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Title: London and the Kingdom - Volume II

Author: Reginald R. Sharpe

Release Date: April 5,  2007 [Ebook #20990]

Language: English

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***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LONDON AND THE KINGDOM - VOLUME II***





                          LONDON AND THE KINGDOM


A HISTORY DERIVED MAINLY FROM THE ARCHIVES AT GUILDHALL IN THE CUSTODY OF
                 THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

                                   By
                      Reginald R. Sharpe, D.C.L.,


   RECORDS CLERK IN THE OFFICE OF THE TOWN CLERK OF THE CITY OF LONDON;
  EDITOR OF "CALENDAR OF WILLS ENROLLED IN THE COURT OF HUSTING," ETC.


                            IN THREE VOLUMES.

                                 Vol II


 _PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CORPORATION UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE LIBRARY
                               COMMITTEE._


                                 LONDON
                          LONGMANS, GREEN & Co.
                   and New York: 15 East 16th Street.
                                  1894.





CONTENTS


CHAPTER XIX.
   Reception of James I by the City.
   Catholic Plots.
   Purveyance.
   The City and Free Trade.
   Prince Henry a Merchant Taylor.
   The Gunpowder Plot.
   The King of Denmark in the City.
   The City's Water Supply.
   Hugh Middleton and the New River.
   The Plantation of Ulster.
   Deception practised on the City.
   Allotment of the Irish Estate.
   The Irish Society.
   The Livery Companies and their title to Irish Estate.
CHAPTER XX.
   The City and the Plantation of Virginia.
   Public Lotteries in aid of the Plantation.
   Copland's Sermon at Bow Church.
   The King's pecuniary difficulties.
   The Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth.
   The King entertained by the City.
   The Addled Parliament.
   Peter Proby, Sheriff and Ex-Barber.
   A general muster of City trained bands.
   A Commission of Lieutenancy granted to the City.
   The Company of Merchant Adventurers suppressed.
   Knights of the Bath at Drapers' Hall.
   Request for a loan of £100,000.
   Sebastian Hervey and his daughter.
   The Thirty Years' War.
   Loan of £100,000 to the Elector Palatine.
   The Spanish Ambassador ill-treated.
   The City and the Spanish Match.
   Concealed Lands.
   The City and Mansfield's Expedition.
CHAPTER XXI.
   A loan of £60,000 to Charles I.
   Failure of Cadiz Expedition.
   A loan refused.
   The City called upon to furnish ships and men.
   The Forced Loan.
   Expedition to Rochelle.
   Royal Contract.
   Doctor Lamb.
   Assassination of Duke of Buckingham.
   Tonnage and Poundage.
   Birth of Prince Charles.
   Demand for Ship money.
   Richard Chambers.
   Forfeiture of City's Irish Estate.
   Inspeximus Charter of Charles I.
   The Short Parliament.
   Attempt to force a City loan.
   Four Aldermen committed to prison.
   Impeachment of the Recorder.
   Riot at Lambeth.
   The Aldermen released.
   More City Loans.
   The Treaty of Ripon.
CHAPTER XXII.
   Meeting of the Long Parliament.
   The City and the Earl of Strafford.
   The Scottish Commissioners in the City.
   Letters to the City from Speaker Lenthall.
   Trial and Execution of Strafford.
   The "Protestation" accepted by the city.
   The "Friendly Assistance."
   The Scottish army paid off.
   Reversal of judgment of forfeiture of Irish Estate.
   The City and the Bishops.
   Charles in the City.
   Riots at Westminster.
   The trained bands called out.
   The attempted arrest of the five members.
   The King at the Guildhall.
   Panic in the City.
   Skippon in command of the City Forces.
   Charles quits London.
   The Rebellion in Ireland.
   The Militia Ordinance.
   The City and Parliament.
   A loan of £100,000 raised in the City.
   Gurney, the Lord Mayor, deposed.
   Charles sets up his Standard at Nottingham.
CHAPTER XXIII.
   Commencement of the Civil War.
   Military activity in the City.
   Pennington, Mayor
   Battle of Edge-Hill.
   Another loan to Parliament.
   A cry for Peace.
   A City Deputation to the King at Oxford.
   The City's "Weekly Assessment"
   Erection of Fortifications.
   Volunteer horse and foot.
   Waller's Plot.
   Disputes over the City's Militia.
   Waller appointed Command-in-Chief.
   Essex and the Common Council
   The City and the Siege of Gloucester.
   Courageous conduct of Londoners at Newbury.
   Disaffection of the trained bands.
   Brooke's Plot.
   The Committee of Both Kingdoms.
   The City's Weekly Meal Money.
   A rendezvous at Aylesbury.
   The City's Auxiliaries called out.
   A large City loan.
   Insubordination of trained bands.
   Ordinance for a Standing Army.
   Propositions for Peace.
   Royalist Successes.
   The Treaty of Uxbridge.
CHAPTER XXIV.
   The New Model Army.
   The self-denying Ordinance.
   Proposals to Parliament by the City.
   Cromwell, Lieutenant-General.
   The Battle of Naseby.
   Cavalry raised by the City.
   Plymouth appeals to London.
   Presbyterianism in the City.
   The King proposes to come to Westminster.
   Scottish Commissioners attend Common Council.
   The City's claim to command Militia of Suburbs.
   Ordinance for Presbyterianism.
   Defeat of Royalists.
   Charles communicates with the City.
   A City Loan desired to pay off Scottish Army.
   City grievances.
   A new City Militia Committee.
   The City and the Parliamentary Forces.
   The Declaration of the Army.
   The trained bands refuse to muster.
   Protracted correspondence between the City and Fairfax.
   City Commissioners sent to the Army.
   The Solemn Engagement.
   The City's Militia placed under a Parliamentary Committee.
   Great Commotion.
   Ordinance repealed.
   More correspondence with Fairfax.
   The Army enters London.
   The City submits.
CHAPTER XXV.
   Glyn the Recorder sent to the Tower.
   More loans.
   Aldermen sent to the Tower.
   Threat to quarter the Army on the City.
   A rising of Apprentices.
   Release of imprisoned Aldermen.
   John Everard.
   "The City to pay for all."
   The protection of Parliament entrusted to the City.
   A Royalist rising in Kent.
   The City's proposal that Charles should be invited to London.
   Negotiations for a Personal Treaty with the King.
   Secret enlistments in the City.
   Overtures from the Prince of Wales.
   The Army loses patience both with King and Parliament.
   Fairfax seizes the Treasure in the City.
   Royalists in the City.
   Abraham Reynardson, Mayor and the Common Council.
   The King's trial and execution.
CHAPTER XXVI.
   A Commonwealth declared.
   Analogy between the City and the Kingdom.
   The Aldermanic Veto.
   Reynardson and other Aldermen deprived.
   Mutinous troops in the City.
   The Commonwealth proclaimed in the City.
   Aldermen punished for not attending Proclamation.
   The Council of State entertained at Grocer's Hall.
   Richmond Park vested in the City.
   Resignation of Glyn, Recorder.
   Trial of John Lilburne at the Guildhall.
   Retrenchment of City's expenditure.
   A City Post started.
   The Borough of Southwark desires Incorporation.
   The City asserts its title to Irish Estate.
   The victory at Dunbar.
   Act touching Elections in Common Hall.
   Removal of Royal Emblems.
   Matters in dispute between Court of Aldermen and Common Council.
   Charges against John Fowke, Mayor.
   The Scottish Army in England.
   The Battle of Worcester.
CHAPTER XXVII.
   The War with Holland.
   Barebone's Parliament.
   The Lord Protector entertained at Grocer's Hall.
   Alderman Sir Christopher Pack and his Remonstrance.
   Cromwell's City Peers.
   The Restoration of the Rump.
   Re-election of John Ireton, Mayor.
   Parliament closed by Lambert.
   Monk prepares to Act.
   A demand for a Free Parliament.
   Negotiations between Fleetwood and the City.
   Revival of the City's Militia.
   The Rump again restored.
   The Common Council dissolved by order of Parliament.
   Monk enters London.
   Takes up his quarters in the City.
   Mediates between the City and Parliament.
   Declines to leave the City for Whitehall.
   The Common Council restored.
   The Long Parliament dissolved.
   The Restoration discussed.
   The City publishes a Vindication of its doings.
   Letter from Charles II to the City.
   The Declaration of Breda.
   City Commissioners sent to the Hague.
   The King restored.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
   Richmond Park restored to the King.
   Restoration of Royalist Aldermen.
   The King and Parliament entertained at Guildhall.
   Fanatics in the City.
   More City loans.
   Coronation of Charles II.
   The Cavalier Parliament.
   The City an example to the Country.
   The Corporation Act.
   Proposals for renewal of City's Charter.
   The Hearth Tax.
   The Act of Uniformity.
   Sir John Robinson, Mayor.
   The Russian Ambassador in the City.
   The French Ambassador insulted at Lord Mayor's Banquet.
   War with the Dutch.
   The "Loyal London."
   The Plague.
   The City decimated.
   The Great Fire.
   Sir Thomas Bludworth, Mayor.
   The Monument.
   Sympathy displayed towards the City.
   Preparations for re-building the City.
   The City and Fire Insurances.
CHAPTER XXIX.
   The re-building of the City.
   Fire Decrees.
   Statute 19 Chas. II, c. 3.
   Four City Surveyors appointed.
   Allotment of Market Sites.
   The Dutch War.
   The Treaty of Breda.
   The City's Financial condition.
   Alderman Backwell.
   The Lord Mayor assaulted in the Temple.
   The Prince of Orange in the City.
   The Exchequer closed.
   Renewal of Dutch War.
   Philip de Cardonel and his Financial Scheme.
   The Aldermanic Veto again.
   Jeffreys, Common Sergeant, suspended from office.
   The Popish Plot.
   Three Short Parliaments.
   The Habeas Corpus Act.
   Petitioners and Abhorrers.
   City Addresses.
   A Parliament at Oxford.
   More City Addresses.
   The City to mind its own business.
CHAPTER XXX.
   A Tory re-action.
   The "Protestant joiner"
   Proceedings against the Earl of Shaftesbury.
   Packed juries.
   The Mayor's prerogative in election of Sheriffs.
   Election of Bethell and Cornish.
   Pilkington and Shute.
   Another Address to the King.
   Sir John Moore, Mayor.
   Issue of a Quo Warranto against the City.
   The City and the Duke of York.
   Election of Sheriffs.
   Papillon and Du Bois.
   Dudley North and Box.
   Rich elected loco Box discharged.
   Cornish assaulted at the Guildhall.
   Sir William Pritchard, Mayor.
   Action for slander against Pilkington.
   Sir Patience Ward convicted of perjury.
   Proceedings on the Quo Warranto.
   Judgment pronounced.
   Terms offered the City.
   Pritchard arrested at suit of Papillon.
   The Rye House Plot.
   Surrender or No Surrender?
   The City taken into the King's hands.
CHAPTER XXXI.
   Accession of James II.
   The question of Supply.
   A Tory Parliament.
   Oates and Dangerfield.
   Richard Baxter.
   The Monmouth Rebellion.
   Trial and execution of Cornish.
   The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
   Popery in the City.
   The first Declaration of Indulgence.
   The "regulation" of Corporations.
   William Kiffin, Alderman.
   Sir John Shorter, Mayor.
   The second Declaration of Indulgence.
   The trial of the Seven Bishops.
   Invitation to William of Orange.
   Restoration of the City's Liberties.
   The landing of the Prince of Orange.
   Attack on Catholics.
   The King's flight.
   The Prince of Orange enters London.
   The unique position of, and deference shown to, the City of London.
   A Convention Parliament summoned.
   A City loan.
   William and Mary crowned.
CHAPTER XXXII.
   Proceedings for reversal of judgment on the Quo Warranto.
   Pecuniary difficulties in connexion with City Orphans.
   Pilkington, Mayor, loco Chapman, deceased.
   The attainder of Cornish reversed.
   The Siege of Londonderry.
   William and Mary at the Guildhall.
   Parliamentary Elections.
   The judgment on the Quo Warranto reversed.
   Disputed Municipal Elections.
   The War with France.
   Men and money furnished by the City.
   The question of the Mayor's prerogative revived.
   Act of Common Council regulating Wardmote Elections.
   Naval victory at La Hogue.
   More City loans.
   Disaster of Lagos Bay.
   Sir William Ashurst, Mayor.
   The Queen invited to the Lord Mayor's Banquet.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
   The Rise of the East India Company.
   Sir Josiah Child and Sir Thomas Cook.
   The City Orphans.
   The City's financial difficulties.
   The Foundation of the Bank of England.
   Death of Queen Mary.
   Discovery of corrupt practices.
   The Speaker dismissed for Bribery.
   Proceedings against Cook and Firebrace.
   Committed to the Tower.
   The union of the East India Companies.
   The first Triennial Parliament.
   The Barclay Conspiracy.
   The City and the Election Bill.
   The restoration of the Currency.
   The last of City loans.
   The Peace of Ryswick.
   The King welcomed home.
   Death of James II.
   Sir William Gore, Mayor.
   Death of William.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
   Accession of Queen Anne.
   The Tories in power.
   The Queen entertained on Lord Mayor's Day.
   A thanksgiving service at St. Paul's.
   The Battle of Blenheim.
   Marlborough in the City.
   The City's continued financial difficulties.
   The Queen again at St. Paul's.
   The Tories give place to Whigs.
   The victory at Ramillies.
   The City and Prince Eugene.
   The Union with Scotland.
   The City and the Pretender.
   The victory at Oudenarde.
   Death of Prince George of Denmark.
   Scarcity in the City.
   Dr. Sacheverell and his Sermon.
   The fall of the Whigs.
   Act for building fifty new Churches.
   The Occasional Conformity Act.
   Disputed Municipal Elections.
   Proposed entertainment to Prince Eugene.
   The Treaty of Utrecht.
   The Queen's illness and death.






CHAPTER XIX.




(M1)

The proclamation announcing James VI of Scotland to be "by law, by lineal
succession and undoubted right," heir to the throne of England, now that
Elizabeth was dead, illustrates again the ancient right of the citizens of
London to a voice in electing a successor to the crown. The document not
only acknowledges the assistance received by the lords of the realm from
the lord mayor, aldermen and citizens of London in determining the
succession, but at the very head of the signatories to the proclamation
stands the name of "Robert Lee, Maior," precedence being allowed him over
the primate and other lords spiritual and temporal.(1)

(M2)

Whatever failings the new king may have had, he possessed sufficient
shrewdness to know the value of the favour of the City, which he hastened
to acknowledge with "thankfull mynde" within a few days of his
accession.(2) A reply was sent to the king's letter the following day,
signed by the mayor and aldermen, in which, after expressing their twofold
feelings of sorrow and joy--sorrow at losing a mother in the late queen and
joy at gaining a father in the person of the new king--they declared they
had used all their powers to advance his just claim to the crown, and
would preserve the city of London, the king's Chamber, against every enemy
at home or abroad. He was invited to notify his wishes to them through
their secretary or remembrancer, "Mr. Doctor Fletcher," whom they sent as
their special messenger.(3) The king returned for answer, that although he
had been already aware of the City's forwardness in joining with the
nobility in proclaiming him rightful successor to the crown, he was
pleased to learn from their trusty messenger that the citizens had
advocated his cause not only from the consciousness of its being a just
one, but also because they were assured of his zeal for the preservation
of religion.(4) This was one of James's mystifying remarks which he was
accustomed to throw out in order to raise the hopes of the Catholics, who
questioned his title to the crown, whilst affording no cause for alarm or
discontent among the Protestants.

(M3)

On the 5th April James left Edinburgh for London, where every precaution
was taken to prevent disturbance by ridding the streets of rogues,
vagabonds and "masterless" men.(5) He proceeded southward by easy stages,
accompanied by a long retinue of Scotsmen, until he reached Theobald's, at
that time the mansion house of Sir Robert Cecil, but soon to become a
royal hunting-lodge. On the 19th the mayor issued his precept to the
livery companies to prepare a certain number of members to accompany the
mayor in his attendance upon the king, who was shortly expected in the
city. It was intended that not only the mayor and aldermen but also the
full number of 500 of the "best and gravest" citizens should wait upon his
majesty on horseback, clothed in coats of velvet with velvet sleeves and
adorned with chains of gold, and each accompanied by "one comlie person,
well apparelled in his doublet and hose," on foot. In a word, the
cavalcade was to be furnished on a more sumptuous scale than had yet been
seen within the memory of man.(6) The Court of Aldermen in the meantime
appointed a committee to consider what suits were "fitt to be made to the
Kinges most excellent Maiestye for ye good of this Cittie and the
enlarging of the libertyes and priviledge of the same."(7)

(M4)

After resting a few days at Theobald's, James set out (7 May) for the last
stage of his journey. At Stamford Hill he was met by the mayor and
aldermen and a deputation from the livery companies. At every
stopping-place on his journey from Scotland he had lavishly bestowed
knighthoods.(8) On the 11th May he entered the Tower of London, having
come from Whitehall by water for fear of the plague which was ravaging the
city.

(M5)

The coronation ceremony was hurried over owing to the presence of the
plague. Only the mayor, the aldermen and twelve of the principal citizens
were permitted to attend, and much labour bestowed on preparations for the
event was consequently lost.(9) The civic authorities did their utmost to
stay the sickness and alleviate distress. The streets were ordered to be
kept better cleansed. Infected houses were marked with papers bearing the
words "Lord have mercy upon us," and when these were torn down a red
painted cross, fourteen inches in length and breadth, and not so easily
effaced, was added.(10) Persons stricken with the plague were forbidden to
leave their houses. A master who had been inhuman enough to turn out into
the street a domestic servant who had fallen a victim to the prevailing
disorder was ordered by the Court of Aldermen to take her back again into
his house,(11) a circumstance which seems to point to the pest-house or
hospital being already overcrowded. Instructions were given for seeing
that the graves of those who died of the plague were sufficiently covered
with earth, and that the number of mourners attending funerals should be
as far as possible limited. Women whose duty it was to search the bodies
of the dead, as well as all those who were brought into contact with the
sick, were forbidden to go abroad unless they carried before them a red
rod three feet in length in order to give notice to passers by. It was a
common belief that infection was carried about by stray dogs. To those,
therefore, who killed dogs found in the streets without an owner a reward
was given.(12) The sufferings of the afflicted were alleviated, as far as
circumstances permitted, by money subscribed by the livery companies,
which were further called upon to forego their customary banquets in order
to relieve the poor.(13) The plague was accompanied, as was usually the
case, with a scarcity of corn, and again the assistance of the companies
was invoked.(14)

(M6)

By the end of the year (1603) the city was almost free of the plague, and
in the following March (1604) James determined to make his first public
entry into London. A sum of £400 was raised by the livery companies(15)
for furnishing pageants and stands for the occasion, and steps were taken
to remove from the streets everything that might be offensive to the
king's eye or ear. Thursday, the 15th March, was the day fixed for his
entry, and from the preceding Wednesday until the following Friday no
refuse of any kind was to be thrown into the street.(16) It was further
ordered that no church bells should be rung before seven o'clock in the
evening of the eventful day, lest the noise should prove offensive and
hinder his majesty from hearing the speeches that were to be made.(17)
When all was over and the pageants were about to be taken down, the Court
of Aldermen, with the frugal mind of men of business, ordered the master
and wardens of the Company of Painter Stainers to examine the painters'
work bestowed on them, and report whether, in their opinion, such work had
been well and honestly executed, and what amount of remuneration the
workmen deserved.(18) It is said that the Recorder, Sir Henry Montagu,
welcomed the king on this occasion with a speech, wishing him on behalf of
the city "a golden reigne," and that a cup of gold was presented to the
king, the queen and the young prince who accompanied them
respectively;(19) but no record of the speech or gifts appears in the
City's archives.

(M7)

One of the first questions James had to decide on his accession to the
throne was that of religious toleration; and his settlement of the
question was anxiously looked for as well by the Puritans as the
Catholics. The fear lest the policy which the king should advocate might
prove adverse to their interests determined the Catholics to resort to
strong measures, and the life of James was threatened by a series of
plots, as that of Elizabeth had been before him. Among these was a plan
for seizing the king at Greenwich on Midsummer-day, 1603. The plan was
laid by a secular priest named William Watson, who had previously sounded
James as to his probable attitude to the Catholics if he came to the
throne, Sir Griffin Markham, a Catholic gentleman, who for private reasons
was discontented with the government, and one Antony Copley. News of the
plot having reached the government, the conspirators fled for their lives.
Proclamations were issued for their capture,(20) in which details were
given of their personal appearance. Thus Watson was described as a man of
the lowest sort about thirty-six years of age, "he lookethe a squinte and
is verie purblynde," and had formerly worn a long beard which he was
believed to have cut off; whilst Sir Griffin Markham is credited with
having a large broad face of a "bleake" complexion, a big nose, and a hand
maimed by a bullet. His brethren "have all verie greate noses." Copley's
description is not given, but we have that of another conspirator, William
Clarke, a priest, whose hair is represented as having been "betwixte redd
and yeallowe." The whole party was subsequently taken, one after another,
and their examination disclosed traces of another conspiracy, the object
of which was to place Arabella Stuart on the throne.

The discovery of Watson's conspiracy--generally known as the "Bye" or
"Surprise" Plot--so alarmed the king that he lost no time in making known
his intention to exact no longer the recusancy fines. The result was such
as might be expected. The Puritans were disgusted, whilst the number of
recusants increased to such an alarming extent that in February, 1604, the
king took the extreme measure of ordering the expulsion of all Jesuits and
Seminary priests from the country before the 19th March,(21) the day fixed
for the meeting of parliament.

(M8)

As soon as parliament met a crisis was felt to be at hand; the new king
and the Commons were for the first time to measure their strength. The
city's representatives are duly recorded.(22) At the head of them was Sir
Henry Billingsley,(23) a former mayor, Sir Henry Montague,(24) recently
appointed Recorder of the city upon the king's own recommendation,
Nicholas Fuller, of whom little is known beyond the fact that he came from
Berkshire and married the daughter of Nicholas Backhouse,(25) alderman and
grocer, and Richard Gore, a merchant tailor.

(M9)

With his customary self-complacency and patronising air James told the
assembled Commons that he had brought them two gifts, the one peace
abroad,(26) and the other the union of England with Scotland under the
title of Great Britain,(27) and he expressed no little surprise and
indignation when he found that neither one nor the other was acceptable.
The question of the union of the two kingdoms, seeing that it involved
some political difficulties necessary of solution, was referred to a
commission.(28) James showed his displeasure at the want of compliance
displayed by the Commons by refusing to accept a scheme of commutation of
his rights of purveyance and wardship, which had now grown so burdensome.

(M10)

The abuse of purveyance, more especially, had become a standing grievance
to the burgesses of London as well as of other cities and towns, in spite
of attempted remedies by statute or charter.(29) An offer of £50,000 a
year was made to the king by way of commuting any shred of right he might
still have to purveyance after thirty-six statutes had pronounced it
altogether illegal. This, however, he refused, and the matter was allowed
to drop. Two years later, almost to the day (23 April, 1606), the king
endeavoured so far to remedy the evil as to issue a proclamation against
exactions and illegal acts of his purveyors,(30) and yet scarcely a month
elapsed before the lord mayor had occasion to call the attention of the
lords of the council to the great inconvenience caused in the city by
their recent demand for 200 carts with two horses to each, together with
the lord mayor's own barge, for the purpose of conveying his majesty's
effects to Greenwich. As for the barge, the mayor wrote that the lord
chamberlain sometimes borrowed it for conveying the king's guard, and it
might haply be required again for the same purpose, "but for carringe anie
stuffe or lugedge whereby it maie receave hurt it was never yet required,"
and he hoped their lordships would see the matter in that light.(31)

(M11)

Another important matter which occupied the attention of the House at this
session--although no reference to it appears in the City's records of the
day--was the introduction of Free Trade, to the prejudice of the chartered
rights of various trading companies. The citizens of London were deeply
interested in the bill which was introduced for this purpose, for although
it little affected the livery companies, it touched very closely the
interests of those companies which were incorporated for the purpose of
trading with foreign countries, such as that of the Merchant Adventurers,
the Levant Company, the Russia Company, and others. These companies had
been formed at a time when few individuals were sufficiently wealthy to
bear the risk of distant enterprises. Not every citizen was a Whitington
or a Gresham. The risk incurred by these associations in undertaking
voyages to distant countries was compensated by the advantage gained by
the enjoyment of a monopoly of the trade with those countries by charter
from the Crown. At the outset there had been no cry raised against
monopolies of this kind, but as time wore on and the merchant navy
increased, as it did in the last reign with extraordinary rapidity, a
feeling of jealousy grew up on the part of shipowners who were not members
of one or other of these chartered companies. By the beginning of the
seventeenth century dissatisfaction with the privileges of these trading
companies had become so general that appeals were made to the Privy
Council. These being without effect, the whole matter was referred to a
parliamentary committee. No pains were spared to get at the root of the
grievance. The committee were attended by "a great concourse of clothiers
and merchants of all parts of the realm and especially of London."(32)
Counsel was heard in favour of the bill which had been drafted for the
purpose of throwing open foreign trade to all merchants alike, and the
bill was supported by all the merchants attending the committee with the
exception of the merchants of London, who were represented on the occasion
by the principal aldermen of the city. The free traders urged the natural
right of every one to the free exercise of his own industry and the
example set by other nations. They declared that the passing of the bill
would lead to the more even distribution of wealth,(33) the greater
increase of shipping, and the augmentation of the revenues of the Crown.
The upholders of the companies, on the other hand, could find no better
arguments in their favour than that no company could be a monopoly
inasmuch as a monopoly was something granted exclusively to a single
individual, and that if the existence of the companies was determined,
apprenticeship would cease and difficulties arise in collecting the king's
customs! After three days' debate on the third reading the bill passed the
Commons by a large majority.(34)  It met, however, with so much opposition
in the House of Lords that it was eventually dropt.

(M12)

A quarrel afterwards arose between the king and the Commons on financial
and ecclesiastical questions, and matters being brought to a deadlock, the
House was adjourned (7 July). A few days before the adjournment the
Speaker and over a hundred members held "a friendly and loving meeting" at
Merchant Taylors' Hall, before departing to their country homes. The king
contributed a buck and a hogshead of wine towards the entertainment, which
proved so popular that thirty more guests appeared on the scene than was
originally intended. The "Solemn Feast" was further graced by a
"marchpane"--(a confection of bitter almonds and sugar)--representing the
House of Commons sitting.(35)

(M13)

Three years later (17 July, 1607) the king himself honoured the company
with his presence at dinner in their hall. The Merchant Taylors would
gladly have welcomed him as one of their number and admitted him to the
honorary freedom of their company, but James had already been made free of
the company of Clothworkers. His son, Prince Henry, who was present at the
entertainment, declared himself willing to accept the freedom, and made
those of his suite who were not already members of some other company
follow his example.(36)

(M14)

In August (1604) the king sent to borrow £20,000 from the City, a sum
which was afterwards, at the City's earnest request, reduced to £15,000.
The money was to be levied by order of the court of Common Council (23
Aug.) on the companies, according to rates agreed upon at the time of the
loan of £20,000 to the late queen in 1598,(37) and it was to be delivered
to Sir Thomas Lowe, the treasurer of the fund, by the 5th September. Some
of the companies, however, proved remiss in paying their quota.(38)

(M15)

The action of James in expelling the Jesuits and Seminary priests had in
the meantime so incensed the Catholics that a plot was set on foot for
blowing up the king, the lords and commons, with gunpowder, as soon as
parliament should re-assemble. In May (1604) a house had been hired by a
Catholic named Robert Catesby, through which access might be gained to the
basement of the parliament-house. The party-wall, however, proved
exceptionally thick, and more than a year elapsed before the necessary
mining operations were complete. Catesby was assisted in his work by a
Spaniard named Guy Fawkes, who assumed the name of John Johnson. In the
spring of 1605 the exasperation of the Catholics was increased by James
again imposing the recusancy fines, and the little band of plotters
increased in numbers, although never allowed to become large. The design
of the conspirators was rendered more easy of execution by the discovery
that a cellar reaching under the parliament-house was to be let. This was
hired by one of the plotters, and a large quantity of gunpowder was safely
deposited there and carefully concealed. After several adjournments
parliament was summoned to assemble on the 5th November. On the eve of its
meeting Fawkes entered the cellar with a lantern, ready to fire the train
in the morning. One of the conspirators, however, Tresham by name, had
given his friends some hint of the impending danger. Fawkes was seized and
committed to the Tower, where he was subjected to the most horrible
torture by the king's orders.(39) The rest of the conspirators, with the
exception of Winter, took immediate flight. Hue and cry was raised,(40)
and a personal description of the leaders for their better identification
was scattered throughout the country. Winter was described as "a man of
meane stature, rather lowe than otherwise, square made, somewhat stouping,
neere fortie yeares of age, his haire and beard browne, his beard not much
and his haire short"; Stephen Littleton, another conspirator, as "a verye
tall man, swarthy of complexion, of browne coloured haire, no beard or
litle, about thirty yeares of age"; and Thomas Percy, another, as "a tall
man, with a great broad beard, a good face, the colour of his beard and
head mingled with white heares, but stoupeth somewhat in the shoulders,
well coloured in the face, long-footed, small legged."(41)

On the 8th November the mayor issued his precept for bonfires to be
lighted that evening in the principal streets of the city in token of joy
and thanksgiving for the deliverance of the king and parliament from this
"most horrible treason."(42) A week later (16 Nov.) another precept was
addressed to the alderman of each ward to furnish an extra watch, as those
who had been engaged in safe-guarding the city had found the work too much
for them "since the troubles begonne."(43) A diligent search was
subsequently ordered to be made in every cellar and vault for any illegal
store of gunpowder.(44) Fawkes and such of his fellow-conspirators as were
taken alive were brought to trial at Westminster, in January (1606), and
executed, some in St. Paul's Churchyard and others before the
parliament-house, their quarters being afterwards placed on the city's
gates, whilst their heads were stuck up on London bridge.(45) Pending
their trial a double watch was kept in the city and fresh halberds
issued.(46)

Three Jesuits were implicated in the plot, their names being John Gerrard,
Oswald Greenway, and Henry Garnet. Gerrard and Greenway effected their
escape, but Garnet was captured after having suffered much deprivation
whilst in hiding, and was brought to trial at the Guildhall. Gerrard is
described as tall and well set up, but his complexion "swart or blackish,
his face large, his cheeks sticking out and somewhat hollow underneath,"
his hair long unless recently cut, his beard cut close, "saving littell
mustachoes and a littell tuft under his lower lippe," his age about forty.
Equally precise descriptions are given of Greenway and Garnet; the former
being represented as of "meane stature, somewhat grosse," his hair black,
his beard bushy and brown, his forehead broad, and his age about the same
as that of Gerrard; whilst Garnet is described as an older man, between
fifty and sixty years of age, of fair complexion, full face and grisly
hair, with a high forehead, and corpulent.(47) At his trial, which took
place on the 28th March, Garnet denied all knowledge of the plot save what
he had heard under the seal of confession. He was nevertheless convicted
and executed (3 May) in St. Paul's Churchyard.(48)

(M16)

Notwithstanding the capture and execution of the chief actors in the late
conspiracy, some time elapsed before the nation recovered from the shock,
and every idle rumour of mishap to the king soon became exaggerated as it
flew from one end of the kingdom to the other. Thus it was that the
citizens of London awoke on the morning of Saturday, the 22nd March, to
learn that the king was reported to have been killed with a poisoned
dagger whilst engaged in his favourite pursuit of hunting. The alarm thus
raised was with difficulty laid to rest by the following precept(49):--


    _By y_e_ Mayo_r_._

    _"Where rumo_r_ hath this morninge bine dispersed abroad within
    this cittie and ells where neere about the same that his ma_ties_
    person was in very greate dainger for asmuch I have even now
    receaved intelligence from the lords of his ma_ties_ most
    honorable__ pryvye counsell that his ma_tie_ god be thancked is in
    saftie, and that I should presently make knowne the same to all
    his lovinge subiects which by theis presents I doe._

    _God save y_e_ kinge."_


On the 10th June James signed a proclamation ordering all Priests,
Jesuits, Seminaries and such like to depart the kingdom before the first
day of August. Any priest presenting himself to the officer of a sea-port,
and acknowledging his profession, would be forwarded on his way across the
sea, with the exception of Gerrard and Greenway, or Greenwell.(50)

(M17)

In July of this year (1606) the king of Denmark arrived in England on a
visit to his brother-in-law, king James. The mayor, being informed by the
lords of the council that the Danish fleet was already in the Thames,
summoned a Common Council (17 July) to consider what steps should be taken
to give the royal visitor a befitting reception in the city. A committee
was thereupon appointed to make the necessary preparations.(51) They had
but a fortnight before them for contriving a pageant, cleansing the
streets, setting up rails and executing the thousand little things which
always require to be done on such occasions. The sum of £1,000 was raised
by the livery companies,(52) and each alderman was directed to see that
the inhabitants of his ward hung out suitable tapestry from houses on the
line of procession. The distinguished visitor was presented with a gold
cup taken from the king's jewel-house in the Tower. It weighed 62-3/4
ozs., and the City paid for it at the rate of £3 10_s._ per ounce.(53)
There was but one thing to mar the general rejoicing in the city, and that
was the presence of the plague. This necessitated special precautions
being taken to prevent the spread of infection, and an additional number
of wardens were appointed to take their stand, halberd in hand, at the
doors of infected houses on the day of the king's visit to prevent anyone
going in or coming out.(54)

(M18)

That the chief cause of the city being so often visited by epidemics in
former days was the lack of a plentiful supply of wholesome water will
scarcely be denied. When we consider with what rapidity the population of
the city increased, more especially under the Tudors, the short-sighted
policy of a government which forbade the erection of new buildings within
three miles of the city's gates,(55) and drove so many families to find
shelter under one roof within the limited area of the city proper, in
spite of proclamations to the contrary,(56) the want of any organised
system of drainage, and the scanty supply of water--we can only marvel that
the city was ever free from epidemics.

In 1543 the municipal authorities obtained statutory powers to amend
decayed conduits and erect new ones, as well as to bring water to the city
from Hampstead,(57) and from that time they appear to have taken a more
active interest in the water supply. They made periodical visits to the
various conduits, and more especially the conduit-head at Marylebone,
where a banqueting-house was erected for their convenience. Nevertheless
they preferred encouraging private individuals (and these not infrequently
foreigners) in attempts to improve the city's water supply, as necessity
arose, to undertaking the work themselves in their corporate capacity. In
1570 the City acquired parliamentary powers to break soil for the purpose
of conveying water from the river Lea, "otherwise called Ware River," at
any time _within the next ten years_,(58) but these powers were allowed to
lapse by default. In 1581 Peter Morice, a Dutchman, obtained permission to
set up a water-mill in the Thames at London Bridge, and by some mechanical
contrivance--a "most artificial forcier"--succeeded in conveying water as
far as Leadenhall and Gracechurch. The civic authorities were so pleased
with the result of his first efforts that they assisted him with a loan of
£1,000 to perfect his work.(59) Ten years later (1591) the famous Italian
engineer--of "fire-ship" fame--Frederico Gianibelli obtained the consent of
the Court of Aldermen to erect new water-works at Tyburn for the purpose
of providing the city with a better supply.(60) In 1593 Beavis Bulmer,
another foreigner (to judge from his name), obtained a lease for 500 years
permitting him to set up an engine at Broken Wharf for the purpose of
supplying water to the inhabitants of the city. The Court of Aldermen
granted him the use of the green-yard at Leadenhall for putting together
his engine, whilst the court of Common Council advanced him the sum of
£1,000 on easy terms.(61) Soon after the granting of Bulmer's lease the
Common Council conceded to Henry Shaw a right to convey water from Fogwell
pond, Smithfield, and to supply it to anyone willing to pay him for it,
for a similar term of 500 years.(62)

(M19)

At length a scheme was started at the opening of the seventeenth century
which not only proved itself equal to the task of supplying the
ever-increasing population of London with an adequate supply of water, but
was destined in after years to render its undertakers rich "beyond the
dreams of avarice." The New River Company, the original shares of which
are of almost fabulous value at the present day, had its commencement in
an Act of Parliament (3 James I, c. 18) which empowered the mayor,
commonalty and citizens of London and their successors at any time to make
an open trench(63) for the purpose of bringing a fresh stream of running
water to the north parts of the city from springs at Chadwell and Amwell,
co. Herts. Whilst showing themselves ready and anxious to render the city
more healthy and less subject to epidemics by cleansing the city's ditches
of all filth and draining Finsbury and the Moorfields,(64) the civic
authorities were appalled at the enormity of their own proposals, and
hesitated to carry out what at that time appeared to be an engineering
task of stupendous difficulty. Three years elapsed and nothing was done.
Offers were made by various individuals to execute the work for them, but
these were declined.(65) At length, on the 28th March, 1609, Hugh
Middleton, a goldsmith of London, but of Welsh extraction, declared
himself ready to undertake the work and to complete it within four years.
His offer was accepted, and an agreement was drawn up and executed on the
21st April.(66)

(M20)

Notwithstanding the lords of the council having been desired by the lord
mayor to instruct the Justices of the Peace of Hertfordshire and Middlesex
to assist Middleton and his men in carrying out their work,(67) the
undertaking met with great opposition. Among the various objections raised
to the New River scheme was one to the effect that the municipal
authorities had done nothing in the business themselves, but had by Act of
Common Council irrevocably conveyed their whole interest in fee simple to
Middleton, who was carrying out the work "for his own private benefit." To
this objection answer was made that if the mayor and citizens would not
adventure upon so uncertain a work Middleton deserved the greater
commendation in adventuring his money and labour for the good of the city,
and if the city was benefited and the country not prejudiced Middleton
deserved all that he gained.(68) A bill was introduced into parliament to
repeal the Acts authorising the construction of the New River, and a
committee appointed (20 June, 1610) to survey the damages caused or likely
to be caused by the work,(69) and report thereon to the House. "Much ado
there is also in the House," wrote a contemporary to his friend,(70)
"about the work undertaken and far advanced already by Middleton, of the
cutting of a river and bringing it to London from ten or twelve miles off,
through the grounds of many men who, for their particular interest, do
strongly oppose themselves to it, and are like (as 'tis said) to overthrow
it all." The bill was opposed by the City. A deputation consisting of two
aldermen, the Town Clerk and the City Remembrancer was appointed (25 May,
1610) to wait upon Sir John Herbert, one of the principal Secretaries of
State, Sir Julius Cæsar, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and other
influential members of parliament, for the purpose of entreating them to
use their efforts to prevent the repeal of the statutes on the ground that
the stream of fresh water which would thereby be brought to the north
parts of the city would tend to the preservation of health; that the work
had already been carried ten miles, and that Middleton had already
expended more than £3,000 in carrying it out.(71)

(M21)

Middleton was eventually allowed to proceed with his work, but the delay
that had taken place made it necessary for him to apply to the Common
Council for an extension of time within which to complete it. The City
readily consented to grant him an extension of five years (27 Feb.,
1611).(72) No application for pecuniary assistance however appears to have
been made to the City at this or any other time whilst the work was in
progress by Middleton, although he lacked funds and was compelled in the
following year to seek the assistance of James himself. The king was
familiar with Middleton and his undertaking, for the New River was carried
past his own hunting-lodge of Theobalds. In May (1612) he agreed to pay
half the cost of the whole work on condition that Middleton would convey
to him one-half of the property. Middleton could not do otherwise than
accept the king's offer, and in the following August executed a deed
conveying thirty-six shares to James.(73)

(M22)

With royalty at his back Middleton was enabled to complete his
undertaking, and the New River was opened with befitting ceremony on the
very day (29 Sept., 1613) that Thomas,(74) his elder brother, was elected
to the mayoralty chair for the ensuing year.

(M23)

Even then the whole enterprise might have failed had not pressure been
brought to bear to make the inhabitants of the city use the New River
water to the exclusion of other supplies. In 1616, three years after the
New River had been opened, the lords of the council wrote (23 Dec.) to the
mayor and aldermen informing them that it was the king's wish that,
inasmuch as few persons used the new supply, the city authorities should
see that all such houses as could conveniently use it should be made to
use it, for it was not to be supposed, said they, that two Acts of
Parliament and an Act of Common Council affecting the health and safety of
the city should be passed to no other purpose than to injure those who
undertook so useful a work on the part of the city.(75) So again, in the
following year (1617), when the brewers of London wished to erect
waterworks on their own account at Dowgate, they were stopped by order of
the Privy Council, and told to take their water from the New River, which
had been made at great expense, "was of great consequence to his majesty's
service, and deserved all due encouragement."(76) Even the civic
authorities themselves were forbidden (11 April, 1634) to improve the
supply from Tyburn, on which they had already expended much money, for
fear of injuring the interests of the shareholders of the New River
Company,(77) who had but recently received their first dividend.(78)

(M24)

Soon after the completion of the New River, Middleton applied to the City
for a loan. The whole of his own capital had been sunk in his vast
undertaking, and he required an advance of £3,000. The loan was granted (8
Sept., 1614) for three years at six per cent., security being given by his
brother Thomas, the lord mayor, Robert, another brother, and Robert
Bateman.(79)

(M25)

In 1622 (19 Oct.) James conferred on Middleton a baronetcy--a new
hereditary title recently established for supplying the king with money to
put down the Irish rebellion.(80) Middleton, however, appears to have been
too poor to pay the sum of £1,000 or so for which the new title was
purchasable; at any rate the money was not exacted.(81) A baronet in the
city of London (by the way) enjoyed the special privilege of exemption
from serving as sheriff. "It was unfit," wrote James to the lord mayor (11
Nov., 1613), "that a gentleman called to the quality of a baronet should
be afterwards called to be sheriff," and he declared that he would have
"no such precedent."(82)

(M26)

A year after Middleton had been created a baronet the Court of Aldermen
voted him (13 Nov., 1623) a gold chain of the value of 200 marks in
recognition of his services in supplying the city with water, and thereby
preventing the spread of disastrous fires.  Only the night before (12
Nov.) "a very terrible and fearful fire" had broken out, destroying many
houses, and among them that of Sir William Cockaine, in Broad Street, and
causing damage to the extent of £40,000 and more;(83) and the Court of
Aldermen, in recording their vote, testified to the great danger which
would have threatened the city had not a plentiful supply of water, thanks
to Middleton, been at hand.(84) The chain was set with diamonds and had
the City's arms by way of pendant. Middleton himself being a goldsmith of
repute was allowed to supervise the making of it.(85)

(M27)

All this time the City's loan to Middleton remained outstanding, and
indeed it remained unrepaid at the time of his death in December, 1631, a
circumstance which shows that the greatest engineer of the age died worse
off than many believe. After considerable hesitation the Court of Aldermen
instructed the City Solicitor to recover the money by suing on Middleton's
bond.(86)

(M28)

If other evidence were wanting to show that Middleton died in reduced
circumstances there is the fact that his widow was compelled, soon after
her husband's death, to seek satisfaction from the City for losses
sustained by his estate by means of "many breaches made in the pipes of
water and otherwise upon occasion of divers great fires." After
considering the matter for close upon two years the Common Council at
length agreed (2 Oct., 1634) to raise a sum of £1,000 for her by
assessment on the wards, but hesitated whether to pay the money to Lady
Middleton for her own use or as executrix only of the will of her late
husband, "to be distributed according to the custome of this Citty whereof
he dyed a Freeman." The court added this condition to the gift, viz.: that
the City should be allowed to set up cocks in connection with the New
River pipes in each ward, to be used in cases of fire, in place of cutting
the pipes, as had been the custom on such occasions.(87) In 1635
Middleton's loan remained still owing to the City, and the £1,000 promised
to his widow was not yet collected. On the 12th May Lady Middleton
petitioned the Court of Aldermen to allow the £1,000 to be accepted in
part payment of her late husband's debt and she would endeavour forthwith
to discharge the remainder. To this the court acceded.(88)

(M29)

In 1726 the New River Company petitioned the Common Council for a direct
conveyance to be made to the company of all the statutory rights and
privileges the City had originally made over to Middleton. The reason
given for this request was that the company found themselves obliged at
the time to prosecute a number of trespassers, and that it had been
advised by counsel that in order to get a verdict in the company's favour
it would have to prove its title, "through all times and through all the
mean conveyances," from the passing of the original Act of Parliament to
the present time. The company represented that such a proceeding would
involve enormous difficulty, but this difficulty could be got over if the
City would consent to give an immediate grant to the company of all that
they had formerly conveyed to Middleton, and upon the same terms. The
matter, urged the company, was one that affected the interests of the
City, for unless the offenders were punished the water of the New River
would continue to be intercepted before it reached the city. The petition
was referred to the City Lands Committee for consideration.(89)

(M30)

Just at the time when the City was meditating a transfer of their powers
under the New River Acts to Middleton, a scheme was being set on foot for
colonising a vast tract of land in the north of Ireland, which, after the
flight of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel in 1607, was declared to be
confiscated to the Crown. In October, 1608, commissioners had been
appointed to draw up a plan for the proposed colonisation, or, as it was
called, the "Plantation of Ulster," and by the following January (1609)
their reports were sent in.(90) The next step was the formulating of
orders and conditions to be observed by the undertakers of the plantation,
and by the end of January these were ready, although they do not appear to
have been published before the following March.(91) The object of
promulgating these orders and conditions was to attract persons to take a
share in the work of the plantation, not so much with the view of
benefiting themselves as of doing service to the Crown and commonwealth.
Whatever attraction the scheme as put forth in this Collection of Orders
and Conditions--often referred to in subsequent proceedings as the "printed
book"--may have had for others, it had none for the Londoner.(92) The city
merchant and trader required to be assured of some substantial benefit to
be gained by himself before he would embark in any such undertaking, and
in order to give him this assurance he was asked to consider a long list
of "motives and reasons to induce the City of London to undertake
plantation in the north of Ireland."(93)

(M31)

In this document, bearing date the 28th May, 1609, the king offered to
make over to the city of London the city of Derry and another place near
the castle of Coleraine with adjacent territory, and with exceptional
advantages as to custom dues and admiralty jurisdiction. As an inducement
to accept the king's offer the citizens were assured that the country was
well watered and suitable for breeding cattle; it grew hemp and flax
better than elsewhere; it was well stocked with game and had excellent sea
and river fisheries, and it contained such abundance of provisions as not
only to supply the plantation, but also assist towards the relief of the
London poor. Besides these advantages the city, which was so overcrowded
"that one tradesman was scarcely able to live by another," would have an
opportunity of getting rid of some of its surplus population, and at the
same time render itself less liable to infectious diseases. If the
citizens wanted a precedent for what they were now called upon to
undertake, they were invited to look at what Bristol had done for Dublin
in the reign of Henry II. The plantation of Dublin by Bristol, which
reflected "eternal commendation" on the latter city, had done much towards
civilising and securing that part of Ireland, and it was greatly to be
hoped that the precedent so set would now be followed by London, more
especially as the advantages to be gained were far greater.

(M32)

A goodly prospect indeed; but still the enterprise failed to commend
itself to the Londoner. A month went by and nothing was done. At length,
on Saturday, the 1st July, the matter was brought direct to the attention
of a special Court of Aldermen and "divers selected comoners" of the city
by the lords of the council. Again the citizens were assured that by
taking a part in the work of the plantation they would not only be doing a
work acceptable unto God but one which would be at once honourable and
profitable to themselves.

(M33)

The project was received with favour to the extent that it was resolved to
invite the livery companies to consider the matter, and to appoint
committees to make suggestions to the court in writing by the following
Wednesday (5 July),(94) and precepts to the companies were issued
accordingly. The reply sent by the companies appears to have been
considered unsatisfactory, for on the following Saturday (8 July) the
mayor issued another precept rebuking them for the attitude taken up by
their representatives, who had not, in his opinion, paid sufficient
attention to the matter nor fully realised the motives and reasons which
had been propounded. He bade them reconsider the matter and send their
representatives to the Guildhall on Friday, 14th July, with "such reasons
and demands as are fit to be remembered, required or considered of in the
undertaking of so great and honourable an action" set down in writing.(95)
Accordingly, on the 14th, the committees of the various companies appeared
before the Court of Aldermen with their answer in writing, and a
deputation was nominated to carry their answer to the lords and to hear
anything more that they might have to say on the matter.(96)

The lords of the council being angry with the companies for sending in
their answer before a conference had been held with them, the Recorder was
instructed to inform them that the companies had acted under a mistake,
and intended nothing undutiful in what they had done, and a deputation was
again nominated to confer with their lordships.(97) This was on Tuesday,
the 18th July.

(M34)

Before the end of the week "a full and large conference" took place, and
the lords of the council so satisfied the representatives of the companies
of the profitable nature of the undertaking that they were encouraged to
become adventurers. It was an understood thing between the parties that
the citizens should send their own representatives over to Ireland to view
the property, and if the undertaking proved to be otherwise than had been
represented, and unprofitable, they were to be at liberty to withdraw from
it altogether. The result of the conference was signified to the masters
and wardens of the several companies on Monday, the 24th July, by precept
of the mayor, who enjoined them to call together their companies on the
following Wednesday, and after explaining the whole matter to them, to
learn from each individual member what amount he was prepared to
contribute towards the furtherance of so "famous a project," and to cause
the same to be entered in a book "to the intent his majesty may be
informed of the readiness of this city in a matter of such great
consequence." A note was to be made of any who refused to contribute, and
those who failed to attend the summons were to be fined. No time was to be
lost, for the lords of the council expected a return of the amount to be
contributed by the companies by Friday (28 July).(98)

(M35)

On Sunday, the 30th July, a deputation of aldermen and commoners again
waited on the lords of the council, and received permission to elect four
wise, grave and discreet citizens to cross over to Ireland and view the
proposed plantation. On Tuesday (1 Aug.) the Common Council nominated John
Broad, goldsmith, Hugh Hamersley, haberdasher, Robert Treswell,
painter-stainer, and John Rowley, draper, to be the City's commissioners
for the purpose.(99)

(M36)

The lords of the council anticipated the arrival of the City's agents in
Ireland by directing Sir Thomas Philips to accompany them in their
travels, and by sending instructions to Sir Arthur Chichester, the deputy,
to see that they were well supplied with necessaries and were assisted in
every way. The latter was more particularly instructed to use great care
in the selection of discreet persons to conduct and accompany them, men
who from their experience and understanding might be able, "both by
discourse and reason, to controule whatsoever any man shall reporte either
out of ignorance or malice, and to give the undertakors satisfaccon when
they shalbe mistaken or not well informed of any particular."(100) The
conductors were to take care to lead the Londoners by the best roads, and
to lodge them on their journeys where they might, if possible, receive
English entertainment in Englishmen's houses. The lords of the council at
the same time forwarded to Sir Arthur Chichester a copy of the "Project,"
and desired him to see that those who conducted the City's agents were
"well prepared before-hand to confirme and strengthen every part thereof
by demonstracon as they may plainly apprehend and conceive the commodities
to be of good use and profit." On the other hand, matters of distaste,
such as fear of the Irish, of the soldiers, of cess and such like must not
be so much as named. These could be set right afterwards and were only
matters of discipline and order. Lastly, if the Londoners should happen to
express a wish respecting anything, "whether it be the fishing, the
admirallty, or any other particuler wch may serve for a motyve to enduce
them," the same was to be conceded at once, and no private interests,
whether of Sir Arthur Chichester himself or any other individual, were to
be allowed to stand in the way.

These instructions were carried out to the letter, and the City's
representatives, as soon as they set foot in Ireland, were treated right
royally. Sir John Davys, one of the king's commissioners engaged in
surveying the country, wrote home on the 28th August(101): "The Londoners
are now come, and exceeding welcome to us. Wee all use our best rhetorick
to persuade them to go on wth their plantation, wch will assure the whole
island to the crowne of England forever. They like and praise the cuntrey
very much, specially the Banne and the river of Loghfoyle." He goes on to
say that one of the City's agents had fallen sick, and would have
returned, but the lord-deputy and the rest had used every means to comfort
and retain him, "lest this accident shold discourage his fellow
cittizens." In other respects, too, they saw the country at its best, for
they arrived at a time when the Irish were flocking in and making their
submission in far better fashion than they had done for years. So pleased
were they with what they saw that they assured Sir Arthur Chichester that
the City would certainly undertake the plantation upon the report they
were about to make. The deputy on his part assured them that if the
Londoners did not undertake the work they would be enemies to themselves.
He suggested that they should send home to the lord mayor some samples of
the commodities of the country. The suggestion was adopted, and he
obtained for them some raw hides, tallow, salmon, herrings, eels,
pipe-staves, beef and the like at a cheap rate. He also procured them some
iron ore and promised to furnish them with samples of lead and
copper.(102)

(M37)

By November the City's agents had returned to London. On the 28th they
appeared before the Court of Aldermen and presented their report, together
with an answer made by Sir Arthur Chichester to certain questions they had
put to him on doubtful points, and also a map or "plott" of the country
they had viewed. The court in the first place authorised the Chamberlain
to re-imburse them the sum of £100 which they had found it necessary to
borrow to supplement the allowance of £300 originally allowed for their
expenses by the court;(103) and in the next gave orders for all the
documents to be enrolled by the Remembrancer "in a faier booke, wherein
the letters and other things comytted to his charge and care are recorded
and entred," and also in the Journal by the Clerk of the Orphans.(104) The
viewers' report came before the court of Common Council on the 2nd
December, when it was openly read and referred to a committee specially
appointed.(105)

(M38)

On Friday, the 15th, the committee were ready with their report. They had
met five times, and had held long debate and consultation on the various
matters incident to "so great a business," and on each and all of these
they had something to say. As to the financial part of the undertaking
they were of opinion that the Common Council should pass an Act for
raising a sum of £15,000, and no more, upon the members of the wealthier
livery companies, by poll, the inferior companies being spared. The report
having been approved by the court a deputation was appointed to wait upon
the Privy Council with the City's answer on the following Sunday (17
December).(106)

(M39)

When the lords of the council came to consider the City's proposals they
found much to their liking, but the clause which restricted the amount of
money to be furnished by the City to £15,000, and no more, was "much
distasted" by them, seeing that that sum would scarcely suffice to buy up
private interests, let alone the work of plantation. The City's offer in
this respect was therefore rejected, and the Common Council had therefore
to increase its offer to £20,000.(107)

(M40)

Early in the following year (8 Jan., 1610) a committee was appointed,
including the four commissioners who had viewed the plantation, to confer
with commissioners appointed by the Privy Council as to the best means of
carrying out the work. In the meantime the sum of £5,000, or one-fourth
part of the £20,000 required, was to be immediately levied on the
principal companies according to their corn assessment.(108) Some of the
companies complained of the unfairness of assessing them according to the
existing corn rate, inasmuch as a great change had taken place since that
rate had been made: "Divers companies are decayed and others growne to bee
of greater liability, so as particuler men of some companies are now
exceedinglie overcharged and others greatelye favoured." It was too late
to make any alteration in the payment of the first two instalments, as the
plantation was to commence in the summer,(109) but a new assessment for
corn was made in July with the view of making the rate more
equitable.(110)

(M41)

On the 28th January (1610) the committee appointed by the court of Common
Council came to terms with the Privy Council, and a special agreement was
signed by both parties embodying all the essential conditions of the
plantation in twenty-seven articles. A period of seven years was allowed
the City to make such other reasonable demands as time might show to be
needful.(111)

(M42)

The articles were read at the Common Council held two days later (30
Jan.), when it was decided to form a company in the city of London for the
purpose of carrying out the plantation, the company to consist of a
governor, a deputy-governor and twenty-four assistants, of whom the
Recorder of the city was to be one. The governor and five of the
assistants were to be aldermen of the city, the rest commoners.(112) On
the 4th February the lords of the council informed Sir Arthur Chichester
that the "noble and worthy work of the plantation in Ulster undertaken by
the city" was concluded, and the articles signed. The city had chosen a
governor and a council of assistants for the more orderly disposition of
their affairs. They had also elected John Rowley to be their agent, and he
and others would shortly set out for Ireland. The lords commended him to
the deputy's care, and he was instructed to see that they were furnished
with a sufficient number of labourers for felling timber, digging stone
and burning lime. Sir Arthur's services in forwarding a work which the
king had so much at heart would not go, they assured him, unrewarded.(113)

(M43)

The articles of the plantation had not long been signed before the
government broke faith with the City, and the latter were asked to forego
no less than 2,000 acres of land agreed to be assigned to them. This
iniquitous proposal on the part of the king's commissioners was laid
before a special court of Common Council (7 June, 1610) by Alderman
Cockaine, the governor of the Irish Society. After long deliberation the
court decided to stand upon their rights, and rejected the proposal. Six
weeks later (22 July) they saw fit to change their minds, and they agreed
to surrender the 2,000 acres whilst refusing to accede to other
demands.(114)

(M44)

It was no easy task the City had undertaken. Great difficulty was
experienced in getting the companies to pay up their quota of the £20,000
to be raised for the purpose of the plantation. The wardens of the
Mercers, the Clothworkers and other companies were committed to prison by
order of the Court of Aldermen for refusing or failing to pay the sums at
which their respective companies had been assessed.(115) The masters or
wardens of the companies were not so much to blame as the individual
members of the companies who refused to pay. Thus, a sum of £200 due from
Sir John Spencer, the rich Clothworker, remained unpaid at his death. It
was eventually paid by his son-in-law, Lord Compton, after much
solicitation.(116) Even when the money was got in there was a difficulty
in forwarding it to its destination, so infested was the Irish coast with
pirates who lay in wait for the money sent by the City for the works at
Coleraine.(117)

(M45)

Early in the following year (31 Jan., 1611) the livery companies were
called upon to certify to the Irish Society, within one week, whether or
no they were willing to accept an allotment of the Irish estate
proportionate to the money by them advanced, and to cultivate and plant
the same at their own cost and charges, according to the "printed book" of
the plantation, or leave the letting and disposing thereof to the governor
and committees. They were warned that, in any case, they would still have
to contribute towards the charge of building houses and fortifications and
freeing of tithes.(118) In response to the mayor's precept eight of the
principal companies of the city, viz., the Mercers, Grocers, Drapers,
Fishmongers, Goldsmiths, Salters, Ironmongers and Vintners, and ten of the
inferior companies, viz., the Dyers, Pewterers, Founders, Whitebakers,
Broderers, Armourers, Tilers and Bricklayers, Blacksmiths, Weavers and
Woodmongers, signified their willingness to accept a proportionate part of
the land (27 Feb.). The remainder of the companies preferred to leave the
lands alone, but they were allowed to come in afterwards if they saw
reason to change their mind.(119)

(M46)

By July (1611) nearly the whole of the £20,000 had been expended. The
Common Council thereupon resolved that a further sum of £10,000 should be
levied on the companies at the same rate as the last two payments. A day
was appointed for the companies to send in a written notice whether they
agreed to contribute to this fresh sum or were ready to forfeit the money
they had already subscribed and lose all their right in the
plantation.(120). £5,000 was to be ready by the 10th August. The remainder
was not demanded until July, 1612.(121)

(M47)

Hitherto the agreement between the lords of the council and the citizens
of London had been carried out by one side only. The City had found the
money wherewith to carry out the work of the plantation, but as yet not an
acre of land had been assigned. It is not surprising, therefore, that when
the Grocers' Company were called upon to contribute their _quota_ to the
£5,000 demanded in July, 1612, they desired the lord mayor not to press
the matter until the assurance of the lands and other hereditaments for
which money had been formerly disbursed should have been obtained from his
majesty.(122) At length, on the 29th March, 1613, the Irish Society
received its charter of incorporation.

(M48)

Notwithstanding the great difficulty experienced in getting in the last
£5,000--as much as £3,667 10_s._ being still outstanding in October,
1612(123)--the Common Council found itself under the unpleasant necessity
of asking the companies for another £10,000 within a few weeks of the
incorporation of the Irish Society. Not only had the whole of the £30,000
formerly subscribed been expended, but the Irish Society had borrowed
£3,000 from the Chamber of London.(124) The money was to be raised by the
end of May.

(M49)

James had already begun to show impatience--even before the granting of the
charter of incorporation to the Irish Society--at the little progress made
in the work of the plantation. At the close of the last year (21 Dec.,
1612) he had himself written to Sir Arthur Chichester directing him to
send home an account of what the Londoners had done; for, notwithstanding
their pretence of great expenditure, there was, so he was informed, little
outward show for it.(125) Fault was found with them, not only for failing
to build houses according to the articles of agreement, but for their
humane treatment of the "mere Irish," instead of driving them forth to
perish in the narrow districts set apart for them.(126)

(M50)

On Midsummer-day (1613) Sir Henry Montague, the Recorder, and Sir William
Cockaine, the governor of the Irish Society, signified to the Common
Council that it was the king's wish that the walls and fortifications of
Derry should be at once taken in hand. The court agreed to lose no time in
carrying out the king's wishes, and further resolved to despatch "some
great and worthy magistrate," as well as "some commoner of special
countenance and credit," to take an exact notice, view and account of the
whole work of the plantation, and of all works done and to be done, and,
in a word, to do all that they deemed necessary for the good of the
plantation. The choice of the court fell upon Alderman George Smithes and
Matthias Springham, a Merchant Taylor.(127)

(M51)

These two proceeded to Ireland, and, having viewed the plantation, sent
home from Dublin a detailed report of all they had seen and done.(128) The
report was submitted to the Common Council on the 8th November (1613).
Among other things they had taken great pains to make an equal division of
the land as far as was possible into twelve parts, with the view of
distributing it among the livery companies as proposed, and a "plott" of
the division was laid before the court. But they were of opinion that the
city of Londonderry and its land of 4,000 acres, and the town of Coleraine
with its 3,000 acres, its ferries and fisheries, could not be conveniently
divided, but the rents and profits of them might be divided among the
several companies. As to the fortification of Derry, the commissioners had
consulted ten military experts on the matter and plans had been drafted;
but it was necessary to gather material before the wall could be
commenced, and this the commissioners recommended should be taken in hand
at once.

(M52)

On the 17th December lots were publicly drawn to decide the particular
lands which each of the twelve principal companies, combined with several
of the inferior companies in such a way as to make their total
contributions to amount, as far as might be, to one-twelth of the whole
sum (£40,000) contributed, should hold.(129) The companies at once took
possession of their property so far as they could do so; but livery of
seisin was not and could not be made to them until James had granted (30
Sep., 1615), both to the Irish Society and to the companies, a licence in
mortmain. This licence was expressly granted "to the end that they might
be the better encouraged and enabled to proceed and finish the same
plantation, and in future times reap some gains and benefits of their
great travails and expenses bestowed therein."(130) It may be inferred
from this that James had little expectation that the undertakers would
reap much gain or profit from their enterprise notwithstanding former
professions. For some years to come there was no gain, little or great. No
sooner had the allotment of land to the companies taken place than they
were called upon to raise a further sum of £5,000,(131) and at the end of
another twelve months a further sum of £7,500, making in all a sum total
of £52,500 which they had subscribed towards the plantation.(132) It was
not until 1623 that the profits of the plantation began to exceed the
costs and the Irish Society was in a position to pay a dividend.(133)

(M53) (M54)

In years gone by, when some of the companies sold their Irish estate,
there was no question as to their power of alienation or their absolute
right to the proceeds of the sale, but of late years a cry has been raised
that the companies held their estates in a fiduciary capacity, and that
they could not legally alienate their Irish property without accounting
for the proceeds of the sale as public trustees. It had got abroad that
those companies who had not already parted with their Irish estates--as the
Haberdashers had done as far back as the year 1675, and the Merchant
Taylors, the Goldsmiths and the Vintners, between the years 1728 and
1737--were meditating a sale. In response to the cry thus raised a select
Parliamentary Committee was appointed to enquire "as to the Terms of the
Charters or other Instruments by which their Estates in Ireland were
granted to the Irish Society and to the London companies, and as to the
Trusts and Obligations (if any) attaching to the Ownership of such
Estates." Any trust or obligation in connection with the tenure of these
estates would naturally be comprised within the four corners of the
charters and instruments mentioned in the order of reference just cited,
but these the committee practically ignored, on the ground that the task
of pronouncing with decisive authority upon their legal construction could
only be performed by a judicial tribunal.(134) We have it, however, on the
authority of so sound a lawyer as the late Sir George Jessel, that the
companies are ordinary owners of their Irish estates in fee simple,
subject only to the reservations expressly contained in the conveyance to
them.(135)





CHAPTER XX.




(M55)

Contemporaneously with the plantation of Ulster, another and more distant
enterprise of somewhat similar character was being carried out in America;
and to this, as to every great public undertaking, the citizens of London
must need be called to lend their assistance. A company formed in 1606,
and composed, in part at least, of London merchants, the object of which
was the colonisation of Virginia, had proved a failure after a hopeless
struggle for three years. It was therefore determined to reconstruct the
company on a different basis and to make an entirely fresh start.

(M56)

In the spring of 1609 the company wrote to Sir Humphrey Weld,(136) then
mayor of London, for assistance in financing the undertaking, urging him
at the same time to diminish the risk of pestilence and famine in the city
by removing the surplus population to Virginia. For the sake of
convenience they purposed to issue no bills of adventure for less than £12
10_s._, but if his lordship were to make any "ceasement" (assessment) or
raise subscriptions from the best disposed and most able of the companies,
the council and company of the plantation would be willing to give bills
of adventure to the masters and wardens for the general use and behoof of
each company, or in the case of subscription by the wards to the alderman
and deputy of each ward for the benefit of the ward. Should the emigrants
"demaund what may be theire present mayntenaunce, what maye be theire
future hopes?" they might be told that the company was for the present
prepared to offer them "meate, drinke and clothing, with an howse, orchard
and garden for the meanest family, and a possession of lands to them and
their posterity." Any alderman of the city subscribing £50 would be
reckoned as an original member of the council of the company, and take
equal share of the profits with the rest; their deputies, too, would be
admitted to the same privileges on payment of half that sum.

(M57)

In response to a precept no less than fifty-six companies agreed to take
ventures in the plantation. The Grocers subscribed the sum of £487 10_s._,
or more than double the amount subscribed by any other company. The
Mercers, the Goldsmiths and the Merchant Taylors contributed respectively
the next highest amount, viz., £200; whilst the Drapers and Fishmongers
subscribed severally £150, the Stationers £125, the Clothworkers £100, and
the Salters £50. In addition to these contributions made by the companies
in their corporate capacity other sums were ventured by individual
members.(137) Bills of adventure were thereupon given to the several
companies for the money subscribed, entitling them to have rateably
"theire full parte of all such lands, tenements and hereditaments" as
should from time to time be recovered, planted and inhabited, as also "of
all such mines and minerals of gould, silver and other metals or treasure,
pearles, precious stones, or any kind of wares or marchaundizes,
comodities or profitts whatsoever," as should be obtained or gotten in the
voyage.(138)

(M58)

With the assistance thus afforded by the citizens of London the Virginia
Company had no difficulty in obtaining another charter from the Crown (23
May, 1609). Among the adventurers to whom the charter was granted, and who
embraced representatives of every rank, profession and occupation, we find
Humphrey Weld, the mayor, whose name immediately follows those of the
peers of the realm who shared in the undertaking, and Nicholas Ferrar,
skinner, who died in 1620, and gave by will "£300 to the college in
Virginia, to be paid when there shall be ten of the infidels' children
placed in it, and in the meantime twenty-four pounds by the yeare to be
disbursed unto three discreete and godly men in the colonie, which shall
honestly bring up three of the infidels' children in Christian religion
and some good course to live by."(139)

(M59)

In the meantime (15 May) seven vessels with emigrants on board had set
sail from Woolwich. After frequent delays on the south coast of England
they crossed the Atlantic and reached their destination on the 11th
August. Yellow fever had unfortunately broken out on board ship during the
long voyage, and this, together with the plague, which is generally
believed to have been conveyed to Virginia by the fleet, committed great
havoc among the early emigrants.(140)

(M60)

It was not long before more money was wanted, and again application was
made to the livery companies. The Mercers declined to make any further
advance;(141) but with the assistance of the other companies the sum of
£5,000 was raised, which was afterwards increased to £18,000.(142)
Nevertheless, in spite of every exertion, the company was in the autumn of
1611 on the very verge of ruin, and something had to be done to prevent
its utter collapse. It was accordingly again re-constructed, its domains
were made to comprise the Bermudas, or Somers Islands, and a third charter
granted (12 March, 1612), in which a number of citizens are named as
having become adventurers since the last letters patent.(143)

(M61)

A special feature of the charter was the authorisation of one or more
lottery or lotteries to be held for the benefit of the company,(144) by
virtue of which a lottery was soon afterwards opened in London. The chief
prize fell to one Thomas Sharplys, or Sharplisse, a tailor of London, who
won "four thousand crowns in fair plate."(145) The lucky winner used the
same motto on this occasion as was used by the Merchant Taylors' Company
in their venture in the lottery of 1569.(146) The City's records are
unaccountably silent on the matter of this lottery, but we learn from
other sources that the Grocers' Company adventured the sum of £62 10_s._
of their common goods and drew a prize of £13 10_s._ An offer being made
to them to accept the prize subject to a rebate of £10, or in lieu thereof
"a faire rounde salt with a cover of silver all gilt," weighing over 44
ozs. at 6_s._ 7_d._ per oz., amounting to the sum of £14 19_s._ 1_d._, the
company resolved to accept the salt, "both in respect it would not be so
much losse to the company ... and alsoe in regard this company wants
salts." The balance of £1 9_s._ was ordered to be paid out of the common
goods of the company.(147) Not only the companies but several of the city
parishes had ventures in a small way in the lottery. Thus the vestry of
St. Mary Colechurch agreed (7 June) to adventure the sum of £6 of the
church stock, whereby the church was the gainer of "twoe spones, price
twenty shillinge."(148) The parish of St. Mary Woolchurch adventured a
less sum, taking only fifty lots at a shilling apiece, in return for which
it got a prize of ten shillings.(149) That the lottery was not taken up in
the way it was hoped it would be is shown by the fact that just before the
drawing--which took place in a house at the west end of St. Paul's, and
lasted from the 29th June till the 20th July--no less than 60,000 blanks
were taken out, in order to increase the number of chances in favour of
the adventurers.(150)

(M62)

Two years later (1614) another lottery for the same purpose was set on
foot. On the 1st April the lords of the council addressed a circular
letter to the city companies,(151) enclosing a copy of a pamphlet by Sir
Thomas Smith, entitled "A declaration of the present estate of the English
in Virginia, with the final resolucon of the Great Lotterye intended for
their supply," and exhorting them to do their best to make the lottery a
success. The object is there described as a "worthy and Christian
enterprise, full of honour and profitt to His Majestie and the whole
realme." A copy of this letter was forwarded to the several companies
through Sir Thomas Middleton, the mayor,(152) who, as we have already
said, was himself a member of the Council of the Virginia Company in 1609.
The lotteries, however, found but little favour with the companies, who
were actively engaged at the time in managing their recently acquired
Irish estates, and had but little money to spare. The Merchant Taylors'
Company contented themselves with voting only £50 out of their common
stock for the lottery, leaving it to individual members to venture further
sums on their own account as each might think fit.(153) The Grocers'
Company, of which Middleton was a member, voted nothing out of their
common stock, but each member was exhorted "for the general advancement of
Christianity and good of the commonwealth," to write with his own hands
how much he was willing to venture. This was accordingly done (15 April),
the lord mayor himself setting the example; but as to the result the
company's records fail to give any information.(154)

(M63)

The prospects of the Virginia Company were seriously imperilled by an
ill-advised speech made in the House of Commons by the lord mayor
inveighing against the importation of tobacco. The Company was already in
disgrace with the House, through the indiscretion of Counsel employed to
prosecute a petition on its behalf, and all the members of the Company who
held seats in the House were desired to withdraw until it should be
decided what action should be taken in the matter. Eventually peace was
restored by the offending Counsel coming to the Bar of the House and
making a humble submission.(155)

(M64)

In 1618 a scheme was set on foot for taking up vagrant boys and girls that
lay begging in the streets of the city, having neither home nor friends,
and transporting them to Virginia to be there industriously employed. The
scheme came before the Court of Common Council on the 31st July in the
form of a petition from a number of citizens. A committee was at once
appointed to consider the matter, and on the 24th September they brought
in their report.(156) The Virginia Company had agreed to take 100 boys and
girls between the ages of eight and sixteen, and to educate and bring them
up at the company's charge. The company were prepared, moreover, to give
each boy and girl fifty acres of land, to each boy as soon as he was
twenty-four years of age, and to each girl at the age of twenty-one or her
marriage, whichever should first happen. The charge of fitting out and
transporting that number was estimated at £500, which sum the court agreed
should be levied on the inhabitants of the city rateably according as each
was assessed towards the last poor rate. The young emigrants were soon
afterwards shipped to their new home,(157) and so successfully did the
undertaking turn out that in little over a year another application was
made to the Common Council (18 Dec., 1619) for another batch of 100
children for shipment to the colony in the following spring.(158) It was
desired that the new emigrants should be twelve years old and upwards,
with an allowance of £3 apiece for their transportation and 40_s._ apiece
for their apparel, "as was formerly graunted." The boys would be put out
as apprentices until the age of twenty-one, and the girls likewise until
the same age or marriage, after which they would be placed as tenants on
the public lands, and be furnished with houses, stock of corn and cattle
to begin with, and afterwards enjoy the moiety of all increase and profit.
The Common Council being desirous of forwarding "soe worthy and pious a
worke" as the plantation, accepted the company's proposal, and directed
that a sum of £500 necessary for the purpose should be levied as on the
previous occasion.

(M65)

Some hitch, however, appears to have occurred in connection with the
shipment of this second consignment of children. The City and the Virginia
Company had fallen out for some reason or other. In a letter written about
this time to the lord mayor(159) the company express regret that
differences should have arisen between the city and themselves. They
assure his lordship that there was no real foundation for these
differences, seeing that they had now ratified all, and more than all than
had been previously offered and accepted. Everything had been done that
was necessary for the shipment of the children. The City had collected the
requisite funds and the children had been provided, whilst the company on
its part had provided a fair ship, and the Privy Council had "at the
city's desire" granted its warrant.(160) The company therefore trusted
that the lord mayor and aldermen would proceed to the speedy ending of
differences.

(M66)

The number of emigrants to Virginia was swelled by the transportation of a
number of idle fellows who made it their business to follow the king and
his court wherever they might happen to be. Early in 1619, when the king
was at Newmarket, he took occasion to write to Sir Thomas Smith
complaining of the annoyance and desired that they might be sent to
Virginia at the next opportunity.(161) Immediately on the receipt of this
letter Sir Thomas Smith wrote to Sir Sebastian Hervey, the mayor,
forwarding at the same time the king's letter, and asking that the batch
of idle court loafers which had already been despatched from Newmarket to
London, as well as those to follow, might be lodged for a time in
Bridewell, and there set to work until such time as there should be a
vessel starting for the colony.(162)

(M67)

The Virginia colony--the first of the free colonies of England--soon became
firmly established, and the City of London can claim to have had no small
share in the work of its establishment. To the enterprising spirit shown
by the citizens in their efforts to forward the interests of the colony no
better testimony is wanted than a thanksgiving sermon(163) preached (18
April, 1622) in the church of St. Mary-le-Bow by Patrick Copland, chaplain
to the Virginia Company, in commemoration of the safe arrival of a fleet
of nine ships at the close of the previous year. The City of London, the
preacher said, had on two occasions sent over 100 persons to Virginia, and
the present lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen intended to pursue
the same course as previous mayors. "Your cittie," he continued,
"aboundeth in people (and long may it doe so); the plantation in Virginia
is capable enough to receive them. O, take course to ease your cittie, and
to provide well for your people, by sending them over thither, that both
they of that colony there and they of your owne cittie here may live to
bless your prudent and provident government over them.... Right
Worshipfull, I beseech you ponder (as I know you doe) the forlorne estate
of many of the best members of your citty, and helpe them, O helpe them
out of their misery; what you bestow uppon them in their transportation to
Virginia they will repay it at present with their prayers, and when they
are able with their purses."(164)

A few months after this sermon had been delivered tidings reached England
of a calamity more disastrous than any that had yet befallen the colony. A
treacherous attack had been made upon the white men by the Indians, which
was only just saved by timely notice from becoming a general massacre. As
it was, nearly 350 of the settlers were killed. The Common Council lost no
time in testifying its sympathy with the colony in the great loss it had
sustained, and voted (19 July) a third sum of £500 towards the
transportation of 100 fresh colonists.(165)

(M68)

Ever since his accession to the throne of England the financial condition
of James had been going from bad to worse. Besides resorting to antiquated
feudal exactions,(166) he took to levying impositions on articles of
commerce. But even these failed to make up the deficiency created in his
exchequer by his wanton extravagance, and in 1610 he was obliged to apply
to parliament. An attempt to make a composition with the king for feudal
dues and to restrict his claim to levy impositions failed, and parliament
was hastily dissolved.(167)

(M69)

In the meanwhile James had applied to the City (April, 1610) for a loan of
£100,000. He professed to prefer borrowing the money from the citizens to
raising it by privy seals from his subjects generally, and he promised
interest at the rate of ten per cent. and security on the customs. The
aldermen consented to raise the money "out of aboundance of love ... but
not of aboundance of riches or meanes." They and the Recorder divided
themselves into nine several companies or divisions, each bound to furnish
one-ninth of the whole loan. The king gave his own bond in £150,000
besides bonds of the farmer of the customs as security, and the aldermen
set to work to raise the money in as "secret and discreet manner" as they
could.(168) The loan did not go far towards discharging the king's
liabilities, or those of the late queen, whose debts James had undertaken
to repay. Before the end of the year (1610) certain wealthy merchants of
the city were summoned to Whitehall to discuss the state of affairs. The
king again wanted money, but inasmuch as he confessed himself unable to do
more than pay the interest on former loans, leaving the principal to be
discharged at some future time, they refused to make any further advances,
consenting only not to press for the repayment of outstanding debts.(169)
Pursuant to this agreement the citizens, in April, 1611, when the
repayment of the loan of £100,000 became due, granted the king another
year's respite.(170) A similar concession was made in 1612;(171) and in
1613 the loan was paid off.(172)

(M70)

The king had a right to look for consideration from the city, for in 1608
he had not only confirmed the liberties and franchises of the citizens by
charter, but he had extended the civic jurisdiction, and had created all
aldermen who had "passed the chair" Justices of Oyer and Terminer within
the city and its liberties. He had, moreover, allowed them to tax
non-freemen and strangers and to cause them to contribute in like manner
as themselves to all talliages, aids and grants to the king.(173) Two
years later--soon after his son Henry had been created Prince of Wales and
the city had done him honour by an aquatic display on the river between
Richmond and London(174) he confirmed (16 June, 1610) the privileges
granted to them in 1383 by Richard II with the sanction of
parliament.(175)

(M71)

Before the close of 1611 his pecuniary difficulties increased to such an
extent that he was driven to scatter broadcast "privy seals" or promissory
notes for the purpose of raising money. These were not unfrequently placed
in the hands of persons as they came out of church on Sunday evenings, a
proceeding that caused no little scandal.(176)

(M72)

The marriage of his daughter, the Princess Elizabeth, with Frederick, the
Elector Palatine, which was soon to follow, not only involved James in
further pecuniary difficulties, but eventually plunged him into a
continental war. Although the marriage articles were signed in May, 1612,
the Elector did not arrive in England until October, just at the time when
Sir John Swinnerton was about to enter on his duties as mayor for the
ensuing year. Special precautions were taken to keep order and guard
against accident on lord mayor's day(177) as soon as it was known that the
Elector would attend, and a pageant, entitled _Troja nova triumphans_, was
written expressly for the occasion by Thomas Dekker.(178) The Elector
afterwards attended the banquet, and paid a special compliment to the lady
mayoress and her suite.(179) The number of nobles invited was so great
that there was scarcely room for the customary representatives from the
principal livery companies, and none at all for members of the lesser
companies. The latter were asked to take their exclusion in no ill part,
as it was a sheer matter of necessity.(180) Before leaving the Elector was
presented on behalf of the city with a bason and ewer weighing 234-3/4
ozs., and a "dansk pott chast and cheseld" weighing 513-5/8 ozs., and
engraved with the city's arms and the words _civitas London_, the whole
costing £262 15_s._ 10_d._(181) There was but one thing to mar the general
gaiety, and that was the illness of the Prince of Wales, whose death a
week later shed a gloom over the whole of England,(182) and caused the
marriage of his sister, by whom he was especially beloved, to be postponed
for a time.(183) The ceremony eventually took place on the 14th February,
1613, amid great pomp and splendour, and in the following April the
youthful bride and bridegroom left England for Holland.

(M73)

It was currently reported that many Papists and Recusants had taken the
opportunity afforded by the recent court festivities to secrete themselves
in London, and Swinnerton, who had already displayed considerable activity
in searching for them as soon as he became lord mayor,(184) was urged to
redouble his efforts in that direction by a letter from the Archbishop of
Canterbury a few days before the marriage of the princess took place.(185)

(M74)

The close of the year witnessed a marriage of a very different character,
viz., the union of the king's favourite, Carr, Earl of Somerset, with
Frances Howard, the divorced wife of the Earl of Essex. Murderess and
adulteress as she was, she was received at court with every honour; but
when the king proposed to sup one night in the city, and to bring his
whole court with him (including, of course, the newly-married couple), the
lord mayor, Sir Thomas Middleton, demurred, excusing himself on the ground
that his house was too small.(186) This excuse was of no avail, and the
supper took place in Merchant Taylors' Hall, the earl and countess being
specially invited as well as the entire court. The supper was followed by
a masque devised for the occasion by a namesake of the mayor, Thomas
Middleton, the dramatic poet.(187) The entertainment cost the City nearly
£700,(188) besides the sum of £50 which the Court of Aldermen directed to
be laid out in a present of plate to Somerset.(189) In acknowledgment of
the gift the earl presented the mayor and sheriffs with pairs of handsome
gloves.(190)

(M75)

Financial difficulties, which a fresh issue of "privy seals" to the
aldermen for loans of £200 apiece had done little to alleviate,(191) and
which had been aggravated by recent court festivities, at length drove
James to run the risk of summoning another parliament. He had learnt from
the wire-pullers of the day--or "undertakers" as they were then called--that
he could depend upon a majority being returned which would be willing to
grant supplies in return for certain concessions.  In this he was
deceived. No sooner did constituents discover that pressure was being
brought to bear in favour of court candidates than they used their best
efforts to frustrate such a manifest design to pack parliament. The
session was opened on the 5th of April by a speech from the king, in which
he set forth his financial difficulties, which the extraordinary charge in
connection with his daughter's marriage had helped to increase. He would
not bargain for their money, he said, but would leave it entirely to their
love what supplies should be granted. In token of his own affection
towards his subjects he was ready to make certain concessions, and he
entirely disavowed any complicity with the "strange kind of beasts called
undertakers." The new parliament, however, stood out like the last and
refused to grant supplies until public grievances had been considered. The
result was that on the 7th June James dissolved what he had fondly hoped
would have proved to be a "parliament of love," but which from its
inability to pass a single measure came to be nick-named, "the addled
parliament."(192)

(M76)

At his wit's end for money, James had recourse to benevolences. The
bishops offered him the value of the best piece of plate in their
possession to help him out of his difficulties, and their example induced
many of the nobles to open their purses. Application was again made to the
City for a loan of £100,000.(193) This they declined, but made the king a
free gift of £10,000, one moiety being paid by the City's Chamber and the
other being furnished by the livery companies.(194)

(M77)

It was now that the City began to resort to the practice of recruiting
their Chamber by nominating and electing as sheriffs those who were likely
to prefer paying a fine to serving--a practice which more especially
prevailed during the troublous times of the Stuarts. Nearly a dozen
individuals were elected one after another to the office at Midsummer of
this year, and one and all declined. Some, like Sir Arthur Ingram, had
sufficient influence at court to obtain their discharge without fine,
others paid fines varying in amount, which served to fill the City's
exchequer.(195)

(M78)

Another reason, however, is given for so many refusals to serve as sheriff
just at this time, and that was that men declined to serve sheriff with
Peter Proby, who had once been a barber.(196)

The shrewd ex-barber soon overcame any feeling of antipathy that may have
been entertained towards him on entering upon municipal life. In 1616 he
was sent with Mathias Springham to manage the city's Irish estate.(197) In
1622 he was elected mayor and in the following year was knighted.

(M79)

Hitherto it had not been the custom when orders were given for a general
muster and survey of the armed forces of the realm to include the city's
forces. The city had been for the most part exempt from such orders,
except when the necessities of the times demanded that it should be
otherwise. In 1614 the lords of the council thought fit to include the
city in their order for a general muster, and they wrote (16 Sept.) to the
mayor requiring him to cause "a generall view" to be taken of the city's
forces, and an enrolment made "of such trayned members as in her late
majesty's time were put into companies by the name of the trayned bands."
Vacancies among the officers and soldiers were to be filled up, armour and
weapons repaired, and the force to be completely equipped and regularly
exercised.(198) The letter having been submitted to the Common Council (21
Sept.), it was agreed to raise at once a force of 6,000 men. A tax of a
fifteenth was voted to meet the necessary expenses, and a committee was
appointed to carry out the resolution of the court.(199) On the following
day (22 Sept.) the mayor issued his precept to the alderman of every ward
stating the number of men required from his ward, and particulars of the
kind and quantity of armour his ward was to provide. Appended to the
precept was a schedule of the prices at which certain manufacturers in the
city were prepared to sell the necessary weapons.(200) Jerome Heydon,
described as an "iremonger at the lower end of Cheapeside," was ready to
sell corslets, comprising "brest, backe, gorgett, taces and headpeece," at
15_s._; pikes with steel heads at 2_s._ 6_d._; swords, being Turkey
blades, at 7_s._; "bastard" muskets at 14_s._; great muskets, with rests,
at 16_s._; a headpiece, lined and stringed, at 2_s._ 6_d._, and a
bandaleer for 1_s._ 6_d._ Henry White and Don Sany Southwell were prepared
to do corslets 6_d._ cheaper, and the same with swords, but their swords
are described as only "Irish hilts and belts to them." Their bastard
muskets, "with mouldes," could be had for 13_s._, or 1_s._ cheaper than
those of Jerome Heydon. The Armourers' Company were ready to supply
corslets at 15_s._, but for the same "with pouldrons" they asked 4_s._
more. The Cutlers' Company would furnish "a very good turky blade and good
open hilts" for 6_s._, thus under-selling the private firms.

(M80)

On the 5th May, 1615, the Common Council ordered another fifteenth to be
levied on the inhabitants of the city "towards the defrayinge of all maner
of charges to be disbursed in and about the trayninge and musteringe of
men";(201) and in the following year the trained bands were divided into
four regiments, under the command of Sir Thomas Lowe, Sir Thomas
Middleton, Sir John Watts, and Sir John Swinnerton, and quartered in
different parts of the city for the purpose of putting down riots. For
these measures the mayor, Sir John Jolles, and the aldermen received the
thanks of the lords of the council.(202)

(M81)

Yet, notwithstanding the manifest pains taken by civic authorities to
carry out the wishes of the lords of the council, the latter within a few
weeks again wrote to the mayor,(203) rating him soundly for not having
made a return of men and arms with which the city was provided, as
previously directed. Their lordships had been informed that the city was
altogether unprovided with arms and could not furnish the full number of
trained men with weapons at one and the same time, and that there was
scarce sufficient match and powder in the whole city to serve for one
day's training. They expressed astonishment that the civic authorities, in
whom was vested the government of the king's Chamber, should have proved
so negligent in a matter so important, and directed them to set up
forthwith a magazine of arms for supplying not only the inhabitants of the
city, but also those of adjacent counties, with military weapons, and to
supply themselves with a store of gunpowder of not less than 100 lasts, by
the aid of the city companies, as had been usual in like cases. A
certificate was also to be returned without delay to their lordships
according to previous orders. The matter was referred by the Common
Council to the "committees for martial causes" in the city, with
instructions to report thereon to the Court of Aldermen.

(M82)

After the receipt of this letter considerable activity was shown in the
military preparations of the city. A muster and review were ordered to be
held on the 6th August in Finsbury Fields, and steps were taken to fill up
the muster-roll of every captain to its full strength of 300 men.(204)

(M83)

By the spring of the next year (1617) the city authorities had succeeded
so far in recovering the confidence and goodwill of the government as to
have a royal commission of lieutenancy for the city of London granted to
the mayor, Sir John Leman, eight of the aldermen and Antony Benn, the
Recorder.(205) The commission was to continue during the king's pleasure,
or until notice of its determination should have been given by the Privy
Council under their hands and seals.

(M84)

Matters remained on this footing for a year, when the lords of the council
gave notice (17 May, 1618) of the commission having been withdrawn, and at
the same time directed the Court of Aldermen to furnish them with a
certificate of the number of men enrolled in the trained bands (such as
had long since been ordered but had never yet been sent), and to see that
all previous orders relative to the magazine of arms and the storage of
powder were duly executed. Special directions were given to replace the
"calliver" (now become unserviceable) by the musket, and to provide
bullets in addition to powder and match.(206) The letter of the lords was
read at a Common Council held on the 31st July, when committees were
appointed to see to the muster and training of 6,000 men, and to examine
what sums of money remained over from the two last fifteenths levied for
similar purposes.(207)

(M85)

That James, like his predecessor on the throne, had the increase of the
material prosperity of his subjects very much at heart there is little
doubt. The measures, however, which he took for increasing that prosperity
were not always sound. Among these must be reckoned the withdrawal of all
licences for the exportation of undyed and undressed cloth,(208) the
suppression of the old company of Merchant Adventurers and the formation
of a new company. For these measures the king was not so much to blame as
William Cockaine, the city alderman who gave him advice on the matter.
That the advice was bad became soon manifest. The Dutch, who had been the
principal buyers of English undyed cloth, retaliated by setting up looms
for themselves, and threatened to destroy the English cloth trade
altogether. The new company, with Cockaine at its head, proved a complete
failure, and the old company was restored.(209)

(M86)

The aldermen of the city continued to be pressed for a loan of £100,000,
and after many refusals they at length consented to advance £30,000; but
"what is that"--wrote Chamberlain to Carleton--"among so many who gape and
starve after it?"(210)

(M87)

During the brief career of the new company Cockaine had enjoyed the honour
of entertaining the king at his own house in Broad Street. The cost of the
entertainment, which took place on the 8th June, 1616--including a bason of
gold and £1,000 presented to James and another gift of £500 to Prince
Charles--amounted to more than £3,000, and this (we are told) was
discharged by the company, whilst his majesty reserved his thanks for
Cockaine alone, and at parting conferred upon him the honour of knighthood
with the civic sword.(211)

(M88)

A few months later (Nov., 1616) the city was the scene of another festive
gathering, the occasion being a supper given at Drapers' Hall to the
recently created Knights of the Bath. That the wives of city burgesses
were looked upon as fair game for the courtier to fly at may be seen in
the works of the dramatists of the day; nor was the merchant's or
tradesman's daughter averse to the attention of the court gallant when
kept within reasonable bounds, but on this occasion the exuberant spirits
of the knights, after the long ordeal they had recently gone through,
appear to have overcome them, for, we are told, they were so rude and
unmannerly and carried themselves so insolently divers ways, but specially
in "putting citizens' wives to the squeak," that the sheriff interfered,
whereupon they left the hall in high dudgeon without waiting for the
supper prepared for them.(212)

(M89)

Previous to his departure on a progress to Scotland in the spring of 1617,
the king addressed a letter to the mayor and Common Council of the City
asking for a loan of £100,000.(213) The necessary occasions of his
affairs, he said, required just then "the present use of good somes of
money," by way of a loan, and he could think of no better way of supplying
himself than by resorting, as his forefathers had done, "to the love" of
his city, and borrowing the money upon the credit of its common bonds. He
reminded them that whenever he had borrowed money the lenders had always
received "royall paiement," and he doubted not that they would now act as
their own registers and records would show that their predecessors had
acted on similar occasions. On the 22nd January this application was read
to the Common Council, when, after mature deliberation, it was unanimously
agreed--"without either word or hand to the contrary"--that one or more
bonds should be made in the name of the Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens
of London, under their common seal, for the repayment of principal,
together with interest, to those who were willing to contribute towards
the loan, upon such counter security as was mentioned in the king's
letter. The security there mentioned was to be under the great seal and of
such a character as the city had been accustomed formerly to receive from
the king's predecessors. It appears that James had a few days before
endeavoured to get the citizens to advance the sum of £100,000 on the
security of the crown jewels, but this proposal had met with little
favour.(214)

(M90)

In March the mayor, John Leman, received the honour of knighthood and was
publicly thanked by the king for the forwardness displayed by the citizens
in the loan, although the money had not at the time been raised.(215)
Great difficulty was experienced in raising the money. One London
merchant, John Eldred, whose name frequently occurs in the State Papers in
connection with advances to the king, endeavoured to get the amount of his
assessment reduced by £400,(216) whilst another, William Cater, kept out
of the way to avoid contributing to the loan.(217) In May there was still
a deficiency of £20,000, which called forth a reprimand from the lords of
the council. The city authorities had been observed to omit or else to
sparingly handle many of the best citizens who were "nicetest" to be dealt
with, and especially intended for the purpose, and to lay the burden of
contribution upon persons of weak and mean estate, or such as otherwise by
their quality and place were not so fit to be called upon for any such
occasion.(218)

(M91)

On his return from Scotland in September the king was met by the mayor and
aldermen and a deputation from the livery companies at Knightsbridge and
escorted to Whitehall with the same pomp and solemnity as had been
accustomed to be displayed in attending Queen Elizabeth on her return from
a progress.(219) The mayor presented James with a purse of 500 gold
pieces,(220) and the king conferred the honour of knighthood upon Antony
Benn, the Recorder, and Ralph Freeman.(221)

(M92)

In the following March (17th) the mayor and aldermen were informed by
letter from the lords of the council of the king's inability to repay the
last loan according to promise, and were asked to allow a twelvemonth's
grace.(222)

(M93)

The king's financial position had become by this time reduced to so low a
state that when his consort died in March of the following year (1619)
there was some probability that her funeral would have to be delayed for
want of money to buy "the blacks."(223) As it was the funeral did not take
place until the 13th May, but this may have been owing to the king himself
having been ill.(224) The mayor, Sebastian Hervey, and the aldermen
received (after some delay) the customary allowance of mourning
cloth,(225) but for some reason or other they were not invited to attend
the funeral.

(M94)

James had recently been worrying the mayor into consenting to a match
between his daughter, a girl barely fourteen years of age, and Christopher
Villiers, son of the Countess of Buckingham. The match was "so much
against the old man's stomach," wrote a contemporary,(226) "as the conceit
thereof hath brought him very near his grave already." He had publicly
declared that he would rather that he and his daughter were both dead than
that he should give his consent. The king pressed matters so far as one
day to send for the mayor, his wife and daughter, from dinner at Merchant
Taylors' Hall, in order to urge upon them the marriage.(227) It was
perhaps owing to the strained relations existing at the time between the
king and the mayor that the civic authorities were not invited to the
funeral of the queen. If that be the case James soon saw that he had made
a mistake, and in order "to please them" caused a memorial service to be
held on Trinity Sunday at Paul's Cross, which was attended by the aldermen
and other officers of the city, but not by Hervey, the mayor, who--"wilful
and dogged" as he may have been--had become seriously ill from the king's
importunity and was unable to be present.(228)

(M95)

In the meantime a revolution had taken place on the continent, the effects
of which were felt in London and the kingdom. In 1618 the Protestant
nobility of Bohemia deposed their king, the Emperor Matthias, and in the
following year they deposed his successor, Ferdinand, after
unceremoniously flinging his deputies out of the window, and offered the
crown to Frederick, the Elector Palatine, who had married James's
daughter, the Princess Elizabeth. The Elector asked his father-in-law's
advice before accepting the proffered crown, but James shilly-shallied so
long that Frederick could wait no longer, and he signified his acceptance
(26 Aug., 1619). James was urged to lend assistance to his son-in-law
against the deposed Ferdinand, who had become by election the Emperor
Ferdinand II, but to every appeal he turned a deaf ear.

(M96)

Failing in this quarter the Elector turned to the city of London. On the
26th November, 1619, he wrote from Nuremburg to the lord mayor, saying he
was about to send the Baron Dohna to explain how matters stood in Bohemia,
and desiring his lordship to lend a favourable ear to what the baron would
tell him.(229) This letter the mayor forwarded to James, intimating that
either himself or the Recorder would wait upon him when convenient.(230)
Time went on, and the king made no sign until in February of the next year
(1620) secretary Calvert wrote to the mayor(231) on the king's behalf to
the effect that, his majesty having understood that a request had been
made to the City for a loan, he could take no steps in the matter until he
was fully satisfied of the justice of the cause; that at present he knew
nothing and was "a mere straunger to the business."(232) In the meantime,
if the mayor desired to say anything more to his majesty, he might meet
the king at Theobalds, or later on in London.

(M97) (M98)

A fortnight passed, and then Baron Dohna wrote (28 Feb.) to the mayor
making a formal application for a loan of £100,000 for the defence of the
Palatinate, and expressing a hope for a speedy and favourable reply.(233)
The king was asked to back up the baron's request, but declined.(234) A
month later the city authorities again consulted the king as to his
wishes. The reply given was characteristic of the caution displayed by
James throughout: "I will neither command you nor entreat you," was the
answer they got, "but if you do anything for my son-in-law I shall take it
kindly."(235) The citizens were not in the least averse to advancing money
for the cause of Bohemia, if only they could get some assurance from the
king or council that they would not afterwards be blamed for it.(236)
Having got as much as ever they were likely to get by way of this
assurance, they signified their assent to Dohna's request, and received in
return a letter of thanks (25 Mar.) from Frederick himself.(237)

Precept was issued (29 March) by the mayor, not, as was usually the custom
in similar cases, to the livery companies, but to the aldermen of each
ward.(238) Moreover, subscriptions to the loan were to be purely
voluntary. Each alderman was especially directed not to "compell any wch
are unwilling, nor refuse to accept the smaller summes of such as out of
their loves doe offer the same."(239)

(M99)

On Sunday, the 26th March (1620), the king paid a State visit to St.
Paul's, attended by the mayor and aldermen and the members of the civic
companies in their best liveries.(240) The object of the visit, which had
given rise to much surmise--the Catholics believing that it was to hear a
sermon in favour of the proposed Spanish match, whilst the Protestants
hoped it was for the purpose of exhorting the people to contribute to the
fund that was being raised for the king of Bohemia--was to hasten the
subscriptions for rebuilding the cathedral church,(241) which for sixty
years had been in a more or less ruinous state, in spite of all efforts to
restore it. On this occasion the king was presented with a sum of 1,000
marks and Prince Charles with half that amount.(242)

(M100)

Towards the close of the year (1620) news reached England that a Spanish
army had entered Bohemia and driven Frederick out of the country after a
crushing defeat, and at last James was roused to action. A parliament was
summoned to meet in January (1621)(243) in order to vote supplies for war.
In the meantime he endeavoured to raise what he could by way of a
voluntary gift from the nobility and wealthier class of his subjects, to
whom circulars from the council were sent urging them to assist.(244)

(M101)

The council also applied (31 Oct.) to the city of London,(245) but more
than a month elapsed before a reply was sent,(246) and it was not until
the 14th December that the mayor issued his precept to the livery
companies to raise among themselves the several sums of money they had
been accustomed to pay on former occasions,(247) such sums being in
accordance with a corn assessment made in the mayoralty of Sir Thomas
Middleton (1613-14). Several of the companies, and notably the Merchant
Taylors (the largest contributors), objected to this mode of imposing
assessment upon them according to the corn rate as working an injustice.
The Court of Aldermen therefore agreed to again revise the corn rate.(248)
A dispute also arose as to the amounts to be paid by the Apothecaries and
the Grocers respectively, the former having recently severed themselves
from the latter and become incorporated as a separate company.(249) After
all said and done the companies could not be prevailed upon to contribute
more than £5,000, which sum was raised to 10,000 marks, or £6,666 13_s._
4_d._, by contribution from the City's Chamber.(250) We have it on record
that the lords of the council never intended that any call should be made
on the companies at this juncture, but that only the mayor and aldermen
and those who had fined either for sheriff or alderman should contribute
towards the defence of the Palatinate as they themselves had done.(251)
Nor would the companies have been called upon on this occasion (any more
than they appear to have been called upon on the last) had the collection
of money from the various parishes risen to the proportion required. It
was only when a deficiency was discovered that the mayor and aldermen had
resort to the expedient of raising £5,000 from the companies, each company
paying rateably according to their usual rates for other assessments.(252)

(M102)

When parliament at length met (after several prorogations) on the 30th
January (1621) James opened the session with a long speech, in which a
request for supplies held a prominent place. The Commons, however, without
showing any disposition to be captious, were in no hurry to grant war
supplies until they were assured that there was to be a war. The king had
therefore to be content with a grant of no more than two subsidies, or
about £160,000. He had recently issued a proclamation (24 Dec., 1620)
forbidding his subjects to speak on affairs of State.(253) If the nation
in general was to be thus bridled the Commons showed their determination,
whilst criticising the king's administration, to vindicate at least their
own right to liberty of speech.

(M103)

There was also a class of Londoner not easily silenced. A royal
proclamation had no terrors for the London apprentice; and when they
recognised an old enemy in the person of the Spanish ambassador(254) in
the street, they were accustomed to give tongue and, if thwarted, to
resort to blows. It happened one day that as Gondomar was being carried
down Fenchurch Street, an apprentice standing idly with one or two of his
fellows at his master's door cried out, "There goeth the devil in a
dung-cart." This remark raised a laugh which so stung one of the
ambassador's servants that he turned sharply on the offender. "Sir," said
he, "you shall see Bridewell ere long for your mirth." "What," cried one
of his fellows, "shall we go to Bridewell for such a dog as thou?" and
forthwith brought him to the ground with a box on the ear. The ambassador
laid a complaint before the mayor, who somewhat reluctantly sentenced the
offending apprentices to be whipt at the cart's tail. That any of their
number should be flogged for insulting a Spaniard, even though he were the
Spanish king's ambassador, was intolerable to the minds of the apprentices
of London, who were known for their staunchness to one another. The report
spread like wildfire, and soon a body of nearly 300 apprentices had
assembled at Temple Bar, where they rescued their comrades and beat the
city marshals. Again Gondomar complained to the mayor, who, sympathising
at heart with the delinquents, testily replied that it was not to the
Spanish ambassador that he had to give an account of the government of the
city. The matter having reached the king's ears at Theobalds, he suddenly
appeared at the Guildhall and threatened to place a garrison in the city
and to deprive the citizens of their charter if matters were not mended.
His anger was with difficulty appeased by the Recorder, and he at last
contented himself with privately admonishing the aldermen to see the young
fellows punished. The end of the affair was tragical enough. The original
sentence was carried out, with the result that one of the apprentices
unhappily died.(255)

Such is the account of the disturbance as found in contemporary letters.
From the City's records(256) we learn a few additional particulars. On
Wednesday, the 4th April, a special Court of Aldermen sat, at which a
letter from the lords of the council was read signifying the king's
pleasure that David Sampson, an apprentice to a tailor, should be very
sharply whipt through the city from Aldgate to Fleet Street by the common
executioner for an insult offered the Spanish ambassador on the preceding
Monday (2 April). A good guard was also to be appointed for the purpose,
and instructions were given to the Recorder and some of the aldermen to
discover if possible the rest of the offenders. The result of their
efforts in this direction was the apprehension of Robert Michell, an
apprentice to a haberdasher, and Richard Taylor, an apprentice to a
bricklayer, the former of whom was accused of threatening to throw a loaf
at the "choppes" of the ambassador's servant, and the latter with having
actually discharged a brickbat with effect at one of his suite. Sampson's
whipping, which ought to have taken place in the forenoon of Wednesday,
was thereupon postponed until the afternoon, when all three offenders were
punished together, in the presence of a good guard. On the following
morning (5 April) another special Court of Aldermen sat at the mayor's own
house, when it was ordered that Daniel Ray, a drayman, who had been
convicted of holding up his hand at the Spanish ambassador as he passed
through Gracechurch Street, grinning at him and calling him "Spanish
dogge" just before Michell and Taylor committed their excesses, should
also be whipt between eight and nine o'clock the next morning. In order to
prevent a repetition of the disturbance which had occurred the previous
day, the mayor issued his precept(257)(5 April) for a substantial double
watch to be kept for twenty-four hours from nine o'clock in the evening of
the 5th April. The inhabitants were