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Title: Procopius
       History of the Wars, Books V. and VI.

Author: Procopius

Translator: H.B. Dewing

Release Date: January 6, 2007 [EBook #20298]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Emmy and the Online Distributed
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PROCOPIUS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
H.B. DEWING

IN SEVEN VOLUMES
III



HISTORY OF THE WARS, BOOKS V AND VI

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS


_First printed_ 1919


_Printed in Great Britain_




CONTENTS


                                                       PAGE

HISTORY OF THE WARS--

          BOOK  V.--THE GOTHIC WAR                        1
          BOOK VI.--THE GOTHIC WAR (_continued_)        287

          INDEX                                         427

       *       *       *       *       *

          PLAN OF WALLS AND GATES OF ROME       _facing_ 185




PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

HISTORY OF THE WARS:

BOOK V

THE GOTHIC WAR




I


Such, then, were the fortunes of the Romans in Libya. I shall now
proceed to the Gothic War, first telling all that befell the Goths and
Italians before this war.

During the reign of Zeno[A] in Byzantium the power in the West was held
by Augustus, whom the Romans used to call by the diminutive name
Augustulus because he took over the empire while still a lad,[B] his
father Orestes, a man of the greatest discretion, administering it as
regent for him. Now it happened that the Romans a short time before had
induced the Sciri and Alani and certain other Gothic nations to form an
alliance with them; and from that time on it was their fortune to suffer
at the hand of Alaric and Attila those things which have been told in
the previous narrative.[1] And in proportion as the barbarian element
among them became strong, just so did the prestige of the Roman soldiers
forthwith decline, and under the fair name of alliance they were more
and more tyrannized over by the intruders and oppressed by them; so that
the barbarians ruthlessly forced many other measures upon the Romans
much against their will and finally demanded that they should divide
with them the entire land of Italy. And indeed they commanded Orestes to
give them the third part of this, and when he would by no means agree to
do so, they killed him immediately.[C] Now there was a certain man among
the Romans named Odoacer, one of the bodyguards of the emperor, and he
at that time agreed to carry out their commands, on condition that they
should set him upon the throne. And when he had received the supreme
power in this way, [D] he did the emperor no further harm, but allowed
him to live thenceforth as a private citizen. And by giving the third
part of the land to the barbarians, and in this way gaining their
allegiance most firmly, he held the supreme power securely for ten
years.[2]

          DATES:
            [A]474-491 A.D.
            [B]July 31, 475 A.D.
            [C]July 28, 476 A.D.
            [D]July 28, 476 A.D.

It was at about this same time that the Goths also, who were dwelling in
Thrace with the permission of the emperor, took up arms against the
Romans under the leadership of Theoderic, a man who was of patrician
rank and had attained the consular office in Byzantium. But the Emperor
Zeno, who understood how to settle to his advantage any situation in
which he found himself, advised Theoderic to proceed to Italy, attack
Odoacer, and win for himself and the Goths the western dominion. For it
was better for him, he said, especially as he had attained the
senatorial dignity, to force out a usurper and be ruler over all the
Romans and Italians than to incur the great risk of a decisive struggle
with the emperor.

Now Theoderic was pleased with the suggestion and went to Italy, and he
was followed by the Gothic host, who placed in their waggons the women
and children and such of their chattels as they were able to take with
them. And when they came near the Ionian Gulf,[3] they were quite unable
to cross over it, since they had no ships at hand; and so they made the
journey around the gulf, advancing through the land of the Taulantii and
the other nations of that region. Here the forces of Odoacer encountered
them, but after being defeated in many battles, they shut themselves up
with their leader in Ravenna and such other towns as were especially
strong. [E] And the Goths laid siege to these places and captured them
all, in one way or another, as it chanced in each case, except that they
were unable to capture, either by surrender or by storm, the fortress of
Caesena,[4] which is three hundred stades distant from Ravenna, and
Ravenna itself, where Odoacer happened to be. For this city of Ravenna
lies in a level plain at the extremity of the Ionian Gulf, lacking two
stades of being on the sea, and it is so situated as not to be easily
approached either by ships or by a land army. Ships cannot possibly put
in to shore there because the sea itself prevents them by forming shoals
for not less than thirty stades; consequently the beach at Ravenna,
although to the eye of mariners it is very near at hand, is in reality
very far away by reason of the great extent of the shoal-water. And a
land army cannot approach it at all; for the river Po, also called the
Eridanus, which flows past Ravenna, coming from the boundaries of
Celtica, and other navigable rivers together with some marshes, encircle
it on all sides and so cause the city to be surrounded by water. In that
place a very wonderful thing takes place every day. For early in the
morning the sea forms a kind of river and comes up over the land for the
distance of a day's journey for an unencumbered traveller and becomes
navigable in the midst of the mainland, and then in the late afternoon
it turns back again, causing the inlet to disappear, and gathers the
stream to itself.[5] All those, therefore, who have to convey provisions
into the city or carry them out from there for trade or for any other
reason, place their cargoes in boats, and drawing them down to the place
where the inlet is regularly formed, they await the inflow of the water.
And when this comes, the boats are lifted little by little from the
ground and float, and the sailors on them set to work and from that time
on are seafaring men. And this is not the only place where this happens,
but it is the regular occurrence along the whole coast in this region as
far as the city of Aquileia. However, it does not always take place in
the same way at every time, but when the light of the moon is faint, the
advance of the sea is not strong either, but from the first[6] half-moon
until the second the inflow has a tendency to be greater. So much for
this matter.

          DATES:
            [E] 489 A.D.

But when the third year had already been spent by the Goths and
Theoderic in their siege of Ravenna, the Goths, who were weary of the
siege, and the followers of Odoacer, who were hard pressed by the lack
of provisions, came to an agreement with each other through the
mediation of the priest of Ravenna, the understanding being that both
Theoderic and Odoacer should reside in Ravenna on terms of complete
equality. And for some time they observed the agreement; but afterward
Theoderic caught Odoacer, as they say, plotting against him, and bidding
him to a feast with treacherous intent slew him,[7] and in this way,
after gaining the adherence of such of the hostile barbarians as chanced
to survive, he himself secured the supremacy over both Goths and
Italians. And though he did not claim the right to assume either the
garb or the name of emperor of the Romans, but was called "rex" to the
end of his life (for thus the barbarians are accustomed to call their
leaders),[8] still, in governing his own subjects, he invested himself
with all the qualities which appropriately belong to one who is by birth
an emperor. For he was exceedingly careful to observe justice, he
preserved the laws on a sure basis, he protected the land and kept it
safe from the barbarians dwelling round about, and attained the highest
possible degree of wisdom and manliness. And he himself committed
scarcely a single act of injustice against his subjects, nor would he
brook such conduct on the part of anyone else who attempted it, except,
indeed, that the Goths distributed among themselves the portion of the
lands which Odoacer had given to his own partisans. And although in name
Theoderic was a usurper, yet in fact he was as truly an emperor as any
who have distinguished themselves in this office from the beginning; and
love for him among both Goths and Italians grew to be great, and that
too contrary to the ordinary habits of men. For in all states men's
preferences are divergent, with the result that the government in power
pleases for the moment only those with whom its acts find favour, but
offends those whose judgment it violates. But Theoderic reigned for
thirty-seven years, and when he died, he had not only made himself an
object of terror to all his enemies, but he also left to his subjects a
keen sense of bereavement at his loss. And he died in the following
manner.[F]

          DATE:
            [F] 526 A.D.

Symmachus and his son-in-law Boetius were men of noble and ancient
lineage, and both had been leading men[9] in the Roman senate and had
been consuls. But because they practised philosophy and were mindful of
justice in a manner surpassed by no other men, relieving the destitution
of both citizens and strangers by generous gifts of money, they attained
great fame and thus led men of the basest sort to envy them. Now such
persons slandered them to Theoderic, and he, believing their slanders,
put these two men to death, on the ground that they were setting about a
revolution, and made their property confiscate to the public treasury.
And a few days later, while he was dining, the servants set before him
the head of a great fish. This seemed to Theoderic to be the head of
Symmachus newly slain. Indeed, with its teeth set in its lower lip and
its eyes looking at him with a grim and insane stare, it did resemble
exceedingly a person threatening him. And becoming greatly frightened at
the extraordinary prodigy and shivering excessively, he retired running
to his own chamber, and bidding them place many covers upon him,
remained quiet. But afterwards he disclosed to his physician Elpidius
all that had happened and wept for the wrong he had done Symmachus and
Boetius. Then, having lamented and grieved exceedingly over the
unfortunate occurrence, he died not long afterward. This was the first
and last act of injustice which he committed toward his subjects, and
the cause of it was that he had not made a thorough investigation, as he
was accustomed to do, before passing judgment on the two men.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Book III. ii. 7 ff., iv. 29 ff.

[2] Odoacer was defeated and shut up in Ravenna by Theoderic in 489,
surrendered to him in 493, and was put to death in the same year. His
independent rule ([Greek: tyrannis]) therefore lasted thirteen years.

[3] Meaning the whole Adriatic; cf. chap. xv. 16, note.

[4] Modern Cesena.

[5] He means that an estuary ([Greek: porthmos]) is formed by the rising
tide in the morning, and the water flows out again as the tide falls in
the evening.

[6] From the first until the third quarter.

[7] See note in Bury's edition of Gibbon, Vol. IV. p. 180, for an
interesting account of this event.

[8] This is a general observation; the title "rex" was current among the
barbarians to indicate a position inferior to that of a [Greek:
basileus] or "imperator"; cf. VI. xiv. 38.

[9] Probably a reminiscence of the "princeps senatus" of classical
times.




II


After his death[G] the kingdom was taken over by Atalaric, the son of
Theoderic's daughter; he had reached the age of eight years and was
being reared under the care of his mother Amalasuntha. For his father
had already departed from among men. And not long afterward Justinian
succeeded to the imperial power in Byzantium. [H]Now Amalasuntha, as
guardian of her child, administered the government, and she proved to be
endowed with wisdom and regard for justice in the highest degree,
displaying to a great extent the masculine temper. As long as she stood
at the head of the government she inflicted punishment upon no Roman in
any case either by touching his person or by imposing a fine.
Furthermore, she did not give way to the Goths in their mad desire to
wrong them, but she even restored to the children of Symmachus and
Boetius their fathers' estates. Now Amalasuntha wished to make her son
resemble the Roman princes in his manner of life, and was already
compelling him to attend the school of a teacher of letters. And she
chose out three among the old men of the Goths whom she knew to be
prudent and refined above all the others, and bade them live with
Atalaric. But the Goths were by no means pleased with this. For because
of their eagerness to wrong their subjects they wished to be ruled by
him more after the barbarian fashion. On one occasion the mother,
finding the boy doing some wrong in his chamber, chastised him; and he
in tears went off thence to the men's apartments. And some Goths who met
him made a great to-do about this, and reviling Amalasuntha insisted
that she wished to put the boy out of the world as quickly as possible,
in order that she might marry a second husband and with him rule over
the Goths and Italians. And all the notable men among them gathered
together, and coming before Amalasuntha made the charge that their king
was not being educated correctly from their point of view nor to his own
advantage. For letters, they said, are far removed from manliness, and
the teaching of old men results for the most part in a cowardly and
submissive spirit. Therefore the man who is to shew daring in any work
and be great in renown ought to be freed from the timidity which
teachers inspire and to take his training in arms. They added that even
Theoderic would never allow any of the Goths to send their children to
school; for he used to say to them all that, if the fear of the strap
once came over them, they would never have the resolution to despise
sword or spear. And they asked her to reflect that her father Theoderic
before he died had become master of all this territory and had invested
himself with a kingdom which was his by no sort of right, although he
had not so much as heard of letters. "Therefore, O Queen," they said,
"have done with these tutors now, and do you give to Atalaric some men
of his own age to be his companions, who will pass through the period of
youth with him and thus give him an impulse toward that excellence which
is in keeping with the custom of barbarians."

          DATES:
            [G]526 A.D.
            [H]527 A.D.

When Amalasuntha heard this, although she did not approve, yet because
she feared the plotting of these men, she made it appear that their
words found favour with her, and granted everything the barbarians
desired of her. And when the old men had left Atalaric, he was given the
company of some boys who were to share his daily life,--lads who had not
yet come of age but were only a little in advance of him in years; and
these boys, as soon as he came of age, by enticing him to drunkenness
and to intercourse with women, made him an exceptionally depraved youth,
and of such stupid folly that he was disinclined to follow his mother's
advice. Consequently he utterly refused to champion her cause, although
the barbarians were by now openly leaguing together against her; for
they were boldly commanding the woman to withdraw from the palace. But
Amalasuntha neither became frightened at the plotting of the Goths nor
did she, womanlike, weakly give way, but still displaying the dignity
befitting a queen, she chose out three men who were the most notable
among the barbarians and at the same time the most responsible for the
sedition against her, and bade them go to the limits of Italy, not
together, however, but as far apart as possible from one another; but it
was made to appear that they were being sent in order to guard the land
against the enemy's attack. But nevertheless these men by the help of
their friends and relations, who were all still in communication with
them, even travelling a long journey for the purpose, continued to make
ready the details of their plot against Amalasuntha.

And the woman, being unable to endure these things any longer, devised
the following plan. Sending to Byzantium she enquired of the Emperor
Justinian whether it was his wish that Amalasuntha, the daughter of
Theoderic, should come to him; for she wished to depart from Italy as
quickly as possible. And the emperor, being pleased by the suggestion,
bade her come and sent orders that the finest of the houses in Epidamnus
should be put in readiness, in order that when Amalasuntha should come
there, she might lodge in it and after spending such time there as she
wished might then betake herself to Byzantium. When Amalasuntha learned
this, she chose out certain Goths who were energetic men and especially
devoted to her and sent them to kill the three whom I have just
mentioned, as having been chiefly responsible for the sedition against
her. And she herself placed all her possessions, including four hundred
centenaria[10] of gold, in a single ship and embarked on it some of
those most faithful to her and bade them sail to Epidamnus, and, upon
arriving there, to anchor in its harbour, but to discharge from the ship
nothing whatever of its cargo until she herself should send orders. And
she did this in order that, if she should learn that the three men had
been destroyed, she might remain there and summon the ship back, having
no further fear from her enemies; but if it should chance that any one
of them was left alive, no good hope being left her, she purposed to
sail with all speed and find safety for herself and her possessions in
the emperor's land. Such was the purpose with which Amalasuntha was
sending the ship to Epidamnus; and when it arrived at the harbour of
that city, those who had the money carried out her orders. But a little
later, when the murders had been accomplished as she wished, Amalasuntha
summoned the ship back and remaining at Ravenna strengthened her rule
and made it as secure as might be.

FOOTNOTE:

[10] See Book I. xxii. 4; III. vi. 2 and note.




III


There was among the Goths one Theodatus by name, son of Amalafrida, the
sister of Theoderic, a man already of mature years, versed in the Latin
literature and the teachings of Plato, but without any experience
whatever in war and taking no part in active life, and yet
extraordinarily devoted to the pursuit of money. This Theodatus had
gained possession of most of the lands in Tuscany, and he was eager by
violent methods to wrest the remainder from their owners. For to have a
neighbour seemed to Theodatus a kind of misfortune. Now Amalasuntha was
exerting herself to curb this desire of his, and consequently he was
always vexed with her and resentful. He formed the plan, therefore, of
handing over Tuscany to the Emperor Justinian, in order that, upon
receiving from him a great sum of money and the senatorial dignity, he
might pass the rest of his life in Byzantium. After Theodatus had formed
this plan, there came from Byzantium to the chief priest of Rome two
envoys, Hypatius, the priest of Ephesus, and Demetrius, from Philippi in
Macedonia, to confer about a tenet of faith, which is a subject of
disagreement and controversy among the Christians. As for the points in
dispute, although I know them well, I shall by no means make mention of
them; for I consider it a sort of insane folly to investigate the nature
of God, enquiring of what sort it is. For man cannot, I think, apprehend
even human affairs with accuracy, much less those things which pertain
to the nature of God. As for me, therefore, I shall maintain a discreet
silence concerning these matters, with the sole object that old and
venerable beliefs may not be discredited. For I, for my part, will say
nothing whatever about God save that He is altogether good and has all
things in His power. But let each one say whatever he thinks he knows
about these matters, both priest and layman. As for Theodatus, he met
these envoys secretly and directed them to report to the Emperor
Justinian what he had planned, explaining what has just been set forth
by me.

But at this juncture Atalaric, having plunged into a drunken revel which
passed all bounds, was seized with a wasting disease. Wherefore
Amalasuntha was in great perplexity; for, on the one hand, she had no
confidence in the loyalty of her son, now that he had gone so far in his
depravity, and, on the other, she thought that if Atalaric also should
be removed from among men, her life would not be safe thereafter, since
she had given offence to the most notable of the Goths. For this reason
she was desirous of handing over the power of the Goths and Italians to
the Emperor Justinian, in order that she herself might be saved. And it
happened that Alexander, a man of the senate, together with Demetrius
and Hypatius, had come to Ravenna. For when the emperor had heard that
Amalasuntha's boat was anchored in the harbour of Epidamnus, but that
she herself was still tarrying, although much time had passed, he had
sent Alexander to investigate and report to him the whole situation with
regard to Amalasuntha; but it was given out that the emperor had sent
Alexander as an envoy to her because he was greatly disturbed by the
events at Lilybaeum which have been set forth by me in the preceding
narrative,[11] and because ten Huns from the army in Libya had taken
flight and reached Campania, and Uliaris, who was guarding Naples, had
received them not at all against the will of Amalasuntha, and also
because the Goths, in making war on the Gepaedes about Sirmium,[12] had
treated the city of Gratiana, situated at the extremity of Illyricum, as
a hostile town. So by way of protesting to Amalasuntha with regard to
these things, he wrote a letter and sent Alexander.

And when Alexander arrived in Rome, he left there the priests busied
with the matters for which they had come, and he himself, journeying on
to Ravenna and coming before Amalasuntha, reported the emperor's message
secretly, and openly delivered the letter to her. And the purport of the
writing was as follows: "The fortress of Lilybaeum, which is ours, you
have taken by force and are now holding, and barbarians, slaves of mine
who have run away, you have received and have not even yet decided to
restore them to me, and besides all this you have treated outrageously
my city of Gratiana, though it belongs to you in no way whatever.
Wherefore it is time for you to consider what the end of these things
will some day be." And when this letter had been delivered to her and
she had read it, she replied in the following words: "One may reasonably
expect an emperor who is great and lays claim to virtue to assist an
orphan child who does not in the least comprehend what is being done,
rather than for no cause at all to quarrel with him. For unless a
struggle be waged on even terms, even the victory it gains brings no
honour. But thou dost threaten Atalaric on account of Lilybaeum, and ten
runaways, and a mistake, made by soldiers in going against their
enemies, which through some misapprehension chanced to affect a friendly
city. Nay! do not thus; do not thou thus, O Emperor, but call to mind
that when them wast making war upon the Vandals, we not only refrained
from hindering thee, but quite zealously even gave thee free passage
against the enemy and provided a market in which to buy the
indispensable supplies,[13] furnishing especially the multitude of
horses to which thy final mastery over the enemy was chiefly due. And
yet it is not merely the man who offers an alliance of arms to his
neighbours that would in justice be called their ally and friend, but
also the man who actually is found assisting another in war in regard to
his every need. And consider that at that time thy fleet had no other
place at which to put in from the sea except Sicily, and that without
the supplies bought there it could not go on to Libya. Therefore thou
art indebted to us for the chief cause of thy victory; for the one who
provides a solution for a difficult situation is justly entitled also to
the credit for the results which flow from his help. And what could be
sweeter for a man, O Emperor, than gaining the mastery over his enemies?
And yet in our case the outcome is that we suffer no slight
disadvantage, in that we do not, in accordance with the custom of war,
enjoy our share of the spoils. And now thou art also claiming the right
to despoil us of Lilybaeum in Sicily, which has belonged to the Goths
from ancient times, a lone rock, O Emperor, worth not so much as a piece
of silver, which, had it happened to belong to thy kingdom from ancient
times, thou mightest in equity at least have granted to Atalaric as a
reward for his services, since he lent thee assistance in the times of
thy most pressing necessity." Such was the message which Amalasuntha
wrote openly to the emperor; but secretly she agreed to put the whole
of Italy into his hands. And the envoys, returning to Byzantium,
reported everything to the Emperor Justinian, Alexander telling him the
course which had been decided upon by Amalasuntha, and Demetrius and
Hypatius all that they had heard Theodatus say, adding that Theodatus
enjoyed great power in Tuscany, where he had become owner of the most of
the land and consequently would be able with no trouble at all to carry
his agreement into effect. And the emperor, overjoyed at this situation,
immediately sent to Italy Peter, an Illyrian by birth, but a citizen of
Thessalonica, a man who was one of the trained speakers in Byzantium, a
discreet and gentle person withal and fitted by nature to persuade men.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] Book IV. v. 11 ff.

[12] Near modern Mitrowitz.

[13] Cf. Book III. xiv. 5, 6.




IV


But while these things were going on as I have explained, Theodatus was
denounced before Amalasuntha by many Tuscans, who stated that he had
done violence to all the people of Tuscany and had without cause seized
their estates, taking not only all private estates but especially those
belonging to the royal household, which the Romans are accustomed to
call "patrimonium." For this reason the woman called Theodatus to an
investigation, and when, being confronted by his denouncers, he had been
proved guilty without any question, she compelled him to pay back
everything which he had wrongfully seized and then dismissed him. And
since in this way she had given the greatest offence to the man, from
that time she was on hostile terms with him, exceedingly vexed as he
was by reason of his fondness for money, because he was unable to
continue his unlawful and violent practices.

At about this same time[I] Atalaric, being quite wasted away by the
disease, came to his end, having lived eight years in office. As for
Amalasuntha, since it was fated that she should fare ill, she took no
account of the nature of Theodatus and of what she had recently done to
him, and supposed that she would suffer no unpleasant treatment at his
hands if she should do the man some rather unusual favour. She
accordingly summoned him, and when he came, set out to cajole him,
saying that for some time she had known well that it was to be expected
that her son would soon die; for she had heard the opinion of all the
physicians, who agreed in their judgment, and had herself perceived that
the body of Atalaric continued to waste away. And since she saw that
both Goths and Italians had an unfavourable opinion regarding Theodatus,
who had now come to represent the race of Theoderic, she had conceived
the desire to clear him of this evil name, in order that it might not
stand in his way if he were called to the throne. But at the same time,
she explained, the question of justice disturbed her, at the thought
that those who claimed to have been wronged by him already should find
that they had no one to whom they might report what had befallen them,
but that they now had their enemy as their master. For these reasons,
then, although she invited him to the throne after his name should have
been cleared in this way, yet it was necessary, she said, that he should
be bound by the most solemn oaths that while the title of the office
should be conferred upon Theodatus, she herself should in fact hold the
power no less than before. When Theodatus heard this, although he swore
to all the conditions which Amalasuntha wished, he entered into the
agreement with treacherous intent, remembering all that she had
previously done to him. Thus Amalasuntha, being deceived by her own
judgment and the oaths of Theodatus, established him in the office. And
sending some Goths as envoys to Byzantium, she made this known to the
Emperor Justinian.

          DATE:
            [I]Oct. 10, 534 A.D.

But Theodatus, upon receiving the supreme power, began to act in all
things contrary to the hopes she had entertained and to the promises he
had made. And after winning the adherence of the relatives of the Goths
who had been slain by her--and they were both numerous and men of very
high standing among the Goths--he suddenly put to death some of the
connections of Amalasuntha and imprisoned her, the envoys not having as
yet reached Byzantium. Now there is a certain lake in Tuscany called
Vulsina,[14] within which rises an island,[15] exceedingly small but
having a strong fortress upon it. There Theodatus confined Amalasuntha
and kept her under guard.[J] But fearing that by this act he had given
offence to the emperor, as actually proved to be the case, he sent some
men of the Roman senate, Liberius and Opilio and certain others,
directing them to excuse his conduct to the emperor with all their power
by assuring him that Amalasuntha had met with no harsh treatment at his
hands, although she had perpetrated irreparable outrages upon him
before. And he himself wrote in this sense to the emperor, and also
compelled Amalasuntha, much against her will, to write the same thing.

          DATE:
            [J]Apr. 30, 535 A.D.

Such was the course of these events. But Peter had already been
despatched by the emperor on an embassy to Italy with instructions to
meet Theodatus without the knowledge of any others, and after Theodatus
had given pledges by an oath that none of their dealings should be
divulged, he was then to make a secure settlement with him regarding
Tuscany; and meeting Amalasuntha stealthily he was to make such an
arrangement with her regarding the whole of Italy as would be to the
profit of either party. But openly his mission was to negotiate with
regard to Lilybaeum and the other matters which I have lately mentioned.
For as yet the emperor had heard nothing about the death of Atalaric or
the succession of Theodatus to the throne, or the fate which had
befallen Amalasuntha. And Peter was already on his way when he met the
envoys of Amalasuntha and learned, in the first place, that Theodatus
had come to the throne; and a little later, upon reaching the city of
Aulon,[16] which lies on the Ionian Gulf, he met there the company of
Liberius and Opilio, and learned everything which had taken place, and
reporting this to the emperor he remained there.

And when the Emperor Justinian heard these things, he formed the purpose
of throwing the Goths and Theodatus into confusion; accordingly he wrote
a letter to Amalasuntha, stating that he was eager to give her every
possible support, and at the same time he directed Peter by no means to
conceal this message, but to make it known to Theodatus himself and to
all the Goths. And when the envoys from Italy arrived in Byzantium, they
all, with a single exception, reported the whole matter to the emperor,
and especially Liberius; for he was a man unusually upright and
honourable, and one who knew well how to shew regard for the truth; but
Opilio alone declared with the greatest persistence that Theodatus had
committed no offence against Amalasuntha. Now when Peter arrived in
Italy, it so happened that Amalasuntha had been removed from among men.
For the relatives of the Goths who had been slain by her came before
Theodatus declaring that neither his life nor theirs was secure unless
Amalasuntha should be put out of their way as quickly as possible. And
as soon as he gave in to them, they went to the island and killed
Amalasuntha,--an act which grieved exceedingly all the Italians and the
Goths as well. For the woman had the strictest regard for every kind of
virtue, as has been stated by me a little earlier.[17] Now Peter
protested openly[18] to Theodatus and the other Goths that because this
base deed had been committed by them, there would be war without truce
between the emperor and themselves. But Theodatus, such was his stupid
folly, while still holding the slayers of Amalasuntha in honour and
favour kept trying to persuade Peter and the emperor that this unholy
deed had been committed by the Goths by no means with his approval, but
decidedly against his will.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] Modern Bolsena.

[15] Marta; "now entirely uninhabited, but with a few steps cut in the
rock which are said to have led to the prison of Amalasuntha."--HODGKIN.

[16] Modern Avlona in Albania.

[17] Chap. ii. 3.

[18] See Gibbon's note (chap. xli.), amplified in Bury's edition, Vol.
IV. p. 304, for additional light on the part played by Justinian and
Peter in this affair.




V


Meanwhile it happened that Belisarius had distinguished himself by the
defeat of Gelimer and the Vandals. And the emperor, upon learning what
had befallen Amalasuntha, immediately entered upon the war, being in the
ninth year of his reign. And he first commanded Mundus, the general of
Illyricum, to go to Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and make
trial of Salones.[19] Now Mundus was by birth a barbarian, but
exceedingly loyal to the cause of the emperor and an able warrior. Then
he sent Belisarius by sea with four thousand soldiers from the regular
troops and the foederati,[20] and about three thousand of the Isaurians.
And the commanders were men of note: Constantinus and Bessas from the
land of Thrace, and Peranius from Iberia[21] which is hard by Media, a
man who was by birth a member of the royal family of the Iberians, but
had before this time come as a deserter to the Romans through enmity
toward the Persians; and the levies of cavalry were commanded by
Valentinus, Magnus, and Innocentius, and the infantry by Herodian,
Paulus, Demetrius, and Ursicinus, while the leader of the Isaurians was
Ennes. And there were also two hundred Huns as allies and three hundred
Moors. But the general in supreme command over all was Belisarius, and
he had with him many notable men as spearmen and guards. And he was
accompanied also by Photius, the son of his wife Antonina by a previous
marriage; he was still a young man wearing his first beard, but
possessed the greatest discretion and shewed a strength of character
beyond his years. And the emperor instructed Belisarius to give out that
his destination was Carthage, but as soon as they should arrive at
Sicily, they were to disembark there as it obliged for some reason to do
so, and make trial of the island. And if it should be possible to reduce
it to subjection without any trouble, they were to take possession and
not let it go again; but if they should meet with any obstacle, they
were to sail with all speed to Libya, giving no one an opportunity to
perceive what their intention was.

And he also sent a letter to the leaders of the Franks as follows: "The
Goths, having seized by violence Italy, which was ours, have not only
refused absolutely to give it back, but have committed further acts of
injustice against us which are unendurable and pass beyond all bounds.
For this reason we have been compelled to take the field against them,
and it is proper that you should join with us in waging this war, which
is rendered yours as well as ours not only by the orthodox faith, which
rejects the opinion of the Arians, but also by the enmity we both feel
toward the Goths." Such was the emperor's letter; and making a gift of
money to them, he agreed to give more as soon as they should take an
active part. And they with all zeal promised to fight in alliance with
him.

Now Mundus and the army under his command entered Dalmatia, and engaging
with the Goths who encountered them there, defeated them in the battle
and took possession of Salones. As for Belisarius, he put in at Sicily
and took Catana. And making that place his base of operations, he took
over Syracuse and the other cities by surrender without any trouble;
except, indeed, that the Goths who were keeping guard in Panormus,[22]
having confidence in the fortifications of the place, which was a strong
one, were quite unwilling to yield to Belisarius and ordered him to lead
his army away from there with all speed. But Belisarius, considering
that it was impossible to capture the place from the landward side,
ordered the fleet to sail into the harbour, which extended right up to
the wall. For it was outside the circuit-wall and entirely without
defenders. Now when the ships had anchored there, it was seen that the
masts were higher than the parapet. Straightway, therefore, he filled
all the small boats of the ships with bowmen and hoisted them to the
tops of the masts. And when from these boats the enemy were shot at from
above, they fell into such an irresistible fear that they immediately
delivered Panormus to Belisarius by surrender. As a result of this the
emperor held all Sicily subject and tributary to himself. And at that
time it so happened that there fell to Belisarius a piece of good
fortune beyond the power of words to describe. For, having received the
dignity of the consulship because of his victory over the Vandals, while
he was still holding this honour, and after he had won the whole of
Sicily, on the last day of his consulship,[K] he marched into Syracuse,
loudly applauded by the army and by the Sicilians and throwing golden
coins to all. This coincidence, however, was not intentionally arranged
by him, but it was a happy chance which befell the man, that after
having recovered the whole of the island for the Romans he marched into
Syracuse on that particular day; and so it was not in the senate house
in Byzantium, as was customary, but there that he laid down the office
of the consuls and so became an ex-consul. Thus, then, did good fortune
attend Belisarius.

          DATE:
            [K]Dec. 31, 535 A.D.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] Or Salona, near modern Spalato.

[20] Auxiliaries; see Book III. xi. 3, 4, and note.

[21] Corresponding roughly to modern Georgia, just south of the
Caucasus.

[22] Modern Palermo.




VI


And when Peter learned of the conquest of Sicily, he was still more
insistent in his efforts to frighten Theodatus and would not let him go.
But he, turning coward and reduced to speechlessness no less than if he
himself had become a captive with Gelimer,[23] entered into negotiations
with Peter without the knowledge of any others, and between them they
formed an agreement, providing that Theodatus should retire from all
Sicily in favour of the Emperor Justinian, and should send him also a
golden crown every year weighing three hundred litrae,[24] and Gothic
warriors to the number of three thousand whenever he should wish; and
that Theodatus himself should have no authority to kill any priest or
senator, or to confiscate his property for the public treasury except by
the decision of the emperor; and that if Theodatus wished to advance
any of his subjects to the patrician or some other senatorial rank this
honour should not be bestowed by him, but he should ask the emperor to
bestow it; and that the Roman populace, in acclaiming their sovereign,
should always shout the name of the emperor first, and afterward that of
Theodatus, both in the theatres and in the hippodromes and wherever else
it should be necessary for such a thing to be done; furthermore, that no
statue of bronze nor of any other material should ever be set up to
Theodatus alone, but statues must always be made for both, and they must
stand thus: on the right that of the emperor, and on the other side that
of Theodatus. And after Theodatus had written in confirmation of this
agreement he dismissed the ambassador.

But, a little later, terror laid hold upon the man's soul and brought
him into fears which knew no bound and tortured his mind, filling him
with dread at the name of war, and reminding him that if the agreement
drawn up by Peter and himself did not please the emperor at all, war
would straightway come upon him. Once more, therefore, he summoned
Peter, who had already reached Albani,[25] for a secret conference, and
enquired of the man whether he thought that the agreement would be
pleasing to the emperor. And he replied that he supposed it would. "But
if," said Theodatus, "these things do not please the man at all, what
will happen then?" And Peter replied "After that you will have to wage
war, most noble Sir." "But what is this," he said; "is it just, my dear
ambassador?" And Peter, immediately taking him up, said "And how is it
not just, my good Sir, that the pursuits appropriate to each man's
nature should be preserved?" "What, pray, may this mean?" asked
Theodatus. "It means," was the reply, "that your great interest is to
philosophize, while Justinian's is to be a worthy emperor of the Romans.
And there is this difference, that for one who has practised philosophy
it would never be seemly to bring about the death of men, especially in
such great numbers, and it should be added that this view accords with
the teachings of Plato, which you have evidently espoused, and hence it
is unholy for you not to be free from all bloodshed; but for him it is
not at all inappropriate to seek to acquire a land which has belonged
from of old to the realm which is his own." Thereupon Theodatus, being
convinced by this advice, agreed to retire from the kingship in favour
of the Emperor Justinian, and both he and his wife took an oath to this
effect. He then bound Peter by oaths that he would not divulge this
agreement until he should see that the emperor would not accept the
former convention. And he sent with him Rusticus, a priest who was
especially devoted to him and a Roman citizen, to negotiate on the basis
of this agreement. And he also entrusted a letter to these men.

So Peter and Rusticus, upon reaching Byzantium, reported the first
decision to the emperor, just as Theodatus had directed them to do. But
when the emperor was quite unwilling to accept the proposal, they
revealed the plan which had been committed to writing afterwards. This
was to the following effect: "I am no stranger to royal courts, but it
was my fortune to have been born in the house of my uncle while he was
king and to have been reared in a manner worthy of my race; and yet I
have had little experience of wars and of the turmoils which wars
entail. For since from my earliest years I have been passionately
addicted to scholarly disputations and have always devoted my time to
this sort of thing, I have consequently been up to the present time very
far removed from the confusion of battles. Therefore it is utterly
absurd that I should aspire to the honours which royalty confers and
thus lead a life fraught with danger, when it is possible for me to
avoid them both. For neither one of these is a pleasure to me; the
first, because it is liable to satiety, for it is a surfeit of all sweet
things, and the second, because lack of familiarity with such a life
throws one into confusion. But as for me, if estates should be provided
me which yielded an annual income of no less than twelve centenaria,[26]
I should regard the kingdom as of less account than them, and I shall
hand over to thee forthwith the power of the Goths and Italians. For I
should find more pleasure in being a farmer free from all cares than in
passing my life amid a king's anxieties, attended as they are by danger
after danger. Pray send a man as quickly as possible into whose hands I
may fittingly deliver Italy and the affairs of the kingdom."

Such was the purport of the letter of Theodatus. And the emperor, being
exceedingly pleased, replied as follows: "From of old have I heard by
report that you were a man of discretion, but now, taught by experience,
I know it by the decision you have reached not to await the issue of
the war. For certain men who in the past have followed such a course
have been completely undone. And you will never repent having made us
friends instead of enemies. But you will not only have this that you ask
at our hands, but you will also have the distinction of being enrolled
in the highest honours of the Romans. Now for the present I have sent
Athanasius and Peter, so that each party may have surety by some
agreement. And almost immediately Belisarius also will visit you to
complete all the arrangements which have been agreed upon between us."
After writing this the emperor sent Athanasius, the brother of
Alexander, who had previously gone on an embassy to Atalaric, as has
been said,[27] and for the second time Peter the orator, whom I have
mentioned above,[28] enjoining upon them to assign to Theodatus the
estates of the royal household, which they call "patrimonium"; and not
until after they had drawn up a written document and had secured oaths
to fortify the agreement were they to summon Belisarius from Sicily, in
order that he might take over the palace and all Italy and hold them
under guard. And he wrote to Belisarius that as soon as they should
summon him he should go thither with all speed.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] The captivity of Gelimer is described in Book IV. vii. 12-17; ix.
11-14.

[24] At present values "worth about £12,000."--HODGKIN.

[25] Modern Albano; on the Appian Way. Cf. Book VI. iv. 8.

[26] See Book I. xxii. 4; III. vi. 2, note.

[27] Chap. iii. 13.

[28] Chap. iii. 30, iv. 17 ff.




VII


But meantime, while the emperor was engaged in these negotiations and
these envoys were travelling to Italy, the Goths, under command of
Asinarius and Gripas and some others, had come with a great army into
Dalmatia. And when they had reached the neighbourhood of Salones,
Mauricius, the son of Mundus, who was not marching out for battle but,
with a few men, was on a scouting expedition, encountered them. A
violent engagement ensued in which the Goths lost their foremost and
noblest men, but the Romans almost their whole company, including their
general Mauricius. And when Mundus heard of this, being overcome with
grief at the misfortune and by this time dominated by a mighty fury, he
went against the enemy without the least delay and regardless of order.
The battle which took place was stubbornly contested, and the result was
a Cadmean victory[29] for the Romans. For although the most of the enemy
fell there and their rout had been decisive, Mundus, who went on killing
and following up the enemy wherever he chanced to find them and was
quite unable to restrain his mind because of the misfortune of his son,
was wounded by some fugitive or other and fell. Thereupon the pursuit
ended and the two armies separated. And at that time the Romans recalled
the verse of the Sibyl, which had been pronounced in earlier times and
seemed to them a portent. For the words of the saying were that when
Africa should be held, the "world" would perish together with its
offspring. This, however, was not the real meaning of the oracle, but
after intimating that Libya would be once more subject to the Romans, it
added this statement also, that when that time came Mundus would perish
together with his son. For it runs as follows: "Africa capta Mundus cum
nato peribit."[30] But since "mundus" in the Latin tongue has the force
of "world," they thought that the saying had reference to the world. So
much, then, for this. As for Salones, it was not entered by anyone. For
the Romans went back home, since they were left altogether without a
commander, and the Goths, seeing that not one of their nobles was left
them, fell into fear and took possession of the strongholds in the
neighbourhood; for they had no confidence in the defences of Salones,
and, besides, the Romans who lived there were not very well disposed
towards them.

When Theodatus heard this, he took no account of the envoys who by now
had come to him. For he was by nature much given to distrust, and he by
no means kept his mind steadfast, but the present fortune always reduced
him now to a state of terror which knew no measure, and this contrary to
reason and the proper understanding of the situation, and again brought
him to the opposite extreme of unspeakable boldness. And so at that
time, when he heard of the death of Mundus and Mauricius, he was lifted
up exceedingly and in a manner altogether unjustified by what had
happened, and he saw fit to taunt the envoys when they at length
appeared before him. And when Peter on one occasion remonstrated with
him because he had transgressed his agreement with the emperor,
Theodatus called both of them publicly and spoke as follows: "The
position of envoys is a proud one and in general has come to be held in
honour among all men; but envoys preserve for themselves these their
prerogatives only so long as they guard the dignity of their embassy by
the propriety of their own conduct. For men have sanctioned as just the
killing of an envoy whenever he is either found to have insulted a
sovereign or has had knowledge of a woman who is the wife of another."
Such were the words with which Theodatus inveighed against Peter, not
because he had approached a woman, but, apparently, in order to make
good his claim that there were charges which might lead to the death of
an ambassador. But the envoys replied as follows: "The facts are not, O
Ruler of the Goths, as thou hast stated them, nor canst thou, under
cover of flimsy pretexts, wantonly perpetrate unholy deeds upon men who
are envoys. For it is not possible for an ambassador, even if he wishes
it, to become an adulterer, since it is not easy for him even to partake
of water except by the will of those who guard him. And as for the
proposals which he has received from the lips of him who has sent him
and then delivers, he himself cannot reasonably incur the blame which
arises from them, in case they be not good, but he who has given the
command would justly bear this charge, while the sole responsibility of
the ambassador is to have discharged his mission. We, therefore, shall
say all that we were instructed by the emperor to say when we were sent,
and do thou hear us quietly; for if thou art stirred to excitement, all
thou canst do will be to wrong men who are ambassadors. It is time,
therefore, for thee of thine own free will to perform all that thou
didst promise the emperor. This, indeed, is the purpose for which we
have come. And the letter which he wrote to thee thou hast already
received, but as for the writing which he sent to the foremost of the
Goths, to no others shall we give it than to them." When the leading men
of the barbarians, who were present, heard this speech of the envoys,
they bade them give to Theodatus what had been written to them. And it
ran as follows: "It has been the object of our care to receive you back
into our state, whereat you may well be pleased. For you will come to
us, not in order to be made of less consequence, but that you may be
more honoured. And, besides, we are not bidding the Goths enter into
strange or alien customs, but into those of a people with whom you were
once familiar, though you have by chance been separated from them for a
season. For these reasons Athanasius and Peter have been sent to you,
and you ought to assist them in all things." Such was the purport of
this letter. But after Theodatus had read everything, he not only
decided not to perform in deed the promises he had made to the emperor,
but also put the envoys under a strict guard.

But when the Emperor Justinian heard these things and what had taken
place in Dalmatia, he sent Constantianus, who commanded the royal
grooms, into Illyricum, bidding him gather an army from there and make
an attempt on Salones, in whatever manner he might be able; and he
commanded Belisarius to enter Italy with all speed and to treat the
Goths as enemies. So Constantianus came to Epidamnus and spent some time
there gathering an army. But in the meantime the Goths, under the
leadership of Gripas, came with another army into Dalmatia and took
possession of Salones; and Constantianus, when all his preparations were
as complete as possible, departed from Epidamnus with his whole force
and cast anchor at Epidaurus[31] which is on the right as one sails
into the Ionian Gulf. Now it so happened that some men were there whom
Gripas had sent out as spies. And when they took note of the ships and
the army of Constantianus it seemed to them that both the sea and the
whole land were full of soldiers, and returning to Gripas they declared
that Constantianus was bringing against them an army of men numbering
many tens of thousands. And he, being plunged into great fear, thought
it inexpedient to meet their attack, and at the same time he was quite
unwilling to be besieged by the emperor's army, since it so completely
commanded the sea; but he was disturbed most of all by the
fortifications of Salones (since the greater part of them had already
fallen down), and by the exceedingly suspicious attitude on the part of
the inhabitants of the place toward the Goths. And for this reason he
departed thence with his whole army as quickly as possible and made camp
in the plain which is between Salones and the city of Scardon.[32] And
Constantianus, sailing with all his ships from Epidaurus, put in at
Lysina,[33] which is an island in the gulf. Thence he sent forward some
of his men, in order that they might make enquiry concerning the plans
of Gripas and report them to him. Then, after learning from them the
whole situation, he sailed straight for Salones with all speed. And when
he had put in at a place close to the city, he disembarked his army on
the mainland and himself remained quiet there; but he selected five
hundred from the army, and setting over them as commander Siphilas, one
of his own bodyguards, he commanded them to seize the narrow pass[34]
which, as he had been informed, was in the outskirts of the city. And
this Siphilas did. And Constantianus and his whole land army entered
Salones on the following day, and the fleet anchored close by. Then
Constantianus proceeded to look after the fortifications of the city,
building up in haste all such parts of them as had fallen down; and
Gripas, with the Gothic army, on the seventh day after the Romans had
taken possession of Salones, departed from there and betook themselves
to Ravenna; and thus Constantianus gained possession of all Dalmatia and
Liburnia, bringing over to his side all the Goths who were settled
there. Such were the events in Dalmatia. And the winter drew to a close,
and thus ended the first year of this war, the history of which
Procopius has written.

FOOTNOTES:

[29] Proverbial for a victory in which the victor is slain; probably
from the story of the Theban, or "Cadmean," heroes Eteocles and
Polynices.

[30] See Bury's edition of Gibbon, Vol. IV. App. 15, for a discussion of
this oracle.

[31] Modern Ragusa Vecchia.

[32] Near Sebenico.

[33] Modern Lesina.

[34] An important approach to the city from the west.




VIII


And Belisarius, leaving guards in Syracuse and Panormus, crossed with
the rest of the army from Messana to Rhegium (where the myths of the
poets say Scylla and Charybdis were), and every day the people of that
region kept coming over to him. For since their towns had from of old
been without walls, they had no means at all of guarding them, and
because of their hostility toward the Goths they were, as was natural,
greatly dissatisfied with their present government. And Ebrimous came
over to Belisarius as a deserter from the Goths, together with all his
followers; this man was the son-in-law of Theodatus, being married to
Theodenanthe, his daughter. And he was straightway sent to the emperor
and received many gifts of honour and in particular attained the
patrician dignity. And the army of Belisarius marched from Rhegium
through Bruttium and Lucania, and the fleet of ships accompanied it,
sailing close to the mainland. But when they reached Campania, they came
upon a city on the sea, Naples by name, which was strong not only
because of the nature of its site, but also because it contained a
numerous garrison of Goths. And Belisarius commanded the ships to anchor
in the harbour, which was beyond the range of missiles, while he himself
made his camp near the city. He then first took possession by surrender
of the fort which is in the suburb, and afterwards permitted the
inhabitants of the city at their own request to send some of their
notables into his camp, in order that they might tell what their wish
was and, after receiving his reply, report to the populace. Straightway,
therefore, the Neapolitans sent Stephanus. And he, upon coming before
Belisarius, spoke as follows:

"You are not acting justly, O general, in taking the field against men
who are Romans and have done no wrong, who inhabit but a small city and
have over us a guard of barbarians as masters, so that it does not even
lie in our power, if we desire to do so, to oppose them. But it so
happens that even these guards had to leave their wives and children,
and their most precious possessions in the hands of Theodatus before
they came to keep guard over us. Therefore, if they treat with you at
all, they will plainly be betraying, not the city, but themselves. And
if one must speak the truth with no concealment, you have not counselled
to your advantage, either, in coming against us. For if you capture
Rome, Naples will be subject to you without any further trouble, whereas
if you are repulsed from there, it is probable that you will not be able
to hold even this city securely. Consequently the time you spend on this
siege will be spent to no purpose."

So spoke Stephanus. And Belisarius replied as follows:

"Whether we have acted wisely or foolishly in coming here is not a
question which we propose to submit to the Neapolitans. But we desire
that you first weigh carefully such matters as are appropriate to your
deliberations and then act solely in accordance with your own interests.
Receive into your city, therefore, the emperor's army, which has come to
secure your freedom and that of the other Italians, and do not choose
the course which will bring upon you the most grievous misfortunes. For
those who, in order to rid themselves of slavery or any other shameful
thing, go into war, such men, if they fare well in the struggle, have
double good fortune, because along with their victory they have also
acquired freedom from their troubles, and if defeated they gain some
consolation for themselves, in that, they have not of their own free
will chosen to follow the worse fortune. But as for those who have the
opportunity to be free without fighting, but yet enter into a struggle
in order to make their condition of slavery permanent, such men, even if
it so happens that they conquer, have failed in the most vital point,
and if in the battle they fare less happily than they wished, they will
have, along with their general ill-fortune, also the calamity of
defeat. As for the Neapolitans, then, let these words suffice. But as
for these Goths who are present, we give them the choice, either to
array themselves hereafter on our side under the great emperor, or to go
to their homes altogether immune from harm. Because, if both you and
they, disregarding all these considerations, dare to raise arms against
us, it will be necessary for us also, if God so wills, to treat whomever
we meet as an enemy. If, however, it is the will of the Neapolitans to
choose the cause of the emperor and thus to be rid of so cruel a
slavery, I take it upon myself, giving you pledges, to promise that you
will receive at our hands those benefits which the Sicilians lately
hoped for, and with regard to which they were unable to say that we had
sworn falsely."

Such was the message which Belisarius bade Stephanus take back to the
people. But privately he promised him large rewards if he should inspire
the Neapolitans with good-will toward the emperor. And Stephanus, upon
coming into the city, reported the words of Belisarius and expressed his
own opinion that it was inexpedient to fight against the emperor. And he
was assisted in his efforts by Antiochus, a man of Syria, but long
resident in Naples for the purpose of carrying on a shipping business,
who had a great reputation there for wisdom and justice. But there were
two men, Pastor and Asclepiodotus, trained speakers and very notable men
among the Neapolitans, who were exceedingly friendly toward the Goths,
and quite unwilling to have any change made in the present state of
affairs. These two men, planning how they might block the negotiations,
induced the multitude to demand many serious concessions, and to try to
force Belisarius to promise on oath that they should forthwith obtain
what they asked for. And after writing down in a document such demands
as nobody would have supposed that Belisarius would accept, they gave it
to Stephanus. And he, returning to the emperor's army, shewed the
writing to the general, and enquired of him whether he was willing to
carry out all the proposals which the Neapolitans made and to take an
oath concerning them. And Belisarius promised that they should all be
fulfilled for them and so sent him back. Now when the Neapolitans heard
this, they were in favour of accepting the general's assurances at once
and began to urge that the emperor's army be received into the city with
all speed. For he declared that nothing unpleasant would befall them, if
the case of the Sicilians was sufficient evidence for anyone to judge
by, since, as he pointed out, it had only recently been their lot, after
they had exchanged their barbarian tyrants for the sovereignty of
Justinian, to be, not only free men, but also immune from all
difficulties. And swayed by great excitement they were about to go to
the gates with the purpose of throwing them open. And though the Goths
were not pleased with what they were doing, still, since they were
unable to prevent it, they stood out of the way.

But Pastor and Asclepiodotus called together the people and all the
Goths in one place, and spoke as follows: "It is not at all unnatural
that the populace of a city should abandon themselves and their own
safety, especially if, without consulting any of their notables, they
make an independent decision regarding their all. But it is necessary
for us, who are on the very point of perishing together with you, to
offer as a last contribution to the fatherland this advice. We see,
then, fellow citizens, that you are intent upon betraying both
yourselves and the city to Belisarius, who promises to confer many
benefits upon you and to swear the most solemn oaths in confirmation of
his promises. Now if he is able to promise you this also, that to him
will come the victory in the war, no one could deny that the course you
are taking is to your advantage. For it is great folly not to gratify
every whim of him who is to become master. But if this outcome lies in
uncertainty, and no man in the world is competent to guarantee the
decision of fortune, consider what sort of misfortunes your haste is
seeking to attain. For if the Goths overcome their adversaries in the
war, they will punish you as enemies and as having done them the foulest
wrong. For you are resorting to this act of treason, not under
constraint of necessity, but out of deliberate cowardice. So that even
to Belisarius, if he wins the victory over his enemies, we shall perhaps
appear faithless and betrayers of our rulers, and having proved
ourselves deserters, we shall in all probability have a guard set over
us permanently by the emperor. For though he who has found a traitor is
pleased at the moment of victory by the service rendered, yet
afterwards, moved by suspicion based upon the traitor's past, he hates
and fears his benefactor, since he himself has in his own possession the
evidences of the other's faithlessness. If, however, we shew ourselves
faithful to the Goths at the present time, manfully submitting to the
danger, they will give us great rewards in case they win the mastery
over the enemy, and Belisarius, if it should so happen that he is the
victor, will be prone to forgive. For loyalty which fails is punished by
no man unless he be lacking in understanding. But what has happened to
you that you are in terror of being besieged by the enemy, you who have
no lack of provisions, have not been deprived by blockade of any of the
necessities of life, and hence may sit at home, confident in the
fortifications and in your garrison here?[35] And in our opinion even
Belisarius would not have consented to this agreement with us if he had
any hope of capturing the city by force. And yet if what he desired were
that which is just and that which will be to our advantage, he ought not
to be trying to frighten the Neapolitans or to establish his own power
by means of an act of injustice on our part toward the Goths; but he
should do battle with Theodatus and the Goths, so that without danger to
us or treason on our part the city might come into the power of the
victors."

When they had finished speaking, Pastor and Asclepiodotus brought
forward the Jews, who promised that the city should be in want of none
of the necessities, and the Goths on their part promised that they would
guard the circuit-wall safely. And the Neapolitans, moved by these
arguments, bade Belisarius depart thence with all speed. He, however,
began the siege. And he made many attempts upon the circuit-wall, but
was always repulsed, losing many of his soldiers, and especially those
who laid some claim to valour. For the wall of Naples was inaccessible,
on one side by reason of the sea, and on the other because of some
difficult country, and those who planned to attack it could gain
entrance at no point, not only because of its general situation, but
also because the ground sloped steeply. However, Belisarius cut the
aqueduct which brought water into the city; but he did not in this way
seriously disturb the Neapolitans, since there were wells inside the
circuit-wall which sufficed for their needs and kept them from feeling
too keenly the loss of the aqueduct.

FOOTNOTE:

[35] _i.e._ the Goths; cf. § 5 above.




IX


So the besieged, without the knowledge of the enemy, sent to Theodatus
in Rome begging him to come to their help with all speed. But Theodatus
was not making the least preparation for war, being by nature unmanly,
as has been said before.[36] And they say that something else happened
to him, which terrified him exceedingly and reduced him to still greater
anxiety. I, for my part, do not credit this report, but even so it shall
be told. Theodatus even before this time had been prone to make
enquiries of those who professed to foretell the future, and on the
present occasion he was at a loss what to do in the situation which
confronted him--a state which more than anything else is accustomed to
drive men to seek prophecies; so he enquired of one of the Hebrews, who
had a great reputation for prophecy, what sort of an outcome the present
war would have. The Hebrew commanded him to confine three groups of ten
swine each in three huts, and after giving them respectively the names
of Goths, Romans, and the soldiers of the emperor, to wait quietly for
a certain number of days. And Theodatus did as he was told. And when the
appointed day had come, they both went into the huts and looked at the
swine; and they found that of those which had been given the name of
Goths all save two were dead, whereas all except a few were living of
those which had received the name of the emperor's soldiers; and as for
those which had been called Romans, it so happened that, although the
hair of all of them had fallen out, yet about half of them survived.
When Theodatus beheld this and divined the outcome of the war, a great
fear, they say, came upon him, since he knew well that it would
certainly be the fate of the Romans to die to half their number and be
deprived of their possessions, but that the Goths would be defeated and
their race reduced to a few, and that to the emperor would come, with
the loss of but a few of his soldiers, the victory in the war. And for
this reason, they say, Theodatus felt no impulse to enter into a
struggle with Belisarius. As for this story, then, let each one express
his views according to the belief or disbelief which he feels regarding
it.

But Belisarius, as he besieged the Neapolitans both by land and by sea,
was beginning to be vexed. For he was coming to think that they would
never yield to him, and, furthermore, he could not hope that the city
would be captured, since he was finding that the difficulty of its
position was proving to be a very serious obstacle. And the loss of the
time which was being spent there distressed him, for he was making his
calculations so as to avoid being compelled to go against Theodatus and
Rome in the winter season. Indeed he had already even given orders to
the army to pack up, his intention being to depart from there as
quickly as possible. But while he was in the greatest perplexity, it
came to pass that he met with the following good fortune. One of the
Isaurians was seized with the desire to observe the construction of the
aqueduct, and to discover in what manner it provided the supply of water
to the city. So he entered it at a place far distant from the city,
where Belisarius had broken it open, and proceeded to walk along it,
finding no difficulty, since the water had stopped running because the
aqueduct had been broken open. But when he reached a point near the
circuit-wall, he came upon a large rock, not placed there by the hand of
man, but a part of the natural formation of the place. And those who had
built the aqueduct many years before, after they had attached the
masonry to this rock, proceeded to make a tunnel from that point on, not
sufficiently large, however, for a man to pass through, but large enough
to furnish a passage for the water. And for this reason it came about
that the channel of the aqueduct was not everywhere of the same breadth,
but one was confronted by a narrow place at that rock, impassable for a
man, especially if he wore armour or carried a shield. And when the
Isaurian observed this, it seemed to him not impossible for the army to
penetrate into the city, if they should make the tunnel at that point
broader by a little. But since he himself was a humble person, and never
had come into conversation with any of the commanders, he brought the
matter before Paucaris, an Isaurian, who had distinguished himself among
the guards of Belisarius. So Paucaris immediately reported the whole
matter to the general. And Belisarius, being pleased by the report, took
new courage, and by promising to reward the man with great sums of
money induced him to attempt the undertaking, and commanded him to
associate with himself some of the Isaurians and cut out a passage in
the rock as quickly as possible, taking care to allow no one to become
aware of what they were doing. Paucaris then selected some Isaurians who
were thoroughly suitable for the work, and secretly got inside the
aqueduct with them. And coming to the place where the rock caused the
passage to be narrow, they began their work, not cutting the rock with
picks or mattocks, lest by their blows they should reveal to the enemy
what they were doing, but scraping it very persistently with sharp
instruments of iron. And in a short time the work was done, so that a
man wearing a corselet and carrying a shield was able to go through at
that point.

But when all his arrangements were at length in complete readiness, the
thought occurred to Belisarius that if he should by act of war make his
entry into Naples with the army, the result would be that lives would be
lost and that all the other things would happen which usually attend the
capture of a city by an enemy. And straightway summoning Stephanus, he
spoke as follows: "Many times have I witnessed the capture of cities and
I am well acquainted with what takes place at such a time. For they slay
all the men of every age, and as for the women, though they beg to die,
they are not granted the boon of death, but are carried off for outrage
and are made to suffer treatment that is abominable and most pitiable.
And the children, who are thus deprived of their proper maintenance and
education, are forced to be slaves, and that, too, of the men who are
the most odious of all--those on whose hands they see the blood of
their fathers. And this is not all, my dear Stephanus, for I make no
mention of the conflagration which destroys all the property and blots
out the beauty of the city. When I see, as in the mirror of the cities
which have been captured in times past, this city of Naples falling
victim to such a fate, I am moved to pity both it and you its
inhabitants. For such means have now been perfected by me against the
city that its capture is inevitable. But I pray that an ancient city,
which has for ages been inhabited by both Christians and Romans, may not
meet with such a fortune, especially at my hands as commander of Roman
troops, not least because in my army are a multitude of barbarians, who
have lost brothers or relatives before the wall of this town; for the
fury of these men I should be unable to control, if they should capture
the city by act of war. While, therefore, it is still within your power
to choose and to put into effect that which will be to your advantage,
adopt the better course and escape misfortune; for when it falls upon
you, as it probably will, you will not justly blame fortune but your own
judgment." With these words Belisarius dismissed Stephanus. And he went
before the people of Naples weeping and reporting with bitter
lamentations all that he had heard Belisarius say. But they, since it
was not fated that the Neapolitans should become subjects of the emperor
without chastisement, neither became afraid nor did they decide to yield
to Belisarius.

FOOTNOTE:

[36] Chap. iii. 1.




X


Then at length Belisarius, on his part, made his preparations to enter
the city as follows. Selecting at nightfall about four hundred men and
appointing as commander over them Magnus, who led a detachment of
cavalry, and Ennes, the leader of the Isaurians, he commanded them all
to put on their corselets, take in hand their shields and swords, and
remain quiet until he himself should give the signal. And he summoned
Bessas[37] and gave him orders to stay with him, for he wished to
consult with him concerning a certain matter pertaining to the army. And
when it was well on in the night, he explained to Magnus and Ennes the
task before them, pointed out the place where he had previously broken
open the aqueduct, and ordered them to lead the four hundred men into
the city, taking lights with them And he sent with them two men skilled
in the use of the trumpet, so that as soon as they should get inside the
circuit-wall, they might be able both to throw the city into confusion
and to notify their own men what they were doing. And he himself was
holding in readiness a very great number of ladders which had been
constructed previously.

So these men entered the aqueduct and were proceeding toward the city,
while he with Bessas and Photius[38] remained at his post and with their
help was attending to all details. And he also sent to the camp,
commanding the men to remain awake and to keep their arms in their
hands. At the same time he kept near him a large force--men whom he
considered most courageous. Now of the men who were on their way to the
city above half became terrified at the danger and turned back. And
since Magnus could not persuade them to follow him, although he urged
them again and again, he returned with them to the general. And
Belisarius, after reviling these men, selected two hundred of the troops
at hand, and ordered them to go with Magnus. And Photius also, wishing
to lead them, leaped into the channel of the aqueduct, but Belisarius
prevented him. Then those who were fleeing from the danger, put to shame
by the railings of the general and of Photius, took heart to face it
once more and followed with the others. And Belisarius, fearing lest
their operations should be perceived by some of the enemy, who were
maintaining a guard on the tower which happened to be nearest to the
aqueduct, went to that place and commanded Bessas to carry on a
conversation in the Gothic tongue with the barbarians there, his purpose
being to prevent any clanging of the weapons from being audible to them.
And so Bessas shouted to them in a loud voice, urging the Goths to yield
to Belisarius and promising that they should have many rewards. But they
jeered at him, indulging in many insults directed at both Belisarius and
the emperor. Belisarius and Bessas, then, were thus occupied.

Now the aqueduct of Naples is not only covered until it reaches the
wall, but remains covered as it extends to a great distance inside the
city, being carried on a high arch of baked brick. Consequently, when
the men under the command of Magnus and Ennes had got inside the
fortifications, they were one and all unable even to conjecture where
in the world they were. Furthermore, they could not leave the aqueduct
at any point until the foremost of them came to a place where the
aqueduct chanced to be without a roof and where stood a building which
had entirely fallen into neglect. Inside this building a certain woman
had her dwelling, living alone with utter poverty as her only companion;
and an olive tree had grown out over the aqueduct. So when these men saw
the sky and perceived that they were in the midst of the city, they
began to plan how they might get out, but they had no means of leaving
the aqueduct either with or without their arms. For the structure
happened to be very high at that point and, besides, offered no means of
climbing to the top. But as the soldiers were in a state of great
perplexity and were beginning to crowd each other greatly as they
collected there (for already, as the men in the rear kept coming up, a
great throng was beginning to gather), the thought occurred to one of
them to make trial of the ascent. He immediately therefore laid down his
arms, and forcing his way up with hands and feet, reached the woman's
house. And seeing her there, he threatened to kill her unless she should
remain silent. And she was terror-stricken and remained speechless. He
then fastened to the trunk of the olive tree a strong strap, and threw
the other end of it into the aqueduct. So the soldiers, laying hold of
it one at a time, managed with difficulty to make the ascent. And after
all had come up and a fourth part of the night still remained, they
proceeded toward the wall; and they slew the garrison of two of the
towers before the men in them had an inkling of the trouble. These
towers were on the northern portion of the circuit-wall, where
Belisarius was stationed with Bessas and Photius, anxiously awaiting the
progress of events. So while the trumpeters were summoning the army to
the wall, Belisarius was placing the ladders against the fortifications
and commanding the soldiers to mount them. But it so happened that not
one of the ladders reached as far as the parapet. For since the workmen
had not made them in sight of the wall, they had not been able to arrive
at the proper measure. For this reason they bound two together, and it
was only by using both of them for the ascent that the soldiers got
above the level of the parapet. Such was the progress of these events
where Belisarius was engaged.

But on the side of the circuit-wall which faces the sea, where the
forces on guard were not barbarians, but Jews, the soldiers were unable
either to use the ladders or to scale the wall. For the Jews had already
given offence to their enemy by having opposed their efforts to capture
the city without a fight, and for this reason they had no hope if they
should fall into their hands; so they kept fighting stubbornly, although
they could see that the city had already been captured, and held out
beyond all expectation against the assaults of their opponents. But when
day came and some of those who had mounted the wall marched against
them, then at last they also, now that they were being shot at from
behind, took to flight, and Naples was captured by storm. By this time
the gates were thrown open and the whole Roman army came in. [L] But
those who were stationed about the gates which fronted the east, since,
as it happened, they had no ladders at hand, set fire to these gates,
which were altogether unguarded; for that part of the wall had been
deserted, the guards having taken to flight. And then a great slaughter
took place; for all of them were possessed with fury, especially those
who had chanced to have a brother or other relative slain in the
fighting at the wall. And they kept killing all whom they encountered,
sparing neither old nor young, and dashing into the houses they made
slaves of the women and children and secured the valuables as plunder;
and in this the Massagetae outdid all the rest, for they did not even
withhold their hand from the sanctuaries, but slew many of those who had
taken refuge in them, until Belisarius, visiting every part of the city,
put a stop to this, and calling all together, spoke as follows:

          DATE:
           [L] 536 A.D.

"Inasmuch as God has given us the victory and has permitted us to attain
the greatest height of glory, by putting under our hand a city which has
never been captured before, it behooves us on our part to shew ourselves
not unworthy of His grace, but by our humane treatment of the
vanquished, to make it plain that we have conquered these men justly. Do
not, therefore, hate the Neapolitans with a boundless hatred, and do not
allow your hostility toward them to continue beyond the limits of the
war. For when men have been vanquished, their victors never hate them
any longer. And by killing them you will not be ridding yourselves of
enemies for the future, but you will be suffering a loss through the
death of your subjects. Therefore, do these men no further harm, nor
continue to give way wholly to anger. For it is a disgrace to prevail
over the enemy and then to shew yourselves vanquished by passion. So let
all the possessions of these men suffice for you as the rewards of your
valour, but let their wives, together with the children, be given back
to the men. And let the conquered learn by experience what kind of
friends they have forfeited by reason of foolish counsel."

After speaking thus, Belisarius released to the Neapolitans their women
and children and the slaves, one and all, no insult having been
experienced by them, and he reconciled the soldiers to the citizens. And
thus it came to pass for the Neapolitans that on that day they both
became captives and regained their liberty, and that they recovered the
most precious of their possessions. For those of them who happened to
have gold or anything else of value had previously concealed it by
burying it in the earth, and in this way they succeeded in hiding from
the enemy the fact that in getting back their houses they were
recovering their money also. And the siege, which had lasted about
twenty days, ended thus. As for the Goths who were captured in the city,
not less than eight hundred in number, Belisarius put them under guard
and kept them from all harm, holding them in no less honour than his own
soldiers.

And Pastor, who had been leading the people upon a course of folly, as
has been previously[39] set forth by me, upon seeing the city captured,
fell into a fit of apoplexy and died suddenly, though he had neither
been ill before nor suffered any harm from anyone. But Asclepiodotus,
who was engaged in this intrigue with him, came before Belisarius with
those of the notables who survived. And Stephanus mocked and reviled him
with these words: "See, O basest of all men, what evils you have brought
to your fatherland, by selling the safety of the citizens for loyalty to
the Goths. And furthermore, if things had gone well for the barbarians,
you would have claimed the right to be yourself a hireling in their
service and to bring to court on the charge of trying to betray the city
to the Romans each one of us who have given the better counsel. But now
that the emperor has captured the city, and we have been saved by the
uprightness of this man, and you even so have had the hardihood
recklessly to come into the presence of the general as if you had done
no harm to the Neapolitans or to the emperor's army, you will meet with
the punishment you deserve." Such were the words which Stephanus, who
was deeply grieved by the misfortune of the city, hurled against
Asclepiodotus. And Asclepiodotus replied to him as follows: "Quite
unwittingly, noble Sir, you have been heaping praise upon us, when you
reproach us for our loyalty to the Goths. For no one could ever be loyal
to his masters when they are in danger, except it be by firm conviction.
As for me, then, the victors will have in me as true a guardian of the
state as they lately found in me an enemy, since he whom nature has
endowed with the quality of fidelity does not change his conviction when
he changes his fortune. But you, should their fortunes not continue to
prosper as before, would readily listen to the overtures of their
assailants. For he who has the disease of inconstancy of mind no sooner
takes fright than he denies his pledge to those most dear." Such were
the words of Asclepiodotus. But the populace of the Neapolitans, when
they saw him returning from Belisarius, gathered in a body and began to
charge him with responsibility for all that had befallen them. And they
did not leave him until they had killed him and torn his body into small
pieces. After that they came to the house of Pastor, seeking for the
man. And when the servants insisted that Pastor was dead, they were
quite unwilling to believe them until they were shown the man's body.
And the Neapolitans impaled him in the outskirts of the town. Then they
begged Belisarius to pardon them for what they had done while moved with
just anger, and receiving his forgiveness, they dispersed. Such was the
fate of the Neapolitans.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] Cf. chap. v. 3.

[38] Cf. chap. v. 5.

[39] Chap. viii. 22.




XI


But the Goths who were at Rome and in the country round about had even
before this regarded with great amazement the inactivity of Theodatus,
because, though the enemy was in his neighbourhood, he was unwilling to
engage them in battle, and they felt among themselves much suspicion
toward him, believing that he was betraying the cause of the Goths to
the Emperor Justinian of his own free will, and cared for nothing else
than that he himself might live in quiet, possessed of as much money as
possible. Accordingly, when they heard that Naples had been captured,
they began immediately to make all these charges against him openly and
gathered at a place two hundred and eighty stades distant from Rome,
which the Romans call Regata.[40] And it seemed best to them to make
camp in that place; for there are extensive plains there which furnish
pasture for horses. And a river also flows by the place, which the
inhabitants call Decennovium[41] in the Latin tongue, because it flows
past nineteen milestones, a distance which amounts to one hundred and
thirteen stades, before it empties into the sea near the city of
Taracina; and very near that place is Mt. Circaeum, where they say
Odysseus met Circe, though the story seems to me untrustworthy, for
Homer declares that the habitation of Circe was on an island. This,
however, I am able to say, that this Mt. Circaeum, extending as it does
far into the sea, resembles an island, so that both to those who sail
close to it and to those who walk to the shore in the neighbourhood it
has every appearance of being an island. And only when a man gets on it
does he realize that he was deceived in his former opinion. And for this
reason Homer perhaps called the place an island. But I shall return to
the previous narrative.

The Goths, after gathering at Regata, chose as king over them and the
Italians Vittigis, a man who, though not of a conspicuous house, had
previously won great renown in the battles about Sirmium, when Theoderic
was carrying on the war against the Gepaedes.[42] Theodatus, therefore,
upon hearing this, rushed off in flight and took the road to Ravenna.
But Vittigis quickly sent Optaris, a Goth, instructing him to bring
Theodatus alive or dead. Now it happened that this Optaris was hostile
to Theodatus for the following cause. Optaris was wooing a certain young
woman who was an heiress and also exceedingly beautiful to look upon.
But Theodatus, being bribed to do so, took the woman he was wooing from
him, and betrothed her to another. And so, since he was not only
satisfying his own rage, but rendering a service to Vittigis as well, he
pursued Theodatus with great eagerness and enthusiasm, stopping neither
day nor night. And he overtook him while still on his way, laid him on
his back on the ground, and slew him like a victim for sacrifice. Such
was the end of Theodatus' life and of his rule, which had reached the
third year.[M]

          DATE:
            [M]Dec. 536 A.D.

And Vittigis, together with the Goths who were with him, marched to
Rome. And when he learned what had befallen Theodatus, he was pleased
and put Theodatus' son Theodegisclus under guard. But it seemed to him
that the preparations of the Goths were by no means complete, and for
this reason he thought it better first to go to Ravenna, and after
making everything ready there in the best possible way, then at length
to enter upon the war. He therefore called all the Goths together and
spoke as follows:

"The success of the greatest enterprises, fellow-soldiers, generally
depends, not upon hasty action at critical moments, but upon careful
planning. For many a time a policy of delay adopted at the opportune
moment has brought more benefit than the opposite course, and haste
displayed at an unseasonable time has upset for many men their hope of
success. For in most cases those who are unprepared, though they fight
on equal terms so far as their forces are concerned, are more easily
conquered than those who, with less strength, enter the struggle with
the best possible preparation. Let us not, therefore, be so lifted up by
the desire to win momentary honour as to do ourselves irreparable harm;
for it is better to suffer shame for a short time and by so doing gain
an undying glory, than to escape insult for the moment and thereby, as
would probably be the case, be left in obscurity for all after time. And
yet you doubtless know as well as I that the great body of the Goths and
practically our whole equipment of arms is in Gaul and Venetia and the
most distant lands. Furthermore, we are carrying on against the nations
of the Franks a war which is no less important than this one, and it is
great folly for us to proceed to another war without first settling that
one satisfactorily. For it is natural that those who become exposed to
attack on two sides and do not confine their attention to a single enemy
should be worsted by their opponents. But I say that we must now go
straight from here to Ravenna, and after bringing the war against the
Franks to an end and settling all our other affairs as well as possible,
then with the whole army of the Goths we must fight it out with
Belisarius. And let no one of you, I say, try to dissemble regarding
this withdrawal, nor hesitate to call it flight. For the title of
coward, fittingly applied, has saved many, while the reputation for
bravery which some men have gained at the wrong time, has afterward led
them to defeat. For it is not the names of things, but the advantage
which comes from what is done, that is worth seeking after. For a man's
worth is revealed by his deeds, not at their commencement, but at their
end. And those do not flee before the enemy who, when they have
increased their preparation, forthwith go against them, but those who
are so anxious to save their own lives for ever that they deliberately
stand aside. And regarding the capture of this city, let no fear come to
any one of you. For if, on the one hand, the Romans are loyal to us,
they will guard the city in security for the Goths, and they will not
experience any hardship, for we shall return to them in a short time.
And if, on the other hand, they harbour any suspicions toward us, they
will harm us less by receiving the enemy into the city; for it is better
to fight in the open against one's enemies. None the less I shall take
care that nothing of this sort shall happen. For we shall leave behind
many men and a most discreet leader, and they will be sufficient to
guard Rome so effectively that not only will the situation here be
favourable for us, but also that no harm may possibly come from this
withdrawal of ours."

Thus spoke Vittigis. And all the Goths expressed approval and prepared
for the journey. After this Vittigis exhorted at length Silverius, the
priest[43] of the city, and the senate and people of the Romans,
reminding them of the rule of Theoderic, and he urged upon all to be
loyal to the nation of the Goths, binding them by the most solemn oaths
to do so; and he chose out no fewer than four thousand men, and set in
command over them Leuderis, a man of mature years who enjoyed a great
reputation for discretion, that they might guard Rome for the Goths.
Then he set out for Ravenna with the rest of the army, keeping the most
of the senators with him as hostages. And when he had reached that
place, he made Matasuntha, the daughter of Amalasuntha, who was a maiden
now of marriageable age, his wedded wife, much against her will, in
order that he might make his rule more secure by marrying into the
family of Theoderic. After this he began to gather all the Goths from
every side and to organize and equip them, duly distributing arms and
horses to each one; and only the Goths who were engaged in garrison duty
in Gaul he was unable to summon, through fear of the Franks. These
Franks were called "Germani" in ancient times. And the manner in which
they first got a foothold in Gaul, and where they had lived before that,
and how they became hostile to the Goths, I shall now proceed to relate.

FOOTNOTES:

[40] Near Terracina.

[41] The name is made from _decem_ and _novem_, "nineteen,"--apparently
a late formation. The "river" was in reality a canal, extending from
Appii Forum to Terracina.

[42] Chap. iii. 15.

[43] Silverius was Pope 536-537 A.D.




XII


As one sails from the ocean into the Mediterranean at Gadira, the land
on the left, as was stated in the preceding narrative,[44] is named
Europe, while the land opposite to this is called Libya, and, farther
on, Asia. Now as to the region beyond Libya[45] I am unable to speak
with accuracy;[46] for it is almost wholly destitute of men, and for
this reason the first source of the Nile, which they say flows from
that land toward Egypt, is quite unknown. But Europe at its very
beginning is exceedingly like the Peloponnesus, and fronts the sea on
either side. And the land which is first toward the ocean and the west
is named Spain, extending as far as the alps of the Pyrenees range. For
the men of this country are accustomed to call a narrow, shut-in pass
"alps." And the land from there on as far as the boundaries of Liguria
is called Gaul. And in that place other alps separate the Gauls and the
Ligurians. Gaul, however, is much broader than Spain, and naturally so,
because Europe, beginning with a narrow peninsula, gradually widens as
one advances until it attains an extraordinary breadth. And this land is
bounded by water on either side, being washed on the north by the ocean,
and having on the south the sea called the Tuscan Sea. And in Gaul there
flow numerous rivers, among which are the Rhone and the Rhine. But the
course of these two being in opposite directions, the one empties into
the Tuscan Sea, while the Rhine empties into the ocean. And there are
many lakes[47] in that region, and this is where the Germans lived of
old, a barbarous nation, not of much consequence in the beginning, who
are now called Franks. Next to these lived the Arborychi,[48] who,
together with all the rest of Gaul, and, indeed, Spain also, were
subjects of the Romans from of old. And beyond them toward the east were
settled the Thuringian barbarians, Augustus, the first emperor, having
given them this country.[49] And the Burgundians lived not far from them
toward the south,[50] and the Suevi[51] also lived beyond the
Thuringians, and the Alamani,[52] powerful nations. All these were
settled there as independent peoples in earlier times.

But as time went on, the Visigoths forced their way into the Roman
empire and seized all Spain and the portion of Gaul lying beyond[53] the
Rhone River and made them subject and tributary to themselves. By that
time it so happened that the Arborychi had become soldiers of the
Romans. And the Germans, wishing to make this people subject to
themselves, since their territory adjoined their own and they had
changed the government under which they had lived from of old, began to
plunder their land and, being eager to make war, marched against them
with their whole people. But the Arborychi proved their valour and
loyalty to the Romans and shewed themselves brave men in this war, and
since the Germans were not able to overcome them by force, they wished
to win them over and make the two peoples kin by intermarriage. This
suggestion the Arborychi received not at all unwillingly; for both, as
it happened, were Christians. And in this way they were united into one
people, and came to have great power.

Now other Roman soldiers, also, had been stationed at the frontiers of
Gaul to serve as guards. And these soldiers, having no means of
returning to Rome, and at the same time being unwilling to yield to
their enemy[54] who were Arians, gave themselves, together with their
military standards and the land which they had long been guarding for
the Romans, to the Arborychi and Germans; and they handed down to their
offspring all the customs of their fathers, which were thus preserved,
and this people has held them in sufficient reverence to guard them even
up to my time. For even at the present day they are clearly recognized
as belonging to the legions to which they were assigned when they served
in ancient times, and they always carry their own standards when they
enter battle, and always follow the customs of their fathers. And they
preserve the dress of the Romans in every particular, even as regards
their shoes.

Now as long as the Roman polity remained unchanged,[55] the emperor held
all Gaul as far as the Rhone River; but when Odoacer changed the
government into a tyranny, [N] then, since the tyrant yielded to them,
the Visigoths took possession of all Gaul as far as the alps which mark
the boundary between Gaul and Liguria. [O]But after the fall of Odoacer,
the Thuringians and the Visigoths began to fear the power of the
Germans, which was now growing greater (for their country had become
exceedingly populous and they were forcing into subjection without any
concealment those who from time to time came in their way), and so they
were eager to win the alliance of the Goths and Theoderic. And since
Theoderic wished to attach these peoples to himself, he did not refuse
to intermarry with them. Accordingly he betrothed to Alaric the younger,
who was then leader of the Visigoths, his own unmarried daughter
Theodichusa, and to Hermenefridus, the ruler of the Thuringians,
Amalaberga, the daughter of his sister Amalafrida. As a result of this
the Franks refrained from violence against these peoples through fear of
Theoderic, but they began a war against the Burgundians. But later on
the Franks and the Goths entered into an offensive alliance against the
Burgundians, agreeing that each of the two should send an army against
them; and it was further agreed that if either army should be absent
when the other took the field against the nation of the Burgundians and
overthrew them and gained the land which they had, then the victors
should receive as a penalty from those who had not joined in the
expedition a fixed sum of gold, and that only on these terms should the
conquered land belong to both peoples in common. So the Germans went
against the Burgundians with a great army according to the agreement
between themselves and the Goths; but Theoderic was still engaged with
his preparations, as he said, and purposely kept putting off the
departure of the army to the following day, and waiting for what would
come to pass. Finally, however, he sent the army, but commanded the
generals to march in a leisurely fashion, and if they should hear that
the Franks had been victorious, they were thenceforth to go quickly, but
if they should learn that any adversity had befallen them, they were to
proceed no farther, but remain where they were. So they proceeded to
carry out the commands of Theoderic, but meanwhile the Germans joined
battle alone with the Burgundians.[P] The battle was stubbornly
contested and a great slaughter took place on both sides, for the
struggle was very evenly matched; but finally the Franks routed their
enemy and drove them to the borders of the land which they inhabited at
that time, where they had many strongholds, while the Franks took
possession of all the rest. And the Goths, upon hearing this, were
quickly at hand. And when they were bitterly reproached by their allies,
they blamed the difficulty of the country, and laying down the amount of
the penalty, they divided the land with the victors according to the
agreement made. And thus the foresight of Theoderic was revealed more
clearly than ever, because, without losing a single one of his subjects,
he had with a little gold acquired half of the land of his enemy. Thus
it was that the Goths and Germans in the beginning got possession of a
certain part of Gaul.

          DATES:
            [N]476 A.D.
            [O]493 A.D.
            [P]534 A.D.

But later on, when the power of the Germans was growing greater, they
began to think slightingly of Theoderic and the fear he inspired, and
took the field against Alaric and the Visigoths. And when Alaric learned
this, he summoned Theoderic as quickly as possible. And he set out to
his assistance with a great army. In the meantime, the Visigoths, upon
learning that the Germans were in camp near the city of Carcasiana,[56]
went to meet them, and making a camp remained quiet. But since much time
was being spent by them in blocking the enemy in this way, they began to
be vexed, and seeing that their land was being plundered by the enemy,
they became indignant. And at length they began to heap many insults
upon Alaric, reviling him on account of his fear of the enemy and
taunting him with the delay of his father-in-law. For they declared that
they by themselves were a match for the enemy in battle and that even
though unaided they would easily overcome the Germans in the war. For
this reason Alaric was compelled to do battle with the enemy before the
Goths had as yet arrived. And the Germans, gaining the upper hand in
this engagement, killed the most of the Visigoths and their ruler
Alaric. [Q] Then they took possession of the greater part of Gaul and
held it; and they laid siege to Carcasiana with great enthusiasm,
because they had learned that the royal treasure was there, which Alaric
the elder in earlier times had taken as booty when he captured Rome.[57]
Among these were also the treasures of Solomon, the king of the Hebrews,
a most noteworthy sight. [R]For the most of them were adorned with
emeralds; and they had been taken from Jerusalem by the Romans in
ancient times.[58] Then the survivors of the Visigoths declared Giselic,
an illegitimate son of Alaric, ruler over them, Amalaric, the son of
Theoderic's daughter, being still a very young child. And afterwards,
when Theoderic had come with the army of the Goths, the Germans became
afraid and broke up the siege. So they retired from there and took
possession of the part of Gaul beyond the Rhone River as far as the
ocean. And Theoderic, being unable to drive them out from there,
allowed them to hold this territory, but he himself recovered the rest
of Gaul. Then, after Giselic had been put out of the way, he conferred
the rule of the Visigoths upon his grandson Amalaric, for whom, since he
was still a child, he himself acted as regent. And taking all the money
which lay in the city of Carcasiana, he marched quickly back to Ravenna;
furthermore, he continued to send commanders and armies into Gaul and
Spain, thus holding the real power of the government himself, and by way
of providing that he should hold it securely and permanently, he
ordained that the rulers of those countries should bring tribute to him.
And though he received this every year, in order not to give the
appearance of being greedy for money he sent it as an annual gift to the
army of the Goths and Visigoths. And as a result of this, the Goths and
Visigoths, as time went on, ruled as they were by one man and holding
the same land, betrothed their children to one another and thus joined
the two races in kinship.

          DATES:
            [Q]507 A.D.
            [R]410 A.D.

But afterwards, Theudis, a Goth, whom Theoderic had sent as commander of
the army, took to wife a woman from Spain; she was not, however, of the
race of the Visigoths, but belonged to the house of one of the wealthy
inhabitants of that land, and not only possessed great wealth but also
owned a large estate in Spain. From this estate he gathered about two
thousand soldiers and surrounded himself with a force of bodyguards, and
while in name he was a ruler over the Goths by the gift of Theoderic, he
was in fact an out and out tyrant. And Theoderic, who was wise and
experienced in the highest degree, was afraid to carry on a war against
his own slave, lest the Franks meanwhile should take the field against
him, as they naturally would, or the Visigoths on their part should
begin a revolution against him; accordingly he did not remove Theudis
from his office, but even continued to command him, whenever the army
went to war, to lead it forth. However, he directed the first men of the
Goths to write to Theudis that he would be acting justly and in a manner
worthy of his wisdom, if he should come to Ravenna and salute Theoderic.
Theudis, however, although he carried out all the commands of Theoderic
and never failed to send in the annual tribute, would not consent to go
to Ravenna, nor would he promise those who had written to him that he
would do so.

FOOTNOTES:

[44] Book III. i. 7.

[45] _i.e._ equatorial Africa.

[46] Cf. Book IV. xiii. 29.

[47] This vague statement is intended to describe the country west of
the Rhine, at that time a land of forests and swamps.

[48] The people whom Procopius names Arborychi must be the Armorici. If
so, they occupied the coast of what is now Belgium.

[49] Now south-eastern Germany.

[50] Now south-eastern France.

[51] Between the Germans and Burgundians.

[52] In modern Bavaria.

[53] _i.e._ west of the Rhone.

[54] _i.e._ the Visigoths.

[55] _i.e._ under a recognized imperial dynasty.

[56] In Gallia Narbonensis, modern Carcassone. Procopius has been
misled. The battle here described was fought in the neighbourhood of
Poitiers.

[57] Cf. Book III. ii. 14-24.

[58] At the capture of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 A.D. The treasures here
mentioned were removed from Rome in 410 A.D. The remainder of the Jewish
treasure formed part of the spoil of Gizeric, the Vandal. Cf. Book IV.
ix. 5 and note.




XIII


After Theoderic had departed from the world,[S] the Franks, now that
there was no longer anyone to oppose them, took the field against the
Thuringians, and not only killed their leader Hermenefridus but also
reduced to subjection the entire people. But the wife of Hermenefridus
took her children and secretly made her escape, coming to Theodatus, her
brother, who was at that time ruling over the Goths. After this the
Germans made an attack upon the Burgundians who had survived the former
war,[59] and defeating them in battle confined their leader in one of
the fortresses of the country and kept him under guard, while they
reduced the people to subjection and compelled them, as prisoners of
war, to march with them from that time forth against their enemies, and
the whole land which the Burgundians had previously inhabited they made
subject and tributary to themselves. And Amalaric, who was ruling over
the Visigoths, upon coming to man's estate, became thoroughly frightened
at the power of the Germans and so took to wife the sister of
Theudibert, ruler of the Germans, and divided Gaul with the Goths and
his cousin Atalaric. The Goths, namely, received as their portion the
land to the east of the Rhone River, while that to the west fell under
the control of the Visigoths. And it was agreed that the tribute which
Theoderic had imposed should no longer be paid to the Goths, and
Atalaric honestly and justly restored to Amalaric all the money which he
had taken from the city of Carcasiana. Then, since these two nations had
united with one another by intermarriage, they allowed each man who had
espoused a wife of the other people to choose whether he wished to
follow his wife, or bring her among his own people. And there were many
who led their wives to the people they preferred and many also who were
led by their wives. But later on Amalaric, having given offence to his
wife's brother, suffered a great calamity. For while his wife was of the
orthodox faith, he himself followed the heresy of Arius, and he would
not allow her to hold to her customary beliefs or to perform the rites
of religion according to the tradition of her fathers, and, furthermore,
because she was unwilling to conform to his customs, he held her in
great dishonour. And since the woman was unable to bear this, she
disclosed the whole matter to her brother. For this reason, then, the
Germans and Visigoths entered into war with each other. [T]And the
battle which took place was for a long time very stoutly contested, but
finally Amalaric was defeated, losing many of his men, and was himself
slain. And Theudibert took his sister with all the money, and as much of
Gaul as the Visigoths held as their portion. And the survivors of the
vanquished emigrated from Gaul with their wives and children and went to
Theudis in Spain, who was already acting the tyrant openly. Thus did the
Goths and Germans gain possession of Gaul.

          DATES:
            [S]526 A.D.
            [T]531 A.D.

But at a later time[60] Theodatus, the ruler of the Goths, upon learning
that Belisarius had come to Sicily, made a compact with the Germans, in
which it was agreed that the Germans should have that portion of Gaul
which fell to the Goths, and should receive twenty centenaria[61] of
gold, and that in return they should assist the Goths in this war. But
before he had as yet carried out the agreement he fulfilled his
destiny.[U] It was for this reason, then, that many of the noblest of
the Goths, with Marcias as their leader, were keeping guard in Gaul. It
was these men whom Vittigis was unable to recall from Gaul,[62] and
indeed he did not think them numerous enough even to oppose the Franks,
who would, in all probability, overrun both Gaul and Italy, if he should
march with his whole army against Rome. He therefore called together all
who were loyal among the Goths and spoke as follows:

          DATE:
            [U]526 A.D.

"The advice which I have wished to give you, fellow-countrymen, in
bringing you together here at the present time, is not pleasant, but it
is necessary; and do you hear me kindly, and deliberate in a manner
befitting the situation which is upon us. For when affairs do not go as
men wish, it is inexpedient for them to go on with their present
arrangements in disregard of necessity or fortune. Now in all other
respects our preparations for war are in the best possible state. But
the Franks are an obstacle to us; against them, our ancient enemies, we
have indeed been spending both our lives and our money, but nevertheless
we have succeeded in holding our own up to the present time, since no
other hostile force has confronted us. But now that we are compelled to
go against another foe, it will be necessary to put an end to the war
against them, in the first place because, if they remain hostile to us,
they will certainly array themselves with Belisarius against us; for
those who have the same enemy are by the very nature of things induced
to enter into friendship and alliance with each other. In the second
place, even if we carry on the war separately against each army, we
shall in the end be defeated by both of them. It is better, therefore,
for us to accept a little loss and thus preserve the greatest part of
our kingdom, than in our eagerness to hold everything to be destroyed by
the enemy and lose at the same time the whole power of our supremacy. So
my opinion is that if we give the Germans the provinces of Gaul which
adjoin them, and together with this land all the money which Theodatus
agreed to give them, they will not only be turned from their enmity
against us, but will even lend us assistance in this war. But as to how
at a later time, when matters are going well for us, we may regain
possession of Gaul, let no one of you consider this question. For an
ancient saying[63] comes to my mind, which bids us 'settle well the
affairs of the present.'"

Upon hearing this speech the notables of the Goths, considering the plan
advantageous, wished it to be put into effect. Accordingly envoys were
immediately sent to the nation of the Germans, in order to give them the
lands of Gaul together with the gold, and to make an offensive and
defensive alliance. Now at that time the rulers of the Franks were
Ildibert, Theudibert, and Cloadarius, and they received Gaul and the
money, and divided the land among them according to the territory ruled
by each one, and they agreed to be exceedingly friendly to the Goths,
and secretly to send them auxiliary troops, not Franks, however, but
soldiers drawn from the nations subject to them. For they were unable to
make an alliance with them openly against the Romans, because they had a
little before agreed to assist the emperor in this war. So the envoys,
having accomplished the mission on which they had been sent, returned to
Ravenna. At that time also Vittigis summoned Marcias with his followers.

FOOTNOTES:

[59] Cf. chap. xii. 24 ff.

[60] Procopius resumes his narrative, which was interrupted by the
digression beginning in chap. xii.

[61] Cf. Book I. xxii. 4; III. vi. 2 and note.

[62] Cf. chap. xi. 28.

[63] Cf. Thuc. i. 35, [Greek: thesthai to paron], "to deal with the
actual situation"; Hor. _Od._ iii. 29, 32, "quod adest memento |
Componere."




XIV


But while Vittigis was carrying on these negotiations, Belisarius was
preparing to go to Rome. He accordingly selected three hundred men from
the infantry forces with Herodian as their leader, and assigned them
the duty of guarding Naples. And he also sent to Cumae as large a
garrison as he thought would be sufficient to guard the fortress there.
For there was no stronghold in Campania except those at Cumae and at
Naples. It is in this city of Cumae that the inhabitants point out the
cave of the Sibyl, where they say her oracular shrine was; and Cumae is
on the sea, one hundred and twenty-eight stades distant from Naples.
Belisarius, then, was thus engaged in putting his army in order; but the
inhabitants of Rome, fearing lest all the calamities should befall them
which had befallen the Neapolitans, decided after considering the matter
that it was better to receive the emperor's army into the city. And more
than any other Silverius,[64] the chief priest of the city, urged them
to adopt this course. So they sent Fidelius, a native of Milan, which is
situated in Liguria, a man who had been previously an adviser of
Atalaric (such an official is called "quaestor"[65] by the Romans), and
invited Belisarius to come to Rome, promising to put the city into his
hands without a battle. So Belisarius led his army from Naples by the
Latin Way, leaving on the left the Appian Way, which Appius, the consul
of the Romans, had made nine hundred years before[66] and to which he
had given his name.

Now the Appian Way is in length a journey of five days for an
unencumbered traveller; for it extends from Rome to Capua. And the
breadth of this road is such that two waggons going in opposite
directions can pass one another, and it is one of the noteworthy sights
of the world. For all the stone, which is mill-stone[67] and hard by
nature, Appius quarried in another place[68] far away and brought there;
for it is not found anywhere in this district. And after working these
stones until they were smooth and flat, and cutting them to a polygonal
shape, he fastened them together without putting concrete or anything
else between them. And they were fastened together so securely and the
joints were so firmly closed, that they give the appearance, when one
looks at them, not of being fitted together, but of having grown
together. And after the passage of so long a time, and after being
traversed by many waggons and all kinds of animals every day, they have
neither separated at all at the joints, nor has any one of the stones
been worn out or reduced in thickness,--nay, they have not even lost any
of their polish. Such, then, is the Appian Way.

But as for the Goths who were keeping guard in Rome, it was not until
they learned that the enemy were very near and became aware of the
decision of the Romans, that they began to be concerned for the city,
and, being unable to meet the attacking army in battle, they were at a
loss; but later, with the permission of the Romans, they all departed
thence and proceeded to Ravenna, except that Leuderis, who commanded
them, being ashamed, I suppose, because of the situation in which he
found himself, remained there. And it so happened on that day that at
the very same time when Belisarius and the emperor's army were entering
Rome through the gate which they call the Asinarian Gate, the Goths were
withdrawing from the city through another gate which bears the name
Flaminian; and Rome became subject to the Romans again after a space of
sixty years, on the ninth day of the last month, which is called
"December" by the Romans, in the eleventh year of the reign of the
Emperor Justinian. [V] Now Belisarius sent Leuderis, the commander of
the Goths, and the keys of the gates to the emperor, but he himself
turned his attention to the circuit-wall, which had fallen into ruin in
many places; and he constructed each merlon of the battlement with a
wing, adding a sort of flanking wall on the left side,[69] in order that
those fighting from the battlement against their assailants might never
be hit by missiles thrown by those storming the wall on their left; and
he also dug a moat about the wall of sufficient depth to form a very
important part of the defences. And the Romans applauded the forethought
of the general and especially the experience displayed in the matter of
the battlement; but they marvelled greatly and were vexed that he should
have thought it possible for him to enter Rome if he had any idea that
he would be besieged, for it cannot possibly endure a siege because it
cannot be supplied with provisions, since it is not on the sea, is
enclosed by a wall of so huge a circumference,[70] and, above all, lying
as it does in a very level plain, is naturally exceedingly easy of
access for its assailants. But although Belisarius heard all these
criticisms, he nevertheless continued to make all his preparations for a
siege, and the grain which he had in his ships when he came from Sicily
he stored in public granaries and kept under guard, and he compelled all
the Romans, indignant though they were, to bring all their provisions in
from the country.

          DATE:
            [V]536 A.D.

FOOTNOTES:

[64] Cf. chap. xi. 26, note.

[65] The quaestor held an important position as counsellor ([Greek:
paredros]) of the emperor in legal matters. It was his function, also,
to formulate and publish new laws.

[66] Built in 312 B.C. by the censor, Appius Claudius.

[67] Chiefly basalt. As built by Appius, however, the surface was of
gravel; the stone blocks date from later years.

[68] Apparently an error, for lava quarries have been found along the
road.

[69] _i.e._ on the left of the defender. The battlement, then, in
horizontal section, had this form |--|--|--, instead of the usual series
of straight merlons. Winged merlons were used on the walls of Pompeii;
for an excellent illustration see Overbeck, _Pompeji_^4, p. 46.

[70] _i.e._ too great to be defended at every point: the total length of
the circuit-wall was about twelve miles.




XV


At that time Pitzas, a Goth, coming from Samnium, also put himself and
all the Goths who were living there with him into the hands of
Belisarius, as well as the half of that part of Samnium which lies on
the sea, as far as the river which flows through the middle of that
district.[71] For the Goths who were settled on the other side of the
river were neither willing to follow Pitzas nor to be subjects of the
emperor. And Belisarius gave him a small number of soldiers to help him
guard that territory. And before this the Calabrians and Apulians, since
no Goths were present in their land, had willingly submitted themselves
to Belisarius, both those on the coast and those who held the interior.

Among the interior towns is Beneventus,[72] which in ancient times the
Romans had named "Maleventus," but now they call it Beneventus, avoiding
the evil omen of the former name,[73] "ventus" having the meaning "wind"
in the Latin tongue. For in Dalmatia, which lies across from this city
on the opposite mainland, a wind of great violence and exceedingly wild
is wont to fall upon the country, and when this begins to blow, it is
impossible to find a man there who continues to travel on the road, but
all shut themselves up at home and wait. Such, indeed, is the force of
the wind that it seizes a man on horseback together with his horse and
carries him through the air, and then, after whirling him about in the
air to a great distance, it throws him down wherever he may chance to be
and kills him. And it so happens that Beneventus, being opposite to
Dalmatia, as I have said, and situated on rather high ground, gets some
of the disadvantage of this same wind. This city was built of old by
Diomedes, the son of Tydeus, when after the capture of Troy he was
repulsed from Argos. And he left to the city as a token the tusks of the
Calydonian boar, which his uncle Meleager had received as a prize of the
hunt, and they are there even up to my time, a noteworthy sight and well
worth seeing, measuring not less than three spans around and having the
form of a crescent. There, too, they say that Diomedes met Aeneas, the
son of Anchises, when he was coming from Ilium, and in obedience to the
oracle gave him the statue of Athena which he had seized as plunder in
company with Odysseus, when the two went into Troy as spies before the
city was captured by the Greeks. For they tell the story that when he
fell sick at a later time, and made enquiry concerning the disease, the
oracle responded that he would never be freed from his malady unless he
should give this statue to a man of Troy. And as to where in the world
the statue itself is, the Romans say they do not know, but even up to my
time they shew a copy of it chiselled on a certain stone in the temple
of Fortune, where it lies before the bronze statue of Athena, which is
set up under the open sky in the eastern part of the temple. And this
copy on the stone represents a female figure in the pose of a warrior
and extending her spear as if for combat; but in spite of this she has a
chiton reaching to the feet. But the face does not resemble the Greek
statues of Athena, but is altogether like the work of the ancient
Aegyptians. The Byzantines, however, say that the Emperor Constantine
dug up this statue in the forum which bears his name[74] and set it
there. So much, then, for this.

In this way Belisarius won over the whole of that part of Italy which is
south of the Ionian Gulf,[75] as far as Rome and Samnium, and the
territory north of the gulf, as far as Liburnia, had been gained by
Constantianus, as has been said.[76] But I shall now explain how Italy
is divided among the inhabitants of the land. The Adriatic Sea[77] sends
out a kind of outlet far into the continent and thus forms the Ionian
Gulf, but it does not, as in other places where the sea enters the
mainland, form an isthmus at its end. For example, the so-called
Crisaean Gulf, ending at Lechaeum, where the city of Corinth is, forms
the isthmus of that city, about forty stades in breadth; and the gulf
off the Hellespont, which they call the Black Gulf,[78] makes the
isthmus at the Chersonese no broader than the Corinthian, but of about
the same size. But from the city of Ravenna, where the Ionian Gulf ends,
to the Tuscan Sea is not less than eight days' journey for an
unencumbered traveller. And the reason is that the arm of the sea, as it
advances,[79] always inclines very far to the right. And below this gulf
the first town is Dryus,[80] which is now called Hydrus. And on the
right of this are the Calabrians, Apulians, and Samnites, and next to
them dwell the Piceni, whose territory extends as far as the city of
Ravenna. And on the other side are the remainder of the Calabrians, the
Bruttii, and the Lucani, beyond whom dwell the Campani as far as the
city of Taracina, and their territory is adjoined by that of Rome. These
peoples hold the shores of the two seas, and all the interior of that
part of Italy. And this is the country called Magna Graecia in former
times. For among the Bruttii are the Epizephyrian Locrians and the
inhabitants of Croton and Thurii. But north of the gulf the first
inhabitants are Greeks, called Epirotes, as far as the city of
Epidamnus, which is situated on the sea. And adjoining this is the land
of Precalis, beyond which is the territory called Dalmatia, all of
which is counted as part of the western empire. And beyond that point is
Liburnia,[81] and Istria, and the land of the Veneti extending to the
city of Ravenna. These countries are situated on the sea in that region.
But above them are the Siscii and Suevi (not those who are subjects of
the Franks, but another group), who inhabit the interior. And beyond
these are settled the Carnii and Norici. On the right of these dwell the
Dacians and Pannonians, who hold a number of towns, including
Singidunum[82] and Sirmium, and extend as far as the Ister River. Now
these peoples north of the Ionian Gulf were ruled by the