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Title: A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume II. (of VI.)

Author: Jacob  Bryant

Release Date: October 18, 2006 [EBook #19584]

Language: English

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A

NEW SYSTEM;

OR, AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY:

WHEREIN AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO DIVEST TRADITION OF FABLE;
AND TO REDUCE THE TRUTH TO ITS ORIGINAL PURITY,

BY JACOB BRYANT, ESQ.

THE THIRD EDITION.
IN SIX VOLUMES.

WITH A PORTRAIT AND
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR;

A VINDICATION OF THE APAMEAN MEDAL;

Observations and Inquiries relating to various
Parts of Antient History;

A COMPLETE INDEX,

AND FORTY-ONE PLATES, NEATLY ENGRAVED.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. WALKER; W.J. AND J. RICHARDSON; R. FAULDER AND SON; R. LEA; J. NUNN; CUTHELL AND MARTIN; H.D. SYMONDS; VERNOR, HOOD, AND SHARPE; E. JEFFERY; LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO.; J. BOOKER; BLACK, PARRY, AND KINGSBURY; J. ASPERNE; J. MURRAY; AND J. HARRIS.

1807.

A

NEW SYSTEM

OR AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY.

PHŒNIX and PHŒNICES.

As there has been much uncertainty about the purport and extent of these terms; and they are of great consequence in the course of history; I will endeavour to state their true meaning. Phoinic, or Poinic, was an Egyptian and Canaanitish term of honour; from whence were formed Φοινιξ, Φοινικες, Φοινικοεις of the Greeks, and Phoinic, Poinicus, Poinicius of the Romans; which were afterwards changed to Phœnix, Punicus, and ^[1]Puniceus. It was originally a title, which the Greeks made use of as a provincial name: but it was never admitted as such by the people, to whom it was thus appropriated, till the Greeks were in possession of the country. And even then it was but partially received: for though mention is made of the coast of Phœnice, yet we find the natives called Sidonians, Tyrians, and ^[2]Canaanites, as late as the days of the Apostles. It was an honorary term, compounded of Anac with the Egyptian prefix; and rendered at times both Phoinic and Poinic. It signified a lord or prince: and was particularly assumed by the sons of Chus and Canaan. The Mysians seem to have kept nearest to the original pronunciation, who gave this title to the God Dionusus, and called him Ph'anac.

It was also conferred upon many things, which were esteemed princely and noble. Hence the red, or scarlet, a colour appropriated to great and honourable personages, was styled Phoinic. The palm was also styled Phoinic, Φοινιξ: and the antients always speak of it as a stately and noble tree. It was esteemed an emblem of honour; and made use of as a reward of victory. Plurimarum palmarum homo, was a proverbial expression among the Romans, for a soldier of merit. Pliny speaks of the various species of palms; and of the great repute in which they were held by the Babylonians. He says, that the noblest of them were styled the royal Palms; and supposes that they were so called from their being set apart for the king's use. But they were very early an emblem of royalty: and it is a circumstance included in their original name. We find from Apuleius, that Mercury, the ^[4]Hermes of Egypt, was represented with a palm branch in his hand: and his priests at Hermopolis used to have them stuck in their ^[5]sandals, on the outside. The Goddess ^[6]Isis was thus represented: and we may infer that Hermes had the like ornaments; which the Greeks mistook for feathers, and have in consequence of it added wings to his feet. The Jews used to carry boughs of the same tree at some of their festivals; and particularly at the celebration of their nuptials: and it was thought to have an influence at the birth. Euripides alludes to this in his Ion; where he makes Latona recline herself against a Palm tree, when she is going to produce Apollo and Diana.

In how great estimation this tree was held of old, we may learn from many passages in the sacred writings. Solomon says to his espoused, ^[8]how fair and how pleasant art thou, O Love, for delights: thy stature is like a Palm tree. And the Psalmist for an encouragement to holiness, says, ^[9]that the righteous shall flourish like the Palm tree: for the Palm was supposed to rise under a weight; and to thrive in proportion to its being ^[10]depressed. There is possibly a farther allusion in this, than may at first appear. The antients had an opinion, that the Palm was immortal: at least, if it did die, it recovered again, and obtained a second life by renewal. Hence the story of the bird, styled the Phoenix, is thought to have been borrowed from this tree. Pliny, in describing the species of Palm, styled Syagrus, says, ^[11]Mirum de eâ accepimus, cum Phœnice Ave, quæ putatur ex hujus Palmæ argumento nomen accepisse, iterum mori, et renasci ex seipsà. Hence we find it to have been an emblem of immortality among all nations, sacred and prophane. The blessed in heaven are represented in the Apocalypse by St. John, ^[12]as standing before the throne in white robes, with branches of Palm in their hands. The notion of this plant being an emblem of royalty prevailed so far, that when our Saviour made his last entrance into Jerusalem, the people took branches of Palm trees, and accosted him as a prince, crying, ^[13]Hosanna—blessed is the King of Israel.

The title of Phoinic seems at first to have been given to persons of great stature: but, in process of time, it was conferred upon people of power and eminence, like αναξ and ανακτες among the Greeks. The Cuthites in Egypt were styled Royal Shepherds, Βασιλεις Ποιμενες, and had therefore the title of Phœnices. A colony of them went from thence to Tyre and Syria: hence it is said by many writers that Phœnix came from Egypt to Tyre. People, not considering this, have been led to look for the shepherd's origin in Canaan, because they were sometimes called Phœnices. They might as well have looked for them in Greece; for they were equally styled ^[14]Ἑλληνες, Hellenes. Phœnicia, which the Greeks called Φοινικη, was but a small part of Canaan. It was properly a slip of sea coast, which lay within the jurisdiction of the Tyrians and Sidonians, and signifies Ora Regia; or, according to the language of the country, the coast of the Anakim. It was a lordly title, and derived from a stately and august people. All the natives of Canaan seem to have assumed to themselves great honour. The Philistines are spoken of as ^[15]Lords, and the merchants of Tyre as Princes; whose grandeur and magnificence are often alluded to in the Scriptures. The prophet Ezekiel calls them the princes of the sea. ^[16]Then all the princes of the sea shall come down from their thrones, and lay away their robes, and put off their broidered garments. And Isaiah speaks to the same purpose. ^[17]Who hath taken this counsel against Tyre, that crowning city, whose merchants are princes; whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth? The scripture term by which they are here distinguished is שרים, Sarim: but the title which they assumed to themselves was Ph'anac, or Ph'oinac, the Phœnix of the Greeks and Romans. And as it was a mere title, the sacred writers of the old testament never make use of it to distinguish either the people or country. This part of Canaan is never by them called Phœnicia: yet others did call it so; and the natives were styled Phœnices before the birth of Homer. But this was through mistake; for it was never used by the natives as a provincial appellation. I have shewn that it was a title of another sort, a mark of rank and pre-eminence: on this account it was assumed by other people, and conferred upon other places. For this reason it is never mentioned by any of the sacred writers before the captivity, in order to avoid ambiguity. The Gentile writers made use of it; and we see what mistakes have ensued. There were Phœnicians of various countries. They were to be found upon the Sinus ^[18]Persicus, upon the Sinus ^[19]Arabicus, in Egypt, in ^[20]Crete, in ^[21]Africa, in ^[22]Epirus, and even in Attica. ^[23]Φοινικες—γενος τι Αθηνῃσι. There is a race of people called Phœnicians among the ^[24]Athenians. In short, it was a title introduced at Sidon, and the coast adjoining, by people from Egypt: and who the people were that brought it may be known from several passages in antient history; but particularly from an extract in Eusebius, ^[25]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριαν, Τυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευον. Phœnix and Cadmus, retiring from Thebes, in Egypt, towards the coast of Syria, settled at Tyre and Sidon, and reigned there. It is said, that ^[26]Belus carried a colony to the same parts: and from what part of the world ^[27]Belus must be supposed to have come, needs not to be explained. Euripides styles Cepheus the king of Ethiopia, the son of Phœnix: and Apollodorus makes him the son of Belus: hence we may infer, that Belus and Phœnix were the same. Not that there were any such persons as Phœnix and Belus, for they were certainly titles: and, under the characters of those two personages, Colonies, named Belidæ and Phœnices, went abroad, and settled in different parts. Their history and appellation may be traced from Babylonia to Arabia and Egypt; and from thence to Canaan, and to the regions in the west. It were therefore to be wished, that the terms Phœnix and Phœnicia had never been used in the common acceptation; at least when the discourse turns upon the more antient history of Canaan. When the Greeks got possession of the coast of Tyre, they called it Phœnicia: and from that time it may be admitted as a provincial name. In consequence of this, the writers of the New Testament do not scruple to make use of it, but always with a proper limitation; for the geography of the Scriptures is wonderfully exact. But the Greek and Roman writers often speak of it with a greater latitude, and include Judea and Palestina within its borders; and sometimes add Syria and Idume. But these countries were all separate and distinct; among which Phœnicia bore but a small proportion. Yet, small as it may have been, many learned men have thought, that all the colonies, which at times settled upon the coast of the Mediterranean, were from this quarter; and that all science was of Phœnician original. But this is not true according to their acceptation of the term. Colonies did settle; and science came from the east: but not merely from the Sidonian. I shall shew, that it was principally owing to a prior and superior branch of the family.

ADDENDA.

OF THE PALM TREE.

Phœnix was a colour among horses. They were styled Phœnices, and ^[28]Phœniciati, from the colour of the Palm tree, which they resembled; and upon the same account had the name of Spadices. This, according to Aulus Gellius, was a term synonymous with the former. ^[29]Rutilus, et Spadix Phœnicii συνωνυμος, exuberantiam splendoremque significant ruboris, quales sunt fructus Palmæ arboris, nondum sole incocti: unde spadicis et Phœnicei nomen est. ^[30]Spadix, σπαδιξ, avulsus est a Palmâ termes cum fructu. Homer, describing the horses of Diomedes, says, that the one was Phœnix, or of a bright Palm colour, with a white spot in his forehead like a moon.

Upon this the Scholiast observes, Φοινικες το χρωμα, ητοι πυῤῥος. The horse was of a Palm colour, which is a bright red. We call such horses bays, which probably is a term of the same original. The branch of a Palm tree was called Bai in Egypt; and it had the same name in other places. Baia, Βαια, are used for Palm-branches by St. John. ^[32]Τα βαια των Φοινικων. And it is mentioned by the author of the book of Maccabees, that the Jews, upon a solemn occasion, entered the temple. ^[33]Μετα αινεσεως και βαιων. And Demetrius writes to the high priest, Simon, ^[34]Τον στεφανον τον χρυσουν και την Βαϊνην, ἁ απεστειλατε, κεκομισμεθα. Coronam auream et Bainem, quæ misistis, accepimus. The Greeks formed the word βαϊνη from the Egyptian Bai. The Romans called the same colour Badius. ^[35]Varro, speaking of horses, mentions,

As the Palm tree was supposed to be immortal; or, at least, if it did die, to revive, and enjoy a second life, the Egyptians gave the name of Bai to the soul: ^[36]Εστι μεν γαρ το βαι ψυχη.

OF THE

Term CAHEN:

THE

COHEN, כהן, OF THE HEBREWS.

I have before taken notice that the term Cahen denoted a Priest, or President; and that it was a title often conferred upon princes and kings. Nor was it confined to men only: we find it frequently annexed to the names of Deities, to signify their rule and superintendency over the earth. From them it was derived to their attendants, and to all persons of a prophetical or sacred character. The meaning of the term was so obvious, that one would imagine no mistake could have ensued: yet such is the perverseness of human wit, that we find it by the Greeks and Romans constantly misapplied. They could not help imagining, from the sound of the word, which approached nearly to that of κυων and canis, that it had some reference to that animal: and, in consequence of this unlucky resemblance, they continually misconstrued it a dog. Hence we are told by ^[37]Ælian and ^[38]Plutarch, not only of the great veneration paid to dogs in Egypt, and of their being maintained in many cities and temples; in which they certainly exceed the truth; but we are moreover assured, that the people of Ethiopia had a dog for their king: that he was kept in great state, being surrounded with a numerous body of officers and guards, and in all respects royally treated. Plutarch speaks of him as being ^[39]σεμνως προσκυνομενος, worshipped with a degree of religious reverence. The whole of this notion took its rise from a misinterpretation of the title above. I have mentioned, that in early times Cahen was a title universally conferred upon priests and prophets: hence Lycophron, who has continually allusions to obsolete terms, calls the two diviners, Mopsus and Amphilochus, Κυνας.

Upon which the Scholiast observes: Κυνες ὁι Μαντεις: by Cunes are meant Diviners: and again, Κυνας Απολλωνος τους μαντεις ειπειν. The Poet, by Κυνας, means the ministers and prophets of Apollo. Upon this the learned ^[41]Meursius observes, that Lycophron had here made use of a term imported from Egypt: so that, I think, we cannot be mistaken about the purport of the word, however it may have been perverted.

The name of the Deity, Canouphis, expressed also Canuphis, and Cnuphis, was compounded with this term. He was represented by the Egyptians as a princely person, with a serpent entwined round his middle, and embellished with other characteristics, relating to time and duration, of which the serpent was an emblem. Oph, and Ouph, signified a serpent in the Amonian language; and the Deity was termed Can-uph, from his serpentine representation. The whole species, in consequence of this, were made sacred to him, and styled Canyphian. To this Lucan alludes, when, in speaking of the Seps, he calls all the tribe of serpents Cinyphias pestes:

^[42]Cinyphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi.

Canuphis was sometimes expressed Anuphis and Anubis; and, however rendered, was by the Greeks and Romans continually spoken of as a dog; at least they supposed him to have had a dog's head, and often mention his ^[43]barking. But they were misled by the title, which they did not understand. The Egyptians had many emblematical personages, set off with heads of various animals, to represent particular virtues and affections, as well as to denote the various attributes of their Gods. Among others was this canine figure, which I have no reason to think was appropriated to Canuph, or Cneph. And though upon gems and marbles his name may be sometimes found annexed to this character, yet it must be looked upon as a Grecian work, and so denominated in consequence of their mistaken notion. For we must make a material distinction between the hieroglyphics of old, when Egypt was under her own kings; and those of later date, when that country was under the government of the Greeks: at which time their learning was greatly impaired, and their antient theology ruined. Horus Apollo assures us, if any credit may be given to what he says, that this canine figure was an emblem of the earth: ^[44]Οικουμενην γραφοντες κυνοκεφαλον ζωγραφουσι. When they would describe the earth, they paint a Cunocephalus. It could not, therefore, I should think, in any degree relate to Canuphis. The same^[45] writer informs us, that under the figure of a dog they represented a priest, or sacred scribe, and a prophet; and all such as had the chief management of funerals: also the spleen, the smell, sneezing; rule and government, and a magistrate, or judge: which is a circumstance hardly to be believed. For, as hieroglyphics were designed to distinguish, it is scarce credible that the Egyptians should crowd together so many different and opposite ideas under one character, whence nothing could well ensue but doubt and confusion. Besides, I do not remember, that in any group of antient hieroglyphics the figure of a dog occurs. The meaning of this history, I think, may be with a little attention made out. The Egyptians were refined in their superstitions, above all the nations in the world; and conferred the names and titles of their Deities upon vegetables and animals of every species; and not only upon these, but also upon the parts of the human body, and the very passions of the mind. Whatever they deemed salutary, or of great value, they distinguished by the title of Sacred, and consecrated it to some ^[46]God. This will appear from words borrowed from Egypt. The Laurel, Laurus, was denominated from Al-Orus: the berry was termed bacca, from Bacchus; Myrrh, Μυῤῥα was from Ham-Ourah; Casia, from Chus. The Crocodile was called Caimin and Campsa; the Lion, El-Eon; the Wolf, El-Uc; the Cat, Al-Ourah: whence the Greeks formed λεων, λυκος, αιλουρος. The Egyptians styled Myrrh, Baal; balsam, baal-samen; Camphire, Cham-phour, καμφουρα of Greece; Opium, Ophion. The sweet reed of Egypt was named ^[47]Canah, and Conah, by way of eminence; also, ^[48]Can-Osiris. Cinnamon was denominated from Chan-Amon; Cinnabar, κινναβαρις, from Chan-Abor; the sacred beetle, Cantharus, from Chan-Athur. The harp was styled Cinnor, and was supposed to have been found out by Cinaras; which terms are compounded of Chan-Or, and Chan-Arez; and relate to the Sun, or Apollo, the supposed inventor of the lyre. Priests and magistrates were particularly honoured with the additional title of Cahen; and many things held sacred were liable to have it in their composition. Hence arose the error of Horus Apollo; who, having been informed that the antient Egyptians distinguished many things which were esteemed holy by this sacred title, referred the whole to hieroglyphics, and gave out that they were all represented under the figure of a dog. And it is possible, that in later times the Grecian artists, and the mixed tribes of Egypt, may have expressed them in this manner; for they were led by the ear; and did not inquire into the latent purport of the ^[49]theology transmitted to them. From hence we may perceive how little, in later times, even the native Egyptians knew of their rites and history.

Farther accounts may be produced from the same writer, in confirmation of what I have been saying. He not only mentions the great veneration paid by the Egyptians to dogs, but adds, that in many temples they kept κυνοκεφαλοι, a kind of baboons, or animals with heads like those of dogs, which were wonderfully endowed. By their assistance the Egyptians found out the particular periods of the Sun and Moon. These did not, like other animals, die at once, but by piece-meal; so that one half of the animal was oftentimes buried, while the other half^[50] survived. He moreover assures us, that they could read and write; and whenever one of them was introduced into the sacred apartments for probation, the priest presented him with a ^[51]tablet, and with a pen and ink; and by his writing could immediately find out if he were of the true intelligent breed. These animals are said to have been of infinite use to the antient Egyptians in determining times and seasons; for it seems they were, in some particular functions, the most accurate and punctual of any creatures upon earth: ^[52]Per æquinoctia enim duodecies in die urinam reddere, et in nocte^[53] compertus (Cunocephalus), æquali interstitio servato, Trismegisto ansam dedit diem dividendi in duodecim partes æquales. Such is the history of these wonderful ^[54]animals. That Apes and Baboons were, among the Egyptians, held in veneration, is very certain. The Ape was sacred to the God Apis; and by the Greeks was rendered Capis, and ^[55]Ceipis. The Baboon was denominated from the Deity^[56] Babon, to whom it was equally sacred. But what have these to do with the supposed Cunocephalus, which, according to the Grecian interpretation, is an animal with the head of a dog? This characteristic does not properly belong to any species of Apes, but seems to have been unduly appropriated to them. The term Cunocephalus, Κυνοκεφαλος, is an Egyptian compound: and this strange history relates to the priests of the country, styled Cahen; also to the novices in their temples; and to the examinations, which they were obliged to undergo, before they could be admitted to the priesthood. To explain this, I must take notice, that in early times they built their temples upon eminences, for many reasons; but especially for the sake of celestial observations. The Egyptians were much addicted to the study of astronomy: and they used to found their colleges in Upper Egypt upon rocks and hills, called by them Caph. These, as they were sacred to the Sun, were farther denominated Caph-El, and sometimes Caph-Aur, and Caph-Arez. The term Caph-El, which often occurs in history, the Greeks uniformly changed to Κεφαλη, Cephale: and from Cahen-Caph-El, the sacred rock of Orus, they formed Κυνοκεφαλη, and Κυνοκεφαλος; which they supposed to relate to an animal with the head of a dog. But this Cahen-Caph-El was certainly some royal seminary in Upper Egypt, whence they drafted novices to supply their colleges and temples. These young persons were, before their introduction, examined by some superior priest; and, accordingly as they answered upon their trial, they were admitted, or refused. They were denominated Caph-El, and Cahen-Caph-El, from the academy where they received their first instruction; and this place, though sacred, seems to have been of a class subordinate to others. It was a kind of inferior cloister and temple, such as Capella in the Romish church; which, as well as Capellanus, was derived from Egypt: for, the church, in its first decline, borrowed largely from that country. That there was some particular place of this sort situated upon a rock or eminence, may, I think, be proved from Martianus Capella; and, moreover, that it was a seminary well known, where the youth of Upper Egypt were educated. For, in describing the sciences, under different personages, he gives this remarkable account of Dialectica upon introducing her before his audience. ^[57]Hæc se educatam dicebat in Ægyptiorum Rupe; atque in Parmenidis exinde gymnasium, atque Atticam demeasse. And Johannes Sarisburiensis seems to intimate that Parmenides obtained his knowledge from the same quarter, when he mentions ^[58]"in Rupe vitam egisse. In this short detail we have no unpleasing account of the birth of science in Egypt, and of its progress thence to Attica. It is plain that this Rupes Ægyptiaca could be nothing else but a seminary, either the same, or at least similar to that, which I have before been describing. As the Cunocephali are said to have been sacred to Hermes, this college and temple were probably in the nome of Hermopolis. Hermes was the patron of Science, and particularly styled Cahen, or ^[59]Canis: and the Cunocephali are said to have been worshipped by the people of that ^[60]place. They were certainly there reverenced: and this history points out very plainly the particular spot alluded to. Hermopolis was in the upper region styled Thebaïs: and there was in this district a tower, such as has been ^[61]mentioned. It was in aftertimes made use of for a repository, where they laid up the tribute. This may have been the Rupes Ægyptiaca, so famed of old for science; and which was the seat of the Chancephalim, or Cunocephalians.

It is said of the Cunocephali, that when one part was dead and buried, the other still survived. This can relate to nothing else but a society, or body politic, where there is a continual decrement, yet part still remains; and the whole is kept up by succession. It is an enigma, which particularly relates to the priesthood in Egypt: for the sacred office there was hereditary, being vested in certain families; and when part was dead, a residue still ^[62]survived, who admitted others in the room of the deceased. ^[63]Επεαν δε τις αποθανῃ, τουτου ὁ παις αντικατισταται. The sons, we find, supplied the place of their fathers: hence the body itself never became extinct, being kept up by a regular succession. As to the Cunocephali giving to Hermes the first hint of dividing the day into twelve parts from the exactness, which was observed in their ^[64]evacuations, it is a surmise almost too trifling to be discussed. I have shewn that the Cunocephali were a sacred college, whose members were persons of great learning: and their society seems to have been a very antient institution. They were particularly addicted to astronomical observations; and by contemplating the heavens, styled Ouran, they learned to distinguish the seasons, and to divide the day into parts. But the term Ouran the Greeks by a strange misconception changed to ουρειν; of which mistake they have afforded other instances: and from this abuse of terms the silly figment took its rise.

The Cunocephali are not to be found in Egypt only, but in India likewise; and in other parts of the world. Herodotus ^[65]mentions a nation of this name in Libya: and speaks of them as a race of men with the heads of dogs. Hard by in the neighbourhood of this people he places the Ακεφαλοι, men with no heads at all: to whom, out of humanity, and to obviate some very natural distresses, he gives eyes in the breast. But he seems to have forgot mouth and ears, and makes no mention of a nose: he only says, ^[66]Ακεφαλοι, ὁι εν στηθεσιν οφθαλμους εχοντες. Both these and the Cunocephali were denominated from their place of residence, and from their worship: the one from Cahen-Caph-El, the other from Ac-Caph-El: each of which appellations is of the same purport, the right noble, or sacred ^[67]rock of the Sun.

Similar to the history of the Cunocephali, and Acephali, is that of the Cunodontes. They are a people mentioned by Solinus and Isidorus, and by them are supposed to have had the teeth of dogs. Yet they were probably denominated, like those above, from the object of their worship, the Deity Chan-Adon; which the Greeks expressed Κυνοδων, and styled his votaries ^[68]Cunodontes.

The Greeks pretended, that they had the use of the sphere, and were acquainted with the zodiac, and its asterisms very early. But it is plain from their mistakes, that they received the knowledge of these things very late; at a time when the terms were obsolete, and the true purport of them not to be obtained. They borrowed all the schemes under which the stars are comprehended from the Egyptians: who had formed them of old, and named them from circumstances in their own religion and mythology. They had particularly conferred the titles of their Deities upon those stars, which appeared the brightest in their hemisphere. One of the most remarkable and brilliant they called Cahen Sehor; another they termed Purcahen; a third Cahen Ourah, or Cun Ourah. These were all misconstrued, and changed by the Greeks; Cahen-Sehor to Canis Sirius; P'urcahen to Procyon; and Cahen Ourah to Cunosoura, the dog's tail. In respect to this last name I think, from the application of it in other instances, we may be assured that it could not be in acceptation what the Greeks would persuade us: nor had it any relation to a dog. There was the summit of a hill in Arcadia of this ^[69]name: also a promontory in ^[70]Attica; and another in ^[71]Eubœa. How could it possibly in its common acceptation be applicable to these places? And as a constellation if it signified a dog's tail, how came it to be a name given to the tail of a bear? It was a term brought from ^[72]Sidon, and Egypt: and the purport was to be sought for from the language of the Amonians.

The antient Helladians used upon every promontory to raise pillars and altars to the God of light, Can-Our, the Chan-Orus of Egypt. But Can-Our, and Can-Ourah, they changed to κυνοσουρα, as I have shewn: yet notwithstanding this corruption, the true name is often to be discovered. The place which is termed Cunosoura by Lucian, in his Icaromemenippus, is called Cunoura by Stephanus Byzant, and by ^[73]Pausanias. Cunoura is also used by Lycophron, who understood antient terms full well, for any high rock or headland.

Προς κυνουρα, προς τραχειας πετρας. Scholiast. ibid.

We find the same mistake occur in the account transmitted to us concerning the first discovery of purple. The antients very gratefully gave the merit of every useful and salutary invention to the Gods. Ceres was supposed to have discovered to men corn, and bread: Osiris shewed them the use of the plough; Cinyras of the harp: Vesta taught them to build. Every Deity was looked up to as the cause of some blessing. The Tyrians and Sidonians were famous for the manufacture of purple: the die of which was very exquisite, and the discovery of it was attributed to Hercules of Tyre; the same who by Palæphatus is styled Hercules ^[75]Philosophus. But some will not allow him this honour; but say, that the dog of Hercules was the discoverer. For accidentally feeding upon the Murex, with which the coast abounded, the dog stained his mouth with the ichor of the fish; and from hence the first hint of dying was ^[76]taken. This gave birth to the proverbial expression, ^[77]Ἑυρημα κυνος ην ἡ σεβαστη πορφυρα. Nonnus mentions the particular circumstance of the dog's staining his mouth:

Such is the story, which at first sight is too childish to admit of credit. It is not likely that a dog would feed upon shell-fish: and if this may at any time have happened, yet whoever is at all conversant in natural history, must know, that the murex is of the turbinated kind, and particularly aculeated; having strong and sharp protuberances, with which a dog would hardly engage. The story is founded upon the same misconception, of which so many instances have been produced. Hercules of Tyre, like all other oriental divinities, was styled Cahen, and Cohen; as was allowed by the Greeks themselves. ^[79]Τον Ἡρακλην φασι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον ΧΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. We are told, that Hercules in the language of the Egyptians is called Chon. This intelligence, however, they could not abide by; but changed this sacred title to ^[80]κυων, a dog, which they described as an attendant upon the Deity.

The Grecians tell us, that the Egyptians styled Hermes a dog: but they seem to have been aware, that they were guilty of an undue representation. Hence Plutarch tries to soften, and qualify what is mentioned, by saying, ^[81]Ου γαρ κυριως τον Ἑρμην ΚYΝΑ λεγουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι): by which this learned writer would insinuate, that it was not so much the name of a dog, as the qualities of that animal, to which the Egyptians alluded. Plutarch thought by this refinement to take off the impropriety of conferring so base a name upon a Deity. But the truth is, that the Egyptians neither bestowed it nominally; nor alluded to it in any degree. The title which they gave to Hermes was the same that they bestowed upon Hercules: they expressed it Cahen, and Cohen; and it was very properly represented above by the Greek term Χων, Chon. It is said of Socrates, that he sometimes made use of an uncommon oath, μα τον κυνα, και τον χηνα by the dog and the goose: which at first does not seem consistent with the gravity of his character. But we are informed by Porphyry, that this was not done by way of ridicule: for Socrates esteemed it a very serious and religious mode of attestation: and under these terms made a solemn appeal to the son of ^[82]Zeus. The purport of the words is obvious: and whatever hidden meaning there may have been, the oath was made ridiculous by the absurdity of the terms. Besides, what possible connection could there have subsisted between a dog and a Deity; a goose and the son of Jove? There was certainly none: yet Socrates, like the rest of his fraternity, having an antipathy to foreign terms, chose to represent his ideas through this false medium; by which means the very essence of his invocation was lost. The son of Zeus, to whom he appealed, was the Egyptian Cahen abovementioned; but this sacred title was idly changed to κυνα και χηνα, a dog and a goose, from a similitude in sound. That he referred to the Egyptian Deity, is manifest from Plato, who acknowledges that he swore, ^[83]μα τον κυνα τον Αιγυπτιων θεον. By which we are to understand a Cahen of Egypt. Porphyry expressly says, that it was the God Hermes the son of Zeus, and Maia: ^[84]Κατα τον του Διος και Μαιας παιδα εποιειτο τον ὁρκον.

I cannot account upon any other principle than that upon which I have proceeded, for the strange representation of Apollo, and Bacchus, gaping with open mouths. So it seems they were in some places described. Clemens of Alexandria mentions from Polemon, that Apollo was thus exhibited: ^[85]Πολεμων δε κεχηνοτος Απολλωνος οιδεν αγαλμα. And we are told that a gaping^[86] Bacchus was particularly worshipped at Samos. They were both the same as the Egyptian Orus; who was styled Cahen-On, Rex, vel Deus Sol; out of which Cahen-On the Grecians seem to have formed the word Χαινων: and in consequence of it, these two Deities were represented with their jaws widely extended. This term was sometimes changed to κοινος, communis: hence it is that we so often meet with κοινοι Θεοι, and κοινοι βωμοι, upon coins and marbles: also κοινος Ἑρμης. And as Hermes was the reputed God of gain, every thing found was adjudged to be κοινος, or common.

Notwithstanding this notion so universally received, yet among the Grecians themselves the term κοινος was an antient title of eminence. ^[89]Κοινος, ὁ Δεσποτης. Coinos signifies a lord and master: undoubtedly from Cohinus; and that from Cohen. It would be endless to enumerate all the instances which might be brought of this nature. Of this, I think, I am assured, that whoever will consider the uncouth names both of Deities, and men, as well as of places, in the light recommended; and attend to the mythology transmitted concerning them; will be able by these helps to trace them to their original meaning. It is, I think, plain, that what the Grecians so often interpreted κυνες, was an antient Amonian title. When therefore I read of the brazen dog of Vulcan, of the dog of Erigone, of Orion, of Geryon, of Orus, of Hercules, of Amphilochus, of Hecate, I cannot but suppose, that they were the titles of so many Deities; or else of their priests, who were denominated from their office. In short, the Cahen of Egypt were no more dogs than the Pateræ of Amon were basons: and though Diodorus does say, that at the grand celebrity of ^[90]Isis, the whole was preceded by dogs, yet I cannot help being persuaded that they were the priests of the Goddess.

By this clue we may unravel many intricate histories transmitted from different parts. In the temple of Vulcan, near mount Ætna, there are said to have been a breed of dogs, which fawned upon good men, but were implacable to the bad. ^[91]Inde etiam perpetuus ignis a Siculis alebatur in Ætnæo Vulcani templo, cui custodes adhibiti sunt sacri canes, blandientes piis hominibus, in impios ferocientes. In the celebrated gardens of Electra there was a golden dog, which shewed the same regard to good men, and was as inveterate to others.

What is more remarkable, there were many gaping dogs in this temple; which are represented as so many statues, yet were endowed with life.

Homer describes something of the same nature in the gardens of Alcinous.

All this relates to the Cusean priests of Vulcan or Hephaistos, and to the priesthood established in his temple: which priesthood was kept up by succession, and never became extinct. What was Cusean, the Greeks often rendered Χρυσειον, as I shall hereafter shew. The same people were also styled Cuthim; and this word likewise among the antients signified gold: from hence these priests were styled Χρυσειοι κυνες. We find the like history in Crete: here too was a golden dog, which Zeus had appointed to be the guardian of his temple^[95]. By comparing these histories, I think we cannot fail of arriving at the latent meaning. The God of light among other titles was styled Cahen, or Chan-Ades: but the term being taken in the same acceptation here, as in the instances above, the Deity was changed to a dog, and said to reside in the infernal regions. From hence he was supposed to have been dragged to light by Hercules of Thebes. The notion both of Cerberus and Hades being subterraneous Deities took its rise from the temples of old being situated near vast caverns, which were esteemed passages to the realms below. Such were in Messenia, in Argolis, in Bithynia, and at Enna in Sicily; not to mention divers other places. These temples were often named Kir-Abor; and the Deity Chan-Ades; out of which terms the Greeks formed Τον Κερβερον κυνα ἁδου; and fabled, that he was forced into upper air by Hercules, through these infernal inlets. And as temples similar in name and situation were built in various parts, the like history was told of them all. Pausanias takes notice of this event, among other places, being ascribed to the cavern at ^[96]Tænarus; as well as to one at ^[97]Trœzen, and to a third near the city ^[98]Hermione. The Poet Dionysius speaks of the feat being performed in the country of the Marianduni, near Colchis.

But however the Deity in all these instances may have been degraded to the regions of darkness, yet he was the God of light, Κυν-ἁδης; and such was the purport of that name. He was the same as Apollo, as may be proved from the Cunidæ at Athens, who were a family set apart for his service. Κυννιδαι, γενος Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ ὁ ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος. Hesychius. The Cunnidai are a family at Athens, out of which the priest of Apollo Cunnius is chosen. He styles him Apollo Cunnius: but the Cunidai were more properly denominated from Apollo Cunides, the same as Cun-Ades. Poseidon was expressly styled Cun-Ades; and he was the same Deity as Apollo, only under a different title, as I have shewn. Κυναδης Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσιν ετιμᾳτο. Hesychius. Poseidon was worshipped at Athens under the title of Cun-Ades.

Though I have endeavoured to shew, that the term of which I have been treating was greatly misapplied, in being so uniformly referred to dogs, yet I do not mean to insinuate that it did not sometimes relate to them. They were distinguished by this sacred title, and were held in some degree of ^[100]veneration; but how far they were reverenced is not easy to determine. Herodotus,^[101] speaking of the sanctity of some animals in Egypt, says, that the people in every family, where a dog died, shaved themselves all over: and he mentions it as a custom still subsisting in his own time. Plutarch^[102] differs from him. He allows that these animals were, at one time, esteemed holy; but it was before the time of Cambyses: from the æra of his reign they were held in another light: for when this king killed the sacred Apis, the dogs fed so liberally upon his entrails, without making a proper distinction, that they lost all their sanctity. It is of little consequence whichever account be the truest. They were certainly of old looked upon as sacred; and esteemed emblems of the Deity. And it was, perhaps, with a view to this, and to prevent the Israelites retaining any notion of this nature, that a dog was not suffered to come within the precincts of the temple at ^[103]Jerusalem. In the Mosaic law, the price of a dog, and the hire of a harlot, are put upon the same level. ^[104]Thou shalt not bring the hire of a whore, or the price of a dog, into the house of the Lord thy God for any vow: for both these are an abomination to the Lord thy God.

To conclude: The Dog, in Egypt, was undoubtedly called Cahen, and Cohen; a title by which many other animals, and even vegetables, were honoured, on account of their being consecrated to some Deity. The Greeks did not consider that this was a borrowed appellation, which belonged to the Gods and their Priests; and was from them extended to many things held sacred. Hence they have continually referred this term to one object only: by which means they have misrepresented many curious pieces of history: and a number of idle fables have been devised to the disparagement of all that was true.

OF

CHUS;

STYLED

ΧΡYΣΟΣ and ΧΡYΣΑΩΡ.

Among the different branches of the great Amonian family which spread themselves abroad, the sons of Chus were the most considerable, and at the same time the most enterprising. They got access into countries widely distant; where they may be traced under different denominations, but more particularly by their family title. This we might expect the Greeks to have rendered Chusos, and to have named the people Χυσαιοι, Chusæi. But, by a fatal misprision, they uniformly changed these terms to words more familiar to their ear, and rendered them Χρυσος, and Χρυσειος, as if they had a reference to gold. I have before mentioned the various parts of the world where the Amonians settled, and especially this branch of that family. Their most considerable colonies westward were in Iönia and Hellas; and about Cuma and Liguria in Italy; and upon the coast of Iberia in Spain. They were likewise to be found in Cyrene; and still farther in Mauritania, and in the islands opposite to that coast. In the north they were to be met with at Colchis, towards the foot of Mount Caucasus, and in most regions upon the coast of the Euxine sea. In the histories of these countries the Grecians have constantly changed Chusos, the Gentile name, to Chrusos, Χρυσος; and Chus-Or, Chusorus, to Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and, in consequence of this alteration, they have introduced in their accounts of these places some legend about gold. Hence we read of a golden fleece at Colchis; golden apples at the Hesperides; at ^[105]Tartessus, a golden cup; and, at Cuma, in Campania, a golden branch:

Something similar is observable in the history of Cyrene. The natives were not remarkable for either mines or merchandize: yet, Palæphatus, having mentioned that they were κατα γενος Αιθιοπες, Ethiopians by extraction, that is, Cuseans, subjoins: ^[106]Εισι δε σφοδρα χρυσοι. Pindar, in celebrating each happy circumstance of the Insulæ Fortunatæ, mentions, that there were trees with branches of gold: ^[107]Ανθεμα δε χρυσου φλεγει. The river Phasis, in Colchis, was supposed to have abounded with gold; and the like was pretended of the Hermus and Pactolus in Iönia. Not only the Poets, but many of the graver ^[108]historians, speak of their golden sands. Yet there is reason to doubt of the fact: for not one of them produces any good voucher for what they suppose. They do not mention any trade carried on, nor riches accruing from this lucky circumstance: so that there is no reason to think that one grain of gold was gathered from these celebrated streams. Among the several islands occupied by this people were Rhodes and Delos. In the former, the chief city is said to have been blessed with showers of gold. ^[109]Ενθα ποτε βρεχε θεον Βασιλευς ὁ μεγας χρυσαις νιφαδεσσι πολιν. At Delos every thing was golden, even the slippers of the God.

And this not only in aftertimes, when the island was enriched with offerings from different nations, but even at the birth of the God; by which is meant the foundation of his temple, and introduction of his rites.

We find that the very soil and foundations of the island were golden: the lake floated with golden waves: the olive tree vegetated with golden fruit: and the river Inopus, deep as it was, swelled with gold. Homer, in a hymn to the same personage, represents the whole more compendiously, by saying, that the island was weighed down with treasure:

I have before mentioned that the Amonians settled in Liguria: and, in consequence of it, the Heliadæ are represented as weeping, not only amber, but gold. Philostratus, speaking of a particular species of fir-trees in Bœtica, says, that they dropped blood, just as the Heliadæ upon the Padus did^[113] gold.

Chus, by the Egyptians and Canaanites, was styled Or-Chus, and^[114] Chus-Or: the latter of which was expressed by the Greeks, analogous to the examples above, Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and we learn in Eusebius, from Philo, that Chrusor was one of the principal Deities of the Phenicians, a great benefactor to mankind; and by some supposed to have been the same as Hephaistus. Both the Tyrians and Sidonians were undoubtedly a mixed race, and preserved the memory of Ham, and Chus, equally with that of Canaan.

This name, so often rendered Chrusos, and Chrusor, was sometimes changed to Χρυσαωρ, Chrusaor: and occurs in many places where the Cuthites were known to have settled. We have been shewn that they were a long time in Egypt; and we read of a Chrusaor in those parts, who is said to have arisen from the blood of Medusa.

^[115]Εξεθορε Χρυσαωρ τε μεγας, και Πηγασος ἱππος.

We meet with the same Chrusaor in the regions of Asia Minor, especially among the Carians. In these parts he was particularly worshipped, and said to have been the first deified mortal. The great Divan of that nation was called Chrusaorium; and there was a city ^[116]Chrusaoris, and a temple of the same name. ^[117]Εγγυς δε της πολεως το του Χρυσαορεως Διος κοινον ἁπαντων Καρων, εις ὁ συνιασι θυσαντες τε και βουλευσαμενοι. This city was properly called Chus-Or, and built in memory of the same person; as the city Chusora, called also ^[118]Cerchusora, in Egypt. It was undoubtedly founded by some of the same family, who in aftertimes worshipped their chief ancestor; as the Sidonians and Syrians did likewise. For this we have the testimony of Sanchoniathon; who, having mentioned the various benefits bestowed upon mankind by Chrusaor, says, at the conclusion, ^[119]Διο και ὡς θεον αυτον μετα θανατον εσεβασθησαν· for which reason, after his death, they worshipped him as a God. The first king of Iberia was named Chrusaor, the reputed father of ^[120]Geryon; and he is said to have been πολυχρυσος, a person of great wealth: all which is an Egyptian history, transferred from the Nile to the Bœtis.

Geryon of Spain was, according to this mythology of the poet, the son of Chrusaor; and Chrusaor was confessedly of Egyptian original: so that, whatever the fable may allude to, it must have been imported into Bœtica from Egypt by some of the sons of Chus. The Grecians borrowed this term, and applied it to Apollo; and from this epithet, Chrusaor, he was denominated the God of the golden sword. Homer accordingly styles him, ^[122]Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα: and, speaking of Apollo's infancy, he says, ^[123]Ουδ' αρ' Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα θησατο μητηρ: and Diana is termed ^[124]Αυτοκασιγνητη Χρυσαορος Απολλωνος.

This title cannot possibly relate to the implement supposed: for it would be idle to style an infant the God of the golden sword. It was a weapon, which at no time was ascribed to him: nor do I believe, that he is ever represented with one either upon a gem, or a marble. He is described as wishing for a harp, and for a bow.

And his mother is said to have been pleased that she produced him to the world an archer:

These habiliments are often specified: but I do not recollect any mention made of a sword, nor was the term Chrusaor of Grecian etymology.

Since then we may be assured that Chus was the person alluded to under the name of Chrusos, Chrubor, and Chrusaor; we need not wonder that his substitute Apollo is so often styled Χρυσοκομης, and Χρυσολυρος: that the harp, called by the Amonians ^[127] Chan-Or, and Cuth-Or, from the supposed inventor, should by the Grecians be denominated Χρυσεα φορμιγξ ^[128]Απολλωνος: that so many cities, where Apollo was particularly worshipped, should be called Chruse, and Chrusopolis, the number of which was of no small ^[129]amount. Nor is this observable in cities only, but in rivers, which were named in the same manner. For it was usual, in the first ages, to consecrate rivers to Deities, and to call them after their names. Hence many were denominated from Chusorus, which by the Greeks was changed to Χρυσοῤῥοας; and from this mistake they were supposed to abound with gold. The Nile was called Chrusorrhoas^[130], which had no pretensions to gold: and there was a river of this name at ^[131]Damascus. Others too might be produced, none of which had any claim to that mineral. There was a stream Chrusorrhoas near the Amazonian city Themiscura in ^[132]Pontus: and the river Pactolus was of old so called, whence probably came the notion of its abounding with gold. ^[133]Πακτωλος ποταμος εστι της Λυδιας——εκαλειτο δε προτερον Χρυσοῤῥοας. It was named Chrusorrhoas first, and in aftertimes Pactolus: whence we may conclude, in respect to gold, that the name was not given on account of any such circumstance; but the notion was inferred from the name.

It is apparent that this repeated mistake arose in great measure from the term Chusus and Chrusus being similar: whence the latter was easily convertible into the former; which to the Grecians appeared a more intelligible, and at the same time a more splendid, title. But there was still another obvious reason for this change. Chus was by many of the eastern nations expressed Cuth; and his posterity the Cuthim. This term, in the antient Chaldäic, and other Amonian languages, signified ^[134]gold: hence many cities and countries, where the Cuthites settled, were described as golden, and were represented by the terms Chrusos and Chruse. These, as I have shewn, had no relation to gold, but to Chus, who was reverenced as the Sun, or Apollo; and was looked upon as Dionusus; but may more truly be esteemed Bacchus. Hence, when the poet Dionysius mentions the island Chruse in ^[135]India, his commentator observes; Χρυση νησος, λεγομενη ὁυτως, η δια το χρυσον φερειν, η κατα τον Διονυσον· and at last concludes, ^[136]Χρυσους ειναι πως δοκει ὁ ἡλιος.

In a former dissertation concerning the Shepherd Kings in Egypt, I have shewn that they were the sons of Chus, who came into that country under the title of Auritæ. They settled in a province named from them Cushan, which was at the upper part of Delta; and in aftertimes called Nomos Arabicus. It was in the vicinity of Memphis, and Aphroditopolis, which places they likewise ^[137]occupied. I have mentioned that Chusos was often expressed Chrusos, and the country of the Cuthim rendered the golden country. If then there be that uniformity in error which I maintain, it may be expected that, in the history of these places, there should be some reference to gold. It is remarkable that all this part of Egypt, conformably to what I have said, was called Χρυση, Chruse. Here was the campus aureus, and Aphrodite Aurea of the Romans: and all the country about Memphis was styled golden. To this Diodorus, among others, bears witness: ^[138]Την τε Αφροδιτην ονομαζεσθαι παρα τοις εγχωριοις Χρυσην ΕΚ ΠΑΛΑΙΑΣ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΕΩΣ, και πεδιον ειναι καλουμενον Χρυσης Αφροδιτης περι την ονομαζομενην Μεμφιν. When the Cuthite shepherds came into Egypt, they made Memphis the seat of royal ^[139]residence: and hard by was the nome of Aphrodite, and the Arabian nome, which they particularly possessed: and which, in consequence of it, were both styled the regions of the Cuthim. Hence came the title of ^[140]Aphrodite Chruse: and hence the country had the name of the Golden District. The island at the point of Delta, where stood the city Cercusora, is called Gieserat ^[141]Eddahib, or the Golden Island, at this day. Diodorus mentions, that this appellation of Chruse was derived from a very antient tradition. This tradition undoubtedly related to the shepherds, those sons of Chus, who were so long in possession of the country; and whose history was of the highest antiquity.

The Cuthites in the west occupied only some particular spots: but from Babylonia eastward the greatest part of that extensive sea-coast seems to have been in their possession. In the history of these parts, there is often some allusion to gold, as may be seen in the island Chruse, above-mentioned; and in the Chersonesus Aurea, which lay beyond the Ganges: and not only of gold, but sometimes a reference to brass; and this from a similar mistake. For as Chusus was changed to Chrusus, Χρυσος, gold; so was Cal-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus, converted to Chalcus, Χαλκος, brass. Colchis was properly Col-Chus; and therefore called also Cuta, and Cutaia. But what was Colchian being sometimes rendered Chalcion, Καλκιον, gave rise to the fable of brazen bulls; which were only Colchic Tor, or towers. There was a region named Colchis in ^[142]India: for where the Cuthites settled, they continually kept up the memory of their forefathers, and called places by their names. This being a secret to Philostratus, has led him into a deal of mysterious error. It is well known that this people were styled Oreitæ, and Auritæ, both in Egypt and in other parts. Philostratus says that ^[143]Apollonius came to a settlement of the Oreitæ upon the Indian Ocean. He also visited their Pegadæ; and, what is remarkable, he met with a people whose very rocks were brazen; their sand was brazen: the rivers conveyed down their streams fine filaments of brass: and the natives esteemed their land golden on account of the plenty of brass. Now what is this detail, but an abuse of terms, ill understood, and shamefully misapplied? Philostratus had heard of a region in India; the history of which he would fain render marvellous. The country, whither Apollonius is supposed to go, was a province of the Indo-Cuthites, who were to be met with in various parts under the title of Oreitæ. They were worshippers of fire, and came originally from the land of Ur; and hence had that name. The Pegadæ of the country are what we now call Pagodas; and which are too well known to need describing. There were in this part of the world several cities, and temples, dedicated to the memory of Chus. Some of these are famous at this day, though denominated after the Babylonish dialect Cutha, and Cuta; witness Calcutta, and Calecut. The latter seems to have been the capital of the region called of old Colchis. This was more truly expressed Cal-Chus; which Philostratus has mistaken for Χαλκος, brass; and made the very ^[144]rocks and rivers abound with that mineral. And yet, that the old mistake about gold may not be omitted, he concludes with a strange antithesis, by saying, that the natives esteemed their country Chrusitis, or golden, from the quantity of ^[145]brass.

It has been my endeavour to prove that what the Grecians represented by Chrusos, Chrusor, and Chrusaor, should have been expressed Chus, Chusos, and Chusor, called also Chus-Orus. Chus was the son of Ham; and though the names of the Grecian Deities are not uniformly appropriated, yet Ham is generally looked upon as Ἑλιος, the Sun; and had the title Dis, and Dios: hence the city of Amon in Egypt was rendered Diospolis. If then Chrusos, and Chrusor, be, as I have supposed, Chus; the person so denominated must have been, according to the more antient mythology, the son of Helius, and Dios. We find accordingly that it was so. The Scholiast upon Pindar expressly says, ^[146]Διος παις ὁ Χρυσος. And in another place he is said to have been the offspring of Helius, who was no other than Cham. ^[147]Εκ θειας και Ὑπεριονος Ἡλιος, εκ δε Ἡλιου ὁ Χρυσος. Magic and incantations are attributed to Chus, as the inventor; and they were certainly first practised among his sons: hence it is said by Sanchoniathon, ^[148]Τον Χρυσωρ λογους ασκησαι και επῳδας, και μαντειας. He was however esteemed a great benefactor; and many salutary inventions were ascribed to him. He had particularly the credit of being the first who ventured upon the seas: ^[149]Πρωτον τε παντων ανθρωπων πλευσαι. Whether this can be said truly of Chus himself, is uncertain: it agrees full well with the history of his sons; who, as we have the greatest reason to be assured, were the first great navigators in the world.

OF

CANAAN, CNAAN,

AND

ΧΝΑΣ;

AND OF THE

derivative ΚΥΚΝΟΣ.

Lucian tells us, that, reflecting upon the account given of Phaëthon, who fell thunderstruck into the Eridanus, and of his sisters, who were changed to poplars weeping amber, he took a resolution, if he should ever be near the scene of these wonderful transactions, to inquire among the natives concerning the truth of the ^[150]story. It so happened, that, at a certain time, he was obliged to go up the river above mentioned: and he says, that he looked about very wistfully; yet, to his great amazement, he saw neither amber nor poplar. Upon this he took the liberty to ask the people, who rowed him, when he should arrive at the amber-dropping trees: but it was with some difficulty that he could make them understand what he meant. He then explained to them the story of Phaëthon: how he borrowed the chariot of the Sun; and being an awkward charioteer, tumbled headlong into the Eridanus: that his sisters pined away with grief; and at last were transformed to trees, the same of which he had just spoken: and he assured them, that these trees were to be found somewhere upon the banks, weeping amber. Who the deuce, says one of the boatmen, could tell you such an idle story? We never heard of any charioteer tumbling into the river; nor have we, that I know of, a single poplar in the country. If there were any trees hereabouts dropping amber, do you think, master, that we would sit here, day after day, tugging against stream for a dry groat, when we might step ashore, and make our fortunes so easily? This affected Lucian a good deal: for he had formed some hopes of obtaining a little of this precious commodity; and began to think that he must have been imposed upon. However, as Cycnus, the brother of Phaëthon, was here changed to a swan, he took it for granted that he should find a number of those birds sailing up and down the stream, and making the groves echo with their melody. But not perceiving any in a great space, he took the liberty, as he passed onward, to put the question again to the boatmen; and to make inquiry about these birds. Pray, gentlemen, says he, at what particular season is it that your swans hereabouts sing so sweetly? It is said, that they were formerly men, and always at Apollo's side; being in a manner of his privy council. Their skill in music must have been very great: and though they have been changed into birds, they retain that faculty, and, I am told, sing most melodiously. The watermen could not help smiling at this account. Why, sir, says one of them, what strange stories you have picked up about our country, and this river? We have plied here, men and boys, for years; and to be sure we cannot say that we never saw a swan: there are some here and there towards the fens, which make a low dull noise: but as for any harmony, a rook or a jackdaw, in comparison of them, may be looked upon as a nightingale.

Such are the witty strictures of Lucian upon the story of Phaëthon and Cycnus, as described by the poets. Whatever may have been the grounds upon which this fiction is founded, they were certainly unknown to the Greeks; who have misinterpreted what little came to their hands, and from such misconstruction devised these fables. The story, as we have it, is not uniformly told. Some, like Lucian, speak of swans in the plural; and suppose them to have been the ministers, and attendants of Apollo, who assisted at his concerts. Others mention one person only, called Cycnus; who was the reputed brother of Phaëthon, and at his death was transformed to the bird of that name. The fable is the same whichever way it may be related, and the purport of it is likewise the same. There is one mistake in the story, which I must set right before I proceed; as it may be of some consequence in the process of my inquiry. Phaëthon is represented by many of the poets as the offspring of the Sun, or Apollo: ^[151]Sole satus Phaëthon. But this was a mistake, and to be found chiefly among the Roman poets. Phaëthon was the Sun. It was a title of Apollo; and was given to him as the God of light. This is manifest from the testimony of the more early Greek poets, and particularly from Homer, who uses it in this acceptation.

In respect to Cycnus and his brotherhood, those vocal ministers of Apollo, the story, which is told of them, undoubtedly alludes to Canaan, the son of Ham; and to the Canaanites, his posterity. They sent out many colonies; which colonies, there is great reason to think, settled in those places, where these legends about swans particularly prevailed. The name of Canaan was by different nations greatly varied, and ill expressed: and this misconstruction among the Greeks gave rise to the fable. To shew this, it will be proper to give an account of the rites and customs of the Canaanites, as well as of their extensive traffic. Among the many branches of the Amonian family, which settled in various parts of the world, and carried on an early correspondence, the Canaanites were not the least respectable. They traded from Sidon chiefly, before that city was taken by the king of Ascalon: and upon their commerce being interrupted here, they ^[153]removed it to the strong hold of Tyre. This place was soon improved to a mighty city, which was very memorable in its day. The Canaanites, as they were a sister tribe of the Mizraïm, so were they extremely like them in their rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration, agreeably with the ^[154]customs of Egypt. Their chief Deity was the Sun, whom they worshipped together with the Baalim, under the titles Ourchol, Adonis, Thamuz. It was a custom among the Grecians, at the celebration of their religious festivals, to crown the whole with hymns of praise, and the most joyful exclamations. But the Egyptians were of a gloomy turn of mind, which infected the whole of their worship. Their hymns were always composed in melancholy affecting airs, and consisted of lamentations for the loss of Osiris, the mystic flight of Bacchus, the wanderings of Isis, and the sufferings of the Gods. Apuleius takes notice of this difference in the rites and worship of the two nations: ^[155]Ægyptiaca numinum fana plena plangoribus: Græca plerumque choreis. Hence the author of the Orphic Argonautica, speaking of the initiations in Egypt, mentions,

The Canaanites at Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, and afterwards at Tyre, used particularly mournful dirges for the loss of Adonis, or Thamuz; who was the same as Thamas, and Osiris in Egypt. The Cretans had the like mournful hymns, in which they commemorated the grief of Apollo for the loss of Atymnius.

The measures and harmony of the Canaanites seem to have been very affecting, and to have made a wonderful impression on the minds of their audience. The infectious mode of worship prevailed so far, that the children of Israel were forbidden to weep, and make lamentation upon a festival: ^[158]Ειναι γαρ ἑορτην, και μη δειν εν αυτῃ κλαιειν, ου γαρ εξειναι. And Nehemiah gives the people a caution to the same purpose: ^[159]This day is holy unto the Lord your God: mourn not, nor weep. And Esdras counsels them in the same manner: ^[160]This day is holy unto the Lord: be not sorrowful. It is likewise in another place mentioned, that ^[161]the Levites stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for the day is holy: neither be ye grieved. Such was the prohibition given to the Israelites: but among the Canaanites this shew of sorrow was encouraged, and made part of their ^[162]rites.

The father of this people is represented in the Mosaic history, according to our version, Canaan: but there is reason to think that by the Egyptians and other neighbouring nations it was expressed Cnaan. This by the Greeks was rendered Χναας, and Χνας; and in later times Χνα, Cna. ^[163]Χνα, ὁυτος ἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο—το εθνικον Χναος. We are told by Philo from Sanchoniathon, that ^[164]Isiris the Egyptian, who found out three letters, was the brother of Cna: by which is meant, that Mizraïm was the brother of Canaan. I have taken notice more than once of a particular term, Υκ, Uc; which has been passed over unnoticed by most writers: yet is to be found in the composition of many words; especially such as are of Amonian original. The tribe of Cush was styled by Manethon, before the passage was depraved, Υκκουσος. Uch, says this author, in the sacred language of Egypt, signifies a ^[165]king. Hence it was conferred as a title upon the God Sehor, who, as we may infer from Manethon and ^[166]Hellanicus, was called Ucsiris, and Icsiris; but by the later Greeks the name was altered to Isiris and Osiris. And not only the God Sehor, or Sehoris was so expressed; but Cnas, or Canaan, had the same title, and was styled Uc-Cnas, and the Gentile name or possessive was Uc-cnaos, Υκ-κναος: το εθνικον γαρ Χναος, as we learn from Stephanus. The Greeks, whose custom it was to reduce every foreign name to something similar in their own language, changed Υκκναος to Κυκνειος, Uc Cnaus to Cucneus; and from Υκ Κνας formed Κυκνος. Some traces of this word still remain, though almost effaced; and may be observed in the name of the Goddess Ichnaia. Instead of Uc-Cnaan the son of Ham, the Greeks have substituted this personage in the feminine, whom they have represented as the daughter of the Sun. She is mentioned in this light by Lycophron: ^[167]Της Ἡλιου θυγατρος Ιχναιας βραβευς. They likewise changed Thamuz and Thamas of Canaan and Egypt to Themis a feminine; and called her Ichnaia Themis. She is so styled by Homer.

Ιχναια is here used adjectively. Ιχναια Θεμις signifies Themis, or Thamuz, of ^[169]Canaan.

There was another circumstance, which probably assisted to carry on the mistake: a Canaanitish temple was called both Ca-Cnas, and Cu-Cnas; and adjectively^[170] Cu-Cnaios; which terms there is reason to think were rendered Κυκνος, and Κυκνειος. Besides all this, the swan was undoubtedly the insigne of Canaan, as the eagle and vulture were of Egypt, and the dove of Babylonia. It was certainly the hieroglyphic of the country. These were the causes which contributed to the framing many idle legends, such as the poets improved upon greatly. Hence it is observable, that wherever we may imagine any colonies from Canaan to have settled and to have founded temples, there is some story about swans: and the Greeks, in alluding to their hymns, instead of Yκκναον ασμα, the music of Canaan, have introduced κυκνειον ασμα, the singing of these birds: and, instead of the death of Thamuz, lamented by the Cucnaans, or priests, they have made the swans sing their own dirge, and foretell their own funeral. Wherever the Canaanites came, they introduced their national worship; part of which, as I have shewn, consisted in chanting hymns to the honour of their country God. He was the same as Apollo of Greece: on which account, Lucian, in compliance with the current notion, says, that the Cycni were formerly the assessors and ministers of that Deity. By this we are to understand, that people of this denomination were in antient times his priests. One part of the world, where this notion about swans prevailed, was in Liguria, upon the banks of the Eridanus. Here Phaëthon was supposed to have met with his downfal; and here his brother Cycnus underwent the metamorphosis, of which we have spoken. In these parts some Amonians settled very early; among whom it appears that there were many from Canaan. They may be traced by the mighty works which they carried on; for they drained the river towards its mouth, and formed some vast canals, called Fossæ Philistinæ. Pliny, speaking of the entrance into the Eridanus, says, ^[171]Indé ostia plana, Carbonaria, ac fossiones Philistinæ, quod alii Tartarum vocant: omnia ex Philistinæ fossæ abundatione nascentia. These canals were, undoubtedly the work of the Canaanites, and particularly of some of the Caphtorim, who came from Philistim: and hence these outlets of the river were named Philistinæ. The river betrays its original in its name; for it has no relation to the Celtic language, but is apparently of Egyptian or Canaanitish etymology. This is manifest from the terms of which it is made up; for it is compounded of Ur-Adon, sive Orus Adonis; and was sacred to the God of that name. The river, simply, and out of composition, was Adon, or Adonis: and it is to be observed, that this is the name of one of the principal rivers in Canaan. It ran near the city Biblus, where the death of Thamuz was particularly lamented. It is a circumstance taken notice of by many authors, and most pathetically described by Milton.

It is said that the Eridanus was so called first by ^[173]Pherecydes Syrus: and that my etymology is true, may in great measure be proved from the ^[174]Scholiast upon Aratus. He shews that the name was of Egyptian original, at least consonant to the language of Egypt; for it was the same as the Nile. It is certain that it occurred in the antient sphere of Egypt, whence the Grecians received it. The great effusion of water in the celestial sphere, which, Aratus says, was the Nile, is still called the Eridanus: and, as the name was of oriental original, the purport of it must be looked for among the people of those parts. The river Strymon, in Thrace, was supposed to abound with swans, as much as the Eridanus; and the antient name of this river was Palaestinus. It was so called from the Amonians, who settled here under the name of Adonians, and who founded the city Adonis. They were by the later Greeks styled, after the Iönic manner, Edonians, and their city Edonis. ^[175]Στρυμων ποταμος εστι της Θρακης κατα πολιν Ηδωνιδα, προσηγορευετο δε προτερον Παλαιστινος. The Strymon is a river of Thrace, which runs by the city Edonis: it was of old called the river Palæstinus. In these places, and in all others where any of the Canaanites settled, the Grecians have introduced some story about swans.

Some of them seem to have gained access at Delphi; as did likewise others from Egypt: and by such was that oracle first founded. Egypt, among other names, was called Ait, and Ai Ait, by the Greeks expressed Αετια: ^[176]Εκληθη δε—και ΑΕΤΙΑ. The natives, in consequence of it, were called Αετιοι, and Αεται; which was interpreted eagles. Hence, we are told by Plutarch, that some of the feathered kind, either eagles or swans, came from the remote parts of the earth, and settled at Delphi. ^[177]Αετους τινας, η Κυκνους, ω Τερεντιανε Πρισκε, μυθολογουσιν απο των ακρων της γης επι το μεσον φερομενους εις ταυτο συμπεσειν Πυθοι περι τον καλουμενον ομφαλον. These eagles and swans undoubtedly relate to colonies from Egypt and Canaan. I recollect but one philosopher styled Cygnus; and, what is remarkable, he was of Canaan. Antiochus, the Academic, mentioned by Cicero in his philosophical works, and also by ^[178]Strabo, was of Ascaloun, in Palestine; and he was surnamed Cygnus, the Swan: which name, as it is so circumstanced, must, I think, necessarily allude to this country.

As in early times colonies went by the name of the Deity whom they worshipped, or by the name of the insigne and hieroglyphic under which their country was denoted, every depredation made by such people was placed to the account of the Deity under such a device. This was the manner in which poets described things: and, in those days, all wrote in measure. Hence, instead of saying that the Egyptians, or Canaanites, or Tyrians, landed and carried off such and such persons; they said, that it was done by Jupiter, in the shape of an eagle, or a swan, or a bull: substituting an eagle for Egypt, a swan for Canaan, and a bull for the city of ^[179]Tyre. It is said of the Telchines, who were Amonian priests, that they came to Attica under the conduct of Jupiter in the shape of an eagle.

By which is meant, that they were Egyptian priests; and an eagle was probably the device in their standard, as well as the insigne of their nation.

Some of the same family were to be found among the Atlantes of Mauritania, and are represented as having the shape of swans. Prometheus, in Æschylus, speaks of them in the commission which he gives to Io: ^[181]You must go, says he, as far as the city Cisthene in the Gorgonian plains, where the three Phorcides reside; those antient, venerable ladies, who are in the shape of swans, and have but one eye, of which they make use in common. This history relates to an Amonian temple founded in the extreme parts of Africa; in which there were three priestesses of Canaanitish race; who, on that account, are said to be in the shape of swans. The notion of their having but one eye among them took its rise from an hieroglyphic very common in Egypt, and probably in Canaan: this was the representation of an eye, which was said to be engraved upon the pediment of their ^[182]temples. As the land of Canaan lay so opportunely for traffic, and the emigrants from most parts went under their conduct, their history was well known. They navigated the seas very early, and were necessarily acquainted with foreign regions; to which they must at one time have betaken themselves in great numbers, when they fled before the sons of Israel. In all the places where they settled they were famous for their hymns and music; all which the Greeks have transferred to birds, and supposed that they were swans who were gifted with this harmony. Yet, sweet as their notes are said to have been, there is not, I believe, a person upon record who was ever a witness to it. It is, certainly, all a fable. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us that Apollo was pleased with the music of swans, ^[183]μουσικῃ τε ἡδεται, και κυκνων φωναις; and when Æschylus mentions their singing their own dirges; they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitish priests, who lamented the death of Adon and Osiris. And this could not be entirely a secret to the Grecians, for they seem often to refer to some such notion. Socrates termed swans his fellow-servants: in doing which he alluded to the antient priests, styled Cycni. They were people of the choir, and officiated in the temples of the same Deities; whose servant he professed himself to be. Hence Porphyry assures us, ^[184]Ὁυ παιζων ὁμοδουλους αυτου ελεγεν τους κυκνους (Σοκρατης), that Socrates was very serious when he mentioned swans as his fellow-servants. When, therefore, Aristophanes speaks of the ^[185]Delian and Pythian swans, they are the priests of those places, to whom he alludes. And when it is said by Plato, that the soul of Orpheus, out of disgust to womankind, led the life of a ^[186]swan, the meaning certainly is, that he retired from the world to some cloister, and lived a life of celibacy, like a priest. For the priests of many countries, but particularly of Egypt, were recluses, and devoted themselves to ^[187]celibacy: hence monkery came originally from Egypt. Lycophron, who was of Egypt, and skilled in antient terms, styles Calchas, who was the priest of Apollo, a swan. ^[188]Μολοσσου κυπεως κοιτου κυκνον. These epithets, the Scholiast tells us, belong to Apollo; and Calchas is called a swan, δια το γηραιον, και μαντικον: because he was an old prophet and priest. Hence, at the first institution of the rites of Apollo, which is termed the birth of the Deity, at Delos, it is said that many swans came from the coast of Asia, and went round the island for the space of seven days.

The whole of this relates to a choir of priests, who came over to settle at Delos, and to serve in the newly erected temple. They circled the island seven times; because seven, of old, was looked upon as a mysterious and sacred number.

The birds in the island of Diomedes, which were said to have been originally companions of that hero, were undoubtedly priests, and of the same race as those of whom I have been treating. They are represented as gentle to good men, and averse to those who are bad. Ovid describes their shape and appearance: ^[191]Ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis; which, after what has been said, may, I think, be easily understood.

If then the harmony of swans, when spoken of, not only related to something quite foreign, but in reality did not of itself exist, it may appear wonderful that the antients should so universally give into the notion. For not only the poets, but ^[192]Plato, Plutarch, Cicero, Pliny, with many others of high rank, speak of it as a circumstance well known. But it is to be observed, that none of them speak from their own experience: nor are they by any means consistent in what they say. Some mention this singing as a general faculty; which was exerted at all times: others limit it to particular seasons, and to particular places. Aristotle seems to confine it to the seas of ^[193]Africa: ^[194]Aldrovandus says, that it may be heard upon the Thames near London. The account given by Aristotle is very remarkable. He says, that mariners, whose course lay through the Libyan sea, have often met with swans, and heard them singing in a melancholy strain: and upon a nearer approach, they could perceive that some of them were dying, from whom the harmony proceeded. Who would have expected to have found swans swimming in the salt sea, in the midst of the Mediterranean? There is nothing that a Grecian would not devise in support of a favourite error. The legend from beginning to end is groundless: and though most speak of the music of swans as exquisite; yet some absolutely deny ^[195]the whole of it; and others are more moderate in their commendations. The watermen in Lucian give the preference to a jackdaw: but Antipater in some degree dissents, and thinks that the swan has the advantage.

And Lucretius confesses, that the screaming of a crane is not quite so pleasing:

Which however is paying them no great compliment. To these respectable personages I must add the evidence of a modern; one too of no small repute, even the great Scaliger. He says, that he made a strict scrutiny about this affair, when in Italy; and the result of his observations was this: ^[198]Ferrariæ multos (cygnos) vidimus, sed cantores sane malos, neque melius ansere canere.

OF

TEMPLE SCIENCE.

The Egyptians were very famous for geometrical knowledge: and as all the flat part of their country was annually overflowed, it is reasonable to suppose that they made use of this science to determine their lands, and to make out their several claims, at the retreat of the waters. Many indeed have thought, that the confusion of property, which must for a while have prevailed, gave birth to practical ^[199]geometry, in order to remedy the evil: and in consequence of it, that charts and maps were first delineated in this country. These, we may imagine, did not relate only to private demesnes: but included also the course of the Nile in its various branches; and all the sea coast, and its inlets, with which lower Egypt was bounded.

It is very certain, that the people of Colchis, who were a colony from Egypt, had charts of this sort, with written descriptions of the seas and shores, whithersoever they traded: and they at one time carried on a most extensive commerce. We are told, says the ^[200]Scholiast upon Apollonius, that the Colchians still retain the laws and customs of their forefathers: and they have pillars of stone, upon which are engraved maps of the continent, and of the ocean: Εισι δε, φησι, και νομοι παρ' αυτοις των Προγωνον, και Στηλαι, εν ἁις γης και θαλασσης αναγραφαι εισι. The poet, upon whom the above writer has commented, calls these pillars, κυρβεις: which, we are told, were of a square figure, like obelisks: and on these, he says, were delineated all the passages of the sea; and the boundaries of every country upon the earth.

These delineations had been made of old, and transmitted to the Colchians by their forefathers; which forefathers were from ^[202]Egypt.

If then the Colchians had this science, we may presume that their mother country possessed it in as eminent a degree: and we are assured, that they were very knowing in this article. Clemens Alexandrinus ^[203]mentions, that there were maps of Egypt, and charts of the Nile very early. And we are moreover told, that Sesostris (by which is meant the Sethosians) drew upon boards schemes of all the countries, which he had traversed: and copies of these were given both to ^[204]the Egyptians, and to the Scythians, who held them in high estimation. This is a curious account of the first delineation of countries, and origin of maps; which were first described upon ^[205]pillars. We may from hence be enabled to solve the enigma concerning Atlas, who is said to have supported the heavens upon his shoulders. This took its rise from some verses in Homer, which have been strangely misconstrued. The passage is in the Odyssey; where the poet is speaking of Calypso, who is said to be the daughter of Atlas, ολοοφρονος, a person of deep and recondite knowledge:

It is to be observed, that when the antients speak of the feats of Hercules, we are to understand the Herculeans; under the name of Cadmus is meant the Cadmians; under that of Atlas, the Atlantians. With this allowance how plain are the words of Homer! The ^[207]Atlantians settled in Phrygia and Mauritania; and, like the Colchians, were of the family of Ham. They had great experience in sea affairs: and the poet tells us, that they knew all the soundings in the great deep.

They had also long pillars, or obelisks, which referred to the sea; and upon which was delineated the whole system both of heaven and earth; αμφις, all around, both on the front of the obelisk, and on the other sides. Κιονες Κοσμου were certainly maps, and histories of the universe; in the knowledge of which the Atlantians seem to have instructed their brethren the Herculeans. The Grecians, in their accounts, by putting one person for a people, have rendered the history obscure; which otherwise would be very intelligible. There is a passage in Eusebius, which may be rendered very plain, and to the purpose, if we make use of the clue above-mentioned. ^[208]Ἡροδοτος δε λεγει τον Ηρακλεα μαντιν και φυσικον γενομενον παρα Ατλαντος του Βαρβαρου του Φρυγος διαδεχεσθαι τας του Κοσμου Κιονας. This may be paraphrased in the following manner; and with such latitude will be found perfectly consonant to the truth. The Herculeans were a people much given to divination, and to the study of nature. Great part of their knowledge they are thought to have had transmitted to them from those Atlantians, who settled in Phrygia, especially the history of the earth and heavens; for all such knowledge the Atlantians had of old consigned to pillars and obelisks in that country: and from them it was derived to the Herculeans, or Heraclidæ, of Greece. The Atlantians were esteemed by the Grecians as barbarous: but they were in reality of the same family. Their chief ancestor was the father of the Peleiadæ, or Ionim; of whom I shall hereafter have much to say: and was the supposed brother of Saturn. The Hellenes, though they did not always allow it, were undoubtedly of his race. This may be proved from Diodorus Siculus, who gives this curious history of the Peleiadæ, his offspring. ^[209]Ταυτας δε μιγεισας τοις ευφυεστατοις Ἡρωσι και Θεοις αρχηγους καταστηναι του πλειστου γενους τον ανθρωπων, τεκουσας τους δι' αρετην Θεους και Ἡρωας ονομασθεντας.—Παραπλησεως δε και τας αλλας Ατλαντιδας γεννησαι παιδας επιφανεις, ὡν τους μεν εθνων, τους δε πολεων γενεσθαι κτιστας· διοπερ ου μονον παρ' ενιοις των Βαρβαρων, αλλα και παρα τοις Ἑλλησι τους πλειστους των αρχαιοτατων Ἡρωων εις ταυτας αναφερειν το γενος. These daughters of Atlas, by their connections and marriages with the most illustrious heroes, and divinities, may be looked up to as the heads of most families upon earth. And from them proceeded all those, who upon account of their eminence were in aftertimes esteemed Gods and Heroes. And having spoken of Maia, and her offspring, the author proceeds to tell us, that the other Atlantides in like manner gave birth to a most noble race: some of whom were the founders of nations; and others the builders of cities: insomuch that most of the more antient heroes, not only of those abroad, who were esteemed Barbari, but even of the Helladians, claimed their ancestry from them. And they received not only their ancestry, but their knowledge also, του κοσμου κιονας; all the celestial and terrestrial phenomena, which had been entrusted to the sacred pillars of the Atlantes, ἁι γαιην τε και ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν, which contained descriptions both of the heavens, and the earth. From Phrygia they came at last to Hellas, where they were introduced by Anaximander, who is said, ^[210]Εσδουναι πρωτον γεωγραφικον πινακα, to have been the first who introduced a geographical chart: or, as Laertius expresses it, ^[211]Γης και Θαλαττης περιμετρον, the circumference of the terraqueous globe delineated.

Though the origin of maps may be deduced from Egypt, yet they were not the native Egyptians, by whom they were first constructed. Delineations of this nature were the contrivance of the Cuthites, or Shepherds. They were, among other titles, styled Saïtæ; and from them both astronomy and geometry were introduced in those parts. They, with immense labour, drained the lower provinces; erected stupendous buildings; and raised towers at the mouths of the river, which were opportunely situated for navigation. For, though the Mizraim were not addicted to commerce, yet it was followed by other families besides the Cuthites, who occupied the lower provinces towards the sea. The towers which were there raised served for lighthouses, and were, at the same time, temples, denominated from some title of the Deity, such as Canoph, Caneph, Cneph; also Perses, Proteus, Phanes, and Canobus. They were on both accounts much resorted to by mariners, and enriched with offerings. Here were deposited charts of the coast, and of the navigation of the Nile, which were engraved on pillars, and in aftertimes sketched out upon the Nilotic Papyrus. There is likewise reason to think that they were sometimes delineated upon walls. This leads me to take notice of a passage from Pherecydes Syrus, which seems to allude to something of this nature: though, I believe, in his short detail that he has misrepresented the author from whom he copied. He is said, by Theopompus, ^[212]πρωτον περι της φυσεως, και Θεων, Ἑλλησι γραφειν, to have been the first who wrote for the benefit of his countrymen about nature and the Gods. Suidas ^[213]mentions, that he composed a theogony; all which knowledge, we are assured, came from Egypt. It is certain that he studied in that^[214] country; whence we may conclude, that the following history is Egyptian. He says, that Zas, or Jupiter, composed a large and curious robe, upon which he described the earth, and the ocean, and the habitations upon the ocean. ^[215]Ζας ποιει φαρος μεγα τε, και καλον, και εν αυτῳ ποικιλλει Γην, και Ωγηνον, και τα Ωγηνου δωματα. Now, Zas, or, as it should be rendered, Zan, was the Dorian title of Amon. And Ogenus, the Ocean, was the most antient name of the Nile; whence the Grecians borrowed their Oceanus. ^[216]Ὁι γαρ Αιγυπτιοι νομιζουσιν ωκεανον ειναι τον παρ' αυτοις ποταμον Νειλον. The Egyptians, by the term Oceanus, understand their own river Nilus. The same author, in another place, calls this river Oceames^[217]. Τον δε ποταμον αρχαιοτατον μεν ονομα σχειν Ωκεαμην, ὁς εστιν Ἑλλενιστι ωκεανος. The former term, Ogenus, whence the Greeks borrowed their Oceanus, was a compound of Oc-Gehon, and Avas originally rendered Ogehonus. It signifies the noble Gehon, and is a name taken from one of the rivers of Paradise. The Nile was sometimes called simply Gehon, as we learn from the author of the Chronicon Paschale. ^[218]Εχει δε (ἡ Αιγυπτος) ποταμον Γηων—Νειλον καλουμενον. It was probably a name given by the Cuthites, from whom, as will be hereafter shewn, the river Indus had the name of Phison. ^[219]Ποταμοι ονομαστοι Ινδος, ὁ και Φεισων, Νειλος, ὁ και Γηων. The two most celebrated rivers are the Indus, the same as the Phison, and the Nile, which is called the Gehon. The river, also, of Colchis, rendered Phasis, and Phasin, was, properly, the Phison. The Nile, being of old styled Oc-Gehon, and having many branches, or arms, gave rise to the fable of the sea monster Ægeon, whom Ovid represents as supporting himself upon the whales of the ocean.

The Scholiast upon Lycophron informs us farther, that the river had three names; and imagines that upon this account it was called Triton. ^[221]Τριτων ὁ Νειλος, ὁτι τρις μετωνομασθη· προτερον γαρ Ωκεανος αν εκαλειτο, δευτερον Αετος·—το δε Νειλος νεον εστι. I shall not at present controvert his etymology. Let it suffice, that we are assured, both by this author and by others, that the Nile was called Oceanus: and what is alluded to by Pherecydes is certainly a large map or chart. The robe of which he speaks was indeed a Pharos, Φαρος; but a Pharus of a different nature from that which he describes. It was a building, a temple, which was not constructed by the Deity, but dedicated to him. It was one of those towers of which I have before treated; in which were described upon the walls, and otherwise delineated, Ωγηνος και Ωγηνου δωματα, the course of the Gehon, or Nile; and the towns and houses upon that river.

I imagine that the shield of Achilles, in Homer, was copied from something of this sort which the poet had seen in Egypt: for Homer is continually alluding to the customs, as well as to the history, of that kingdom. And, it is evident, that what he describes on the central part of the shield, is a map of the earth, and of the celestial appearances.

The antients loved to wrap up every thing in mystery and fable: they have therefore described Hercules, also, with a robe of this sort:

He was invested with a robe, which was a type of the heavens, and a representation of the whole world.

The garment of Thetis, which the poets mention as given her upon her supposed marriage with Peleus, was a Pharos of the same kind as that described above. We may learn, from Catullus, who copied the story, that the whole alluded to an historical picture preserved in some tower; and that it referred to matters of great antiquity, though applied by the Greeks to later times, and ascribed to people of their own nation.

It contained a description of some notable achievements in the first ages; and a particular account of the Apotheosis of Ariadne, who is described, whatever may be the meaning of it, as carried by Bacchus to heaven. The story is said to have been painted on a robe, or coverlet; because it was delineated upon a Pharos: that word being equivocal, and to be taken in either sense. And here I cannot but take notice of the inconsistency of the Greeks, who make Theseus a partaker in this history; and suppose him to have been acquainted with Ariadne. If we may credit Plutarch^[225], Theseus, as soon as he was advanced towards manhood, went, by the advice of his mother Æthra, from Trœzen, in quest of his father Ægeus at Athens. This was some years after the Argonautic expedition; when Medea had left Jason, and put herself under the protection of this same Ægeus. After having been acknowledged by his father, Theseus went upon his expedition to Crete; where he is said to have first seen Ariadne, and to have carried her away. All this, I say, was done after Jason had married Medea, and had children by her; and after she had left him and was come to Athens. But the story of Ariadne, in the above specimen, is mentioned as a fact of far older date. It was prior to the arrival of Medea in Greece, and even to the Argonautic expedition. It is spoken of as a circumstance of the highest antiquity: consequently, ^[226]Theseus could not any ways be concerned in it.

There, is an account in Nonnus of a robe, or Pharos, which Harmonia is supposed to have worn when she was visited by the Goddess of beauty. There was delineated here, as in some above mentioned, the earth, and the heavens, with all the stars. The sea, too, and the rivers, were represented; and the whole was, at the bottom, surrounded by the ocean.

All this relates to a painting, either at Sidon or Berytus; which was delineated in a tower, or temple, sacred to Hermon.

Orpheus alludes to a Pharos of this sort, and to the paintings and furniture of it, in his description of the robes with which Apollo, or Dionusus, is invested. He speaks of them as the same Deity.

When the poet has thus adorned the Deity, we find, towards the conclusion, that these imaginary robes never shew to such advantage as in the morning. When the sun, says he, rises from the extremities of the earth, and enlightens the ocean with his horizontal rays; then they appear in great splendour, which is increased by the morning dew. All this investiture of the Deity relates to the earth and the heavens, which were delineated upon a ^[229]skin, δερμα πολυστικτον θηρος, styled πεπλον. This is described, Αστρων δαιδαλεων μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο: as a copy and imitation of all the celestial appearances. The whole was deposited in a Pharos upon the sea shore, upon which the sun, at his rising, darted his early rays; and whose turrets glittered with the dew: Ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων φαινετ' αρ' ωκεανου κυκλος: from the upper story of the tower, which was of an unmeasurable height, there was an unlimited view of the ocean. This vast element surrounded the edifice like a zone; and afforded a wonderful phænomenon. Such, I imagine, is the solution of the enigma.

TAR, TOR, TARIT.

I have taken notice of the fears and apprehensions, under which the first navigators must necessarily have been, when they traversed unknown seas; and were liable to be entangled among the rocks, and shelves of the deep: and I mentioned the expedients of which they made use to obviate such difficulties, and to render the coast less dangerous. They built upon every hill, and promontory, where they had either commerce or settlement, obelisks, and towers, which they consecrated to some Deity. These served in a twofold capacity, both as seamarks by day, and for beacons by night. And as people in those times made only coasting voyages, they continually went on shore with offerings, in order to gain the assistance of the God, whoever there presided; for these towers were temples, and oftentimes richly furnished and endowed. They were built sometimes on artificial mounds; but generally on natural eminences, that they might be seen at a great distance. They were called by the Amonians, who first erected them, ^[230]Tar, and Tor; the same as the תור of the Chaldees, which signified both a hill and tower. They were oftentimes compounded, and styled Tor-Is, or fire towers: on account of the light which they exhibited, and the fires which were preserved in them. Hence came the turris of the Romans; and the τυρις, τυῤῥις, τυρσις, τυρσος, of the Greeks. The latter, when the word Tor occurred in antient history, often changed it to ταυρος, a bull; and invented a number of idle stories in consequence of this change. The Ophite God Osiris, the same as Apollo, was by the Amonians styled Oph-El, and Ope-El: and there was upon the Sinus Persicus a city Opis, where his rites were observed. There seems likewise to have been a temple sacred to him, named Tor-Opel; which the Greeks rendered Ταυροπολος. Strabo speaks of such an oracular temple; and says, that it was in the island Icaria, towards the mouth of the Tigris: ^[231]Νησον Ικαριον, και ἱερον Απολλωνος ἁγιον εν αυτῃ, και μαντειον Ταυροπολου. Here, instead of Osiris, or Mithras, the serpent Deity, the author presents us with Apollo, the manager of bulls.

One of the principal and most antient settlements of the Amonians upon the ocean was at Gades; where a prince was supposed to have reigned, named Geryon. The harbour at Gades was a very fine one; and had several Tor, or Towers to direct shipping: and as it was usual to imagine the Deity, to whom the temple was erected, to have been the builder, this temple was said to have been built by Hercules. All this the Grecians took to themselves: they attributed the whole to the hero of Thebes: and as he was supposed to conquer wherever he came, they made him subdue Geryon; and changing the Tor, or Towers, into so many head of cattle, they ^[232]describe him as leading them off in triumph over the Pyranees and Alpes, to Hetruria, and so on to Calabria. From thence, for what reason we know not, he swims them over to Messana in Sicily: and after some stay he swims with them through the sea back again, all the while holding by one of their horns. The bulls of Colchis, with which Jason was supposed to have engaged, were probably of the same nature and original. The people of this country were Amonians, and had once a ^[233]mighty trade; for the security of which they erected at the entrance of the Phasis towers. These served both as light-houses, and temples; and were sacred to Adorus. They were on this account called Tynador, whence the Greeks formed Tyndarus, Tyndaris, and Tyndaridæ. They were built after some, which stood near the city ^[234]Parætonium of Egypt; and they are alluded to by the geographer Dionysius:

Colchis was styled Cutaia, and had been early occupied by the sons of Chus. The chief city, whence the country has been in general denominated, was from its situation called Cal-Chus, and Col-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus. This by the Greeks was rendered Colchis: but as travellers are not uniform in expressing foreign terms, some have rendered what was Colchian, Chalcian, and from Colchus they have formed Χαλκος, brass. The Chalcian towers being moreover interpreted ταυροι, bulls, a story took its rise about the brazen bulls of Colchis. Besides this, there was in these towers a constant fire kept up for the direction of ships by night: whence the bulls were said to breath fire.

We however sometimes meet with sacred towers, which were really denominated Tauri from the worship of the mystic bull, the same as the Apis, and Mneuis of Egypt. Such was probably the temple of Minotaurus in Crete, where the ^[236]Deity was represented under an emblematical figure; which consisted of the body of a man with the head of a bull. In Sicily was a promontory Taurus, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus; which was called also Tauromenium. He acquaints us, that Hanno the Carthaginian sent his Admiral with orders παραπλειν επι τον λοφον καλουμενον Ταυρον, to sail along the coast to the promontory named Taurus. This Taurus, he thinks, was afterwards named Ταυρομενιον, Tauromenium, from the people who settled, and ^[237]remained there: as if this were the only place in the world where people settled and remained. It was an antient compound, and no part of it of Grecian ^[238]original. Tauromenium is the same as Menotaurium reversed: and the figure of the Deity was varied exactly in the same manner; as is apparent from the coins and engravings which have been found in Sicily. The Minotaur is figured as a man with the head of a bull; the Tauromen as a bull with the face of a ^[239]man.

Among the ^[240]Hetrurians this term seems to have been taken in a more enlarged sense; and to have signified a city, or town fortified. When they settled in Italy, they founded many places of strength; and are reputed to have been the first who introduced the art of fortification. ^[241]Τυρσηνοι πρωτον εφευρον την τειχοποιϊαν. Hence the word Tar, and Tur, is often found in the composition of names, which relate to people of this country. They worshipped the Sun, styled Zan, and Zeen; whose temples were called Tur-Zeen: and in consequence of it one of the principal names by which their country was distinguished, was Turzenia. The Scholiast upon Lycophron mentions it as ^[242]Χωραν απο Τυρσηνου κληθεισαν Τυρσηνιαν, a region, which from Tur-Seen was named Tursenia. The Poet above takes notice of two persons by the names of Tarchon, and Turseen. ^[243]Ταρχων τε, και Τυρσηνος, αιθωνες λυκοι. From Tarchon there was a city and district named ^[244]Tarcunia; from whence came the family of the Tarquins, or Tarquinii, so well known in the history of ^[245]Rome. The Amonians esteemed every emanation of light a fountain; and styled it Ain, and Aines: and as they built lighthouses upon every island and insular promontory, they were in consequence of it called Aines, Agnes, Inis, Inesos, Nesos, Nees: and this will be found to obtain in many different countries and languages. The Hetrurians occupied a large tract of sea-coast; on which account they worshipped Poseidon: and one of their principal cities was Poseidonium. They erected upon their shores towers and beacons for the sake of their navigation, which they called Tor-ain: whence they had a still farther denomination of Tur-aini, and their country was named Tur-ainia; the Τυῤῥηνια of the later Greeks. All these appellations are from the same object, the edifices which they erected: even Hetruria seems to have been a compound of Ai-tur; and to have signified the land of Towers. Another name for buildings of this nature was Turit, or Tirit; which signified a tower or turret. I have often mentioned that temples have been mistaken for Deities, and places for persons. We have had an instance of this above; where Tarchon, and Tursenus are supposed to have been founders of colonies. Torone was a place in Macedonia; and signifies literally the Tower of the Sun. The Poets have formed out of it a female personage; and supposed her to have been the wife of ^[246]Proteus. So Amphi-Tirit is merely an oracular tower. This too has by the Poets been changed to a female, Amphitrite; and made the wife of Neptune. The name of Triton is a contraction of Tirit-On; and signifies the tower of the Sun, like Torone: but a Deity was framed from it, who was supposed to have had the appearance of a man upwards, but downwards to have been like a fish. From this emblematical representation we may judge of the figure of the real Deity; and be assured that it could be no other than that of Atargatis and Dagon. The ^[247]Hetrurians were thought to have been the inventors of trumpets: and in their towers upon the sea-coast there were people appointed to be continually upon the watch both by day and night; and to give a proper signal, if any thing happened extraordinary. This was done by a blast from the trumpet; and Triton was hence feigned to have been Neptune's trumpeter. He is accordingly described by Nonnus,

as possessing the deep toned trumpet of the Hetrurian main. However in early times these brazen instruments were but little known: and people were obliged to make use of what was near at hand, the conchs of the sea, which every strand afforded. By sounding these, they gave signals from the top of the towers when any ship appeared: and this is the implement with which Triton is more commonly furnished. The antients divided the night into different watches; the last of which was called cockcrow: and in consequence of this they kept a cock in their Tirat, or Towers, to give notice of the dawn. Hence this bird was sacred to the Sun, and named Alector, Αλεκτωρ: which seems to be a compound out of the titles of that Deity, and of the tower set apart for his service: for all these towers were temples. Those styled Tritonian were oracular; as we may infer from the application made by the Argonauts. What Homer attributes to Proteus, Pindar ascribes to Triton. ^[249]Μαντευεται δε ὡς παρ' Ομηρῳ Πρωτευς, και παρα Πινδαρῳ Τριτων τοις Αργοναυταις. Pausanias mentions a tradition of a ^[250]Triton near Tanagra, who used to molest women, when they were bathing in the sea; and who was guilty of other acts of violence. He was at last found upon the beach overpowered with wine; and there slain. This Triton was properly a Tritonian, a priest of one of these temples: for the priests appear to have been great tyrants, and oftentimes very brutal. This person had used the natives ill; who took advantage of him, when overpowered with liquor, and put him to death.

The term Tor, in different parts of the world, occurs sometimes a little varied. Whether this happened through mistake, or was introduced for facility of utterance, is uncertain. The temple of the Sun, Tor Heres, in Phenicia was rendered Τριηρης, Trieres; the promontory Tor-Ope-On, in Caria, Triopon; Tor-Hamath, in Cyprus, Trimathus; Tor-Hanes, in India, Trinesia; Tor-Chom, or Chomus, in Palestine, Tricomis. In antient times the title of Anac was often conferred upon the Deities; and their temples were styled Tor-Anac, and Anac-Tor. The city Miletus was named ^[251]Anactoria: and there was an Heroüm at Sparta called Ανακτορον, Anactoron; where Castor and Pollux had particular honours, who were peculiarly styled Anactes. It was from Tor-Anac that Sicily was denominated Trinacis and Trinacia. This, in process of time, was still farther changed to Trinacria; which name was supposed to refer to the triangular form of the island. But herein was a great mistake; for, the more antient name was Trinacia, as is manifest from Homer:

And the name, originally, did not relate to the island in general, but to a part only, and that a small district near Ætna. This spot had been occupied by the first inhabitants, the Cyclopians, Lestrygons, and Sicani: and it had this name from some sacred tower which they built. Callimachus calls it, mistakenly, Trinacria, but says that it was near Ætna, and a portion of the antient Sicani.

The island Rhodes was called ^[254]Trinacia, which was not triangular: so that the name had certainly suffered a variation, and had no relation to any figure. The city Trachin, Τραχιν, in Greece, was properly Tor-chun, turris sacra vel regia, like Tarchon in Hetruria. Chun and Chon were titles, said peculiarly to belong to Hercules: ^[255]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα τον Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. We accordingly find that this place was sacred to Hercules; that it was supposed to have been ^[256]founded by him; and that it was called ^[257]Heraclea.

I imagine that the trident of Poseidon was a mistaken implement; as it does not appear to have any relation to the Deity to whom it has been by the Poets appropriated. Both the towers on the sea-coast, and the beacons, which stood above them, had the name of Tor-ain. This the Grecians changed to Triaina, Τριαινα, and supposed it to have been a three-pronged fork. The beacon, or Torain, consisted of an iron or brazen frame, wherein were three or four tines, which stood up upon a circular basis of the same metal. They were bound with a hoop; and had either the figures of Dolphins, or else foliage in the intervals between them. These filled up the vacant space between the tines, and made them capable of holding the combustible matter with which they were at night filled. This instrument was put upon a high pole, and hung sloping sea-ward over the battlements of the tower, or from the stern of a ship: with this they could maintain, either a smoke by day, or a blaze by night. There was a place in Argos named ^[258]Triaina, which was supposed to have been so called from the trident of Neptune. It was undoubtedly a tower, and the true name Tor-ain; as may be shewn from the history with which it is attended. For it stood near a fountain, though a fountain of a different nature from that of which we have been speaking. The waters of Amumone rose here: which Amumone is a variation from Amim-On, the waters of the Sun. The stream rose close to the place, which was named Tor-ain, from its vicinity to the fountain.

A The ancient Tower at Torone
B Tower of Cronus in Sicily

Ancient Triainæ

Cerberus was the name of a place, as well as Triton and Torone, though esteemed the dog of hell. We are told by ^[259]Eusebius, from Plutarch, that Cerberus was the Sun: but the term properly signified the temple, or place, of the Sun. The great luminary was styled by the Amonians both Or and Abor; that is, light, and the parent of light: and Cerberus is properly Kir-Abor, the place of that Deity. The same temple had different names, from the diversity of the God's titles who was there worshipped. It was called TorCaph-El; which was changed to τρικεφαλος, just as Cahen-Caph-El was rendered κυνοκεφαλος: and Cerberus was hence supposed to have had three heads. It was also styled Tor-Keren, Turris Regia; which suffered a like change with the word above, being expressed τρικαρηνος: and Cahen Ades, or Cerberus, was hence supposed to have been a triple-headed monster. That these idle figments took their rise from names of places, ill expressed and misinterpreted, may be proved from Palæphatus. He abundantly shews that the mistake arose hence, though he does not point out precisely the mode of deviation. He first speaks of Geryon, who was supposed to have had three heads, and was thence styled τρικεφαλος. ^[260]Ην δε τοιονδε τουτο· πολις εστιν εν τῳ Ευξινῳ ποντῳ Τρικαρηνια καλουμενη κλ. The purport of the fable about Geryones is this: There was, upon the Pontus Euxinus, a city named Tricarenia; and thence came the history Γηρυονου του Τρικαρηνου, of Geryon the Tricarenian; which was interpreted, a man with three heads. He mentions the same thing of Cerberus. ^[261]Λεγουσι περι Κερβερου, ὡς κυων ην, εχων τρεις κεφαλας· δηλον δε ὁτι και ὁυτος απο της πολεως εκληθη Τρικαρηνος, ὡσπερ ὁ Γηρυονης. They say of Cerberus, that he was a dog with three heads: but it is plain that he was so called from a city named Tricaren, or Tricarenia, as well as Geryones. Palæphatus says, very truly, that the strange notion arose from a place. But, to state more precisely the grounds of the mistake, we must observe, that from the antient Tor-Caph-El arose the blunder about τρικεφαλος; as, from Tor-Keren, rendered Tricarenia, was formed the term τρικαρηνος: and these personages, in consequence of it, were described with three heads.

As I often quote from Palæphatus, it may be proper to say something concerning him. He wrote early: and seems to have been a serious and sensible person; one, who saw the absurdity of the fables, upon which the theology of his country was founded. In the purport of his name is signified an antiquarian; a person, who dealt in remote researches: and there is no impossibility, but that there might have casually arisen this correspondence between his name and writings. But, I think, it is hardly probable. As he wrote against the mythology of his country, I should imagine that Παλαιφατος, Palæphatus, was an assumed name, which he took for a blind, in order to screen himself from persecution: for the nature of his writings made him liable to much ill will. One little treatise of ^[262]Palæphatus about Orion is quoted verbatim by the Scholiast upon ^[263]Homer, who speaks of it as a quotation from Euphorion. I should therefore think, that Euphorion was the name of this writer: but as there were many learned men so called, it may be difficult to determine which was the author of this treatise.

Homer, who has constructed the noblest poem that was ever framed, from the strangest materials, abounds with allegory and mysterious description. He often introduces ideal personages, his notions of which he borrowed from the edifices, hills, and fountains; and from whatever savoured of wonder and antiquity. He seems sometimes to blend together two different characters of the same thing, a borrowed one, and a real; so as to make the true history, if there should be any truth at bottom, the more extraordinary and entertaining.

I cannot help thinking, that Otus and Ephiâltes, those gigantic youths, so celebrated by the Poets, were two lofty towers. They were building to Alohim, called ^[264]Aloëus; but were probably overthrown by an earthquake. They are spoken of by Pindar as the sons of Iphimedeia; and are supposed to have been slain by Apollo in the island Naxos.

They are also mentioned by Homer, who styles them γηγενεις, or earthborn: and his description is equally fine.

Homer includes Orion in this description, whom he mentions elsewhere; and seems to borrow his ideas from a similar object, some tower, or temple, that was sacred to him. Orion was Nimrod, the great hunter in the Scriptures, called by the Greeks Nebrod. He was the founder of Babel, or Babylon; and is represented as a gigantic personage. The author of the Paschal Chronicle speaks of him in this light. ^[267]Νεβρωδ Γιγαντα, τον την Βαβυλωνιαν κτισαντα—ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. He is called Alorus by Abydenus, and Apollodorus; which was often rendered with the Amonian prefix Pelorus. Homer describes him as a great hunter; and of an enormous stature, even superior to the Aloeidæ above mentioned.

The Poet styles him Pelorian; which betokens something vast, and is applicable to any towering personage, but particularly to Orion. For the term Pelorus is the name by which the towers of Orion were called. Of these there seems to have been one in Delos; and another of more note, to which Homer probably alluded, in Sicily; where Orion was particularly reverenced. The streight of Rhegium was a dangerous pass: and this edifice was erected for the security of those who were obliged to go through it. It stood near Zancle; and was called ^[269]Pelorus, because it was sacred to Alorus, the same as ^[270]Orion. There was likewise a river named from him, and rendered by Lycophron ^[271]Elorus. The tower is mentioned by Strabo; but more particularly by Diodorus Siculus. He informs us that, according to the tradition of the place, Orion there resided; and that, among other works, he raised this very mound and promontory, called Pelorus and Pelorias, together with the temple, which was situated upon it. ^[272]Ωριωνα προσχωσαι το κατα την Πελωριαδα κειμενον ακρωτηριον, και το τεμενος του Ποσειδωνος κατασκευασαι, τιμωμενον ὑπο των εγχωριων διαφεροντως. We find from hence that there was a tower of this sort, which belonged to Orion: and that the word Pelorion was a term borrowed from these edifices, and made use of metaphorically, to denote any thing stupendous and large. The description in Homer is of a mixed nature: wherein he retains the antient tradition of a gigantic person; but borrows his ideas from the towers sacred to him. I have taken notice before, that all temples of old were supposed to be oracular; and by the Amonians were called Pator and Patara. This temple of Orion was undoubtedly a Pator; to which mariners resorted to know the event of their voyage, and to make their offerings to the God. It was on this account styled Tor Pator; which being by the Greeks expressed τριπατωρ, tripator, gave rise to the notion, that this earthborn giant had three fathers.

These towers, near the sea, were made use of to form a judgment of the weather, and to observe the heavens: and those which belonged to cities were generally in the Acropolis, or higher part of the place. This, by the Amonians, was named Bosrah; and the citadel of Carthage, as well as of other cities, is known to have been so denominated. But the Greeks, by an unavoidable fatality, rendered it uniformly ^[274]βυρσα, bursa, a skin: and when some of them succeeded to Zancle ^[275]in Sicily, finding that Orion had some reference to Ouran, or Ouranus, and from the name of the temple (τριπατωρ) judging that he must have had three fathers, they immediately went to work, in order to reconcile these different ideas. They accordingly changed Ouran to ουρειν; and, thinking the misconstrued hide, βυρσα, no improper utensil for their purpose, they made these three fathers co-operate in a most wonderful manner for the production of this imaginary person; inventing the most slovenly legend that ever was devised. ^[276]Τρεις (θεοι) του σφαγεντος βοος βυρσῃ ενουρησαν, και εξ αυτης Ωριων εγενετο. Tres Dei in bovis mactati pelle minxerunt, et inde natus est Orion.

TIT and TITH.

When towers were situated upon eminences fashioned very round, they were by the Amonians called Tith; which answers to תד in Hebrew, and to ^[277]τιτθη, and τιτθος, in Greek. They were so denominated from their resemblance to a woman's breast; and were particularly sacred to Orus and Osiris, the Deities of light, who by the Grecians were represented under the title of Apollo. Hence the summit of Parnassus was ^[278]named Tithorea, from Tith-Or: and hard by was a city, mentioned by Pausanias, of the same name; which was alike sacred to Orus and Apollo. The same author takes notice of a hill, near Epidaurus, called ^[279]Τιτθειον ορος Απολλωνος. There was a summit of the like nature at Samos, which, is by Callimachus styled the breast of Parthenia: ^[280]Διαβροχον ὑδατι μαστον Παρθενιης. Mounds of this nature are often, by Pausanias and Strabo, termed, from their resemblance, ^[281]μαστοειδεις. Tithonus, whose longevity is so much celebrated, was nothing more than one of these structures, a Pharos, sacred to the sun, as the name plainly shews. Tith-On is μαστος ἑλιου, the mount of the ^[282]Sun. As he supplied the place of that luminary, he is said to have been beloved by Aurora, and through her favour to have lived many ages. This, indeed, is the reverse of that which is fabled of the ^[283]Cyclopes, whose history equally relates to edifices. They are said to have raised the jealousy of Apollo, and to have been slain by his arrows: yet it will be found at bottom of the same purport. The Cyclopian turrets upon the Sicilian shore fronted due east: and their lights must necessarily have been extinguished by the rays of the rising Sun. This, I imagine, is the meaning of Apollo's slaying the Cyclopes with his arrows. Tethys, the antient Goddess of the sea, was nothing else but an old tower upon a mount; of the same shape, and erected for the same purposes, as those above. On this account it was called Tith-Is, μαστος πυρος. Thetis seems to have been a transposition of the same name, and was probably a Pharos, or Fire-tower, near the sea.

These mounts, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, were not only in Greece; but in Egypt, Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by art; being composed of earth, raised very high; which was sloped gradually, and with great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. The situation of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of great safety: and the reverence in which they were held added to the security. On these accounts they were the repositories of much wealth and treasure: in times of peril they were crowded with things of value. In Assyria was a temple named Azara; which the Parthian plundered, and is said to have carried off ten thousand talents: ^[284]Χαι ηρε παλαντων μυριων γαζαν. The same author mentions two towers of this sort in Judea, not far from Jericho, belonging to Aristobulus and Alexander, and styled ^[285]Γαζοφυλακια των Τυραννων: which were taken by Pompeius Magnus in his war with the Jews. There were often two of these mounds of equal height in the same inclosure; such as are described by Josephus at Machærus, near some warm fountains. He mentions here a cavern and a rock; ^[286]σπηλαιον—τῃ πετρᾳ προυχουσῃ σκεπομενον· ταυτης ανωθεν ὡσανει μαστοι δυο ανεχουσιν, αλληλων ολιγῳ διεστωτες: and above it two round hills like breasts, at no great distance from each other. To such as these Solomon alludes, when he makes his beloved say, ^[287]I am a wall, and my breasts like towers. Though the word חומה, Chumah, or Comah, be generally rendered a wall; yet I should think that in this place it signified the ground which the wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to Cham, the Sun, who was particularly worshipped in such places. The Mizraïm called these hills Typhon, and the cities where they were erected, Typhonian. But as they stood within inclosures sacred to Chom, they were also styled Choma. This, I imagine, was the meaning of the term in this place, and in some others; where the text alludes to a different nation, and to a foreign mode of worship. In these temples the Sun was principally adored, and the rites of fire celebrated: and this seems to have been the reason why the judgment denounced against them is uniformly, that they shall be destroyed by fire. If we suppose Comah to mean a mere wall, I do not see why fire should be so particularly destined against a part, which is the least combustible. The Deity says, ^[288]I will kindle a fire in the wall of Damascus. ^[289]I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza. ^[290]I will send a fire on the wall of Tyrus. ^[291]I will kindle a ^[292]fire in the wall of Rabbah. As the crime which brought down this curse was idolatry, and the term used in all these instances is Chomah; I should think that it related to a temple of Chom, and his high places, called by the Greeks λοφοι μαστοειδεις: and to these the spouse of Solomon certainly alludes, when she Says, εγω τειχος, και ὁι μαστοι μου ὡς πυργοι. This will appear from another passage in Solomon, where he makes his beloved say, ^[293]We have a little sister, and she hath no breasts. If she be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of silver. A palace cannot be supposed to be built upon a wall; though it may be inclosed with one. The place for building was a Comah, or eminence. It is said of Jotham, king of Judah, that ^[294]on the wall of Ophel he built much. Ophel is literally Pytho Sol, the Ophite Deity of Egypt and Canaan. What is here termed a wall, was a Comah, or high place, which had been of old erected to the sun by the Jebusites. This Jotham fortified, and turned it to advantage; whereas before it was not used, or used for a bad purpose. The ground set apart for such use was generally oval; and towards one extremity of the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were these mounds and towers erected. As they were generally royal edifices, and at the same time held sacred; they were termed Tarchon, like Tarchonium in Hetruria: which by a corruption was in later times rendered Trachon, Τραχων. There were two hills of this denomination near Damascus; from whence undoubtedly the Regio Trachonitis received its name: ^[295]ὑπερκεινται δε αυτης (Δαμασκου) δυο λεγομενοι Τραχωνες. These were hills with towers, and must have been very fair to see to. Solomon takes notice of a hill of this sort upon ^[296]Lebanon, looking toward Damascus; which he speaks of as a beautiful structure. The term Trachon seems to have been still farther sophisticated by the Greeks, and expressed Δρακων, Dracon: from whence in, great measure arose the notion of treasures being guarded by ^[297]Dragons. We read of the gardens of the Hesperides being under the protection of a sleepless serpent: and the golden fleece at Colchis was entrusted to such another guardian; of which there is a fine description in Apollonius.

Nonnus often introduces a dragon as a protector of virginity; watching while the damsel slumbered, but sleepless itself: ^[299]Ὑπναλεης αγρυπνον οπιπτευτηρα κορειης: and in another place he mentions ^[300]Φρουρον εχεις απελεθρον Οφιν. Such an one guarded the nymph Chalcomeda, ^[301]Παρθενικης αγαμοιο βοηθοος. The Goddess Proserpine had two ^[302]dragons to protect her, by the appointment of her mother Demeter.

Such are the poetical representations: but the history at bottom relates to sacred towers, dedicated to the symbolical worship of the serpent; where there was a perpetual watch, and a light ever burning. The Titans, Τιτανες, were properly Titanians; a people so denominated from their worship, and from the places where it was celebrated. They are, like Orion and the Cyclopians, represented as gigantic persons: and they were of the same race, the children of Anak. The Titanian temples were stately edifices, erected in Chaldea, as well as in lower Egypt, upon mounds of earth, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, and sacred to Hanes; Τιτανις and Τιτανες are compounds of Tit-Hanes; and signify literally μαστος ἡλιου, the conical hill of Orus. They were by their situation strong, and probably made otherwise defensible.

In respect to the legends about dragons, I am persuaded that the antients sometimes did wilfully misrepresent things, in order to increase the wonder. Iphicrates related, that in Mauritania there were dragons of such extent, that grass grew upon their backs: ^[303]Δρακοντας τε λεγει μεγαλους, ὡστε και ποαν επιπεφυκεναι. What can be meant under this representation but a Dracontium, within whose precincts they encouraged verdure? It is said of Taxiles, a mighty prince in India, and a rival of Porus, that, upon the arrival of Alexander the Great, he shewed him every thing that was in his country curious, and which could win the attention of a foreigner. Among other things he carried him to see a ^[304]Dragon, which was sacred to Dionusus; and itself esteemed a God. It was of a stupendous size, being in extent equal to five acres; and resided in a low deep place, walled round to a great height. The Indians offered sacrifices to it: and it was daily fed by them from their flocks and herds, which it devoured at an amazing rate. In short my author says, that it was treated rather as a tyrant, than a benevolent Deity. Two Dragons of the like nature are mentioned by ^[305]Strabo; which are said to have resided in the mountains of Abisares, or Abiosares, in India: the one was eighty cubits in length, the other one hundred and forty. Similar to the above is the account given by Posidonius of a serpent, which he saw in the plains of Macra, a region in Syria; and which he styles ^[306]δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα νεκρον. He says, that it was about an acre in length; and of a thickness so remarkable, as that two persons on horseback, when they rode on the opposite sides, could not see one another. Each scale was as big as a, shield; and a man might ride in at its mouth. What can this description allude to, this δρακων πεπτωκως, but the ruins of an antient Ophite temple; which is represented in this enigmatical manner to raise admiration? The plains of Macra were not far from Mount Lebanon and Hermon; where the Hivites resided; and where serpent-worship particularly prevailed. The Indian Dragon above mentioned seems to have been of the same nature. It was probably a temple, and its environs; where a society of priests resided, who were maintained by the public; and who worshipped the Deity under the semblance of a serpent. Tityus must be ranked among the monsters of this class. He is by the Poets represented as a stupendous being, an earthborn giant:

By which is meant, that he was a tower, erected upon a conical mount of earth, which stood in an inclosure of nine acres. He is said to have a vulture preying upon his heart, or liver; immortale jecur tondens. The whole of which history is borrowed from Homer, who mentions two vultures engaged in tormenting him.

The same story is told of Prometheus, who is said to have been exposed upon Mount Caucasus, near Colchis; with this variation, that an eagle is placed over him, preying upon his heart. These strange histories are undoubtedly taken from the symbols and devices which were carved upon the front of the antient Amonian temples; and especially those of Egypt. The eagle and the vulture were the insignia of that country: whence it was called Ai-Gupt, and ^[309]Aetia, from Ait and Gupt, which signified an eagle and vulture. Ait was properly a title of the Deity, and signified heat: and the heart, the centre of vital heat, was among the Egyptians styled ^[310]Ait: hence we are told by ^[311]Orus Apollo, that a heart over burning coals was an emblem of Egypt. The Amonians dealt much in hieroglyphical representations. Nonnus mentions one of this sort, which seems to have been a curious emblem of the Sun. It was engraved upon a jasper, and worn for a bracelet. Two serpents entwined together, with their heads different ways, were depicted in a semicircular manner round the extreme part of the gem. At the top between their heads was an eagle; and beneath a sacred carriage, called Cemus.

The history of Tityus, Prometheus, and many other poetical personages, was certainly taken from hieroglyphics misunderstood, and badly explained. Prometheus was worshipped by the Colchians as a Deity; and had a temple and high place, called ^[313]Πετρα Τυφαονια, upon Mount Caucasus: and the device upon the portal was Egyptian, an eagle over a heart. The magnitude of these personages was taken from the extent of the temple inclosures. The words, per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur, relate to a garden of so many acres. There were many such inclosures, as I have before taken notice: some of them were beautifully planted, and ornamented with pavilions and fountains, and called Paradisi. One of this sort stood in Syria upon the river ^[314]Typhon, called afterwards Orontes. Places of this nature are alluded to under the description of the gardens of the Hesperides, and Alcinous; and the gardens of Adonis. Such were those at Phaneas in Palestine; and those beautiful gardens of Daphne upon the Orontes above mentioned; and in the shady parts of Mount Libanus. Those of Daphne are described by Strabo, who mentions, ^[315]Μεγα τε και συνηρεφες αλσος, διαῤῥεομενον πηγαιοις ὑδασιν· εν μεσῳ δε Ασυλον τεμενος, και νεως Απολλωνοι και Αρτεμιδος. There was a fine wide extended grove, which sheltered the whole place; and which was watered with numberless fountains. In the centre of the whole was a sanctuary and asylum, sacred to Artemis and Apollo. The Groves of Daphne upon the mountains Heræi in Sicily, and the garden and temple at bottom were very noble; and are finely described by ^[316]Diodorus.

I have taken notice that the word δρακων, draco, was a mistake for Tarchon, Ταρχων: which was sometimes expressed Τραχων; as is observable in the Trachones at Damascus. When the Greeks understood that in these temples people worshipped a serpent Deity, they concluded that Trachon was a serpent: and hence came the name of Draco to be appropriated to such an animal. For the Draco was an imaginary being, however afterwards accepted and understood. This is manifest from Servius, who distributes the serpentine species into three tribes; and confines the Draco solely to temples: ^[317]Angues aquarum sunt, serpentes terrarum, Dracones templorum. That the notion of such animals took its rise from the temples of the Syrians and Egyptians, and especially from the Trachones, Τραχωνες, at Damascus, seems highly probable from the accounts above: and it may be rendered still more apparent from Damasenus, a supposed hero, who took his name from the city Damasene, or Damascus. He is represented as an earthborn giant, who encountered two dragons: ^[318]Και χθονος απλετον ὑια, δρακοντοφονον Δαμασηνα. One of the monsters, with which he fought, is described of an enormous size, πεντηκονταπελεθρος Οφις, a serpent in extent of fifty acres: which certainly, as I have before insinuated, must have a reference to the grove and garden, wherein such Ophite temple stood at Damascus. For the general measurement of all these wonderful beings by ^[319]jugera or acres proves that such an estimate could not relate to any thing of solid contents; but to an inclosure of that superficies. Of the same nature as these was the gigantic personage, supposed, to have been seen at Gades by Cleon Magnesius. He made, it seems, no doubt of Tityus and other such monsters having existed. For being at Gades, he was ordered to go upon a certain expedition by Hercules: and upon his return to the island, he saw upon the shore a huge sea-man, who had been thunderstruck, and lay extended upon the ground: ^[320]τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα επεχειν; and his dimensions were not less than five acres. So Typhon, Caanthus, Orion, are said to have been killed by lightning. Orpheus too, who by some is said to have been torn to pieces by the Thracian women, by others is represented as slain by the bolt of Jupiter: and his epitaph imports as much.

All these histories relate to sacred inclosures; and to the worship of the serpent, and rites of fire, which were practised within them. Such an inclosure was by the Greeks styled ^[322]τεμενος, and the mound or high place ταφος and τυμβος; which had often a tower upon it, esteemed a sanctuary and asylum. Lycophron makes Cassandra say of Diomedes, ^[323]ΤYΜΒΟΣ δ' αυτον εκσωσει: the temple, to which he shall fly, shall save him. In process of time both the word τυμβος, as well as ταφος, were no longer taken in their original sense; but supposed uniformly to have been places of sepulture. This has turned many temples into tombs: and the Deities, to whom they were sacred, have been represented as there buried. There was an Orphic Dracontium at Lesbos; where a serpent was supposed to have been going to devour the remains of Orpheus: and this temple being of old styled Petra, it was fabled of the serpent, that he was turned into stone.

All the poetical accounts of heroes engaging with dragons have arisen from a misconception about these towers and temples; which those persons either founded, or else took in war. Or, if they were Deities of whom the story is told, these buildings were erected to their honour. But the Greeks made no distinction. They were fond of heroism; and interpreted every antient history according to their own prejudices: and in the most simple narrative could find out a martial achievement. No colony could settle any where, and build an Ophite temple, but there was supposed to have been a contention between a hero and a dragon. Cadmus, as I have shewn, was described in conflict with such an one near Thebes, whose teeth he sowed in the earth:

Serpents are said to have infested ^[326]Cyprus, when it was occupied by its first inhabitants: and there was a fearful dragon in the isle of ^[327]Salamis. The Python of Parnassus is well known, which Apollo was supposed to have slain, when he was very young; a story finely told by Apollonius.

After all, this dragon was a serpent temple; a tumbos, τυμβος, formed of earth, and esteemed of old oracular. To this, Hyginus bears witness. ^[329]Python, Terræ filius, Draco ingens. Hic ante Apollinem ex oraculo in monte Parnasso responsa dare solitus est. Plutarch says, that the dispute between Apollo and the Dragon was about the privilege of the place. ^[330]Ὁι Δελφων θεολογοι νομιζουσιν ενταυθα ποτε προς οφιν τῳ Θεῳ περι του χρηστηριου μαχην γενεσθαι. Hence we may perceive, that he was in reality the Deity of the temple; though the Greeks made an idle distinction: and he was treated with divine honours. ^[331]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος θρησκευεται, και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. It is said, moreover, that the seventh day was appointed for a festival in the temple, and celebrated with a Pæan to the ^[332]serpent.

We often read of virgins, who were exposed to dragons and sea-monsters; and of dragons which laid waste whole provinces, till they were at length, by some person of prowess, encountered and slain. These histories relate to women, who were immured in towers by the sea-side; and to banditti, who got possession of these places, whence they infested the adjacent country. The ^[333]author of the Chronicon Paschale supposes, that Andromeda, whom the poets describe as chained to a rock, and exposed to a sea-monster, was in reality confined in a temple of Neptune, a Petra of another sort. These dragons are represented as sleepless; because, in such places there were commonly lamps burning, and a watch maintained. In those more particularly set apart for religious service there was a fire, which never went out.

The dragon of Apollonius is ever watchful.

What the Poet styles the eyes of the Dragon, were undoubtedly windows in the upper part of the building, through which the fire appeared. Plutarch takes notice, that in the temple of Amon there was a ^[335]light continually burning. The like was observable in other temples of the ^[336]Egyptians. Pausanias mentions the lamp of Minerva ^[337]Polias at Athens, which never went out: the same custom was kept up in most of the ^[338]Prutaneia. The Chaldeans and Persians had sacred hearths; on which they preserved a ^[339]perpetual fire. In the temple of ^[340]Apollo Carneus at Cyrene, the fire upon the altar was never suffered to be extinguished. A like account is given by Said Ebn Batrick of the sacred fire, which was preserved in the great temple at ^[341]Aderbain in Armenia. The Nubian Geographer mentions a nation in India, called ^[342]Caimachitæ, who had large Puratheia, and maintained a perpetual fire. According to the Levitical law, a constant fire was to be kept up upon the altar of God. ^[343]The fire shall be ever burning upon the altar: it shall never go out.

From what has preceded, we may perceive, that many personages have been formed out of places. And I cannot help suspecting much more of antient history, than I dare venture to acknowledge. Of the mythic age I suppose almost every circumstance to have been imported, and adopted; or else to be a fable. I imagine, that Chiron, so celebrated for his knowledge, was a mere personage formed from a tower, or temple, of that name. It stood in Thessaly; and was inhabited by a set of priests, called Centauri. They were so denominated from the Deity they worshipped, who was represented under a particular form. They styled him Cahen-Taur: and he was the same as the Minotaur of Crete, and the Tauromen of Sicilia; consequently of an emblematical and mixed figure. The people, by whom this worship was introduced, were many of them Anakim; and are accordingly represented as of great strength and stature. Such persons among the people of the east were styled ^[344]Nephelim: which the Greeks in after times supposed to relate to νεφελη, a cloud. In consequence of this, they described the Centaurs as born of a cloud: and not only the Centaurs, but Ixion, and others, were reputed of the same original. The chief city of the Nephelim stood in Thessaly, and is mentioned by ^[345]Palæphatus: but through the misconception of his countrymen it was expressed Νεφελη, Nephele, a cloud. The Grecians in general were of this race; as will be abundantly shewn. The Scholiast upon Lycophron mentions, that the descendants of Hellen were by a woman named Nephele, whom Athamas was supposed to have married. ^[346]Αθαμας ὁ Αιολου του Ἑλληνος παις εκ Νεφελης γεννᾳ Ἑλλην, και Φριξον. The author has made a distinction between Helle, and Hellen; the former of which he describes in the feminine. By Phrixus is meant Φρυξ, Phryx, who passed the Hellespont, and settled in Asia minor. However obscured the history may be, I think the purport of it is plainly this, that the Hellenes, and Phrygians were of the Nephelim or Anakim race. Chiron was a temple, probably at Nephele in Thessalia, the most antient seat of the Nephelim. His name is a compound of Chir-On, in purport the same as Kir-On, the tower and temple of the Sun. In places of this sort people used to study the heavenly motions: and they were made use of for seminaries, where young people were instructed; on which account they were styled παιδοτροφοι. Hence Achilles was supposed to have been taught by ^[347]Chiron, who is reported to have had many disciples. They are enumerated by Xenophon in his treatise upon hunting, and amount to a large number. ^[348]Εγενοντο αυτῳ μαθηται κυνηγεσιων τε, και ἑτερων καλων, Κεφαλος, Ασκληπιος, Μελανιων, Νεστωρ, Αμφιαραος, Πηλευς, Τελαμων, Μελεαγρος, Θησευς, Ἱππολυτος, Παλαμηδης, Οδυσσευς, Μενεσθευς, Διομηδης, Καστωρ, Πολυδευκης, Μαχαων, Ποδαλειριος, Αντιλοχος, Αινειας, Αχιλλευς. Jason is by Pindar made to say of himself, ^[349]Φαμι διδασκαλιαν Χειρωνος οισειν: and the same circumstance is mentioned in another place; ^[350]Κρονιδᾳ δε τραφεν Χειρωνι δωκαν (Ιασονα). These histories could not be true of Chiron as a person: for, unless we suppose him to have been, as the Poets would persuade us, of a different species from the rest of mankind, it will be found impossible for him to have had pupils in such different ages. For not only Æsculapius, mentioned in this list, but Apollo likewise learnt of him the medicinal arts. ^[351]Ασκληπιος και Απολλων παρα Χειρωνι τῳ Κενταυρῳ ιασθαι διδασκονται. Xenophon indeed, who was aware of this objection, says, that the term of Chiron's life was sufficient for the performance of all that was attributed to him: ^[352]Ὁ Χειρωνος βιος πασιν εξηρκει· Ζευς γαρ και Χειρων αδελφοι: but he brings nothing in proof of what he alleges. It is moreover incredible, were we to suppose such a being as Chiron, that he should have had pupils from so many different ^[353]countries. Besides many of them, who are mentioned, were manifestly ideal personages. For not to speak of Cephalus and Castor, Apollo was a Deity; and Æsculapius was the ^[354]like: by some indeed esteemed the son of the former; by others introduced rather as a title, and annexed to the names of different Gods. Aristides uses it as such in his invocation of ^[355]Hercules: Ιω, Παιαν, Ἡρακλες, Ασκληπιε: and he also speaks of the temple of Jupiter Æsculapius, Διος Ασκληπιου νεως. It was idle therefore in the Poets to suppose that these personages could have been pupils to Chiron. Those that were instructed, whoever they may have been, partook only of Chironian education; and were taught in the same kind of academy: but not by one person, nor probably in the same place. For there were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy, music, and other sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature, where justice was administered: whence Chiron was said to have been φιλοφρονεων, και δικαιοτατος:

The like character is given of him by Hermippus, of Berytus.

Right was probably more fairly determined in the Chironian temples, than in others. Yet the whole was certainly attended with some instances of cruelty: for human sacrifices are mentioned as once common, especially at Pella in Thessaly; where, if they could get a person, who was an Achean by birth, they used to offer him at the altars of Peleus and ^[358]Chiron.

There were many edifices denominated Chironian, and sacred to the Sun. Charon was of the same purport, and etymology; and was sacred to the same Deity. One temple of this name, and the most remarkable of any, stood opposite to Memphis on the western side of the Nile. It was near the spot where most people of consequence were buried. There is a tower in this province, but at some distance from the place here spoken of, called ^[359]Kiroon at this day. As Charon was a temple near the catacombs, or place of burial; all the persons who were brought to be there deposited, had an offering made on their account, upon being landed on this shore. Hence arose the notion of the fee of Charon, and of the ferryman of that name. This building stood upon the banks of a canal, which communicated with the Nile: but that which is now called Kiroon, stands at some distance to the west, upon the lake ^[360]Mœris; where only the kings of Egypt had a right of sepulture. The region of the catacombs was called the Acheronian and ^[361]Acherusian plain, and likewise the Elysian: and the stream, which ran by it, had the name of Acheron. They are often alluded to by Homer, and other Poets, when they treat of the region of departed souls. The Amonians conferred these names upon other places, where they settled, in different parts of the world. They are therefore to be met with in ^[362]Phrygia, ^[363]Epirus, ^[364]Hellas, ^[365]Apulia, ^[366]Campania, and other countries. The libri ^[367]Acherontii in Italy, mentioned by Arnobius, were probably transcripts from some hieroglyphical writings, which had been preserved in the Acherontian towers of the Nile. These were carried by Tages to Hetruria; where they were held in great veneration.

As towers of this sort were seminaries of learning, Homer from one of them has formed the character of sage Mentor; under whose resemblance the Goddess of wisdom was supposed to be concealed. By Mentor, I imagine, that the Poet covertly alludes to a temple of Menes. It is said, that Homer in an illness was cured by one ^[368]Mentor, the son of Αλκιμος, Alcimus. The person probably was a Mentorian priest, who did him this kind office, if there be any truth in the story. It was from an oracular temple styled Mentor; and Man-Tor, that the sacred cakes had the name of Amphimantora. ^[369]Αμφιμαντορα, αλφιτα μελιτι δεδευμενα.

Castor, the supposed disciple of Chiron, was in reality the same as Chiron; being a sacred tower, a Chironian edifice, which served both for a temple and Pharos. As these buildings for the most part stood on strands of the sea, and promontories; Castor was esteemed in consequence of it a tutelary Deity of that element. The name seems to be a compound of Ca-Astor, the temple or place of Astor; who was rendered at different times Asterius, Asterion, and Astarte. Ca-Astor was by the Greeks abbreviated to Castor; which in its original sense I should imagine betokened a fire-tower: but the Greeks in this instance, as well as in innumerable others, have mistaken the place and temple for the Deity, to whom it was consecrated. The whole history of Castor and Pollux, the two Dioscuri, is very strange and inconsistent. Sometimes they are described as two mortals of Lacedæmon, who were guilty of violence and rapine, and were slain for their wickedness. At other times they are represented as the two principal Deities; and styled Dii Magni, Dii Maximi, Dii Potentes, Cabeiri. Mention is made by Pausanias of the great regard paid to them, and particularly by the Cephalenses. ^[370]Μεγαλους γαρ σφας ὁι ταυτῃ Θεους ονομαζουσιν. The people there style them by way of eminence the Great Gods. There are altars extant, which are inscribed ^[371]CASTORI ET POLLUCI DIIS MAGNIS. In ^[372]Gruter is a Greek inscription to the same purport. Γαιος Γαιου Αχαρνευς Ἱερευς γενομενος Θεων Μεγαλων Διοσκορων Καβειρων. But though Castor was enshrined, as a God, he was properly a Tarchon, such as I have before described; and had all the requisites which are to be found in such buildings. They were the great repositories of treasure; which people there entrusted, as to places of great security. The temple of Castor vas particularly famous on this account, as we may learn from Juvenal:

The Deity, who was alluded to under the name of Castor, was the Sun: and he had several temples of that denomination in Laconia, and other parts of Greece. His rites were first introduced by people from Egypt and Canaan. This we may infer, among other circumstances, from the title of Anac being so particularly conferred on him and his brother Pollux: whence their temple was styled Ανακειον in Laconia; and their festival at Athens ανακεια, anakeia. For Anac was a Canaanitish term of honour; which the Greeks changed to αναξ and ^[374]ανακτες. I have before mentioned, that in these places were preserved the Archives of the cities and provinces in which they stood: and they were often made use of for courts of judicature, called πρυτανεια, and prætoria; whither the antient people of the place resorted, to determine about right and wrong. Hence it is that Castor and Pollux, two names of the same personage, were supposed to preside over judicial affairs. This department does but ill agree with the general and absurd character, under which they are represented: for what has horsemanship and boxing to do with law and equity? But these were mistaken attributes, which arose from a misapplication of history. Within the precincts of their temples was a parade for boxing and wrestling; and often an Hippodromus. Hence arose these attributes, by which the Poets celebrated these personages:

The Deity, originally referred to, was the Sun: As he was the chief Deity, he must necessarily have been esteemed the supervisor and arbitrator of all sublunary things:

On this account the same province of supreme judge was conferred on his substitute Castor, in conjunction with his brother Pollux: and they were accordingly looked upon as the conservators of the rights of mankind. Cicero makes a noble appeal to them in his seventh oration against Verres; and enlarges upon the great department, of which they were presumed to be possessed: at the same time mentioning the treasures, which were deposited in their temples. ^[377]Vos omnium rerum forensium, consiliorum maximorum, legum, judiciorumque arbitri, et testes, celeberrimo in loco PRÆTORII locati, Castor et Pollux; quorum ex templo quæstum sibi iste (Verres) et prædam maximam improbissime comparavit—teque, Ceres, et Libera—a quibis initia vitæ atque victûs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Thus we find that they are at the close joined with Ceres, and Libera; and spoken of as the civilizers of the world: but their peculiar province was law and judicature.

Many instances to the same purpose might be produced; some few of which I will lay before the reader. Trophonius, like Chiron and Castor, was a sacred tower; being compounded of Tor-Oph-On, Solis Pythonis turris, rendered Trophon, and Trophonius. It was an oracular temple, situated near a vast cavern: and the responses were given by dreams. Tiresias, that antient prophet, was an edifice of the same nature: and the name is a compound of Tor-Ees, and Tor-Asis; from whence the Greeks formed the word Tiresias. He is generally esteemed a diviner, or soothsayer, to whom people applied for advice: but it was to the temple that they applied, and to the Deity, who was there supposed to reside. He was, moreover, said to have lived nine ages: till he was at last taken by the Epigoni, when he died. The truth is, there was a tower of this name at Thebes, built by the Amonians, and sacred to the God Orus. It stood nine ages, and was then demolished. It was afterwards repaired, and made use of for a place of augury: and its situation was close to the temple of Amon. ^[378]Θηβαιοις δε μετα του Αμμωνος το Ἱερον, οιωνοσκοπειον τε Τειρεσιου καλουμενον. Tiresias, according to Apollodorus, was the son of Eueres, ^[379]Ευηρης, or, according to the true Dorian pronunciation, Euares, the same as the Egyptian Uc Arez, the Sun. He is by Hyginus styled ^[380]Eurimi filius; and in another place Eurii filius, Pastor. Eurius, Eurimus, Euarez, are all names of the Sun, or places sacred to him; but changed to terms of relation by not being understood. Tiresias is additionally styled Pastor; because all the Amonian Deities, as well as their princes, were called Shepherds: and those, who came originally from Chaldea, were styled the children of Ur, or Urius.

By the same analogy we may trace the true history of Terambus, the Deity of Egypt, who was called the Shepherd Terambus. The name is a compound of Tor-Ambus, or Tor-Ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. He is said to have been the son of Eusires, ^[381]Ευσειρου του Ποσειδωνος; and to have come over, and settled in Thessaly, near mount Othrys. According to Antonius Liberalis, he was very rich in flocks, and a great musician, and particularly expert in all pastoral measure. To him they attributed the invention of the pipe. The meaning of the history is, I think, too plain, after what has preceded, to need a comment. It is fabled of him, that he was at last turned into a bird called Cerambis, or Cerambix. Terambus and Cerambis are both antient terms of the same purport: the one properly expressed is Tor-Ambi; the other Cer-Ambi, the oracular temple of the Sun.

I have taken notice that towers of this sort were the repositories of much treasure; and they were often consecrated to the Ophite Deity, called Opis and Oupis. It is the same which Callimachus addresses by the title of ^[382]Ουπι, Ανασσ' ευωπι: and of whom Cicero speaks, and styles Upis; ^[383]quam Græci Upim paterno nomine appellant. The temple was hence called Kir-Upis; which the Grecians abridged to Γρυπες: and finding many of the Amonian temples in the north, with the device of a winged serpent upon the frontal, they gave this name to the hieroglyphic. Hence, I imagine, arose the notion of Γρυπες, or Gryphons; which, like the dragons abovementioned, were supposed to be guardians of treasure, and to never sleep. The real conservators of the wealth were the priests. They kept up a perpetual fire, and an unextinguished light in the night. From Kir Upis, the place of his residence, a priest was named Grupis; and from Kir-Uph-On, Gryphon. The Poets have represented the Grupes as animals of the serpentine kind; and supposed them to have been found in countries of the Arimaspians, Alazonians, Hyperboreans, and other the most northern regions, which the Amonians possessed. In some of the temples women officiated, who were denominated from the Deity they served. The Scholiast upon Callimachus calls the chief of them Upis; and styles her, and her associates, Κορας ^[384]Ὑπερβορεους, Hyperborean young women. The Hyperboreans, Alazonians, Arimaspians, were Scythic nations of the same family. All the stories about Prometheus, Chimæra, Medusa, Pegasus, Hydra, as well as of the Grupes, or Gryphons, arose, in great measure, from the sacred devices upon the entablatures of temples.

TAPH, TUPH, TAPHOS.

There was another name current among the Amonians, by which they called their λοφοι, or high places. This was Taph; which at times was rendered Tuph, Toph, and Taphos. Lower Egypt being a flat, and annually overflowed, the natives were forced to raise the soil, on which they built their principal edifices, in order to secure them from the inundation: and many of their sacred towers were erected upon conical mounds of earth. But there were often hills of the same form constructed for religious purposes, upon which there was no building. These were very common in Egypt. Hence we read of Taphanis, or Taph-Hanes, Taph-Osiris, Taph-Osiris parva, and contra Taphias, in Antoninus; all of this country. In other parts were Taphiousa, Tape, Taphura, Tapori, Taphus, Taphosus, Taphitis. All these names relate to high altars, upon which they used oftentimes to offer human sacrifices. Typhon was one of these; being a compound of Tuph-On, which signifies the hill or altar of the Sun. Tophet, where the Israelites made their children pass through fire to ^[385]Moloch, was a mount of this form. And there seem to have been more than one of this denomination; as we learn from the prophet Jeremiah, ^[386]They have built the high places of Tophet, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters in the fire. And in another place: They have built also the high places of Baal, to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings unto Baal. These cruel operations were generally performed upon mounts of this sort; which, from their conical figure, were named Tuph and Tupha. It seems to have been a term current in many countries. The high Persian ^[387]bonnet had the same name from its shape: and Bede mentions a particular kind of standard in his time; which was made of plumes in a globular shape, and called in like manner, ^[388]Tupha, vexilli genus, ex consertis plumarum globis. There was probably a tradition, that the calf, worshipped by the Israelites in the wilderness near Horeb, was raised upon a sacred mound, like those described above: for Philo Judæus says, that it was exhibited after the model of an Egyptian Tuphos: ^[389]Αιγυπτιακου μιμημα Τυφου. This I do not take to have been a Grecian word; but the name of a sacred orbicular mount, analogous to the Touphas of Persis.

The Amonians, when they settled in Greece, raised many of these Tupha, or Tapha, in different parts. These, beside their original name, were still farther denominated from some title of the Deity, to whose honour they were erected. But as it was usual, in antient times, to bury persons of distinction under heaps of earth formed in this fashion; these Tapha came to signify tombs: and almost all the sacred mounds, raised for religious purposes, were looked upon as monuments of deceased heroes. Hence ^[390]Taph-Osiris was rendered ταφος, or the burying place of the God Osiris: and as there were many such places in Egypt and Arabia, sacred to Osiris and Dionusus; they were all by the Greeks esteemed places of sepulture. Through this mistake many different nations had the honour attributed to them of these Deities being interred in their country. The tumulus of the Latines was mistaken in the same manner. It was originally a sacred hillock; and was often raised before temples, as an altar; such as I have before described. It is represented in this light by Virgil:

In process of time the word tumulus was in great measure looked upon as a tomb; and tumulo signified to bury. The Greeks speak of numberless sepulchral monuments, which they have thus misinterpreted. They pretended to shew the tomb of ^[392]Dionusus at Delphi; also of Deucalion, Pyrrha, Orion, in other places. They imagined that Jupiter was buried in Crete: which Callimachus supposes to have been a forgery of the natives.

I make no doubt, but that there was some high place in Crete, which the later Greeks, and especially those who were not of the country, mistook for a tomb. But it certainly must have been otherwise esteemed by those who raised it: for it is not credible, however blind idolatry may have been, that people should enshrine persons as immortal, where they had the plainest evidences of their mortality. An inscription Viro Immortali was in a style of flattery too refined for the simplicity of those ages. If divine honours were conferred, they were the effects of time, and paid at some distance; not upon the spot, at the vestibule of the charnel-house. Besides, it is evident, that most of the deified personages never existed: but were mere titles of the Deity, the Sun; as has been, in great measure, proved by Macrobius. Nor was there ever any thing of such detriment to antient history, as the supposing that the Gods of the Gentile world had been natives of the countries, where they were worshipped. They have by these means been admitted into the annals of times: and it has been the chief study of the learned to register the legendary stories concerning them; to conciliate absurdities, and to arrange the whole in a chronological series. A fruitless labour, and inexplicable: for there are in all these fables such inconsistences, and contradictions, as no art, nor industry, can remedy. Hence, all who have expended their learning to this purpose, are in opposition to one another, and often at variance with themselves. Some of them by these means have rendered their works, which might have been of infinite use to the world, little better than the reveries of Monsieur Voltaire. The greatest part of the Grecian theology arose from misconceptions and blunders: and the stories concerning their Gods and Heroes were founded on terms misinterpreted and abused. Thus from the word ταφος, taphos, which they adopted in a limited sense, they formed a notion of their gods having been buried in every place, where there was a tumulus to their honour. This misled bishop Cumberland, Usher, Pearson, Petavius, Scaliger, with numberless other learned men; and among the foremost the great Newton. This extraordinary genius has greatly impaired the excellent system, upon which he proceeded, by admitting these fancied beings into chronology. We are so imbued in our childhood with notions of Mars, Hercules, and the rest of the celestial outlaws, that we scarce ever can lay them aside. We absolutely argue upon Pagan principles: and though we cannot believe the fables, which have been transmitted to us; yet we forget ourselves continually; and make inferences from them, as if they were real. In short, till we recollect ourselves, we are semi-pagans. It gives one pain to see men of learning, and principle, debating which was the Jupiter who lay with Semele; and whether it was the same that outwitted Amphitryon. This is not, says a critic, the Hermes, who cut off Argus's head; but one of later date, who turned Battus into a stone. I fancy, says another, that this was done, when Iö was turned into a cow. It is said of Jupiter, that he made the night, in which he enjoyed Alcmena, as long as ^[394]three; or, as some say, as long as nine. The Abbe ^[395]Banier with some phlegm excepts to this coalition of nights; and is unwilling to allow it. But he is afterwards more complying; and seems to give it his sanction, with this proviso, that chronological verity be not thereby impeached. I am of opinion, says he, that there was no foundation for the fable of Jupiter's having made the night, on which he lay with Alcmena, longer than others: at least this event put nothing in nature out of order; since the day, which followed, was proportionably shorter, as Plautus ^[396]remarks.

Were it not invidious, I could subjoin names to every article, which I have alleged; and produce numberless instances to the same purpose.

It may be said, that I run counter to the opinions of all antiquity: that all the fathers who treated of this subject, and many other learned men, supposed the Gods of the heathen to have been deified mortals, who were worshipped in the countries, where they died. It was the opinion of Clemens, Eusebius, Cyril, Tertullian, Athenagoras, Epiphanius, Lactantius, Arnobius, Julius Firmicus, and many others. What is more to the purpose, it was the opinion of the heathen themselves; the very people, by whom these gods were honoured: yet still it is a mistake. In respect to the fathers, the whole of their argument turns upon this point, the concessions of the Gentiles. The more early writers of the church were not making a strict chronological inquiry: but were labouring to convert the heathen. They therefore argue with them upon their own principles; and confute them from their own testimony. The Romans had their Dii Immortales; the Greeks their Θεοι Αθανατοι: yet acknowledged that they had been men; that they died, and were buried. Cicero owns; ^[397]ab Euhemero et mortes, et sepulturæ demonstrantur deorum. It matters not whether the notion were true; the fathers very fairly make use of it. They avail themselves of these concessions; and prove from them the absurdity of the Gentile worship, and the inconsistency of their opinions. Even Maximus Tyrius, the Platonic, could not but smile, at being shewn in the same place the temple, and tomb of the deity^[398]; ἱερον Θεου, και ταφον Θεου. These supposed places of sepulture were so numerous, that Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, they were not to be counted. ^[399]Αλλα γαρ επιοντι μοι τους προσκυνουμενους ὑμιν ταφους, εμοι μεν ουδ' ὁ πας αν αρκεσῃ χρονος. But, after all, these Ταφοι were not tombs, but λοφοι μαστοειδεις, conical mounds of earth; on which in the first ages offerings were made by fire. Hence τυφω, tupho, signified to make a smoke, such as arose from incense upon these Tupha, or eminences. Besides, if these were deified men, who were buried under these hills; how can we explain the difficulty of the same person being buried in different places, and at different times? To this it is answered, that it was another Bacchus, and another Jupiter. Yet this still adds to the difficulty: for it is hard to conceive, that whoever in any country had the name of Jupiter, should be made a God. Add to this, that Homer and Hesiod, and the authors of the Orphic poetry, knew of no such duplicates. There is no hint of this sort among the antient writers of their nation. It was a refinement in after ages; introduced to obviate the difficulties, which arose from the absurdities in the pagan system. Arnobius justly ridicules the idle expedients, made use of to render a base theology plausible. Gods, of the same name and character, were multiplied to make their fables consistent; that there might be always one ready at hand upon any chronological emergency. Hence no difficulty could arise about a Deity, but there might be one produced, adapted to all climes, and to every age. ^[400]Aiunt Theologi vestri, et vetustatis absconditæ conditores, tres in rerum naturâ Joves esse—quinque Soles, et Mercurios quinque. Aiunt iidem Theologi quatuor esse Vulcanos, et tres Dianas; Æsculapios totidem, et Dionysos quinque; ter binos Hercules, et quatuor Veneres; tria genera Castorum, totidemque Musarum. But Arnobius is too modest. Other writers insist upon a greater variety. In respect to Jupiters, Varro according to Tertullian makes them in number three hundred. ^[401]Varro trecentos Joves, sive Jupiteres, dicendum, —— introducit. The same writer mentions forty heroes of the name of Hercules; all which variety arose from the causes above assigned: and the like multiplicity may be found both of kings and heroes; of kings, who did not reign; of heroes, who never existed. The same may be observed in the accounts transmitted of their most early prophets, and poets: scarce any of them stand single: there are duplicates of every denomination. On this account it is highly requisite for those, who suppose these personages to have been men, and make inferences from the circumstances of their history, to declare explicitly which they mean; and to give good reasons for their determination. It is said of Jupiter, that he was the son of Saturn; and that he carried away Europa, before the arrival of Cadmus. He had afterwards an amour with Semele, the supposed daughter of Cadmus: and they mention his having a like intimacy with Alcmena an age or two later. After this he got acquainted with Leda, the wife of Tyndarus: and he had children at the siege of Troy. If we may believe the poets, and all our intelligence comes originally from the poets, Jupiter was personally interested in that war. But this interval contains little less than two hundred years. These therefore could not be the actions of one man: on which account I want to know, why Sir Isaac Newton ^[402]in his chronological interpretations chooses to be determined by the story of Jupiter and Europa, rather than by that of Jupiter and Leda. The learned ^[403]Pezron has pitched upon a Jupiter above one thousand years earlier, who was in like manner the son of Saturn. But Saturn, according to some of the best mythologists, was but four generations inclusive before the æra of Troy. Latinus, the son of Faunus, was alive some years after that city had been taken; when Æneas was supposed to have arrived in Italy. The poet tells us, ^[404]Fauno Picus pater: isque parentem Te, Saturne, refert; Tu sanguinis ultimus auctor. The series amounts only to four, Latinus, Faunus, Picus, Saturn. What authority has Pezron for the anticipation of which he is guilty in determining the reign of Jupiter? and how can he reconcile these contradictory histories? He ought to have given some good reason for setting aside the more common and accepted accounts; and placing these events so ^[405]early. Shall we suppose with the critics and commentators that this was a prior Jupiter? If it were a different person, the circumstances of his life should be different: but the person, of whom he treats, is in all respects similar to the Jupiter of Greece and Rome. He has a father Saturn; and his mother was Rhea. He was nursed in Crete; and had wars with the Titans. He dethrones his father, who flies to Italy; where he introduces an age of gold. The mythology concerning him we find to be in all respects uniform. It is therefore to little purpose to substitute another person of the same name by way of reconciling matters, unless we can suppose that every person so denominated had the same relations and connexions, and the same occurrences in life reiterated: which is impossible. It is therefore, I think, plain, that the Grecian Deities were not the persons ^[406]supposed: and that their imputed names were titles. It is true, a very antient and respectable writer, ^[407]Euhemerus, of whom I have before made mention, thought otherwise. It is said, that he could point out precisely, where each god departed: and could particularly shew the burying-place of Jupiter. Lactantius, who copied from him, says, that it was at Cnossus in ^[408]Crete. Jupiter, ætate pessum actâ, in Cretâ vitam commutavit.—Sepulchrum ejus est in Cretâ, et in oppido Cnosso: et dicitur Vesta hanc urbem creavisse: inque sepulchro ejus est inscriptio antiquis literis Græcis, Ζαν Κρονου. If Jupiter had been buried in Crete, as these writers would persuade us, the accounts would be uniform about the place where he was deposited. Lactantius, we find, and some others, say, that it was in the city Cnossus. There are writers who mention it to have been in a cavern upon ^[409]Mount Ida: others upon Mount ^[410]Jasius. Had the Cretans been authors of the notion, they would certainly have been more consistent in their accounts: but we find no more certainty about the place of his burial, than of his birth; concerning which Callimachus could not determine.

He was at times supposed to have been a native of Troas, of Crete, of Thebes, of Arcadia, of Elis: but the whole arose from the word ταφος being, through length of time, misunderstood: for there would have been no legend about the birth of Jupiter, had there been no mistake about his funeral. It was a common notion of the Magnesians, that Jupiter was buried in their country upon Mount Sipylus. Pausanias says, that he ascended the mountain, and beheld the tomb, which was well worthy of ^[412]admiration. The tomb of ^[413]Isis in like manner was supposed to be at Memphis, and at Philæ in Upper Egypt: also at Nusa in Arabia. Osiris was said to have been buried in the same places: likewise at Taphosiris, which is thought by Procopius to have had its name, ^[414]because it was the place of sepulture of Osiris. The same is said of another city, which was near the mouth of the Nile, and called Taphosiris parva. But they each of them had their name from the worship, and not from the interment of the Deity. This is plain from the account given of the ταφος Οσιριδος, or high altar of Osiris, by Diodorus; from whom we learn that Busiris and Osiris were the same. ^[415]The Grecians, says this author, have a notion, that Busiris in Egypt used to sacrifice strangers: not that there was ever such a king as Busiris; but the ταφος, or altar, of Osiris had this name in the language of the natives. In short, Busiris was only a variation for Osiris: both were compounded of the Egyptian term ^[416]Sehor, and related to the God of day. Hence the altars of the same Deity were called indifferently the altars of Osiris, or Busiris, according as custom prevailed.

I have in a former chapter taken notice of the Tarchons and Dracontia in Syria, and other parts: which consisted of sacred ground inclosed with a wall, and an altar or two at the upper part. Such an inclosure is described by Pausanias, which must have been of great antiquity: hence the history of it was very imperfectly known in his time. He is speaking of Nemea in Argolis; ^[417]near which, says he, stands the temple of Nemean Jupiter, a structure truly wonderful, though the roof is now fallen in. Round the temple is a grove of cypress; in which there is a tradition that Opheltes was left by his nurse upon the grass, and in her absence killed by a serpent.—In the same place is the tomb of Opheltes, surrounded with a wall of stone; and within the inclosure altars. There is also a mound of earth said to be the tomb of Lycurgus, the father of Opheltes. Lycurgus is the same as Lycus, Lycaon, Lycoreus, the Sun: and Opheltes, his supposed offspring, is of the same purport. To say the truth, ^[418]Opheltes, or, as it should be expressed, Ophel-tin is the place; and Ophel the Deity, Sol Pytho, whose symbol was a serpent. Ophel-tin was a Taphos with a τεμενος, or sacred inclosure: it was a sacred mound to the Ophite Deity; like that which was inclosed and fortified by ^[419]Manasseh king of Judah; and which had been previously made use of to the same purpose by ^[420]Jotham. A history similar to that of Opheltes is given of Archemorus; who was said to have been left in a garden by his nurse Hypsipyle, and in her absence slain by a serpent. Each of them had festivals instituted, together with sacred games, in memorial of their misfortune. They are on this account by many supposed to have been the same person. But in reality they were not persons, but places. They are, however, so far alike, as they are terms which relate to the same worship and Deity. Opheltin is the place, and altar of the Ophite God above-mentioned: and Archemorus was undoubtedly the antient name of the neighbouring town, or city. It is a compound of Ar-Chemorus; and signifies the city of Cham-Orus, the same who is styled Ophel. In many of these places there was an antient tradition of some person having been injured by a serpent in the beginning of life; which they have represented as the state of childhood. The mythology upon this occasion is different: for sometimes the personages spoken of are killed by the serpent: at other times they kill it: and there are instances where both histories are told of the same person. But whatever may have been the consequence, the history is generally made to refer to a state of childhood. Hercules has accordingly a conflict with two serpents in his cradle: and Apollo, who was the same as Python, was made to engage a serpent of this name at Parnassus, when he was a child;

Near mount Cyllene in Arcadia was the sacred Taphos of ^[422]Æputus, who was supposed to have been stung by a serpent. Æputus was the same as Iapetus, the father of mankind. In the Dionusiaca the priests used to be crowned with serpents; and in their frantic exclamations to cry out ^[423]Eva, Eva; and sometimes Evan, Evan: all which related to some history of a serpent. Apollo, who is supposed by most to have been victor in his conflict with the Pytho, is by Porphyry said to have been slain by that serpent: Pythagoras affirmed, that he saw his tomb at Tripos in ^[424]Delphi; and wrote there an epitaph to his honour. The name of Tripos is said to have been given to the place, because the daughters of Triopus used to lament there the fate of Apollo. But Apollo and the Python were the same; and Tripus, or Triopus, the supposed father of these humane sisters, was a variation for Tor-Opus, the serpent-hill, or temple; where neither Apollo, nor the Python were slain, but where they were both worshipped, being one and the same Deity. ^[425]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος θρησκευεται, και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. At Python (the same as Delphi) the Pythian Dragon is worshipped; and the celebrity of the serpent is styled Pythian. The daughters of Triopus were the priestesses of the temple; whose business it was to chant hymns in memory of the serpent: and what is very remarkable, the festival was originally observed upon the seventh ^[426]day.

The Greeks had innumerable monuments of the sort, which I have been describing. They were taken for the tombs of departed heroes, but were really consecrated places: and the names by which they were distinguished, shew plainly their true history. Such was the supposed tomb of ^[427]Orion at Tanagra, and of Phoroneus in ^[428]Argolis; the tomb of ^[429]Deucalion in Athens; and of his wife ^[430]Pyrrha in Locris: of ^[431]Endymion in Elis: of Tityus in ^[432]Panopea: of Asterion in the island ^[433]Lade: of the Egyptian ^[434]Belus in Achaia. To these may be added the tombs of Zeus in Mount Sipylus, Mount Iasius, and Ida: the tombs of Osiris in various parts: and those of Isis, which have been enumerated before. Near the Æaceum at Epidaurus was a hill, reputed to have been the tomb of the hero ^[435]Phocus. This Æaceum was an inclosure planted with olive trees of great antiquity; and at a small degree above the surface of the ground was an altar sacred to Æacus. To divulge the traditions relative to this altar would, it seems, be an high profanation. The author, therefore, keeps them a secret. Just before this sacred septum was the supposed tomb of Phocus, consisting of a mound of raised earth, fenced round with a border of stone work: and a large rough stone was placed upon the top of all. Such were the rude monuments of Greece, which were looked upon as so many receptacles of the dead: but were high altars, with their sacred τεμενη, which had been erected for divine worship in the most early times. The Helladians, and the Persians, were of the same ^[436]family: hence we find many similar rites subsisting among the two nations. The latter adhered to the purer Zabaïsm, which they maintained a long time. They erected the same sacred Tupha, as the Grecians: and we may be assured of the original purpose, for which these hills were raised, from the use to which they put them. They were dedicated to the great fountain of light, called by the Persians, Anaït: and were set apart as Puratheia, for the celebration of the rites of fire. This people, after they had defeated the Sacæ in Cappadocia, raised an immense Comah in memorial of their victory. ^[437]Strabo, who describes it very minutely, tells us, that they chose a spot in an open plain; where they reared a Petra, or high place, by heaping up a vast mound of earth. This they fashioned to a conical figure; and then surrounded it with a wall of stone. In this manner they founded a kind of temple in honour of Anaït, Omanus, and Anandrates, the Deities of their country. I have mentioned that the Egyptians had hills of this nature: and from them the custom was transmitted to Greece. Typhon, or more properly Tuphon, Τυφων, who was supposed to have been a giant, was a compound of Tuph-On, as I have before mentioned; and signified a sacred ^[438]mount of the sun. Those cities in Egypt, which had a high place of this sort, and rites in consequence of it, were styled Typhonian. Upon such as these they sacrificed red haired men, or men with hair of a light colour; in other words strangers. For both the sons of Chus, and the Mizraïm were particularly dark and woolly: so that there could be no surer mark than the hair to distinguish between a native and a foreigner. These sacrifices were offered in the city ^[439]Idithia, ^[440]Abaris, ^[441]Heliopolis, and Taphosiris; which in consequence of these offerings were denominated Typhonian cities. Many writers say, that these rites were performed to Typhon at the ^[442]tomb of Osiris. Hence he was in later times supposed to have been a person, one of immense size: and he was also esteemed a ^[443]God. But this arose from the common mistake by which places were substituted for the Deities there worshipped. Typhon was the Tupha, or altar, the supposed tomb of the God: and the offerings were made to the Sun, styled On; the same as Osiris, and Busiris. As there were Typhonian mounts in many parts, he was in consequence of it supposed to have been buried in different places: near mount Caucasus in Colchis; near the river Orontes in Syria; and under lake Serbonis. Typhon, or rather Typhonian worship, was not unknown in the region of ^[444]Troas, near which were the Scopuli Typhonis. Plutarch mentions that in the Phrygian Theology Typhon was esteemed the grandson of Isaac or Isæac: and says that he was so spoken of εν τοις Φρυγιοις ^[445]γραμμασιν. But all terms of relation are to be disregarded. The purport of the history was this. The altar was termed Tuphon Isiac, sive Βωμος Ισιακος, from the sacra Isiaca, which were performed upon it. The same Isaac or Isæac was sometimes rendered Æsacus, and supposed to have been a son of the river Granicus.

The antient Arcadians were said to have been the offspring of ^[447]Typhon, and by some the children of Atlas; by which was meant, that they were people of the Typhonian, and Atlantian religion. What they called his tombs were certainly mounds of earth, raised very high, like those which have been mentioned before: only with this difference, that some of these had lofty towers adorned with pinnacles, and battlements. They had also carved upon them various symbols; and particularly serpentine hieroglyphics, in memorial of the God to whom they were sacred. In their upper story was a perpetual fire, which was plainly seen in the night. I have mentioned, that the poets formed their notions about Otus and Ephialtes from towers: and the idea of Orion's stupendous bulk taken from the Pelorian edifice in Sicily. The gigantic stature of Typhon was borrowed from a like object: and his character was formed from the hieroglyphical representations in the temples styled Typhonian. This may be inferred from the allegorical description of Typhœus, given by Hesiod. Typhon and Typhœus, were the same personage: and the poet represents him of a mixed form, being partly a man, and partly a monstrous dragon, whose head consisted of an assemblage of smaller serpents.

As there was a perpetual fire kept up in the upper story, he describes it as shining through the apertures in the building.

But the noblest description of Typhon is given in some very fine poetry by Nonnus. He has taken his ideas from some antient tower situated near the sea upon the summit of an high mountain. It was probably the Typhonian temple of Zeus upon mount Casius, near the famed Serbonian lake. He mentions sad noises heard within, and describes the roaring of the surge below: and says that all the monsters of the sea stabled in the cavities at the foot of the mountain, which was washed by the ocean.

We may perceive, that this is a mixed description, wherein, under the character of a gigantic personage, a towering edifice is alluded to; which was situated upon the summit of a mountain, and in the vicinity of the sea.

OB, OUB, PYTHO,

SIVE DE

OPHIOLATRIA.

Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων Οφις συμβολον μεγα και μυστηριον αναγραφεται. Justin. Martyr. Apolog. l. 1. p. 60.

It may seem extraordinary, that the worship of the serpent should have ever been introduced into the world: and it must appear still more remarkable, that it should almost universally have prevailed. As mankind are said to have been ruined through the influence of this being, we could little expect that it would, of all other objects, have been adopted, as the most sacred and salutary symbol; and rendered the chief object of ^[451]adoration. Yet so we find it to have been. In most of the antient rites there is some allusion to the ^[452]serpent. I have taken notice, that in the Orgies of Bacchus, the persons who partook of the ceremony used to carry serpents in their hands, and with horrid screams called upon Eva, Eva. They were often crowned with ^[453]serpents, and still made the same frantic exclamation. One part of the mysterious rites of Jupiter Sabazius was to let a snake slip down the bosom of the person to be initiated, which was taken out below^[454]. These ceremonies, and this symbolic worship, began among the Magi, who were the sons of Chus: and by them they were propagated in various parts. Epiphanius thinks, that the invocation, Eva, Eva, related to the great ^[455]mother of mankind, who was deceived by the serpent: and Clemens of Alexandria is of the same opinion. He supposes, that by this term was meant ^[456]Ευαν εκεινην, δι' ἡν ἡ πλανη παρηκολουθησε. But I should think, that Eva was the same as Eph, Epha, Opha, which the Greeks rendered Οφις, Ophis, and by it denoted a serpent. Clemens acknowledges, that the term Eva properly aspirated had such a signification. ^[457]Το ονομα το Ευια δασυνομενον ἑρμηνευεται Οφις. Olympias, the mother of ^[458]Alexander, was very fond of these Orgies, in which the serpent was introduced. Plutarch mentions, that rites of this sort were practised by the Edonian women near mount Hæmus in Thrace; and carried on to a degree of madness. Olympias copied them closely in all their frantic manœuvres. She used to be followed with many attendants, who had each a thyrsus with ^[459]serpents twined round it. They had also snakes in their hair, and in the chaplets, which they wore; so that they made a most fearful appearance. Their cries were very shocking: and the whole was attended with a continual repetition of the words, ^[460]Evoe, Saboe, Hues Attes, Attes Hues, which were titles of the God Dionusus. He was peculiarly named Ὑης; and his priests were the Hyades, and Hyantes. He was likewise styled Evas. ^[461]Ευας ὁ Διονυσος.

In Egypt was a serpent named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as very sacred; and the natives are said to have made use of it as a royal tiara, with which they ornamented the statues of ^[462]Isis. We learn from Diodorus Siculus, that the kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, which terminated in a round ball: and the whole was surrounded with figures of ^[463]asps. The priests likewise upon their bonnets had the representation of serpents. The antients had a notion, that when Saturn devoured his own children, his wife Ops deceived him by substituting a large stone in lieu of one of his sons, which stone was called Abadir. But Ops, and Opis, represented here as a feminine, was the serpent Deity, and Abadir is the same personage under a different denomination. ^[464]Abadir Deus est; et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus dicitur devorâsse pro Jove, quem Græci βαιτυλον vocant.—Abdir quoque et Abadir βαιτυλος. Abadir seems to be a variation of Ob-Adur, and signifies the serpent God Orus. One of these stones, which Saturn was supposed to have swallowed instead of a child, stood, according to ^[465]Pausanias, at Delphi. It was esteemed very sacred, and used to have libations of wine poured upon it daily; and upon festivals was otherwise honoured. The purport of the above history I imagine to have been this. It was for a long time a custom to offer children at the altar of Saturn: but in process of time they removed it, and in its room erected a στυλος, or stone pillar; before which they made their vows, and offered sacrifices of another nature. This stone, which they thus substituted, was called Ab-Adar, from the Deity represented by it. The term Ab generally signifies a ^[466]father: but, in this instance, it certainly relates to a serpent, which was indifferently styled Ab, Aub, and ^[467]Ob. I take Abadon, or, as it is mentioned in the Revelations, Abaddon, to have been the name of the same Ophite God, with whose worship the world had been so long infected. He is termed by the Evangelist ^[468]Αβαδδων, τον Αγγελον της Αβυσσου, the angel of the bottomless pit; that is, the prince of darkness. In another place he is described as the ^[469]dragon, that old serpent, which is the devil, and Satan. Hence I think, that the learned Heinsius is very right in the opinion, which he has given upon this passage; when he makes Abaddon the same as the serpent Pytho. Non dubitandum est, quin Pythius Apollo, hoc est spurcus ille spiritus, quem Hebræi Ob, et Abaddon, Hellenistæ ad verbum Απολλυωνα, cæteri Απολλωνα, dixerunt, sub hâc formâ, quâ miseriam humano generi invexit, primo cultus^[470].

Ophis Thermuthis, sive Ob Basiliscus Ægyptiacus cum Sacerdote Supplicante.

Pl. VII.

It is said, that, in the ritual of Zoroaster, the great expanse of the heavens, and even nature itself, was described under the symbol of a serpent^[471]. The like was mentioned in the Octateuch of Ostanes: and moreover, that in Persis and in other parts of the east they erected temples to the serpent tribe, and held festivals to their honour, esteeming them ^[472]Θεους τους μεγιστους, και αρχηγους των ὁλων, the supreme of all Gods, and the superintendants of the whole world. The worship began among the people of Chaldea. They built the city Opis upon the ^[473]Tigris, and were greatly addicted to divination, and to the worship of the serpent^[474]. Inventi sunt ex iis (Chaldeis) augures, et magi, divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob, et Ideoni. From Chaldea the worship passed into Egypt, where the serpent Deity was called Can-oph, Can-eph, and C'neph. It had also the name of Ob, or Oub, and was the same as the Basiliscus, or Royal Serpent; the same also as the Thermuthis: and in like manner was made use of by way of ornament to the statues of their ^[475]Gods. The chief Deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, who was also styled Opas, as we learn from ^[476]Cicero. He was the same as Osiris, the Sun; and hence was often called Ob-El, sive Pytho Sol: and there were pillars sacred to him with curious hieroglyphical inscriptions, which had the same name. They were very lofty, and narrow in comparison of their length; hence among the Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thing gradually tapering to a point was styled Obelos, and Obeliscus. Ophel (Oph-El) was a name of the same purport: and I have shewn, that many sacred mounds, or Tapha, were thus denominated from the serpent Deity, to whom they were sacred.

Sanchoniathon makes mention of an history, which he once wrote upon the worship of the serpent. The title of this work, according to Eusebius was, ^[477]Ethothion, or Ethothia. Another treatise upon the same subject was written by Pherecydes Syrus, which was probably a copy of the former; for he is said to have composed it, ^[478]παρα Φοινικων λαβων τας αφορμας, from some previous accounts of the Phenicians. The title of his book was the Theology of Ophion, styled Ophioneus; and of his worshippers, called Ophionidæ. Thoth, and Athoth, were certainly titles of the Deity in the Gentile world: and the book of Sanchoniathon might very possibly have been from hence named Ethothion, or more truly Athothion. But from the subject, upon which it was written, as well as from the treatise of Pherecydes, I should think, that Athothion, or Ethothion, was a mistake for Ath-ophion, a title which more immediately related to that worship, of which the writer treated. Ath was a sacred title, as I have shewn: and I imagine, that this dissertation did not barely relate to the serpentine Deity; but contained accounts of his votaries, the Ophitæ, the principal of which were the sons of Chus. The worship of the Serpent began among them; and they were from thence denominated Ethopians, and Aithopians, which the Greeks rendered Αιθιοπες. It was a name, which they did not receive from their complexion, as has been commonly surmised; for the branch of Phut, and the Lubim, were probably of a deeper die: but they were so called from Ath-Ope, and Ath-Opis, the God which they worshipped. This may be proved from Pliny. He says that the country Æthiopia (and consequently the people) had the name of Æthiop from a personage who was a Deity—ab ^[479]Æthiope Vulcani filio. The Æthiopes brought these rites into Greece: and called the island, where they first established them, ^[480]Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula. It was the same as Eubœa, a name of the like purport; in which island was a region named Æthiopium. Eubœa is properly Oub-Aia; and signifies the Serpent Island. The same worship prevailed among the Hyperboreans, as we may judge from the names of the sacred women, who used to come annually to Delos. They were priestesses of the Tauric Goddess, and were denominated from her titles.

Hercules was esteemed the chief God, the same as Chronus; and was said to have produced the Mundane egg. He was represented in the Orphic Theology under the mixed symbol of a ^[482]lion and serpent: and sometimes of a ^[483]serpent only. I have before mentioned, that the Cuthites under the title of Heliadæ settled at Rhodes: and, as they were Hivites or Ophites, that the island in consequence of it was of old named Ophiusa. There was likewise a tradition, that it had once swarmed with ^[484]serpents. The like notion prevailed almost in every place, where they settled. They came under the more general titles of Leleges and Pelasgi: but more particularly of Elopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, Inopians, Ophionians, and Æthiopes, as appears from the names, which they bequeathed; and in most places, where they resided, there were handed down traditions, which alluded to their original title of Ophites. In Phrygia, and upon the Hellespont, whither they sent out colonies very early, was a people styled Οφιογενεις, or the serpent-breed; who were said to retain an affinity and correspondence with ^[485]serpents. And a notion prevailed, that some hero, who had conducted them, was changed from a serpent to a man. In Colchis was a river Ophis; and there was another of the same name in Arcadia. It was so named from a body of people, who settled upon its banks, and were said to have been conducted by a serpent: ^[486]Τον ἡγεμονα γενεσθαι δρακοντα. These reptiles are seldom found in islands, yet Tenos, one of the Cyclades, was supposed to have once swarmed with them. ^[487]Εν τῃ Τηνῳ, μιᾳ των Κυκλαδων νησῳ, οφεις και σκορπιοι δεινοι εγινοντο. Thucydides mentions a people of Ætolia called ^[488]Ophionians: and the temple of Apollo at Patara in Lycia seems to have had its first institution from a priestess of the same ^[489]name. The island of Cyprus was styled Ophiusa, and Ophiodes, from the serpents, with which it was supposed to have ^[490]abounded. Of what species they were is no where mentioned; excepting only that about Paphos there was said to have been a ^[491]kind of serpent with two legs. By this is meant the Ophite race, who came from Egypt, and from Syria, and got footing in this ^[492]island. They settled also in Crete, where they increased greatly in numbers; so that Minos was said by an unseemly allegory, ^[493]οφεις ουρησαι, serpentes minxisse. The island Seriphus was one vast rock, by the Romans called ^[494]saxum seriphium; and made use of as a larger kind of prison for banished persons. It is represented as having once abounded with serpents; and it is styled by Virgil serpentifera, as the passage is happily corrected by Scaliger.

It had this epithet not on account of any real serpents, but according to the Greeks from ^[496]Medusa's head, which was brought hither by Perseus. By this is meant the serpent Deity, whose worship was here introduced by people called Peresians. Medusa's head denoted divine wisdom: and the island was sacred to the serpent as is apparent from its name^[497]. The Athenians were esteemed Serpentigenæ; and they had a tradition, that the chief guardian of their Acropolis was a ^[498]serpent. It is reported of the Goddess Ceres, that she placed a dragon for a guardian to her temple at ^[499]Eleusis; and appointed another to attend upon Erectheus. Ægeus of Athens, according to Androtion, was of the ^[500]serpent breed: and the first king of the country is said to have been ^[501]Δρακων, a Dragon. Others make Cecrops the first who reigned. He is said to have been ^[502]διφυης, of a twofold nature; συμφυες εχων σωμα ανδρος και δρακοντος, being formed with the body of a man blended with that of a serpent. Diodorus says, that this was a circumstance deemed by the Athenians inexplicable: yet he labours to explain it, by representing Cecrops, as half a man, and half a ^[503]brute; because he had been of two different communities. Eustathius likewise tries to solve it nearly upon the same principles, and with the like success. Some had mentioned of Cecrops, that he underwent a metamorphosis, ^[504]απο οφεως εις ανθρωπον ελθειν, that he was changed from a serpent to a man. By this was signified according to Eustathius, that Cecrops, by coming into Hellas, divested himself of all the rudeness and barbarity of his ^[505]country, and became more civilized and humane. This is too high a compliment to be payed to Greece in its infant state, and detracts greatly from the character of the Egyptians. The learned Marsham therefore animadverts with great justice. ^[506]Est verisimilius ilium ex Ægypto mores magis civiles in Græciam induxisse. It is more probable, that he introduced into Greece, the urbanity of his own country, than that he was beholden to Greece for any thing from thence. In respect to the mixed character of this personage, we may, I think, easily account for it. Cecrops was certainly a title of the Deity, who was worshipped under this ^[507]emblem. Something of the like nature was mentioned of Triptolemus, and ^[508]Ericthonius: and the like has been said above of Hercules. The natives of Thebes in Bœotia, like the Athenians above, esteemed themselves of the serpent race. The Lacedæmonians likewise referred themselves to the same original. Their city is said of old to have swarmed with ^[509]serpents. The same is said of the city Amyclæ in Italy, which was of Spartan original. They came hither in such abundance, that it was abandoned by the ^[510]inhabitants. Argos was infested in the same manner, till Apis came from Egypt, and settled in that city. He was a prophet, the reputed son of Apollo, and a person of great skill and sagacity. To him they attributed the blessing of having their country freed from this evil.

Thus the Argives gave the credit to this imaginary personage of clearing their land of this grievance: but the brood came from the very quarter from whence Apis was supposed to have arrived. They were certainly Hivites from Egypt: and the same story is told of that country. It is represented as having been of old over-run with serpents; and almost depopulated through their numbers. Diodorus Siculus seems to understand this ^[512]literally: but a region, which was annually overflowed, and that too for so long a season, could not well be liable to such a calamity. They were serpents of another nature, with which it was thus infested: and the history relates to the Cuthites, the original Ophitæ, who for a long time possessed that country. They passed from Egypt to Syria, and to the Euphrates: and mention is made of a particular breed of serpents upon that river, which were harmless to the natives, but fatal to every body else. ^[513]This, I think, cannot be understood literally. The wisdom of the serpent may be great; but not sufficient to make these distinctions. These serpents were of the same nature as the ^[514]birds of Diomedes, and the dogs in the temple of Vulcan: and these histories relate to Ophite priests, who used to spare their own people, and sacrifice strangers, a custom which prevailed at one time in most parts of the world. I have mentioned that the Cuthite priests were very learned: and as they were Ophites, whoever had the advantage of their information, was said to have been instructed by serpents. Hence there was a tradition, that Melampus was rendered prophetic from a communication with these ^[515]animals. Something similar is said of Tiresias.

As the worship of the serpent was of old so prevalent, many places, as well as people from thence, received their names. Those who settled in Campania were called Opici; which some would have changed to Ophici; because they were denominated from serpents. ^[516]Οι δε (φασιν) ὁτι Οφικοι απο των οφιων. But they are, in reality, both names of the same purport, and denote the origin of the people. We meet with places called Opis, Ophis, Ophitæa, Ophionia, Ophioëssa, Ophiodes, and Ophiusa. This last was an antient name, by which, according to Stephanus, the islands Rhodes, Cythnus, Besbicus, Tenos, and the whole continent of Africa, were distinguished. There were also cities so called. Add to these places denominated Oboth, Obona, and reversed Onoba, from Ob, which was of the same purport. Clemens Alexandrinus says, that the term Eva signified a serpent, if pronounced with a proper ^[517]aspirate. We find that there were places of this name. There was a city Eva in ^[518]Arcadia: and another in ^[519]Macedonia. There was also a mountain Eva, or Evan, taken notice of by ^[520]Pausanias, between which and Ithome lay the city Messene. He mentions also an Eva in ^[521]Argolis, and speaks of it as a large town. Another name for a serpent, of which I have as yet taken no notice, was Patan, or Pitan. Many places in different parts were denominated from this term. Among others was a city in ^[522]Laconia; and another in ^[523]Mysia, which Stephanus styles a city of Æolia. They were undoubtedly so named from the worship of the serpent, Pitan: and had probably Dracontia, where were figures and devices relative to the religion which prevailed. Ovid mentions the latter city, and has some allusions to its antient history, when he describes Medea as flying through the air from Attica to Colchis.

Pl. VIII.

The city was situated upon the river Eva or Evan, which the Greeks rendered ^[525]Evenus. It is remarkable, that the Opici, who are said to have been denominated from serpents, had also the name of Pitanatæ: at least one part of that family were so called. ^[526]Τινας δε και Πιτανατας λεγεσθαι. Pitanatæ is a term of the same purport as Opici, and relates to the votaries of Pitan, the serpent Deity, which was adored by that people.

Menelaus was of old styled ^[527]Pitanates, as we learn from Hesychius: and the reason of it may be known from his being a Spartan, by which was intimated one of the serpentigenæ, or Ophites. Hence he was represented with a serpent for a device upon his shield. It is said that a brigade, or portion of infantry, was among some of the Greeks named ^[528]Pitanates; and the soldiers, in consequence of it, must have been termed Pitanatæ: undoubtedly, because they had the Pitan, or serpent, for their ^[529]standard. Analogous to this, among other nations, there were soldiers called ^[530]Draconarii. I believe, that in most countries the military standard was an emblem of the Deity there worshipped.

From what has been said, I hope, that I have thrown some light upon the history of this primitive idolatry: and have moreover shewn, that wherever any of these Ophite colonies settled they left behind from their rites and institutes, as well as from the names, which they bequeathed to places, ample memorials, by which they may be clearly traced out. It may seem strange, that in the first ages there should have been such an universal defection from the truth; and above all things such a propensity to this particular mode of worship, this mysterious attachment to the serpent. What is scarce credible, it obtained among Christians; and one of the most early heresies in the church was of this sort, introduced by a sect, called by ^[531]Epiphanius Ophitæ, by ^[532]Clemens of Alexandria Ophiani. They are particularly described by Tertullian, whose account of them is well worth our notice. ^[533]Accesserunt his Hæretici etiam illi, qui Ophitæ nuncupantur: nam serpentem magnificant in tantum, ut illum etiam ipsi Christo præferant. Ipse enim, inquiunt, scientiæ nobis boni et mali originem dedit. Hujus animadvertens potentiam et majestatem Moyses æreum posuit serpentem: et quicunque in eum aspexerunt, sanitatem consecuti sunt. Ipse, aiunt, præterea in Evangelio imitatur serpentis ipsius sacram potestatem, dicendo, et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis. Ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda Eucharistia sua. In the above we see plainly the perverseness of human wit, which deviates so industriously; and is ever after employed in finding expedients to countenance error, and render apostasy plausible. It would be a noble undertaking, and very edifying in its consequences, if some person of true learning, and a deep insight into antiquity, would go through with the history of the ^[534]serpent. I have adopted it, as far as it relates to my system, which is, in some degree, illustrated by it.

CUCLOPES or CYCLOPES.

Παλαιοτατοι μεν λεγονται εν μερει τινι της χωρας (της Σικελιας) Κυκλωπες, και Λαιστρυγονες οικησαι· ὡν εγω ουτε γενος εχω ειπειν, ουτε ὁποθεν εισηλθον, η ὁποι απεχωρησαν. Thucydides. l. 6. p. 378.

Thucydides acquaints us concerning the Cyclopes and Læstrygones, that they were the most antient inhabitants of Sicily, but that he could not find out their race: nor did he know from what part of the world they originally came, nor to what country they afterwards betook themselves. I may appear presumptuous in pretending to determine a history so remote and obscure; and which was a secret to this learned Grecian two thousand years ago. Yet this is my present purpose: and I undertake it with a greater confidence, as I can plainly shew, that we have many lights, with which the natives of Hellas were unacquainted; besides many advantages, of which they would not avail themselves.

The gigantic Cyclopes were originally Ophitæ, who worshipped the symbolical serpent. They have been represented by the poets, as persons of an enormous ^[535]stature, rude and savage in their demeanour, and differing from the rest of mankind in countenance. They are described as having only one large eye; which is said to have been placed, contrary to the usual situation of that organ, in the middle of their foreheads. Their place of residence was upon mount Ætna, and in the adjacent district at the foot of that ^[536]mountain, which was the original region styled Trinacia. This is the common account, as it has been transmitted by the Poets, as well as by the principal mythologists of Greece: and in this we have been taught to acquiesce. But the real history is not so obvious and superficial. There are accounts of them to be obtained, that differ much from the representations which are commonly exhibited. The Poets have given a mixed description: and in lieu of the Deity of the place have introduced these strange personages, the ideas of whose size were borrowed from sacred edifices, where the Deity was worshipped. They were Petra, or temples of Cœlus; of the same nature and form as the tower of Orion, which was at no great distance from them. Some of them had the name of ^[537]Charon, and Tarchon: and they were esteemed Pelorian, from the God Alorus, the same as Cœlus and Python. The Grecians confounded the people, who raised these buildings, with the structures themselves. Strabo places them near ^[538]Ætna, and Leontina: and supposes, that they once ruled over that part of the island. And it is certain that a people styled Cyclopians did possess that ^[539]province. Polyphemus is imagined to have been the chief of this people: and Euripides describes the place of his residence as towards the foot of the mountain: ^[540]Οικεις ὑπ' Αιτνῃ τῃ πυροστακτῳ Πετρᾳ. They are represented as a people savage, and lawless, and delighting in human flesh. Hence it is prophesied by Cassandra, as a curse upon Ulysses, that he would one day be forced to seek for refuge in a Cyclopian ^[541]mansion. And when he arrives under the roof of Polyphemus, and makes inquiry about his host, and particularly upon what he fed; he is told, that the Cyclops above all things esteemed the flesh of strangers. ^[542]Chance never throws any body upon this coast, says Silenus, but he is made a meal of; and it is looked upon as a delicious repast. This character of the Cyclopians arose from the cruel custom of sacrificing strangers, whom fortune brought upon their coast. This was practised in many parts of the world, but especially here, and upon the coast of the Lamii in Italy; and among all the Scythic nations upon the Euxine sea: into all which regions it was introduced from Egypt and Canaan.

But we must not consider the Cyclopians in this partial light: nor look for them only in the island of Sicily, to which they have been by the Poets confined. Memorials of them are to be found in many parts of Greece, where they were recorded as far superior to the natives in science and ingenuity. The Grecians, by not distinguishing between the Deity, and the people, who were called by his titles, have brought great confusion upon this history. The Cyclopians were denominated from Κυκλωψ, Cyclops, the same as Cœlus. According to Parmeno Byzantinus, he was the God ^[543]Nilus of Egypt, who was the same as ^[544]Zeus, and Osiris. The history both of the Deity, and of the people, became in time obsolete: and it has been rendered more obscure by the mixed manner in which it has been represented by the Poets.

It is generally agreed by writers upon the subject, that the Cyclopians were of a size superior to the common race of mankind. Among the many tribes of the Amonians, which went abroad, were to be found people, who were styled ^[545]Anakim, and were descended from the sons of Anac: so that this history, though carried to a great excess, was probably founded in truth. They were particularly famous for architecture; which they introduced into Greece, as we are told by ^[546]Herodotus: and in all parts, whither they came, they erected noble structures, which were remarkable for their height and beauty: and were often dedicated to the chief Deity, the Sun, under the name of Elorus, and P'elorus. People were so struck with their grandeur, that they called every thing great and stupendous, Pelorian. And when they described the Cyclopians as a lofty towering race, they came at last to borrow their ideas of this people from the towers, to which they alluded. They supposed them in height to reach to the clouds; and in bulk to equal the promontories, on which they were founded. Homer says of Polyphemus,

Virgil says of the same person,

As these buildings were oftentimes light-houses, and had in their upper story one round casement, Argolici clypeï, aut Phœbeæ lampadis instar, by which they afforded light in the night-season; the Greeks made this a characteristic of the people. They supposed this aperture to have been an eye, which was fiery, and glaring, and placed in the middle of their foreheads. Hence Callimachus describes them as a monstrous race:

The Grecians have so confounded the Cyclopian Deity with his votaries, that it is difficult to speak precisely of either. They sometimes mention him as a single person; the same as Nilus of Egypt, who was esteemed the father of the Gods. At other times they introduce a plurality, whom they still represent as of the highest antiquity, and make the brethren of Cronus: ^[550]Κυκλωπες—ὁι αδελφοι ησαν του Κρονου, του πατρος του Διος. Proclus in Photius informs us, that, according to the antient mythology of the Auctores Cyclici, the giants with an hundred hands, and the Cyclopes, were the first born of the ^[551]Earth and Cœlus. But in these histories every degree of relation has been founded upon idle surmises: and is uniformly to be set aside. The Cyclopian Deity was ^[552]Ouranus, and the Cyclopians were his priests and votaries: some of whom had divine honours paid to them, and were esteemed as Gods. Upon the Isthmus of Corinth was an antient temple; which seems to have been little more than a ταφος or high altar, where offerings were made to the Cyclopian ^[553]Deities. People of this family settled upon the southern coast of Sicily at Camarina; which some have supposed to have been the Hupereia of Homer, where the Pheacians once resided.

But there is no reason to think, that the city Hupereia was in Sicily; or that the Pheacians came from that country. The notion arose from a common mistake. All the Greek and Roman Poets, and even Strabo, with other respectable writers, have taken it for granted, that the Cyclopians of Homer were near Ætna in Sicily. Others except to their being near Ætna; and insist, that they were in the vicinity of Eryx upon the opposite part of the island. But Homer does not once mention the island during his whole account of the Cyclopes: nor does Ulysses arrive in Sicily, till after many subsequent adventures. That there were Cyclopians near Ætna is certain: but those mentioned by Homer were of another country, and are represented as natives of the continent though his account is very indeterminate and obscure. There were probably people of this family in many parts of Sicily, especially about the city Camarina. They seem to have been of the Anakim race, and worshippers of the Sun. Hence they were styled Camarin, and their chief city Camarina, which was so called from a city of the same name in ^[555]Chaldea, the Ur of the Scriptures. Polyphemus is mentioned as a musician and a shepherd; but of a savage and brutal disposition: which character arose from the cruel rites practised by the Cyclopians. According to ^[556]Bacchylides it was said, that Galatus, Illyrius, and Celtus were the sons of Polyphemus. By this was certainly signified, that the Galatæ, Illyrii, and Celtæ, were of Cyclopian original, and of the Anakim race; all equally Amonians. Lycophron mentions the cave of this personage, by which was meant an antient temple; and he calls it ^[557]μονογληνου στεγας Χαρωνος: the habitation of Charon, a personage with one eye. But here, as I have often observed, the place is mistaken for a person; the temple for the Deity. Charon was the very place; the antient temple of the Sun. It was therefore styled Char-On from the God, who was there worshipped; and after the Egyptian custom an eye was engraved over its portal. These temples were sometimes called Charis, ^[558]Χαρις; which is a compound of Char-Is, and signifies a prutaneion, or place sacred to Hephastus. As the rites of fire were once almost universally practised, there were many places of this name, especially in ^[559]Parthia, Babylonia, and Phrygia. The Grecians rendered Char-Is by Χαρις, a term in their own language, which signified grace and elegance. And nothing witnesses their attachment to antient terms more than their continually introducing them, though they were strangers to their true meaning. The Arimaspians were Hyperborean Cyclopians; and had temples named Charis, or Charisia, in the top of which were preserved a perpetual fire. They were of the same family as those of ^[560]Sicily, and had the same rites; and particularly worshipped the Ophite Deity under the name of ^[561]Opis. Aristeas Proconnesius wrote their history; and among other things mentioned that they had but one eye, which was placed in their graceful forehead.

How could the front of a Cyclopian, one of the most hideous monsters that ever poetic fancy framed, be styled graceful? The whole is a mistake of terms: and what this writer had misapplied, related to Charis, a tower; and the eye was the casement in the top of the edifice, where a light, and fire were kept up. What confirmed the mistake was the representation of an eye, which, as I have mentioned, was often engraved over the entrance of these temples. The chief Deity of Egypt was frequently represented under the symbol of an eye, ^[563]and a sceptre. I have observed, that Orion was supposed to have had three fathers, merely because a tower, sacred to him in Sicily, and called Tor-Pator, was altered to Τριπατωρ; which change seemed to countenance such an opinion. The Cyclopians were of the same region in that island; and their towers had undoubtedly the same name: for the Cyclopians were styled ^[564]Τριτοπατερες, and were supposed to have been three in number. Some such mistake was made about the towers styled Charis: whence the Grecians formed their notion of the Graces. As Charis was a tower sacred to fire; some of the Poets have supposed a nymph of that name, who was beloved by Vulcan. Homer speaks of her as his wife: ^[565]Χαρις—Καλη, ἡν ωπυιε περικλυτος Αμφιγυνεις. But Nonnus makes her his mistress; and says, that he turned her out of doors for her jealousy.

The Graces were said to be related to the Sun who was in reality the same as Vulcan. The Sun among the people of the east was called Hares, and with a guttural, Chares: and his temple was styled Tor-Chares. But as Tor-Pator was changed to Tripator; so Tor-Chares was rendered Trichares, which the Greeks expressed Τριχαρις; and from thence formed a notion of three Graces. Cicero says, that they were the daughters of night, and Erebus: but Antimachus, more agreeably to this etymology, maintained, that they were the offspring of the Sun and light; ^[567]Αιγλης και Ἡλιου θυγατερας. These seeming contradictions are not difficult to be reconciled.

The Amonians, wherever they settled, were celebrated for their superiority in science; and particularly for their skill in building. Of this family were Trophonius, and his brother Agamedes, who are represented as very great in the profession. They were truly wonderful, says ^[568]Pausanias, for the temples, which they erected to the Gods; and for the stately edifices, which they built for men. They were the architects, who contrived the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the treasury constructed to Urius. They were, I make no doubt, some of those, who were styled Cyclopians; as the people under this appellation were far the most eminent in this way. When the Sibyl in Virgil shews Æneas the place of torment in the shades below, and leads him through many melancholy recesses, we find that the whole was separated from the regions of bliss by a wall built by the Cyclopians. The Sibyl accordingly at their exit tells him,

From hence we find that they were the reputed builders of the infernal mansions; which notion arose from the real buildings, which they erected. For all the ideas of the antients about the infernal regions, and the torments of hell, were taken from the temples in each country; and from the rites and inquisition practised in them. But the Cyclopians were not merely imaginary operators. They founded several cities in Greece; and constructed many temples to the Gods, which were of old in high repute. They were so much esteemed for their skill, that, as the Scholiast upon Statius observes, every thing great and noble was looked upon as Cyclopian: ^[570]quicquid magnitudine suâ nobile est, Cyclopum manu dicitur fabricatum. Nor was this a fiction, as may be surmised; for they were in great measure the real architects. And if, in the room of those portentous beings the Cyclopes, Κυκλωπες, we substitute a colony of people called Cyclopians, we shall find the whole to be true, which is attributed to them; and a new field of history will be opened, that was before unknown. They were, undoubtedly, a part of the people styled Academians, who resided in Attica; where they founded the Academia, and Ceramicus, and introduced human sacrifices. Hence we are informed, that the Athenians, in the time of a plague, sacrificed three virgin daughters of Hyacinthus at the tomb Geræstus, the ^[571]Cyclops. But Geræstus was not a person, but a place. Γεραιστος is a small variation for Ker-Astus; and signifies the temple of Astus the God of fire. It was certainly the antient name of the place where these sacrifices were exhibited: and the Taphos was a Cyclopian altar, upon which they were performed. The Cyclopians are said to have built the antient city Mycene, which Hercules in Seneca threatens to ruin.

Nonnus speaks of the city in the same light:

The gate of the city, and the chief tower were particularly ascribed to them: ^[574]Κυκλωπων δε και ταυτα εργα ειναι λεγουσιν. These too are represented as the work of the Cyclopians. They likewise built Argos; which is mentioned by Thyestes in Seneca as a wonderful performance.

All these poetical histories were founded in original truths. Some of them built Hermione, one of the most antient cities in Greece. The tradition was, that it was built by ^[576]Hermion the son of Europs, or Europis, a descendant of Phoroneus, and Niobe; and was inhabited by Dorians, who came from Argos: in which history is more than at first appears. The city stood near a stagnant lake, and a deep cavern; where was supposed to be the most compendious passage to the shades below: ^[577]την εις ἁδου καταβασιν συντομον. The lake was called the pool of Acherusia; near to which and the yawning cavern the Cyclopians chose to take up their habitation. They are said to have built ^[578]Tiryns; the walls of which were esteemed no less a wonder than the ^[579]pyramids of Egypt. They must have resided at Nauplia in Argolis; a place in situation not unlike Hermione above-mentioned. Near this city were caverns in the earth, and subterraneous passages, consisting of ^[580]labyrinths cut in the rock, like the syringes in Upper Egypt, and the maze at the lake Mæris: and these too were reputed the work of Cyclopians. Pausanias thinks very truly, that the Nauplians were from Egypt. ^[581]Ησαν δε ὁι Ναυπλιεις, εμοι δοκειν, Αιγυπτιοι τα παλαιοτερα. The Nauplians seem to me to have been a colony from Egypt in the more early times. He supposes that they were some of those emigrants, who came over with Danaüs. The nature of the works, which the Cyclopians executed, and the lake, which they named Acherusia, shew plainly the part of the world from whence they came. The next city to Nauplia was Trœzen, where Orus was said to have once reigned, from whom the country was called Oraia: but Pausanias very justly thinks, that it was an Egyptian history; and that the region was denominated from ^[582]Orus of Egypt, whose worship undoubtedly had been here introduced. So that every circumstance witnesses the country, from whence the Cyclopians came. Hence when ^[583]Euripides speaks of the walls of antient Mycene, as built by the Cyclopians after the Phenician rule and method: the Phenicians alluded to were the Φοινικες of Egypt, to which country they are primarily to be referred. Those who built Tiryns are represented as seven in number; and the whole is described by Strabo in the following manner. ^[584]Τιρυνθι ὁρμητηριῳ χρησασθαι δοκει Προιτος, και τειχισαι δια Κυκλωπων· ὁυς ἑπτα μεν ειναι, καλεισθαι δε Γαστεροχειρας, τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. Prœtus seems to have been the first who made use of Tiryns as an harbour; which place he walled round by the assistance of the Cyclopians. They were seven in number, styled Gastrocheirs; and lived by their labour. Hesychius in some degree reverses this strange name, and says, that they were called Εγχειρογαστερες. The Grecians continually mistook places for persons, as I have shewn. These seven Cyclopes were, I make no doubt, seven Cyclopian towers built by the people, of whom I have been treating. Some of them stood towards the harbour to afford light to ships, when they approached in the night. They were sacred to Aster, or ^[585]Astarte; and styled Astro-caer, and Caer-Aster; out of which the Greeks formed Γαστροχειρ, and Εγχειρογαστηρ; a strange medley made up of hands, and bellies. Strabo in particular having converted these building's into so many masons, adds, ^[586]Γαστεροχειρας, τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. They were honest bellyhanded men, industrious people, who got their livelihood by their art. These towers were erected likewise for Purait, or Puratheia, where the rites of fire were performed: but Purait, or Puraitus, the Greeks changed to Προιτος; and gave out that the towers were built for ^[587]Prœtus, whom they made a king of that country.

I imagine, that not only the common idea of the Cyclopians was taken from towers and edifices; but that the term Κυκλωψ, and Κυκλωπις, Cuclops, and Cuclopis, signified a building or temple; and from thence the people had their name. They were of the same family as the Cadmians, and Phœnices; and as the Hivites, or Ophites who came from Egypt, and settled near Libanus and Baal Hermon, upon the confines of Canaan. They worshipped the Sun under the symbol of a serpent: hence they were styled in different parts, where they in time settled, Europians, Oropians, Anopians, Inopians, Asopians, Elopians; all which names relate to the worship of the Pytho Ops, or Opis. What may be the precise etymology of the term Κυκλωψ, Cuclops, I cannot presume to determine. Cuclops, as a personage, was said to have been the son of ^[588]Ouranus and the earth: which Ouranus among the Amonians was often styled Cœl, or Cœlus; and was worshipped under the forementioned emblem of a serpent. Hence the temple of the Deity may have been originally called Cu-Cœl-Ops, Domus Cœli Pythonis; and the priests and people Cucelopians. But whatever may have been the purport of the name, the history of these personages is sufficiently determinate.

There was a place in Thrace called ^[589]Cuclops, where some of the Cyclopian race had settled; for many of the Amonians came hither. Hence Thrace seems at one time to have been the seat of science: and the Athenians acknowledged, that they borrowed largely from them. The natives were very famous; particularly the Pierians for their music, the Peonians for pharmacy, and the Edonians for their rites and worship. Those, who went under the name of Cyclopes, probably introduced architecture; for which art they seem to have been every where noted. There was a fountain in these parts, of which Aristotle takes notice, as of a wonderful nature. ^[590]Εν δε Κυκλωψι τοις Θραξι κρηνιδιον εστιν, ὑδωρ εχων, ὁ τῃ μεν οψει καθαρον, και διαφανες, και τοις αλλοις ὁμοιον· ὁταν δε πιῃ τι ζωον εξ αυτου, παραχρημα διαφθειρεται. In the region of the Cyclopians of Thrace is a fountain, clear to the eye, and pure, and in no wise differing from common water: of which, however, if an animal drinks, it is immediately poisoned. There is another account given by Theopompus; who speaks of the people by the name of the Chropes, which is a contraction for Charopes. He says, that even going into the water was fatal. ^[591]Θεοπομπος ἱστορει κρηνην εν Χρωψι της Θρακης, εξ ἡς τους λουσαμενους παραχρημα μεταλλασσειν. Theopompus mentions a fountain among the Charopes of Thrace, in which, if a person attempts to bathe, he immediately loses his life. I have taken notice of this history, because we find, that the persons who are called ^[592]Cuclopes by one writer, are styled Char-opes by another, and very justly: for the terms are nearly of the same purport. The Charopes were denominated from a temple, and place called Char-Ops, or Char-Opis, locus Dei Pythonis: and the Cyclopes were, as I have before supposed, denominated from Cu-Coel-Ops, or Cu-Coel-Opis, the temple of the same Deity. They were both equally named from the Ophite God, the great object of their adoration, and from the temple where he was worshipped.

The head of Medusa in Argolis is said to have been the work of the ^[593]Cyclopians. This seems to have been an antient hieroglyphical representation upon the temple of Caphisus. It was usual with the Egyptians, and other Amonians, to describe, upon the Architrave of their temples, some emblem of the Deity, who there presided. This representation was often an eagle, or vulture; a wolf, or a lion; also an heart, or an eye. The last, as I have shewn, was common to the temples of ^[594]Osiris, and was intended to signify the superintendency of Providence, from whom nothing was hid. Among others the serpent was esteemed a most salutary emblem: and they made use of it to signify superior skill and knowledge. A beautiful female countenance, surrounded with an assemblage of serpents, was made to denote divine wisdom, which they styled Meed, and Meet, the Μητις of the Greeks. Under this characteristic they represented an heavenly personage, and joined her with Eros, or divine love: and by these two they supposed that the present mundane system was produced. Orpheus speaks of this Deity in the masculine gender:

On this account many antient temples were ornamented with this curious hieroglyphic: and among others the temple of Caphisus ^[596]in Argolis. Caphisus is a compound of Caph-Isis, which signifies Petra Isidis, and relates to the same Deity as Metis. For we must not regard sexes, nor difference of appellations, when we treat of antient Deities.

I have taken notice that the Cyclopians of Thrace were styled Charopes; which name they must have received from their rites, and place of worship. Char-Opis signifies the temple of the Python, or serpent: and we find that it was situated near a poisonous pool. It was sacred to the Sun: and there were many temples of this name in ^[599]Egypt, and other countries. The Sun was called Arez; and the lion, which was an emblem of the Sun, had the same denomination: and there is reason to think, that the device upon Charopian temples was sometimes a lion. Homer, undoubtedly, had seen the fierce figure of this animal upon some sacred portal in Egypt; to which he often alludes, when he speaks of a Charopian lion.

Pl. IX. MEDUSA.

From a Gem in the Collection of His Grace the Duke of Marlborough

The devices upon temples were often esteemed as talismans, and supposed to have an hidden and salutary influence, by which the building was preserved. In the temple of Minerva, at Tegea, was some sculpture of Medusa, which the Goddess was said to have given, ^[601]αναλωτον ες τον παντα κρονον ειναι (την πολιν); to preserve the city from ever being taken in war. It was probably from this opinion, that the ^[602]Athenians had the head of Medusa represented upon the walls of their acropolis: and it was the insigne of many cities, as we may find from antient coins. The notion of the Cyclopes framing the thunder and lightning for Jupiter arose chiefly from the Cyclopians engraving hieroglyphics of this sort upon the temples of the Deity. Hence they were represented as persons,

The Poets considered them merely in the capacity of blacksmiths, and condemned them to the anvil. This arose from the chief Cyclopian Deity being called Acmon, and Pyracmon. He was worshipped under the former title in Phrygia; where was a city and district called Acmonia, mentioned by Alexander ^[604]Polyhistor. The Amazonians paid the like reverence: and there was a sacred grove called Acmonium upon the ^[605]Thermodon, which was held in great repute. He was by some looked upon as the offspring of heaven; by others worshipped as Ouranus, and Cœlus, the heaven itself; and Acmonides was supposed to have been his ^[606]son, whom some of the mythologists made the ruling spirit of the earth. Hence Simmias Rhodius introduces Divine Love displaying his influence, and saying, that he produced Acmonides, that mighty monarch of the earth, and at the same time founded the sea. ^[607]Λευσσε με τον Γας τε βαρυστερνου Ανακτ' Ακμονιδαν, ταν ἁλα θ' ἑδρασαντα.

Acmon seems to have been worshipped of old at Tiryns, that antient city of Greece, whose towers were said to have been built by the Cyclopians. For Acmon was the Cyclopian Deity; and is represented by Callimachus as the tutelary God of the place, though the passage has been otherwise interpreted.

The term has commonly been looked upon as an adjective; and the passage has been rendered Talis Tirynthius indefessus, which is scarce sense. Callimachus was very knowing in mythology, and is here speaking of the Cyclopian God Acmon, whom he makes the θεος προπυλαιος, or guardian Deity of the place. It was the same God, that was afterwards called Hercules, and particularly styled Tirynthius, to whom Callimachus here alludes, under a more antient name.

As the Cyclopians were great artists, they probably were famous for works in brass, and iron: and that circumstance in their history may have been founded in truth. The Idæi Dactyli were Cyclopians: and they are said to have first forged metals, and to have reduced them to common ^[609]use; the knowledge of which art they obtained from the fusion of minerals at the burning of mount ^[610]Ida. Whether this was an eruption of fire from the internal part of the mountain, or only a fire kindled among the forests, which crowned its summit, cannot be determined. It was an event of antient date; and admitted, as a remarkable epocha, in the most early series of chronology. From this event the Curetes, and Corybantes, who were the same as the ^[611]Idæi Dactyli, are supposed to have learned the mystery of fusing and forging metals. From them it was propagated to many countries westward, particularly to the Pangæan mountains, and the region Curetis, where the Cyclopians dwelt in Thrace: also to the region Trinacia and Leontina, near Ætna, which they occupied in Sicily.

Thus have I endeavoured to shew the true history ^[612]and antiquity of this people: and we may learn from their works, ^[613]that there was a time, when they were held in high estimation. They were denominated from their worship: and their chief Deity among other titles was styled Acmon, and Pyracmon. They seem to have been great in many sciences: but the term Acmon signifying among the Greeks an anvil, the Poets have limited them to one base department, and considered them as so many blacksmiths. And as they resided near Ætna, they have made the burning mountain their forge:

Pl. X

OF

TEMPLE RITES

IN THE

FIRST AGES.

I must continually put the reader in mind how common it was among the Greeks, not only out of the titles of the Deities, but out of the names of towers, and other edifices, to form personages, and then to invent histories to support what they had done. When they had created a number of such ideal beings, they tried to find out some relation: and thence proceeded to determine the parentage, and filiation of each, just as fancy directed. Some colonies from Egypt, and Canaan, settled in Thrace; as appears from numberless memorials. The parts which they occupied were upon the Hebrus, about Edonia, Sithonia, and Mount Hæmus. They also held Pieria, and Peonia, and all the sea coast region. It was their custom, as I have before mentioned, in all their settlements to form puratheia; and to introduce the rites of fire, and worship of the Sun. Upon the coast, of which I have been speaking, a temple of this sort was founded, which is called Torone. The name is a compound of Tor-On, as I have before taken notice. The words purathus, and puratheia, were, in the language of Egypt, Pur-Ath, and Por-Ait, formed from two titles of the God of fire. Out of one of these the Grecians made a personage, which they expressed Προιτος, Prœtus, whose daughters, or rather priestesses, were the Prœtides. And as they followed the Egyptian rites, and held a Cow sacred, they were, in consequence of it, supposed to have been turned into ^[615]cows; just as the priestesses of Hippa were said to have been changed into mares; the Œnotropæ and Peleiadæ into pigeons. Proteus of Egypt, whom Menelaus was supposed to have consulted about his passage homeward, was a tower of this sort with a purait. It was an edifice, where both priests and pilots resided to give information; and where a light was continually burning to direct the ships in the night. The tower of Torone likewise was a Pharos, and therefore styled by Lycophron φλεγραια Τορωνη, the flaming Torone. The country about it was, in like manner, called ^[616]Φλεγρα, Phlegra, both from these flaming Towers, and from the worship there introduced. There seems to have been a fire-tower in this region named Proteus; for, according to the antient accounts, Proteus is mentioned as having resided in these parts, and is said to have been married to Torone. He is accordingly styled by the Poet,

The epithet στυγνος, gloomy, and sad, implies a bad character, which arose from the cruel rites practised in these places. In all these temples they made it a rule to sacrifice strangers, whom fortune brought in their way. Torone stood near ^[618]Pallene, which was styled ^[619]Γηγενων τροφος, the nurse of the earth-born, or giant brood. Under this character both the sons of Chus, and the Anakim of Canaan are included. Lycophron takes off from Proteus the imputation of being accessary to the vile practices, for which the place was notorious; and makes only his sons guilty of murdering strangers. He says, that their father left them out of disgust,

In this he alludes to a custom, of which I shall take notice hereafter. According to Eustathius, the notion was, that Proteus fled by a subterraneous passage to Egypt, in company with his daughter Eidothea. ^[621]Αποκατεστη εις Φαρον μετα της θυγατρος Ειδοθεας. He went, it seems, from one Pharos to another; from Pallene to the mouth of the Nile. The Pharos of Egypt was both a watch-tower, and a temple, where people went to inquire about the success of their voyage; and to obtain the assistance of pilots. Proteus was an Egyptian title of the Deity, under which he was worshipped, both in the Pharos, and at ^[622]Memphis. He was the same as Osiris, and Canobus: and particularly the God of mariners, who confined his department to the ^[623]sea. From hence, I think, we may unravel the mystery about the pilot of Menelaus, who is said to have been named Canobus, and to have given name to the principal seaport in Egypt. The priests of the country laughed at the idle ^[624]story; and they had good reason: for the place was far prior to the people spoken of, and the name not of Grecian original. It is observable, that Stephanus of Byzantium gives the pilot another name, calling him, instead of Canobus, Φαρος, Pharus. His words are Φαρος ὁ Πρωρευς Μεναλαου, which are scarce sense. I make no doubt, from the history of Proteus above, but that in the original, whence Stephanus copied, or at least whence the story was first taken, the reading was Φαρος ὁ Πρωτευς Μενελαου; that is, the Proteus of Menelaus, so celebrated by Homer, who is represented, as so wise, and so experienced in navigation, whom they esteemed a great prophet, and a Deity of the sea, was nothing else but a Pharos. In other words, it was a temple of Proteus upon the Canobic branch of the Nile, to which the Poet makes Menelaus have recourse. Such was the original history: but Πρωτευς Μενελαου has been changed to πρωρευς; and the God Canobus turned into a Grecian pilot. As these were Ophite temples, a story has been added about this person having been stung by a serpent. ^[625]Πρωρευς εν τῃ νησῳ δηχθεις ὑπο οφεως εταφη. This Pilot was bitten by a serpent, and buried in the island. Conformable to my opinion is the account given by Tzetzes, who says, that Proteus resided in the ^[626]Pharos: by which is signified, that he was the Deity of the place. He is represented in the Orphic poetry as the first-born of the world, the chief God of the sea, and at the same time a mighty ^[627]prophet.

The history then of Menelaus in Egypt, if such a person ever existed, amounts to this. In a state of uncertainty he applied to a temple near Canobus, which was sacred to Proteus. This was one title out of many, by which the chief Deity of the country was worshipped, and was equivalent to On, Orus, Osiris, and Canobus. From this place Menelaus obtained proper advice, by which he directed his voyage. Hence some say, that he had Φροντις, Phrontis, for his pilot. ^[628]Κυβερνητης αριστος Μενελαου ὁ Φροντις, ὑιος Ονητορος. Menelaus had an excellent pilot, one Phrontis, the son of Onetor. This, I think, confirms all that I have been saying: for what is Phrontis, but advice and experience? and what is Onetor, but the Pharos, from whence it was obtained? Onetor is the same as Torone, Τορωνη, only reversed. They were both temples of Proteus, the same as On, and Orus: both Φλεγραιαι, by which is meant temples of fire, or light-houses. Hence we may be pretty certain, that the three pilots, Canobus, Phrontis, Pharos, together with Onetor, were only poetical personages: and that the terms properly related to towers, and sanctuaries, which were of Egyptian original.

These places were courts of justice, where the priests seem to have practised a strict inquisition; and where pains and penalties were very severe. The notion of the Furies was taken from these temples: for the term Furia is from Ph'ur, ignis, and signifies a priest of fire. It was on account of the cruelties here practised, that most of the antient judges are represented as inexorable; and are therefore made judges in hell. Of what nature their department was esteemed may be learned from Virgil,

The temple at Phlegya in Bœotia was probably one of these courts; where justice was partially administered, and where great cruelties were exercised by the priests. Hence a person, named Phlegyas, is represented in the shades below, crying out in continual agony, and exhorting people to justice.

Excellent counsel, but introduced rather too late. Phlegyas was in reality the Sun; so denominated by the Æthiopes, or Cuthites, and esteemed the same as Mithras of Persis. They looked up to him as their great benefactor, and lawgiver: for they held their laws as of divine original. His worship was introduced among the natives of Greece by the Cuthites, styled Ethiopians, who came from Egypt. That this was the true history of Phlegyas we may be assured from Stephanus, and Phavorinus. They mention both Phlegyas, and Mithras, as men deified; and specify, that they were of Ethiopian original. ^[631]Μιθραν, και Φλεγυαν, ανδρας Αιθιοπας το γενος. Minos indeed is spoken of, as an upright judge: and the person alluded to under that character was eminently distinguished for his piety, and justice. But his priests were esteemed far otherwise, for they were guilty of great cruelties. Hence we find, that Minos was looked upon as a judge of hell, and styled Quæsitor Minos. He was in reality a Deity, the same as Menes, and Menon of Egypt: and as Manes of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. And though his history be not consistently exhibited, yet, so much light may be gained from the Cretans, as to certify us, that there was in their island a temple called Men-Tor, the tower of Men, or Menes. The Deity, from a particular ^[632]hieroglyphic, under which the natives worshipped him, was styled Minotaurus. To this temple the Athenians were obliged annually to send some of their prime youth to be sacrificed; just as the people of Carthage used to send their children to be victims at ^[633]Tyre. The Athenians were obliged for some time to pay this tribute, as appears from the festival in commemoration of their deliverance. The places most infamous for these customs were those, which were situated upon the seacoast: and especially those dangerous passes, where sailors were obliged to go on shore for assistance, to be directed in their way. Scylla upon the coast of Rhegium was one of these: and appears to have been particularly dreaded by mariners. Ulysses in Homer says, that he was afraid to mention her name to his companions, lest they should through astonishment have lost all sense of preservation.

Some suppose Scylla to have been a dangerous rock; and that it was abominated on account of the frequent shipwrecks. There was a rock of that name, but attended with no such peril. We are informed by Seneca, ^[635]Scyllam saxum esse, et quidem non terribile navigantibus. It was the temple, built of old upon that ^[636]eminence, and the customs which prevailed within, that made it so detested. This temple was a Petra: hence Scylla is by Homer styled Σκυλλη Πετραιη; and the dogs, with which she was supposed to have been surrounded, were Cahen, or priests.

As there was a Men-tor in Crete, so there was a place of the same name, only reversed, in Sicily, called Tor-men, and Tauromenium. There is reason to think, that the same cruel practices prevailed here. It stood in the country of the Lamiæ, Lestrygons, and Cyclopes, upon the river On-Baal, which the Greeks rendered Onoballus. From hence we may conclude, that it was one of the Cyclopian buildings. Homer has presented us with something of truth, though we receive it sadly mixed with fable. We find from him, that when Ulysses entered the dangerous pass of Rhegium, he had six of his comrades seized by Scylla: and he loses the same number in the cavern of the Cyclops, which that monster devoured. Silenus, in a passage before taken notice of, is by Euripides made to say, that the most agreeable repast to the Cyclops was the flesh of strangers: nobody came within his reach, that he did not feed upon.

From these accounts some have been led to think, that the priests in these temples really fed upon the flesh of the persons sacrificed: and that these stories at bottom allude to a shocking depravity; such, as one would hope, that human nature could not be brought to. Nothing can be more horrid, than the cruel process of the Cyclops, as it is represented by Homer. And though it be veiled under the shades of poetry, we may still learn the detestation, in which these places were held.

One would not be very forward to strengthen an imputation, which disgraces human nature: yet there must certainly have been something highly brutal and depraved in the character of this people, to have given rise to this description of foul and unnatural feeding. What must not be concealed, Euhemerus, an antient writer, who was a native of these parts, did aver, that this bestial practice once prevailed. Saturn's devouring his own children is supposed to allude to this custom. And we learn from this writer, as the passage has been transmitted by ^[640]Ennius, that not only Saturn, but Ops, and the rest of mankind in their days, used to feed upon human flesh.—^[641]Saturnum, et Opem, cæterosque tum homines humanam carnem solitos esitare. He speaks of Saturn, and Ops, as of persons, who once lived in the world, and were thus guilty. But the priests of their temples were the people to be really accused; the Cyclopians, Lamiæ, and Lestrygons, who officiated at their altars. He speaks of the custom, as well known: and it had undoubtedly been practised in those parts, where in aftertimes hie was born. For he was a native ^[642]of Zancle, and lived in the very country, of which we have been speaking, in the land of the Lestrygons, and Cyclopians. The promontory of Scylla was within his sight. He was therefore well qualified to give an account of these parts; and his evidence must necessarily have weight. Without doubt these cruel practices left lasting impressions; and the memorials were not effaced for ages.

It is said of Orpheus by Horace, Cædibus, et victu fœdo deterruit: by which one should be led to think, that the putting a stop to this unnatural gratification was owing to him. Others think, that he only discountenanced the eating of raw flesh, which before had been usual. But this could not be true of Orpheus: for it was a circumstance, which made one part of his institutes. If there were ever such a man, as Orpheus, he enjoined the very thing, which he is supposed to have prohibited. For both in the ^[643]orgies of Bacchus and in the rites of Ceres, as well as of other Deities, one part of the mysteries consisted in a ceremony styled ωμοφαγια; at which time they eat the flesh quite crude with the blood. In Crete at the ^[644]Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their teeth from the animal, when alive. This they did in commemoration of Dionusus. ^[645]Festos funeris dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trietericâ consecratione componunt, omnia per ordinem facientes, quæ puer moriens aut fecit, aut passus est. Vivum laniant dentibus Taurum, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibus excitantes. Apollonius Rhodius speaking of persons like to Bacchanalians, represents them ^[646]Θυασιν ωμοβοροις ικελαι, as savage as the Thyades, who delighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast observes, that the Mænadas, and Bacchæ, used to devour the raw limbs of animals, which they had cut or torn asunder. ^[647]Πολλακις τῃ μανιᾳ κατασχισθεντα, και ωμοσπαρακτα, εσθιουσιν. In the island of Chios it was a religious custom to tear a man limb from limb by way of sacrifice to Dionusus. The same obtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry, who gives the account. He was a staunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account is of consequence. He quotes for the rites of Tenedos Euelpis the Carystian. ^[648]Εθυοντο δε και εν Χιω τῳ Ωμαδιῳ Διονυσῳ ανθρωπον διεσπωντες· και εν Τενεδῳ, φησιν Ευελπις ὁ Καρυστιος. From all which we may learn one sad truth, that there is scarce any thing so impious and unnatural, as not at times to have prevailed.

We need not then wonder at the character given of the Lestiygones, Lamiæ, and Cyclopians, who were inhabitants of Sicily, and lived nearly in the same part of the island. They seem to have been the priests, and priestesses, of the Leontini, who resided at Pelorus, and in the Cyclopian towers: on which account the Lamiæ are by Lucilius termed ^[649]Turricolæ. They are supposed to have delighted in human blood, like the Cyclopians, but with this difference, that their chief repast was the flesh of young persons and children; of which they are represented as very greedy. They were priests of Ham, called El Ham; from whence was formed ’Lamus and ’Lamia. Their chief city, the same probably, which was named Tauromenium, is mentioned by Homer, as the city of Lamus.

And the inhabitants are represented as of the giant race.

Many give an account of the Lestrygons, and Lamiæ, upon the Liris in Italy; and also upon other parts of that coast: and some of them did settle there. But they were more particularly to be found in ^[652]Sicily near Leontium, as the Scholiast upon Lycophron observes. ^[653]Λαιστρυγονες, ὁι νυν Λεοντινοι. The antient Lestrygons were the people, whose posterity are now called Leontini. The same writer takes notice of their incivility to strangers: ^[654]Ουκ ησαν ειθισμενοι ξενους ὑποδεχεσθαι. That they were Amonians, and came originally from Babylonia, is pretty evident from the history of the Erythrean Sibyl; who was no other than a Lamian priestess. She is said to have been the daughter of Lamia, who was the daughter of Poseidon. ^[655]Σιβυλλαν—Λαμιας ουσαν θυγατερα του Ποσειδωνος. Under the character of one person is to be understood a priesthood: of which community each man was called Lamus, and each priestess Lamia. By the Sibyl being the daughter of Lamia, the daughter of Poseidon, is meant, that she was of Lamian original, and ultimately descended from the great Deity of the sea. Who is alluded to under that character, will hereafter be shewn. The countries, to which the Sibyl is referred, point out her extraction: for she is said to have come from Egypt, and Babylonia. ^[656]Ὁι δε αυτην Βαβυλωνιαν, ἑτεροι δε Σιβυλλαν καλουσιν Αιγυπτιαν. If the Sibyl came from Babylonia and Egypt, her supposed parent, Lamia, must have been of the same original.

The Lamiæ were not only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece, Pontus, and ^[657]Libya. And however widely they may have been separated, they are still represented in the same unfavourable light. Euripides says, that their very name was detestable.

Philostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural gluttony. ^[659]Λαμιας σαρκων, και μαλιστα ανθρωπειων ερᾳν. And Aristotle alludes to practices still more shocking: as if they tore open the bodies big with child, that they might get at the infant to devour it. I speak, says he, of people, who have brutal appetites. ^[660]Λεγω δε τας θηριωδεις, ὁιον την ανθρωπον, την λεγουσι τας κυουσας ανασχιζουσαν τα παιδια κατεσθεειν. These descriptions are perhaps carried to a great excess; yet the history was founded in truth: and shews plainly what fearful impressions were left upon the minds of men from the barbarity of the first ages.

One of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamia seated themselves, was about Formiæ; of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to Ælius Lamia.

The chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete. It is said to have had its name from a woman, who died here: and whom some make the nurse of Æneas, others of Ascanius, others still of ^[662]Creusa. The truth is this: it stood near a cavern, sacred to the God Ait, called Ate, Atis, and Attis; and it was hence called Caieta, and Caiatta. Strabo says, that it was denominated from a cave, though he did not know the precise ^[663]etymology. There were also in the rock some wonderful subterranes, which branched out into various apartments. Here the antient Lamii, the priests of Ham, ^[664]resided: whence Silius Italicus, when he speaks of the place, styles it ^[665]Regnata Lamo Caieta. They undoubtedly sacrificed children here; and probably the same custom was common among the Lamii, as prevailed among the Lacedæmonians, who used to whip their children round the altar of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are assured by Fulgentius, and others, that the usual term among the antient Latines for the whipping of children was Caiatio. ^[666]Apud Antiquos Caiatio dicebatur puerilis cædes.

The coast of Campania seems to have been equally infamous: and as much dreaded by mariners, as that of Rhegium, and Sicily. Here the Sirens inhabited, who are represented, as the bane of all, who navigated those seas. They like the Lamii were Cuthite, and Canaanitish priests, who had founded temples in these parts; and particularly near three small islands, to which they gave name. These temples were rendered more than ordinary famous on account of the women, who officiated. They were much addicted to the cruel rites, of which I have been speaking; so that the shores, upon which they resided, are described, as covered with the bones of men, destroyed by their artifice.

They used hymns in their temples, accompanied with the music of their country: which must have been very enchanting, as we may judge from the traditions handed down of its efficacy. I have mentioned, that the songs of the Canaanites and Cretans were particularly plaintive, and pleasing:

But nothing can shew more fully the power of antient harmony than the character given of the Sirens. Their cruelty the antients held in detestation; yet always speak feelingly of their music. They represent their songs as so fatally winning, that nobody could withstand their sweetness. All were soothed with it; though their life was the purchase of the gratification. The Scholiast upon Lycophron makes them the children of the muse ^[669]Terpsichore. Nicander supposes their mother to have been Melpomene: others make her Calliope. The whole of this is merely an allegory; and means only that they were the daughters of harmony. Their efficacy is mentioned by ^[670]Apollonius Rhodius: and by the Author of the Orphic ^[671]Argonautica: but the account given by Homer is by far the most affecting.

They are the words of Circe to Ulysses, giving him an account of the dangers which he was to encounter.

The story at bottom relates to the people above-mentioned; who with their music used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their temples, and then put them to death. Nor was it music only, with which persons were seduced to follow them. The female part of their choirs were maintained for a twofold purpose, both on account of their voices and their beauty. They were accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by these means enticed seafaring persons, who paid dearly for their entertainment. Scylla was a personage of this sort: and among the fragments of Callimachus we have a short, but a most perfect, description of her character.

Κατακασα is by some interpreted malefica: upon which the learned Hemsterhusius remarks very justly—κατακασα cur Latine vertatur malefica non video. Si Grammaticis obtemperes, meretricem interpretabere: erat enim revera Νησιωτις καλη ἑταιρα, ut Heraclitus περι απις: c. 2. Scylla then, under which character we are here to understand the chief priestess of the place, was no other than a handsome island strumpet. Her name it seems betokened as much, and she did not belie it: ου ψυθος ουνομ' εχουσα. We may from these data decipher the history of Scylla, as given by Tzetzes. Ην δε πρωτον Σκυλλα γυνη ευπρεπης· Ποσειδωνι δε συνουσα απεθηριωθη. Scylla was originally a handsome wench: but being too free with seafaring people she made herself a beast. She was, like the Sibyl of Campania, said by Stesichorus to have been the daughter of ^[675]Lamia. Hence we may learn, that all, who resided in the places, which I have been describing, were of the same religion, and of the same family; being the descendants of Ham, and chiefly by the collateral branches of Chus, and Canaan.

The like rites prevailed in Cyprus, which had in great measure been peopled by persons of these ^[676]families. One of their principal cities was Curium, which was denominated from ^[677]Curos, the Sun, the Deity, to whom it was sacred. In the perilous voyages of the antients nothing was more common than for strangers, whether shipwrecked, or otherwise distressed, to fly to the altar of the chief Deity, Θεου φιλιου, και ξενιου, the God of charity and hospitality, for his protection. This was fatal to those who were driven upon the western coast of Cyprus. The natives of Curium made it a rule to destroy all such, under an appearance of a religious rite. Whoever laid their hands upon the altar of Apollo, were cast down the precipice, upon which it stood. ^[678]Ευθυς εστιν ακρα, αφ' ἡς ῥιπτουσι τους ἁψαμενους του βωμου του Απολλωνος. Strabo speaks of the practice, as if it subsisted in his time. A like custom prevailed at the Tauric Chersonesus, as we are informed by Herodotus. ^[679]Θυουσι μεν τῃ Παρθενῳ τους τε ναυηγους, και τους αν λαβωσι Ἑλληνων επαναχθεντας, τροπῳ τοιῳδε. Καταρξαμενοι ῥοπαλῳ παιουσι την κεφαλην. Ὁι μεν δη λεγουσι, ὡς το σωμα απο του κρημνου διωθεουσι κατω· επι γαρ κρημνου ἱδρυται το Ἱρον. κτλ. The people of this place worship the virgin Goddess Artemis: at whose shrine they sacrifice all persons, who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked upon their coast: and all the Grecians, that they can lay hold of, when they are at any time thither driven. All these they without any ceremony brain with a club. Though others say, that they shove them off headlong from a high precipice: for their temple is founded upon a cliff.

The den of Cacus was properly Ca-Chus, the cavern or temple of Chus, out of which the poets, and later historians have formed a strange personage, whom they represent as a shepherd, and the son of Vulcan. Many antient Divinities, whose rites and history had any relation to Ur in Chaldea, are said to have been the children of Vulcan; and oftentimes to have been born in fire. There certainly stood a temple of old upon the Aventine mountain in Latium, which was the terror of the neighbourhood. The cruelties of the priests, and their continual depredations, may be inferred from the history of Cacus. Virgil makes Evander describe the place to Æneas; though it is supposed in his time to have been in ruins.

Livy mentions Cacus as a shepherd, and a person of great strength, and violence. ^[681]Pastor, accola ejus loci, Cacus, ferox viribus. He is mentioned also by Plutarch, who styles him Caccus, Κακκος. ^[682]Τον μεν γαρ Ἡφαιστου παιδα Ρωμαιοι Κακκον ἱστορουσι πυρ και φλογας αφιεναι δια του στοματος εξω ῥεουσας. As there were both priests, and priestesses, in temples of this sort, persons styled both Lami, and Lamiæ; so we read both of a Cacus, and a Caca. The latter was supposed to have been a Goddess, who was made a Deity for having betrayed her brother to Hercules. ^[683]Colitur et Caca, quæ Herculi fecit indicium boum; divinitatem consecuta, quia perdidit fratrem. In short, under the characters of Caca, and Cacus, we have a history of Cacusian priests, who seem to have been a set of people devoted to rapine and murder.

What we express Cocytus, and suppose to have been merely a river, was originally a temple in Egypt called Co-Cutus: for rivers were generally denominated from some town, or temple, near which they ran. Co-Cutus means the Cuthite temple, the house of Cuth. It was certainly a place of inquisition, where great cruelties were exercised. Hence the river, which was denominated from it, was esteemed a river of hell; and was supposed to have continual cries, and lamentations resounding upon its waters.

Milton supposes the river to have been named from the Greek word κωκυτος: but the reverse is the truth. From the baleful river and temple Co-cutus came the Greek terms κωκυτος, and κωκυω. Acheron, another infernal river, was properly a temple of Achor, the θεος απομυιος of Egypt, Palestine, and Cyrene. It was a temple of the Sun, called Achor-On: and it gave name to the river, on whose banks it stood. Hence like Cocutus it was looked upon as a melancholy stream, and by the Poet Theocritus styled ^[685]Αχεροντα πολυστονον, the river of lamentations. Aristophanes speaks of an eminence of this name, and calls it ^[686]Αχεροντιος σκοπελος ἁιματοσταγης, the rock of Acheron, dropping blood.

OF

MEED or ΜΗΤΙΣ,

AND THE

Goddess HIPPA.

One of the most antient Deities of the Amonians was named Meed, or Meet; by which was signified divine wisdom. It was rendered by the Grecians Μητις in the masculine: but seems to have been a feminine Deity; and represented under the symbol of a beautiful female countenance surrounded with serpents. The author of the Orphic Poetry makes Metis the origin of all ^[687]things: which Proclus expresses ^[688]την δημιουργικην αιτιαν: and supposes this personage to be the same as Phanes, and Dionusus, from whom all things proceeded. By Timotheus Chronographus, in his account of the creation, this divinity was described as that vivifying light, which first broke forth upon the infant world, and produced life and motion. His notion is said to have been borrowed from Orpheus: Εφρασε δε (ὁ ^[689] Ορφευς) ὁτι το φως ῥηξαν τον αιθερα εφωτισε πασαν την κτισιν· ειπων, εκεινο ειναι το φως το ῥηξαν τον αιθερα το προειρημενον, το ὑπερτατον παντων, ὁυ ονομα ὁ αυτος Ορφευς ακουσας εκ Μαντειας εξειπε ΜΗΤΙΣ, ὁπερ ἑρμηνευεται ΒΟΥΛΗ, ΦΩΣ, ΖΩΟΔΟΤΗΡ. Ειπεν εν τῃ αυτου εκθεσει ταυτας τας τρεις θειας των ονοματων δυναμεις μιαν ειναι δυναμιν, και ἑν κρατος τουτων Θεον, ὁν ουδεις ὁρᾳ. The account is remarkable. Hippa was another Goddess, of the like antiquity, and equally obsolete. Some traces however are to be still found in the Orphic verses above-mentioned, by which we may discover her original character and department. She is there represented as the nurse of ^[690]Dionusus, and seems to have been the same as Cybele, who was worshipped in the mountains of ^[691]Phrygia, and by the Lydians upon Tmolus. She is said to have been the soul of the ^[692]world: and the person who received and fostered Dionusus, when he came from the thigh of his father. This history relates to his second birth, when he returned to a second state of childhood. Dionusus was the chief God of the Gentile world, and worshipped under various titles; which at length came to be looked upon as different Deities. Most of these secondary Divinities had the title of Hippius, and Hippia: and as they had female attendants in their temples, these too had the name of Hippai. What may have been the original of the term Hippa, and Hippus, will be matter of future disquisition. Thus much is certain, that the Greeks, who were but little acquainted with the purport of their antient theology, uniformly referred it to ^[693]horses. Hence it was often prefixed to the names of Gods, and of Goddesses, when it had no relation to their department; and seemed inconsistent with their character. We have not only an account of Αρης Ἱππιος, Mars the horseman; but of Poseidon Hippius, though a God of the sea. He is accordingly complimented upon this title by the Poet Aristophanes.

Ceres had the title of Hippia: and the Goddess of wisdom, Minerva, had the same. We read also of Juno Hippia, who at Olympia partook of joint rites and worship, with those equestrian Deities Neptune, and Mars. Pausanias mentions ^[695]Ποσειδωνος Ἱππιου, μαι Ἡρας Ἱππιου βωμοι: and hard-by τῃ μεν Αρεως Ἱππιου, τῃ δε Αθηνας Ἱππιου βωμος. In Arcadia, and Elis, the most antient rites were preserved: and the Grecians might have known, that the terms Hippa and Hippia were of foreign purport from the other titles given to Juno at Olympia. For they sacrificed here to ^[696]Amonian Juno, and to Juno Paramonian; which were also titles of Hermes. Hippa was a sacred Egyptian term, and as such was conferred upon Arsinoë, the wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus: for the princes of Egypt always assumed to themselves sacred appellations. ^[697]Ἱππια Αρσινοη, ἡ του Φιλαδελφου γυνη. As the Grecians did not inquire into the hidden purport of antient names, they have continually misrepresented the histories of which they treated. As Ceres was styled Hippa, they have imagined her to have been turned into a ^[698]mare: and Hippius Poseidon was in like manner changed to a horse, and supposed in that shape to have had an intimate acquaintance with the Goddess. Of this Ovid takes notice.

The like is mentioned of the nymph ^[700]Ocuroë: also of Philyra, who was so changed by Saturn. He is said to have taken upon himself the same shape, and to have followed her neighing over the mountains of Thessaly.

All these legendary stories arose from this antient term being obsolete, and misapplied. Homer makes mention of the mares of Apollo, which the God was supposed to have bred in Pieria:

And he has accordingly put them in harness, and given them to the hero Eumelus. Callimachus takes notice of the same mares in his hymn to the Shepherd God Apollo.

These Hippai, misconstrued mares, were priestesses of the Goddess Hippa, who was of old worshipped in Thessaly, and Thrace, and in many different regions. They chanted hymns in her temples, and performed the rites of fire: but the worship growing obsolete, the very terms were at last mistaken. How far this worship once prevailed may be known from the many places denominated from Hippa. It was a title of Apollo, or the Sun, and often compounded Hippa On, and contracted Hippon: of which name places occur in Africa near Carthage^[704]. Ἡτε δη Κιρτα πολις ενταυθα και ὁι δυο Ἱππωνες. Argos was of old called Hippeion; not from the animal Ἱππος, but ^[705]απο Ἱππης του Δαναου, from Hippa the daughter of Danaus. That is from a priestess, who founded there a temple, and introduced the rites of the Goddess whom she served. As it was a title of the Sun, it was sometimes expressed in the masculine gender Hippos: and Pausanias takes notice of a most curious, and remarkable piece of antiquity, though he almost ruins the purport of it by referring it to an horse. It stood near mount Taygetus in Laconia, and was called the monument of Hippos. The author tells us, ^[706]that at particular intervals from this monument stood seven pillars, κατα τροπον οιμαι αρχαιον, placed, says he, as I imagine, according to some antient rule and method; which pillars were supposed to represent the seven planets. If then these exterior stones related to the ^[707]seven erratic bodies in our sphere, the central monument of Hippos must necessarily have been designed for the Sun. And however rude the whole may possibly have appeared, it is the most antient representation upon record, and consequently the most curious, of the planetary system.

It is from hence, I think, manifest, that the titles Hippa, and Hippos, related to the luminary Osiris; and betokened some particular department of that Deity, who was the same as Dionusus. He was undoubtedly worshipped under this appellation in various regions: hence we read of Hippici Montes in Colchis: Ἱππου κωμη in Lycia: Ἱππου ακρα in Libya: Ἱππου ορος in Egypt: and a town Hippos in Arabia Felix. There occur also in composition^[708], Hippon, Hipporum, Hippouris, Hippana, Hipponesus, Hippocrene. This last was a sacred fountain, denominated from the God of light, who was the patron of verse, and science: but by the Greeks it was referred to an animal, and supposed to have been produced by the hoof of an horse. The rites of Dionusus Hippius were carried into Thrace, where the horses of Diomedes were said to have been fed with human flesh. Deianira is introduced by Ovid, as asking Hercules, if he did not well remember this practice.

Abderus, the founder of Abdera, is supposed to have been a victim to these animals: of which Scymnus Chius gives the following account.

These horses, ξενοκτονοι, which fed upon the flesh of strangers, were the priests of Hippa, and of Dionusus, styled Hippus, or more properly Hippius. They seem to have resided in an island, and probably in the Thracian Chersonese: which they denominated ^[711]Diu-Medes, or the island of the Egyptian Deity Medes. From hence the Grecian Poets have formed a personage Diomedes, whom they have made king of the country. There were opposite to Apulia islands of the same name, where similar rites prevailed. The priests were here Cycneans, and described as a species of swans, who were kind to people of their own race, but cruel to ^[712]strangers. A Diomedes is supposed to have been a king in these parts, and to have given name to these islands. It is said by Scymnus Chios above, that Abderus, who was devoured by the horses of Diomedes in Thrace, built the city, which bore his name. The Grecians continually supposed the personage, in whose honour a city was built, to have been the founder. I have mentioned, that Abderus signifies the place of Abdir, which is a contraction of Abadir, the serpent Deity Ad-Ur, or Adorus. And it is plain from many passages in antient writers, that human sacrifices were common at his shrine; and particularly those of infants. By Abdera being a victim to the horses of Diomedes is meant that the natives of that place, which stood in the vicinity of the Chersonesus, were obliged to submit to the cruel rites of the Diomedean ^[713]priests. The very name must have come from them; for they worshipped the Deity under the titles of Meed, Hippa, and Abadir; and various other appellations.

There is an account given by ^[714]Palæphatus of one Metra, who in the more authentic manuscripts is called Μηστρα, Meestra. It is said of her, that she could change herself into various forms, particularly εκ κορης γενεσθαι βουν, και αυθις κυνα, και ορνεον, that she would instead of a young woman appear an ox, or a cow; or else be in the shape of a dog, or of a bird. She is represented as the daughter of Eresicthon: and these uncommon properties are mentioned by Ovid^[715], who sets them off with much embellishment. The story at bottom is very plain. Egypt, the land of the Mizraim, was by the Greeks often styled ^[716]Mestra and ^[717]Mestraia: and by the person here called Mestra we are certainly to understand a woman of that country. She was sometimes mentioned simply as a Cahen, or priestess, which the Grecians have rendered κυνα, a dog. Women in this sacred capacity attended at the shrine of Apis, and Mneuis; and of the sacred heifer at Onuphis. Some of them in different countries were styled Cygneans, and also Peleiadæ, of whom the principal were the women at ^[718]Dodona. Many of them were priestesses of Hippa, and upon that account styled Hippai, as I have shewn. Hence the mythologists under the character of Meestra have represented an Egyptian priestess, who could assume many departments, which were misconstrued different shapes. She could become, if we may credit Ovid,

or according to Palæphatus, βουν, κυνα, και ορνεον: a cow, a dog, and a bird. The whole of this related to the particular service of the priestess; and to the emblem under which the Deity was worshipped.

RITES

OF

DAMATER, or CERES.

I shall now proceed to the rites of Ceres: and the general character of this Goddess is so innocent, and rural, that one would imagine nothing cruel could proceed from her shrine. But there was a time, when some of her temples were as much dreaded, as those of Scylla, and the Cyclops. They were courts of justice; whence she is often spoken of as a lawgiver.

She is joined by Cicero with Libera, and they are styled the Deities, ^[720]a quibus initia vitæ, atque victus, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis, exempla hominibus, et civitatibus data, ac dispertita esse dicantur. The Deity, to whom she was a substitute, was El, the Sun. He was primarily worshipped in these temples: and I have shewn, that they were from Achor denominated Acherontian; also temples of Ops, and Oupis, the great serpent God. Hence it is said by Hesychius, that Acheron, and Ops, and Helle, and ^[721]Gerys, and Terra, and Demeter, were the same. Ἡ ^[722]Αχερω, και Ωπις, και Ἑλλη, και Γηρυς, και Γη, και Δημητηρ, ^[723]το αυτο. Ceres was the Deity of fire: hence at Cnidus she was called Κυρα, ^[724]Cura, a title of the Sun. Her Roman name Ceres, expressed by Hesychius Gerys, was by the Dorians more properly rendered ^[725]Garys. It was originally a name of a city, call