex illo, Theseu, tibi litore mitto / unde tuam sine me uela tulere ratem'. This poem has suffered from two separate interpolations at its beginning. Certain manuscripts start the poem with the distich 'Illa relicta feris etiam nunc, improbe Theseu, / uiuit et haec aequa mente tulisse uelis', which is universally condemned; but the formulaic nature of 3-4 suggests that 1-2 'Mitius inueni quam te genus omne ferarum, / credita non ulli quam tibi peius eram', found in all manuscripts, is a second interpolation. Micyllus was the first to see this; a recent discussion at Kirfel 69-70.

1. VATES MAGNORVM MAXIME REGVM. Severus apparently wrote a poem dealing with pre-Republican Rome, to judge from xvi 9 his most famous work: 'quique dedit Latio carmen regale, Seuerus'. Heinsius took the[Pg 163] two passages as meaning that Severus was a writer of tragedy, citing Tr II 553 'et dedimus tragicis scriptum regale cothurnis'; compare as well Hor Sat I x 42-43 'Pollio regum / facta canit pede ter percusso ['in iambic trimeter']'. Heinsius' suggestion is possible enough, but since Seneca and Quintilian speak of Severus as an epic poet and there is no mention of the stage in this poem, it should be rejected.

Similar language is used of epic poetry at Ecl VI 3 'cum canerem reges et proelia' and Prop III iii 1-4 'Visus eram ... reges, Alba, tuos et regum facta tuorum, / tantum operis, neruis hiscere posse meis'.

1. REGVM. VATVM (M¹FIL) is a conscious or unconscious attempt to extend the etymological figure seen in magnorum maxime.

5-6. ORBA TAMEN NVMERIS CESSAVIT EPISTVLA NVMQVAM / IRE PER ALTERNAS OFFICIOSA VICES. Other mentions of what was clearly an extensive prose correspondence between Ovid and his friends at Tr V xii 1-2 and EP I ix 1-2.

6. OFFICIOSA. 'Attentive'. The preface to Martial XII gives a good illustration of the sense: 'consequimur ut molesti potius quam ut officiosi esse uideamur'.

Officiosus occurs five times in the Ex Ponto, but only four times in the rest of Ovid's poetry.

9-10. Aristaeus was famous for his beekeeping (Virgil G IV 315-558). Bacchus was the god of wine, and Triptolemus had disseminated the knowledge of grain-farming (Met V 646-61). Alcinous might seem a[Pg 164] strange companion to these three, but evidently Homer's description of Alcinous' orchard (Od VII 112-31) made a strong impression on the Latin poets. From Ovid compare Am I x 56 'praebeat Alcinoi poma benignus ager' and Met XIII 719-20 'proxima Phaeacum felicibus obsita pomis / rura petunt', from Propertius III ii 13 'nec mea Phaeacas aequant pomaria siluas', and from Virgil G II 87 'pomaque et Alcinoi siluae' 'the fruit-trees of Alcinous'.

9. BACCHO VINA FALERNA. Heinsius preferred M's BACCHO VINA FALERNO. But the passage he cited in its support, Silius III 369-70 'Tarraco ... uitifera, et Latio tantum cessura Lyaeo' is not in fact parallel: Lyaeo there stands for uino, and the passage means 'Tarraco, rich in vines, conceding priority to Latin wine alone'. Ovid wished to balance the hexameter with the pentameter, and used a standard epithet to fill out the metre.

10. ALCINOO. Note the quadrisyllable ending, and compare EP II ix 41-42 'quis non Antiphaten Laestrygona deuouet? aut quis / munifici mores improbet Alcinoi?'. In his later poetry Ovid shows a steadily increasing willingness to allow his pentameters to end with words other than disyllables. Every pentameter of the amatory poems and the first fifteen Heroides ends in a disyllable. Two quadrisyllabic endings occur in the later books of the Fasti: V 582 fluminibus and VI 660 funeribus. In the first five books of the Tristia there are eight such endings, in the first three books of the Ex Ponto there are seven, while in the fourth book there are no less than fourteen instances of[Pg 165] quadrisyllabic endings: nearly as many as in all the rest of Ovid's corpus put together.[18] 'Sermo magis etiam quam illic [sc in the Tristia] ... neglectus est et degenerauit' Riese remarked, but it can reasonably be doubted that a poet of Ovid's facility would break the rule of the disyllabic ending except by choice. A moderation of the rule became general: the author of Her XVI-XXI (whom I do not believe to have been Ovid) allowed pudicitiae (XVI 290), superciliis (XVII 16), and deseruit (XIX 202) (Platnauer 17); a count of pentameters in Martial V shows the proportion of non-disyllabic endings at 20%—the shorter the poem, the more freely they are admitted. Quadrisyllable endings are frequent in the metrically strict Claudian.

Ovid admitted quadrisyllable endings more freely if they were proper names. Of the twenty-one quadrisyllable verse-endings in the Ex Ponto, six involve proper nouns: II ii 76 Dalmatiae, ix 42 Alcinoi, the present passage, IV iii 54 Anticyra, viii 62 Oechalia, and ix 80 Danuuium. Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid follows Propertius' similar practice: 42 of the 166 quadrisyllable pentameter endings in Propertius are proper names (Platnauer 17).

The fifteen other instances in the Ex Ponto of quadrisyllabic pentameter-endings are II ii 6 perlegere, ii 70 imperium, iii 18 articulis, v 26 ingenium, III i 166 aspiciant, IV v 24 officio, vi 6 alterius, vi 14 auxilium, ix 48 utilitas, xiii 28 imperii,[Pg 166] xiii 46 ingeniis, xiv 4 inuenies, xiv 18 ingenio, xiv 56 imposuit, and xv 26 auxilium.

For Ovid's use of trisyllabic and pentasyllabic endings, see at ix 26 tegeret (page 294) and iii 12 amicitia (p 181).

11. FERTILE PECTVS HABES. Compare Tr V xii 37-38 'denique non paruas animo dat gloria uires, / et fecunda facit pectora laudis amor'.

11. INTERQVE HELICONA COLENTES. Poets are also described as being on Parnassus at Tr IV i 50, x 23 & x 120. Helicon is the goal of poets at Hor Ep II i 218 (cited at 36).

12. PROVENIT continues the agricultural metaphor of fertile pectus. For prouenire = 'grow', see AA III 101-2 'ordior a cultu: cultis bene Liber ab uuis / prouenit', Fast IV 617 'largaque prouenit cessatis messis in aruis', and Nux 10; for the metaphorical sense see Am I iii 19-20 'te mihi materiem felicem in carmina praebe— / prouenient causa carmina digna sua' and Her XV 13-14 'nec mihi dispositis quae iungam carmina neruis / proueniunt'.

For uberius ... prouenit compare Caesar BG V 24 'eo anno frumentum in Gallia propter siccitates angustius prouenerat'.

13. MITTERE AD HVNC CARMEN. Burman printed without comment MITTERE CARMEN AD HVNC, the reading of Heinsius' fragmentum Louaniense. It seems to be a mere normalization of the hyperbaton; the elimination of the elision (mittere ad) may have been a factor as well.[Pg 167]

13. AD HVNC indicates that Ovid cannot have addressed these words in the first instance directly to Severus, but must here be recollecting his earlier thoughts. I have therefore placed the line in quotation marks.

15. NEC TAMEN. 'This was the principal reason; a second reason, however, was that ...'

15. INGENIVM = 'poetic talent', as often. Compare viii 66, xvi 2, Tr III vii 47, EP II ii 103, EP II v 21 (quoted at 20 uena pauperiore), EP II v 26, and EP III iv 11.

15. RESPONDET introduces the agricultural image of 18 'sed siccum sterili uomere litus aro', for the word here means 'yield'. OLD respondeo 8c cites for the literal sense Virgil G II 63-64 'truncis oleae melius, propagine uites / respondent', Columella II 1 3 'humus ... magno faenore ... colono respondet', Col III 3 4; for a transferred use see Sen Ep LXXXI 1 'non respondeant [sc beneficia] potius quam non dentur'.

16. SICCVM ... LITVS ARO. Proverbial for a useless activity. See Otto harena 4 and compare Tr V iv 47-48 'plena tot ac tantis referetur gratia factis, / nec sinet ille [Ovid] litus arare boues'.

Sterili is transferred by hypallage from litus; siccum serves no purpose beyond providing a balancing epithet.[Pg 168]

17. VENAS EXCAECAT, the reading of most codices, is obviously correct as against the VENAS CVM CAECAT of BCHL. Ovid uses excaecare again at Met XV 270-72 'hic fontes natura nouos emisit, at illic / clausit ... flumina prosiliunt aut excaecata [uar exsiccata] residunt'.

17. IN VNDIS is probably corrupt; if it is retained, from the context it must mean 'in the water of springs' (Professor A. Dalzell). Williams suggests 'in the case of water', marking the analogy with pectora sic mea sunt limo uitiata malorum in 19.

For undis as a corrupt hexameter ending, compare Met XV 276 'redditur Argolicis ingens Erasinus in aruis [codd: in undis Sen NQ III 26 4]', Met VIII 162 'liquidus Phrygiis Maeandros in aruis [uar liquidis Phrygius ... in undis]', and Met XIV 155 'sedibus Euboicam Stygiis emergit in urbem [uar sedibus euboicis stigiis emersus ab undis]'.

The line seems to have passed without comment until Merkel's second edition: 'in undis minus bene positum uidetur; temptabam hiulcas, quod expressisset Statius Theb. VIIII 450 hiulcis flumina uenis Suggerit ['he (the river Asopos) opens his springs wide and adds his streams']'. There seems no obvious reason, however, for Ovid to define the springs as 'gaping'.

Madvig conjectured INVNDANS, the corruption of which would be easy; but uenas seems more in need of a modifier than limus—Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests APERTAS or AQVARVM, Professor A. Dalzell IN ARVIS.[Pg 169]

Professor Tarrant also suggests to me that in undis could well have originated as a gloss on uenas.

18. LAESAQVE. There seems no reason to replace this with Merkel's LAPSAQVE ('flowing back'?), which even seems to contradict the sense of resistit.

The same sense of laesus at Am III vii 32 'deficiunt laesi carmine ['spell'] fontis aquae'.

20. VENA PAVPERIORE. The same image of Ovid's poetic talent at Tr III xiv 33-34 'ingenium fregere meum mala, cuius et ante / fons infecundus paruaque uena fuit' and EP II v 21-22 'ingenioque meo, uena quod paupere manat, / plaudis, et e riuo flumina magna facis'.

23. DA VENIAM FASSO. As a poet himself, Severus would be particularly shocked at Ovid's admission he has virtually ceased to write poetry. Similar phrasing at III ix 45-46 'confesso ignoscite, docti: / uilior est operis fama salute mea'.

23. FRENA REMISI. 'I have let go of the reins' = 'I have stopped writing poetry'; for the sense, compare Aen VII 599-600 (of Latinus) 'nec plura locutus / saepsit se tectis rerumque reliquit habenas'.

The metaphor of the poet as driver is found as early as Bacchylides (V 176-78) and Pindar (Ol VI 22 ff). A full list of Greek and Latin passages is included in Henderson's note on RA 397-98; the image is particularly frequent in Roman didactic poetry, being[Pg 170] found even at Columella X 215-16. See as well Kenney Nequitiae Poeta 206. In Ovid the image is found at AA I 39-40 & 264, II 426, III 467-68 & 809-10, RA 397-98, Fast I 25-26, II 360, IV 10, and VI 586. The only instances I have found that are not from Ovid's didactic verse are the present passage and xii 23-24 'tu bonus hortator, tu duxque comesque fuisti, / cum regerem tenera frena nouella manu'.

24. DVCITVR. 'Is formed, written'. The same sense at Met I 649 (of Io) 'littera ... quam pes in puluere duxit' and Met X 215-16 'AI AI / flos habet inscriptum, funestaque littera ducta est'.

25. IMPETVS ILLE SACER. 'The famous divine impulse'. Similar phrasing at Fast VI 5-6 'est deus in nobis; agitante calescimus illo: / impetus hic sacrae semina mentis habet'.

25. VATVM PECTORA NVTRIT. Nutrit here seems to mean 'sustain'. Its usual transferred sense is 'cause to grow', as at III iv 26 (the only other passage I have found where the verb is used of poetry) and Hor C IV iv 26.

27. VIX VENIT AD PARTES ... MVSA. 'My Muse with difficulty performs her functions'. Partes in the sense of 'theatrical role' (Ter Ph 27) early acquired the extended sense of 'role', 'function', or 'duty'. Burman cites as parallels Am I viii 87 'seruus et ad partes sollers ancilla parentur' and Nux 68; compare as well AA II 546 'cum, tener, ad partes tu quoque, somne, uenis' and EP III i 41-42 'utque iuuent alii, tu debes uincere amicos, / uxor, et ad partes prima uenire tuas'.[Pg 171]

27. SVMPTAE ... TABELLAE. Compare Met IX 523-25 'scribit damnatque tabellas ... inque uicem sumptas ponit positasque resumit'.

29. NE DICAM. I have found no other instance of the expression in verse, but it is common in Cicero (Kühner-Stegmann II i 825).

30. NVMERIS NECTERE VERBA. 'Bind words to metre'. I take numeris as a dative; no close parallel presents itself, but compare Aen IV 239-40 'pedibus talaria nectit / aurea'.

33. NVMEROSOS ... GESTVS. Compare Am II iv 29 'illa placet gestu numerosaque bracchia ducit', AA II 305 'bracchia saltantis, uocem mirare canentis', and Prop II xxii 5-6 'siue aliquis molli diducit candida gestu / bracchia, seu uarios incinit ore modos'. Heinsius thought GRESSVS (I¹PF^3ul) possible as well, citing Varro LL IX 5 'pedes male ponere atque imitari uatias ['bow-legged men'] coeperit', Martianus Capella IX 909 'licet pulchris rosea numeris ac libratis passibus moueretur', and Maximianus (6th century) El III 27 'suspensos ponere gressus'. But the strong manuscript authority for gestus and the parallels in Ovid mark it as clearly preferable to gressus.

33. PONERE. The verb seems strange, but Burman cited in its support Val Max VIII vii 7 'Roscius ... nullum umquam spectante populo gestum, nisi quem domi meditatus fuerat, ponere [codd: promere E. Schulze] ausus est'.[Pg 172]

35-36. LAVDATAQVE VIRTVS / CRESCIT. For this commonplace of ancient literature see Otto ars 3 and compare RA 393 'nam iuuat et studium famae mihi creuit honore', Tr V xii 37-38 'denique non paruas animo dat gloria uires, / et fecunda facit pectora laudis amor', EP III ix 21 'scribentem iuuat ipse fauor minuitque laborem', Prop IV x 3, and Cic Tusc I 4.

36. IMMENSVM GLORIA CALCAR HABET. The same metaphor at Tr V i 75-76 'denique nulla mihi captatur gloria, quaeque / ingeniis stimulos subdere fama solet', EP I v 57-58 'gloria uos acuat; uos, ut recitata probentur / carmina, Pieriis inuigilate choris', and Hor Ep II i 217-18 'uatibus addere calcar / ut studio maiore petant Helicona uirentem'.

37. HIC MEA CVI RECITEM ... CARMINA. A constant complaint of Ovid in exile. Compare Tr III xiv 39-40 'nullus in hac terra, recitem si carmina, cuius / intellecturis auribus utar, adest', Tr IV i 89-90, and Tr V xii 53 'non liber hic ullus, non qui mihi commodet aurem'. Perhaps it is significant that Ovid does not complain in the present passage that he has no books available: certainly he must have had a substantial library at hand when he composed the Ibis.

38. BARBARVS HISTER. The same phrase in the same position (leaving space for the disyllable) at EP III iii 26 'et coit astrictis barbarus Hister aquis'.[Pg 173]

Hister was the name of the lower course of the Danube (Pliny NH IV 79). Ovid uses the metrically convenient Hister fifteen times in the Ex Ponto, as against two instances only of Danuuius (IV ix 80 & x 58).

38. OBIT Damsté HABET codd. In support of obit Damsté cited x 22 'gentibus obliqua quas obit Hister aqua' (Mnemosyne XLVI 32). As Professor R. J. Tarrant points out, the only meaning that can be attached to quasque alias gentes barbarus Hister habet is 'the other people that live in the Danube'; he compares Her VI 135-36 'prodidit illa patrem; rapui de clade Thoanta. / deseruit Colchos; me mea Lemnos habet' and Aen VI 362 (Palinurus speaking) 'nunc me fluctus habet'. EP III ii 43-44 'nos ... quos procul a uobis Pontus et [uar barbarus] Hister habet', cited by Lenz in support of habet, is not a good parallel in view of the different subject (Pontus et Hister instead of Hister alone).

Lenz cited Tr II 230 'bellaque pro magno Caesare Caesar obit' for a variant habet; Professor Tarrant cites another instance of the corruption at Met I 551-52 'pes modo tam uelox pigris radicibus haeret, / ora cacumen obit'.

41. NEC VINVM NEC ME TENET ALEA FALLAX. The same statement at EP I v 45-46 'nec iuuat in lucem nimio marcescere uino, / nec tenet incertas alea blanda manus'. For Ovid's temperance, compare EP I x 30 'scis mihi quam solae paene bibantur aquae'.[Pg 174]

Me tenet in the present passage should perhaps be translated 'holds my attention' (OLD teneo 22) rather than 'attracts' (Wheeler).

41. VINVM. For wine as a diversion from sorrow, compare Tib I ii 1 'Adde merum uinoque nouos compesce dolores' (with Smith's note) and Tib I v 37 'saepe ego temptaui curas depellere uino'.

42. TACITVM TEMPVS. Similar phrases at AA II 670 'iam ueniet tacito curua senecta pede', Fast VI 771 'tacitis ... senescimus annis', Tr III vii 35-36 'senectus / quae strepitus passu non faciente uenit', Tr IV vi 17 'tacito pede lapsa uetustas' and Tr IV x 27 'tacito passu labentibus annis'.

43. QVOD CVPEREM. At EP I viii 39-62 Ovid, having detailed the urban pleasures he has lost, speaks of his agricultural pursuits in Italy, and laments that this diversion is not available to him at Tomis. The two passages add personal meaning to his description at Met XIV 623-34 of Pomona's gardening and his prescription at RA 169-98 of agriculture as a diversion from an unhappy love-affair.

43. SI PER FERA BELLA LICERET. Compare EP II vii 69-70 'tempus in agrorum cultu consumere dulce est: / non patitur uerti barbarus hostis humum' and EP III viii 6 'hostis ab agricola uix sinit illa [sc loca] fodi'. At Tr III x 57-66 Ovid gives a vivid description of what could happen to the farmers of Tomis in a raid.[Pg 175]

44. NOVATA = 'restored to fertility through ploughing'. Ovid more commonly uses renouare, as at Tr V xii 23-24 'fertilis, assiduo si non renouetur aratro, / nil nisi cum spinis gramen habebit ager', Am I iii 9, Met I 110 & XV 125, Fast I 159, and Tr IV vi 13.

45. RESTANT is not strictly logical, but a similar attraction of number is confirmed by metre at Tr I ii 1 'Di maris et caeli—quid enim nisi uota supersunt?'; RESTAT (IP) must therefore be rejected.

Similar confusions occur in the manuscripts at Met XIV 396 'nec quicquam antiqui [Berolinensis Heinsii: antiquum codd plerique] Pico nisi nomina restant' and Tr IV x 85 'si tamen extinctis aliquid nisi nomina restant'.

47. TV, CVI BIBITVR FELICIVS AONIVS FONS. For the image of the poet drinking from Hippocrene see Prop III iii 5-6 'paruaque tam magnis admoram fontibus ora, / unde pater sitiens Ennius ante bibit'. Both here and at II x 25 Propertius speaks of Hippocrene as the spring of epic poetry specifically.

47. FELICIVS. 'With happier result'; compare Ibis 559 'nec tibi, si quid amas, felicius Haemone [=quam Haemoni] cedat'.

47. AONIVS FONS. Platnauer (13) cites only four instances from the elegiac poets of hexameters ending in monosyllables: Prop II xxv 17 'amor, qui', Am II ix 47 'Cupido, est', the present passage, and EP IV ix 101 'quibus nos'. Ehwald and Levy compare Met V 573 'quae tibi causa fugae, cur sis, Arethusa, sacer fons'. The coincidence[Pg 176] suggests that in both passages Ovid was recalling a line-ending from an earlier poet. Alternatively, Professor E. Fantham suggests to me that Ovid may here have deliberately created an awkward line-ending so as to mock himself and bear out his claim of waning inspiration.

48. VTILITER ... CEDIT. Similar phrasing at EP II vii 19 '[iam liquet ...] obseruare deos ne quid mihi cedat amice'.

49. MERITO. 'With justification'; Severus' previous service to the Muses has brought him fame and not, as in Ovid's case, disaster.

50. HVC ALIQVOD CVRAE MITTE RECENTIS OPVS. A similar request at EP III v 29-30 (to Cotta Maximus) 'quod licet, ut uidear tecum magis esse, legenda [Burman: legendo uel loquendo codd] / saepe precor studii pignora mitte tui'.

50. CVRAE = 'poetic toil', as at Tr II 11-12 'hoc pretium curae [fragmentum Treuirense (saec x): uitae codd plerique] uigilatorumque laborum / cepimus', EP I v 61 'cur ego sollicita poliam mea carmina cura?', and EP III ix 29. At xvi 39 and Tr II 1 the word means 'product of poetic toil'.[Pg 177]

III. To An Unfaithful Friend

By the time Ovid wrote this poem, the letter of reproach was a genre familiar to him: each book of the Tristia (with the obvious exception of II) contains such a poem (I viii; III xi; IV ix; V viii), and in the Ibis Ovid had, by the extended treatment of a number of standard topics within the subject, created a poem of over six hundred lines.

Ovid begins the poem by stating that he has heard about his friend's faithlessness; he asks what possible excuse there might be for this behaviour (1-28). He then warns his friend that Fortune is changeable, and gives four examples of famous men who fell from prosperity (29-48). He ends the poem by stating once again that Fortune is undependable, and gives his own catastrophe as an instance; his friend should remember this, and moderate his behaviour accordingly (49-58).

The poem has points of contact with the earlier poems of reproach. Tr I viii is addressed to a friend who failed to visit Ovid after his disaster: he can scarcely believe his friend is human. In Tr III xi, Ovid asks his enemy why through his actions he makes his punishment even worse. Tr IV ix is a warning that if Ovid's enemy does not cease attacking him, he will through his poetry make his enemy's name infamous throughout the world. Tr V viii, the poem closest in theme to the present one, is a warning to his enemy that Fortune is changeable and Augustus merciful, so he and Ovid might one day change situations.[Pg 178]

The Ibis, being primarily a catalogue of literary curses, stands somewhat apart from the other poems of reproach in structure as in size; yet the opening of the poem, in which Ovid describes his enemy's conduct and the ways he might respond, offers a number of parallels to the present poem.

1. CONQVERAR AN TACEAM. Kenney (Nequitiae Poeta 204-5), commenting on AA I 739 'conquerar an moneam', cites other instances of the same rhetorical device at Aen III 39 ' eloquar an sileam?' and Met IX 147 'conquerar an sileam?', as well as the present passage.

1. CONQVERAR. The choice of verb is significant: this poem is a rhetorical conquestio transferred to verse. Kenney cites Cicero's definition of conquestio at Inu I 106: 'conquestio est oratio auditorum misericordiam captans ... id locis communibus efficere oportebit, per quos Fortunae uis in omnes et hominum infirmitas ostenditur; qua oratione ... animus hominum ... ad misericordiam comparatur, cum in alieno malo suam infirmitatem considerabit'.

1. PONAM SINE NOMINE CRIMEN. 'Shall I put my accusation in my poem without naming you?'. The same sense of ponere at Tr I v 7 'positis pro nomine signis', Tr IV iv 7, and EP III vi 1-2 'Naso suo (posuit nomen quam paene!) sodali / mittit ab Euxinis hoc breue carmen aquis'.

2. QVI SIS. The boundary between adjectival qui and pronominal quis in Latin was not absolute; and just as one finds such forms as quis clamor[Pg 179] (Met III 632), so it seems to have been Latin practice to use qui before forms of esse in indirect discourse, perhaps in order to avoid a double s-sound. Some instances of this from verse are Ecl I 18 'iste deus qui sit da, Tityre, nobis', Ecl II 19 'nec qui sim quaeris, Alexi', Aen III 608-9 'qui sit fari ... hortamur', Met XIV 841 'mihi nec quae sis dicere promptum est', Met XV 595 'is qui sit signo, non nomine dicam', Fast V 191 'ipse doce quae sis', Ibis 52 'teque breui qui sis dissimulare sinam', Ibis 61 'qui sis nondum quaerentibus edo', and EP III vi 57 'teque tegam, qui sis'. In some of these passages quis is found as a variant reading; given the ease of corruption, the rule should perhaps be made canonical, and such passages as Met I 248-49 'quis sit laturus in aras / tura' supplied with forms of qui even when, as in this instance, there is only weak manuscript support. (Professor R. J. Tarrant prefers, however, to retain quis at Met I 248, seeing a difference between expressions of identity [qui sis ... dicam] and of description [sit and laturus go closely together]).

The use of qui seems to have extended to past subjunctives of esse as well as present: compare Met XI 719 'qui [uar quis] foret ignorans'. For discussions see Löfstedt II 79-96 and Shackleton Bailey on Att III x 2 'possum obliuisci qui fuerim, non sentire qui sim?'.

In preclassical Latin qui is found for quis even in direct questions: OLD qui A4a cites Pl Capt 833 'qui uocat', Ter Ph 990 'qui nominat me', and Scipio minor V 19 Malcovati³ 'qui spondet mille nummum'. The usage must have continued in spoken Latin, for it is found at Vitruvius VII 5 6 and Petronius 62 8.[Pg 180]

3. NOMINE NON VTAR, NE COMMENDERE QVERELA. An interesting indication of the confidence Ovid felt in his poetry. In his earlier poems of reproach, Ovid had represented his not naming the person as an act of forbearance (Tr IV ix 1-4; Ibis 51-54).

5. DVM MEA PVPPIS ERAT VALIDA FVNDATA CARINA. The common ancient metaphor of shipwreck also used of Ovid's exile at Tr I i 85-86, Tr II 99-102, Tr III iv 15-16 'dum tecum uixi, dum me leuis aura ferebat, / haec mea per placidas cumba cucurrit aquas', Tr V xii 50, and EP II iii 25-28.

9-10 form a tricolon, where each phrase represents the same action in progressively more specific terms: (1) 'dissimulas etiam' (2) 'nec me uis nosse uideri' (3) 'quisque sit audito nomine Naso rogas'.

9. DISSIMVLAS. The same word in similar contexts at Tr I i 62 'dissimulare uelis, te liquet esse meum', Tr III vi 2, Tr IV iii 54, Tr IV iv 28, and EP I ii 146.

9. NEC ME VIS NOSSE VIDERI. 'You don't want others to think you know me'. Similar thought and language at Tr IV iii 51 'me miserum si turpe putas mihi nupta uideri!' and EP II iii 29-30 'cumque alii nolint etiam me nosse uideri, / uix duo proiecto tresue tulistis opem'.[Pg 181]

10. QVISQVE SIT. QVIQVE SIT (H^acP) could be defended, sit determining the form qui, even with the intervening enclitic, but given the prevalence of relative quique at line-beginnings in Ovid (compare xvi 9, 11, 15, 19 & 23) it seems better to take it as a trivial error.

11, 13, 15, 17. ILLE EGO. The same idiom to stir someone's memory at Fast III 505-6 'illa ego sum cui tu solitus promittere caelum: / ei mihi, pro caelo qualia dona fero' and EP I ii 129-32 'ille ego sum qui te colui, quem festa solebat / inter conuiuas mensa uidere tuos: / ille ego qui duxi uestros Hymenaeon ad ignes, / et cecini fausto carmina digna toro'. R. G. Austin, discussing the spurious proem to the Aeneid (CQ LX, n.s. XVIII [1968] 110-11), cites Tr V vii 55-56 'ille ego Romanus uates—ignoscite, Musae!— / Sarmatico cogor plurima more loqui', Met I 757-58 'ille ego liber, / ille ferox tacui', Statius Sil V v 38 & Theb IX 434, and Silius XI 177-82: 'It will be noticed ... that all these examples represent the new situation as a fall from grace'.

12. AMICITIA. Ovid allows pentasyllabic words to end the pentameter only in the poetry of exile (Platnauer 17). There are eight such words in the Tristia, and four in the Ex Ponto: I ii 68 patrocinium, II ix 20 Ericthonius, this passage, and xiii 44 amicitiae (Platnauer 17; Riese vii). This distribution contrasts with Ovid's increasing fondness in the Ex Ponto for trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic endings, for which see at ix 26 tegeret and ii 10 Alcinoo.[Pg 182]

The later Heroides have two pentasyllabic pentameter-endings, XVI 290 pudicitiae and XVII 16 superciliis.

13-14. ILLE EGO QVI PRIMVS TVA SERIA NOSSE SOLEBAM, / ET TIBI IVCVNDIS PRIMVS ADESSE IOCIS. The same joining of seria and ioci (or lusus) at Tr I viii 31-32, EP I ix 9-10, EP II iv 9-10 'seria multa mihi tecum conlata recordor, / nec data iucundis tempora pauca iocis', and EP II x 41-42. It is found in prose and early Latin: Luck at Tr I viii 31-32 cites Cic Fin II 85 'at quicum ioca, seria, ut dicitur, quicum arcana, quicum occulta omnia? tecum, optime', Pliny Ep II xiii 5 'cum hoc seria, cum hoc iocos miscui', Pliny Ep IV xvii 5 'nihil a me ille secretum, non ioculare, non serium, non triste, non laetum', and Ennius Ann 239-40 Vahlen³ 'cui res audacter magnas paruasque iocumque / eloqueretur'.

15. CONVICTOR. The word belongs properly to prose, the only other occurrences in verse being two passages in Horace's Satires: I iv 96 'me ... conuictore usus amicoque' & I vi 47 'quia sim tibi, Maecenas, conuictor'. Conuictus is similarly found in verse twice only, in Ovid's poetry of exile (Tr I viii 29-30 'conuictu causisque ualentibus ... temporis et longi iunctus amore tibi' & EP II x 9-10 'quam [sc curam] tu uel longi debes conuictibus aeui, / uel mea quod coniunx non aliena tibi est').

15. DENSOQVE. 'Frequent, often recurring'. This sense of densus is not found elsewhere in Ovid, but compare Virgil G IV 347 'densos[Pg 183] diuum numerabat amores', Statius Theb VI 421, and Juvenal IX 35-37 'quamuis ... blandae assidue densaeque tabellae / sollicitent'. The closest parallel for the poetic singular cited by OLD densus 3a is Martial IX lxxxvii 1-2 'Septem post calices Opimiani / denso cum iaceam triente [19] blaesus'.

15. DOMESTICVS. Apparently the only instance of the substantive in verse. The word is common enough in prose, and formed part of the spoken language, for it is found in reported speech at Petronius 45 6.

17. QVEM Leidensis Heinsii QVI codd plerique. Qui cannot be connected with nescis, and so is without antecedent. The scribe was probably influenced by 11, 13, and 15, in which ille ego is completed by a nominative clause.

17. VIVAM. Heinsius' VIVAT is unnecessary: the assimilation of person seems reasonable enough in view of such passages as EP I ii 129-31 'ille ego sum qui te colui ... ille ego qui duxi uestros Hymenaeon ad ignes'.

18. SVBIT Heinsius FVIT codd. The preceding nescis requires a verb with present meaning; and fuit seems impossible to construe as a true[Pg 184] perfect (with present result). Heinsius' subit seems an elegant solution: certain manuscripts offer the same corruption of subit to fuit at Met IX 93-94 'lux subit, et primo feriente cacumina sole / discedunt iuuenes' and Met XIV 827-28 'pulchra subit facies et puluinaribus altis / dignior'.

19-20. SIVE FVI NVMQVAM CARVS, SIMVLASSE FATERIS; / SEV NON FINGEBAS, INVENIERE LEVIS. For a similar opposition (either alternative being discreditable), see Met IX 23-24 'nam, quo te iactas, Alcmena nate, creatum, / Iuppiter aut falsus pater est aut crimine uerus'.

21. AVT. 'Otherwise'. For the use of aut as a disjunctive adverb rather than a conjunction compare xii 3 'aut ego non alium prius hoc dignarer honore' and the passages there cited. Here, as at xii 3, the idiom has been misunderstood by scribes, with such resulting variants in late manuscripts as EIA ('uterque Medonii pro diuersa lectione'; accepted by Heinsius) and DIC (Gothanus II 121; printed by Burman).

21. IRAM. 'Cause for anger'. This seems to be the only instance of the meaning, ira not being found even as a predicative dative; but compare the use of laudes to mean 'acts deserving praise', as at viii 87 'tuas ... laudes ... recentes'.

23. QVOD TE NVNC CRIMEN SIMILEM seems to be the correct reading; the line connects with the an crimen ... of 24. QVAE TE CONSIMILEM RES NVNC (FIL) looks like a rewriting of the line, perhaps following the[Pg 185] loss of crimen by haplography (crim̅ similē). There seems no good reason why Ovid would have used the emphatic consimilem instead of the more usual similem.

25. SI ... OPEM NVLLAM ... FEREBAS. 'If you had no intention of assisting me'—the inceptive or conative imperfect (Woodcock 200). Similar phrasing at Tr I viii 9-10 'haec ego uaticinor, quia sum deceptus ab illo / laturum misero quem mihi rebar opem' and EP II vii 46 'et nihil inueni quod mihi ferret opem'.

25. REBVS ... FACTISQVE. 'Through financial help or action on my behalf'. Ovid does not use this sense of res elsewhere in his poetry.

26. VERBIS ... TRIBVS. 'A few words'. For the idiom Williams cites Plautus Mil 1020 '"breuin an longinquo sermoni?" "tribu' uerbis"' and Trin 963 'adgrediundust hic homo mi astu.—heus, Pax, te tribu' uerbis uolo'; from comedy, OLD tres b cites Ter Ph 638. From the classical period compare Sen Apocol 11 3 'ad summam, tria uerba cito dicat, et seruum me ducat', Sen Ep 40 9, and Quint IX iv 84 'haec omnia in tribus uerbis'; Camps sees tres as having the same indefinite meaning at Prop II xiii 25-26 'sat mea sit magno [Phillimore: sit magna uel sat magna est codd] si tres sint pompa libelli / quos ego Persephonae maxima dona feram'.

27. SED ET was the standard reading until Ehwald's defence (KB 63) of SVBITO, the reading of (B¹) and C.[Pg 186]

Ehwald's reasoning was that sed et would indicate that the news of his friend's slandering him was additional information, and that Ovid already knew something of his friend's behaviour. But this is precisely the case: Ovid has just finished saying that his friend has done nothing to help him (9-10), and now he gives the additional information that his friend is even working against him. Ehwald supported the asyndeton that subito creates by quoting Met XV 359-60 'haud equidem credo: sparsae quoque membra uenenis / exercere artes Scythides memorantur easdem', where in fact quoque seems a convincing parallel to sed et.

27. INSVLTARE IACENTI. 'Torment in my misery'. Ovid plays on the literal meanings of iacere and in-saltare; for the latter, see Aen XII 338-39 'caesis / hostibus insultans'. Ovid uses insultare in only three other passages. All are from the poems of exile, and all are about the ill-treatment accorded Ovid: Tr II 571 'nec mihi credibile est quemquam insultasse iacenti', Tr III xi 1, and Tr V viii 3-4 'curue / casibus insultas quos potes ipse pati?'.

29. A DEMENS. A indicates a certain amount of sympathy with the person addressed, as can be seen from Tr V x 51-52 'quid loquor, a demens? ipsam quoque perdere uitam, / Caesaris offenso numine, dignus eram' and Ecl II 60-61 'quem fugis, a demens? habitarunt di quoque siluas / Dardaniusque Paris'. O (M¹FILT) would indicate rather less sympathy: compare Met III 640-41 'dextera Naxos erat: dextra mihi lintea danti / "quid facis, o demens? quis te furor" inquit "Acoete?"'.[Pg 187]

29. RECEDAT (TM²) is no doubt a scribal conjecture, but a correct one: 'Why, in case disaster should strike ...'. Most manuscripts have RECEDIT.

31. ORBE probably means 'wheel'; compare Tib I v 70 'uersatur celeri Fors leuis orbe rotae' and Cons ad Liuiam 51-52 (quoted in the next note). However, Professor E. Fantham points out to me that it could also mean 'sphere': she cites Pacuvius 366-67 Ribbeck² (Rhet Her II 36) 'Fortunam insanam esse et caecam et brutam perhibent philosophi, / saxoque instare in globoso praedicant uolubilei'. Smith at Tib I v 70 gives numerous instances of both images.

32. QVEM, found in Heinsius' fragmentum Boxhornianum (=Leid. Bibl. Publ. 180 G), must be right as against the QVAE of the other manuscripts; if a definition is to be given after the preceding 'haec dea non stabili quam sit leuis orbe fatetur', it should be a definition of the wheel, not the goddess. But the resulting quem summum dubio seems very awkwardly phrased, and further emendation is probably needed.

The obvious solution would be to read 'quem summo [C in fact reads summo] dubium sub pede semper habet'. This would give orbis a standard epithet, as at Tr V viii 7-8 'nec metuis dubio Fortunae stantis in orbe / numen' and Cons ad Liuiam 51-52 'nempe per hos etiam Fortunae iniuria mores / regnat et incerta est hic quoque nixa [Pg 188]rota'. In support of the rather more difficult summo ... pede (='toes') Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Sen Suas II 17 'insistens summis digitis ['toes']—sic enim solebat quo grandior fieret', Sen Tro 1090-91 'in cacumine / erecta summos [uar summo] turba librauit pedes', and Met IV 562 'aequora destringunt summis Ismenides alis'; compare as well Met IX 342-43 'in adludentibus undis / summa pedum taloque tenus uestigia tingit'.

A second solution might be to read 'quem dubio summum sub pede semper habet'; the transfer of dubius from orbis to pes seems acceptable enough, and Met IV 134-36 'oraque buxo / pallidiora gerens exhorruit aequoris instar, / quod tremit exigua cum summum stringitur aura' offers a good parallel to summum.

The image of Fortune standing on her wheel occurs elsewhere in Ovid's poems of exile at Tr V viii 7-8 (quoted above) and EP II iii 55-56 'scilicet indignum, iuuenis carissime, ducis / te fieri comitem stantis in orbe deae'.

33. QVOLIBET EST FOLIO ... INCERTIOR. For the proverb, see Otto folium 1; and from Ovid compare Am II xvi 45-46 'uerba puellarum, foliis leuiora caducis, / inrita qua uisum est uentus et unda ferunt', Her V 109-10 'tu leuior foliis tum cum sine pondere suci / mobilibus uentis arida facta uolant', and Fast III 481-82 (Ariadne speaking) 'Bacche leuis leuiorque tuis quae tempora cingunt / frondibus'.

33. QVAVIS INCERTIOR AVRA. Compare Her VI 109-10 'mobilis Aesonide uernaque incertior aura, / cur tua polliciti pondere uerba carent?'. Otto (uentus 1) cites as well Prop II v 11-13 'non ita Carpathiae[Pg 189] uariant Aquilonibus undae, / nec dubio nubes uertitur atra Noto, / quam facile irati uerbo mutantur amantes', Her XVIII 185-86 (Leander to Hero) 'cumque minus firmum nil sit quam uentus et unda, / in uentis et aqua spes mea semper erit?', and Calpurnius Ecl III 10 'mobilior uentis o femina!'.

The folium and uentus images of the present line are found together at Prop II ix 33-35 'non sic incerto mutantur flamine Syrtes, / nec folia hiberno tam tremefacta Noto, / quam cito feminea non constat foedus in ira'.

34. PAR ILLI = par illius leuitati. Similar compressions at vi 40 'mollior est animo femina nulla tuo' and commonly.

37-38. Ovid gives four instances of unexpected catastrophe, two from Greek history, two from Roman; the greater importance of the Roman examples is emphasized by their position and by the doubling of the space allotted to each example from two lines to four. There is a similar transition at Prop II vi 19-20 'cur exempla petam Graium? tu criminis auctor / nutritus duro, Romule, lacte lupae'.

The Greek examples may have been a traditional pairing: Croesus and Dionysius are mentioned together at Lucian Gall 23 as notable instances of personal catastrophe.

37. OPVLENTIA CROESI. Croesus as the archetype of wealth also at Tr III vii 41-42 'nempe dat ... Fortuna rapitque, / Irus et est subito qui modo Croesus erat'.[Pg 190]

The story of Croesus' downfall and the subsequent sparing of his life by Cyrus is taken from Herodotus I 86-88.

It is clear from his poetry that Ovid had a good knowledge of at least the first book of Herodotus:

(1) Met III 135-37 'sed scilicet ultima semper / expectanda dies homini est, dicique beatus / ante obitum nemo supremaque funera debet' may have been drawn from Solon's advice to Croesus at Herodotus I 32 7: 'εἰ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι [if in addition to having prosperity while alive] ἔτι τελευτήσει τὸν βίον εὖ, οὗτος ἐκεῖνος τὸν σὺ ζητέεις, [ὁ add Stein] ὄλβιος κεκλῆσθαι ἄξιός ἐστι· πρὶν δ' ἂν τελευτήσῃ, ἐπισχεῖν μηδὲ καλέειν κω ὄλβιον, ἀλλ' εὐτυχέα'.

(2) At Fast II 79-118 Ovid tells the story of Arion found at Herodotus I 23-24.

(3) At Fast II 663-66 there occurs the clearest instance of borrowing: Ovid uses the story of the border dispute between Sparta and Argos (Herodotus I 82) in the course of his discussion of the god Terminus: 'si tu signasses olim Thyreatida terram, / corpora non leto missa trecenta forent, / nec foret Othryades congestis lectus [Barth: tectus codd] in armis. / o quantum patriae sanguinis ille dedit!'.

37. AVDITA EST CVI NON. Compare Met XV 319-20 'cui non audita est obscenae Salmacis undae / Aethiopesque lacus?'.

38. NEMPE TAMEN VITAM CAPTVS AB HOSTE TVLIT. 'Even so, it is undeniable that he became a prisoner, and received his life as a[Pg 191] gift from his enemy'. Vitam ferre also at EP II i 45 (from a description of Germanicus' triumph of AD 12) 'maxima pars horum uitam ueniamque tulerunt'.

39. ILLE ... FORMIDATVS. Equivalent to ille with a defining qui-clause: 'The famous man who had once been feared ...'. Ovid is referring to Dionysius II, the student of Plato, who was expelled from Syracuse in 344 and became a schoolmaster in Corinth. Valerius Maximus (VI ix ext 6) also gives Dionysius as an example of unexpected disaster, and Plutarch (Timoleon 14) cites him as an example of the operations of Fortune. For an account of Dionysius' life at Corinth, see Justinus XXI v. There was a Greek proverb 'Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθῳ' (Cic Att IX ix 1; Quintilian VIII vi 52), apparently referring to his continued lust for power: 'Dionysius ... Syracusis expulsus Corinthi pueros docebat: usque eo imperio carere non poterat' (Cic Tusc III 27). Discussions of the proverb at Otto Dionysius and Shackleton Bailey on Att IX ix 1.

39. SYRACOSIA ... IN VRBE. Restored by Heinsius from the manuscripts' unmetrical SYRACVSIA, as at Fast VI 277. The same confusion between Συρακόσιος and Συρακούσιος is found in the manuscripts of Pindar (Ol I 23), the Attic form supplanting the original Doric. The same corruption is found in some ninth-century manuscripts of Virgil at Ecl VI 1 'Prima Syracosio dignata est ludere uersu' and in the Veronese scholia, and in the manuscripts of Claudian carm min LI 6 (Housman 1273).[Pg 192]

40. HVMILI ... ARTE. For the low social position of the schoolmaster in antiquity, see Bonner 146-62, and compare especially Juvenal VII 197-98 'si Fortuna uolet, fies de rhetore consul; / si uolet haec eadem, fiet de consule rhetor' and Pliny Ep IV xi 1 'nunc eo decidit ut exul de senatore, rhetor de oratore fieret'.

41. MAGNO MAIVS. 'Greater than (Pompey) the Great'. Even in the letters of Cicero, Pompey is occasionally called Magnus without further identification (Att I xvi 12). Other plays on the name at Fast I 603-4 'Magne, tuum nomen rerum est mensura tuarum; / sed qui te uicit nomine maior erat' and Lucan I 135 'stat magni nominis umbra', where Getty cites Velleius II 1 4 'Pompeium magni nominis uirum'.

42. CLIENTIS OPEM. After the final defeat at Pharsalus, Pompey fled to Egypt and sought the protection of Ptolemy XIII (Caesar BC III 103, Plutarch Pomp 77).

Pompey similarly treated as the victim of Fortune at Cic Tusc I 86 and through much of Lucan VII-VIII; compare as well Anth Lat Riese 401 'Quam late uestros duxit Fortuna triumphos, / tam late sparsit funera, Magne, tua'.

Compare as well Anth Lat 415 39-40 'spes Magnum profugum toto discurrere in orbe / iusserat et pueri regis adire pedes'; the distich follows a description of the hardships undergone by Marius.

44. The line is omitted by B¹ and C; other manuscripts offer (with minor variations) INDIGVS EFFECTVS OMNIBVS IPSE MAGIS or ACHILLAS[Pg 193] PHARIVS ABSTVLIT ENSE CAPVT, a line apparently devised with the aid of Juvenal X 285-86 'Fortuna ... uicto caput abstulit' and Lucan VIII 545-46 'ullusne in cladibus istis / est locus Aegypto Phariusque admittitur ensis?', both passages concerned with Pompey's murder by Achillas. Clearly a line of the poem was lost in transmission.

Heinsius and Bentley felt that the entire distich should be deleted; but 43 seems acceptable enough, and it is appropriate that the description of Pompey's downfall be balanced with the four-line mention of Marius that follows. It would be strange if Pompey's sensational murder were overlooked, as this was regarded by the poets as the ultimate reversal of his fortunes: compare Manilius IV 50-55, Juvenal X 283-86 (which is joined to a mention of Marius' reversal) and Anth Lat 401-3 Riese.

45. IVGVRTHINO ... CIMBROQVE TRIVMPHO. Marius rose to prominence in the Jugurthine war, celebrating his triumph in 104; in 101 his defeat in the Po valley of the Cimbri, a Germanic tribe originally from Jutland, ended a twelve-year military threat to Rome.

47. IN CAENO LATVIT MARIVS. In 88 Sulla, whose command against Mithridates had been transferred to Marius by a special law, marched on Rome and induced the Senate to name Marius an outlaw; Marius was forced to escape to Africa, at one point on the route hiding in the marshes of Minturnae. This ordeal is mentioned by the poets who deal[Pg 194] with Marius, but they consider that he reached the low point of his fortunes when he arrived at Carthage. Compare Manilius IV 47-49, Juvenal X 276-77 'exilium et carcer Minturnarumque paludes / et mendicatus uicta Carthagine panis' and Anth Lat 415 33-38 Riese.

47. LATVIT MARIVS M IACVIT MARIVS H MARIVS LATVIT L MARIVS IACVIT BCFIT. Iacere and latere could each be corrupted to the other with ease: such corruptions occur in certain manuscripts at Met I 338 and Fast II 244 (iacere corrupted to latere) and Fast II 467, II 587 & III 265 (latere corrupted to iacere). Although it is weakly attested, latuit should be read here in view of the use of abdere at Velleius II xix 2 'paludem Maricae, in quam se fugiens consectantis Sullae equites abdiderat' and Lucan II 70 'exul limosa Marius caput abdidit ulua', and of κρύπτειν at Plutarch Marius 37 5: latere is often virtually a passive form of abdere.

Marius latuit looks like a normalization of word order from the emphatic latuit Marius.

47. CANNAQVE PALVSTRI. Canna palustris is a standard feature of Ovid's marshes; see AA I 554, RA 142, and Met IV 298 & VIII 337. At RA 142 Henderson comments 'Ovid probably means the plant called in this country [Scotland] Reed (Phragmites communis, a grass), which the Italians call canna di palude; smaller than harundo (Arundo donax, the Greek κάννα and Italian canna), it nevertheless often reaches a height of 6 or 7 feet'.[Pg 195]

48. MVLTA PVDENDA. The entire sequence of events during Marius' flight to Africa.

50. FACIT R. J. Tarrant. For fidem facere ('induce belief') compare Met VI 565-66 'dat gemitus fictos commentaque funera narrat, / et lacrimae fecere fidem' and Caesar BC II 37 1 'nuntiabantur haec eadem Curioni, sed aliquamdiu fides fieri non poterat: tantam habebat suarum rerum fiduciam'. Ehwald (KB 63) defends FERET (BC), quoting Aen X 792 'si qua fidem tanto est operi latura uetustas', but the true meaning of this line is 'if antiquity can ever win belief for a deed so grand' (Jackson Knight); the idiom cannot be fitted into the present passage with acceptable meaning. HABET, the reading of most manuscripts, does not account for FERET, but is in itself acceptable enough; compare Her XVI 59-60 'ecce pedum pulsu uisa est mihi terra moueri— / uera loquar ueri [Heinsius: uero codd] uix habitura fidem' and Cic Flac 21 'sed fuerint incorruptae litterae domi; nunc uero quam habere auctoritatem aut quam fidem possunt?'.

51. SI QVIS MIHI DICERET. Compare Tr IV viii 43-44 'hoc mihi si Delphi Dodonaque diceret ipsa, / esse uideretur uanus uterque locus'.

52. GETE is read from the manuscripts by Heinsius; the form is the same as at Met X 608 'Hippomene uicto', Fast IV 593 'uictore Gyge', EP II iv 22 'in Aeacide Nestorideque', and EP I viii 6 'dura pharetrato bella mouente Gete [uar Geta]'. All editors but Heinsius print GETAE, but this is contrary to Ovid's usage: compare (to take only a few[Pg 196] instances) Ibis 637 'Sarmaticas inter Geticasque sagittas', EP I i 79 'inque locum Scythico uacuum mutabor ab arcu', and EP III v 45 'ipse quidem Getico peream uiolatus ab arcu'. The only apparent exceptions to the rule I have found are Tr IV i 21 'Sinti [Ehwald: inter codd Sintae Iac. Gronouius] nec militis ensem', where the compound expression alters matters somewhat, and Fast V 580 'Parthi [uar Parthis] signa retenta manu', where Partha should probably be read; compare Fast VI 244 'Mauras pertimuere manus [codd: minas Alton]' and EP I iii 59-60 'altera Bistonias pars est sensura sarisas, / altera Sarmatica spicula missa manu'.

53. I BIBE ... ANTICYRA. A hendiadys for 'Go drink all the mind-purging hellebore that grows in Anticyra'.

53. PVRGANTES ... SVCOS. For discussions of elleborus see Theophrastus HP IX 10, Pliny NH XXV 47-61, and Aulus Gellius XVII xv. There were two varieties of the plant, black and white (from the colour of their roots): the former was a laxative, the latter induced vomiting and was thought to sharpen the intellect; compare Val Max VIII vii ext 5, Pliny NH XXV 52, Martianus Capella IV 327, and the other passages cited by Brink at Hor AP 300.

54. ANTICYRA. Three places of this name are known from ancient sources; it is not known which of them Ovid had in mind. One was[Pg 197] a city in Locris on the north side of the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf; the second was a city near Mount Oeta (Strabo IX v 10), and the third an island of uncertain location (Pliny NH XXV 52). It is possible that Hor AP 300 'tribus Anticyris caput insanabile' should be taken to mean that all three places were famous for hellebore, but ps-Acron glosses tribus Anticyris as 'tribus ... potionibus [Keller: potus codd] ... aut multo elleboro', which Brink accepts, citing Hor Sat II iii 82-83 'danda est ellebori multo pars maxima auaris; / nescio an Anticyram ratio illis destinet omnem' and Persius IV 16 'Anticyras ... sorbere meracas' for the metonymy, and Petronius 88 4 'Chrysippus, ut ad inuentionem sufficeret, ter elleboro animum detersit' for the number. The last two places at least seem to have been known for their hellebore; compare Pliny NH XXV 49 'plurimum autem nascitur in Oete monte et optimum uno eius loco circa Pyram' and XXV 52 'Drusum quoque apud nos ... constat hoc medicamento liberatum comitiali morbo ['epilepsy'] in Anticyra insula'.

57. TV QVOQVE FAC TIMEAS. That is, his friend should start to behave better towards him. For a similar exhortation at the end of a poem of reproach, see Tr I viii 49-50 'effice peccati ne sim memor huius, et illo / officium laudem quo queror ore tuum'; even in the Ibis there is a veiled offer of reconciliation: 'et neque nomen in hoc nec dicam facta libello, / teque breui qui sis dissimulare sinam. / postmodo, si perges, in te mihi liber iambus / tincta Lycambeo sanguine tela dabit' (51-54).[Pg 198]

58. DVM LOQVERIS. Compare Am I xi 15 'dum loquor, hora fugit' and Hor Carm I xi 7-8 'dum loquimur, fugerit inuida / aetas'; Nisbet and Hubbard cite ad loc Persius V 153 and Petronius 99 3, noting that the sententia is not found before Horace.[Pg 199]

IV. To Sextus Pompeius

In this second poem addressed to Sextus Pompeius, Ovid celebrates the news that Pompeius is to be consul ordinarius in the following year. As Pompeius was consul in 14, Ovid probably wrote the poem shortly after the election of magistrates in 13.

Poems iv and v form a pair, the first being an account of Ovid's reaction on learning of Pompeius' election, the second being a letter to the new consul. Both poems have points of contact with poem ix, a letter of congratulation sent to Graecinus on his becoming suffect consul.

The poem begins with general reflections that no sadness is absolute, which prepare for the description of how the news came to Ovid of Pompeius' election (1-20). He pictures to himself the ceremonies that will take place (21-42), and ends with the hope that in the midst of the festivities Pompeius will still be able to remember him (43-50).

1-6. In these lines Ovid reverses the usual ancient sentiment that no pleasure is unalloyed. Compare Hor Carm II x 17-18 'non, si male nunc, et olim / sic erit'. For the more usual thought, see Met VII 453-54 'nulla est sincera uoluptas, / sollicitique aliquid laetis interuenit' and Fast VI 463 'interdum miscentur tristia laetis'.[Pg 200]

1. AVSTRALIBVS VMIDA NIMBIS. An image used elsewhere by Ovid as a metaphor of his unhappiness: see Tr I iii 13 'hanc animo nubem dolor ipse remouit', Tr V v 22 'pars uitae tristi cetera nube uacet', and EP II i 5-6 'tandem aliquid pulsa curarum nube serenum ['cloudless'] uidi'.

1. VMIDA. For the dampness of the south wind, compare Met I 65-66 'contraria tellus / nubibus assiduis pluuiaque madescit ab Austro'.

2. NON INTERMISSIS ... AQVIS. Non intermissis in the same metrical position at EP I iv 16 'non intermissis cursibus ibit equus'; intermissus used of bad weather at Tr II 149-51 'uentis agitantibus aera [uar aequora] non est / aequalis rabies continuusque furor, / sed modo subsidunt intermissique silescunt'.

7. DOMO PATRIAQVE CARENS OCVLISQVE MEORVM. Similar phrasing at Tr III vii 45 'cum caream patria uobisque domoque', Tr III xi 15-16 'quod coniuge cara, / quod patria careo pignoribusque meis', Tr V v 19 (of his wife) 'illa domo nataque sua patriaque fruatur', Tr I v 83, Tr IV vi 19, Tr IV ix 12, Tr V x 47, EP I iii 47, and EP II ix 79.

7. OCVLISQVE MEORVM. Compare Tr V iv 27-30 'nec patriam magis ille suam desiderat ... quam uultus oculosque tuos, o dulcior illo / melle quod in ceris Attica ponit apis'. Oculisque meorum seems to mean 'regards des miens' (André) rather than 'the sight of my own' (Wheeler); compare Aen XI 800-1 'oculosque tulere / cuncti ad reginam',[Pg 201] Met VII 256 'et monet arcanis oculos remouere profanos', Persius V 33 'permisit sparsisse oculos ['to look where I chose']', and from prose Cic Fam IX ii 2 'ut uitemus oculos hominum'.

9. VVLTVM DIFFVNDERE. The action opposite to trahis uultus (i 5); compare Met XIV 272 'diffudit uultus' and from prose Sen Ep 106 5 'nisi dubitas an uultum nobis mutent, an frontem astringant, an faciem diffundant'. It is probably from this expression that diffundere acquired the extended sense of 'mentally relax' (OLD diffundo 5), for which compare Met IV 766 'diffudere animos', Met III 318 'Iouem ... diffusum nectare', and AA I 218 'diffundetque animos omnibus ista dies'.

9. CAVSAM. CAVSA (BCT) is grammatical enough, but corruption from qua ... causam to qua ... causa is more likely than the inverse.

The construction of the sentence is rather complex: Ovid's normal practice would be to employ an objective genitive with causa.

10. POSSIM BCMHIT POSSEM L POSSVM F. The clause is in primary tense sequence following the true perfect inueni, which represents the present result of a past action. Compare fecit ... minuant in 5-6.

10. NEC MEMINISSE = et obliuisci. Nec (non) meminisse is metrically useful for filling the second hemistich of the pentameter up to the disyllable; so used at vi 50 'arguat ingratum non meminisse sui', Tr IV iv 40 & V xiii 18, and EP II iv 6.[Pg 202]

11. SOLVS BC. TRISTIS, the reading of the other six manuscripts, is tempting, as being the less neutral of the two adjectives, and was accepted without question by Heinsius and Burman. If it is accepted, one could argue that Ovid refers back to the word at 21 'dilapsis ... curis'. But solus is shown to be correct by the passage Ovid is here imitating, Virgil G I 388-89 'tum cornix plena pluuiam uocat improba uoce / et sola in sicca secum spatiatur harena'. Solus was lost through haplography ('fulua solus': the elongated 's' form common in manuscripts would have facilitated the error) and tristis interpolated to restore the metre. Ehwald believed (KB 63) that the error arose from tristis having been written above solus in the archetype, but there is no reason to accept this, since the one could not stand as a gloss for the other.

11. SPATIARER HARENA. The phrase is taken from Virgil G I 388-89 (quoted in the previous note); Ovid imitates the passage again at Met II 572-73 'lentis / passibus, ut soleo, summa spatiarer harena'.

12. VISA EST A TERGO PENNA DEDISSE SONVM. 'I thought I heard a wing rustle behind me'. A similar advent of an unseen deity at Met III 96-98 'uox subito audita est; neque erat cognoscere promptum / unde, sed audita est: "quid, Agenore nate, peremptum / serpentem spectas? et tu spectabere serpens"'. Compare as well Met V 294-98 'Musa loquebatur: pennae sonuere per auras, / uoxque salutantum ramis ueniebat ab altis. / suspicit et linguae quaerit tam certa loquentes / unde sonent hominemque putat Ioue nata locutum; / ales erat'.[Pg 203]

12. PENNA BMFHILT PINNA C. Pinna and penna, perhaps from different roots, were confused even in antiquity. The ancient manuscripts of Virgil offer pinna as the spelling even for the meaning 'wing', but Quintilian clearly took penna as the correct spelling for this sense: 'quare ['therefore'] discat puer ... quae cum quibus cognatio; nec miretur cur ... a pinno quod est acutum [sc fiat] securis utrimque habens aciem bipennis, ne illorum sequatur errorem qui, quia a pennis duabus hoc esse nomen existimant, pennas auium dici uolunt'. (I iv 12).

13. NEQVE ERAT CMHL NEC ERAT BFIT. Virgil had a very strong preference for neque before words starting with a vowel, but Ovid did not follow this rule: compare Met I 101 'nec ullis', 132 'nec adhuc', 223 'nec erit', 306 'nec ablato', and 322 'nec amantior'. However, it seems better to accept neque as the true reading in view of the good manuscript support and the parallel at Met III 96-97 'uox subita audita est (neque [uar nec] erat cognoscere promptum / unde, sed audita est)'.

13. NEQVE ERAT CORPVS. 'But there was no body'. Neque (nec) represents sed ... non as well as et ... non.

It is one of Ovid's favourite devices to describe the aspect of gods when they appear to him, as at Am III i 7-14 (Elegy and Tragedy), Fast I 95-100 (Janus), Fast III 171-72 (Mars), Fast V 194 (Flora), Fast V 637-38 (Tiber), and EP III iii 13-20 (Amor). The only other passage where Ovid says he did not see the god is Fast VI 251-54, but[Pg 204] Vesta had no traditional appearance that Ovid could make use of: compare Fast VI 298 'effigiem nullam Vesta ... habet'.

The reason that Ovid did not describe Fama was that the picture of Fama as a winged monster which Virgil had made standard (Aen IV 174-88) could not easily be integrated into the poem. The only description of Fama in Ovid is at Met IX 137-39 'Fama loquax praecessit ad aures, / Deianira, tuas, quae ueris addere falsa / gaudet, et e minima sua per mendacia crescit'. At Met XII 39-63 there is a memorable description of Fama's dwelling-place. Fama is also personified (but with no descriptions) at EP II i 19-20 & II ix 3.

16. PER IMMENSAS AERE LAPSA VIAS. Similar phrasing at EP III iii 77-78 (Amor speaking) 'ut tamen aspicerem consolarerque iacentem, / lapsa per immensas est mea penna uias'.

17. QVO NON TIBI CARIOR ALTER. Compare Tr III vi 3 'nec te mihi carior alter', Tr IV vi 46 'qua nulla mihi carior, uxor', and EP II viii 27 'per patriae nomen, quae te tibi carior ipso est'.

18. CANDIDVS ET FELIX PROXIMVS ANNVS ERIT. Compare Fast I 63-64 'ecce tibi faustum, Germanice, nuntiat annum / inque meo primus carmine Ianus adest'. No doubt both passages echo the phrasing of a New Year wish or prayer.

18. CANDIDVS. 'Favourable'. Compare Tr V v 13-14 (on his wife's birthday) 'optime natalis! quamuis procul absumus, opto / candidus[Pg 205] huc uenias', Prop IV i 67-68 'Roma, faue, tibi surgit opus, date candida ciues / omina, et inceptis dextera cantet auis!', and Fast I 79-80 'uestibus intactis Tarpeias itur in arces, / et populus festo concolor ipse suo est'.

19. DIXIT ET has a definite epic flavour, being found in Virgil at Aen I 402 & 736, II 376, III 258, IV 659, V 477, VI 677, VIII 366 & 615, IX 14, X 867, XI 561 & 858, XII 266 & 681, and G IV 499; from Ovid compare Met I 466-67 'dixit et eliso percussis aere pennis / impiger umbrosa Parnasi constitit arce', I 762 'dixit et implicuit materno bracchia collo', III 474, IV 162 & 576, V 230 & 419, VIII 101, and VIII 757. A close parallel at EP III iii 93-94 (Amor has been speaking with Ovid) 'dixit et aut ille est tenues dilapsus in auras, / coeperunt sensus aut uigilare mei'.

22. EXCIDIT. 'I forgot'; the opposite of subit 'I remember'. The idiom is standard Latin (OLD excido¹ 9b); Ovidian instances at Her XII 71, Am II i 18, Met VIII 449-50 'excidit omnis / luctus et a lacrimis in poenae uersus amorem est', Met XIV 139, Fast V 315, Tr I v 14, EP II iv 24, and EP II x 8 'exciderit tantum ne tibi cura mei'.

23. VBI ... RESERAVERIS ANNVM. 'When you have unlocked the year'. Compare Ovid's descriptions of Janus at Fast I 99 'tenens baculum dextra clauemque sinistra' and Fast I 253-54 '"nil mihi cum bello: pacem postesque tuebar / et" clauem ostendens "haec" ait "arma gero"'.[Pg 206]

23. LONGVM ANNVM. André translates, 'l'année longue à venir', citing Cic Phil V 1 'Nihil umquam longius his Kalendiis Ianuariis mihi uisum est', to which OLD longus 14a adds (among other passages) Caesar BG I 40 13 'in longiorem diem collaturus' and Sen Ep 63 3 'non differo in longius tempus'; but the meaning 'far off' seems unsuited to the present context. Longum should be taken in its usual sense; it perhaps emphasizes that the whole year is still ahead.

24. SACRO MENSE. Sacer because of the religious ceremonies marking the New Year.

25-28. The first action of the new consul was to take auspices at his home and to assume the consular toga: compare Livy XXI 63 10 (217 BC; Flaminius has entered his consulship while absent from Rome) 'magis pro maiestate uidelicet imperii Arimini quam Romae magistratum initurum et in deuersorio hospitali quam apud penates suos praetextam sumpturum' (Mommsen Staatsrecht I³ 615-17).

26. NE TITVLIS QVICQVAM DEBEAT ILLE SVIS. There are two possible ways of understanding this line.

One way is to take titulis as referring to Pompeius' earlier magistracies, 'as if the series of offices were a score which Pompey would pay in full when he became consul' (Wheeler). A similar use at Her IX 1 'Gratulor Oechaliam titulis accedere nostris'.

Titulis does not have to be taken as a strict reference to the offices Pompeius had already held, but can have the wider sense of[Pg 207] 'reputation, honour'. Compare the opening line of Her IX quoted above; Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Met XV 855 'sic magnus cedit titulis Agamemnonis Atreus' and Juvenal VIII 241.

The second way to take the passage is, with Némethy, to understand titulis ... suis as being equivalent to maioribus suis, qui magnos titulos habent, the tituli being the inscriptions below the imagines of Pompeius' ancestors. A parallel for the sense at EP III i 75-76 'hoc domui debes de qua censeris, ut illam / non magis officiis quam probitate colas'. Professor E. Fantham suggests a refinement: titulis ... suis should be taken in the sense 'achievements of his ancestors'. Compare Prop IV xi 32 'et domus est titulis utraque fulta suis'.

27. PAENE ATRIA. Heinsius preferred PENETRALIA, the reading of I and F² ('sed ne sic quidem locus mihi uidetur plane in integrum restitutus'), apparently objecting to paene. The word seems weak enough, especially in view of Virgil G I 49 'illius immensae ruperunt horrea messes', but Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me a similarly weak paene at Tr III xi 13-14 'sic ego belligeris a gentibus undique saeptus / terreor, hoste meum paene premente latus'. Burman conjectured LAETA and PLENA; neither seems very convincing.

For atria compare Her XVI 185-86 'occurrent denso tibi Troades agmine matres, / nec capient Phrygias atria nostra nurus'. Penetralia, although poorly attested, is in itself appropriate enough, since the new consul began his magistracy in front of his penates: Festus (Mueller 208; Lindsay 231) defined the penetralia as the 'penatium deorum sacraria'.[Pg 208]

28. ET POPVLVM LAEDI DEFICIENTE LOCO. The jostling of a crowd similarly described at Am III ii 21-22 'tu tamen a dextra, quicumque es, parce puellae; / contactu lateris laeditur ista tui'.

29-34. The new consul, accompanied by lictors, left his house and went in solemn procession to the Capitoline, where he took his place on the curule chair, and then sacrificed to Iuppiter Optimus Maximus. A meeting of the Senate followed, held in the temple of Jupiter.

At ix 17-32 Ovid gives a similar description of the consul's entering on his office.

29. TARPEIAE ... SEDIS. Capitolinus is metrically awkward; hence the synecdoche from the Tarpeia rupes, the part of the Capitoline from which criminals were hurled. Similar tropes at viii 42 'uictima Tarpeios inficit icta focos', ix 29 'at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces', and commonly in the poets.

30. FACILES IN TVA VOTA. 'Receptive to your prayers'; for this frequent sense of facilis compare Her XII 84 'sed mihi tam faciles unde meosque deos?', Met V 559 'optastis facilesque deos habuistis', Tr IV i 53 'sint precor hae [the Muses] saltem faciles mihi', EP II ii 19-20 'esse ... fateor ... difficilem precibus te quoque iure meis', Her XVI 282 'sic habeas faciles in tua uota deos', and Grattius 426.

31-32. The asyndeton in this distich is odd, given the preceding series of connectives. If the text is unsound, however, alteration[Pg 209] of certae to certant (Damsté) or cerno (Owen) is not the cure. By using certae Ovid is indicating that there will be a clean blow with the axe, a good omen for the coming year. For the opposite omen, see Aen II 222-24 (describing Laocoon) 'clamores simul horrendos ad sidera tollit: / qualis mugitus, fugit cum saucius aram / taurus et incertam excussit ceruice securim'.

31-32. BOVES NIVEOS ... QVOS ALVIT CAMPIS HERBA FALISCA SVIS. Compare Am III xiii 13-14 'ducuntur niueae populo plaudente iuuencae, / quas aluit campis herba Falisca suis' and Fast I 83-84 (a description of the sacrifices on January 1st) 'colla rudes operum praebent ferienda iuuenci, / quos aluit campis herba Falisca suis'.

33-34. CVMQVE DEOS OMNES, TVM QVOS IMPENSIVS AEQVOS / ESSE TIBI CVPIAS, CVM IOVE CAESAR ERVNT. Cupias must be supplied with deos omnes—'You will wish the favour of all the gods; those gods whose favour you will particularly wish will be Caesar and Jupiter'. The omission of the verb from the cum-clause seems very strange, however, and Ehwald (KB 63-64) is possibly correct in supposing a distich to have fallen from the text after 32; in this case, cumque deos omnes is probably far removed from its original form.

33. OMNES, TVM QVOS. Ehwald wished to read OMNES, TVNC HOS (P reads TVNC HOS ORES), hos referring to the gods of the Capitol who had been named in the distich missing after 32; but this would leave cum Ioue Caesar erunt without a predicate.[Pg 210]

33. AEQVOS. 'Favourable'; compare Her I 23 'sed bene consuluit casto deus aequus amori'; Tr I ii 6 'aequa Venus Teucris, Pallas iniqua fuit', Tr III xiv 29 'aequus erit scriptis', and Tr IV i 25.

35. E MORE VOCATI. 'Convened, as is traditional'. After the sacrifice on the Capitoline, the new consul addressed the assembled Senate; compare Livy XXVI 26 5 'M. Marcellus cum idibus Martiis consulatum inisset, senatum eo die moris modo causa habuit ['held a session of the Senate simply because it was traditional to do so']' and Livy XXI 63 8 'ne die initi magistratus Iouis optimi maximi templum adiret, ne senatum inuisus ipse et sibi uni inuisum uideret consuleretque'.

36. INTENDENT AVRES. The expression is not found elsewhere in Ovid, or in Virgil; but compare Manilius II 511 'at nudus Geminis intendit Aquarius aurem'. The expression is presumably an extension of oculos (aciem) intendere, for which see Cic Tusc IV 38, Ac II 80, and Tac Ann IV 70.

37. FACVNDO TVA VOX ... ORE. For Pompeius' eloquence, Némethy cites Val Max II vi 8 'facundissimo ... sermone, qui ore eius quasi e beato quodam eloquentiae fonte manabat' and IV vii ext 2 'clarissimi ac disertissimi uiri'.

37. HILARAVERIT. The verb is rare and elevated in tone. Compare Cic Brut 44 (of Pericles' oratory) 'huius suauitate maxime hilaratae Athenae sunt', Catullus LXIII 18, and Ecl V 69.[Pg 211]

38. VTQVE SOLET, TVLERIT PROSPERA VERBA DIES. Compare Fast I 175-76 (Ovid to Janus) '"at cur laeta tuis dicuntur uerba Kalendis, / et damus alternas accipimusque preces?"'.

40. Riese's punctuation 'facias cur ita, saepe dabit' seems preferable to the alternate 'facias cur ita saepe, dabit', as placing more emphasis on Augustus and being perhaps an echo of Tr IV ii 12 'munera det meritis, saepe datura, deis'.

42. OFFICIVM POPVLI = populum officium facientem; the same metonymy at Met XV 691-93 (of Aesculapius) 'restitit hic agmenque suum turbaeque sequentis / officium placido uisus dimittere uultu / corpus in Ausonia posuit rate'.

44. NEC POTERVNT ISTIS LVMINA NOSTRA FRVI. Other non-personal subjects at Cic Am 45 (animus) and ps-Quint Decl VII 10 'uulneribus illis non fruentur oculi'. In all of these passages the transition from an expressed personal subject to a faculty or part of the personality seems fairly natural.

45. QVAMLIBET is a correction by Heinsius: 'far away as you might be ...'. The QVOD (QVA) LICET of most manuscripts anticipates the following qua possum, contrary to Ovid's practice.

45. QVA POSSVM, MENTE. A commonplace of the poems of exile: compare ix 41-42 'mente tamen, quae sola domo non exulat, usus / praetextam fasces aspiciamque tuos', Tr III iv 56, Tr IV ii 57 'haec ego summotus[Pg 212] qua possum mente uidebo', EP I viii 34 'cunctaque mens oculis peruidet usa suis', EP II iv 8, EP II x 47, and EP III v 47-48.

V. To Sextus Pompeius

The poem was written shortly after Pompeius' accession to the consulship (compare 4 'tectaque brumali sub niue terra latet' and 24 'deque parum noto consulet officio'). It takes the form of a set of instructions to the poem on what it should do when it reaches Rome. Ovid tells the poem it should look for Pompeius, and includes a short description of some of the consular functions Pompeius might be carrying out (1-26). He then instructs the poem in what it is to say to Pompeius: it should describe to him Ovid's gratitude for past and present services, and promise (using several adynata as illustrations) that this gratitude will be eternal (27-46).

A close parallel to this poem is furnished by Tr III vii, in which Ovid tells the poem where it is to seek his stepdaughter Perilla and what it is to say to her. Similar personifications are found in Tr I i, in which Ovid gives instructions to his book on what it should do when it reaches Rome and the prudence it should show, in Tr III i, where the book describes its arrival in Rome, in Tr V iv, where the letter tells of Ovid's misery and his loyalty to his friend, and in Ovid's exhortation to his elegi at Fast II 3-6. The device is not unique to Ovid, being found at Catullus XXXV, Hor Ep I xx, and Statius Sil IV iv.

1. LEVES ELEGI. The same phrase at Am II i 21 'blanditias elegosque leues, mea tela, resumpsi'.[Pg 214]

1. DOCTAS AD CONSVLIS AVRES. 'To the ears of a consul who appreciates poetry'. Compare Hor Ep I xiii 17-18 'carmina quae possint oculos aurisque morari / Caesaris' and Prop II xiii 11-12.

2. HONORATO refers specifically to Pompeius' consulship. Honor is often used with the restricted sense of 'magistracy'.

3. LONGA VIA EST. Compare Tr I i 127-28 (the end of Ovid's instructions to his book) 'longa uia est, propera! nobis habitabitur orbis / ultimus, a terra terra remota mea'.

3. LONGA VIA EST, NEC VOS PEDIBVS PROCEDITIS AEQVIS. The uia longa is seen as a possible cause of the metre's lameness at Tr III i 11-12.

3. NEC ... PEDIBVS ... AEQVIS. Ovid often mentions the alternating pattern of elegiac verse: compare xvi 11 numeris ... imparibus ... uel aequis and the passages there cited, Am III i 8 (of Elegy) 'et, puto, pes illi longior alter erat', and EP III iv 85-86 'ferre etiam molles elegi tam uasta triumphi / pondera disparibus non potuere rotis'.

5. HAEMON Laurentianus 38 39 (saec xv), Ven. Marcianus XII 106 (saec xv), editio princeps Bononiensis HAEMVM BCMFHILT. I follow Heinsius and Burman in printing Haemon, in consideration of the preceding Thracen: it seems neater to have both place-names in their Greek forms. Haemum is similarly the transmitted reading at Met VI 87 (of the[Pg 215] tapestry created by Minerva) 'Threiciam Rhodopen habet angulus unus et Haemon' and Met X 76-77 (of Orpheus) 'in altam / se recipit Rhodopen pulsumque Aquilonibus Haemon', the preferable Haemon being found only in certain late manuscripts.

6. TRANSIERĪTIS. In early Latin this would necessarily have been a perfect subjunctive, the future perfect indicative being transierĭtis with the second 'i' short; but after Ennius and Plautus the forms (like -erīs and -erĭs)) are used indifferently, according to metrical necessity. See Platnauer 56 and Kühner-Stegmann I 115-16.

7. LVCE MINVS DECIMA DOMINAM VENIETIS IN VRBEM. '[Starting from Brundisium] you will arrive in Rome before the tenth day'. The same idiom at Fast V 379 'nocte minus quarta promet sua sidera Chiron'.

8. VT FESTINATVM NON FACIATIS ITER. The trip would probably be not much shorter than ten days. André cites Livy XXXVI 21 and Plutarch Cato maior 14 3 for Cato's five-day journey from Hydruntum (Livy; Hydruntum is about seventy-five kilometres southeast of Brundisium) or Brundisium (Plutarch) in 191 to announce the victory over Antiochus III at Thermopylae; both authors mention the journey for its speed. The more leisurely journey from Rome to Brundisium described in Hor Sat I v seems to have taken about fifteen days; see Palmer on I v 103.

9. Either PETETVR (FT) or PETATVR (BCMHIL) is possible enough. Petetur seems the better reading in view of uenietis (7) and erit (16), the[Pg 216] corruption perhaps having been induced by faciatis in the preceding line. But the jussive petatur could be continuing from ite in the first line; compare Statius Sil IV iv 4-5 'atque ubi Romuleas uelox penetraueris arces, / continuo dextras flaui pete Thybridis oras'.

10. NON EST AVGVSTO IVNCTIOR VLLA FORO. Compare xv 16 'quam domus [sc tua] Augusto continuata foro'.

11. SI QVIS VT IN POPULO. 'If someone in the crowd'. This seems to be the sense of ut in populo; Wheeler's translation 'as may happen in the crowd' will work here and at Tr I i 17-18 'si quis ut in populo nostri non immemor illi [=illic], / si quis qui quid agam forte requirat, erit', but not at Tr II 157-58 'per patriam, quae te tuta et secura parente est, / cuius ut in populo pars ego nuper eram' or at Hor Sat I vi 78-80 (Horace describes his schooldays) 'uestem seruosque sequentis / in magno ut populo si qui uidisset, auita / ex re praeberi sumptus mihi crederet illos'.

A similar idiom appears at Tr II 231-32 'denique ut in tanto quantum non extitit umquam / corpore pars nulla est quae labet imperii'

11. QVI SITIS ET VNDE. Similar phrasing at Ilias Lat 554-55 'nomen genusque roganti, / qui sit et unde'.

12. NOMINA ... QVAELIBET ... FERAT. Ferat = 'receive as answer'. Compare Livy V 32 8 '[M. Furius Camillus] cum accitis domum tribulibus [Pg 217]clientibusque ... percontatus animos eorum responsum tulisset se conlaturos quanti damnatus esset, absoluere eum non posse, in exilium abiit' and XXI 19 11.

12. DECEPTA ... AVRE. Compare Met VII 821-23 'uocibus ambiguis deceptam praebuit aurem / nescio quis nomenque aurae tam saepe uocatum / esse putat nymphae'.

14. VERA, MINVS Hilberg VERBA MINVS codd. For the phrase uera fateri Hilberg (35-36) cited as parallels Met VII 728 & IX 53, Tr I ix 16, EP III i 79 'si uis uera fateri', EP III ix 19 'quid enim dubitem tibi uera fateri?', to which add EP II iii 7. For the contrast of uera and ficta Hilberg cited EP III iv 105-6 'oppida turritis cingantur eburnea muris, / fictaque res uero [codd: uerae Riese] more putetur agi'; see as well Tr I ix 15-16 'haec precor ut semper possint tibi falsa uideri; / sunt tamen euentu uera fatenda meo'. For the corruption of uera to uerba he cited Fast I 332, Tr III vi 36, III xi 33 & IV iii 58, and Prop III xxiv 12 'naufragus Aegaea uera [Passerat: uerba codd] fatebar [uar fatebor] aqua'; for the position of uera he cited EP III i 46 & IV xiii 26. The corruption was no doubt assisted by the isolated position of uera at the start of the pentameter.

15-16. COPIA NEC VOBIS NVLLO PROHIBENTE VIDENDI / CONSULIS ... ERIT. 'Even if no one stops you, you will not be able to see the consul [because he will be busy]'. Heinsius preferred to read VLLO (P), but this does not yield sense: it would have to mean 'you will be able to see the consul if no one prevents you' or 'you will be unable to see[Pg 218] the consul if anyone prevents you'; neither of these meanings would cohere with what follows.

15. COPIA. 'Opportunity'; compare Met XI 278 'copia ... facta est adeundi tecta tyranni', EP III i 135-37 'cum domus Augusti ... laeta ... plenaque pacis erit, / tum tibi di faciant adeundi copia fiat', and Aen I 520 'coram data copia fandi', XI 248 (=I 520) & XI 378.

17. DICENDO IVRA. The plural is poetic, the standard phrase being ius dicere: OLD ius² 4b cites Livy III 52 6 alone for the plural.

17-26. Ovid lists in order of ascending importance some of the activities Pompeius as consul might be engaged in, starting with the hearing of lawsuits and ending with visits to the imperial family. For a shorter instance of the device of listing the recipient's possible activities, see Tr III vii 3-4 (Ovid tells his letter to seek Perilla) 'aut illam inuenies dulci cum matre sedentem, / aut inter libros Pieridasque suas'.

18. CONSPICVVM ... SIGNIS EBVR. Signis = 'bas-relief'; the sense is confined to verse (OLD signum 12b). Compare ix 27 'signa ... in sella ... formata curuli', Met V 80-82 'altis / extantem signis ... cratera', Met XII 235-36 'signis extantibus asper / antiquus crater', Met XIII 700, Lucr V 1427-28 'ueste ... purpurea atque auro signisque ingentibus apta', Aen V 267, V 536 & IX 263, Prop IV v 24, Statius Theb I 540, and Silius II 432.[Pg 219]

18. CVM PREMET ALTVS EBUR. 'When he sits tall on the curule chair'. The same situation similarly described at Fast I 81-82 'iamque noui praeeunt fasces, noua purpura fulget, / et noua conspicuum pondera sentit ebur'; compare as well Med Fac 13 'matrona premens altum rubicunda sedile' and Met V 317 'factaque de uiuo pressere sedilia saxo'.

19. REDITVS ... COMPONET. 'Will be arranging the [state's] income'. For reditus compare Am I x 41 'turpe tori reditu census augere paternos' and EP II iii 17-18 'at reditus iam quisque suos amat, et sibi quid sit / utile sollicitis supputat ['calculates'] articulis'. For componet compare Cic II Verr IV 36 'compone hoc quod postulo de argento' and Tac Ann VI 16 5.

19. POSITAM ... AD HASTAM. A spear placed in the ground was a symbol of magisterial authority, and as such was always present at the letting of tax contracts. For the language compare Cic Leg Agr II 53 'ponite ante oculos uobis Rullum ... hasta posita ... auctionantem'. For hasta with the specific meaning of 'contract-letting', see Livy XXIV 18 11 'conuenere ad eos frequentes qui hastae huius generis adsueuerant'. The practice is recalled in the modern Italian term for 'auction', uendita all'asta.

20. MINVI MAGNAE. A word play on minus and magis at least; but Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid probably had in mind the phrase maiestatem populi Romani minuere (Cic Inu II 53 & Phil[Pg 220] I 21); Pompeius will not allow the interests of the state to be damaged.

21. IN IVLIA TEMPLA = in curiam Iuliam. Caesar had started the construction of a new senate-house in 44; it was opened by Augustus in 29. The building, as restored by Diocletian, survives substantially intact: see Nash I 301.

22. TANTO DIGNIS CONSVLE REBVS. Note the separation of the epithets from the nouns, and the high level of diction produced by the hyperbaton.

23. NATOQVE. Tiberius, son of Ti. Claudius Nero, had been adopted by Augustus in AD 4.

24. DEQVE PARVM NOTO CONSVLET OFFICIO. 'Will be asking advice about his unfamiliar office'. It still being winter, Pompeius would not have been very long in office, and so would not yet have been very familiar with his duties. Burman objected to this notion ('nec Ovidium tam adulandi imperitum fuisse puto, ut ignorantiam aut seruitutem tam imprudenter obiiceret Pompeio') and conjectured DEQVE PATRVM TOTO CONSVLET OFFICIO, that is, 'consulet Caesares, quale uelint esse officium totius senatus'. But the conjecture is unattractive, and the problem not as great as Burman thought: both Ovid and Pompeius would wish to emphasize the importance of the Caesars.[Pg 221]

25. AB HIS VACVVM. A prose usage, paralleled in Ovid by EP I i 79 alone 'inque locum Scythico uacuum mutabor ab arcu'. Elsewhere Ovid has nine instances of uacuus with the simple ablative and two instances of uacuus with the genitive, while Virgil never has uacuus with a complement. ET HIS VACVVM, given by B and C, is perhaps an attempt to restore normal poetic idiom.

26. A MAGNIS ... DEIS. 'After the great gods'—Augustus and Tiberius. Dio says that it was remarked after Augustus' death that both of the consuls for the year were related to the emperor (LVI 29 5); it is strange that Ovid nowhere mentions Pompeius' link with the imperial family.

For the sense of ab, compare for example Ecl V 48-49 'nec calamis solum aequiperas, sed uoce magistrum: / fortunate puer, tu nunc eris alter ab illo' and Statius Theb IV 842.

27. CVM TAMEN ... REQVIEVERIT. After it has arrived in Rome, the poem should not vex Pompeius by approaching him when he is busy. At Tr I i 93-96 Ovid in the same way advises his book when it should approach Augustus, and at EP III i 135-40 gives similar directions to his wife. Compare as well Met IX 572-73 (a messenger carries Byblis' declaration of love to her brother) 'apta minister / tempora nactus adit traditque fatentia [H. A. Koch: latentia codd] uerba' and Met IX 610-12 (Byblis' explanation of the failure of her suit) 'forsitan et missi sit quaedam culpa ministri: / non adiit apte, nec legit idonea, credo, / tempora, nec petiit horam animumque uacantem'.[Pg 222]

27. A TVRBA RERVM. 'De ces multiples affaires' (André). Heinsius conjectured CVRA, citing ix 71 (addressed to Graecinus as consul) 'cum tamen a rerum cura propiore uacabit'. The conjecture is elegant enough, but the manuscript reading seems sufficiently supported by Her II 75-76 (Phyllis to Demophoon) 'de tanta rerum turba factisque parentis / sedit in ingenio Cressa relicta tuo' and EP III i 144 'per rerum turbam tu quoque oportet eas'; compare as well Columella XI 2 25.

28. MANSVETAS ... MANVS. The same phrase in the same position at Prop III xvi 9-10 'peccaram semel, et totum sum pulsus in annum: / in me mansuetas non habet illa manus'. Mansuetus is foreign to poetic vocabulary, not being found in Virgil or Horace, and only three times in Propertius (I ix 12, I xvii 28, III xvi 10): in Ovid it occurs elsewhere only at Tr III vi 23 'numinis ut laesi fiat mansuetior ira' and Ibis 26.

28. PORRIGET ILLE MANVS. Manus = manum; for the latter, compare Her XVIII 15-16 'protinus haec scribens "felix i littera" dixi, / "iam tibi formosam porriget illa manum"'. Alternatively, the phrase could be taken to indicate Pompeius' gesture of welcoming to a suppliant: at Met III 458 Narcissus, saying how he wished to embrace his reflection, says 'cumque ego porrexi tibi bracchia, porrigis ultro'.

31-32. VIVIT ADHVC VITAMQVE TIBI DEBERE FATETVR, / QVAM PRIVS A MITI CAESARE MVNVS HABET. See on i 2 debitor ... uitae, and compare Tr V ix 11-14 'Caesaris est primum munus, quod ducimus auras; / gratia post[Pg 223] magnos est tibi habenda deos. / ille dedit uitam; tu quam dedit ille tueris, / et facis accepto munere posse frui': the similarity of phrasing makes it all but certain that the poem was addressed to Pompeius.

33. MEMORI ... ORE. The phrase belongs to high poetic diction: compare Met VI 508 'absentes pro se memori rogat ore salutent', Met X 204 (Apollo to the dead Hyacinthus) 'semper eris mecum memorique haerebis in ore', and AA III 700 'auditos memori detulit ore sonos'.

35. SANGVINE BISTONIVM QVOD NON TEPEFECERIT ENSEM. Another instance of high poetic diction: compare Her I 19 'sanguine Tlepolemus Lyciam tepefecerat hastam', Aen IX 333-34 'atro tepefacta cruore / terra', Aen IX 418-19 'hasta ... traiecto ... haesit tepefacta cerebro', and Hor Sat II iii 136.

37-38. ADDITA PRAETEREA VITAE QVOQVE MVLTA TVENDAE / MVNERA. The dative expresses purpose. For the sense of tueri 'sustain', compare Tr V ix 13 'uitam ... quam dedit ille tueris', Cic Deiot 22 'atque antea quidem maiores copias alere poterat; nunc exiguas uix tueri potest', Livy V 4 5, XXIII 38 12 & XXXIX 9 5, and Pliny NH XXXIII 134 'M. Crassus negabat locupletem esse nisi qui reditu annuo legionem tueri posset'.

38. NE PROPRIAS ATTENVARET OPES. This may be a reference to the financial burden of living in exile, but more probably refers to the[Pg 224] actual financial loss Ovid suffered in exile: 'ditata est spoliis perfida turba meis' (EP II vii 62). It is clear from Tr I vi 7-8 that Ovid had feared such losses from the beginning of his exile.

Attenuare is a very strong verb: compare Met VIII 843-45 (of Erysichthon) 'iamque fame patrias altique uoragine uentris / attenuarat ['had exhausted'—Miller] opes, sed inattenuata manebat / tum quoque dira fames'.

39. PRO QVIBVS VT MERITIS REFERATVR GRATIA. Similar language to Pompeius at i 21 'et leuis haec meritis referatur gratia tantis'.

40. MANCIPII ... TVI (CB²) 'belonging to your property' seems a much more elegant construction than the other manuscripts' MANCIPIVM ... TVVM 'your slave', and was conjectured by Heinsius; in support of mancipium ... tuum Burman cited viii 65-66 'si quid adhuc igitur uiui, Germanice, nostro / restat in ingenio, seruiet omne tibi'.

41-44. Ovid uses the common device of listing adynata; the second version of the device at Tr I viii 1-10, where Ovid says that now his friend has betrayed him he expects to see the adynata occur. Comprehensive listings of adynata in ancient literature given by Smith on Tib I iv 65-66, Shackleton Bailey on Prop I xv 29, Nisbet and Hubbard on Hor Carm I ii 9, xxix 10 & xxxiii 7, and by Gow on Theocritus I 132-36.

42. VELIVOLAS occurs once more at xvi 21 'ueliuolique maris uates', and nowhere else in Ovid's poetry. It is found at Lucretius V 1442 and[Pg 225] Aen I 224 'mare ueliuolum', and was from old Latin poetry: Macrobius (Sat VI v 10) cites instances from Livius Andronicus (Morel 58) and Ennius (Ann 380 Vahlen³; Andromache 74 Ribbeck³).

43. SVPINO. 'Backwards'; almost the reverse of praeceps. The same sense at Med Fac 40 'nec redit in fontes unda supina suos'.

45. SVA DONA. Compare Her XII 203 (Medea to Jason) 'dos mea tu sospes' and Sen Med 142 'muneri parcat meo [=uitae suae]' & 228-30.

46. SIC FVERIT VESTRAE CAVSA PERACTA VIAE. 'So you will have carried out the reason for your journey'. The same sense of causa at Met VI 449-50 'coeperat aduentus causam, mandata referre / coniugis' and of peragere (always with mandata as object) at Met VII 502, XI 629 & XIV 460, Fast III 687, and Tr I i 35-36 'ut peragas mandata, liber, culpabere forsan / ingeniique minor laude ferere mei'.

Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid may here be playing on a second sense of causam peragere, 'end a speech [in court]', for which see Met XV 36-37 'spretarumque agitur legum reus ... peracta est / causa prior ['the case for the prosecution'—Miller], crimenque patet' and Her XXI 152.[Pg 226]

VI. To Brutus

Of the Brutus to whom this poem is addressed nothing is known beyond what Ovid here tells us. He was an advocate, by Ovid's testimony an eminent one (29-38), and had been among the few who stood by Ovid at the time of his exile (23-26). The collection of Ex Ponto I-III was apparently dedicated to him, since the first poem of the first book and the last poem of the third book are addressed to him, but the two poems fail to give any further information on him or on his relationship to Ovid.

Ovid starts the poem with the reflection that he has now spent five years at Tomis (1-6). Fortune has tricked him: Fabius Maximus died before he could appeal to Augustus, Augustus before he could pardon Ovid (7-16). He hopes that the poem he has written on the apotheosis of Augustus will win him pardon; Brutus' fine qualities guarantee that he shares Ovid's wishes (17-22). The poem ends with a eulogy of Brutus' character and an assurance of Ovid's eternal gratitude to those friends who stood by him (23-50).

3-4. SED TV QVOD NOLLES, VOLVIT MISERABILE FATVM; / EI MIHI, PLVS ILLVD QVAM TVA VOTA VALET. For the play on nolle/uelle and the thought of 4, compare Met IX 757-58 'quodque ego, uult genitor, uult ipsa socerque futurus, / at non uult natura, potentior omnibus istis'.[Pg 227]

5. QVINQVENNIS. Ovid often mentions the time he has spent in exile: see Tr IV vi 19-20 (AD 10) 'ut patria careo, bis frugibus area trita est, / dissiluit nudo pressa bis uua pede', Tr IV vii 1-2 'Bis me sol adiit gelidae post frigora brumae, / bisque suum tacto Pisce peregit iter', Tr V x 1-2 (AD 11-12) 'Vt sumus in Ponto, ter frigore constitit Hister, / facta est Euxini dura ter unda maris', EP I ii 25-26 (AD 12-13) 'hic me pugnantem cum frigore cumque sagittis / cumque meo fato quarta fatigat hiemps', EP I viii 27-28 'ut careo uobis, Stygias detrusus in oras, / quattuor autumnos Pleias orta facit', EP IV x 1 (AD 14) 'Haec mihi Cimmerio bis tertia ducitur aestas', and EP IV xiii 39-40 'sed me iam, Care, niuali / sexta relegatum bruma sub axe uidet'.

Ovid's first full year of exile was AD 9; since Augustus died on 19 August 14, this poem can be securely dated to the final few months of that year.

5. OLYMPIAS in Latin can mean a period of four or of five years; Ovid may have used quinquennis to remove the ambiguity. Olympias elsewhere in classical poetry apparently only at Manilius III 596, where it also denotes a five-year period.

5-6. OLYMPIAS ACTA / IAM Housman OLYMPIAS ACTA EST. / IAM edd. The subject of transit must be Olympias, since otherwise the pentameter is without a subject. Wheeler offers 'the time is now passing to a second lustrum', which does not account for the genitive lustri [Pg 228]... alterius (a second tempus, in the accusative, would have to be understood), while André gives 'et déjà j'entre dans un second lustre', which does not explain the person of transit. The editors' reading could be retained, and Olympias understood as the subject of the pentameter; but it seems simpler to follow Housman in omitting est (with L and T) and joining the two lines in a single sentence.

Transit is in strict terms illogical, since an Olympiad once completed (acta) cannot pass into a second period of time, but the idiom seems natural enough in view of Ovid's use of transire with seasons at Met XV 206 'transit in aestatem post uer robustior annus'; compare as well Fast V 185 (to Flora) 'incipis Aprili, transis in tempora Maii'.

7. PERSTAT ENIM FORTVNA TENAX. In Ovid's case, Fortune does not show her typical inconstancy.

8. OPPONIT NOSTRIS INSIDIOSA PEDEM. Otto pes 7 cites this passage and Petronius 57 10 'et habebam in domo qui mihi pedem opponerent hac illac'.

9-10. CERTVS ERAS ... LOQVI. 'You had made up your mind to speak'. The same idiom at Her IV 151-52, Her VII 9 'certus es, Aenea, cum foedere soluere naues ...?', Met IX 43, X 394 & XI 440; the impersonal construction at Met V 533, IX 53 'certum est mihi uera fateri' & X 38-39.[Pg 229]

9. FABIAE LAVS, MAXIME, GENTIS. Similar phrasing at EP III iii 2 'o sidus Fabiae, Maxime, gentis, ades'. This passage seems to be the earliest instance of laus 'object of praise; reason for praise' used of a person: TLL VII.2 1064 73 ff. cites from classical Latin only Eleg Maec 17-18 'Pallade cum docta Phoebus donauerat artes; / tu decus et laudes huius et huius eras', Valerius Flaccus II 243-44 'decus et patriae laus una ruentis, / Hypsipyle', Silius XIII 824, and Martial I xlix 2-3 'nostraeque laus Hispaniae ... Liciniane'. LVX (F²), printed by Burman, is acceptable enough (compare Cic Cat IV 11 'hanc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum'), but is clearly a guess based on F¹'s DVX.

For a full discussion of the career of Paullus Fabius Maximus, consul ordinarius in 11 BC, see Syme HO 135-55. He is the recipient of EP I ii, a request to plead for Ovid with Augustus, and EP III iii, an account of Ovid's vision of Amor which ends with a plea for Fabius' assistance. He is prominently mentioned at Hor Carm IV i 9-12 as a suitable prey for Venus, and it appears from Juvenal VII 94-95 that he was a famous patron of literature: Ovid mentions his scripta at EP I ii 135. We learn from the same poem that Ovid's wife was a member of Fabius' family: 'ille ego de uestra cui data nupta domo est' (136).

10. SVPPLICE VOCE LOQVI. Similar phrasing at Met VI 33 'supplice uoce roga: ueniam dabit illa roganti'. The adjectival use of supplex is[Pg 230] not confined to verse; OLD supplex 2 cites instances from Caesar and Suetonius.

11. OCCIDIS ANTE PRECES. 'You died before making your request'. Since Fabius is named in an inscription (CIL VI 2023a, line 17; cited by Froesch 209) as having participated in the election of Drusus to the Arval Brotherhood on 15 May AD 14, he must have died very shortly before Augustus.

11-12. CAVSAMQVE EGO, MAXIME, MORTIS ... ME REOR ESSE TVAE. The death of Fabius, so soon before that of Augustus, seems to have raised popular suspicions. Tacitus (Ann I 5 1-2) mentions a rumour that Fabius had secretly accompanied Augustus to Planasia to visit Agrippa Postumus and that his wife had warned Livia of this; Augustus heard of this, and at Fabius' funeral she was heard blaming herself for his death. If Fabius' death occurred under strange circumstances, Ovid's accusation against himself of having been its cause may have special point.

For a full discussion of the circumstances of Fabius' death, see Syme HO 149-51.

12. NEC FVERAM TANTI. 'But I was not worth this much'. Fueram has the sense of the imperfect, as at AA I 103-4 'tunc neque marmoreo pendebant uela theatro, / nec fuerant liquido pulpita rubra croco'; other instances at Her V 69, AA II 137, AA III 429 & 618, and Tr III xi 25. A full discussion at Platnauer 112-14: he cites thirteen[Pg 231] instances from Propertius, who seems to have been fondest of the idiom, and only one certain instance from Tibullus, II v 79 'haec fuerant olim'.

FVERO (BC) gives the sense 'but I will be discovered not to have been worth this much'; the tense seems difficult to fit to the context.

FVERIM (British Library Burney 220, saec xii-xiii) 'but I hope I was not worth so much' is quite possibly correct, and would account for the corruption to fuero.

12. NEC ... TANTI. Similar phrasing at Met X 613 (Atalanta ponders Hippomenes' willingness to risk death to gain her hand) 'non sum me iudice tanti'.

13. MANDARE. 'Consign'; a legal term for charging others with carrying out business on one's behalf, which carried certain obligations with it. See Gaius III 155-62, Just Inst III 26, and the discussion at Buckland 514-21.

15. DETECTAE ... CVLPAE scripsi DECEPTAE ... CVLPAE codd. Me decipit error is a phrase used by Ovid to mean 'I am making a mistake'; see EP III ix 9-12 'auctor opus laudat ... iudicium tamen hic non decipit error ['I do not make this error of judgment'], / nec quicquid genui protinus illud amo'. Ovid uses the expression very often for the "mistake" which led to his exile: see Tr I iii 37-38 (Ovid to his friends on the night of his exile) 'caelestique uiro quis me deceperit error / dicite pro culpa ne scelus esse putet', Tr IV i 23 'scit quoque [sc Musa][Pg 232] cum perii quis me deceperit error', and EP II ii 61 'quasi me nullus deceperit error'. He uses decipere once when speaking of the other cause of his exile: 'o puer [sc Amor], exilii decepto causa magistro' (EP III iii 23). Wheeler took deceptae to refer to Ovid: 'Augustus had begun to pardon the fault I committed in error'. This kind of extreme hypallage, with the true modified noun not expressed, does not however seem to be Ovid's practice, although found in the Silver poets: Statius Theb IX 425 'deceptaque fulmina' means 'the thunderbolts thrown by Jupiter at the request of Semele, who had been deceived by Juno'. Professor J. N. Grant suggests DECEPTI to me; but the genitive of the first person is rare in Ovid, and the perfect participle without expressed noun seems difficult. Owen saw the difficulty with deceptae, and in his second edition referred to Livy XXII 4 4 'id tantum hostium quod ex aduerso erat conspexit; ab tergo ac super caput deceptae insidiae'. But deceptae (which has been variously emended) there means occultae, as explained by Housman (521-22), who cited Prop II xxiv 35-36 'Phrygio fallax Maeandria campo / errat et ipsa suas decipit unda uias' and Sen HF 155 for the same sense; and occultae is clearly not the meaning here required, since Ovid's misdemeanour was all too visible.

Being unable to explain deceptae, I have conjectured detectae. Ovid seems to have committed his error in two stages. First he committed the original misdemeanour; then he kept silent about it when it might have been better for him to speak. Compare Tr III vi 11-13[Pg 233] 'cuique ego narrabam secreti quicquid habebam, / excepto quod me perdidit, unus eras. / id quoque si scisses, saluo fruerere sodali'. Later this misdemeanour was discovered: for the arrival of the news of this discovery when Ovid was visiting Elba with Cotta Maximus, see EP II iii 83-90. It is to this discovery that detectae refers: 'Augustus had begun to forgive the misdemeanour that had been revealed'. For this use of detegere compare Met II 544-47 'ales / sensit adulterium Phoebeius [coruus, the raven], utque latentem / detegeret culpam, non exorabilis index, / ad dominum tendebat iter' and Livy XXII 28 8 'necubi ... motus alicuius ... aut fulgor armorum fraudem ... detegeret'.

Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the parallel problem at Met IX 711 'indecepta pia mendacia fraude latebant', where context requires indecepta to have the meaning 'undetected'. Indecepta might be taken to support deceptae in the present passage, but I am more inclined to read indetecta for indecepta: of the various conjectures made, Zingerle's inde incepta is most commonly accepted.

At Her IX 101-2 'tolle procul, decepte, faces, Hymenaee, maritas / et fuge turbato tecta nefanda pede!', detecte should similarly be read. Detecte better explains why Hymenaeus should flee; also, Hymenaeus has not been deceived, for it appears from 61-62 'spes bona det uires; fratris [Palmer: fratri codd] nam nupta futura es; / illius de quo mater, et uxor eris' that Macareus had fully intended to marry Canace.[Pg 234]

16. SPEM NOSTRAM TERRAS DESERVITQVE SIMVL. The -que should of course be taken with terras.

This is a typical instance of Ovid's love of syllepsis, of giving a single verb two objects (or more), each of which uses a different meaning of the verb. Compare, from many instances, ix 90 'nec cum fortuna mens quoque uersa mea est', Her VII 9 'certus es, Aenea, cum foedere soluere naues', Met II 601-2 'et pariter uultusque deo plectrumque colorque / excidit', Met VIII 177, Fast III 225, Fast III 857 'hic [the messenger of Ino] ... corruptus cum semine', Fast V 652 'montibus his ponunt spemque laremque suum', and EP II vii 84 'meque simul serua iudiciumque tuum'.

16. DESERVITQVE. Ovid does not use deserere with things as object until his poetry of exile: compare Tr I ix 65 'nec amici desere causam'. Instances in the later Heroides at XV 155 'Sappho desertos cantat amores' and XVI 260 'orantis medias deseruere preces'; in both cases the objects are virtually equivalent to persons.

17-18. DE CAELITE ... RECENTI ... CARMEN. The poem does not survive. At xiii 25-32 Ovid describes a similar poem on the apotheosis of Augustus, written in Getic.

17. RECENTI. 'New, freshly created'. Used in similar contexts at [Pg 235]Met IV 434-35 'umbraeque recentes ... simulacraque functa sepulcris', VIII 488 'fraterni manes animaeque recentes', X 48-49 'Eurydicenque uocant: umbras erat illa recentes / inter', and especially XV 844-46 'Venus ... Caesaris eripuit membris nec in aera solui / passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris'.

18. CARMEN IN ORA DEDI. 'I sent a poem for you to recite from and speak of'. Dare meaning 'send' is usually restricted to use with litteras (OLD do 10; compare Cic Att II i 12 & IX viiB 1, Livy XXVII 16 13).

For in ora, compare Catullus XL 5 'an ut peruenias in ora uulgi [sc hoc facis]?', Hor Ep I iii 9 '... Titius, Romana breui uenturus in ora', Prop III ix 32 (to Maecenas) 'et uenies tu quoque in ora uirum', Tr V vii 29-30 'non tamen ingratum est quodcumque obliuia nostri / impedit et profugi nomen in ora refert', and Livy II 36 3. The only instance I have found of the expression being used of a thing rather than a person other than this passage is also from Ovid: 'illud opus ... nunc incorrectum populi peruenit in ora, / in populi quicquam si tamen ore mei est' (Tr III xiv 21-24). Neither passage would have seemed strange to the Romans, given the close identification between poet and work: compare Ennius' famous 'uolito uiuo' per ora uirum' and Met XV 878 'ore legar populi'.

20. SACRAE ... DOMVS. Augustus' house called 'magni ... Iouis ... domum' at Tr III i 38; compare as well EP III i 135 'domus Augusti, Capitoli more colenda'.

20. MITIOR IRA. Compare EP III iii 83 'pone metus igitur: mitescet Caesaris ira'.

21. LIQVIDO POSSVM IVRARE. 'I can swear unambiguously'. The only other instance of this sense in verse apparently III iii 49-50 'scis tamen et liquido iuratus dicere possis / non me legitimos sollicitasse toros'. From prose compare Cic II Verr IV 124 'confirmare hoc liquido, iudices, possum, ualuas magnificentiores ... nullas umquam ullo in templo fuisse', II Verr III 136, Fam XI 27 7 'alia sunt quae liquido negare soleam', and Sen Ben VII 9 5.

22. NON DVBIA ... NOTA. The phrase logically belongs with the preceding line: on the firm evidence of Brutus' past behaviour (described in 23-42), Ovid can confidently state that Brutus prays for his restoration. Non dubia by litotes for certa (for which see Her XX 207 'te ... nimium miror, nota certa furoris'); nota 'tangible sign, evidence' similarly used at Met I 761 (generis). FIDE (LTM^2ulF^2ul) is an obvious gloss for nota.

23. VERVM ... AMOREM. 'Sincere love' (Wheeler); compare Met V 61 'ueri non dissimulator amoris' and Tr IV iv 71 'et comes exemplum ueri Phoceus amoris'.[Pg 237]

25. TVAS ... LACRIMAS NOSTRASQVE. The tears of Ovid's friends at his departure described at Tr III iv 39-40, EP I ix 17-18, and EP II xi 9-10 (to Rufus) 'grande uoco lacrimas meritum quibus ora rigabas, / cum mea concreto sicca dolore forent'.

26. PASSVROS POENAM CREDERET ESSE DVOS. Compare Tr V iv 37-38 (Ovid's letter speaking) 'quamuis attonitus, sensit tamen omnia, nec te / se minus aduersis indoluisse suis'.

27. LENEM TE MISERIS GENVIT NATURA. Compare Cic Tusc II 11 'te natura excelsum quendam uidelicet et altum et humana despicientem genuit' and Ennius Ann 112 Vahlen³ (of Romulus) 'qualem te patriae custodem di genuerunt'.

29. MARTE FORENSI. Similar metaphor for the lawcourts at Fast IV 188 'et fora Marte suo litigiosa uacent', Tr III xii 17-18 'ludis / cedunt uerbosi garrula bella fori' and Tr IV x 17-18 'frater ... fortia uerbosi natus ad arma fori'. According to Ovid real wounds were suffered in the forum at Tomis: 'adde quod iniustum rigido ius dicitur ense, / dantur et in medio uulnera saepe foro' (Tr V x 43-44).

30. POSSE TVO PERAGI VIX PVTET ORE REOS. Similar language at Tr I i 23-24 'protinus admonitus repetet mea crimina lector, / et peragar populi publicus ore reus'. Peragere refers to the prosecution of a defendant carried to its end, but does not imply success for the prosecutor: see Pliny Ep III ix 30 and Ulpian Dig XLVIII v 2 1[Pg 238] 'non alias ad mulierem possit peruenire, nisi reum peregerit [sc adulterii]; peregisse autem non alias quis uidetur, nisi et condemnauerit'.

31. QVAMVIS PVGNARE VIDENTVR BMFH. Given the dependent pugnare, it seems hardly possible to read the VIDETVR given by the other manuscripts. The same problem arises at Met VIII 463-64 'pugnant materque sororque, / et diuersa trahunt unum duo nomina pectus', where the manuscripts divide between pugnant and pugnat; for an unambiguous parallel, see Her XIX 173 'nunc, male res iunctae, calor et reuerentia pugnant'.

Heinsius further suggested deleting est from the preceding scilicet eiusdem est 'cum tribus libris', but the change in number does not seem unduly harsh.

32. SVPPLICIBVS FACILEM. See on iv 30 faciles in tua uota, and compare Am II iii 5-6 (to his girl's eunuch) 'mollis in obsequium facilisque rogantibus esses, / si tuus in quauis praetepuisset amor' and Her XVI 197-98 'da modo te facilem, nec dedignare maritum ... Phrygem'.

Ovid is here indirectly referring to his own situation: compare EP III iii 107-8 'at tua supplicibus domus est adsueta iuuandis, / in quorum numero me precor esse uelis'.

33. LEGIS VINDICTA. 'The exacting of punishment on behalf of the law'. The law has been broken, and therefore demands retribution; Brutus acts on its behalf. For the sense of the genitive compare Val Max I 1 ext 3:[Pg 239] (Dionysius of Syracuse committed many acts of sacrilege, but punishment was visited on him after his death in the form of his son's ignominious career) 'lento enim gradu ad uindictam sui diuina procedit ira tarditatemque supplicii grauitate pensat'.

33. LEGIS ... SEVERAE. Seuerae here serves as a standard epithet and has no such special force as at EP III iii 57-58 'uetiti ... lege seuera / credor adulterii composuisse notas'.

34. VERBA VELVT TAETRVM SINGVLA VIRVS HABENT. The same image at EP III iii 105-6 'ergo alii noceant miseris optentque timeri, / tinctaque mordaci spicula felle gerant'.

34. TAETRVM R. J. Tarrant TINCTV Ehwald TINCTVM codd. Tinctum is impossible: if the word were used, it would have to go with uerba. Compare Ibis 53-54 'liber iambus / tincta Lycambeo sanguine tela dabit', Ibis 491 '[tamque cadas domitus ...] quam qui dona tulit Nesseo tincta ueneno', EP III i 26 'tinctaque mortifera tabe sagitta madet', and EP III iii 106 'tinctaque mordaci spicula felle gerant'. Ehwald's tinctu is linguistically and palaeographically somewhat better than Merkel's tinguat: for similar corruptions compare Fast III 612 'flet tamen admonitu motus, Elissa, tui', where many manuscripts read admonitus, and Tr I iv 9 'pinea texta sonant pulsu [Rothmaler: pulsi codd], stridore rudentes'. Even so, 'Each of your words carries poison, as though it had been dipped in it' seems awkward. For Professor Tarrant's taetrum compare Lucretius I 936[Pg 240] 'absinthia taetra', Dirae 23 'taetra uenena', and Hal 131 'nigrum ... uirus'.

34. VIRVS HABENT. Compare Tr IV i 84 'aut telo uirus habente perit' & III x 64 'nam uolucri ferro tinctile uirus inest'.

35-36. HOSTIBVS EVENIAT QUAM SIS VIOLENTVS IN ARMIS / SENTIRE. Hostibus eueniat is a common phrase in Ovid: compare Am II x 16-17 'hostibus eueniat uita seuera meis! / hostibus eueniat uiduo dormire cubili', Am III xi 16, AA III 247, Fast III 493-94 'at, puto, praeposita est fuscae mihi Candida paelex! / eueniat nostris hostibus ille dolor [recc quidam: color codd plerique]!', and Her XVI 219-20 (Paris to Helen) 'hostibus eueniant conuiuia talia nostris, / experior posito qualia saepe mero!'.

37. QVAE TIBI TAM TENVI CVRA LIMANTVR. 'Which are sharpened by you with such painstaking care'. For this meaning of limare compare Pliny NH VIII 71 'cornu ad saxa limato' and Cic Brut 236 '[M. Piso ...] habuit a natura genus quoddam acuminis, quod etiam arte limauerat'.

37-38. VT OMNES / ISTIVS INGENVI PECTORIS ESSE NEGENT. 'So that all would deny that they are the product of your kindly spirit'; for this sense of ingenuus compare Catullus LXVIII 37-38 'quod cum ita sit, nolim statuas nos mente maligna / id facere aut animo non satis ingenuo'. Ingenui pectoris is my correction for the manuscripts' INGENIVM CORPORIS, which could only mean 'so that all would deny[Pg 241] that the talent of your body exists'; Ovid can hardly be identifying the tela of 36 with Brutus' ingenium. Wheeler translates 'On these [the missiles of your tongue] you use the file with such extreme care that none would recognize in them your real nature', and André 'que personne ne croirait qu'un tel esprit habite ton corps'; neither translation fits the Latin. Shackleton Bailey's INGENIVM NOMINIS still leaves unsolved the problem of ingenium.

The corruption of ingenui to ingenium (or rather, ingeniū) is simple enough; and the interchange of pectus and corpus is a common error.

42. NOTITIAM ... INFITIATA. Infitiari used similarly at EP I vii 27 'nec tuus est genitor nos infitiatus amicos'.

43. IMMEMOR ... IMMEMOR. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out the similar epanalepsis at Hor Ep I xi 9 'oblitusque meorum, obliuiscendus et illis'.

44. SOLLICITI BCM^2ul SOLLICITE M¹FHILT. The adjective with adverbial meaning would be especially liable to corruption. The same construction at Am II iv 25 'dulce canit flectitque facillima uocem'.

44. LEVASTIS Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii LEVATIS BCMFHILT. If 44 were taken in isolation, leuatis, which most editors print, would be acceptable enough; compare Tr IV i 49 ' iure deas igitur ueneror mala nostra leuantes' and EP III vi 13-14 'nec scelus admittas si consoleris amicum, / mollibus et uerbis aspera fata leues'. But it is clear from[Pg 242] 42 'est infitiata' and 49 'doluistis' that Ovid is speaking of the time of his banishment, and so leuastis must be read. Compare Tr I v 75 'me deus oppressit, nullo mala nostra leuante', EP II vii 61-62 'recta fides comitum poterat mala nostra leuare: / ditata est spoliis perfida turba meis', and EP III ii 25-26 'pars estis pauci melior, qui rebus in artis / ferre mihi nullam turpe putastis [uar putatis] opem'.

45-50. Compare the listing of adynata at the end of v (41-44), which again illustrates Ovid's eternal gratitude (to Sextus Pompeius). Here the personal detail (hic nimium nobis conterminus Hister) makes the adynaton reflect Ovid's own circumstances.

46. DE MARE. The same form of the ablative at Tr V ii 20 'pleno de mare'. Compare Ovid's frequent use of the metrically convenient ablative in -e of third-declension adjectives.

47-48. Thyestes' feast cited as a proverbial example at Met XV 62 (Pythagoras is urging a vegetarian diet) 'neue Thyesteis cumulemus uiscera mensis', Tr II 391-92 'si non Aeropen [Politianus: Meropen uel Europen codd] frater sceleratus amasset, / auersos Solis non legeremus equos', Lucan I 534-44, and Martial III xlv 1-2 'Fugerit an Phoebus mensas cenamque Thyestae / ignoro: fugimus nos, Ligurine, tuam'.

47. VTQVE ... SI = et, quasi. All of the instances of the idiom cited by Lewis & Short ut II A 2e and OLD ut 8d are from prose, except for Ter Eun 117 and Lucilius 330 Marx. In none of these passages is ut[Pg 243] separated from si: the hyperbaton elevates the phrase and makes more natural its use in verse.

49. QVI ME DOLVISTIS ADEMPTVM. 'Who mourned my exile' is the meaning imposed by context, but the phrase would usually mean 'who mourned my death': compare EP I ix 41 'iure igitur lacrimas Celso libamus adempto', and the similar use of raptus for the exiled Ovid at xi 5 and xvi 1. For Ovid's considering his exile as his death, see xvi 1-4, Tr III iii 53 'cum patriam amisi, tunc me periisse putato', and EP I ix 56 'et nos extinctis adnumerare potest'.[Pg 244]

VII. To Vestalis

Vestalis, a younger son of Cottius, monarch of a small kingdom in the Alps (see at 29 [p 253]), was primipilaris of the legion of the area (perhaps the V Macedonica). He had just been named administrator of the region around Tomis (see at 1); as an important local official, he was a natural choice as recipient of one of Ovid's letters.

The poem starts with a description of the harsh climate of Tomis, to which Vestalis along with Ovid can now testify, and of the savagery of the inhabitants (1-12). This serves as a bridge to a compliment to Vestalis on being named primipilaris (13-18), and to the main body of the poem, a long and rather conventional description of how Vestalis led the final attack in the recovery of Aegissos (19-52). In the concluding distich Ovid declares that he has rendered immortal the deeds of Vestalis.

1. ORAS (CI) seems more suited to the nature of Vestalis' command than VNDAS, the reading of the other manuscripts. After Euxinas, corruption from oras to undas would be very easy, the inverse less so. Ovid does not elsewhere use Euxinae orae, the usual substantives with Euxinus being aquae, mare, fretum, and, closest in meaning, litus, for which see iii 51 'litus ad Euxinum ... ibis', Tr V ii 63-64 'iussus ad Euxini deformia litora ueni / aequoris', and Tr V iv 1.[Pg 245]

2. POSITIS ... SVB AXE in effect acts as a single adjective meaning 'northern'; axe plays a subordinate role and so does not require an epithet. The phrasing may be based on Accius 566-67 Ribbeck² '[ora ...] sub axe posita ad Stellas septem, unde horrifer / Aquilonis stridor gelidas molitur niues'. Lycaonio ... sub axe at Tr III ii 2.

3. ASPICIS EN PRAESENS. Compare ix 81-86, where Ovid invites Graecinus to ask his brother Flaccus, recently stationed in the Pontus, about conditions of life in the area.

3. IACEAMVS. 'Lie suffering': similarly used at EP I iii 49 'orbis in extremi iaceo desertus harenis', I vii 5, II ix 4 & III i 85 'ut minus infesta iaceam regione labora'.

4. FALSA ... QVERI. Perhaps a common phrase: Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Sallust Iug 1 'Falso queritur de natura sua genus humanum'.

5-6. ACCEDET ... FIDES. 'People will believe'. Compare Cic Diu I 5 'Cratippusque ... isdem rebus fidem tribuit, reliqua diuinationis genera reiecit' and Tac Germ 3 4 'ex ingenio quisque demat uel addat fidem' 'each can believe or disbelieve this according to his disposition'.

5-6. NON IRRITA ... FIDES = rata fides, a phrase meaning 'trustworthiness', rata having no special force. Compare Met III 341 'prima fide [genitive] ... ratae temptamina', Tr I v 49-50 'multa credibili tulimus ratamque, / quamuis acciderint, non habitura fidem', and Tr III x 35-36[Pg 246] 'cum sint praemia falsi / nulla, ratam debet testis habere fidem'. Note the hyperbaton in all these passages.

6. ALPINIS IVVENIS REGIBVS ORTE. See at 29 progenies alti fortissima Donni (p 253). For the language, compare Hor Carm I i 1 'Maecenas atauis edite regibus'.

7. IPSE VIDES CERTE GLACIE CONCRESCERE PONTVM. At ix 85-86 Ovid tells Graecinus to ask his brother Flaccus 'mentiar, an coeat duratus frigore Pontus, / et teneat glacies iugera multa freti'.

Similar language at Tr III x 37-38 'uidimus ingentem glacie consistere pontum, / lubricaque [codd: lubrica cum fort scribendum] immotas testa premebat aquas'.

8. IPSE VIDES RIGIDO STANTIA VINA GELV. The same picture more explicitly given at Tr III x 23-24 'nudaque consistunt, formam seruantia testae, / uina, nec hausta meri, sed data frusta bibunt'.

9-10. IPSE VIDES ONERATA FEROX VT DVCAT IAZYX / PER MEDIAS HISTRI PLAVSTRA BVBVLCVS AQVAS. Similar descriptions at Tr III x 33-34 'perque nouos pontes, subterlabentibus undis, / ducunt Sarmatici barbara plaustra boues' and Tr III xii 29-30 'nec mare concrescit glacie, nec ut ante per Histrum / stridula Sauromates plaustra bubulcus agit'.

9. IAZYX. The Iazyges Sarmatae are mentioned by Pliny (NH IV 80) and by Strabo (VII 3 17), who describes them as one of several tribes[Pg 247] living between the Borysthenes (Dnepr) and the Danube. They are also listed by Pompey, under the name of 'Iazyges Metanastae', the Wandering Iazyges (Geog III 7); the 'Iazyges' he describes as living along the shore of the Maeotis (III 5 19). Tacitus mentions the nation at Ann XII 29 4 (Vannius, king of the Suebi, is under attack) 'ipsi manus propria pedites, eques e Sarmaticis Iazygibus erat' and at Hist III 5 (the principes Sarmatarum Iazygum are enlisted to ensure the defence of Moesia in the absence of the regular troops; their offer to raise infantry as well as supplying their usual force of cavalry is rejected because of the fear of future treachery).

The name of the tribe was difficult metrically, so here Ovid calls them Iazyges, while at Tr III xii 30 (cited in the previous note) he calls them Sauromatae. At EP I ii 77 he solves the difficulty through hendiadys: 'quid Sauromatae faciant, quid Iazyges acres'.

11. ASPICIS. Ovid here uses verbs of seeing in an interesting way. At 7 and 9 he has uides; then aspicis suggests continuity but at the same time movement toward a new subject, and with a military detail introduced so as to introduce Vestalis' experience of war; then in 13-14 the emphasis is changed by the contrary-to-fact past optative utinam ... spectata fuisset.

11. ASPICIS ET MITTI SVB ADVNCO TOXICA FERRO. 'You behold how poison is hurled on the barbed steel' (Wheeler). The telum of 12 should be taken to be a spear, since mittere never seems to be used[Pg 248] of arrows. At Ibis 135 the hasta is mentioned as the special weapon of the Iazyges.

11. ADVNCO. The spear had hooks. Compare Met VI 252-53 'quod [sc ferrum] simul eductum est, pars et pulmonis in hamis / eruta cumque anima cruor est effusus in auras', where Bömer cites among other passages Curtius IX 5 23 'corpore ... nudato animaduertunt hamos inesse telo nec aliter id sine pernicie corporis extrahi posse quam ut secando uulnus augerent' and Prop II xii 9 'et merito hamatis manus est armata sagittis'.

13-14. ATQVE VTINAM PARS HAEC TANTUM SPECTATA FVISSET, / NON ETIAM PROPRIO COGNITA MARTE TIBI. A similar opposition at Met III 247-48 (of Actaeon) 'uelletque uidere, / non etiam sentire canum fera facta suorum'.

15. TENDITVR Owen TENDITIS codd. The number of tenditis is inappropriate to the context. Owen's tenditur, independently conjectured two years later by Ehwald (KB 84), seems a somewhat more elegant solution to the problem than Merkel's TENDISTI. It puts the weight of the line on ad primum ... pilum rather than on Vestalis himself; the pentameter, with its emphasis on the honor, suggests that this is right.

15. PRIMVM PILVM. Compare Am III viii 27-28 'proque bono uersu primum deducite pilum! / nox [A. Y. Campbell: hoc uel hic codd] tibi, si[Pg 249] belles [Madvig: uelles codd], possit, Homere, dari'. The primipilaris was the commander of the first century of the first cohort of the Roman legion, and hence first in rank among the legion's centurions.

17. PLENIS is the reading of all but two of the manuscripts collated. For this sense of plenus ('abundant'), compare Am I viii 56 'plena uenit canis de grege praeda lupis', Nux 91-92 'illa [the tree that is not near a road] suo quaecumque tulit dare dona colono / et plenos fructus adnumerare potest', Hor Sat I i 57, and Cic Sex Rosc 6 'alienam pecuniam tam plenam atque praeclaram'. Ehwald read PLENVS (F^acI), joining ingens with uirtus in the following line, arguing that the honour would not seem a great one to a member of a royal family. But Ovid devoted four lines to describing Vestalis' new rank: he must have believed that Vestalis would consider it a very great honour indeed. As well, if ingens is connected with titulus, uirtus ... maior gains point.

17. PLENIS ... FRVCTIBVS. For the wealth of the primipilaris, see Am III viii 9-10 'ecce recens diues parto per uulnera censu / praefertur nobis sanguine pastus eques'. In that poem the newly-rich primipilaris, Ovid's rival in love, is given a character very different from that of Vestalis.

18. IPSA TAMEN VIRTVS ORDINE MAIOR ERIT. A similar sentiment at EP II ix 11-14 (to king Cotys) 'regia, crede mihi, res est succurrere[Pg 250] lapsis ... fortunam decet hoc istam ['this befits your position'], quae maxima cum sit, / esse potest animo uix tamen aequa tuo'.

19. NON NEGAT HOC HISTER. For the device of calling to witness the scenes of military exploits compare Catullus LXIV 357 'testis erit magnis uirtutibus unda Scamandri' and the passages there cited by Fordyce. For non negat Professor A. Dalzell cites Catullus IV 6-7 'negat ... negare'.

20. PVNICEAM GETICO SANGVINE FECIT AQVAM. Similar language at ix 79-80 (of Flaccus) 'hic raptam Troesmin celeri uirtute recepit, / infecitque fero sanguine Danuuium'.

21. AEGISSOS. The city, the modern Tulcea, is situated about 110 kilometres directly north of Tomis (Constanţa) on the southernmost branch of the Danube, 60 kilometres from the mouth of the river. At EP I viii 11-20 Ovid describes the recapture of the city from the Getes; evidently the city had been lost once again.

Aegissos is the spelling certified by three of the five sources cited by Mommsen (CIL III page 1009), namely Hierocles Synecdemus 637 14, Notitia dignitatum 99, and Procopius Aed IV 7 20. The Itinerarium Antoninianum (226 2) offers Aegiso (ablative); Ehwald (KB 41), citing Mommsen, took this as sufficient justification for retaining the single s of the Ex Ponto manuscripts, although the now lost Strasbourg manuscript had egissus at I viii 13 (and an indication of an alternative ending in -os). The Ravenna Cosmography (4 5), Mommsen's final source, reads Aegypsum.[Pg 251]

27. TE SVBEVNTE RECEPTA. 'Recaptured on your attack'. Intransitive subire in this sense belongs to military vocabulary: compare Caesar BG VII 85 'alii tela coniciunt, alii testudine facta subeunt' and Curtius IV 2 23. For instances from military prose of subire with a direct object see Caesar BG II 27 'subire iniquissimum locum', Hirtius BG VIII 15, Bell Alex 76 2 'subierant iniquum locum', and Bell Hisp 24 2.

22. INGENIO ... LOCI. 'The nature (i.e. difficulty) of its terrain'. The same standard phrase at Tac Ann VI 41 'locorumque ingenio', Hist I 51 'diu infructuosam et asperam militiam tolerauerant ingenio loci caelique ['climate']', and from Ovid Tr V x 17-18 'tumulus defenditur ipse / moenibus exiguis ingenioque loci' and EP II i 52 '[oppida ...] nec satis ingenio tuta fuisse loci'.

22. NIL OPIS. The expression is rather prosaic: compare Cic Fam IV i 1 'aliquid opis rei publicae tulissemus'.

23. DVBIVM BMFHIT DVBIVM EST CL. The same variant in many manuscripts at EP III i 17-18 (Ovid is addressing Tomis) 'nec tibi sunt fontes laticis nisi paene marini, / qui potus dubium sistat alatne sitim'.

24. NVBIBVS AEQVA. 'As high as the clouds'. For this use of aequus compare Aen IX 674 'abietibus iuuenes patriis in [Heyne: et codd; cf Il XII 132 'ἕστασαν ὡς ὅτε τε δρύες οὔρεσιν ὑψικάρηνοι'] montibus aequos', Statius Ach I 173 'aequus uertice [Pg 252]matri', Sen Ep 94 61 'aequum arcibus aggerem ... et muros in miram altitudinem eductos', and Aen IV 89 'aequataque machina caelo'.

25. INTERCEPERAT. Intercipere 'capture' common in Livy (IX 43 3, XXI 1 5, XXVI 51 12, XXXVI 31 10); compare Ammianus XX 7 17 & XX 10 3 'locis ... recuperatis quae olim barbari intercepta retinebant ut propria'.

26. EREPTAS VICTOR HABEBAT OPES. Similar phrasing at Fast III 49-51 'hoc ubi cognouit contemptor Amulius aequi / (nam raptas fratri uictor habebat opes), / amne iubet mergi geminos'.

27. FLVMINEA ... VNDA. Flumineus does not occur elsewhere in the Tristia or Ex Ponto; fluminea ... aqua at Fast II 46 & 596.

27. VITELLIVS. This Vitellius is presumably one of the four sons of Publius Vitellius, grandfather of the emperor. Suetonius wrote of the sons, Aulus, Quintus, Publius, and Lucius, that they were 'quattuor filios amplissimae dignitatis cognomines ac tantum praenominibus distinctos' (Vit 2 2). Heinsius suggested Aulus (cos AD 32) was the one here meant, 'nisi ad L. Vitellium patrem [sc principis] referre mauis'. 'On the general and reasonable assumption', wrote Syme (HO 90), 'this is P. Vitellius'. But Suetonius calls P. Vitellius 'Germanici comes', and he is heard of in 15 assisting Germanicus in a campaign (Tac Ann I 70 1): it is perhaps more likely that Publius would have[Pg 253] been with Germanicus at the time of the capture of Aegissos, and that another of the brothers is meant. Certainty is in any case not attainable.

29. PROGENIES ALTI FORTISSIMA DONNI. For the phrasing, compare EP II ix 1-2 'Regia progenies, cui nobilitatis origo / nomen in Eumolpi peruenit usque ['goes back to'], Coty'.

The Donnus here referred to is Vestalis' grandfather (CIL V 7817), or possibly a more distant ancestor. Vestalis' father, Cottius, became a client of Augustus; at XV 10 7 Ammianus mentions the worship still accorded Cottius 'quod iusto moderamine rexerat suos, et ascitus in societatem rei Romanae quietem genti praestitit sempiternam'. At Nero 18 Suetonius mentions as one of the few additions to the empire under Nero the 'regnum ... Alpium defuncto Cottio'. This Cottius would probably have been Vestalis' older brother; André is therefore right to infer that Vestalis 'n'était pas l'héritier du trône, ce qu'Ovide n'aurait pas manqué de signaler'.

30. IMPETVS. Impetus + infinitive usually indicates a mad impulse: the only other exception in Ovid is Met V 287-88 (one of the Muses speaking) 'impetus ire fuit; claudit sua tecta Pyreneus / uimque parat, quam nos sumptis effugimus alis'.

31. CONSPICVVS LONGE FVLGENTIBVS ARMIS. Modelled on Aen XI 769 'insignis longe Phrygiis fulgebat in armis'.[Pg 254]

32. FORTIA NE POSSINT FACTA LATERE CAVES. Vestalis would in any case have fought bravely; so that his deeds would not pass unnoticed, he led the attack.

33. INGENTIQVE GRADV. When Ovid elsewhere use ingens gradus (passus) he gives the phrase a humorous tone: see Am III i 11 'uenit et ingenti uiolenta Tragoedia passu', AA III 303-4 'illa uelut coniunx Vmbri rubicunda mariti / ambulat ingentes uarica fertque gradus', and Met XIII 776-77 (of Polyphemus) 'gradiens ingenti litora passu / degrauat'. The straightforwardness of this passage is of a piece with the rest of the poem.

For an example of the normal epic use of this detail, see Aen X 572 'longe gradientem'.

34. SAXAQVE ... GRANDINE PLVRA. The same phrase in the same metrical position at Ibis 467-68 'aut te deuoueat certis Abdera diebus, / saxaque deuotum grandine plura petant'.

35. MISSA SVPER IACVLORVM TVRBA. 'The crowding missiles hurled from above' (Wheeler).

38. FERE. Heinsius' FERO would involve the repetition of fero in 44; and fero uulnere would be rather feeble when applied to a shield.

Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me that Ovid's description of Vestalis' exploit may have served as a distant model for Lucan's[Pg 255] account of how a centurion named Scaeua rallied Caesar's forces and led an attack against Pompey's encampment (VI 140-262). Scaeua was made primipilaris in reward for his bravery (Caesar BC III 53 5).

40. SED MINOR EST ACRI LAVDIS AMORE DOLOR. Similar language of a similar exploit at Met XI 525-28 'ut miles, numero praestantior omni, / cum saepe adsiluit defensae moenibus urbis, / spe potitur tandem laudisque accensus amore / inter mille uiros murum tamen occupat unus'. Ovid's description of Vestalis' exploit is little more than a string of conventional phrases.

41-42. TALIS APVD TROIAM DANAIS PRO NAVIBVS AIAX / DICITVR HECTOREAS SVSTINVISSE FACES. Compare Met XIII 7-8 (Ajax speaking of Ulysses) 'at non Hectoreis dubitauit cedere flammis, / quas ego sustinui, quas hac a classe fugaui' and Met XIII 384-85 (the death of Ajax) 'Hectora qui solus, qui ferrum ignesque Iouemque / sustinuit totiens, unam non sustinet iram'. All three passages are drawn from Il XV 674-746, the description of how Ajax repulsed Hector's attempt to set the Greek ships afire, and in particular from 730-31 'ἔνθ' ἄρ' ὅ γ' ἕστήκει δεδοκημένος, ἔγχεϊ δ' αἰεὶ / Τρῶας ἄμυνε νεῶν, ὅς τις φέροι ἀκάματον πῦρ'.

41. PRO NAVIBVS. 'In front of the ships'; a reminiscence of Il XV 746 (the final line of the book) 'δώδεκα δὲ προπάροιθε νεῶν αὐτοσχεδὸν οὖτα'.

43. DEXTERA DEXTRAE. Ovid used syncope in dextera where metrically convenient. Elsewhere when he employs the two forms he is usually[Pg 256] describing the joining of hands in pledge or friendship. See Her II 31 'commissaque dextera dextrae', Her XII 90 'dextrae dextera iuncta meae', and Met VI 447-48 'dextera dextrae / iungitur'. For a different use, see Met III 640-41 'dextera [uar dextra] Naxos erat: dextra mihi lintea danti / "quid facis, o demens? quis te furor," inquit "Acoete?"'.

45-46. DICERE DIFFICILE EST QVID MARS TVVS EGERIT ILLIC, / QVOTQVE NECI DEDERIS QVOSQVE QVIBVSQVE MODIS. As Professor E. Fantham points out to me, this praeteritio takes the place of a full aristeia detailing Vestalis' exploits.

46. QVOSQVE QVIBVSQVE MODIS. Compare quotque quibusque modis in an erotic context at Am II viii 28, and Tr III xii 33-34 'sedulus occurram nautae, dictaque salute, / quid ueniat quaeram quisue quibusue locis'.

47. ENSE TVO FACTOS CALCABAS VICTOR ACERVOS. Compare Met V 88 (of Perseus) 'extructos morientum calcat aceruos'.

50. MVLTAQVE FERT MILES VVLNERA, MVLTA FACIT. A similar conjunction of verbs at Fast II 233-34 'non moriuntur inulti, / uulneraque alterna dantque feruntque manu'.

52. IBAT. IBIT (BP) is printed by all modern editors except André, and is possibly correct: compare Am II iv 31-32 'ut taceam de me, qui causa tangor ab omni, / illic Hippolytum pone, Priapus erit' for the future tense used of a mythological character, and EP II xi 21-22 'acer et ad palmae per se cursurus honores, / si tamen horteris, fortius ibit [uar ibat] equus' for the corruption of future to imperfect.[Pg 257]

53. TEMPVS IN OMNE. Similar promises of immortality at Tr I vi 36 (to his wife) 'carminibus uiues tempus in omne meis', EP II vi 33-34 (to Graecinus) 'crede mihi, nostrum si non mortale futurum est / carmen, in ore frequens posteritatis eris', and EP III i 93 (to his wife) 'nota tua est probitas testataque tempus in omne'.

VIII. To Suillius

This poem, nominally addressed to Suillius, husband of Ovid's stepdaughter, is in fact directed to Germanicus, of whose staff Suillius was a member (see at 23 [pp 264-65]).

Ovid begins the poem by expressing his pleasure at receiving, at last, a letter from Suillius, saying he hopes that Suillius does not feel ashamed of being related to him by marriage (1-20). He then asks him to address Germanicus on his behalf (21-26). In 27-30 he says how grateful he will be if Germanicus assists him; at 31 he begins to address Germanicus directly in a tripartite defence of poetry. The first part (31-42) builds on 34 'Naso suis opibus, carmine, gratus erit': Ovid is now poor, but can still offer Germanicus his poetry. The second section (43-66) builds on 43-44 'nec tamen officio uatum per carmina facto / principibus res est aptior ulla uiris', and explains how verse brings immortality to great men and their deeds. The third section (67-78) offers culminating evidence for the value of poetry: Germanicus is himself a poet. Ovid moves from this to a final plea that Germanicus help his fellow-poet: once removed from Tomis, he will praise him in verse (79-88). In the final distich of the poem, he asks Suillius to assist his prayer.

The structure of the poem is similar to that of Tr V ii. In that poem Ovid addresses his wife for the first thirty-eight lines, telling[Pg 259] her of his misery and asking her to approach Augustus on his behalf. In the six lines that follow, he asks himself what he will do if she fails him; he answers that he will make his own direct approach to Augustus. The final thirty-four lines are his prayer to Augustus, in which he describes the hardships he endures at Tomis and begs for a mitigation of his punishment. It is remarkable that in both poems direct addresses to members of the imperial family should be disguised in this way: it seems probable that Tr II, Ovid's long defence of his conduct, had been received by Augustus with hostility, and that he was thenceforth more circumspect.

1-2. SERA QVIDEM ... GRATA TAMEN. Tamen goes with grata, balancing quidem. For instances of the separate serus tamen idiom ('it is late in happening, but it does in fact happen') see Nisbet and Hubbard at Hor Carm I xv 19.

1. SERA QVIDEM. It seems that in spite of his being a close relative of Ovid, Suillius, like Sextus Pompeius (see the introduction to i), had been reluctant to be openly associated with him.

1. STVDIIS EXCVLTE. 'Refined'. Studiis adds little to the force of exculte: the same idiom at Quintilian XII ii 1 'mores ante omnia oratori studiis erunt excolendi' and Cic Tusc I 4 'ergo in Graecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id omnes, nec qui nesciebat satis excultus doctrina putabatur'.[Pg 260]

1. SVILLI. P. Suillius Rufus (PW IV A,l 719-22; PIR¹ S 700) is otherwise chiefly known to us from three passages of Tacitus: Suillius is presented as 'strong, savage, and unbridled' (Syme Tacitus 332). At Ann IV 31, Tacitus describes how, in 24, Tiberius insisted that Suillius, convicted of accepting a bribe, be relegated to an island rather than merely be exiled from Italy; what seemed cruelty at the time later seemed wisdom in view of his later behaviour as a favourite of Claudius. At Ann XI 1-7 Tacitus describes how Suillius' excesses resulted in a proposal in the Senate to revive the lex Cincia of 204 BC, by which advocates had been forbidden remuneration: the proposal was modified by Claudius at the instance of Suillius and others affected so as to establish a maximum fee of ten thousand sesterces. At Ann XIII 42-43 (AD 58) Tacitus tells how Suillius, 'imperitante Claudio terribilis ac uenalis', was charged with extortion as proconsul of Asia and with laying malicious charges under Claudius. Banished to the Balearic islands, he led a luxurious existence, remaining unrepentant.

3-4. PIA SI POSSIT SVPEROS LENIRE ROGANDO / GRATIA. Compare 21 'si quid agi sperabis posse precando'.

5-6. ANIMI SVM FACTVS AMICI / DEBITOR. 'Your friendly purpose has placed me in your debt' (Wheeler). The genitive similarly used for the cause of indebtedness at i 2 'debitor est uitae qui tibi, Sexte, suae' and Tr I v 10 'perpetuusque animae debitor huius ero'.[Pg 261]

6. MERITVM VELLE IVVARE VOCO. 'I call the desire to help a favour already given'. Otto uelle 2 cites EP III iv 79 'ut desint uires, tamen est laudanda uoluntas', Prop II x 5-6 'quod si deficient uires, audacia certe / laus erit: in magnis et uoluisse sat est', Pan Mess 3-7, Laus Pisonis 214; the same proverb at Sen Ben V 2 2 'uoluntas ipsa rectum petens laudanda est'.

7. IMPETVS ISTE TVVS LONGVM MODO DVRET IN AEVVM. Similar phrasing at EP II vi 35-36 (Graecinus has been rendering Ovid assistance) 'fac modo permaneas lasso, Graecine, fidelis, / duret et in longas impetus iste moras'.

9. IVS ALIQVOD. 'A certain claim on each other'. The same phrase for a similar situation at EP I vii 60 (to Messalinus, elder brother of Cotta Maximus) 'ius aliquod tecum fratris amicus habet'.

9. ADFINIA. The adfinis was a relative by marriage, commonly, as here, a son-in-law; a relative by common descent was a cognatus.

9. ADFINIA VINCVLA. Vinculum used of family relationships at Met IX 550 (Byblis wishes to marry her brother) 'expetit ... uinclo tecum propiore ligari' and Cic Planc 27 'cum illo maximis uinclis et propinquitatis et adfinitatis coniunctus'.

10. INLABEFACTA. The word elsewhere in Latin only at xii 29-30 'haec ... concordia ... uenit ad albentes inlabefacta comas'. Ovid is fond of using negative participles of this type.[Pg 262]

11-12. NAM TIBI QVAE CONIVNX, EADEM MIHI FILIA PAENE EST, / ET QVAE TE GENERVM, ME VOCAT ILLA VIRVM. The same type of circumlocution at Her III 45-48 (Briseis to Achilles) "diruta Marte tuo Lyrnesia moenia uidi; ... uidi ... tres cecidisse quibus [Bentley: tribus codd] quae mihi, mater erat'.

11. EADEM MIHI FILIA PAENE EST. This is presumably Perilla, the recipient of Tr III vii, whom Ovid there speaks of in terms appropriate to a stepfather.

13-14. EI MIHI, SI LECTIS VVLTVM TV VERSIBVS ISTIS / DVCIS, ET ADFINEM TE PVDET ESSE MEVM. A similar lament at EP II ii 5-6 'ei mihi, si lecto uultus tibi nomine non est / qui fuit, et dubitas cetera perlegere!'; both passages are followed by defences of Ovid's character.

15. NIHIL BCMFHLT NIL I. Copyists were more prone to alter nil to nihil than the inverse; but in 1919 Housman demonstrated that nihil was Ovid's invariable form for the latter half of the first foot by pointing out that in all of the twenty-odd passages where the manuscripts offer nihil or nil at that position the following word invariably begins with a vowel (Collected Papers 1000-1003). There would be no reason for such an avoidance of consonants if Ovid had allowed nil in this position; he must therefore have used nihil alone.[Pg 263]

16. FORTVNAM, QVAE MIHI CAECA FVIT. The image of Fortune being blind to a single individual seems very strange. Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests that caeca could mean 'unforeseeing', and by fortunam Ovid could be referring to his own previous circumstances; alternatively, caeca might be a corruption induced by the familiar image of the blind goddess, replacing an original SAEVA (Riese) or LAEVA, for which compare Silius III 93-94 'si promissum uertat Fortuna fauorem, / laeuaque sit coeptis'.

17-18. SEV GENVS EXCVTIAS, EQVITES AB ORIGINE PRIMA / VSQVE PER INNVMEROS INVENIEMVR AVOS. A similar claim at Tr IV x 7-8 'usque a proauis uetus ordinis heres, / non modo fortunae munere factus eques'. The status of eques was not hereditary except in the case of a senator's son. The Paeligni did not receive the citizenship until after the Social War; to be born to equestrian status, and to assume that he could have had a senatorial career (Tr IV x 35), Ovid must have belonged to one of the dominant families of the region.

17. EXCVTIAS. 'Examine'. Ovid plays on the primary meaning of the word, 'shake out', at Am I viii 45-46 'has quoque quae frontis rugas in uertice portant [Burman: quas ... portas codd] / excute; de rugis crimina multa cadent'. The transferred meaning had lost any sense of metaphor by Ovid's time, however; see especially Tr II 224 'excutiasque oculis otia nostra ['the product of my leisure hours'—Wheeler] tuis'.[Pg 264]

19-20. SIVE VELIS QVI SINT MORES INQVIRERE NOSTRI, / ERROREM MISERO DETRAHE, LABE CARENT. A similar claim of no fault beyond his error at EP II ii 15-16 'est mea culpa grauis, sed quae me perdere solum / ausa sit, et nullum maius adorta nefas'.

20. ERROREM ... DETRAHE. At Met II 38-39 the same phrase with a different meaning: (Phaethon to his father) 'pignora da, genitor, per quae tu uera propago / credar, et hunc animis errorem ['doubt'] detrahe nostris*.

20. LABE CARENT. The same sense of labes at Tr I ix 43 'uitae labe carentis' and Prop IV xi 41-42 'neque ulla labe mea nostros erubuisse focos'; compare as well the phrase sine labe at Tr II 110 (domus), Tr IV viii 33 (decem lustris ... peractis), EP I ii 143 (praeteriti anni), EP II vii 49 (uita prior), Her XVII 14 (tenor uitae), and Her XVII 69 (fama).

22. QVOS COLIS ... DEOS. A similar definition of the imperial family at EP II ii 123 'quos colis ad superos haec fer mandata sacerdos'.

23. DI TIBI SVNT CAESAR IVVENIS. BCFM^2ul read SINT; but the indicative seems to be required by the preceding 'quos colis ... deos' and the following 'tua numina placa' and 'hac certe nulla est notior ara tibi'.

23. CAESAR IVVENIS. Germanicus; he would have acquired the cognomen Caesar on his adoption by Tiberius in AD 4. Iuuenis probably refers to Germanicus' title of princeps iuuentutis, which EP II v 41-42[Pg 265] indicates he must have held: 'te iuuenum princeps, cui dat Germania nomen, / participem studii Caesar habere solet'. Germanicus' holding of the title is not elsewhere attested.

At Ann IV 31 5, Tacitus identifies Suillius as 'quaestorem quondam Germanici'; at Ann XIII 42 4, he represents Suillius as saying of himself and Seneca 'se quaestorem Germanici, illum domus eius adulterum fuisse'. His service under Germanicus was clearly a principal fact of his life.

25-26. ANTISTITIS ... PRECES. Here antistes is virtually equivalent to cultor, as at Tr III xiv 1 'Cultor et antistes doctorum sancte uirorum'; compare as well Met XIII 632-33 'Anius, quo ... antistite Phoebus / rite colebatur'.

27-28. QVAMLIBET EXIGVA SI NOS EA IVVERIT AVRA, / OBRVTA DE MEDIIS CVMBA RESVRGET AQVIS. Ovid here mixes two nautical metaphors: if a ship is overwhelmed by high seas, a favouring breeze will not be of great assistance.

28. OBRVTA DE MEDIIS CVMBA RESVRGET AQVIS. Similar wording at [Sen] Oct 345-48 '[cumba ...] obruta ... ruit in pelagus rursumque salo / pressa resurgit'.

29. TVNC EGO TVRA FERAM RAPIDIS SOLLEMNIA FLAMMIS. Perhaps a verbal reminiscence of Aen IX 625-26 'Iuppiter omnipotens, audacibus adnue coeptis. / ipse tibi ad tua templa feram sollemnia dona'.[Pg 266]

29. TVRA ... SOLLEMNIA. The phrase does not occur elsewhere in Ovid; but compare the passage from Aen IX quoted above, as well as the conjunction of words at Tr III xiii 16 'micaque sollemni turis in igne sonet'.

29. RAPIDIS is here used as a standard epithet; its full force ('destructive') at Met II 122-23 'tum pater ora sui sacro medicamine nati / contigit et rapidae fecit patientia flammae', Met XII 274-75 'correpti rapida, ueluti seges arida, flamma / arserunt crines', and EP III iii 60 (to Amor) 'sic numquam rapido lampades igne uacent'.

31-32. NEC TIBI DE PARIO STATVAM, GERMANICE, TEMPLVM / MARMORE. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the reference to Virgil G III 13-16 'et uiridi in campo templum de marmore ponam ... in medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit'; Parii lapides are mentioned at III 34. Here Ovid makes the temple literal, and conducts his recusatio in the terms used by love-poets.

32. CARPSIT OPES ... MEAS. 'Has destroyed my wealth'. This is not strictly true, since Ovid at v 38 says that Pompeius give him gifts (Ovid's letter speaking) 'ne proprias attenuaret opes'.

The same use of carpere at ix 121-22 'fortuna est impar animo, talique libenter / exiguas carpo munere pauper opes' and Am I viii 91 'et soror et mater, nutrix quoque carpat amantem'.

34. NASO SVIS OPIBVS, CARMINE, GRATVS ERIT. Compare Am II xvii 27 'sunt mihi pro magno felicia carmina censu' and Am I iii entire.[Pg 267]

37. QVAM POTVIT ... MAXIMA. For the idiom compare Cic Fam XIII vi 5 'quam maximas ... gratias agat' and ND II 129 'gallinae ['hens'] ... cubilia sibi nidosque construunt eosque quam possunt mollissime substernunt'.

37. GRATVS ABVNDE EST. Apparently the only instance in classical poetry of abunde modifying an adjective. The prose authors cited by the lexica are Sallust, Livy, Valerius Maximus, Curtius, the elder Pliny, and Quintilian. Abunde elsewhere in Ovid only at Met XV 759 'humano generi, superi, fauistis abunde!' and Tr I vii 31 'laudatus abunde'.

38. FINEM PIETAS CONTIGIT ILLA SVVM. 'That act of piety has reached its objective', that is, has made the giver gratus.

39-42. For the sentiment compare EP III iv 81-82 'haec [sc laudanda uoluntas] facit ut ueniat pauper quoque gratus ad aras, / et placeat caeso non minus agna boue'.

41-42. GRAMINE PASTA FALISCO / VICTIMA TARPEIOS INFICIT ICTA FOCOS. Compare iv 29-32 'templaque Tarpeiae primum tibi sedis adiri ... colla boues niueos certae praebere securi, / quos aluit campis herba Falisca suis'.

42. INFICIT. 'Stain'. Inficere in the context of a sacrifice also at Met XV 134-35 '[uictima ...] percussa ... sanguine cultros / inficit' and Hor Carm III xiii 6.[Pg 268]

44. PRINCIPIBVS ... VIRIS. A fixed colloquial idiom: OLD princeps¹ 5 cites Plautus Amphitruo 204 'delegit uiros primorum principes' and Hor Ep I xvii 35 'principibus placuisse uiris non ultima laus est'. There was a parallel expression principes feminae: see Pliny NH VIII 119 and Tac Ann XIII 42 (Suillius compares himself to Seneca) 'an grauius aestimandum sponte litigatoris praemium honestae operae adsequi quam corrumpere cubicula principum feminarum?'.

45. CARMINA VESTRARVM PERAGVNT PRAECONIA LAVDVM. Praeconia in a similar context at Tr II 65 'inuenies uestri praeconia nominis illic [in the Metamorphoses]'; used with peragere at Tr V i 9 'ut cecidi, subiti perago praeconia casus'.

45. LAVDVM. 'Deeds meriting praise'; compare 87 'tuas ... laudes ... recentes'. The meaning is found even in prose: see Caesar BC II 39 4 'haec tamen ab ipsis inflatius commemorabantur, ut de suis homines laudibus libenter praedicant' and the other passages cited at OLD laus¹ 3b.

46. ACTORVM. AVCTORVM (BCHL) is possible enough; but actorum accords better with the preceding laudum.

46. CADVCA. 'Impermanent'. The sense is frequent in Cicero: see Rep VI 17 'nihil est nisi mortale et caducum praeter animos' and Phil IV 13. Elsewhere in Ovid the usual sense of the word is 'ineffectual': see Fast I 181-82 'nec lingua caducas / concipit[Pg 269] ulla preces, dictaque pondus habent' and Ibis 88 'et sit pars uoti nulla caduca mei'. Similar uses at Her XV 208 & XVI 169.

47. CARMINE FIT VIVAX VIRTVS, EXPERSQVE SEPULCRI / NOTITIAM SERAE POSTERITATIS HABET. For the immortality given by verse, compare from Ovid Tr V xiv 5 (to his wife) 'dumque legar, mecum pariter tua fama legetur' and EP III ii 35-36 (to those friends who assisted him) 'uos etiam seri laudabunt saepe nepotes, / claraque erit scriptis gloria uestra meis'. The topic is closely related to that of the poet's own immortality, for which, in Ovid, see xvi 2-3 'non solet ingeniis summa nocere dies, / famaque post cineres maior uenit' and Met XV 871-79.

For other poets' treatment of the immortality given by verse, see Prop III ii 17-26, Hor Carm IV ix, Pindar Nem VII 11-16, Gow on Theocritus XVI 30, and Murgatroyd on Tib I iv 63-66.

47. VIVAX VIRTVS. Compare Hor AP 68-69 'mortalia facta peribunt, / nedum sermonum stet honos et gratia uiuax'.

47. EXPERSQVE SEPVLCRI. The diction of this line is very elevated: Professor R. J. Tarrant compares Met IX 252-53 (Jupiter speaking of Hercules) 'aeternum est a me quod traxit, et expers / atque immune necis' and Cons Liu 59-60 'Caesaris adde domum, quae certe funeris expers / debuit humanis altior esse malis'. The following line's [Pg 270]notitiam ... habet is in comparison an anticlimax.

49. TABIDA CONSVMIT FERRVM LAPIDEMQVE VETVSTAS. Iron and flint were proverbial for hardness: compare x 3-4 'ecquos tu silices, ecquod, carissime, ferrum / duritiae confers, Albinouane, meae?', Her X 109-10, AA I 473-76, Met XIV 712-13, Fast V 131-32, Tr IV vi 13-14, and EP II vii 39-40; other passages are cited by Smith at Tib I iv 18 'longa dies molli saxa peredit aqua'. At I 313-16, Lucretius, discussing the invisible wearing away of substances, says 'stilicidi casus lapidem cauat, uncus aratri / ferreus occulte decrescit uomer in aruis, / strataque iam uolgi pedibus detrita uiarum / saxea conspicimus'.

51. SCRIPTA FERVNT ANNOS. The phrase completes the sentence begun in the previous distich, as is shown by the parallel passages Am I x 61-62 'scindentur uestes, gemmae frangentur et aurum; / carmina quam tribuent, fama perennis erit' and Am I xv 31-32 'ergo cum silices, cum dens patientis aratri / depereant aeuo, carmina morte carent'.

51. FERVNT. 'Withstand'; the same sense at Tr V ix 8 'scripta uetustatem si modo nostra ferunt', Cic Am 67 'ea uina quae uetustatem ferunt', Silius IV 399-400 'si modo ferre diem ... carmina nostra ualent', and Quintilian II 4 9 'sic et annos ferent et uetustate proficient'.

51-53. AGAMEMNONA ... THEBAS. The two great cycles of Greek heroic mythology. The same conjunction at Am III xii 15-16 'cum Thebae, cum Troia foret, cum Caesaris acta, / ingenium mouit sola Corinna meum'[Pg 271] and Tr II 317-20 'cur non Argolicis potius quae concidit armis / uexata est iterum carmine Troia meo? / cur tacui Thebas et uulnera mutua fratrum / et septem portas sub duce quamque suo'; compare as well Prop II i 21 '[canerem ...] nec ueteres Thebas nec Pergama, nomen Homeri'. Lucretius, arguing that the world was created at a definite moment, wrote 'cur supera ['before'] bellum Thebanum et funera Troiae / non alias alii quoque res cecinere poetae?' (V 326-27).

52. QVISQVIS CONTRA VEL SIMVL ARMA TVLIT. The leaders of the Greeks and Trojans.

The line's structure parallels 54 'quicquid post haec, quicquid et ante fuit'. Both are conspicuous by their lack of adornment.

55. DI QVOQVE CARMINIBVS, SI FAS EST DICERE, FIVNT. This is possibly a reference to Herodotus II 53, where Herodotus says that Homer and Hesiod established the Greek pantheon; for Ovid's borrowings from Herodotus, see at iii 37 opulentia Croesi (p 189). The same idea previously in Xenophanes (fr. 11 Diels).

The line looks ahead to 63-64 'et modo, Caesar, auum, quem uirtus addidit astris, / sacrarunt aliqua carmina parte tuum'.

55. SI FAS EST DICERE. Ovid here apologizes for the shocking statement he is making. Up to this point poetry has helped give lasting fame to what was already a fact, but here poetry is actually making something happen (or appear to happen). At Am III xii 21-40 Ovid similarly describes how poets created the myths.[Pg 272]

57-64. Ovid follows the same sequence in the Metamorphoses, describing the separation of Chaos at I 5-31, the attack of the Giants at I 151-55, Bacchus' conquest of India at IV 20-21 & 605-6, and Hercules' capture of Oechalia at IX 136; he foretells Augustus' apotheosis at XV 868-70. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out that these lines may well be referring specifically to the earlier poem.

57-58. SIC CHAOS EX ILLA NATVRAE MOLE PRIORIS / DIGESTVM PARTES SCIMVS HABERE SVAS. 'Thus we know Chaos now has its divisions after having been arranged in order from the famous mass that was its previous nature'. Ovid describes the separation of the elements at Met I 25-31 and Fast I 103-10; see also Ecl VI 31-36.

I take illa ('famous') to refer to the familiarity through the poets and philosophers of the notion of the separation of Chaos into the four elements. Alternatively, Professor A. Dalzell points out to me that illa could have a pejorative sense.

58. DIGESTVM. 'Separated'. At Met I 7 Ovid calls Chaos 'rudis indigestaque moles'.

59. ADFECTANTES CAELESTIA REGNA GIGANTAS. At Am III xii 27 Ovid, speaking of false legends created by the poets, says 'fecimus Enceladon iaculantem mille lacertis'.

In his youth, Ovid had attempted but later abandoned a poem on the battle of the Giants against Jupiter 'designed to glorify Augustus under the guise of Jupiter' (Owen Tristia II p. 77): the language he[Pg 273] uses at Tr II 333-40 seems too explicit to be a mere instance of the love-poet's defence of his subject-matter: 'at si me iubeas domitos Iouis igne Gigantas [Heinsius: Gigantes codd] / dicere, conantem debilitabit onus. / diuitis ingenii est immania Caesaris acta / condere, materia ne superetur opus. / et tamen ausus eram; sed detrectare uidebar, / quodque nefas, damno uiribus esse tuis.[20] / ad leue rursus opus, iuuenalia carmina, ueni, / et falso moui pectus amore meum'. He refers to the same poem again at Am II i 11-18 'ausus eram, memini, caelestia dicere bella / centimanumque Gyen—et satis oris erat— / cum male se Tellus ulta est, ingestaque Olympo / ardua deuexum Pelion Ossa tulit. / in manibus nimbos et cum Ioue fulmen habebam, / quod bene pro caelo mitteret ille suo— / clausit amica fores! ego cum Ioue fulmen omisi; / excidit ingenio Iuppiter ipse meo'.

The actual descriptions of the Giants' rebellion in Ovid's surviving poems are brief (Met I 151-62 & 182-86, Fast V 35-42), but references to the rebellion are frequent (Met X 150-51, Fast I 307-8, Fast IV 593-94, Fast V 555, Tr II 71, Tr IV vii 17, EP II ii 9-12). The accounts at Met V 319-31 of the flight of some of the gods to Egypt and at Fast II 459-74 of Venus' flight to the Euphrates are no doubt derived from Ovid's earlier researches.[Pg 274]

59. ADFECTANTES. 'Unlawfully seeking to obtain'; compare Met I 151-52 'neue foret terris securior arduus aether, / adfectasse ferunt regnum caeleste Gigantas' and Fast III 439 'ausos caelum adfectare Gigantas'. This sense is found in prose: compare Livy I 50 4 'cui enim non apparere adfectare eum imperium in Latinos?'. At Livy I 46 2 the word is used without the conative sense: 'neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni minuit'.

59. GIGANTAS Heinsius. The manuscripts have GIGANTES, which Lenz, Wheeler, and André print. In classical Latin poetry, Greek nouns of the third declension with plural nominatives in -ες and plural accusatives in -ας retained these endings. Housman 836-39 gives many instances where metre demonstrates an accusative in -ας. In Ovid when such an ending occurs, some manuscripts commonly offer the normalized -es; at Tr II 333, as here, all manuscripts offer Gigantes, again corrected by Heinsius.

Such apparent violations of the rule as Fast I 717 'horreat Aeneadās et primus et ultimus orbis', Fast III 105-6 'quis tunc aut Hyadās aut Pliadas Atlanteas / senserat' and Virgil G I 137-38 'nauita tum stellis numeros et nomina fecit, / Pleiadās, Hyadās, claramque Lycaonis Arcton' are of course no real exceptions, the lengthening of short closed vowels at the ictus being permitted (Platnauer 59-62).

60. AD STYGA NIMBIFERI VINDICIS IGNE DATOS. 'Hurled to the underworld by the lightning-bolt of cloud-gathering Jupiter'. This was Jupiter's[Pg 275] first use of the weapon: see Fast III 439-40 'fulmina post ausos caelum adfectare Gigantas / sumpta Ioui: primo tempore inermis erat'.

60. NIMBIFERI VINDICIS IGNE is my correction of the manuscripts' NIMBIFERO and NVBIFERO. The unmodified uindicis and modified igne of the manuscript readings might be defended by EP II ix 77 'quicquid id est [whatever Ovid has committed], habuit moderatam uindicis iram', but uindicis is there defined by the following 'qui nisi natalem nil mihi dempsit humum', and moderatam is a more suitable epithet for iram than is nimbifero for igne in the present passage., At Tr II 143-44 'uidi ego pampineis oneratam uitibus ulmum, / quae fuerat saeuo fulmine tacta Iouis', the manuscripts divide between saeuo and saeui, which has a good claim to be considered the true reading; in any case, Iouis is less in need of a defining adjective than uindicis in the present passage. Finally, the genitive here is strongly supported by Ibis 475-76 'ut Macedo rapidis icta est cum coniuge flammis, / sic precor aetherii uindicis igne cadas'.

The corruption may have been induced by a wish to introduce interlocking word order: for a similar instance see at ii 9 Baccho uina Falerna (p 164). But in fact substantive and epithet are constantly found linked at the caesura of the pentameter: the strong break in the metre at that point no doubt made the construction more readily acceptable there than in other positions.

I have printed nimbiferi in preference to nubiferi because Jupiter is linked with nimbi at two other passages. The first of these is[Pg 276] Am II i 15-16 'in manibus nimbos et cum Ioue fulmen habebam, / quod bene pro caelo mitteret ille suo', and the second Met III 299-301, where Ovid describes Jupiter's preparations to descend on Semele: 'aethera conscendit uultuque sequentia traxit / nubila, quis nimbos immixtaque fulgura uentis / addidit et tonitrus et ineuitabile fulmen'.

61-62. SIC VICTOR LAVDEM SVPERATIS LIBER AB INDIS ... TRAXIT. Bacchus' conquest of India is also mentioned by Ovid at Fast III 465-66 'interea Liber depexos crinibus Indos / uicit et Eoo diues ab orbe redit', Fast III 719-20, and Tr V iii 23-24.

61-62. LIBER ... ALCIDES. The same pairing (both times in the context of Augustan panegyric) at Aen VI 801-5 'nec uero Alcides tantum telluris obiuit, / fixerit aeripedem ceruam licet, aut Erymanthi / pacarit nemora et Lernam tremefecerit arcu; / nec qui pampineis uictor iuga flectit habenis / Liber, agens celso Nysae de uertice tigris' and Hor Carm III iii 9-15. Ovid may have made similar mention of Bacchus and Hercules in his panegyric of Augustus.

61-62. SIC ... LAVDEM ... ALCIDES CAPTA TRAXIT AB OECHALIA. Hercules attacked and captured Oechalia in order to carry off Iole, the king's daughter. This was his last exploit, for it led to Deianira's sending him the poisoned robe which caused his death. The capture of Oechalia is also mentioned at Her IX passim (the poem perhaps not by Ovid) and Met IX 136-40.[Pg 277]

62. OECHALIA. For the quadrisyllable ending to the pentameter, see at ii 10 Alcinoo (p 164).

63. AVVM. Augustus. In AD 4 Augustus adopted Tiberius (son of Livia's first husband, Ti. Claudius Nero), and Tiberius adopted Germanicus, son of his brother Drusus.

63. QVEM VIRTVS ADDIDIT ASTRIS. Compare Aen VIII 301 (of Hercules) 'salue, uera Iouis proles, decus addite diuis'.

Augustus died on 19 August AD 14; on 17 September the Senate decreed caelestes religiones for him (Tac Ann I 10 8; Fasti Amiternini, Antiates, & Oppiani, at Ehrenberg-Jones 52). Augustus' apotheosis is also mentioned at ix 127-32 and xiii 23-26.

64. ALIQVA ... PARTE. The same phrase in the same metrical position at Fast I 133-34 (Janus speaking) 'uis mea narrata est. causam nunc disce figurae: / iam tamen hanc aliqua tu quoque parte uides'.

64. CARMINA. Ovid is referring to his own poems (in Latin and Getic) on Augustus' apotheosis, also mentioned at vi 17-18 'de caelite ... recenti ... carmen', ix 131-32 'carmina ... de te ... caelite ... nouo', and xiii 25-26.

65-66. SI QVID ADHVC IGITVR VIVI, GERMANICE, NOSTRO / RESTAT IN INGENIO, SERVIET OMNE TIBI. Compare Prop IV i 59-60 'sed tamen exiguo quodcumque e pectore riui / fluxerit, hoc patriae seruiet omne meae', which Ovid is clearly imitating. Hertzberg ad loc conjectured[Pg 278] RIVI for our passage, which may well be right; but uiui seems to agree better with restat.

67. VATIS ... VATES. For an extreme instance of Ovid's favourite figure of polyptoton (Quintilian IX 3 36-37), see the account at Met IX 43-45 of Achelous' wrestling-match with Hercules: 'inque gradu stetimus, certi non cedere, eratque / cum pede pes iunctus, totoque ego pectore pronus / et digitos digitis et frontem fronte premebam'. Other instances of polyptoton with uates at Fast I 25 (to Germanicus) 'si licet et fas est, uates rege uatis habenas' and EP II ix 65 (to Cotys, king of Thrace, apparently a writer of poetry) 'ad uatem uates orantia bracchia tendo',

67. VATES. Approximately nine hundred lines survive of a version of Aratus generally attributed to Germanicus, who might have been composing the poem at the time Ovid was writing: Augustus' apotheosis is mentioned at 558-60. It is possible however that Tiberius was the poem's author: he is known to have written a Conquestio de morte L. Caesaris and to have composed Greek verse (Suet Tib 70). For a full discussion see the introduction to Gain's edition of the Aratus.

69-70. QVOD NISI TE NOMEN TANTVM AD MAIORA VOCASSET, / GLORIA PIERIDVM SVMMA FVTVRVS ERAS. Compare Met V 269-70 (the Muses to Minerva) 'o nisi te uirtus opera ad maiora tulisset, / in partem uentura chori Tritonia nostri'.[Pg 279]

There is a striking parallel to this passage in Quintilian's address to Domitian in his catalogue of poets: 'hos nominamus quia Germanicum Augustum ab institutis studiis deflexit cura terrarum, parumque dis uisum est esse eum maximum poetarum' (X i 91-92).

70. GLORIA PIERIDVM SVMMA. Gloria similarly used at EP II xi 28 'maxima Fundani gloria, Rufe, soli', Aen VI 767 'proximus ille Procas, Troianae gloria gentis', and Val Max IV iii 3 'Drusum ... Germanicum, eximiam Claudiae familiae gloriam'. The term was used in particular of fine cattle: see AA I 290 'candidus, armenti gloria, taurus', Pan Mess (Corp Tib III vii) 208 'tardi pecoris ... gloria taurus' and Aetna 597 'gloria uiua Myronis' (on Myron's Cow see at i 34 ut similis uerae uacca Myronis opus [p 158]).

71. SI DARE R. J. Tarrant. The manuscripts' SED DARE is a possible reading; but Professor Tarrant's slight change removes the awkwardness of nec tamen following immediately upon sed.

71. MAVIS IF^2ul MAIVS BF¹. Either of the two variants could be read from CMHLT. The preferable reading is mauis, since it links more closely to potes in the pentameter, and would be especially liable to corruption after maiora two lines previous. I have found no good parallel for singular maius 'a more important thing': for the plural OLD maior 5 cites from verse Fast IV 3 'certe maiora canebas' and its model, Ecl IV 1 'paulo maiora canamus'.[Pg 280]

72. NEC TAMEN EX TOTO DESERERE ILLA POTES. Graecinus was another of Ovid's addressees who, while a soldier, kept up his other pursuits: 'artibus ingenuis [=lībĕrālibus], quarum tibi maxima cura est, / pectora mollescunt asperitasque fugit. / nec quisquam meliore fide complectitur illas, / qua sinit officium militiaeque labor' (EP I vi 7-10).

72. EX TOTO. 'Altogether'. Compare EP I vi 27-28 'spes igitur menti poenae, Graecine, leuandae / non est ex toto nulla relicta meae'. The idiom was probably subliterary: the only instances from the time of Ovid cited by OLD totum 2 are Celsus III 3 71b 'neque ex toto in remissionem desistit' and Columella V 6 17 'antequam ex toto arbor praeualescat'.

73. NVMERIS ... VERBA COERCES. 'You arrange words in metrical patterns'. Similar wording at Cic Or 64 'mollis est enim oratio philosophorum ... nec uincta numeris ['not in rhythmic prose'], sed soluta liberius'.

Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid may also be playing on numerus 'military contingent' (OLD numerus 9): 'you draft words in squads'.

75-76. NEC AD CITHARAM NEC AD ARCVM SEGNIS APOLLO, / SED VENIT AD SACRAS NERVVS VTERQVE MANVS. Apollo is similarly described at Met X 107-8 (of Cyparissus) 'nunc arbor, puer ante deo dilectus ab illo / qui citharam neruis et neruis temperat arcum'.[Pg 281]

76. VENIT = conuenit. In Latin verse a simple verb can carry the sense of any of its compounds, even when this sense is quite different from the usual meaning of the simple verb. Compare Catullus LXIV 21 'tum Thetidi pater ipse iugandum Pelea sensit', "where it is plain that iugandum is for coniugandum, and this leads the reader to the conclusion that sensit is for consensit, where the omission decidedly affects the sense" (Bell 330).

The line should not be taken as an instance of the expression uenire ad manum (OLD uenio 7c), since the idiom's sense 'be convenient' does not fit the context here: for the sense compare Livy XXXVIII 21 6 'quod [sc saxum] cuique temere trepidanti ad manum uenisset' and Quintilian II xi 6 'abrupta quaedam, ut forte ad manum uenere, iaculantur'. Venire in manus offers a somewhat more satisfactory meaning, almost equivalent to 'have, hold' (compare Cic Q Fr II xv [xiv] i 'quicumque calamus in manus meas uenerit' and Persius III 11 'inque manus chartae nodosaque uenit harundo'), but seems to be a separate idiom.

79. QVAE QVONIAM NEC NOS. 'Since she continues to give poetic inspiration to myself as well as to you'. Quae quoniam seems very prosaic, but Ovid uses the phrase again at Tr I ix 53-54 'quae [sc coniectura] quoniam uera est ... gratulor ingenium non latuisse tuum'.

79-80. VNDA ... VNGVLA GORGONEI QUAM CAVA FECIT EQVI. Hippocrene, the spring of the Muses, said to have been created by the hoof-beat[Pg 282] of Pegasus. Similarly described at Met V 264 'factas pedis ictibus undas', Fast V 7-8 'fontes Aganippidos Hippocrenes, / grata Medusaei signa ... equi' and Persius prol 1 'fonte ... caballino'.

80. VNGVLA ... CAVA. Professor J. N. Grant points out to me the possible borrowing from Ennius Ann 439 Vahlen³ 'it eques et plausu caua concutit ungula terram'.

80. GORGONEI ... EQVI. The same phrase in the same metrical position at Fast III 450 'suspice [sc caelum]: Gorgonei colla uidebis equi'. For the birth of Pegasus from the blood of the Gorgon Medusa, see Met IV 784-86,

81. COMMVNIA SACRA TVERI. Sacra similarly used of poetry at Tr IV i 87, Tr IV x 19 'at mihi iam puero caelestia sacra placebant', EP II x 17 'sunt tamen inter se communia sacra poetis', and EP III iv 67 'sunt mihi uobiscum communia sacra, poetae'. For tueri 'observe, maintain' compare Cic Tusc I 2 'mores et instituta uitae resque domesticas ac familiaris nos profecto et melius tuemur et lautius'.

82. ISDEM STVDIIS IMPOSVUISSE MANVM. Similar phrasing at Tr IV i 27-28 'non equidem uellem ... Pieridum sacris imposuisse manum'.

82. IMPOSVISSE has the sense of the present infinitive, as is shown by tueri in the previous line; compare as well ii 27-28 'uix sumptae Musa tabellae / imponit pigras, paene coacta, manus'. For the idiom, see[Pg 283] Platnauer 109-12. It is particularly frequent in the latter half of the pentameter, immediately before the disyllable: compare, from many instances, AA III 431-32 'ire solutis / crinibus et fletus non tenuisse decet' and Tr IV viii 5-12 'nunc erat ut posito deberem fine laborum / uiuere, me nullo sollicitante metu, / quaeque meae semper placuerunt otia menti / carpere et in studiis molliter esse meis, / et paruam celebrare domum ueteresque Penates ... inque sinu dominae carisque sodalibus inque / securus patria consenuisse mea'. The idiom, although more common in elegiac verse, is also found in epic: compare Aen X 14 'tum certare odiis, tum res rapuisse licebit'.

83. LITORA PELLITIS NIMIVM SVBIECTA CORALLIS. Compare ii 37 'hic mea cui recitem nisi flauis scripta Corallis'. Strabo mentions the Coralli as inhabiting the region near Haemus (VII 5 12); they are rather obscurely described at Val Fl VI 89-94 'densique leuant uexilla Coralli, / barbaricae quis signa rotae, ferrataque dorso / forma suum ['of pigs'], truncaeque Iouis simulacra columnae; / proelia nec rauco curant incendere cornu, / indigenas sed rite duces et prisca suorum / facta canunt ueterumque, uiris hortamina, laudes'.

85. VLLO M ILLO BCFHILT. Illo is not a possible reading, since of course most parts of the empire would have been less isolated than[Pg 284] Tomis. Ovid does not specify a preferred place of exile at either Tr IV iv 49 'nunc precor hinc alio iubeat discedere' or EP III i 29-30 'non igitur mirum ... altera si nobis usque rogatur humus', nor in any of the passages listed in the next two notes.

86. QVI MINVS ... DISTET. For this constant prayer of the exiled Ovid, see Tr II 575-78 (the concluding lines) 'non ut in Ausoniam redeam, nisi forsitan olim, / cum longo poenae tempore uictus eris; / tutius exilium pauloque quietius oro, / ut par delicto sit mea poena suo', Ibis 28, EP III i 4 & 85, EP III iii 64, EP III vii 30, EP III ix 38, and EP III ix 1-4 'Quod sit in his eadem sententia, Brute, libellis, / carmina nescio quem carpere nostra refers, / nil nisi me terra fruar ut propiore rogare, / et quam sim denso cinctus ab hoste loqui'.

86. DISTET FHILM^2c. Lenz and André print DISTAT (BCT); however, the defining subjunctive seems to be required, and is supported by EP II viii 36 'daque procul Scythico qui sit ab hoste locum'.

88. MAGNAQVE QVAM MINIMA FACTA REFERRE MORA. At EP III iv 53-60 Ovid speaks of how a poem of his on a recent triumph has been late in being written, and will be late in reaching Rome: 'cetera certatim de magno scripta triumpho / iam pridem populi suspicor ore legi. / illa bibit sitiens lector, mea pocula plenus; / illa recens pota est,[Pg 285] nostra tepebit aqua. / non ego cessaui, nec fecit inertia serum: / ultima me uasti distinet [scripsi: sustinet codd] ora freti. / dum uenit huc rumor properataque carmina fiunt / factaque eunt ad uos, annus abisse potest'.

IX. To Graecinus

C. Pomponius Graecinus (PIR¹ P 540), suffect consul in 16, was the recipient of EP I vi, an appeal for his assistance, and of EP II vi, a request that he be more lenient towards Ovid's faults and continue to assist him. He must have been an old friend of Ovid, for Am II x is addressed to him ('Tu mihi, tu certe, memini, Graecine, negabas / uno posse aliquem tempore amare duas'), and he was clearly a literary patron (EP I vi 7-8 'artibus ingenuis, quarum tibi maxima cura est, / pectora mollescunt asperitasque fugit').

The poem begins with Ovid's wish that his letter might arrive on the day Graecinus becomes consul (1-4). He imagines himself present when Graecinus enters his magistracy; since he will not be there, he will at least in his mind imagine Graecinus carrying out his consular functions (5-56). He then speaks of Graecinus' brother Flaccus, who will succeed him as consul ordinarius for 17: the two brothers will take pleasure in each other's office (57-65). He describes the brothers' devotion to Tiberius, and asks for their assistance in obtaining his removal from Tomis (65-74). The mention of his exile serves as a bridge to the topic of his life in Tomis. Flaccus can attest to the hardships Ovid endures, since he was recently stationed in the area (75-86). Once Graecinus has learned of these hardships from Flaccus, he should ask what Ovid's reputation in Tomis is. He will learn that Ovid is well liked, and has even received public[Pg 287] honours (87-104). His loyalty to the imperial family is well known: Flaccus may have heard of this, Tiberius will eventually learn of it, but Augustus has certainly observed it from heaven; Ovid's poems are perhaps inducing Augustus to yield to his prayers (105-34).

The poem is the longest in the book, and combines several almost unrelated sections dealing with a number of subjects. The first section of the poem, the celebration of Graecinus' nomination to the consulship, is very heavily indebted to IV iv, Ovid's first poem on Sextus Pompeius' election to the consulship. The section detailing Flaccus' presence near Tomis owes something to IV vii, the letter to Vestalis. The description of Ovid's reputation in Tomis is new, and shows a softening of his attitude towards his fellow-townsmen, but the description of his piety to the imperial family owes much to III ii, a letter of thanks to Cotta for the gift of images of the members of the family. The poem's discursiveness and large number of derived elements suggest a hasty composition.

1. GRAECINE. Graecinus became a frater Arualis in 21 (CIL VI 2023); the C. Pomponius Graecinus of CIL XI 5809 (Iguvium) seems not to have survived to enter the Senate (Syme HO 74-75). Graecinus is not mentioned in literary sources apart from Ovid, but his brother Flaccus was rather more famous: see at 75 (p 308).

3. DI FACIANT looks like a colloquial expression. Other instances at iv 47-48 'di faciant aliquo subeat tibi tempore nostrum / nomen', Tr V xiii 17, and Prop II ix 24.[Pg 288]

3. AVRORAM here is virtually equivalent to diem; it is not found elsewhere in the poetry of exile, but compare Fast I 461 & II 267-68 'tertia post idus nudos aurora Lupercos / aspicit'.

3. OCCVRRAT. 'Arrive', as commonly: compare Cic Phil I 9, Livy XXXVII 50 7 'ad comitiorum tempus occurrere non posse', and Pliny Ep VI xxxiv 3 'uellem Africanae [sc pantherae] quas coemeras plurimas ad praefinitum diem occurrissent'.

4. BIS SENOS = dŭŏdĕcim, metrically difficult because of its initial three consecutive short vowels. Roman poets avoid using the usual names for numbers above nouem, with the obvious exceptions of centum and mille; sometimes, as here, metrical exigencies left them with no alternative. For bis seni (sex) Tarrant at Sen Ag 812 bis seno ... labore cites Ennius Ann 323 Vahlen², Ecl I 43, Aen I 393, Prop II xx 7, Met VIII 243, Fast I 28, Sen Tro 386 & Oed 251, and from Greek Callimachus Aetia I fr. 23 19 Pfeiffer.

7. IN DOMINI SVBEAT PARTES. Partes = 'function'; see at ii 27 uix uenit ad partes ... Musa (p 170). For subeat 'undertake' compare Quintilian X i 71 'declamatoribus ... necesse est secundum condicionem controuersiarum plures subire personas' and the passages cited at OLD subeo 7b.

8. FESTO Burman IVSSO BCMFHIL IVSTO T, sicut coni Merkel. Iusso has been explained since Merula as meaning that Ovid hopes the letter will[Pg 289] arrive on the day it is told to; but the word seems rather strange, and lacks the point it has in the passages cited by Ehwald (KB 64), AA II 223-24 'iussus adesse foro, iussa maturius hora / fac semper uenias, nec nisi serus abi' and Prop IV vi 63-64 (of Cleopatra) 'illa petit Nilum cumba male nixa fugaci, / hoc unum, iusso non moritura die' (she would commit suicide at a time of her own choosing), or at Aen X 444 (cited by Owen in 1894) 'socii cesserunt aequore iusso', where iusso stands by hypallage for iussi. The meaning of iusto is inappropriate for the present passage, as will be seen from Suet Tib 4 2 'retentis ultra iustum tempus ['the time allowed'] insignibus'. Burman's conjecture festo was not placed in the text even by its author, but it seems a reasonable solution to the difficulty. For it Burman cited 56 'hic quoque te festum consule tempus agam'; see as well Fast I 79-80 'uestibus intactis Tarpeias itur in arces, / et populus festo concolor ipse suo est'. The corruption of so straightforward an epithet may seem unlikely, but compare Prop IV xi 65-66 'uidimus et fratrem sellam geminasse curulem; / consule quo, festo [Koppiers: facto codd] tempore, rapta soror'.

9. ATQVI unus e duobus Hafniensibus Heinsii. The ATQVE of BCMFHILT is possibly right. For the adversative sense here required, OLD atque 9 cites Plautus Aul 287-88 'atque ego istuc, Anthrax, aliouorsum dixeram, / non istuc quod tu insimulas', Mer 742, and Ter Heaut 189 (apparently a misprint for 187 'atque etiam nunc tempus est') from comedy, but from the classical period only Cic Att VI i 2 'ac putaram[Pg 290] paulo secus' and Fam XIV iv 5 'atque ego, qui te confirmo, ipse me non possum', and instances of ac tamen at Fam VII xxiii 1, Caesar BC III 87 4, and Tac Ann III 72. In view of the doubtful status of adversative atque at

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS		i
PREFACE		ii
INTRODUCTION		1
TEXTUAL INTRODUCTION		23
P. OVIDI NASONIS EPISTVLARM EX PONTO LIBER QVARTVS		54
CONSPECTVS SIGLORVM		54
I	Ad Sextum Pompeium	56
II	Ad Seuerum	59
III	Ad ingratum	63
IIII	Ad Sextum Pompeium	68
V	Ad Sextum Pompeium	72
VI	Ad Brutum	76
VII	Ad Vestalem	81
VIII	Ad Suillium	86
IX	Ad Graecinum	93
X	Ad Albinouanum	105
XI	Ad Gallionem	113
XII	Ad Tuticanum	115
XIII	Ad Carum	120
XIV	Ad Tuticanum	125
XV	Ad Sextum Pompeium	131
XVI	Ad inuidum	136
COMMENTARY		144
I.	To Sextus Pompeius	146
II.	To Cornelius Severus	161
III.	To An Unfaithful Friend	177
IV.	To Sextus Pompeius	199
V.	To Sextus Pompeius	213
VI.	To Brutus	226
VII.	To Vestalis	244
VIII.	To Suillius	258
IX.	To Graecinus	286
X.	To Albinovanus Pedo	325
XI.	To Gallio	359
XII.	To Tuticanus	370
XIII.	To Carus	389
XIV.	To Tuticanus	410
XV.	To Sextus Pompeius	429
XVI.	To a Detractor	446
BIBLIOGRAPHY		471
INDEX OF TOPICS DISCUSSED		477
INDEX OF TEXTUAL EMENDATIONS		489

The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Last Poems of Ovid, by Ovid

THE LAST POEMS OF OVID

by Mark Bear Akrigg, Ph.D.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS