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Title: Current History, A Monthly Magazine
       The European War, March 1915

Author: New York Times

Release Date: February 6, 2007 [EBook #20521]

Language: English

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The New York Times

CURRENT HISTORY

A MONTHLY MAGAZINE

_THE EUROPEAN WAR_

MARCH, 1915




Caldron of the Balkans


     But little has hitherto been published in English describing
     from original sources how the Balkan States, out of which
     the world conflict arose, resolved, in Kipling's phrase, to
     "stand up and meet the war." The following documents, taken
     from authoritative Balkan sources, show for the first time
     the purely Balkan aspect of the great struggle.




How Turkey Went to War

By Ottoman Authorities


_Immediately on receiving official notification of the rupture of
diplomatic relations between Austria and Servia, the Turkish Grand
Vizier hastened to inform the Diplomatic Corps in Constantinople that
Turkey would remain neutral in the conflict. Explaining this official
Turkish declaration, the following editorial article appeared early in
August in the Ministerial paper, Tasfiri-Efkiar, published in
Constantinople:_

The declarations made by the Grand Vizier to the Ambassadors of the
powers, in order to reassure them as to the dispositions of Turkey, do
not constitute from a legal point of view a declaration of neutrality,
according to the stipulations of The Hague Conventions; likewise the
Austrian ultimatum to Servia, viewed in the same light, is not
tantamount to a declaration of war. In fact, The Hague Conventions
demand a formal declaration in both cases. But if the formal
declaration of Turkish neutrality cannot be made before she has
received an official notification of the existing war, it is
nevertheless true that the head of the Government, in his
conversations with the Ambassadors, has given them to understand what
the opinion of the people is here. And even without this, the efforts
of the Turkish Government, the desire, and the policy of Turkey, are
so explicit that there is no ground for doubt as to the significance
of the declarations of the Grand Vizier.

Turkey has never asked for war, as she always has worked toward
avoiding it. But we must not misunderstand the meaning of certain
terms. Neutrality does not mean indifference. The present
Austro-Servian conflict is to a supreme degree interesting to us. In
the first place, one of our erstwhile opponents is fighting against a
much stronger enemy. In the natural course of things Servia, which
till lately was expressing, in a rather open way, her solidarity as a
nation, still provoking us, and Greece will be materially weakened. In
the second place, the results of this war may surpass the limits of a
conflict between two countries, and in that case our interests will be
just as materially affected.

We must therefore keep our eyes open, as the circumstances are
momentarily changing, and do not permit us to let escape certain
advantages which we can secure by an active and rightly acting
diplomacy.

The policy of neutrality will impose on us the obligation of avoiding
to side with either of the belligerents, but the same policy will
force us to take all the necessary measures for safeguarding our
interests and our frontiers. If it be true, as reported, that the
pacificist tendencies of Turkey constitute one of the safest
guarantees of peace in the Balkans, then we must hope that on the day
when a general settlement of accounts will be made Europe will be
willing to recognize the important part played by Turkey in the
preservation of peace in the Near East, and will be eager to rectify,
if not all, at least one part of the wrongs she has caused to our
country.


TURKEY LEARNS OF THE WAR.

_Turkish mobilization was still at its first stages when the European
war began on Aug. 1, 1914. The Turkish Government in particular and
the Turkish population in general were overwhelmed by the unexpected
turn of European events, and it was at the height of the crisis that
Turkey received the news of her two battleships building in British
yards being taken over by England. A correspondent of The Daily
Atlantis of New York, writing in Constantinople on Aug. 10, said:_

The European war makes the Turks think that this is their golden
opportunity for turkifying the empire from the one end to the other.
All non-Moslems, mere boys and young men of 25 to 30 years of age and
grown men up to 45, are being arrested by the police and secret
service force, and dragged to the barracks, like convicts, and if they
fail to pay the fifty or eighty pounds Turkish ($230 or $350) for
exemption from military service, they are forced to work as
"assistant-soldiers."

The soldiers thus designated are not given rifles, nor are they
trained for service, but are simply employed as servants to the
regular soldiers. It is easy to understand that no one can endure such
conditions of military life, the result being that each and every one
of these non-Moslems sells whatever property he has in order to pay
the ransom and get away from the army, and from Turkey as well. In ten
days, since this peculiar recruiting began, fully ten thousand Greeks
found a way of escaping from Constantinople, many of them finding a
refuge in the free and hospitable United States. This getting away is
not so easy, writes the same correspondent, because officials of the
various ports are exacting heavy sums from the fugitives before
letting them go. Graft and extortion in this case reign supreme, and
it costs anywhere from three to fifteen pounds ($13 to $70) to "buy" a
police or port official. This process, originating in Constantinople,
is widespread in the provinces, and the sums paid in this way by the
non-Moslems to escape military service amount to millions. "Let the
infidels pay!" say the Turkish officials. "They have taken our ships,
and they have to pay for it."

The popular feeling against England in these first days of the
European war is fierce. Numerous manifestations, in which the younger
element was largely represented, proceeded to attack the British
stores and British subjects, and there have been serious attempts
against the British Embassy in Constantinople and the British
Consulate at Smyrna.

[Illustration: H.R.H. PRINCESS MARIE JOSE

Only Daughter of the King of the Belgians.

(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)]

[Illustration: HIS EMINENCE, CARDINAL MERCIER

Archbishop of Mechlin, Primate of Belgium.]


CONSTANTINOPLE IN AUGUST.

_Another letter from the same source, dated Constantinople, Aug. 6,
gives the following picture of the Turkish capital in the early
days of the European war:_

It is impossible to describe the way in which the Porte is trying to
put the country on a war footing, notwithstanding the terrible odds
she has to fight against. God only knows what the Turks are expecting
if the Austro-Servian conflict turns out according to their desires,
or if the European conflict takes the form of a decisive Austro-German
victory. We now have ample proof to show that the Turkish mobilization
is in such a way conducted as to be ready to act in common with
Bulgaria, in a simultaneous attack against Greek and Servian
Macedonia, as soon as the Austrians have a first decisive victory over
the Servians. This scheme, however, seems to be doomed since the entry
of Great Britain into the general war, and there are indications that
Turkey, warned by England and Russia, will disband her already
mobilized army. On the other hand, the news reaches Constantinople
that the Russian forces have crossed the frontier into Turkish
Armenia, and occupied Erzeroum, while Enver Pasha was seen yesterday,
(Aug. 5,) paying hasty visits to the Russian and British Embassies.
While such is the political situation, matters are still worse in the
business world of the Turkish capital. It is almost impossible to give
an idea of the general upheaval brought about by greedy speculators,
who are taking advantage of this anomalous situation, and by the
Government itself, requisitioning everything they can lay their hands
on, regardless of reason or necessity.

Policemen and Sheriffs, followed by military officers, are taking by
force everything in the way of foodstuffs, entering the bakeries and
other shops selling victuals, boarding ships with cargoes of flour,
potatoes, wheat, rice, &c., and taking over virtually everything,
giving in lieu of payment a receipt which is not worth even the paper
on which it is written.

In this way many shops are forced to close, bread has entirely
disappeared from the bakeries, and Constantinople, the capital of a
neutral country, is already feeling all the troubles and privations
of a besieged city. Prices for foodstuffs have soared to inaccessible
heights as provisions are becoming scarce. Actual hand-to-hand combats
are taking place in the streets outside the bakeries for the
possession of a loaf of bread, and hungry women with children in their
arms are seen crying and weeping in despair.

Many merchants, afraid lest the Government requisition their goods,
hastened to have their orders canceled, the result being that no
merchandise of any kind is coming to Constantinople either from Europe
or from Anatolia.

Both on account of the recruiting of their employes and of shortage of
coal the companies operating the electric tramways of the city have
reduced their service to the minimum, as no power is available for the
running of the cars.

Heartrending scenes are witnessed in front of the closed doors of the
various banking establishments, where large posters are to be seen,
bearing the inscription: _Closed temporarily, by order of the
Government._ The most popular of these institutions is the Wiener
Bankverein. This bank, by making special inducements to small
depositors and by paying a higher interest than the others, succeeded
in concentrating the savings of many people of the working classes,
and as this institution is in imminent danger the rush to its doors is
exceptionally great and riotous.

The municipality has issued a number of ordinances fixing the prices
of all necessary commodities, and the Government, after the first
panic, declared that no further requisitions are to be made. At the
same time the authorities took special pains in order to induce the
various merchants to import goods from abroad, thus relieving the
extremely strained situation of the market; but it is doubtful whether
such measures will have any calming effect on the scared population.

Immediately after war was declared between Germany and Russia the
Porte ordered the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles closed to every kind
of shipping, at the same time barring the entrances of these channels
with rows of mines. The first boat to suffer from this measure was a
British merchantman, which was sunk outside the Bosphorus, while
another had a narrow escape in the Dardanelles. A large number of
steamers of every nationality are waiting outside the straits for the
special pilot boats of the Turkish Government, in order to pass in
safety through the dangerous mine field. This measure of closing the
straits was suggested to Turkey by Austria and Germany, and was
primarily intended against Russia, as it was feared that her Black Sea
fleet might force its way into the Sea of Marmora and the Aegean.


TURKISH PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

_On Sunday, Aug. 2, the Medjlissi-Meboussan, or Parliament of Turkey,
was urgently called together, and the Speaker of the House addressed
the members as follows:_

Dear Colleagues: The imperial proclamation ordering the last elections
has produced some uneasiness both within and without the empire. It
was said at that time that the Chamber was to be convened only to give
vent to partisan feeling and to disturb the quiet of the country. The
elections, however, proceeded in as orderly a way as possible, and the
Chamber performed its duty with great order and solicitude, having
voted the budget and many other laws. The country accordingly is
convinced that the Chamber has fulfilled its duty with relative calm,
in view of the circumstances. We part today in order to meet again in
November. The war between Austria-Hungary and Servia has a tremendous
importance in the general European situation. While until yesterday
Europe was kept in a state of watchful waiting, now we are informed
that war has been declared between Germany and Russia. In face of such
an international situation, it behooves all us Ottomans to rally in a
spirit of harmony around the imperial throne, and to act with the
moderation characteristic of our race for the preservation of our
country.

Hoping that the great example given by Parliament to the nation as
regards the working in a spirit of harmony and order will have its due
influence on the country at large, I salute you and bid you farewell.


THE MOBILIZATION.

_One of the first schemes of the German General, Liman von Sanders,
for the reorganization of the Turkish Army was to provide a system
whereby a speedier mobilization of the forces could be made possible.
According to this scheme, as far back as the first days of May, 1914,
every Mayor and village President of the empire was provided with a
sealed envelope, under orders to open it only on telegraphic notice
from the Central Administration. These envelopes were opened on Aug.
3, and were found to contain the papers constituting the order of
general mobilization, including a large poster in colors, bearing,
under the imperial monogram, or "Tougrah," two crossed green Turkish
flags, with crossed sword and rifle, and underneath a gun and its
carriage, and lastly the imperial edict in large letters, reading as
follows:_

A general mobilization was ordered to
start on ........................
         (To be dated on notice.)

Those liable for duty must report at
their respective headquarters. First day
of mobilization is on ........................
                      (To be dated on notice.)


DIPLOMATIC SITUATION AND PRESS OPINIONS.

_While Turkey in this way was preparing for war, Talaat Bey, the
Turkish Minister of the Interior, and Halil Bey, President of the
Chamber, were leaving Constantinople for Bucharest, where they
intended meeting the representatives of the Greek Government, in order
to find a way of settling the outstanding Greco-Turkish differences
regarding the Aegean Islands and the question of refugees. The object
of this political move was twofold. First, Turkey was bent on giving
to Europe a proof of her pacific intentions, and, second, she was
trying to convince the Hellenic Government of her willingness to reach
an understanding regarding their mutual differences, and begin anew
the friendly relations of yore. The following extract is from an
editorial article published in the Ikdam of Constantinople on Aug.
17:_

From today the regeneration of our fleet begins. From today Ottoman
hearts must again rejoice. We must work hard now for the strengthening
of our navy. We must know that our fleet, which till yesterday was
lifeless, is no longer in incompetent hands and under the leadership
of lazy minds. New Turkey has intrusted her navy to iron hands. At the
head of our fleet is Djémal Pasha, whose naval successes it is
unnecessary to mention. The commander of the fleet is the Chief of the
Naval Staff, Arif Bey, and in command of the light flotilla is Capt.
Muzzafer Bey. Likewise the commanders and the other officers of the
two new battleships are chosen among the fittest. This is the
beginning of a new era for our navy. In addition to this we must say
that we are expecting good results from our political activity. Talaat
Bey and Halil Bey have left for Bucharest, where they will try to find
a solution of outstanding serious questions. At the same time they
will have an opportunity to exchange views with Rumanian statesmen. It
is unnecessary, in our belief, to exalt the significance of this
mission. We think, however, that a wise and moderate policy,
strengthened by a good army and navy, will go far in bringing good
results.

_On Sept. 10 an official announcement from the Sublime Porte was
handed to the representatives of the powers in Constantinople, and
communicated to the press. This declaration ran as follows:_

As an expression of the sentiments of hospitality and friendship on
the part of the Ottoman Government toward the European populations of
the empire, there were instituted long ago certain regulations to
which Europeans coming to the Levant for commerce would be subjected,
these same regulations having been duly communicated to the respective
Governments of those Europeans.

These regulations, adopted by the Porte on its own initiative, and
considered entirely as privileges, and having been strengthened and
made more general through certain acts, have continued to be in force
up to this time under the name "Old Treaties," (in Turkish "Ouhout-i
Atikah.") These privileges, however, are wholly incompatible with the
legal status of recent years, and especially with the principle of
national sovereignty. In the first place, they became a hindrance to
the progress and development of the Imperial Government, while in the
second, by creating misunderstandings in its relations with the
foreign Governments, they formed a barrier preventing these relations
from becoming more harmonious and more sincere.

The Ottoman Empire continues to advance in the path of regeneration
and of reforms, overleaping many obstacles, and in order to acquire
the position due to it in the civilized family of Europe, it adopted
modern principles of government, and has not deviated from its
programme of having the State conducted on these principles.

The founding of the constitutional form of government is in itself a
proof that the efforts of the Ottoman Empire for its regeneration have
been fully crowned with success. Certain exceptions, however, based on
the capitulations, such as the participation of foreigners in the
administration of justice, which is an all-important prerogative of
national sovereignty, the limitations imposed on the legislative
rights of the State, based on the argument that certain laws cannot be
applied to foreigners, the injustice inflicted on common right from
the impossibility of convicting a delinquent who disturbs the safety
of the country merely because he happens to be a foreigner, or because
the prosecution against him must be subjected to certain limitations
and particular conditions; and likewise the difference in the
competency of the various courts dealing with cases where the
capitulations are involved; all these constitute impregnable barriers
against every effort of the country toward progress in the
administration of justice.

From another point of view, the fact that foreigners living in the
Ottoman Empire are exempt from taxation, in accordance with the
capitulations, makes it impossible for the Sublime Porte to procure
the indispensable means for the carrying out, not only of the reforms
but of its everyday needs.

The impossibility of increasing the indirect taxation is bringing
about the increase of direct taxes, and therefore makes the burden on
the Ottoman tax-payers all the heavier. The fact that foreigners who
enjoy in the Ottoman Empire every protection and every privilege as
well as freedom in their business transactions are exempt from
taxation constitutes in itself an intolerable injustice and creates at
the same time a situation detrimental to the independence and prestige
of the Government.

While the Imperial Government was firm in its resolution to continue
its efforts regarding the reforms, the general war broke and increased
the financial difficulties of the country in such a degree that all
the innovations and all the reforms which have been decided upon and
actually begun are threatened to remain without effect.

The Sublime Porte feels convinced that the only way toward salvation
for the Ottoman Government lies in the realization of the necessary
reforms in the least possible time. In the same way the Porte feels
that every encouragement will be shown her in the decisive steps to be
undertaken for this end.

Convinced of this, the Imperial Government has decided to abolish, on
Oct. 1, 1914, the capitulations, and all conventions, concessions, and
privileges emanating therefrom, which have become an iron ring around
the State, making it impossible for it to progress.

At the same time the Ottoman Government engages to treat with foreign
countries in accordance with the rules of international law. While I
have the honor of communicating to your Excellency this decision,
which opens a new and happy era in the life of the Ottoman Empire, an
event which undoubtedly will please your Excellency, I consider it my
duty to add that the Porte in abolishing the capitulations does not
harbor any hostile feeling against any of the foreign States, but is
acting solely in the highest interests of the empire. At the same
time, the Porte is ready to begin pourparlers for the conclusion of
commercial treaties in accordance with the principles of international
law.

_The Turkish press made little mention of the manner in which Europe
took notice of the important step taken by the Porte, and the
Ministerial Tasfiri Efkiar was the only one to express the feelings of
the Government on this occasion, saying:_

It is not proper for us to expect a unanimous and speedy satisfaction
from all the European powers; but, on the other hand, we must welcome
every objection and every discussion from whatever source it comes, as
in this way we shall know who are our friends and who our enemies.


APPROACHING THE CRISIS.

_The events covering the period from Sept. 10, when the abolition of
the capitulations was decided upon, till Oct. 29, when the Turkish
fleet attacked Russian ports and shipping in the Black Sea, were
confined mostly to hasty and all-absorbing warlike preparations on the
part of the Turkish Government, assisted by the German military
mission. The Constantinople correspondent of The Daily Atlantis of New
York wrote on Sept. 17:_

We are daily approaching a crisis. The Government has not swerved from
its warlike attitude, and is threatening not only Greece, but Russia
and the Triple Entente as well, while, on the other hand, it has
failed to secure Rumanian or Bulgarian co-operation in its militant
policy. At the same time, the Porte has learned that efforts are being
made in the Balkans for common action against Turkey. It also became
known that the Governments of London and Petrograd agreed to indemnify
Bulgaria by giving her Adrianople and Thrace, while Greece was to have
Smyrna, with a considerable hinterland.

During this period the Turkish press maintained an active campaign
against England and the Allies. The following extract from an
editorial article published in the Terdjumani-Hakkikat thus
characterizes the situation:

     Everybody knows that the Balkan States are traversing a
     period of doubts, and that the belligerent parties are doing
     their best in order to secure the sympathies and the
     assistance of the Balkan States.

     To begin with, the idea of reconstructing the Balkan League
     came under consideration. In this way the Balkan States
     think they will become strong enough to impose their will at
     the final settlement that will follow the war. This idea,
     however, based as it is on the nullification of the Treaty
     of Bucharest, and on certain sacrifices on the part of
     Rumania and Greece, proved to be a failure. In the course of
     the discussion between the two States it was shown that
     neither Greece nor Rumania was willing to make any sacrifice
     in favor of Bulgaria. The Balkan Alliance, being thus
     unpracticable, the belligerent powers of Europe attempted to
     attract Rumania and Bulgaria only, and to this end they made
     every sort of promise to the two Governments of Sofia and
     Bucharest. The President of the London Balkan Committee, Mr.
     Noel Buxton, went to Bulgaria and made certain promises to
     Mr. Radoslavoff, the Bulgarian Premier, in the name of Sir
     Edward Grey. He promised the restitution to Bulgaria of the
     Enos-Midia line, including Adrianople. The Bulgarians,
     however, are not to be fooled in this way by promises at the
     expense of third parties, and especially when the eventual
     cost of these gifts might be a heavy one. We must not forget
     that Bulgaria wants not Thrace, but Macedonia. If Great
     Britain had promised Bulgaria Macedonia, including Saloniki,
     and the Bulgarian Government was convinced beforehand of the
     fulfillment of the promise, then it is certain that the
     proposal would be accepted. But this is not in line with
     England's interests, because in that case she would lose her
     two other customers--Greece and Servia. And so there goes
     Mr. Buxton making offers out of our own pocket.

     But we Turks have been used to injustices; and it has become
     an axiom in history that whenever there is trouble in any
     part of the world we must be the ultimate sufferers. It
     seems that this time, too, "our friends" felt like repeating
     the same story; but now we are not to be caught napping, and
     the Government, having in time mobilized the army, is ready
     for every emergency.

_On Sept. 27 a Turkish destroyer having been stopped by a British
destroyer outside the Dardanelles, the Turkish Government ordered the
straits closed to all shipping._

_The Turkish Government tried to justify in the official press of
Constantinople the measure of closing the straits by declaring that
this important step was undertaken only after a Franco-British fleet
had established an actual blockade of the straits to the detriment of
Turkish commerce and neutral navigation. The Government organ, The
Tasfiri-Efkiar, said:_

The powers are trying to justify the mobilization of Switzerland, and
are making a great case of Belgian neutrality, but meantime they
consider our mobilization as having no other purpose than an
aggression against our neighbors.

Now, if the neutrality of Switzerland, which is guaranteed by all the
powers, is likely to be endangered, how is it possible for us to
remain calm and undisturbed in this universal upheaval, so long as we
know that to annoy and continually harass Turkey according to the
fancies of Europe has well-nigh become a sort of fashion?

Those powers that are dissatisfied at our mobilization are eager to
find our anxiety as without foundation for the mere reason that our
territorial integrity remains under the guarantee of all the powers.
But where was that guarantee when Tripoli and Cyrenaica were attacked
in a way little differing from open brigandage? And was it not the
same powers who forgot their guaranties in the Balkan Peninsula when
they abolished the famous status quo? With such facts before us is it
not ridiculous to speak of European guaranties? While we have now
before us what happened to Belgium, why should our mobilization excite
such widespread indignation? All we are trying to do is to safeguard
and protect our interests and protect ourselves from aggression on the
part of the Balkan States.


WAR DECLARED.

_On Oct. 29, 1914, the attack of the Turkish forces upon Russia and
England was delivered. Following is the official Turkish version of
the events leading to the rupture of diplomatic relations between
Turkey and the Triple Entente, contained in the first Turkish
communiqué of the war, appearing in the Turkish press on Oct. 31,
1914:_

While on the 27th of October a small part of the Turkish fleet was
manoeuvring in the Black Sea, the Russian fleet, which at first
confined its activities to following and hindering every one of our
movements, finally, on the 29th, unexpectedly began hostilities by
attacking the Ottoman fleet.

During the naval battle which ensued the Turkish fleet, with the help
of the Almighty, sank the mine-layer Pruth, displacing 5,000 tons and
having a cargo of 700 mines; inflicted severe damage on one of the
Russian torpedo boats, and captured a collier.

A torpedo from the Turkish torpedo boat Gairet-i-Millet sank the
Russian destroyer Koubanietz, and another from the Turkish torpedo
boat Mouavenet-i-Millet inflicted serious damage on a Russian
coastguard ship.

Three officers and seventy-two sailors, rescued by our men and
belonging to the crews of the damaged and sunken vessels of the
Russian fleet, have been made prisoners. The Ottoman imperial fleet,
glory be given to the Almighty, escaped injury, and the battle is
progressing favorably for us.

The Imperial Government will no doubt protest most energetically
against this hostile action of the Russian fleet against a small part
of our fleet.

Information received from our fleet now in the Black Sea is as
follows: From accounts of Russian sailors taken prisoners and from the
presence of a mine-layer among the Russian fleet, evidence is gathered
that the Russian fleet intended closing the entrance to the Bosphorus
with mines and destroying entirely the imperial Ottoman fleet after
having split it in two. Our fleet, believing that it had to face an
unexpected attack, and supposing that the Russians had begun
hostilities without a formal declaration of war, pursued the scattered
Russian fleet, bombarded the port of Sebastopol, destroyed in the city
of Novorosiysk fifty petroleum depots, fourteen military transports,
some granaries, and the wireless telegraph station.

In addition to the above, our fleet has sunk in Odessa a Russian
cruiser and damaged severely another. It is believed that this second
boat was likewise sunk. Five other steamers full of cargoes lying in
the same port were seriously damaged. A steamship belonging to the
Russian volunteer fleet was also sunk, and five petroleum depots were
destroyed.

In Odessa and Sebastopol, the Russians from the shore opened fire
against our fleet.

The officers and crews of the mine-layer Pruth were subjected to a
rigid examination.

Eight or ten days ago the Pruth, lying in the roadstead of Sebastopol,
received a cargo of mines and was put under the command of officers
who for a number of years past had been training on board the Russian
depot ship in Constantinople and therefore had become familiar with
the ins and outs of the Bosphorus.

As soon as it became known that a small part of the Turkish fleet went
out to the Black Sea, the Russian fleet sailed from Sebastopol,
leaving only an adequate squadron for the protection of the city, and
on Oct. 27 put to sea, taking a southerly direction with the rest of
its forces. On the next day the mine-layer Pruth left Sebastopol and
steamed southward.

The Russian fleet, acting in different ways, intended to fill with
mines the entrance of the Bosphorus, attack the weak squadron of the
Ottoman fleet, at that time on the high seas, and cause the
destruction of the rest of the Turkish fleet, which, being left in the
Bosphorus, would rush to the assistance of the light flotilla, and,
encountering the mines, would be destroyed.

Our warships manoeuvring on the high seas met the mine-layer Pruth as
well as the torpedo boats accompanying her, and thus took place the
events already known from previous communications.

The rescued Russian officers are five in number, one of them a
Lieutenant Commander. The prisoners have been sent to Ismid.

This successful action on the part of our squadron, which only by
chance came to be on the high seas at the time of the naval battle, is
itself one of the utmost importance for us, as it assures the future
of our fleet.


THE SULTAN'S PROCLAMATION.

_As soon as war was declared against Russia, England, and consequently
France, the Sultan issued the following proclamation to his troops:_

To my army! To my navy!

Immediately after the war between the Great powers began, I called you
to arms in order to be able in case of trouble to protect the
existence of empire and country from any assault on the part of our
enemies, who are only awaiting the chance to attack us suddenly and
unexpectedly as they have always done.

While we were thus in a state of armed neutrality, a part of the
Russian fleet, which was going to lay mines at the entrance of the
straits of the Black Sea, suddenly opened fire against a squadron of
our own fleet at the time engaged in manoeuvres.

While we were expecting reparation from Russia for this unjustified
attack, contrary to international law, the empire just named, as well
as its allies, recalled their Ambassadors and severed diplomatic
relations with our country.

The fleets of England and France have bombarded the straits of the
Dardanelles, and the British fleet has shelled the harbor of Akbah on
the Red Sea. In the face of such successive proofs of wanton hostility
we have been forced to abandon the peaceful attitude for which we
always strove, and now in common with our allies, Germany and Austria,
we turn to arms in order to safeguard our lawful interests.

The Russian Empire during the last three hundred years has caused our
country to suffer many losses in territory, and when we finally arose
to that sentiment of awakening and regeneration which would increase
our national welfare and our power, the Russian Empire made every
effort to destroy our attempts, either with war or with numerous
machinations and intrigues. Russia, England, and France never for a
moment ceased harboring ill-will against our Caliphate, to which
millions of Mussulmans, suffering under the tyranny of foreign
domination, are religiously and whole-heartedly devoted, and it was
always these powers that started every misfortune that came upon us.

Therefore, in this mighty struggle which now we are undertaking, we
once for all will put an end to the attacks made from one side against
the Caliphate, and from the other against the existence of our
country.

The wounds inflicted, with the help of the Almighty, by my fleet in
the Black Sea, and by my army in the Dardanelles, in Akbah, and on the
Caucasian frontiers against our enemies, have strengthened in us the
conviction that our sacred struggle for a right cause will triumph.
The fact, moreover, that today the countries and armies of our enemies
are being crushed under the heels of our allies is a good sign, making
our conviction as regards final success still stronger.

My heroes! My soldiers! In this sacred war and struggle, which we
began against the enemies who have undermined our religion and our
holy fatherland, never for a single moment cease from strenuous effort
and from self-abnegation.

Throw yourselves against the enemy as lions, bearing in mind that the
very existence of our empire, and of 300,000,000 Moslems whom I have
summoned by sacred Fetwa to a supreme struggle, depend on your
victory.

The hearty wishes and prayers of 300,000,000 innocent and tortured
faithful, whose faces are turned in ecstasy and devotion to the Lord
of the universe in the mosques and the shrine of the Kaabah, are with
you.

My children! My soldiers! No army in the history of the world was ever
honored with a duty as sacred and as great as is yours. By fulfilling
it, show that you are the worthy descendants of the Ottoman Armies
that in the past made the world tremble, and make it impossible for
any foe of our faith and country to tread on our ground, and disturb
the peace of the sacred soil of Yemen, where the inspiring tomb of our
prophet lies. Prove beyond doubt to the enemies of the country that
there exist an Ottoman Army and Navy which know how to defend their
faith, their country and their military honor, and how to defy death
for their sovereign!

Right and loyalty are on our side, and hatred and tyranny on the side
of our enemies, and therefore there is no doubt that the Divine help
and assistance of the just God and the moral support of our glorious
Prophet will be on our side to encourage us. I feel convinced that
from this struggle we shall emerge as an empire that has made good the
losses of the past and is once more glorious and powerful.

Do not forget that you are brothers in arms of the strongest and
bravest armies of the world, with whom we now are fighting shoulder to
shoulder. Let those of you who are to die a martyr's death be
messengers of victory to those who have gone before us, and let the
victory be sacred and the sword be sharp of those of you who are to
remain in life.

MEHMED-RESHAD.

On the 22 Djilhidje, 1332.
Or October 29, 1914.


VERBATIM TERMS OF THE FETWA

(Sultan's Proclamation of a Holy War.)

_The issuance by the Sultan of the Fetwa, or proclamation, announcing
a holy war, called upon all Mussulmans capable of carrying arms--and
even upon Mussulman women--to fight against the powers with whom the
Sultan was at war. In this manner, according to Constantinople
newspapers, the holy war became a duty not only for all Ottoman
subjects, but for the 300,000,000 Moslems of the earth. The Turkish
newspaper Ikdam called upon the people as follows:_

Mussulmans, open your eyes! Grasp your weapons; trust to God. Hurl
yourselves with full might against the foe! As the Caliph has said,
the Divine help will be with us. Forward! Sons of Islam! There is no
longer a difference of nationality; there is no longer a difference of
culture. All Mussulmans are united and have but a single wish--to
destroy our foes!

_The wording of the Fetwa itself, however, is less fiery in tone than
the impassioned newspaper appeal. The Fetwa reads as follows:_

First Question--If lands of Islam are subjected to attack by enemies,
if danger threatens Islam, must in that case young and old, infantry
and mounted men, in all parts of the earth inhabited by Mohammedans,
take part in the holy war, with their fortune and their blood, in case
the Padisha declares the war to all Mohammedans? Answer--Yes.

Second Question--Since Russia, England, France, and other States
supporting these three powers against the Islamitic Caliphate have
opened hostilities against the Ottoman Empire by means of their
warships and their land troops, is it necessary that all Mohammedans
also who live in the countries named shall rise against their
Government and take part in the holy war? Answer--Yes.

Third Question--Under all circumstances, since the attainment of the
goal depends upon the participation of all Mohammedans in the holy
war, will those who refuse to join in the general uprising be punished
for conduct so abhorrent? Answer--Yes.

Fourth Question--Mohammedans who live in lands of the enemy may, under
threats against their own lives and the lives of their families, be
forced to fight against the soldiers of the States of Islam. Can such
conduct be punished as forbidden under the Sheriat, and those guilty
thereof be regarded as murderers and punished with the fires of hell?
Answer--Yes.

Fifth Question--Inasmuch as it will be detrimental to the Mohammedan
Caliphate of the Mohammedans who live in Russia, France, England,
Servia, and Montenegro fight against Germany and Austria-Hungary,
which are the saviors of the great Mohammedan Empire, will therefore
those who do so be punished with heavy penalties? Answer--Yes.


BRITAIN'S ANSWER.

[From The London Times, Nov. 6, 1914.]

_A supplement to The London Gazette published yesterday morning
contains the following:_

     NOTICE.

     Owing to hostile acts committed by Turkish forces under
     German officers, a state of war exists between Great Britain
     and Turkey as from today.

     Foreign Office, Nov. 5, 1914.

Following this notice is a proclamation extending to the war with
Turkey the Proclamations and Orders in Council now in force relating
to the war, other than the Order in Council of Aug. 4, 1914, with
reference to the departure from British ports of enemy vessels which,
at the outbreak of hostilities, were in such ports or subsequently
entered the same.

The Gazette also contains an Order in Council, dated Nov. 5, annexing
the Island of Cyprus.

The order, after reciting the Convention of June 4, 1878, the Annex
thereto, and the Agreement of Aug. 14, 1878, by which the Sultan of
Turkey assigned the Island of Cyprus to be occupied and administered
by England, and affirming that by reason of the outbreak of
hostilities with Turkey the Convention, Annex, and Agreement have
become annulled, asserts that it has seemed expedient to annex the
island. His Majesty, with the advice of his Privy Council, has
therefore ordered:

     From and after the date hereof the said island shall be
     annexed to and form part of his Majesty's dominions, and the
     said island is annexed accordingly.


EGYPT'S NEW SULTAN.

_The New Sultan of Egypt, Hussein I., made his State entry on Dec. 20,
1914, into the Abdin Palace, in Cairo. The streets were lined with
troops and the progress of their new ruler was watched by thousands of
enthusiastic spectators. The King of England sent a telegram to the
Sultan, to which his Highness replied thanking his Majesty for the
promised British support. A new Cabinet had already been formed.
Rushdi Pasha retained the position of Prime Minister and the portfolio
of the Interior. Following is King George's telegram to the Sultan:_

On the occasion when your Highness enters upon your high office I
desire to convey to your Highness the expression of my most sincere
friendship and the assurance of my unfailing support in safeguarding
the integrity of Egypt and in securing her future well-being and
prosperity.

Your Highness has been called upon to undertake the responsibilities
of your high office at a grave crisis in the national life of Egypt,
and I feel convinced that you will be able, with the co-operation of
your Ministers and the Protectorate of Great Britain, successfully to
overcome all the influences which are seeking to destroy the
independence of Egypt and the wealth, liberty, and happiness of its
people.

GEORGE R. AND I.


_The Sultan telegraphed the following reply:_

To his Majesty the King, London.

I present to your Majesty the expression of my deepest gratitude for
the feelings of friendship with which you see fit to honor me and for
the assurance of your valuable support in safeguarding the integrity
and independence of Egypt.

Conscious of the responsibilities I have just assumed, and resolved to
devote myself, in entire co-operation with the Protectorate, to the
progress and welfare of my people, I am happy to be able to count in
this task on your Majesty's protection and on the assistance of your
Government.

HUSSEIN KAMEL.




Servia and Her Neighbors

     The utterances of Servia's statesmen and people since the
     war began have not appeared in English. Only accounts of
     fighting by the nation from which the great conflagration
     started have been printed. How Servia has judged the issues
     while conducting her struggle against annihilation, and how
     the neighboring Balkan States regard her, are
     authoritatively presented below.


_Premier Pashitch spoke in the Skuptschina, or Servian Parliament, on
Aug. 4, 1914, and made the following declaration given to the press by
the Official Servian Bureau:_

Mr. Pashitch laid stress on the fact that the Serajevo affair was used
as pretext for the war, desired long ago by the Austrian Monarchy,
which did not look on Pan-Serbism with a favorable eye, while the
aspirations of other countries of Rumania, Germany, and Italy were
tolerated. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy wished to crush Servian
aspirations by curbing the Servian prestige.

In answering the Austrian note, Mr. Pashitch said, we reached the
extreme limits of submission to her demands. We did everything in
order to avoid the conflict and prove that we were peaceful. Now, all
united, we will defend our rights.

We rely on the sympathy and support of great and sisterly Russia, who
knows that our foes have been conspiring against our independence and
our progress, and who will not permit our prestige to be crushed. At
the side of Russia we have other friends.

(Long live Russia! Long live England! Long live France! Long live the
Triple Entente!)

I thank the Opposition--continued Mr. Pashitch--because she has united
with us in these critical moments, forgetting in the face of danger
party lines and the dissension of opinions.

_From Nish the following official communication was telegraphed to the
foreign press by the Government Bureau on Aug. 9, 1914:_

The Servian mobilization was effected with marvelous order, and once
more it proved the good military organization of Servia, and how much
the country can rely on the patriotic devotion of her soldiers.

Notwithstanding the erroneous statements of a part of the foreign
press, notwithstanding the speedy development of events,
notwithstanding the season of work in the fields, fully 80 per cent.
of the reserves presented themselves on the first day of mobilization,
which was completed amid general enthusiasm.

For a long time the Servians knew that the main struggle would be
turned against Austria. The Montenegrin and Servian peoples enter the
war against the common foe with an equal confidence in their armies.
The enthusiasm of these two countries is all the stronger from the
fact that they are fighting simultaneously with the aid of the
Russians, French, and English. Numerous manifestations have taken
place in Servian and Montenegrin cities in favor of Russia, France,
and England.


THE BULGARIAN MENACE.

_Following is the account of the declaration of the Servian Minister
of Commerce, Mr. Paul Maringovich, published in the Bulgarian
newspaper Mir of Sofia in November, 1914:_

Mr. Maringovich's declarations are characteristic of the
Serbo-Bulgarian relations. This Servian statesman at first spoke of
the trials of the Servian Nation on account of the war, and then
expressed the belief that these trials will pass and Servia will see
better days with the realization of her ideals. Mr. Maringovich
predicts that the differences between Servia and Bulgaria will be
settled in the future and that the two peoples will live in perfect
harmony.

Regarding the Serbo-Bulgarian relations Mr. Maringovich said in the
Mir:

"I am sorry to hear that Bulgaria demands concessions from us. In
exchange for her friendship she demands concessions in Macedonia. But
in this case that cannot be called friendship.

"Bulgaria demands this today because we are at war with Austria, and
we cannot accordingly oppose her. But in doing this she simply betrays
her weakness because it is a certain proof of weakness to strike one
from behind while he is struggling with another. If Bulgaria is proud
and strong she can measure herself with us as soon as the war with
Austria is over. A strong Bulgaria must measure herself with the
strong and not with the weak.

"Why do people in Bulgaria today insist on concessions? Do you know
how many difficulties there are today in the granting of such
territorial concessions? You felt the pain of similar action.
Silistria was taken from you while your army was victoriously marching
on Constantinople. Do not insist on implanting deep in the Servian
heart a mortal hatred against yourselves.

"Do not ask the reason of our dissensions of today, in a difference of
interests, because such difference does not exist, but try to find it
in the arrogance and the conceit of the two nations. We do not
recognize you as a nation. But this recognition must be made with the
understanding that you drop your conceit.

"In Bulgaria people think that at this moment we have the support of
Russia. But there is a mistake even in this, as we are further than
you from Russia. If today Russia offers to us her support she is doing
that because we are struggling against Austria and preventing her from
invading the Balkans.

"To this argument you oppose the treaty of Bucharest. But that treaty
is not our work. By not accepting the Czar's wish in his telegram of
May 5, (18,) 1913, you lost his support. This example from the past
can show you how far you can go when you oppose Russia. But in no case
are you entitled to blame those who are not guilty of your misfortune.

"When Russia undertakes to do something for the Slavs, she always does
it in a way beneficial to the party to which she promised her support.

"When this war is over, when the whole of Slavdom shall be freed, when
in a special congress all the interests of the Slavs shall be
discussed and the services rendered by each and every one of them
shall be weighed, Bulgaria must fear that decisions will be taken
which will be contrary to her and that her interests will be
sacrificed.

"A country must not act always according to her interests. Does not
the Bulgarian people have any obligations toward Russia? Duty always
stands above mere interest.

"When the war is over an entirely different atmosphere will rule in
the souls of the peoples, and it will then be possible to weigh the
actual interests with more equanimity and more calm. At least we
Servians have this opinion."

_The following statement was made by the Servian Minister at
Petrograd, Mr. Spalaikowich, in the Russkoye Slovo:_

What is Bulgaria going to do in the present circumstances? To which
side will she cling? Is not her people going to take the arms against
their secular enemy, the Turks?

This solution would be the most satisfactory for Bulgaria. Now a
chance is given her to fulfill her obligations to Russia, who made her
free. Let the Bulgarian sword be thrust against the secular enemy of
Slavdom and the petty differences be forgotten.

Bulgaria, under the Russian wing, will enter the Slav family united,
strong, and beloved. If she remains inactive she will drag herself
poor and forgotten by all and full of regrets.


A PEASANT'S ANSWER.

_As illustrating the popular feeling in Bulgaria the following letter
from a peasant to Mr. Maringovich appeared in the official organ of
the Bulgarian Government, Echo de Bulgarie, published in French:_

Your Excellency: I am a plain peasant from the Danube country. While
born on the shores of the beautiful blue Lake of Ochrida, and really,
I cannot understand what is the meaning of your factum, (sic.) What
have you come to do among us? Nobody knows you any more in Sofia. You
are Servian and consequently a foreigner to us Bulgarians. There are
certain pains that nothing can alleviate, nor heal, and there are
wounds that nothing can cicatrize.

Since your entry in Ochrida, in my father's house, you, the Servian
Army, behaved like enemies. You profaned the church, that Bulgarian
church where I took my first communion. You have despoiled the
archives and burned our libraries; you ordered closed our national
school where I learned to mumble the alphabet of my mother tongue.

I have seen the epic struggle of my compatriots against Greeks and
Turks, and I took part with them in order to obtain these national
institutions. And did you come there in Ochrida, and everywhere in
Macedonia protected by our valiant army of Lulé Bourgas and Chataldja,
to perform the duty of allies--of Slav brethren?

You established yourselves as conquerors of the country, as vandals,
with the manifest purpose of extinguishing every vestige of our
national culture. You associated yourselves with the non-Slavs
(Rumanians and Greeks) against us, your allies, in order to reach your
end. Why, then, do you call us Slavs? We were called Tartars until
just before you arrived in Sofia.

You treated as villains our Bishops, whom the Turks and the Greeks
were forced to restore us after a struggle of seventy-five years. You
burned our Bulgarian books, and you forbade, under penalty of death,
our people from calling themselves Bulgars. You tortured my parents
with all the refinements of torture that you have invented.

Why, I beg of you? Because you were Servians? I will not go so far as
to injure you with the belief that the Servians are capable of crimes
against nature. Then, because we were Bulgarians; because those poor
people, taking you for their brethren, for Christians, for Slavs, at
least had the courage to say they were Bulgarians and to think
themselves such.

And this continues today with increased intensity. Ah, Mr.
Maringovich! You have committed there and you persist in committing a
crime against humanity that nothing will ever efface. You stabbed us
to the heart, with premeditation, and the wound is still bleeding; you
killed our faith in the Slav brotherhood. You morally assassinated us.

In the face of these crimes, Bregainitza and Slivnitza are pale
figures. These odious crimes will not be left unpunished. The day of
chastisement will come whether you look for it or not.

Your Excellency, I permit myself to repeat the question: What have you
come to do among us?

Really you must have a good cheek--permit me this undiplomatic
expression--and a Servian cheek, in order to have the audacity to come
here and tell us tales. It is not only this; but you make sport of our
sacredest and deepest sentiments, you reopen our wounds, and you
purely and simply abuse us. You ought to have thought of all this
before you set out for Sofia. Today there is an abyss dividing Serbs
and Bulgars. It is an open precipice which will serve for you as a
grave. You wish to fill it? To succeed you must employ other means
than words.

Sir: You are a foreigner to us; there is not an honest man in all
Bulgaria who can consider you a welcome guest. Nobody knows you. For
every Bulgar there is only one word and one gesture for you. We stake
our liberty in giving you the answer and in making the gesture.

Sir: You may take the train which brought you here from Nish. There is
the depot. Farewell! Kindly accept the assurance of my consideration
for your person, whom I had not the advantage to know.


THE MINISTRY'S POSITION.

_The statement by the new Servian Cabinet in the Skuptschina on Dec.
8, 1914, follows:_

The new Ministry has made in the Skuptschina the following
declarations: The Government that has the honor to appear before you
has been constituted with the purpose of manifesting to the end of
this great crisis the union of the wills, the forces, and the
intentions of all political parties of our country.

This Government is convinced of the confidence of the Skuptschina, as
it puts all of its forces to the service of the great cause of the
Servian Nation, and of the Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian family.

The Government considers its first duty to bow low before the heroic
sacrifices voluntarily made on the altar of the fatherland.

The Government sends to the entire army and to all the military, from
commanders down to simple privates, the expression of its confidence,
its admiration and its gratitude for their efforts and their
sacrifices to the common fatherland.

Our little and young army, conserving the good reputation it had
acquired in the past years, has put itself worthily on the side of the
glorious and veteran armies of our great allies, who are struggling
together with us for the cause of justice and liberty.

There is no doubt that in the end of these painful days of war our
historic nation will be recognized and appreciated.

The Government is convinced that all the Servian people are united
until the end of this hallowed war, to defend their hearths and their
liberty; that their sole duty is to assure an army proportionate to
this great war, which from the very beginning has been a struggle for
the emancipation and the union of all our brother Serbo-Croato-Slovaks,
who now suffer under foreign rule.

The brilliant success which will crown this war will compensate
largely the great sacrifices of the present Servian generation. In
this struggle the Servian people have not to choose, because in a
question of life and death there is no choice.

This people is forced to struggle and will do its duty with the same
unflinching energy of a century ago for the redemption of the tomb of
Kossovo.

The Government will try faithfully to represent this national
decision; and, faithful to its powerful and heroic allies, it will
with confidence await the hour of victory.

The Government, conscious of the pains and hardships suffered by the
army and in large part by the nation, will do all that human strength
can do for the amelioration of the present situation and will
energetically try all measures for refitting the army and bettering
the sanitary service, as in this cause no sacrifices shall be spared.

In concert with you, gentlemen, the Government will take all the
necessary measures for helping the population to recuperate after the
war.

Now, while the enemy is yet at the gates of our country, the
Government cries: Forward, with God's help, against the enemy! Forward
in the struggle against the enemy!

[All the Deputies, without party distinction, repeated the last words
of Premier Nicola Pashitch, and immense applause greeted the
manifesto.]


STATEMENT TO GREECE.

_The Servian Minister at Athens, Mr. Baluhtchich, caused this
announcement to be made on Nov. 29, 1914:_

On Nov. 29 the Servian Minister at Athens declared that all talk of
Servian concessions of any kind in favor of Bulgaria was premature.

The Servian Government, the Minister said, finds it impossible to
proceed to any concession territorial or moral, so long as Servia is
in a state of war.

The Bulgarian Government has not made, and it is impossible to
formulate, her demands directly to Servia, because it is impossible to
foresee the outcome of a struggle so violent and apparently destined
to be long. For Servia it is impossible to enter negotiations of
indemnity or concessions for the neutrality of Bulgaria before an end
is put to the present situation. The only certain thing is that the
Governments of the Triple Entente are endeavoring to reconstitute the
Balkan League, which is to be made of three Balkan States, namely,
Servia, Greece, and Bulgaria.

But, as I had the occasion of stating some time ago, the Bulgarian
territorial demands, with regard to the reconstitution of the league,
have been so preposterous that neither Greece nor Servia could begin
discussions on such a basis.

I deny, in the most emphatic manner, Mr. Baluhtchich said, the news
that Servia was to cede, or that Bulgaria directly and formally
demanded from my Government, any strip whatever of Macedonian
territory, at least for the time being.

Likewise it is untrue that the Bulgarian Prime Minister, Mr.
Radoslavoff, demanded from the Ambassadors of the Triple Entente that
the compensation for her neutrality be guaranteed to her from now for
the future. It is true that a disturbing political ferment is going on
now in the Balkan Peninsula, the Servian Minister said in conclusion,
but it is a difficult thing to express opinions at this time.

However, before the war is over, neither concessions nor discussion
can be made, at least as far as Servia is concerned, and it seems that
the Triple Entente concurs in this view.


BULGARIA AND KULTUR.

_In the semi-official Servian daily, Samouprava, published in Belgrade
and now at Nish, the following editorial article appeared early in the
first week of October, 1914:_

The Bulgarians are a queer people. Those of the foreigners who
sympathize with them are apt to call them realists, positivists, and
calculants, but we Servians, knowing them, understand that such
definitions applied to them are flattering euphemisms and nothing
more. The Bulgarian people are really laborious and thrifty.
Unfortunately the cultured members of Bulgarian society, who studied
abroad, bear in their social and political life the fundamental
characteristics of the German intellect.

The cultured Bulgarians have absorbed the German Kultur, although they
do not owe Germany even the hundredth part of what they owe to Russia.

All these are facts that need not proofs. Bulgaria, therefore, could
not more wantonly accuse Servia than by saying that we allied
ourselves with the enemies of Slavdom. The cynicism of these
accusations is proved by the following officially registered Bulgarian
actions:

The Stoïlof Ministry has concluded an alliance with Servia and also an
understanding which the Bulgarians sold to Turkey for eight Bishoprics
in Macedonia.

During the crisis which followed the annexation of Servian Bosnia and
Herzegovina to Austria, and when Russia was mortally insulted,
Bulgaria, in common understanding with Austria, proclaimed her
independence and definitely annexed Oriental Rumelia. These profits
Bulgaria secured to the detriment of Servian interests.

During the Balkan war, and notwithstanding all that Servia had done
for Bulgaria, the Bulgarian attitude was once more treacherous,
culminating in the wanton attack upon her allies at the instigation of
Austria.

Today, when Russia fights a life-and-death struggle, Bulgaria is
keeping neutral, and every one knows what kind of neutrality is this
when such a multitude of Germans is passing through Bulgarian
territory in order to arm and lead the Turks against Russia. And, last
but not least, immediately after the present war between Austria and
Servia, the Bulgarians proposed an alliance to Rumania.

After all this it is a wonder how the Bulgarians dare to invoke Slav
sympathies, which they always sold to Austria, and which the Bulgarian
press is now trying to sell at auction. Lucky he who buys them.

[Illustration: A YOUTHFUL BELGIAN HERO

Joseph Lessen, a Boy Scout, 18 Years of Age, Who So Distinguished
Himself That He Was Decorated on the Field by King Albert.]

[Illustration: THE CROWN PRINCE OF BELGIUM

H.R.H. Prince Leopold, Eldest Son of the King of the Belgians.

(_Photo from Underwood & Underwood._)]


AFTER FIVE MONTHS' FIGHTING.

_On Dec. 17, (30, New Style,) 1914, Crown Prince Alexander of Servia,
in his quality of Commander in Chief of the Army, issued the following
order of the day to his troops:_

Soldiers! It is now five months since the day when the enemy attacked
our beloved country. Notwithstanding the fact that we had suffered
the trials of two heroic but hard wars, nevertheless firm and
undaunted we have stood the attack. Having routed the enemy in Tchar
and Zadar we gave him, after heroic and sanguinary battles, the
biggest blow of all.

Thousands of prisoners, hundreds of guns, a quantity of war booty,
which came to our hands, are witnesses of his defeat and our glory.

Soldiers! I feel proud in announcing to you that not a single enemy
remains on the soil of the Servian Kingdom. We cast him out with great
losses.

At this sacred moment, when on the heroic City of Belgrade anew waves
the victorious Servian flag, I desire to fulfill a great duty of
gratitude. In our ranks, in this third war, are fighting our brothers
which we have liberated from the Turkish yoke. The soldiers of
Kossovo, of Vardar, of Hekligovatz, of Bregalnitsa, of Bitolie, and of
Porets, have shown themselves worthy of their brothers of Shumadia and
the Danube, of Poutrin and Morava, of Timok and Usjitsa.

They have shown themselves worthy of the heroes Milaten and Dughan,
who for long have carried the glory and the good name of the Servian
arms.

I want to give to these new soldiers of ours conspicuous proofs of the
gratitude of the fatherland. In the face of the undeniable proof of
their fulfillment of their duty, in the face of their enthusiasm I
declare that these soldiers shall have the political and
constitutional rights of Servia, their liberatrix! The Skuptschina, in
its first sitting after peace is signed, will take all the necessary
measures in order that full liberties be given to our brethren.

Soldiers! The iron ring of our powerful allies is fastening tighter
every day around our common enemy. And he, (the enemy,) feeling that
his defeat is well nigh at hand and dreading its dire consequences,
fights desperately and strenuously. But in vain. The number of their
soldiers is diminishing daily, and our allies are strengthened with
new troops on the fields of battle.

The end of this gigantic struggle is from now known, although not yet
accomplished. We must, therefore, for some time to come, fulfill our
difficult duty and stay by the side of our big and powerful allies,
who are fighting for us, till our enemy is annihilated on the
battlefield.

And then peace will come to crown worthily those who have been
sacrificed for our great fatherland, and then our country will be much
enlarged, much stronger, and much happier than she ever has been. And
for this, oh, my heroic Servia will be grateful to you.


RUSSIAN CONGRATULATIONS.

_On Dec. 18, 1914, the new Russian Minister to Servia, Prince
Troubetzkoï, presented his credentials to the Servian Crown Prince
Alexander, whom he addressed as follows:_

Illustrious Sir: I have the honor to hand to your Royal Highness the
letter by which his Majesty the Emperor of Russia has deigned to
accredit me by his Majesty the King of Servia.

My august master has charged me to express to you the vivid sympathy
and the sincere admiration which his Majesty feels for the valiant
people of Servia, her heroic army, and her venerable chief.

Allow me to express to your Highness the joy that I feel in fulfilling
the imperial commission today when your army has covered itself with
immortal glory and has written in Servian history the most beautiful
page that a people may desire.

Separated by a long distance, but, attracted by the heart of her elder
sister, Servia may say that in this terrible struggle against an
enemy, numerically stronger but morally weaker, she is not alone and
will not be forsaken.

I pray that this conviction may double the unflinching courage of the
Servians and lead them always to new victories.

In assuming today the duties incumbent upon me after the death of my
lamented predecessor, Hartwig, I take the courage, illustrious Sir, to
express the hope that your Highness will not deprive me of his
assistance, which will be absolutely necessary to me in order that I
may work to the best of my abilities for the common good of the two
countries, and also for the consummation of peace in the Balkan
Peninsula, this peace that Russia considers as the essential aim of
her efforts and her sacrifices.

_Crown Prince Alexander answered as follows:_

The expression of the vivid sympathy and admiration which his Majesty
the Emperor has addressed through you to the people and army of Servia
are so much the more welcome as I personally witnessed the hard
conditions under which my valiant army is struggling and the heavy
burdens oppressing my brave people.

The fact that, although separated by a long distance from Russia, her
elder sister, Servia can find in her bosom a heart having the same
sentiments as hers, has encouraged our army and our people to persist
in the heroic struggle that they are waging against a more numerous
enemy. This certainty will give us new strength to carry the struggle
to the end.

In the fulfillment of your mission, after the death of your
predecessor, a mission which the late Hartwig performed with such love
and such devotion to the true Slav interests, you can rest on my
absolute confidence and the continued support of my Government, being
sure that the greatness and the power of Servia are in full accord
with the greatness and the power of holy Russia.

The lamented Hartwig made many trips for the mutual benefit of both
countries, Russia and Servia, and his efforts had resulted in creating
stable conditions and securing the peace of the Balkans.

In accepting the letters, by which his Majesty the Emperor has
accredited you by his Majesty the King of Servia, my beloved father, I
bid you, Mr. Minister, welcome, and I wish you success in your
mission.


BULGARIA'S SENTIMENT.

_The following Bulgarian view of the Servian victory that resulted in
the recapture of Belgrade is presented from an editorial article of
the Dnevnik of Sofia:_

The Austro-Hungarian action against Servia seems to have failed. It
goes without saying that the return of the Servians to Belgrade does
not mean yet that the handful of the starving and half-naked Servian
Army has been victorious against its strong opponent.

The Servian success, according to latest information, is due to means
that are very little laudable in themselves.

The commander of the advance posts of the Austro-Hungarian Army, being
a native of Dalmatia, became intimate with the Servians and committed
an odious treason. He disclosed to them the dispositions of the
Austro-Hungarian forces, and he himself, with the sections forming the
guard, surrendered to the Servians.

From the Austrian rearguard one part scattered to various villages,
another was sleeping. They were not ready and, caught unexpectedly,
were dispersed.

Austro-Hungarian prestige is severely wounded. The shameful treason
shows how dangerous is the Pan-Servian propaganda to the integrity of
the Austrian Empire, when corruption has reached even the officers
standing in high command.

The Austro-Hungarian General Staff, as we are informed, has already
taken those measures imposed by the situation. The Generals, Frank and
Potiorek, have been recalled and will be probably court-martialed. And
it seems that the "brilliant" Servian victories are the beginning of
the end of the "Slav Belgium."


GREECE ACCLAIMS.

_The following editorial article, headed "A New Marathon" on the
Servian victory, appeared in the Greek newspaper Patris of Athens on
Dec. 3, (16, New Style,) 1914, expressing the views of the Hellenic
Government:_

The reoccupation of Belgrade by the Servians is one of those military
feats which amount to historical phenomena. The Servians not only
contributed the greatest feat of the European war, as far as results
are concerned, but won for themselves an immortal page in the world's
history.

Greece alone has to show an analogous achievement, although greater,
when she expelled the Persian invasion.

Only the achievements of Arhangelovatz, Ouzhitse, and Lazarevats can
compare in a certain degree to the brilliancy of Marathon and Plateae.
And the Servian achievement appears all the more Hellenic if analogies
are to be considered.

The Servians, until yesterday a little people, with an army almost
insignificant in face of the masses of the Austrian columns,
submissive in times of peace, in the face of the most oppressive
demands of Austrian diplomacy--considered like all the small peoples
to be living at the mercy of the great--when the hour of supreme
defense for altars and hearths struck, and in the face of an enemy
threatening to swallow their country, they arose, terrible in their
vengeance, and repeated the feat of the routing of Goliath by their
small but invincible power.

This was possible because their regiments were not moved by the hope
of effectively beating the enemy, which hope springs from the
consciousness of numerical superiority, but they were enlivened and
strengthened before death by the undying fire of freedom, national
pride, and the conviction that they were thrust into the most honored
struggle, after which there would not be left for them anything but to
live or die.

And the Austrians, who considered their campaign against Servia as
mere child's play; the Austrians with their German military
organization; the Austrians, who constitute one-sixth of the entire
European military power, started against Servia with the same logic,
the same haughtiness, the same bombastic prediction of the result of
the unequal war with which the Persian masses moved against
Greece....




Little Montenegro Speaks


_The following Montenegrin message to Italy appeared in La Gazetta del
Popolo of July 21, (Aug. 3,) 1914:_

This terrible European war, if one takes away from it the diplomatic
ornaments with which the Chancelleries are wont to decorate it, dates
from a century back. It is, let us hope, the final revolt of the
nations oppressed by the unjust work of the Congress of Vienna.

The nationalities of which the powers of the Triple Entente, and
especially Russia, have made themselves the champions have not
provoked this bloody struggle. It was imposed on them by the
reactionary spirit of the Germanic world, which desired to consolidate
its hegemony, based on the sufferings of the weak, impossible to
describe, and on the contempt of right, which was proclaimed as a
system of government.

The neutrality observed up to now by your august Italian country has
been a powerful assistance to the cause of right against the cause of
oppression.

We Serbs of Montenegro and Servia are now on the point of conquering
that national unity, which our poets, our thinkers, and our sovereigns
have sung, implored, and prepared, and, following the trail opened by
Mazzini, Cavour, and Garibaldi, we put our confidence in Italy, this
mother of civilization, who by her smile embellishes the sun-kissed
Slav shores of the Adriatic.

Help us in conquering the place which is awaiting us at the altar of
justice! We firmly believe that Italy, when at the price of new
sacrifices she shall have all of her exiled sons united under her
glorious standard, will inaugurate a new era of friendly and intimate
connections with the young Slav world, who from her hands received so
many benefits and who in exchange offers her the collaboration of
young and enthusiastic people in the great task undertaken by our
protectors in the name of civilization and liberty.




Bulgaria's Attitude

Speech From the Throne

By Tsar Ferdinand I.


_The following speech by Tsar Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria was read at the
opening of the Bulgarian Parliament, called the Sobranje, on Oct. 15,
(28,) 1914, by the Prime Minister, Mr. Radoslavoff._

With the ending last year of a long and exhausting struggle which we
conducted with incomparable self-denial, the Bulgarian people and my
Government directed again their efforts toward the healing of the
wounds of the recent past and the remodeling of the national forces,
and likewise toward creating new resources and prosperity for the
country.

Our common peaceful activity was interrupted by the breaking out of
the greatest and most terrible of all wars that history has up to this
day recorded. In face of this mighty struggle of the European nations
my Government has deemed it its duty before the nation, and the course
imposed on it, to declare the neutrality of Bulgaria and to maintain
this attitude sternly and honestly according to international
obligations and the interests of the fatherland.

Thanks to this process, my Government maintains good and friendly
relations with all the great powers; has succeeded in giving to our
relations with our neighbors a color of greater confidence, so
necessary after the crisis of the last year, and in the midst of the
events that lie heavy today on the whole of Europe.

_A supplemental statement of the royal position was made by the
Bulgarian Premier, Mr. Radoslavoff, in the Sobranje at the sitting of
Nov. 12, (25,) 1914, which follows:_

With the proclamation of the state of siege, taken in accordance with
the decision of Parliament, as a measure of further security,
everything is moving along according to the laws and the Constitution
of the country. And the Government is endeavoring that the internal
administration may proceed in as orderly a way as possible.

You remember very well that on the 16th (29th) of July, when war was
declared by Austria-Hungary, I came here and told you that the
decision of the Government was to maintain strict neutrality.

One day before the closing of the extra session of Parliament I
repeated the declarations of the Government, that no matter what kind
of political combinations were formed around us the Government is
resolved to maintain absolute neutrality to the end.

It was with pleasure that I heard at that time the assurances of all
the party leaders that if I were to keep this attitude they would help
me maintain the absolute neutrality of Bulgaria.

I do not know why after a few days there have been published various
statements signed by the different party leaders.

Nothing in particular had been done on our side up to that time. There
was nothing irregular, but, notwithstanding all this, complaints have
been lodged against the Bulgarian Government that its neutrality was
one-sided, that the Government was favoring one group of the powers
while hostile to the other, that through Bulgaria arms and ammunition
were sent from a belligerent country [Germany] to a non-belligerent,
[Turkey,] and this moved the leaders of the parties to turn to the
nation and denounce the sincerity of your Government.

The silence of the nation and the attitude of the powers gave us full
justification for the fairness and loyalty with which we keep our
neutrality.

Two months ago the nation had witnessed a manifesto, signed by all the
party leaders with the exception of the narrow Socialists, which means
that the opposition has not been united on this question, as it is
said in the manifesto that all the opposition was united in a fear
lest the Government abandon its neutrality. In the manifesto addressed
to the Bulgarian nation the desire was expressed for the formation of
a Ministry in which all the political parties were to be represented.

But the silence of the nation has given ample proof of its confidence
in the present Ministry. The declaration of the Government on July 13
(26) holds today, as it held then. We are keeping the strict
neutrality of Bulgaria. Those that were supposed to have grievances
against us have no proofs to show our breach of neutrality. Every side
was satisfied with our assurances.

Notwithstanding the difficulties with which the path of the Government
is strewn today, I, supported by the majority of the Parliament, will
follow the same policy. Bulgaria has remained neutral, and up to now
she is in excellent relations with all neighboring countries.

Bulgaria is in most friendly relations with Rumania, Greece, and
Servia, which is at war. Bulgaria keeps the most sincere relations
with Turkey. Bulgaria remains neutral and loyal in her position. I
make the declaration so that the entire nation may be informed that
the present Government has assured the territorial integrity of
Bulgaria.

Our policy meets with the approval of all the great powers without
exception. If we ever are led by the force of circumstances to enter
some arrangement whereby Bulgaria will obtain something more in the
way of territory, this will come from the will of the entire
Bulgarian concert, with which we desire to remain up to the end in
good relations.

This is what I can and what I must say today in the National
Parliament. [Cheers and applause.]


BULGARIAN PARLIAMENT REPLIES.

[As voted on Nov. 12, (25,) 1914.]

Your Majesty: The national representation considers it an agreeable
duty to express its satisfaction for the statements addressed to it
and to offer its collaboration to the Tsar and the Government for the
safeguard of the dear interests of the fatherland.

Your Majesty!

The breaking out of the terrible war which today oppresses and
exhausts the nations has stopped the peaceful activity in which the
Bulgarian Nation and your Government were engaged for the regeneration
of the national forces and the creation of new resources for the
prosperity of the country and the healing of the wounds of the long
and heroic war which the nation, with unflinching self-sacrifice, has
waged in the past year.

Your Majesty!

In the face of the momentous and far-reaching events now taking place
in Europe and around Bulgaria, the national representation has noted
with delight that the Government, having at heart the future of the
country when it declared the neutrality of Bulgaria, is maintaining
this attitude strictly and loyally, as the international necessities
and the most vital interests of the country demand.

Your Majesty!

The national representation has learned with joy that, thanks to this
attitude, the Government of your Majesty has preserved good and
friendly relations with all the great powers and has improved our
relations with our neighbors, which good relations are so necessary
for Bulgaria after the crisis of the last year, and during the events
of which we are the witnesses.

Your Majesty!

The great events that are shaking Europe are apt to call for our
attention, but, in spite of this, they will not stop us in the way of
the peaceful development of our culture, to which Bulgaria after the
war devoted her energies.

We will carefully examine and heartily approve of all the measures
which the Government may take for the progress of the country and will
give them our support.

Long live his Majesty the Tsar!

Long live her Majesty the Tsarina!

Long live his Royal Highness the Crown Prince!

_Following is the allocution of Tsar Ferdinand I., on Dec. 2, (15,)
1914, to the Delegation of the Sobranje, which brought to him the
Bulgarian Parliament's answer to the speech from the throne._

Gentlemen: It has always been agreeable to me to meet the
representatives of the National Parliament and exchange with them
ideas on the situation and the administration of the country. In the
present year, however, during the development of the events around us
this contact with the representatives of the people is not without
some importance for the Chief of the State.

I desire to hear from you, gentlemen, what are the concerns of the
nation and to partake of them with you. The thought that I am
nourishing, and my hope is, that, thanks to the stability and the
wisdom of the Bulgarians, the country will emerge from the new trials
untouched and without being threatened in the future.

I am really proud in duly acknowledging the virtues of the Bulgarian
people. When, in 1912, this people, moved by a single impulse, arose
and crushed a strong opponent by a force and ardor unsurpassed till
now, the whole world recognized its military virtues. But the
Bulgarian Nation has also displayed unique virtues in its reverses by
valiantly enduring the blows of misfortune.

This nation will warmly undertake its mission in order to achieve its
destiny, when it will win more respect on the part of foreigners than
it won by its victory; and the hearts of its sons, so devoted to the
fatherland, will be warmed anew.

Today, when the whole of Europe is burning and the conflagration is
approaching us, when all the nations around us are moving and making
ready for action, the Bulgarian Nation, duly appreciating the
situation, has established its attitude with an equanimity and a
reserve which constitute the undeniable proofs of its wisdom and its
political maturity.

The eyes of the Czar and of the people are turned toward you. In the
advices that you are giving, in the opinions that you express, I
observe your care for the national prosperity and your resolution to
sacrifice everything on the altar of the fatherland and for the
interests of the nation. This sets me at rest and inspires me with the
hope that in the future also complete harmony will prevail between the
nation and the Crown, and that from this harmony we shall draw the
necessary strength for the assurance of the future of Bulgaria.

May God watch over the fortunes of our fatherland and may He crown
with success our common efforts.


BULGARIA'S NEUTRALITY.

_In the last sitting of the Bulgarian Sobranje, just before the
Christmas holidays, the Premier, Mr. Radoslavoff, made the following
statements as they appear in the semi-official organ, Narodni Prava,
of Sofia:_

Since last July Bulgaria has maintained strict neutrality. Whatever
accusations have been addressed to her from abroad as to her alleged
breaches of neutrality, on the part of one or other of the belligerent
groups, are without any foundation whatever. It is recognized that
such insinuations come from our enemies, who have every interest in
our breaking neutrality.

The Government maintains and will maintain its neutral policy to the
end, and in this case we declare that we will adhere to it, and,
supported by the country, we will try to take as much advantage of it
as is possible.

Whether we are going to have or not to have a Ministry in which all
the political parties will be represented, this does not at all
interest those from abroad, where the dignified attitude of our
Government is recognized. Do not ask us to negotiate what the Triple
Entente is willing to give us, or to say to the central
powers--Austria and Germany--"You, what are you going to give us?"

Because in that case they would answer: "Why should we give you
anything? For your inactivity? Because you keep tranquil, watching us
shedding our blood? Is it for this that we must give you something?"

I, for myself, have repeated on another occasion that during these
critical moments, when new States are being founded while others are
falling to the ground, to safeguard and preserve the present frontiers
of Bulgaria is the greatest service that can be rendered her. We know
what we have asked and what was offered to us. But who guarantees that
we shall have what was orally promised to us? We ourselves cannot
guarantee it. I declare that we are on good terms with our neighbors
so long as they respect the interests of Bulgaria. If I knew that we
would receive Macedonia and Cavalla and Dobrudja, be sure that I,
first among all, would advise the formation of a coalition Ministry.

_Representative Tchandref_ (interrupting)--Go ahead and take them
alone.

_Radoslavoff_--But now we may not, neither in Chataldja nor in Cavalla
nor in Dobrudja. The Bulgarian Government is pursuing the absolute
preservation of peace and is watching developments. The friends that
we have, notwithstanding all evil machinations, have not deserted us.
Bulgaria still has friends, but friends and enemies tell us, Keep
quiet, Bulgarians! In this lies your safety!


A MILITARY ESTIMATE.

_The subjoined statement by the Bulgarian General, Savoff, appeared in
the Vienna Reichspost of Dec. 20, 1914:_

Taking into account the military operations up to this date, it is
easy to conclude that the two central monarchies are holding the
advantage of the Allies. Germany has demonstrated to the world her
enormous strength, while Austria-Hungary has shown herself to be
really a great power. Austria-Hungary must be proud of her army and of
the brilliant successes it has won against the colossal Russian
military organization.

_So far as the neutral States are concerned, Gen. Savoff said:_

Bulgaria will keep neutral as long as she can. The responsible factors
of the country will face every influence, and will act according to
the best interests of the fatherland. We must insist on the correction
of the mistakes made by the Treaty of Bucharest. We are resolved, in
case this should prove necessary, to take back by force of arms the
territories that belong to us and that have been snatched from us. The
Bulgarian Army is ready and will do its duty up to the end when the
interests of the country demand it.


OPPOSITION PARTY'S STATEMENT.

_Following is an editorial article published Oct. 15, (28,) 1914, in
the Mir, the organ of the Nationalists, and signed by A. Bouroff,
ex-Minister and ex-Vice President of the Bulgarian Parliament, or
Sobranje._

The Government knows that the Bulgarian people will never forgive it,
should the Ministry let pass the present historical opportunity
without securing important advantages for Bulgaria.

These advantages the Government is endeavoring to obtain by keeping a
pro-Austro-German neutrality. In order not to disclose this policy,
the Government avoids a discussion with Austria and Germany. In order
to render service to Austria the Government is courting Turkey,
provoking Russia through its action and its press, avoids the
constitution of a council of State demanded by the opposition, and
objects to the formation of a Ministry in which all the political
parties were to be represented. Perhaps the Government would go even
further, but it is prevented from doing so, on one hand by Rumania,
who maintained a puzzling position, and the probable surprises that
her "friendly" Turkey has in store, and on the other by the explicit
and general unwillingness of the Bulgarian people to jeopardize its
existence through adventurous actions that are so contrary to its
national character and sentiments. The result of these contradictory
inclinations and influences is shown in our present political
weakness, which I am afraid will be fruitless in the end.

What is to be expected from this policy? In case of victory of the
Triple Entente, Bulgaria can hope for nothing good. If the Dual
Alliance is victorious we shall have certain compensations that to my
deep conviction will be far from satisfying our national aspirations.
The Austro-German alliance, first of all, will think of itself; that
is to say, to realize the greatest ideals of pan-Germanism, the
debouching of Austria in the Aegean Sea through Saloniki, which
necessarily comprises the occupation by Austria of all Macedonia west
of the Vardar. In the second place, Turkey will have to be compensated
and strengthened, as in the future her army will be a more obedient
organ in the hands of German diplomacy and more amenable than Slav
Bulgaria, whose troops, in the opinion of the most prominent German
papers, cannot fight the Russians, while Turkey at any time is ready
to serve Germany. But Turkey can be compensated in Europe only at the
expense of Bulgarian Thrace. To Bulgaria will be given, at most,
Istip, Kotchana, Radovich, Serrés Drama, and Cavalla to make good the
losses in Thrace.

To obtain such a meagre result, the Government of Bulgaria maintains a
policy contrary to popular sentiment and to the racial bonds of the
people, and a policy contrary to the further interests of Bulgaria,
which are incompatible with the building up of a strong Turkey in the
Balkans, a Turkey that would be the bulwark of Germany. The most
essential part of it is that this policy is based on a most
improbable hypothesis, that is to say, the final triumph of the
Austro-German arms. If the Bulgarian Government had left prejudices to
one side and looked clearly at the events, they would not have been
slow to understand that from the moment England stepped into the war
and Italy abandoned her allies, the Austro-German alliance politically
lost the game. Each passing day diminishes more and more the hopes of
success of the Dual Alliance, and permits England and Russia to expand
their inexhaustible forces. It is not difficult to foresee from now
the terms of peace that England and Russia will impose. Any policy
which expects to profit from the defeat of these two powers is doomed
to failure, and because such is the policy of the Bulgarian
Government, we think that it is against the interests of the country.

This policy, among its other disadvantages, opens forever a gap
between little Bulgaria and great Russia, which power, even if
defeated, will never cease to play an active part in the Balkans.
Against this policy, which is risking much to obtain little, we
propose the policy of coming to an agreement with the Triple Entente,
on the basis of a Bulgarian neutrality favorable to it, which surely
and without sacrifices is expected to bring to us greatest results.
The only thing that the powers of the Triple Entente are demanding
from us is to open negotiations with them. This does not abolish our
neutrality, because other States, too, such as Italy, Rumania, Greece,
and Turkey, are negotiating at the present time.


BALKAN ALLIANCE OPPOSED.

_An editorial article which appeared in the Bulgarian paper Volja of
the Stamboulovist Party, on Dec. 20, 1914, appears below._

The question has been raised whether in reality negotiations are being
conducted between the Balkan States, that is to say, Bulgaria and
Servia, Greece and Bulgaria, Bulgaria and Rumania. How much of this is
true?

Such negotiations are not being conducted, neither do we believe that
it is possible for them to exist, because we do not know what our
neighbors demand from us. The only true part of this story is that the
powers of the Triple Entente are endeavoring to drag into the war
Greece, Bulgaria, and Rumania, a thing that would be not only
profitable to them, but even necessary for these same powers of the
Triple Entente.

And as long as Bulgaria is not any longer inhabited by imbeciles, who
will undertake once more a war for the promotion of the glory and the
interests of those who by every means endeavored to ruin us, these
powers are thinking today, being moved by some sentiment of humanity,
that certain concessions must be made to Bulgaria, but on condition of
military support.

And so far as concerns Servia, who only a few days ago was on the
brink of the precipice, and who, in a little while from now, will find
herself in a worse position, it is apparent that, without the
assistance of Bulgaria, her ruin will be certain. This, however, does
not prevent Servia as well as the Triple Entente from insisting on
giving us as little as possible, and then only after the Serbs have
taken Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Rumania and Greece desire an understanding for the sake of their
tranquillity. And it was said that Rumania is giving Dobrudja, but
Greece does not want even to hear of the cession of Cavalla Drama and
Serrés, but, on the contrary, demands, in case Bulgaria gets Servian
Macedonia, to obtain for her (Greece's) account Doïrani, Ghevgeli, and
Monastir. Greece and Rumania agree on one point--themselves to stay
out of the war, while inducing Bulgaria to fight.

But Bulgaria insists on getting compensation, not by war but by her
neutrality. The aspirations therefore of the interested States are
totally different, and, under such circumstances, no understanding is
possible. The object of the Triple Entente is clear. But this is no
concern of ours, nor of any of the other Balkan States, with the
exception of Servia.

Therefore, to speak plainly, the understanding will be possible only
when interests are taken into account. And on this basis some means to
an understanding with our neighbors will be found, whether they want
it or not.




THE TURK IN EGYPT'S EYES.

[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]


Cairo, Jan. 31, (Dispatch to The London Daily News.)--In order to
understand the bearing of the latest news upon Moslem opinion,
particularly in Cairo and Alexandria, it must be borne in mind that
Turkey still enjoys considerable military prestige here. Tens of
thousands of Egyptians continue to regard her one of the great powers.
They never believed the news of her defeat in the Balkans and the
reoccupation of Adrianople confirmed them in their skepticism. At the
same time, a secret German propaganda for some years before the war
did much to spread abroad the doctrine of German invincibility. It is
not to be wondered at, therefore, that a section of the population
holds entirely erroneous views as to the present balance of power and
requires unmistakable evidence of Turkish defeat to open their eyes.




Greece's Watchful Waiting

Grecian Neutrality Defined

[From the Athenae, Athens, July 23, (Aug. 3,) 1914.]


Yesterday at 10 A.M. the Council of Ministers met at the Premier's
house and took cognizance of a number of dispatches from the Hellenic
representatives of the Governments of the great powers relating to the
European war which has just begun. At 11 A.M. the Ministers went in a
body to the palace, where, under the Presidency of the King, a council
was held which discussed the position of Greece in the European
conflict. His Majesty, having listened to the Premier, who
communicated all the latest news regarding the situation, agreed on
all points as to the attitude of Greece in the Austro-Servian
conflict, which attitude would be one of absolute neutrality as long
as Bulgaria and Turkey remained neutral.

During this council the Chief of Staff of the army, Gen. v. Dousmanis,
was sent for, and he gave the Ministers some information of a military
character regarding the position of Greece. Gen. Dousmanis assured
them that the army was in excellent condition and that all preliminary
preparations for a mobilization were already taken.


FRENCH, GREEKS, AND GERMANS.

[_Editorial comment of the Athenae of Aug. 9 (Sept. 21)_]:

... In Greece there does not exist a discrimination between those who
love France and those who do not, because as a rule the entire nation
worships France. The Hellenic world, from the most uneducated citizen
to the one who represents all the development of intellect, worships
France.

It was always with admiration that the discerning Hellenic intellect
looked upon the French Nation, which is the leader in every progress.
French letters, French art, and French industry have found in Greece
sincere admirers and enthusiastic heralds. The French heroism, the
devotion that every Frenchman feels for the ideals of the fatherland,
the superiority of the French woman, whom certain malevolent writers
have so misrepresented to the world; the virtue of the French
housewife, the French mother, and the French patriot, have always been
splendid examples to those who are apt to think on the world's
progress. The birthplace of the forerunners of the modern social and
civic spirit and the mother of the most genuine philhellenism, the
France of Rabelais, Molière and Voltaire and Béranger and Hugo has
always been an object of respectful sympathy for those in Greece who
are admirers of the beautiful, the liberal, and the ideal.

Every one of us knows that, if France has not been able to help
materialize the Greek's rightful aspirations, this is not due to lack
of good intentions on her part, but rather to the French compliance
with the interests of the Slav; and we know that France had to
cultivate those interests by her own wealth, and contrary to her
democratic principles, only in order to have an alliance against her
neighboring enemy, against whom she meditated revenge for a defeat and
the vindication of her subjugated children.

For the German people, this people of progress and civilization, which
has never aspired to a world hegemony by the subjugation of other
peoples, outside of the needs of their frontiers, Greece feels the
same admiration and sympathy. And when such French patriots as Jules
Huret and Georges Bourdon, in voluminous works, have cited the German
progress and German social civilization as an example to their own
country, it would be almost a reversal of logic if we outsiders were
to deny these things, at the sight of two friends who have come to
blows.

If there is anything that grieves the Greek soul, which has always
been used to appreciate virtue disinterestedly, it is the fratricidal
woe of two nations who ought to be, hand in hand, forerunners and
co-workers in the great enterprises of science and civilization!


PRIME MINISTRY'S ATTITUDE.

_Premier Venizelos set forth the Government's neutral policy in his
speech to Parliament on Sept. 15, (28,) 1914. A translation appears
below._

_After speaking of the Greco-Turkish relations and the efforts being
made at the time for the settlement of the outstanding questions of
the refugees and the Aegean Islands, Mr. Venizelos said:_

Unfortunately the labors of the new session are beginning amid the
clangor of the great European war. The Government has declared that
during this war Greece is to remain neutral, but at the same time it
did not conceal the fact that it has obligations toward one of the
belligerents, Servia, and that said obligation it was resolved to
fulfill faithfully should the _casus foederis_ arise.

Greece, however, wishes nothing more than that such an occasion should
not arise, as it desires that the conflagration which is gradually
enveloping Europe should not spread over the Balkans, whose peoples,
after two wars, so much need rest.

So far as it depends upon the initiative of Greece, every one may be
assured that the European conflagration will not spread in the Balkan
Peninsula. And if its other peoples are inspired by the same thoughts,
then we can feel sure that peace will be preserved in the Levant up to
the end of the war.

But even for the neutrals there are obligations. The position of the
neutrals is not so easy as one might think, and the Government has
endeavored and is still endeavoring to fulfill as perfectly as
possible the various obligations imposed by neutrality. I must
acknowledge at this time that my task has been rendered easier by
public opinion, which notwithstanding its sympathies, has done nothing
to hurt any one of the belligerents. I regret that I cannot say the
same as regards the press, because the press, not confining itself to
the expression of so many natural sentiments, has often indulged in
violent attacks against the belligerents, and especially at the time
when, owing to the peculiar psychological condition in which the
latter find themselves, every such attack touches them most deeply.
And I again entreat you, from this official tribune, to avoid any such
attack. I hope my advice will be more willingly complied with at this
time.


WHERE GREECE STANDS.

_The following statement by Premier Venizelos was published in the
Corriere della Sera of Milan on Oct. 29, 1914._

The Greek Government has declared its neutrality and will abide by
this policy. Notwithstanding this, she did not deny her treaty
obligations to Servia, and is resolved to fulfill all the terms of
this treaty should the _casus foederis_ arise.

It is understood that Greece does not desire this _casus foederis_ to
arise.

Our relations with Turkey have been strained for some months. But
after the negotiations of Bucharest some agreement was reached
regarding the refugees. Those in Europe will learn that the Greeks
expelled two hundred thousand persons from Thrace and Asia Minor. One
portion of them we have settled in the islands. Besides those there
are about fifty thousand Turkish refugees--though not persecuted--in
Macedonia. A mixed committee was to arrange the exchange of these
refugees at the beginning of the war. As to the question of the
ownership of the Aegean islands, the Hellenic Government considers the
question settled from an international standpoint, not only by the
treaties of London and Athens, but also by the unanimous decision of
all the European powers.

The Government declared that it was ready to satisfy Turkey regarding
this question, under the _sine qua_ condition that the islands would
continue to be occupied and administered by Greece in the same way as
all the other provinces of the Hellenic Kingdom. After an exchange of
views on the subject, it was decided that I should meet the Grand
Vizier in Brussels, but the war prevented this.

Afterward, this desire was again expressed, that the negotiations
which originally were to take place in Brussels should open elsewhere.
To this end both parties sent delegates to Bucharest in order to find
some solution of the island question, but again this meeting failed to
accomplish anything.

Turkey proposed an adjournment of the negotiations to a more
propitious time, alleging that the general conditions in Europe, and
her internal troubles, made it impossible for her delegates to
continue the discussions on the island question. Unfortunately the
plight of the Greek populations in Turkey is becoming worse every day,
and large numbers of refugees are coming daily to Greece.

Regarding Bulgaria, I can say nothing, except that she keeps repeating
her intention of remaining neutral. At the same time Bulgaria did not
mobilize, therefore we have not taken this measure ourselves.

But naturally--and this must be taken in its widest meaning--when the
flames of a conflagration are licking one's door one must take all the
precautionary measures. Is it not right?

Regarding Epirus, we declared clearly that we have no designs upon
Avlona.


OCCUPATION OF EPIRUS.

_The subjoined statement by Premier Venizelos appeared in The London
Morning Post._

ATHENS, Oct. 27.

In the Chamber of Deputies this evening, in reply to an
interpellation, M. Venizelos, the Premier, stated that Greece had
reoccupied Northern Epirus solely to restore order and security to
those districts already cruelly tried by prolonged bloodshed and
anarchy. The Premier emphasized the provisional character of this
reoccupation, inasmuch as Greece continued to respect the
international agreements regarding Albania.

M. Venizelos was followed by M. Zographos, the late President of the
Epirote Provisional Government, and now Deputy for Attica, who, amid
profound attention and great enthusiasm, recounted the enormous
sacrifices of blood and treasure by the Epirotes for their freedom,
and declared that the liberation of Epirus must this time be final. M.
Rallis, one of the leaders of the Opposition, declared that Epirus was
resolved to remain united with Greece.

I am informed from a diplomatic source that the great powers have
received the announcement of the reoccupation in a friendly spirit,
and no protests have thus far been received from quarters whence they
might have been expected.


RELATIONS WITH BULGARIA.

_Following is an editorial article from the semi-official newspaper
Patris of Athens of Dec. 12, (25,) 1914._

With Bulgaria not one of the Balkan States can come to any
understanding. The neighboring Balkan peoples, at least the
Christians, cannot agree with them--not because they are lacking good
intentions, but because the Bulgarians in their demands are
unreasonable, unjust, insatiable, monstrous, and treacherous; because
the Bulgarians always demand the impossible; because they are pursuing
profits at the expense of third parties, whom they invite to cede
rights obtained by sacrifices and based on the right of war; because,
while they can demand compensations at the expense of a non-Christian
neighbor--to which no one would object--they turn on their
co-religionists, struggling to take away from them what they lawfully
and with sacrifices have acquired.

On account of this policy of the Bulgarians, not one of the Christian
peoples of the Balkan Peninsula believes in the possibility of an
understanding with them. That, also, is Rumania's position.
Accordingly it should be unnecessary to deny the news from Sofia
announcing the attainment of an alleged Rumano-Bulgarian
rapprochement. In order to reach this understanding, the Bulgarians
would not confine themselves to the rules of present Rumano-Bulgarian
practice, which in itself is a question of secondary importance.

The Bulgarians turn eager eyes to the whole of Dobrondja, which might
perhaps be the dowry of the royal Rumano-Bulgarian match so impudently
heralded in Sofia, although the whole thing was a monstrous lie,
without any appearance of respect for the family affairs of the royal
throne of Rumania.

But, as in our own case, neither the Servians can cede even an acre of
land to Bulgaria nor Rumania give back Dobrudja, because all of these
territories belong to their present owners by right of war. For the
same reason the Serbo-Bulgarian relations failed a month ago; likewise
no ground was found for an understanding between Bulgaria and Greece;
and for the same reason the negotiations between Rumania and Bulgaria
are failing today.

The Bulgarians have turned from one to another of the peoples of the
Balkans in order to cheat them. But this attempt, made once too often,
at length has failed. But will this final failure bring to reason the
hotheads of Sofia? After the cruel disappointment they received at the
hands of Rumania, the Bulgarian politicians must understand that
whatever is won by war by war only is given back. No one is so stupid
as to give them willingly his dominions.

Do they wish to take them? Let them come. Let them declare war.
Because so long as they are not doing this, and so long as they
persist in their present methods, they are offering the spectacle of a
childish if not a demented people.


GRECO-RUMANIAN FRIENDSHIP.

_The Rumanian Minister, Mr. Filidor, presented his new credentials to
King Constantine on Dec. 14. His speech appears below._

Your Majesty! I have the honor to deliver to your Majesty the letters
with which his Majesty, my august sovereign, has deigned to confirm my
quality as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to your
Majesty, a mission which I had already the honor of filling under the
glorious reign of the great King Carol I., the founder of the Rumanian
dynasty.

I happened to be a witness of the most brilliant period of the history
of new Greece, during which your Majesty at the head of his Government
has succeeded, by his military talents, in bringing into realization
the great achievements of ancient Greece, whose majestic relics are
serving still as an inimitable example to the whole of mankind.

The military effort of your Majesty has been crowned by the Treaty of
Bucharest, which was a common pacifying work of Greece and Rumania,
and which was so instrumental in strengthening the bonds of friendship
and interests which so happily unite the two peoples.

Deeply impressed by the conviction that my mission consists in working
for this latter end, I dare pray your Majesty to grant me his august
favor, as in the past, and I assure you that I will employ all my
energy for the fulfillment of this effort, so necessary for the future
fortunes of both countries.




Where Rumania Stands in the Crisis

Declaration of Neutrality


BUCHAREST, Aug. 5, 1914.

The Council of the Crown has decided on the neutrality of
Rumania--Agence Roumaine.


THE SITUATION IN RUMANIA.

[From the Paris Temps of Aug. 23, 1914.]

From an occasional correspondent we receive the following letter:

The departure of the mobilized French soldiers who were in Bucharest
has been the occasion for sympathetic manifestations toward France.

Among the population and in the streets there was not a single voice
which was not heartily and enthusiastically for the Triple Entente in
general and France in particular.

Certain personages, such as the General Pilot who in 1870 fought on
the side of France, and certain newspaper editors who, yielding to
national aspirations, have carried on since the first day of the war a
violent campaign against Austria, are enthusiastically cheered by the
public in the cafés and by the majority of the army officers who
assisted in uniform at these scenes.

More than that, there were imposing manifestations in the streets;
other meetings, still more effective, were held in secret, at which
Generals and superior officers assisted. But notwithstanding this
public sentiment the police are on the lookout; the orders they have
received are particularly severe, as entire regiments are kept in
readiness in the public parks and Government buildings. All those
functionaries who are suspected of being openly hostile to Austria are
closely followed and watched.

What is the reason of this? One may put the question to himself, as
really this sentiment of the nations corresponds too well with a
secular and inevitable policy. Despite all contrary reasoning, one
fact remains, and this is summed up in Transylvania and Bukowina and
the five million Rumanians who are under Austro-Hungarian rule. There
is for the Rumanians of the kingdom the unforgettable series of
persecutions of every kind to which their brethren on the other side
of the mountains are subjected--persecutions dating from yesterday and
which are continued today. Only the day before the Austrian
mobilization fifty students from the Rumanian Kingdom who happened to
be in Brassow (Hungary) on an excursion were arrested and brought
before the police authorities, and actually thrown into prison,
because they dared display badges with Rumanian colors in their
buttonholes.

"If I were to march into Moldavia," a Rumanian was telling me,
"against the enemies of Austria, I would have to begin by sabring all
the Moldavian peasants, who are crying, 'Down with Austria!' Of
course, I never could do this!"

Under such conditions, if the waverings of the Government were to be
explained, the task would be a hard one. In our opinion, they may be
ascribed to different causes, the more important factor being the
opinion of the King himself; but this alone would not suffice.

The King (Carol) is first of all bound to Emperor Francis Joseph by an
old friendship. King Carol has never admitted that the diminution of
his kingdom after Plevna was a right thing, and the toasts in
Constanza (during the Czar's visit to Rumania early in the Summer of
1914) have demonstrated, for those who could read between the lines,
in both the politeness of the Czar and the reserved tone of King
Carol, that this sentiment had not yet disappeared.

In the face of this disposition, so firmly expressed, the Ministers
and the party leaders of Rumania felt rather uncomfortable. It must be
borne in mind that a parliamentary régime, properly speaking, does not
exist; the Ministries do not fall by vote of the chambers of
Parliament. When the King estimates that a Ministry has been too long
in power, when he hears distinctly the murmur of the Opposition, then
he calls a new President of the Council, who has Parliament prorogued
and a new one formed--this is the exact procedure--according to his
liking. By reason of this process, and also by reason of a special
attraction which the Court exercises over a small, refined, and
elegant society, the counsels of the King are inspired by the advices
of his counselors.

But there are also other reasons that plead for this uncertain
attitude, and by which it is attempted to justify a policy of
indifference.

The successes of last year--of which the Rumanians have not understood
the causes, because they never tried to understand them--have troubled
them in a certain way.

Their statesmen persist perhaps a little too much in playing
Machiavelli, and in exalting abstention to a system. Their fondest
desire at the present moment is not, we are persuaded, to march on
Austria, but, on the contrary, not to march at all, and not to
intervene in the war up to the day of the final liquidation.

What is this policy worth? The chances are that it may not always be
good, particularly in the present state of things. Rumania is still a
small country by reason of its area. In addition to this, her
neighbors, on which she was wont to exercise a moderating influence,
are bound to change in density of population. And it is very likely
that Rumania, on the next day after the war, might find herself
suddenly surrounded by homogeneous peoples, who in the meantime would
become distinctly more important than she is, and that these people
might have against her certain slight grievances which they would make
her feel. Moreover, even if Austria by chance is victorious, and even
if the Government at Bucharest helped her, is it not clear that her
(Rumania's) Hungarian neighbor, becoming stronger, would make her
(Rumania) suffer the same as she made the Servians suffer when they
were feeble?

Rumania may well protest her friendship, but this will not prevent
her, if only by her presence, from being a danger to the tranquillity
of the Hungarian subjects in Transylvania. And then who is going to
defend her?

Here is what the good sense of the people says, and it is this common
sense which will triumph in the end over all vacillation, and will, in
spite of everything, assert its way of seeing things.


THE ATTITUDE OF RUMANIA.

[From the Paris Temps of Sept. 25, 1914.]

Mr. Diamandy, Rumanian Minister at Petrograd and an ardent advocate of
Rumanian intervention, has returned to the Russian capital after a
voyage to Bucharest, where he went in order to explain his views to
his Government.

The return of Mr. Diamandy to Petrograd is regarded as a favorable
omen, as this diplomat had expressed previous to his departure that he
would not come back to his post if he were not successful in placing
Rumania on the side of the Triple Entente.

On the other hand, l'Agence de Balkans is in receipt of the following
dispatch from Bucharest, Sept. 19, 1914:

"The semi-official papers of the Rumanian Government have published
the following statement with regard to the Treaty of Bucharest: The
viewpoint of Rumania on the subject of the Treaty of Bucharest, and of
its connection with the European war, has been discussed and
established in a council of the Crown, held on the 21st of July, (Aug.
3, N.S.) In the Treaty of Bucharest the Rumanian interest was not
bound to fixed frontier lines, except so long as these assured an
equilibrium necessary to Rumania. Rumania was not obliged to protect
this equilibrium in its actual form any longer than in her mind this
could be possibly maintained.

"If the European war, in its future consequences, should bring about
certain modifications in the actual frontiers of one or the other of
the Balkan States, the interest of Rumania requires that the Balkan
equilibrium be established in accordance with the changes made to
correspond with the purpose of maintaining the real equilibrium in its
new form, no matter what the frontier lines will be in their final
re-establishment. In connection with the attitude of Rumania in the
presence of the European war no new decision has been taken. All the
political parties are subjecting their attitude to the action of the
Government. Mr. von Busch, the new Minister of Germany, has arrived
and was received yesterday in confidence by King Charles."


DEATH OF KING CHARLES.

[From The London Times, Oct. 12, 1914.]

King Charles of Rumania died of heart failure early on Saturday
morning at the Castle of Pelesh, Sinäia.

Yesterday Parliament was convoked, and the new King took the oath of
allegiance. Subsequently the Government issued a proclamation stating
that the new King would follow in the footsteps of his predecessor and
realize the ideals of the Rumanian race.

Both in itself and as an episode of the present European
conflagration, the death of the King of Rumania is an event of
singular importance. The late King was in many respects the maker of
his adopted country. When, in March, 1866, he accepted the crown the
condition of the Danubian principalities, Moldavia and Wallachia, was
little better than that of a misgoverned Turkish province. They still
owned Ottoman suzerainty, their army was non-existent, their financial
resources were precarious, the condition of their people was wretched,
their means of communication were primitive, and their public affairs
were in a condition bordering on anarchy. With the support of the
French Emperor, to whom he was distantly related, Prince Charles of
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen faced one of the most difficult tasks ever
allotted to an inexperienced ruler, and carried it to triumphal
completion.

He created an army, introduced railways, won independence for his
realm and for himself. He evolved order out of chaos, secured military
renown at Plevna as commander of the joint Russo-Rumanian forces in
the Russo-Turkish war, established national finance on a sound basis,
built up a considerable export trade, extended the frontiers of the
principality and raised it to the rank of a kingdom, and watched with
untiring vigilance over every aspect of national development. Not only
as the first recognized and independent sovereign of modern Rumania,
but as her creator, King Charles will ever hold a foremost place in
Rumanian history.

In this great work the late ruler derived advantage, not only from his
eminent personal qualities, but from his foreign origin. As a German
Prince, powerfully connected, he stood outside and above Rumanian
party factions, and succeeded gradually in imposing his will on them
all. Born on April 20, 1839, at Sigmaringen, near the source of the
Danube, he was barely 27 when he accepted the call to rule an unknown
country with which his only connection was that, like the estates of
his family, it, too, was watered by the Danube. Of middle height, well
built, pronounced features, and clear, gray eyes, his personality
expressed quiet energy. His statecraft he learned by experience and
from the excellent counsel of his father, Prince Charles Anthony of
Hohenzollern, head of the senior and Roman Catholic branch of the
Hohenzollerns. Only once did he falter. In March, 1871, when the
French sympathizers of his subjects exposed him as a German Prince and
a Hohenzollern to great unpopularity, while the bankruptcy of the
Jewish speculator to whom his railway schemes had been intrusted threw
discredit upon his ideas of economic development, he summoned the
members of the Provisional Government from whom he had accepted the
crown and announced to them his decision to abdicate. Fortunately for
Rumania, they succeeded in dissuading him from his purpose. The
famous Conservative statesman, Lascar Catargi, formed a Ministry which
held office for five years and enabled the ruler to turn the most
dangerous corner of his reign. Thenceforward the path was
comparatively clear, though by no means easy. It led to Rumanian
participation in the Russo-Turkish war, to the conquest of national
independence, and eventually, on May 22, 1881, to his coronation as
King of Rumania, with a crown made of steel from a Turkish gun
captured by Rumanian troops at Plevna.

Yet the Rumanian triumph was not unalloyed. Russia injudiciously and
ungratefully insisted on depriving Rumania of the portion of Rumanian
Bessarabia of which Russia had been deprived after the Crimean war,
and allotted the Dobrudja, a swampy region south of the Danube, to the
principality as compensation. The indignation in Rumania was
indescribable and has never entirely subsided. The Senate in the
Chamber declared the resolve of the country to defend its integrity by
force. The Czar threatened to disarm the Rumanian Army--a threat which
drew from Prince Charles the proud reply: "The Rumanian Army, which
fought so gallantly before Plevna under the eyes of the Czar, may be
annihilated, but will never be disarmed." But he nevertheless
recognized the futility of resistance to the Russian demand, and
exerted himself to calm the national excitement. In later years the
breach was partially if not wholly healed.

Of the more material achievements of his reign there is little space
to speak. The best record of his life is to be found in the present
condition of the country--_si monumentum requiris circumspice_. His
furtherance of the petroleum industry, of the export of grain, timber
and other agricultural produce, the building of the great bridge over
the Danube at Tchernavoda, and the extensive harbor at Constanza, the
network of railways, the immense system of fortifications defending
the capital, and the line Fokshani-Galatz--all these and much more are
mainly his work.

Little is yet known of the action of King Charles in the last crisis
of his life. It is a strange coincidence that just as the
Franco-German war of 1870-71 brought him into conflict with the
Francophil tendencies of his subjects and led to his offer of
abdication, so the present war should again have engendered rumors of
his abdication on account of his alleged antagonism to the national
desire for the acquisition of Transylvania and the Southern Bukovina,
which are peopled by more than 3,000,000 Hungarian and Austrian
Rumanes. The Rumanian people felt that the hour for the liberation of
their kindred had struck. Russia is understood to have invited Rumania
to occupy the desired territory. But King Charles, who brought and
kept Rumania within the orbit of the Triple Alliance, was, as a
Hohenzollern and a German Prince, averse to hostile action against the
German Emperor and the Emperor Francis Joseph. It is, moreover, stated
that he was bound by his word of honor never to take the field against
a Hohenzollern cause.

The late King Charles married, in November, 1869, Princess Elizabeth
of Wied, the gifted "Carmen Sylva," whose brilliant literary and
artistic talents have gained her a worldwide reputation. The only
child of the marriage, the infant Princess Marie, died in 1874--a
bereavement that ever left a note of sadness in the lives of her
parents.


THE NEW KING.

King Ferdinand, who now succeeds his uncle on the throne of Rumania,
was born in August, 1865, and, like his predecessor, is a Hohenzollern
and a Roman Catholic.

Among his near relatives are the King of the Belgians and his
namesake, Tsar Ferdinand of the Bulgarians, who are both first
cousins, and his niece, Queen Augustina Victoria, the consort of Dom
Manoel. Through his mother, the Princess Antonia, who was born an
Infanta of Portugal, King Ferdinand is kin with all the house of
Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, to which his consort, the new Queen Mary,
belongs as daughter of the late Duke of Edinburgh.

Her Majesty is thus first cousin to King George and to the Czar, as
also to Princess Nicholas of Greece. Her three sisters are married
respectively to the Grand Duke Cyril of Russia, Prince Ernest, the
eldest son of the mediatized Prince of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, and to
the Infante Alfonso d'Orléans of Spain.

Their Majesties have six children, of whom the Crown Prince Carol, who
celebrates his 21st birthday this week, and the Princess Elizabeth,
born in 1894, are of marriageable age. The youngest, Prince Mircea,
who bears a historic Rumanian name closely connected with Silistria,
was born during the Balkan war at the beginning of 1913. King
Ferdinand's family is a remarkable example of religious
differences--his Majesty is a Roman Catholic, the Queen is a Lutheran,
and their children are members of the Orthodox Church of Rumania.

The Rumanian Minister has received a copy of a proclamation published
in The Official Gazette stating that the new King will follow in the
footsteps of the late monarch and will accomplish the ideals of the
Rumanian race.


IN RUMANIA'S PARLIAMENT.

[From The Messaggero of Rome.]

BUCHAREST, Dec. 17.

The intention of the Government to avoid in Parliament any discussion
of the political action of the Ministry was reaffirmed yesterday by
Premier Braliano, who, in a brief declaration in the Chamber, prayed
the parties to waive any discussion whatever upon the answer of
Parliament to the speech from the throne, and to have confidence in
those governing the country.

The independent Deputies, however, have shown themselves determined to
provoke a discussion. Among the others, Mr. Couza, a Nationalist,
demanded permission to express his personal admiration for the valor
of the Servians, and insisted on ample measures being taken for
preventing the exportation of articles of which in due time there will
be an absolute deficiency in the country.

Constantin Mille, an independent, and proprietor of the newspaper
Adeverul, delivered a long speech in which he declared himself
dissatisfied with the policy of the Government, which ought to have
taken a decisive stand at the beginning of the conflict. Instead of
doing this, the Government has put us in the position of not knowing
to which side we must turn, as long as our only intention is to turn
first to this side and then to that, without having the necessary
guarantees.

After paying high tribute to the valor of the Servian Army and the
heroism of Belgium, the speaker demonstrated that Rumania, since the
beginning of the conflict, ought to enter the war on the side of the
Triple Entente.

He afterward protested against certain facts that the expressed
neutrality of the country cann