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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 16

Author: Robert Kerr

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A

GENERAL

HISTORY AND COLLECTION

OF

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO
THE PRESENT TIME.

       *       *       *       *       *

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

       *       *       *       *       *

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. XVI.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON.

MDCCCXXIV.


CONTENTS OF VOL. XVI.


CHAP. III. Transactions at Otaheite, and the Society Islands; and
prosecution of the Voyage to the Coast of North America, 1

    SECT.

    I. An Eclipse of the Moon observed. The Island Toobouai
    discovered. Its Situation, Extent, and Appearance. Intercourse
    with its Inhabitants. Their Persons, Dresses, and Canoes
    described. Arrival at Oheitepeha Bay, at Otaheite. Omai's
    Reception and imprudent Conduct. Account of Spanish Ships
    twice visiting the Island. Interview with the Chief of this
    District. The Olla, or God, of Bolabola. A mad Prophet.
    Arrival in Matavai Bay, 1

    II. Interview with Otoo, King of the Island, Imprudent Conduct
    of Omai. Employments on Shore. European Animals landed.
    Particulars about a Native who had visited Lima. About
    Oedidee. A Revolt in Eimeo. War with that Island determined
    upon, in a Council of Chiefs. A human Sacrifice on that
    Account. A particular Relation of the Ceremonies at the
    great Morai, where the Sacrifice was offered. Other barbarous
    Customs of this People, 16

    III. Conference with Towha. Heevas described. Omai and Oedidee
    give Dinners. Fireworks exhibited. A remarkable Present of
    Cloth. Manner of preserving the Body of a dead Chief. Another
    human Sacrifice. Riding on Horseback. Otoo's Attention to
    supply Provisions, and prevent Thefts. Animals given to him.
    Etary, and the Deputies of a Chief, have Audiences. A mock
    Fight of two War Canoes. Naval Strength of these Islands.
    Manner of conducting a War, 35

    IV. The Day of Sailing fixed. Peace made with Eimeo. Debates
    about it, and Otoo's Conduct blamed. A Solemnity at the Morai
    on the Occasion, described by Mr King. Observations upon it.
    Instance of Otoo's Art. Omai's War-Canoe, and Remarks upon his
    Behaviour. Otoo's Present, and Message to the King of Great
    Britain. Reflections on our Manner of Traffic, and on the good
    Treatment we met with at Otaheite. Account of the Expedition
    of the Spaniards. Their Fictions to depreciate the English.
    Wishes expressed that no Settlement may be made. Omai's
    Jealousy of another Traveller, 48

    V. Arrival at Eimeo. Two Harbours there, and an Account of
    them. Visit from Maheine, Chief of the Island. His Person
    described. A Goat stolen, and sent back with the Thief.
    Another Goat stolen, and secreted. Measures taken on the
    Occasion. Expedition cross the Island. Houses and Canoes
    burnt. The Goat delivered up, and Peace restored. Some Account
    of the Island, &c. 62

    VI. Arrival at Huaheine. Council of the Chiefs. Omai's
    Offerings, and Speech to the Chiefs. His Establishment in this
    Island agreed to. A House built, and Garden planted for him.
    Singularity of his Situation. Measures taken to insure his
    Safety. Damage done by Cock-roaches on board the Ships. A
    Thief detected and punished. Fireworks exhibited. Animals left
    with Omai. His Family. Weapons. Inscription on his House. His
    Behaviour on the Ships leaving the Island. Summary View of his
    Conduct and Character. Account of the two New Zealand Youths,
    71

    VII. Arrival at Ulietea. Astronomical Observations. A
    Marine deserts, and is delivered up. Intelligence from
    Omai. Instructions to Captain Clerke. Another Desertion of
    a Midshipman and a Seaman. Three of the chief Persons of the
    Island confined on that Account. A Design to seize Captains
    Cook and Clerke discovered. The two Deserters brought back,
    and the Prisoners released. The Ships sail. Refreshments
    received at Ulietea. Present and former State of that Island.
    Account of its dethroned King, and of the late Regent of
    Huaheine, 87

    VIII. Arrival at Bolabola. Interview with Opoony. Reasons for
    purchasing Monsieur de Bougainville's Anchor. Departure from
    the Society Islands. Particulars about Bolabola. History of
    the Conquest of Otaha and Ulietea. High Reputation of the
    Bolabola Men. Animals left there and at Ulietea. Plentiful
    Supply of Provisions, and Manner of salting Pork on Board.
    Various Reflections relative to Otaheite and the Society
    Islands. Astronomical and Nautical Observations made there, 99

    IX. Accounts of Otaheite still imperfect. The prevailing
    Winds. Beauty of the Country. Cultivation. Natural
    Curiosities. The Persons of the Natives. Diseases. General
    Character. Love of Pleasure. Language. Surgery and Physic.
    Articles of Food. Effects of drinking Ava. Times and Manner of
    Eating. Connexions with the Females. Circumcision. System of
    Religion. Notions about the Soul and a future Life. Various
    Superstitions. Traditions about the Creation. An historical
    Legend. Honours paid to the King. Distinction of Ranks.
    Punishment of Crimes. Peculiarities of the neighbouring
    Islands. Names of their Gods. Names of Islands they visit.
    Extent of their Navigation, 10

    X. Progress of the Voyage, after leaving the Society Islands.
    Christmas Island discovered, and Station of the Ships there.
    Boats sent ashore. Great Success in catching Turtle. An
    Eclipse of the Sun observed. Distress of two Seamen who had
    lost their Way. Inscription left in a Bottle. Account of the
    Island. Its Soil. Trees and Plants. Birds. Its Size. Form.
    Situation. Anchoring Ground, 139

    XI. Some Islands discovered. Account of the Natives of Atooi,
    who came off to the Ships, and their Behaviour on going
    on Board. One of them killed. Precautions used to prevent
    Intercourse with the Females. A Watering-place found.
    Reception upon landing. Excursion into the Country. A Morai
    visited and described. Graves of the Chiefs, and of the human
    Sacrifices, there buried. Another Island, called Oneeheow,
    visited. Ceremonies performed by the Natives, who go off to
    the Ships. Reasons for believing that they are Cannibals.
    A Party sent ashore, who remain two Nights. Account of what
    passed on landing. The Ships leave the Islands, and proceed to
    the North, 148

    XII. The Situation of the Islands now discovered. Their
    Names. Called the Sandwich Islands. Atooi described. The Soil.
    Climate. Vegetable Productions. Birds. Fish. Domestic
    Animals. Persons of the Inhabitants. Their Disposition.
    Dress. Ornaments. Habitations. Food. Cookery. Amusements.
    Manufactures. Working-tools. Knowledge of Iron accounted for.
    Canoes. Agriculture. Account of one of their Chiefs. Weapons.
    Customs agreeing with those of Tongataboo and Otaheite.
    Their Language the same. Extent of this Nation throughout
    the Pacific Ocean. Reflections on the useful Situation of the
    Sandwich Islands, 172

    XIII. Observations made at the Sandwich Islands, on the
    Longitude, Variation of the Compass and Tides. Prosecution of
    the Voyage. Remarks on the Mildness of the Weather, as far as
    the Latitude 44 deg. North. Paucity of Sea Birds, in the Northern
    Hemisphere. Small Sea Animals described. Arrival on the Coast
    of America. Appearance of the Country. Unfavourable Winds and
    boisterous Weather. Remarks on Martin de Aguilar's River, and
    Juan de Fuca's pretended Strait. An Inlet discovered, where
    the Ship's anchor. Behaviour of the Natives, 195

CHAP. IV. Transactions, amongst the Natives of North America;
Discoveries along that Coast and the Eastern Extremity of Asia,
Northward to Icy Cape; and return Southward to the Sandwich Islands,
207

    SECT.

    I. The Ships enter the Sound, and moor in a Harbour.
    Intercourse with the Natives. Articles brought to barter.
    Thefts committed. The Observatories erected, and Carpenters
    set to work. Jealousy of the Inhabitants of the Sound to
    prevent other Tribes having Intercourse with the Ships. Stormy
    and rainy Weather. Progress round the Sound. Behaviour of the
    Natives at their Villages. Their Manner of drying Fish, &c.
    Remarkable Visit from Strangers, and introductory Ceremonies.
    A second Visit to one of the Villages. Leave to cut Grass,
    purchased. The Ships sail. Presents given and received at
    parting, 207

    II. The Name of the Sound, and Directions for Sailing into
    it. Account of the adjacent Country. Weather. Climate. Trees.
    Other Vegetable Productions. Quadrupeds, whose Skins were
    brought for Sale. Sea Animals. Description of a Sea-Otter.
    Birds. Water Fowl. Fish. Shell-fish, &c. Reptiles. Insects.
    Stones, &c. Persons of the Inhabitants. Their Colour. Common
    Dress and Ornaments. Occasional Dresses, and monstrous
    Decorations of wooden Masks. Their general Dispositions.
    Songs. Musical Instruments. Their Eagerness to possess Iron
    and other Metals, 221

    III. Manner of Building the Houses in Nootka Sound. Inside
    of them described. Furniture and Utensils. Wooden Images.
    Employments of the Men. Of the Women. Food, Animal and
    Vegetable. Manner of preparing it. Weapons. Manufactures and
    Mechanic Arts. Carving and Painting. Canoes. Implements for
    Fishing and Hunting. Iron Tools. Manner of procuring that
    Metal. Remarks on their Language, and a Specimen of it.
    Astronomical and Nautical Observations made in Nootka Sound,
    239

    IV. A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound. Resolution
    springs a Leak. Pretended Strait of Admiral de Fonte passed
    unexamined. Progress along the Coast of America. Behring's
    Bay. Kaye's Island. Account of it. The Ships come to an
    Anchor. Visited by the Natives. Their Behaviour. Fondness for
    Beads and Iron. Attempt to plunder the Discovery. Resolution's
    Leak stopped; Progress up the Sound. Messrs Gore and Roberts
    sent to examine its Extent. Reasons against a Passage to the
    North through it. The Ships proceed down it to the open Sea
    260

    V. The Inlet called Prince William's Sound. Its Extent.
    Persons of the Inhabitants described. Their Dress. Incision of
    the Under-lip. Various other Ornaments. Their Boats. Weapons.
    Fishing and hunting Instruments. Utensils. Tools. Uses Iron
    is applied to. Food. Language, and a Specimen of it. Animals.
    Birds. Fish. Iron and Beads, whence received, 279

    VI. Progress along the Coast. Cape Elizabeth. Cape St
    Hermogenes. Accounts of Beering's Voyage very defective. Point
    Banks. Cape Douglas. Cape Bede. Mount St Augustin. Hopes
    of finding a Passage up an Inlet. The Ships proceed up it.
    Indubitable Marks of its being a River. Named Cook's River.
    The Ships return down it. Various Visits from the Natives.
    Lieutenant King lands, and takes Possession of the Country.
    His Report. The Resolution runs aground on a Shoal.
    Reflections on the Discovery of Cook's River. The considerable
    Tides in it accounted for, 291

    VII. Discoveries after leaving Cook's River. Island of St
    Hermogenes. Cape Whitsunday. Cape Greville. Cape Barnabas.
    Two-headed Point. Trinity Island. Beering's Foggy Island. A
    beautiful Bird described. Kodiak and the Schumagin Islands. A
    Russian Letter brought on Board by a Native. Conjectures
    about it. Rock Point. Halibut Island. A Volcano Mountain.
    Providential Escape. Arrival of the Ships at Oonalaschka.
    Intercourse with the Natives there. Another Russian Letter.
    Samganoodha Harbour described, 306

    VIII. Progress Northward, after leaving Oonalashka. The
    Islands Oonella and Acootan. Ooneemak. Shallowness of the
    Water along the Coast. Bristol Bay. Round Island. Calm Point.
    Cape Newenham. Lieutenant Williamson lands, and his Report.
    Bristol Bay, and its Extent. The Ships obliged to return on
    account of Shoals. Natives come off to the Ships. Death of
    Mr Anderson; his Character; and Island named after him. Point
    Rodney. Sledge Island, and Remarks on landing there. King's
    Island. Cape Prince of Wales, the Western Extreme of America.
    Course Westward. Anchor in a Bay on the Coast of Asia, 323

    IX. Behaviour of the Natives, the Tschutski, on seeing the
    Ships. Interview with some of them. Their Weapons. Persons.
    Ornaments Clothing. Winter and Summer Habitations. The Ships
    cross the Strait, to the Coast of America. Progress Northward.
    Cape Mulgrave. Appearance of Fields of Ice. Situation of Icy
    Cape, the Sea blocked up with Ice. Sea-horses killed, and used
    as Provisions. These Animals described. Dimensions of one of
    them. Cape Lisburne. Fruitless Attempt to get through the Ice
    at a Distance from the Coast. Observations on the Formation
    of this Ice. Arrival on the Coast of Asia. Cape North. The
    Prosecution of the Voyage deferred to the ensuing Year, 338

    X. Return from Cape North, along the Coast of Asia. Views of
    the Country. Burney's Island. Cape Serdze Kamen, the Northern
    Limit of Beering's Voyage. Pass the East Cape of Asia.
    Description and Situation of it. Observations on Muller.
    The Tschutski. Bay of Saint Laurence. Two other Bays, and
    Habitations of the Natives. Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi.
    Beering's Position of this Coast accurate. Island of Saint
    Laurence. Pass to the American Coast. Cape Derby. Bald Head.
    Cape Denbigh, on a Peninsula. Besborough Island. Wood and
    Water procured. Visits from the Natives. Their Persons and
    Habitations. Produce of the Country. Marks that the Peninsula
    had formerly been surrounded by the Sea. Lieutenant King's
    Report. Norton Sound. Lunar Observations there. Staehlin's Map
    proved to be erroneous. Plan of future Operations, 353

    XI. Discoveries after leaving Norton Sound. Stuart's Island.
    Cape Stephens. Point Shallow-Water. Shoals on the American
    Coast. Clerke's Island. Gore's Island. Pinnacle Island.
    Arrival at Oonalashka. Intercourse with the Natives
    and Russian Traders. Charts of the Russian Discoveries,
    communicated by Mr Ismyloff. Their Errors pointed out.
    Situation of the Islands visited by the Russians. Account of
    their Settlement at Oonalashka. Of the Natives of the Island.
    Their Persons. Dress. Ornaments. Food. Houses and domestic
    Utensils. Manufactures. Manner of producing Fire. Canoes.
    Fishing and Hunting Implements. Fishes, and Sea Animals. Sea
    and Water Fowls, and Land Birds. Land Animals and Vegetables.
    Manner of burying the Dead. Resemblance of the Natives on
    this Side of America to the Greenlanders and Esquimaux. Tides.
    Observations for determining the Longitude of Oonalashka. 369

    XII. Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views. The Island
    Amoghta. Situation of a remarkable Rock. Strait between
    Oonalashka and Oonella repassed. Progress to the South.
    Melancholy Accident on board the Discovery. Mowee, one of the
    Sandwich Islands, discovered. Intercourse with the Natives.
    Visit from Terreeoboo. Another Island, called Owhyhee,
    discovered. The Ships ply to Windward to get round it.
    An Eclipse of the Moon observed. The Crew refuse to drink
    Sugar-cane Beer. Cordage deficient in Strength. Commendation
    of the Natives of Owhyhee. The Resolution gets to Windward of
    the Island. Her Progress down the South-East Coast. Views of
    the Country, and Visits from the Natives. The Discovery joins.
    Slow Progress Westward. Karakakooa Bay examined by Mr Bligh.
    Vast Concourse of the Natives. The Ships anchor in the Bay,
    402

CHAP. V. Captain King's Journal of the Transactions on Returning to
the Sandwich Islands, 421

    SECT.

    I. Description of Karakakooa Bay. Vast Concourse of the
    Natives. Power of the Chiefs over the Inferior People.
    Visit from Koah, a Priest and Warrior. The Morai at Kakooa
    described. Ceremonies at the Landing of Captain Cook.
    Observatories erected. Powerful Operation of the Taboo. Method
    of Salting Pork in Tropical Climates. Society of Priests
    discovered. Their Hospitality and Munificence. Reception of
    Captain Cook. Artifice of Koah. Arrival of Terreeoboo, King of
    the Island. Returned by Captain Cook, 421

    II. Farther Account of Transactions with the Natives. Their
    Hospitality. Propensity to Theft. Description of a Boxing
    Match. Death of one of our Seamen. Behaviour of the Priests at
    his Funeral. The Wood Work and Images on the Morai purchased.
    The Natives inquisitive about our Departure. Their Opinion
    about the Design of our Voyage. Magnificent Presents of
    Terreeoboo to Captain Cook. The Ships leave the Island. The
    Resolution damaged in a Gale, and obliged to return, 434

    III. Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our Return
    to Karakakooa Bay. Theft on Board the Discovery, and its
    Consequences. The Pinnace attacked, and the Crew obliged to
    quit her. Captain Cook's Observations on the Occasion. Attempt
    at the Observatory. The Cutter of the Discovery stolen.
    Measures taken by Captain Cook for its Recovery. Goes on Shore
    to invite the King on Board. The King being stopped by his
    Wife and the Chiefs, a Contest arises. News arrives of one of
    the Chiefs being killed by one of our People. Ferment on this
    Occasion. One of the Chiefs threatens Captain Cook, and is
    shot by him. General Attack by the Natives. Death of Captain
    Cook. Account of the Captain's Services, and a Sketch of his
    Character, 446

    IV. Transactions at Owhyhee subsequent to the Death of
    Captain Cook. Gallant Behaviour of the Lieutenant of Marines.
    Dangerous Situation of the Party at the Morai. Bravery of
    one of the Natives. Consultation respecting future Measures.
    Demand of the Body of Captain Cook. Evasive and insidious
    Conduct of Koah and the Chiefs. Insolent Behaviour of the
    Natives. Promotion of Officers. Arrival of two Priests with
    Part of the Body. Extraordinary Behaviour of two Boys. Burning
    of the Village of Kakooa. Unfortunate Destruction of the
    Dwellings of the Priests. Recovery of the Bones of Captain
    Cook. Departure from Karakakooa Bay, 460

    V. Departure from Karakakooa in Search of a Harbour on the
    South-East Side of Mowee. Driven to Leeward by the Easterly
    Winds and Current. Pass the Island of Tahoorowha. Description
    of the South-West Side of Mowee. Run along the Coasts of Ranai
    and Morotoi to Woahoo. Description of the North-East Coast
    of Woahoo. Unsuccessful Attempt to Water. Passage to Atooi.
    Anchor in Wymoa Bay. Dangerous Situation of the Watering Party
    on Shore. Civil Dissensions in the Islands. Visit from the
    contending Chiefs. Anchor off Oneeheow. Final Departure from
    the Sandwich Islands, 492





A

GENERAL HISTORY,

AND

COLLECTION

OF

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART III. BOOK III. (CONTINUED.)

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER III.

TRANSACTIONS AT OTAHEITE, AND THE SOCIETY ISLANDS; AND PROSECUTION OF
THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH AMERICA.


SECTION I.

_An Eclipse of the Moon observed.--The Island Toobouai
discovered.--Its Situation, Extent, and Appearance.--Intercourse
with its Inhabitants.--Their Persons, Dresses, and Canoes
described.--Arrival at Oheitepeha Bay, at Otaheite.--Omai's Reception
and imprudent Conduct.--Account of Spanish Ships twice visiting the
Island.--Interview with the Chief of this District.--The Olla, or God,
of Bolabola.--A mad Prophet.--Arrival in Matavai Bay._

Having, as before related,[1] taken our final leave of the Friendly
Islands, I now resume my narrative of the voyage. In the evening of
the 17th of July, at eight o'clock, the body of Eaoo bore N.E. by
N., distant three or four leagues. The wind was now at E., and blew
a fresh gale. With it I stood to the S., till half an hour past
six o'clock the next morning, when a sudden squall, from the same
direction, took our ship aback; and, before the sails could be trimmed
on the other tack, the main-sail and the top-gallant sails were much
torn.

[Footnote 1: See the conclusion of Sect. IX. Chap. II.]

The wind kept between the S.W. and S.E., on the 19th and 20th,
afterward, it veered to the E., N.E., and N. The night between the
20th and 21st, an eclipse of the moon was observed as follows, being
then in the latitude of 22 deg. 57-1/2' S.:

                       Apparent time, A.M.
                            H.M.S.

  Beginning, by Mr King, at   0  32  50 |
                Mr Bligh, at  0  33  25  >  Mean long. 186 deg. 57-1/2'.
                Myself, at    0  33  35 |

  End, by Mr King at          1  44  56 |    Mean long. 186 deg. 28-1/2'.
          Mr Bligh at         1  44   6  >   Time keep. 186 deg. 58-1/2'.
          Myself, at          1  44  56 |

The latitude and longitude are those of the ship, at 8^h 56^m a.m.,
being the time when the sun's altitude was taken for finding the
apparent time. At the beginning of the eclipse, the moon was in
the zenith, so that it was found most convenient to make use of the
sextants, and to make the observations by the reflected image, which
was brought down to a convenient altitude. The same was done at the
end, except by Mr King, who observed with a night telescope. Although
the greatest difference between our several observations is no
more than fifty seconds, it, nevertheless, appeared to me that
two observers might differ more than double that time, in both the
beginning and end. And, though the times are noted to seconds, no such
accuracy was pretended to. The odd seconds set down above, arose by
reducing the time, as given by the watch, to apparent time.

I continued to stretch to the E.S.E., with the wind at N.E. and N.,
without meeting with any thing worthy of note, till seven o'clock in
the evening of the 29th, when we had a sudden and very heavy squall
of wind from the N. At this time we were under single reefed topsails,
courses, and stay-sails. Two of the latter were blown to pieces,
and it was with difficulty that we saved the other sails. After
this squall, we observed several lights moving about on board the
Discovery, by which we concluded, that something had given way; and,
the next morning, we saw that her main-top-mast had been lost. Both
wind and weather continued very unsettled till noon, this day, when
the latter cleared up, and the former settled in the N.W. quarter. At
this time, we were in the latitude of 28 deg. 6' S., and our longitude was
198 deg. 23' E. Here we saw some pintado birds, being the first since we
left the land.

On the 31st, at noon, Captain Clerke made a signal to speak with me.
By the return of the boat which I sent on board his ship, he informed
me, that the head of the main-mast had been just discovered to be
sprung, in such a manner as to render the rigging of another top-mast
very dangerous; and that, therefore, he must rig something lighter
in its place. He also informed me, that he had lost his
main-top-gallant-yard, and that he neither had another, nor a spar to
make one, on board. The Resolution's sprit-sail top-sail yard which I
sent him, supplied this want. The next day, he got up a jury top-mast,
on which he set a mizen-top-sail, and this enabled him to keep way
with the Resolution.

The wind was fixed in the western board, that is, from the N., round
by the W. to S., and I steered E.N.E. and N.E., without meeting with
anything remarkable, till eleven o'clock in the morning of the 8th
of August, when land was seen, bearing N.N.E., nine or ten leagues
distant. At first, it appeared in detached hills, like so many
separate islands; but, as we drew nearer, we found that they were all
connected, and belonged to one and the same island. I steered directly
for it, with a fine gale at S.E. by S.; and at half-past six o'clock
in the afternoon, it extended from N. by E., to N.N.E. 3/4 E., distant
three or four leagues.

The night was spent standing off and on; and at day-break the next
morning, I steered for the N.W., or lee-side of the island; and as we
stood round its S. or S.W. part, we saw it every where guarded by a
reef of coral rock, extending, in some places, a full mile from the
land, and a high surf breaking upon it. Some thought that they
saw land to the southward of this island; but, as that was to the
windward, it was left undetermined. As we drew near, we saw people on
different parts of the coast, walking, or running along the shore, and
in a little time after we had reached the lee-side of the island,
we saw them launch two canoes, into which above a dozen men got, and
paddled toward us.

I now shortened sail, as well to give these canoes time to come up
with us, as to sound for anchorage. At the distance of about half a
mile from the reef, we found from forty to thirty-five fathoms water,
over a bottom of fine sand. Nearer in, the bottom was strewed with
coral rocks. The canoes having advanced to about the distance of a
pistol-shot from the ship, there stopped. Omai was employed, as
he usually had been on such occasions, to use all his eloquence to
prevail upon the men in them to come nearer; but no entreaties could
induce them to trust themselves within our reach. They kept eagerly
pointing to the shore with their paddles, and calling to us to go
thither; and several of their countrymen who stood upon the beach held
up something white, which we considered also as an invitation to land.
We could very well have done this, as there was good anchorage without
the reef, and a break or opening in it, from whence the canoes had
come out, which had no surf upon it, and where, if there was not water
for the ships, there was more than sufficient for the boats. But I did
not think proper to risk losing the advantage of a fair wind, for the
sake of examining an island that appeared to be of little consequence.
We stood in no need of refreshments, if I had been sure of meeting
with them there; and having already been so unexpectedly delayed in
my progress to the Society Islands, I was desirous of avoiding every
possibility of farther retardment. For this reason, after making
several unsuccessful attempts to induce these people to come
alongside, I made sail to the N., and left them, but not without
getting from them, during their vicinity to our ship, the name of
their island, which they called Toobouai.

It is situated in the latitude of 23 deg. 25' S., and in 210 37' E.
longitude. Its greatest extent, in any direction, exclusive of the
reef, is not above five or six miles. On the N.W. side, the reef
appears in detached pieces, between which the sea seems to break
upon the shore. Small as the island is, there are hills in it of a
considerable elevation. At the foot of the hills, is a narrow border
of flat land, running quite round it, edged with a white sand beach.
The hills are covered with grass, or some other herbage, except a few
steep rocky cliffs at one part, with patches of trees interspersed to
their summits. But the plantations are more numerous in some of the
vallies, and the flat border is quite covered with high, strong trees,
whose different kinds we could not discern, except some cocoa-palms,
and a few of the _etoa_. According to the information of the men in
the canoes, their island is stocked with hogs and fowls, and produces
the several fruits and roots that are found at the other islands in
this part of the Pacific Ocean.

We had an opportunity, from the conversation we had with those who
came off to us, of satisfying ourselves, that the inhabitants of
Toobouai speak the Otaheite language, a circumstance that indubitably
proves them to be of the same nation. Those of them whom we saw in the
canoes were a stout copper-coloured people, with straight black hair,
which some of them wore tied in a bunch on the crown of the head, and
others flowing about the shoulders. Their faces were somewhat round
and full, but the features, upon the whole, rather flat, and their
countenances seemed to express some degree of natural ferocity. They
had no covering but a piece of narrow stuff wrapped about the waist,
and made to pass between the thighs, to cover the adjoining parts;
but some of those whom we saw upon the beach, where about a hundred
persons had assembled, were entirely clothed with a kind of white
garment. We could observe, that some of our visitors in the canoes
wore pearl shells hang about the neck as an ornament. One of them kept
blowing a large conch-shell, to which a reed near two feet long
was fixed; at first, with a continued tone of the same kind, but he
afterward converted it into a kind of musical instrument, perpetually
repeating two or three notes, with the same strength. What the blowing
the conch portended, I cannot say, but I never found it the messenger
of peace.

Their canoes appeared to be about thirty feet long, and two feet above
the surface of the water, as they floated. The fore part projected a
little, and had a notch cut across, as if intended to represent the
mouth of some animal. The after part rose, with a gentle curve, to the
height of two or three feet, turning gradually smaller, and, as well
as the upper part of the sides, was carved all over. The rest of the
sides, which were perpendicular, were curiously incrustated with flat
white shells, disposed nearly in concentric semicircles, with the
curve upward. One of the canoes carried seven, and the other eight
men, and they were managed with small paddles, whose blades were
nearly round. Each of them had a pretty long outrigger; and they
sometimes paddled, with the two opposite sides together so close, that
they seemed to be one boat with two outriggers, the rowers turning
their faces occasionally to the stern, and pulling that way, without
paddling the canoes round. When they saw us determined to leave them,
they stood up in their canoes, and repeated something very loudly in
concert, but we could not tell whether this was meant as a mark of
their friendship or enmity. It is certain, however, that they had no
weapons with them, nor could we perceive with our glasses that those
on shore had any.[2]

[Footnote 2: This is the island on which Fletcher Christian, chief
mutineer of the Bounty, attempted to form a settlement in 1789, as we
shall have occasion to notice when treating of another voyage.--E.]

After leaving this island, from the discovery of which future
navigators may possibly derive some advantage, I steered to the N.
with a fresh gale at E. by S., and, at day-break in the morning of
the 12th, we saw the island of Maitea. Soon after, Otaheite made its
appearance; and at noon, it extended from S.W. by W. to W.N.W.; the
point of Oheitepeha bay bearing W., about four leagues distant. I
steered for this bay, intending to anchor there, in order to draw what
refreshments I could from the S.E. part of the island, before I went
down to Matavai, from the neighbourhood of which station I expected
my principal supply. We had a fresh gale easterly, till two o'clock
in the afternoon, when, being about a league from the bay, the wind
suddenly died away, and was succeeded by baffling light airs from
every direction, and calms by turns. This lasted about two hours. Then
we had sudden squalls, with rain, from the E. These carried us before
the bay, where we got a breeze from the land, and attempted in vain
to work in to gain the anchoring-place. So that at last about nine
o'clock, we were obliged to stand out, and to spend the night at sea.

When we first drew near the island, several canoes came off to the
ship, each conducted by two or three men; but, as they were common
fellows, Omai took no particular notice of them, nor they of him. They
did not even seem to perceive that he was one of their countrymen,
although they conversed with him for some time. At length, a chief
whom I had known before, named Ootee, and Omai's brother-in-law, who
chanced to be now at this corner of the island, and three or four
more persons, all of whom knew Omai before he embarked with Captain
Furneaux, came on board. Yet there was nothing either tender or
striking in their meeting. On the contrary, there seemed to be a
perfect indifference on both sides, till Omai, having taken his
brother down into the cabin, opened the drawer where he kept his red
feathers, and gave him a few. This being presently known amongst
the rest of the natives upon deck, the face of affairs was entirely
turned, and Ootee, who would hardly speak to Omai before, now begged
that they might be _tayos_ (friends), and exchange names. Omai
accepted of the honour, and confirmed it with a present of red
feathers, and Ootee, by way of return, sent ashore for a hog. But
it was evident to every one of us, that it was not the man, but
his property, they were in love with. Had he not shewn to them
his treasure of red feathers, which is the commodity in greatest
estimation at the island, I question much whether they would have
bestowed even a cocoa-nut upon him. Such was Omai's first reception
amongst his countrymen. I own, I never expected it would be otherwise;
but still I was in hopes that the valuable cargo of presents with
which the liberality of his friends in England had loaded him, would
be the means of raising him into consequence, and of making him
respected, and even courted by the first persons throughout the extent
of the Society Islands. This could not but have happened, had he
conducted himself with any degree of prudence; but, instead of it, I
am sorry to say that he paid too little regard to the repeated advice
of those who wished him well, and suffered himself to be duped by
every designing knave. From the natives who came off to us, in
the course of this day, we learnt that two ships had twice been in
Oheitepeha Bay, since my last visit to this island in 1774, and that
they had left animals there such as we had on board. But, on farther
enquiry, we found they were only hogs, dogs, goats, one bull, and the
male of some other animal, which, from the imperfect description now
given us, we could not find out. They told us that these ships had
come from a place called _Reema_, by which we guessed that Lima,
the capital of Peru, was meant, and that these late visitors were
Spaniards. We were informed that the first time they came, they built
a house, and left four men behind them, viz. two priests, a boy or
servant, and a fourth person called Mateema, who was much spoken of
at this time, carrying away with them, when they sailed, four of
the natives; that, in about ten months, the same two ships returned,
bringing back two of the islanders, the other two having died at Lima,
and that, after a short stay, they took away their own people; but
that the house which they had built was left standing.

The important news of red feathers being on board our ships, having
been conveyed on shore by Omai's friends, day had no sooner begun to
break, next morning, than we were surrounded by a multitude of canoes,
crowded with people, bringing hogs and fruits to market. At first,
a quantity of feathers, not greater than what might be got from a
tom-tit, would purchase a hog of forty or fifty pounds weight. But, as
almost every body in the ships was possessed of some of this precious
article of trade, it fell in its value above five hundred per cent.
before night. However, even then, the balance was much in our favour,
and red feathers continued to preserve their superiority over every
other commodity. Some of the natives would not part with a hog, unless
they received an axe in exchange; but nails and beads, and other
trinkets, which, during our former voyages, had so great a run at this
island, were now so much despised, that few would deign so much as to
look at them.

There being but little wind all the morning, it was nine o'clock
before we could get to an anchor in the bay, where we moored with the
two bowers. Soon after we had anchored, Omai's sister came on board
to see him. I was happy to observe, that, much to the honour of them
both, their meeting was marked with expressions of the tenderest
affection, easier to be conceived than to be described.

This moving scene having closed, and the ship being properly moored,
Omai and I went ashore. My first object was to pay a visit to a man
whom my friend represented as a very extraordinary personage indeed,
for he said that he was the god of Bolabola. We found him seated under
one of those small awnings which they usually carry in their larger
canoes. He was an elderly man, and had lost the use of his limbs,
so that he was carried from place to place upon a hand-barrow.
Some called him _Olla_, or _Orra_, which is the name of the god of
Bolabola, but his own proper name was Etary. From Omai's account of
this person, I expected to have seen some religious adoration paid to
him. But, excepting some young plantain trees that lay before him, and
upon the awning under which he sat, I could observe nothing by which
he might be distinguished from their other chiefs. Omai presented to
him a tuft of red feathers, tied to the end of a small stick; but,
after a little conversation on indifferent matters with this Bolabola
man, his attention was drawn to an old woman, the sister of his
mother. She was already at his feet, and had bedewed them plentifully
with tears of joy.

I left him with the old lady, in the midst of a number of people who
had gathered round him, and went to take a view of the house said
to be built by the strangers who had lately been here. I found it
standing at a small distance from the beach. The wooden materials
of which it was composed seemed to have been brought hither, ready
prepared, to be set up occasionally; for all the planks were numbered.
It was divided into two small rooms; and in the inner one were a
bedstead, a table, a bench, some old hats, and other trifles, of which
the natives seemed to be very careful, as also of the house itself,
which had suffered no hurt from the weather, a shed having been built
over it. There were scuttles all around, which served as air holes;
and, perhaps, they were also meant to fire from with muskets, if ever
this should have been found necessary. At a little distance from the
front stood a wooden cross, on the transverse part of which was cut
the following inscription:

  _Christus vincit._

And on the perpendicular part (which confirmed our conjecture that the
two ships were Spanish),

  _Carolus_ III. _imperat._ 1774.

On the other side of the post I preserved the memory of the prior
visits of the English, by inscribing,

  _Georgius Tertius Rex,
  Annis_ 1767,
  1769, 1773, 1774, & 1777.

The natives pointed out to us, near the foot of the cross, the grave
of the commodore of the two ships, who had died here while they lay in
the bay the first time. His name, as they pronounced it, was Oreede.
Whatever the intentions of the Spaniards in visiting this island might
be, they seemed to have taken great pains to ingratiate themselves
with the inhabitants, who, upon every occasion, mentioned them with
the strongest expressions of esteem, and veneration.

I met with no chief of any considerable note on this occasion,
excepting the extraordinary personage above described. Waheiadooa, the
sovereign of Tiaraboo (as this part of the island is called), was now
absent; and I afterward found that he was not the same person, though
of the same name with the chief whom I had seen here during my last
voyage; but his brother, a boy of about ten years of age, who had
succeeded upon the death of the elder Waheiadooa, about twenty months
before our arrival. We also learned that the celebrated Oberea was
dead; but that Otoo and all our other friends were living.

When I returned from viewing the house and cross erected by the
Spaniards, I found Omai holding forth to a large company; and it was
with some difficulty that he could be got away to accompany me on
board, where I had an important affair to settle.

As I knew that Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, could furnish
us with a plentiful supply of cocoa-nuts, the liquor of which is an
excellent _succedaneum_ for any artificial beverage, I was desirous of
prevailing upon my people to consent to be abridged, during our stay
here, of their stated allowance of spirits to mix with water. But as
this stoppage of a favourite article, without assigning some reason,
might have occasioned a general murmur, I thought it most prudent to
assemble the ship's company, and to make known to them the intent of
the voyage, and the extent of our future operations. To induce them to
undertake which with cheerfulness and perseverance, I took notice of
the rewards offered by parliament to such of his majesty's subjects as
shall first discover a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans, in any direction whatever, in the northern hemisphere; and
also to such as shall first penetrate beyond the 39th degree of
northern latitude. I made no doubt, I told them, that I should find
them willing to co-operate with me in attempting, as far as might be
possible, to become entitled to one or both these rewards; but that,
to give us the best chance of succeeding, it would be necessary
to observe the utmost economy in the expenditure of our stores and
provisions, particularly the latter, as there was no probability
of getting a supply any where, after leaving these islands. I
strengthened my argument by reminding them that our voyage must last
at least a year longer than had been originally supposed, by our
having already lost the opportunity of getting to the north this
summer. I begged them to consider the various obstructions and
difficulties we might still meet with, and the aggravated hardships
they would labour under, if it should be found necessary to put them
to short allowance of any species of provisions, in a cold climate.
For these very substantial reasons, I submitted to them whether it
would not be better to be prudent in time, and rather than to run
the risk of having no spirits left, when such a cordial would be
most wanted, to consent to be without their grog now, when we had so
excellent a liquor as that of cocoa-nuts to substitute in its place;
but that, after all, I left the determination entirely to their own
choice.

I had the satisfaction to find that this proposal did not remain
a single moment under consideration; being unanimously approved of
immediately, without any objection. I ordered Captain Clerk to
make the same proposal to his people, which they also agreed to.
Accordingly we stopped serving grog, except on Saturday nights, when
the companies of both ships had full allowance of it, that they might
drink the healths of their female friends in England, lest these,
amongst the pretty girls of Otaheite, should be wholly forgotten.[3]

[Footnote 3: If it is to be judged of by its effects, certainly
the most suitable test of excellence, we must allow that in this
particular instance, Captain Cook displayed true eloquence. The merit,
indeed, is not inconsiderable, of inducing so great a sacrifice as his
crew now made; and, on the other hand, due commendation ought to be
allowed to their docility. This incident altogether is exceedingly
striking, and might, one should think, be very advantageously studied
by all who are in authority over vulgar minds.--E.]

The next day, we began some necessary operations; to inspect the
provisions that were in the main and fore-hold; to get the casks of
beef and pork, and the coals out of the ground tier, and to put some
ballast in their place. The caulkers were set to work to caulk the
ship, which she stood in great need of, having at times made much
water on our passage from the Friendly Islands. I also put on shore
the bull, cows, horses, and sheep, and appointed two men to look after
them while grazing; for I did not intend to leave any of them at this
part of the island.

During the two following days, it hardly ever ceased raining. The
natives, nevertheless, came to us from every quarter, the news of our
arrival having rapidly spread. Waheiadooa, though at a distance, had
been informed of it; and, in the afternoon of the 16th, a chief, named
Etorea, under whose tutorage he was, brought me two hogs as a present
from him, and acquainted me that he himself would be with us the day
after. And so it proved; for I received a message from him the next
morning, notifying his arrival, and desiring I would go ashore to meet
him. Accordingly, Omai and I prepared to pay him a formal visit. On
this occasion, Omai, assisted by some of his friends, dressed himself,
not after the English fashion, nor that of Otaheite, nor that of
Tongataboo, nor in the dress of any country upon earth, but in a
strange medley of all that he was possessed of.

Thus equipped, on our landing, we first visited Etary, who, carried
on a hand-barrow, attended us to a large house, where he was set
down, and we seated ourselves on each side of him. I caused a piece
of Tongataboo cloth to be spread out before us, on which I laid the
presents I intended to make. Presently the young chief came, attended
by his mother, and several principal men, who all seated themselves at
the other end of the cloth, facing us. Then a man, who sat by me, made
a speech, consisting of short and separate sentences, part of which
was dictated by those about him. He was answered by one from the
opposite side, near the chief. Etary spoke next, then Omai, and both
of them were answered from the same quarter. These orations were
entirely about my arrival, and connexions with them. The person who
spoke last told me, among other things, that the men of _Reema_, that
is, the Spaniards, had desired them not to suffer me to come into
Oheitepeha Bay, if I should return any more to the island, for that it
belonged to them; but that they were so far from paying any regard to
this request, that he was authorised now to make a formal surrender of
the province of Tiaraboo to me, and of every thing in it; which marks
very plainly that these people are no strangers to the policy of
accommodating themselves to present circumstances. At length, the
young chief was directed by his attendants to come and embrace me,
and, by way of confirming this treaty of friendship, we exchanged
names. The ceremony being closed, he and his friends accompanied me on
board to dinner.

Omai had prepared a _maro_, composed of red and yellow feathers, which
he intended for Otoo, the king of the whole island; and, considering
where we were, it was a present of very great value. I said all that I
could to persuade him not to produce it now, wishing him to keep it on
board till an opportunity should offer of presenting it to Otoo with
his own hands. But he had too good an opinion of the honesty and
fidelity of his countrymen to take my advice. Nothing would serve him
but to carry it ashore on this occasion, and to give it to Waheiadooa,
to be by him forwarded to Otoo, in order to its being added to the
royal _maro_. He thought by this management that he should oblige both
chiefs; whereas he highly disobliged the one, whose favour was of the
most consequence to him, without gaining any reward from the other.
What I had foreseen happened, for Waheiadooa kept the _maro_ for
himself, and only sent to Otoo a very small piece of feathers, not the
twentieth part of what belonged to the magnificent present.

On the 19th, this young chief made me a present of ten or a dozen
hogs, a quantity of fruit, and some cloth. In the evening, we played
off some fire-works, which both astonished and entertained the
numerous spectators.

This day, some of our gentlemen in their walks found what they were
pleased to call a Roman Catholic chapel. Indeed, from their account,
this was not to be doubted, for they described the altar, and every
other constituent part of such a place of worship. However, as they
mentioned, at the same time, that two men who had the care of it,
would not suffer them to go in, I thought that they might be mistaken,
and had the curiosity to pay a visit to it myself. The supposed
chapel proved to be a _toopapaoo_, in which the remains of the late
Waheiadooa lay, as it were, in state. It was in a pretty large
house, which was inclosed with a low pallisade. The _toopapaoo_ was
uncommonly neat, and resembled one of those little houses or awnings
belonging to their large canoes. Perhaps it had originally been
employed for that purpose. It was covered and hung round with cloth
and mats of different colours, so as to have a pretty effect. There
was one piece of scarlet broad-cloth, four or five yards in length,
conspicuous among the other ornaments, which, no doubt, had been a
present from the Spaniards. This cloth, and a few tassels of feathers,
which our gentlemen supposed to be silk, suggested to them the idea
of a chapel, for, whatever else was wanting to create a resemblance,
their imagination supplied; and, if they had not previously known that
there had been Spaniards lately here, they could not possibly have
made the mistake. Small offerings of fruit and roots seemed to be
daily made at this shrine, as some pieces were quite fresh. These
were deposited upon a _whatta_, or altar, which stood without the
pallisades; and within these we were not permitted to enter. Two men
constantly attended night and day, not only to watch over the place,
but also to dress and undress the _toopapaoo_. For when I first went
to survey it, the cloth and its appendages were all rolled up; but,
at my request, the two attendants hung it out in order, first dressing
themselves in clean white robes. They told me that the chief had been
dead twenty months.

Having taken in a fresh supply of water, and finished all our other
necessary operations, on the 22d, I brought off the cattle and sheep
which had been put on shore here to graze, and made ready for sea.

In the morning of the 23d, while the ships were unmooring, Omai and I
landed to take leave of the young chief. While we were with him,
one of those enthusiastic persons whom they call _Eatooas_, from a
persuasion that they are possessed with the spirit of the divinity,
came and stood before us. He had all the appearance of a man not in
his right senses; and his only dress was a large quantity of plantain
leaves, wrapped round his waist. He spoke in a low squeaking voice, so
as hardly to be understood, at least not by me. But Omai said that he
comprehended him perfectly, and that he was advising Waheiadooa not to
go with me to Matavai; an expedition which I had never heard that he
intended, nor had I ever made such a proposal to him. The _Eatooa_
also foretold that the ships would not get to Matavai that day. But
in this he was mistaken; though appearances now rather favoured his
prediction, there not being a breath of wind in any direction. While
he was prophesying, there fell a very heavy shower of rain, which made
every one run for shelter but himself, who seemed not to regard it. He
remained squeaking by us about half an hour, and then retired. No one
paid any attention to what he uttered, though some laughed at him. I
asked the chief what he was, whether an _Earee_, or a _Toutou_? and
the answer I received was, that he was _taata eno_; that is, a bad
man. And yet, notwithstanding this, and the little notice any of the
natives seemed to take of the mad prophet, superstition has so far got
the better of their reason, that they firmly believe such persons to
be possessed with the spirit of the _Eatooa_. Omai seemed to be very
well instructed about them. He said that, during the fits that
come upon them, they know nobody, not even their most intimate
acquaintances; and that, if any one of them happens to be a man of
property, he will very often give away every moveable he is possessed
of, if his friends do not put them out of his reach; and, when he
recovers, will enquire what had become of those very things which
he had but just before distributed, not seeming to have the least
remembrance of what he had done while the fit was upon him.[4]

[Footnote 4: What is the origin of that singular notion which is found
amongst the lower orders in most countries, that divine inspiration
is often consequent on temporary or continued derangement? Surely it
cannot be derived from any correct opinions respecting the Author of
truth and knowledge. We must ascribe it, then, to ignorance, and
some feeling of dread as to his power; or rather perhaps, we ought
to consider it as the hasty offspring of surprise, on the occasional
display of reason, even in a common degree, where the faculties are
understood to be disordered. Still it is singular, that the observers
should have recourse for explanation to so injurious and so improbable
a supposition, as that of supernatural agency. What has often, been
said of sol-lunar and astral influence on the human mind, the opinion
of which is pretty widely spread over the world, may be interpreted
so as perfectly to agree with the theoretical solution of the question
now proposed, the heavenly bodies being amongst the first and the most
generally established objects of religious apprehension and worship.
It is curious enough, that what may be called the converse of the
proposition, viz. that derangement follows or is accompanied with
inspiration, whether religious or common, should almost as extensively
have formed a part of the popular creed. The reason of this notion
again, is not altogether the same as that of the former; it has its
origin probably in the observation, that enthusiasm with respect to
any one subject, which, in the present case, is to be regarded as the
appearance or expression of inspiration, usually unfits a person
for the requisite attention to any other. The language of mankind
accordingly quite falls in with this observation, and nothing is more
general than to speak of a man being mad, who exhibits a more than
ordinary ardour in the pursuit of some isolated object. Still,
however, there seems a tacit acknowledgement amongst mankind, that the
human mind can profitably attend to only one thing at a time, and
that all excellence in any pursuit is the result of restricted
unintermitting application: And hence it is, that enthusiasm, though
perhaps admitted to be allied to one of the highest evils with
which our nature can be visited, is nevertheless imagined to be an
indication of superior strength of intellect. The weakest minds,
on the contrary, are the most apprehensive of ridicule, and in
consequence are most cautious, by a seeming indifference as to
objects, to avoid the dangerous imputation of a decided partiality.
Such persons, however, forming undoubtedly the greater portion
of every society, console themselves and one another under the
consciousness of debility, by the sense of their safety, and by the
fashionable custom of dealing out wise reflections on those more
enterprising minds, whose eccentricities or ardour, provoke their
admiration.--E.]

As soon as I got on board, a light breeze springing up at east, we got
under sail, and steered for Matavai Bay, where the Resolution anchored
the same evening. But the Discovery did not get in till the next
morning; so that half of the man's prophecy was fulfilled.


SECTION II.

_Interview with Otoo, King of the Island.--Imprudent Conduct of
Omai.--Employments on Shore.--European Animals landed.--Particulars
about a Native who had visited Lima.--About Oedidee--A Revolt
in Eimeo.--War with that Island determined upon, in a Council of
Chiefs.--A human Sacrifice on that Account.--A particular Relation
of the Ceremonies at the great Morai, where the Sacrifice was
offered.--Other barbarous Customs of this People._

About nine o'clock in the morning, Otoo, the king of the whole island,
attended by a great number of canoes full of people, came from Oparre,
his place of residence and having landed on Matavai Point, sent a
message on board, expressing his desire to see me there. Accordingly
I landed, accompanied by Omai, and some of the officers. We found a
prodigious number of people assembled on this occasion, and in the
midst of them was the king, attended by his father, his two brothers,
and three sisters. I went up first and saluted him, being followed by
Omai, who kneeled and embraced his legs. He had prepared himself for
this ceremony, by dressing himself in his very best suit of clothes,
and behaved with a great deal of respect and modesty. Nevertheless,
very little notice was taken of him. Perhaps envy had some share in
producing this cold reception. He made the chief a present of a large
piece of red feathers, and about two or three yards of gold cloth; and
I gave him a suit of fine linen, a gold-laced hat, some tools, and,
what was of more value than all the other articles, a quantity of red
feathers, and one of the bonnets in use at the Friendly Islands.

After the hurry of this visit was over, the king and the whole royal
family accompanied me on board, followed by several canoes, laden with
all kinds of provisions, in quantity sufficient to have served the
companies of both ships for a week. Each of the family owned, or
pretended to own, a part; so that I had a present from every one of
them, and every one of them had a separate present in return from me,
which was the great object in view. Soon after, the king's mother, who
had not been present at the first interview, came on board, bringing
with her a quantity of provisions and cloth, which she divided between
me and Omai. For, although he was but little noticed at first by his
countrymen, they no sooner gained the knowledge of his riches, than
they began to court his friendship. I encouraged this as much as I
could, for it was my wish to fix him with Otoo. As I intended to leave
all my European animals at this island, I thought he would be able to
give some instruction about the management of them, and about their
use. Besides, I knew and saw, that the farther he was from his native
island, he would be the better respected. But, unfortunately, poor
Omai rejected my advice, and conducted himself in so imprudent a
manner, that he soon lost the friendship of Otoo, and of every other
person of note in Otaheite. He associated with none but vagabonds and
strangers, whose sole views were to plunder him. And, if I had not
interfered, they would not have left him a single article worth the
carrying from the island. This necessarily drew upon him the ill-will
of the principal chiefs, who found that they could not procure, from
any one in the ships, such valuable presents as Omai bestowed on the
lowest of the people, his companions.

As soon as we had dined, a party of us accompanied Otoo to Oparre,
taking with us the poultry, with which we were to stock the island.
They consisted of a peacock and hen (which Lord Besborough was so kind
as to send me for this purpose, a few days before I left London); a
turkey-cock and hen; one gander, and three geese; a drake and four
ducks. All these I left at Oparre, in the possession of Otoo; and
the geese and ducks began to breed before we sailed. We found there
a gander, which the natives told us, was the same that Captain Wallis
had given to Oberea ten years before; several goats, and the Spanish
bull, whom they kept tied to a tree near Otoo's house. I never saw a
finer animal of his kind. He was now the property of Etary, and had
been brought from Oheitepeha to this place, in order to be shipped
for Bolabola. But it passes my comprehension, how they can contrive to
carry him in one of their canoes. If we had not arrived, it would have
been of little consequence who had the property of him, as, without
a cow, he could be of no use; and none had been left with him. Though
the natives told us, that there were cows on board the Spanish ships,
and that they took them away with them, I cannot believe this, and
should rather suppose, that they had died in the passage from Lima.
The next day, I sent the three cows, that I had on board, to this
bull; and the bull, which I had brought, the horse and mare, and
sheep, I put ashore at Matavai.

Having thus disposed of these passengers, I found my self lightened
of a very heavy burthen. The trouble and vexation that attended the
bringing this living cargo thus far, is hardly to be conceived. But
the satisfaction that I felt, in having been so fortunate as to fulfil
his majesty's humane design, in sending such valuable animals, to
supply the wants of two worthy nations, sufficiently recompensed
me for the many anxious hours I had passed, before this subordinate
object of my voyage could be carried into execution.

As I intended to make some stay here, we set up the two observatories
on Matavai Point. Adjoining to them, two tents were pitched for the
reception of a guard, and of such people as it might be necessary to
leave on shore, in different departments. At this station, I
entrusted the command to Mr King, who, at the same time, attended the
observations, for ascertaining the going of the time-keeper, and other
purposes. During our stay, various necessary operations employed the
crews of both ships. The Discovery's main-mast was carried ashore,
and made as good as ever. Our sails and water-casks were repaired, the
ships were caulked, and the rigging all overhauled. We also inspected
all the bread that we had on board in casks; and had the satisfaction
to find that but little of it was damaged.

On the 26th, I had a piece of ground cleared for a garden, and planted
it with several articles, very few of which, I believe, the natives,
will ever look after. Some melons, potatoes, and two pine-apple
plants, were in a fair way of succeeding before we left the place. I
had brought from the Friendly Islands several shaddock trees. These I
also planted here; and they can hardly fail of success, unless their
growth should be checked by the same premature curiosity, which
destroyed a vine planted by the Spaniards at Oheitepeha. A number of
the natives got together to taste the first fruit it bore; but, as
the grapes were still sour, they considered it as little better than
poison, and it was unanimously determined to tread it under foot.
In that state, Omai found it by chance, and was overjoyed at the
discovery. For he had a full confidence, that, if he had but grapes,
he could easily make wine. Accordingly, he had several slips cut off
from the tree, to carry away with him; and we pruned and put in order
the remains of it. Probably, grown wise by Omai's instructions, they
may now suffer the fruit to grow to perfection, and not pass so hasty
a sentence upon it again.

We had not been eight and forty hours at anchor in Matavai Bay, before
we were visited by all our old friends, whose names are recorded in
the account of my last voyage. Not one of them came empty-handed; so
that we had more provisions than we knew what to do with. What was
still more, we were under no apprehensions of exhausting the island,
which presented to our eyes every mark of the most exuberant plenty,
in every article of refreshment.

Soon after our arrival here, one of the natives, whom the Spaniards
had carried with them to Lima, paid us a visit; but, in his
external appearance, he was not distinguishable from the rest of his
countrymen. However, he had not forgot some Spanish words which he
had acquired, though he pronounced them badly. Amongst them, the most
frequent were, _si Sennor_; and, when a stranger was introduced to
him, he did not fail to rise up and accost him, as well as he could.

We also found here the young man whom we called Oedidee, but whose
real name is Heete-heete. I had carried him from Ulietea in 1773, and
brought him back in 1774; after he had visited the Friendly Islands,
New Zealand, Easter Island, and the Marqueses, and been on board my
ship, in that extensive navigation, about seven months. He was, at
least, as tenacious of his good breeding, as the man who had been
at Lima; and _yes, Sir_, or _if you please, Sir_, were as frequently
repeated by him, as _si Sennor_ was by the other. Heete-heete, who
is a native of Bolabola, had arrived in Otaheite about three months
before, with no other intention, that we could learn, than to gratify
his curiosity, or, perhaps, some other favourite passion; which
are very often the only objects of the pursuit of other travelling
gentlemen. It was evident, however, that he preferred the modes, and
even garb, of his countrymen, to ours. For, though I gave him some
clothes, which our Admiralty Board had been pleased to send for his
use (to which I added a chest of tools, and a few other articles, as a
present from myself), he declined wearing them, after a few days. This
instance, and that of the person who had been at Lima, may be urged
as a proof of the strong propensity natural to man, of returning to
habits acquired at an early age, and only interrupted by accident.
And, perhaps, it may be concluded, that even Omai, who had imbibed
almost the whole English manners, will, in a very short time after our
leaving him, like Oedidee, and the visiter of Lima, return to his own
native garments.[5]

[Footnote 5: Captain Cook's remark has often been exemplified in other
instances. The tendency to revert to barbarism is so strong, as to
need to be continually checked by the despotism of refined manners,
and all the healthful emulations of civilized societies. Perhaps the
rather harsh observation of Dr Johnson, that there is always a great
deal of _scoundrelism_ in a low man, is more strictly applicable to
the cases of savages in general, than to even the meanest member of
any cultivated community. But in the case of a superiorly endowed
individual situate amongst a mass of ruder beings, to all of whom he
is attached by the strongest ties of affection and early acquaintance,
another powerfully deranging cause is at work in addition to the
natural tendency to degenerate, viz. the necessity of accommodating
himself to established customs and opinions. The former agent alone,
we know, has often degraded Europeans. Is it to be thought wonderful
then, that, where both principles operate, a man of Omai's character
should speedily relinquish foreign acquirements, and retrograde into
his original barbarity?--E.]

In the morning of the 27th, a man came from Oheitepeha, and told us,
that two Spanish ships had anchored in that bay the night before; and,
in confirmation of this intelligence, he produced a piece of coarse
blue cloth, which, he said, he got out of one of the ships, and which,
indeed, to appearance, was almost quite new. He added, that Mateema
was in one of the ships, and that they were to come down to Matavai
in a day or two. Some other circumstances which he mentioned, with
the foregoing ones, gave the story so much the air of truth, that I
dispatched Lieutenant Williamson in a boat, to look into Oheitepeha
bay; and, in the mean time, I put the ships into a proper posture
of defence. For, though England and Spain were in peace when I left
Europe, for aught I knew, a different scene might, by this time, have
opened. However, on farther enquiry, we had reason to think that the
fellow who brought the intelligence had imposed upon us; and this was
put beyond all doubt, when Mr Williamson returned next day, who made
his report to me, that he had been at Oheitepeha, and found that no
ships were there now, and that none had been there since we left it.
The people of this part of the island where we now were, indeed, told
us, from the beginning, that it was a fiction invented by those
of Tiaraboo. But what view they could have, we were at a loss to
conceive, unless they supposed that the report would have some effect
in making us quit the island, and, by that means, deprive the people
of Otaheite-nooe of the advantages they might reap from our ships
continuing there; the inhabitants of the two parts of the island being
inveterate enemies to each other.

From the time of our arrival at Matavai, the weather had been very
unsettled, with more or less rain every day, till the 29th; before
which we were not able to get equal altitudes of the sun for
ascertaining the going of the time-keeper. The same cause also
retarded the caulking and other necessary repairs of the ships.

In the evening of this day, the natives made a precipitate retreat,
both from on board the ships, and from our station on shore. For what
reason, we could not, at first, learn; though, in general, we guessed
it arose from their knowing that some theft had been committed, and
apprehending punishment on that account. At length, I understood what
had happened. One of the surgeon's mates had been in the country to
purchase curiosities, and had taken with him four hatchets for that
purpose. Having employed one of the natives to carry them for him, the
fellow took an opportunity to run off with so valuable a prize. This
was the cause of the sudden flight, in which Otoo himself, and his
whole family, had joined; and it was with difficulty that I stopped
them, after following them two or three miles. As I had resolved to
take no measures for the recovery of the hatchets, in order to put
my people upon their guard against such negligence for the future,
I found no difficulty in bringing the natives back, and in restoring
every thing to its usual tranquillity.

Hitherto, the attention of Otoo and his people had been confined to
us; but, next morning, a new scene of business opened, by the arrival
of some messengers from Eimeo, or (as it is much oftener called by the
natives) Morea,[6] with intelligence, that the people in that island
were in arms; and that Otoo's partizans there had been worsted, and
obliged to retreat to the mountains. The quarrel between the two
islands, which commenced in 1774, as mentioned in the account of
my last voyage, had, it seems, partly subsisted ever since. The
formidable armament which I saw at that time, and described, had
sailed soon after I then left Otaheite; but the malcontents of Eimeo
had made so stout a resistance, that the fleet had returned without
effecting much; and now another expedition was necessary.

[Footnote 6: Morea, according to Dr Forster, is a district in Eimeo.
See his _Observations_, p. 217.]

On the arrival of these messengers, all the chiefs, who happened to
be at Matavai, assembled at Otoo's house, where I actually was at the
time, and had the honour to be admitted into their council. One of
the messengers opened the business of the assembly, in a speech
of considerable length. But I understood little of it, besides its
general purport, which was to explain the situation of affairs in
Eimeo; and to excite the assembled chiefs of Otaheite to arm on
the occasion. This opinion was combated by others who were against
commencing hostilities; and the debate was carried on with great
order, no more than one man speaking at a time. At last, they became
very noisy, and I expected that our meeting would have ended like a
Polish diet. But the contending great men cooled as fast as they
grew warm, and order was soon restored. At length, the party for war
prevailed; and it was determined, that a strong force should be sent
to assist their friends in Eimeo. But this resolution was far from
being unanimous. Otoo, during the whole debate, remained silent;
except that, now and then, he addressed a word or two to the speakers.
Those of the council, who were for prosecuting the war, applied to me
for my assistance; and all of them wanted to know what part I would
take. Omai was sent for to be my interpreter; but, as he could not be
found, I was obliged to speak for myself, and told them, as well as I
could, that as I was not thoroughly acquainted with the dispute, and
as the people of Eimeo had never offended me, I could not think
myself at liberty to engage in hostilities against them. With this
declaration they either were, or seemed, satisfied. The assembly then
broke up; but, before I left them, Otoo desired me to come to him in
the afternoon, and to bring Omai with me.

Accordingly, a party of us waited upon him at the appointed time; and
we were conducted by him to his father, in whose presence the dispute
with Eimeo was again talked over. Being very desirous of devising some
method to bring about an accommodation, I sounded the old chief on
that head. But we found him deaf to any such proposal, and fully
determined to prosecute the war. He repeated the solicitations which
I had already resisted, about giving them my assistance. On our
enquiring into the cause of the war, we were told, that, some years
ago, a brother of Waheiadooa, of Tiaraboo, was sent to Eimeo, at the
request of Maheine, a popular chief of that island, to be their king;
but that he had not been there a week before Maheine, having caused
him to be killed, set up for himself, in opposition to Tierataboonooe,
his sister's son, who became the lawful heir; or else had been pitched
upon, by the people of Otaheite, to succeed to the government on the
death of the other.

Towha, who was a relation of Otoo, and chief of the district of
Tettaha, a man of much weight in the island, and who had been
commander-in-chief of the armament fitted out against Eimeo in 1774,
happened not to be at Matavai at this time; and, consequently, was not
present at any of these consultations. It, however, appeared that he
was no stranger to what was transacted; and that he entered with more
spirit into the affair than any other chief. For, early in the morning
of the 1st of September, a messenger arrived from him to acquaint Otoo
that he had killed a man to be sacrificed to the _Eatooa_, to implore
the assistance of the god against Eimeo. This act of worship was to be
performed at the great _Morai_ at Attahooroo; and Otoo's presence, it
seems, was absolutely necessary on that solemn occasion.

That the offering of human sacrifices is part of the religious
institutions of this island, had been mentioned by Mons. de
Bougainville, on the authority of the native whom he carried with
him to France. During my last visit to Otaheite, and while I had
opportunities of conversing with Omai on the subject, I had satisfied
myself that there was too much reason to admit that such a practice,
however inconsistent with the general humanity of the people, was here
adopted. But as this was one of those extraordinary facts, about which
many are apt to retain doubts, unless the relater himself has had
ocular proof to confirm what he had heard from others, I thought this
a good opportunity of obtaining the highest evidence of its certainty,
by being present myself at the solemnity; and, accordingly, proposed
to Otoo that I might be allowed to accompany him. To this he readily
consented; and we immediately set out in my boat, with my old friend
Potatou, Mr Anderson, and Mr Webber; Omai following in a canoe.

In our way we landed upon a little island, which lies off Tettaha,
where we found Towha and his retinue. After some little conversation
between the two chiefs, on the subject of the war, Towha addressed
himself to me, asking my assistance. When I excused myself, he seemed
angry, thinking it strange, that I, who had always declared myself to
be the friend of their island, would not now go and fight against its
enemies. Before we parted, he gave to Otoo two or three red feathers,
tied up in a tuft, and a lean half-starved dog was put into a canoe
that was to accompany us. We then embarked again, taking on board a
priest who was to assist at the solemnity.

As soon as we landed at Attahooroo, which was about two o'clock in the
afternoon, Otoo expressed his desire that the seamen might be ordered
to remain in the boat; and that Mr Anderson, Mr Webber, and myself,
might take off our hats as soon as we should come to the _morai_, to
which we immediately proceeded, attended by a great many men and some
boys, but not one woman. We found four priests, and their attendants,
or assistants, waiting for us. The dead body, or sacrifice, was in a
small canoe that lay on the beach, and partly in the wash of the
sea, fronting the _morai_. Two of the priests, with some of their
attendants, were sitting by the canoe, the others at the _morai_. Our
company stopped about twenty or thirty paces from the priests. Here
Otoo placed himself; we, and a few others, standing by him, while the
bulk of the people remained at a greater distance.

The ceremonies now began. One of the priest's attendants brought a
young plantain-tree, and laid it down before Otoo. Another approached
with a small tuft of red feathers, twisted on some fibres of the
cocoa-nut husk, with which he touched one of the king's feet, and then
retired with it to his companions. One of the priests, seated at
the _morai_, facing those who were upon the beach, now began a long
prayer, and at certain times, sent down young plantain-trees, which
were laid upon the sacrifice. During this prayer, a man, who stood by
the officiating priest, held in his hands two bundles, seemingly of
cloth. In one of them, as we afterward found, was the royal _maro_;
and the other, if I may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the
_Eatooa_. As soon as the prayer was ended, the priests at the _morai_,
with their attendants, went and sat down by those upon the beach,
carrying with them the two bundles. Here they renewed their prayers;
during which the plantain-trees were taken, one by one, at different
times, from off the sacrifice, which was partly wrapped up in cocoa
leaves and small branches. It was now taken out of the canoe, and
laid upon the beach, with the feet to the sea. The priests placed
themselves around it, some sitting and others standing, and one or
more of them repeated sentences for about ten minutes. The dead body
was now uncovered, by removing the leaves and branches, and laid in
a parallel direction with the sea-shore. One of the priests then
standing at the feet of it, pronounced a long prayer, in which he was
at times joined by the others, each holding in his hand a tuft of red
feathers. In the course of this prayer, some hair was pulled off the
head of the sacrifice, and the left eye taken out, both which were
presented to Otoo, wrapped up in a green leaf. He did not however
touch it, but gave to the man who presented it, the tuft of feathers
which he had received from Towha. This, with the hair and eye, was
carried back to the priests. Soon after, Otoo sent to them another
piece of feathers, which he had given me in the morning to keep in my
pocket. During some part of this last ceremony, a kingfisher making a
noise in the trees, Otoo turned to me, saying, "That is the _Eatooa_"
and seemed to look upon it to be a good omen.

The body was then carried a little way, with its head towards the
_morai_, and laid under a tree, near which were fixed three broad thin
pieces of wood, differently but rudely carved. The bundles of cloth
were laid on a part of the _morai_, and the tufts of red feathers
were placed at the feet of the sacrifice, round which the priests took
their stations, and we were now allowed to go as near as we pleased.
He who seemed to be the chief priest sat at a small distance, and
spoke for a quarter of an hour, but with different tones and gestures,
so that he seemed often to expostulate with the dead person, to
whom he constantly addressed himself; and sometimes asked several
questions, seemingly with respect to the propriety of his having been
killed. At other times, he made several demands, as if the deceased
either now had power himself, or interest with the divinity, to engage
him to comply with such requests. Amongst which, we understood, he
asked him to deliver Eimeo, Maheine its chief, the hogs, women, and
other things of the island, into their hands; which was, indeed, the
express intention of the sacrifice. He then chanted a prayer, which
lasted near half an hour, in a whining, melancholy tone, accompanied
by two other priests; and in which Potatou and some others joined. In
the course of this prayer, some more hair was plucked by a priest from
the head of the corpse, and put upon one of the bundles. After this,
the chief priest prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers which
came from Towha. When he had finished, he gave them to another, who
prayed in like manner. Then all the tufts of feathers were laid upon
the bundles of cloth, which closed the ceremony at this place.

The corpse was then carried up to the most conspicuous part of the
_morai_, with the feathers, the two bundles of cloth, and the drums;
the last of which beat slowly. The feathers and bundles were laid
against the pile of stones, and the corpse at the foot of them.
The priests having again seated themselves round it, renewed their
prayers, while some of their attendants dug a hole about two feet
deep, into which they threw the unhappy victim, and covered it over
with earth and stones. While they were putting him into the grave,
a boy squeaked aloud, and Omai said to me, that it was the _Eatooa_.
During this time, a fire having been made, the dog before-mentioned,
was produced, and killed, by twisting his neck and suffocating him.
The hair was singed off, and the entrails taken out, and thrown into
the fire, where they were left to consume. But the heart, liver,
and kidneys were only roasted, by being laid on hot stones for a
few minutes; and the body of the dog, after being besmeared with the
blood, which had been collected into a cocoa-nut shell, and dried over
the fire, was, with the liver, &c. carried and laid down before
the priests, who sat praying round the grave. They continued their
ejaculations over the dog for some time, while two men, at intervals,
beat on two drums very loud; and a boy screamed, as before, in a loud,
shrill voice, three different times. This, as we were told, was to
invite the _Eatooa_ to feast on the banquet that they had prepared for
him. As soon as the priests had ended their prayers, the carcass
of the dog, with what belonged to it, were laid on a _whatta_, or
scaffold, about six feet high, that stood close by, on which lay the
remains of two other dogs, and of two pigs, which had lately been
sacrificed, and, at this time, emitted an intolerable stench. This
kept us at a greater distance, than would otherwise have been required
of us. For after the victim was removed from the sea-side toward the
_morai_, we were allowed to approach as near as we pleased. Indeed,
after that, neither seriousness nor attention were much observed by
the spectators. When the dog was put upon the _whatta_, the priests
and attendants gave a kind of shout, which closed the ceremonies for
the present. The day being now also closed, we were conducted to a
house belonging to Potatou, where we were entertained, and lodged
for the night. We had been told that the religious rites were to be
renewed in the morning; and I would not leave the place, while any
thing remained to be seen.

Being unwilling to lose any part of the solemnity, some of us repaired
to the scene of action pretty early, but found nothing going forward.
However, soon after a pig was sacrificed, and laid upon the same
_whatta_ with the others. About eight o'clock, Otoo took us again to
the _morai_, where the priests, and a great number of men, were by
this time assembled. The two bundles occupied the place in which we
had seen them deposited the preceding evening; the two drums stood in
the front of the _morai_, but somewhat nearer it than before, and the
priests were beyond them. Otoo placed himself between the two drums,
and desired me to stand by him.

The ceremony began, as usual, with bringing a young plantain-tree, and
laying it down at the king's feet. After this a prayer was repeated
by the priests, who held in their hands several tufts of red feathers,
and also a plume of ostrich feathers, which I had given to Otoo on my
first arrival, and had been consecrated to this use. When the priests
had made an end of the prayer, they changed their station, placing
themselves between us and the _morai_; and one of them, the same
person who had acted the principal part the day before, began another
prayer, which lasted about half an hour. During the continuance of
this, the tufts of feathers were, one by one, carried and laid upon
the ark of the _Eatooa_.

Some little time after, four pigs were produced, one of which was
immediately killed, and the others were taken to a sty hard by,
probably reserved for some future occasion of sacrifice. One of the
bundles was now untied; and it was found, as I have before observed,
to contain the _maro_, with which these people invest their kings,
and which seems to answer, in some degree, to the European ensigns
of royalty, it was carefully taken out of the cloth, in which, it had
been wrapped up, and spread at full length upon the ground before the
priests. It is a girdle, about five yards long; and fifteen inches
broad; and, from its name, seems to be put on in the same manner as
is the common _maro_, or piece of cloth, used by these people to wrap
round the waist. It was ornamented with red and yellow feathers, but
mostly with the latter, taken from a dove found upon the island. The
one end was bordered with eight pieces, each about the size and shape
of a horse-shoe, having their edges fringed with black feathers. The
other end was forked, and the points were of different lengths.
The feathers were in square compartments, ranged in two rows, and
otherwise so disposed, as to produce a pleasing effect. They had been
first pasted or fixed upon some of their own country cloth, and
then sewed to the upper end of the pendant which Captain Wallis had
displayed, and left flying ashore, the first time that he landed at
Matavai. This was what they told us; and we had no reason to doubt it,
as we could easily trace the remains of an English pendant. About six
or eight inches square of the _maro_ was unornamented, there being
no feathers upon that space, except a few that had been sent by
Waheiadooa, as already mentioned. The priests made a long prayer,
relative to this part of the ceremony; and, if I mistook not, they
called it the prayer of the _maro_. When it was finished, the badge
of royalty was carefully folded up, put into the cloth, and deposited
again upon the _morai_.

The other bundle, which I have distinguished by the name of the ark,
was next opened at one end. But we were not allowed to go near enough
to examine its mysterious contents. The information we received was,
that the _Eatooa_, to whom they had been sacrificing, and whose
name is _Ooro_, was concealed in it, or rather what is supposed to
represent him. This sacred repository is made of the twisted fibres
of the husk of the cocoa-nut, shaped somewhat like a large fig, or
sugar-loaf, that is, roundish, with one end much thicker than the
other. We had very often got small ones from different people, but
never knew their use before.

By this time, the pig that had been killed, was cleaned, and the
entrails taken out. These happened to have a considerable share of
those convulsive motions, which often appear, in different parts,
after an animal is killed; and this was considered by the spectators
as a very favourable omen to the expedition on account of which the
sacrifices had been offered. After being exposed for some time, that
those who chose might examine their appearances, the entrails were
carried to the priests, and laid down before them. While one of their
number prayed, another inspected the entrails more narrowly, and kept
turning them gently with a stick. When they had been sufficiently
examined, they were thrown into the fire, and left to consume. The
sacrificed pig and its liver, &c. were now put upon the _whatta_,
where the dog had been deposited the day before; and then all the
feathers, except the ostrich plume, were enclosed with the _Eatooa_ in
the ark, and the solemnity finally closed.

Four double canoes lay upon the beach, before the place of sacrifice,
all the morning. On the fore part of each of these was fixed a small
platform, covered with palm-leaves, tied in mysterious knots; and
this also is called a _morai_. Some cocoa-nuts, plantains, pieces
of bread-fruit, fish, and other things, lay upon each of these naval
_morais_. We were told that they belonged to the _Eatooa_, and that
they were to attend the fleet designed to go against Eimeo.

The unhappy victim, offered to the object of their worship upon this
occasion, seemed to be a middle-aged man; and, as we were told, was a
_toutou_, that is, one of the lowest class of the people. But, after
all my enquiries, I could not learn that he had been pitched upon on
account of any particular crime committed by him meriting death. It
is certain, however, that they generally make choice of such guilty
persons for their sacrifices, or else of common, low fellows who
stroll about, from place to place, and from island to island, without
having any fixed abode, or any visible way of getting an honest
livelihood; of which description of men, enough are to be met with at
these islands. Having had an opportunity of examining the appearance
of the body of the poor sufferer now offered up, I could observe, that
it was bloody about the head and face, and a good deal bruised upon
the right temple, which marked the manner of his being killed. And
we were told, that he had been privately knocked on the head with a
stone.

Those who are devoted to suffer, in order to perform this bloody act
of worship, are never apprised of their fate, till the blow is given
that puts an end to their existence. Whenever any one of the
great chiefs thinks a human sacrifice necessary, on any particular
emergency, he pitches upon the victim. Some of his trusty servants
are then sent, who fall upon him suddenly, and put him to death with
a club, or by stoning him. The king is next acquainted with it,
whose presence, at the solemn rites that follow, is, as I was told,
absolutely necessary; and indeed on the present occasion, we could
observe, that Otoo bore a principal part. The solemnity itself is
called _Poore Eree_, or chief's prayer; and the victim, who is offered
up, _Taata-taboo_, or consecrated man. This is the only instance where
we have heard the word _taboo_ used at this island, where it seems to
have the same mysterious signification as at Tonga, though it is
there applied to all cases where things are not to be touched. But
at Otaheite, the word _raa_ serves the same purpose, and is full as
extensive in its meaning.

The _morai_, (which undoubtedly is a place of worship, sacrifice, and
burial, at the same time,) where the sacrifice was now offered, is
that where the supreme chief of the whole island is always buried, and
is appropriated to his family, and some of the principal people. It
differs little from the common ones, except in extent. Its principal
part is a large oblong pile of stones, lying loosely upon each; other,
about twelve or fourteen feet high; contracted toward the top, with
a square area on each side, loosely paved with pebble stones, under
which the bones of the chiefs are buried. At a little distance from
the end nearest the sea is the place where the sacrifices are offered,
which, for a considerable extent, is also loosely paved. There is here
a very large scaffold, or _whatta_, on which the offerings of fruits
and other vegetables are laid. But the animals are deposited on a
smaller one, already mentioned, and the human sacrifices are buried
under different parts of the pavement. There are several other
reliques which ignorant superstition had scattered about this place;
such as small stones, raised in different parts of the pavement, some
with bits of cloth tied round them, others covered with it; and upon
the side of the large pile, which fronts the area, are placed a great
many pieces of carved wood, which are supposed to be sometimes the
residence of their divinities, and consequently held sacred. But one
place more particular than the rest, is a heap of stones at one end
of the large _whatta_, before which the sacrifice was offered, with a
kind of platform at one side. On this are laid the sculls of all the
human sacrifices, which are taken up after they have been several
months under ground. Just above them are placed a great number of the
pieces of wood; and it was also here, where the _maro_, and the other
bundle supposed to contain the god Ooro (and which I call the ark),
were laid during the ceremony, a circumstance which denotes its
agreement with the altar of other nations.

It is much to be regretted, that a practice so horrid in its
own nature, and so destructive of that inviolable right of
self-preservation which every one is born with, should be found still
existing; and (such is the power of superstition to counteract the
first principles of humanity!) existing amongst a people, in many
other respects, emerged from the brutal manners of savage life. What
is still worse, it is probable that these bloody rites of worship
are prevalent throughout all the wide-extended islands of the Pacific
Ocean. The similarity of customs and language, which our late voyages
have enabled us to trace, between the most distant of these islands,
makes it not unlikely that some of the more important articles of
their religious institutions should agree. And indeed we had the most
authentic information, that human sacrifices continue to be offered at
the Friendly Islands. When I described the _Natche_ at Tongataboo, I
mentioned that on the approaching sequel of that festival, we had been
told that ten men were to be sacrificed. This may give us an idea of
the extent of this religious massacre in that island. And though we
should suppose that never more than one person is sacrificed on any
single occasion at Otaheite, it is more than probable that these
occasions happen so frequently, as to make a shocking waste of the
human race, for I counted no less than forty-nine sculls of former
victims, lying before the _morai_, where we saw one more added to
the number. And as none of those sculls had as yet suffered any
considerable change from the weather, it may hence be inferred,
that no great length of time had elapsed, since, at least, this
considerable number of unhappy wretches had been offered upon this
altar of blood.

The custom, though no consideration can make it cease to be
abominable, might be thought less detrimental in some respects, if it
served to impress any awe for the divinity or reverence for religion
upon the minds of the multitude. But this is so far from being the
case, that though a great number of people had assembled at the
_morai_ on this occasion, they did not seem to shew any proper
reverence for what was doing or saying during the celebration of the
rites. And Omai happening to arrive, after they had begun, many of the
spectators flocked round him, and were engaged the remainder of the
time in making him relate some of his adventures, which they listened
to with great attention, regardless of the solemn offices performing
by their priests. Indeed, the priests themselves, except the one who
chiefly repeated the prayers, either from their being familiarized
to such objects, or from want of confidence in the efficacy of
their institutions, observed very little of that solemnity which is
necessary to give to religious performances their due weight. Their
dress was only an ordinary one, they conversed together without
scruple, and the only attempt made by them to preserve any appearance
of decency, was by exerting their authority to prevent the people from
coming upon the very spot where the ceremonies were performed, and
to suffer us as strangers to advance a little forward. They were,
however, very candid in their answers to any questions that were put
to them concerning the institution. And particularly on being asked
what the intention of it was, they said that it was an old custom, and
was agreeable to their god, who delighted in, or in other words, came
and fed upon the sacrifices; in consequence of which, he complied with
their petitions. Upon its being objected that he could not feed on
these, as he was neither seen to do it, nor were the bodies of the
animals quickly consumed, and that as to the human victim, they
prevented his feeding on him by burying him. But to all this they
answered, that he came in the night, but invisibly, and fed only on
the soul, or immaterial part, which, according to their doctrine,
remains about the place of sacrifice, until the body of the victim be
entirely wasted by putrefaction.

It were much to be wished, that this deluded people may learn to
entertain the same horror of murdering their fellow-creatures, in
order to furnish such an invisible banquet to their god, as they now
have of feeding corporeally on human flesh themselves. And yet we
have great reason to believe, that there was a time when they were
cannibals. We were told (and indeed partly saw it) that it is a
necessary ceremony when a poor wretch is sacrificed, for the priest to
take out the left eye. This he presents to the king, holding it to
his mouth, which he desires him to open; but instead of putting it in,
immediately withdraws it. This they call "eating the man," or "food
for the chief;" and perhaps we may observe here some traces of former
times, when the dead body was really feasted upon.

But not to insist upon this, it is certain, that human sacrifices are
not the only barbarous custom we find still prevailing amongst this
benevolent humane people. For besides cutting out the jaw-bones of
their enemies slain in battle, which they carry about as trophies,
they, in some measure, offer their bodies as a sacrifice to the
_Eatooa_. Soon after a battle, in which they have been victors, they
collect all the dead that have fallen into their hands and bring them
to the _morai_, where, with a great deal of ceremony, they dig a hole,
and bury them all in it, as so many offerings to the gods; but their
sculls are never after taken up.

Their own great chiefs that fall in battle are treated in a
different manner. We were informed, that their late king Tootaha,
Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who fell with them in the
battle fought with those of Tiaraboo, were brought to this _morai_ at
Attahooroo. There their bowels were cut out by the priests before
the great altar, and the bodies afterward buried in three different
places, which were pointed out to us, in the great pile of stones that
compose the most conspicuous part of this _morai_. And their common
men who also fell in this battle, were all buried in one hole at the
foot of the pile. This, Omai, who was present, told me, was done the
day after the battle, with much pomp and ceremony, and in the midst
of a great concourse of people, as a thanksgiving-offering to the
_Eatooa_, for the victory they had obtained; while the vanquished had
taken refuge in the mountains. There they remained a week or ten days,
till the fury of the victors was over, and a treaty set on foot, by
which it was agreed, that Otoo should be declared king of the whole
island, and the solemnity of investing him with the _maro_ was
performed at the same _morai_ with great pomp, in the presence of all
the principal men of the country.[7]

[Footnote 7: We must trespass a little on the reader's patience as
was formerly threatened. But on so curious, and indeed so exceedingly
important a subject as human sacrifices, it is allowable to claim the
serious attention of every intelligent being. Who can withhold anxiety
from an enquiry into the reality of the fact, as a fundamental part
of religion in every nation at some period of its history--or dare to
affect indifference as to the origin and meaning of so portentous and
horrible a rite? It will be our study to be as brief as possible in
conveying the information respecting both, which every man ought to
possess, who values correct opinions respecting the moral condition of
our nature. First, then, as to the universality of the practice.
This is of course to be ascertained from testimony. And perhaps on no
subject in the history of mankind, is there a more decided agreement
in the assertions of different witnesses. We shall run over the
various nations of the earth, of whom we have any thing like
satisfactory evidence. Here we avail ourselves of the labours of
several authors, as Dr Jenkin, De Paauw, Mr Bryant, Mr Parkhurst, Dr
Magee, and others. We commence with the Egyptians, of whom alone, we
believe, any doubt as to their being implicated in the practice has
been entertained. Thus Dr Forster, in his Observations on Cook's
Second Voyage, excepts them from his remark that all the ancient
nations sacrificed men, saying that where-ever it is affirmed in old
writers that these people were addicted to it, we are to understand
them as alluding to the Arabian shepherds, who at one time subdued
Egypt. Such _was_ the opinion of the writer of this note, but more
attentive enquiry has induced him, in this instance, to disregard
the distinction. Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, quoted by Dr Magee,
mention their sacrificing red-haired men at the tomb of Osiris; and
from other sources, it appears that they had a custom of sacrificing
a virgin to the river Nile, by flinging her into its stream. The
Phoenicians, Canaanites, Moabites, Ammonites, and other neighbouring
people, were in the habit of sacrificing their children to their
idols, especially Moloch, on certain, calamities, and for various
reasons. See on this head some of the commentators on Scripture, as
Ainsworth on Levit. 18th, and still more particularly, consult Selecta
Sacra Braunii, a work formerly referred to. The Ethiopians, according
to the Romance of Heliodorus, admitted to be good authority as to
manners, &c. sacrificed their children to the sun and moon. The
Scythians, as related in the curious description given of them by
Herodotus, in Melpom. 62, particularly honoured the god Mars, by
sacrificing to him every hundredth captive. This they did, he says, by
cutting their throats, &c. The same author informs us of the Persians,
that they had a custom of burying persons alive, generally young ones
it would seem, in honour of the river Strymon, considered by them as a
deity. Polym. 114. In this he is confirmed by Plutarch. Other writers,
also, charge the Persians with using human sacrifices, as is shewn by
Dr Magee. The same may be said of the Chinese and Indians, according
to works mentioned by that gentleman. The case of the latter people
has been made notorious by Dr Buchanan. With respect to the Grecian
states in general, we have the most indubitable evidence of the
prevalence of supplicating their gods by human sacrifices, when going
against their enemies, as we see done by the Otaheitans, and on other
occasions. The Roman history, in its early state especially, abounds
in like examples, as every reader will be prepared to prove. The
practice was shockingly prevalent amongst the Carthaginians and other
inhabitants of Africa. The writer above quoted, specifies the works
which mention it, and has enumerated the authorities for asserting the
same of a great many other ancient people, as the Getae, Leucadians,
Goths, Gauls, Heruli, Britons, Germans; besides the Arabians, Cretans,
Cyprians, Rhodians, Phocians, and the inhabitants of Chios, Lesbos,
Tenedos, and Pella. The northern nations, without exception, are
chargeable with the same enormity. Of this, satisfactory evidence has
been adduced by Dr Magee from various authors, as Mr Thorkelin in his
Essay on the Slave Trade, Mallet, in his work on Northern Antiquities,
&c. And it is well known that the evil existed amongst the Mexicans,
Peruvians, and other people of America, in a degree surpassing its
magnitude in any other country. The perusal of the present narrative,
and of other accounts of voyages, will evince the continuance of the
practice throughout more recent people. On the whole then, we assert,
that the fact of the universality of human sacrifice amongst the
various nations of the world is perfectly well authenticated. Let
us next say a word or two respecting its origin and meaning. Here
we shall find it necessary to consider the origin and meaning of
sacrifice in general, as it is self-evident that the notion of
sacrifice is previous to the selection of the subjects for it, that
of human beings differing only in degree of worth or excellence from
those of any other kind. What then could induce mankind universally to
imagine, that sacrifices of animals could be agreeable to those beings
whom they judged superior to themselves, and the proper objects of
religious adoration? Reason gives no sanction to the practice; on the
contrary, most positively condemns it, as unnecessary, unjust, cruel,
and therefore more likely to incur displeasure than to obtain favour.
Besides, it must always have been expensive, and very often dangerous,
so that we must entirely discard the notion of a sense of interest
having given occasion to it, unless we can prove, that some valuable
consequence was to result from it. This however cannot be done without
first shewing its acceptableness to the Being whose regard is thereby
solicited. There remain, perhaps, only two other motives which we can
conceive to have given origin to the custom, viz. some instinctive
principle of our nature by which we are led to it, independent of
either reason or a sense of interest, as in the case of our appetites,
and a positive injunction or command to that effect by some being
who has the requisite authority over our conduct. The author so often
alluded to, Dr Magee, who has so profoundly considered this subject in
his work on Atonement, &c. rejects the former supposition, affirming
that we have no natural instinct to gratify, in spilling the blood
of an innocent creature; and, as he has also set aside the other
two notions, of course, he adopts the latter as sufficient for the
solution of the question. The writer concurs in this opinion, but at
the same time, he thinks it of the utmost importance to observe, that
as the original injunction or command was assuredly subsequent to the
sense of moral delinquency, and was directed in the view of a
relief to the conscience of man, so the continuance of the practice,
according to any perversion of the primitive and consequently proper
institution, is always connected with, and in fact implies, the
existence of a feeling of personal demerit and danger. In other words,
he conceives there is a suitableness betwixt the operation of man's
conscience and that effectual remedy for its uneasiness to which the
original institution of animal sacrifices pointed. But it does not
follow from this, that man's conscience or reason, or any thing else
within him, could ever have made the discovery of the remedy. A sense
of his need of it, would undoubtedly set him on various efforts
to relieve himself, but this, it is probable, would be as blind a
principle as the appetite of hunger, and as much would require aid
from an external power. Among the devices to which it might have
recourse, very possibly, the notion of giving up a darling object,
ought to be included; so it would appear, thought a king of Moab,
spoken of by Micah the prophet, chap. 6th, "Shall I give my first-born
for my transgression," &c. But even admitting this, we still see the
primary difficulty remaining, viz. what reason is there for imagining
that the gift in any shape, and more especially when slaughtered, will
be accepted? We are driven then to contemplate the revelation of the
divine will as the only adequate explanation; and this, it is evident,
we must consider as having been handed down by a corrupt process of
tradition, among the various nations of the earth. It would be easy to
urge arguments in behalf of this opinion. But already the matter has
gone beyond common bounds, and the writer dare not hazard another
remark. All he shall do then, is to commend this interesting topic to
the reader's attention, and to request, that due allowances be made
for the omission of certain qualifications which are requisite for
some of the remarks now made, but which the limits of the note could
not allow to be inserted.--E.]


SECTION III.

_Conference with Towha.--Heevas described.--Omai and Oedidee give
Dinners.--Fireworks exhibited.--A remarkable Present of
Cloth.--Manner of preserving the Body of a dead Chief.--Another
human Sacrifice.--Riding on Horseback.--Otoo's Attention to supply
Provisions, and prevent Thefts.--Animals given to him.--Etary, and
the Deputies of a Chief, have Audiences.--A mock Fight of two War
Canoes.--Naval Strength of these Islands.--Manner of conducting a
War._

The close of the very singular scene exhibited at the _morai_, which
I have faithfully described in the last chapter, leaving us no other
business in Attahooroo, we embarked about noon, in order to return
to Matavai; and, in our way, visited Towha, who had remained on the
little island where we met him the day before. Some conversation
passed between Otoo and him, on the present posture of public affairs;
and then the latter solicited me once more to join them in their war
against Eimeo. By my positive refusal I entirely lost the good graces
of this chief.

Before we parted, he asked us if the solemnity at which we had
been present answered our expectations; what opinion we had of its
efficacy; and whether we performed such acts of worship in our
own country? During the celebration of the horrid ceremony, we had
preserved a profound silence; but as soon as it was closed, had made
no scruple in expressing our sentiments very freely about it to Otoo,
and those who attended him; of course, therefore, I did not conceal my
detestation of it in this conversation with Towha. Besides the cruelty
of the bloody custom, I strongly urged the unreasonableness of it;
telling the chief, that such a sacrifice, far from making the _Eatooa_
propitious to their nation, as they ignorantly believed, would be
the means of drawing down his vengeance; and that, from this very
circumstance, I took upon me to judge, that their intended expedition
against Maheine would be unsuccessful. This was venturing pretty far
upon conjecture; but still, I thought, that there was little danger
of being mistaken. For I found, that there were three parties in the
island, with regard to this war; one extremely violent for it; another
perfectly indifferent about the matter; and the third openly
declaring themselves friends to Maheine and his cause. Under these
circumstances, of disunion distracting their councils, it was not
likely that such a plan of military operations would be settled
as could insure even a probability of success. In conveying our
sentiments to Towha, on the subject of the late sacrifice, Omai was
made use of as our interpreter; and he entered into our arguments with
so much spirit, that the chief seemed to be in great wrath; especially
when he was told, that if he had put a man to death in England, as he
had done here, his rank would not have protected him from being hanged
for it. Upon this, he exclaimed, _maeno_! _maeno_! [vile! vile!] and
would not hear another word. During this debate, many of the natives
were present, chiefly the attendants and servants of Towha himself;
and when Omai began to explain the punishment that would be inflicted
in England, upon the greatest man, if he killed the meanest servant,
they seemed to listen with great attention; and were probably of a
different opinion from that of their master on this subject.

After leaving Towha, we proceeded to Oparre, where Otoo pressed us
to spend the night. We landed in the evening; and, on our road to his
house, had an opportunity of observing in what manner these people
amuse themselves in their private _heevas_. About an hundred of them
were found sitting in a house; and in the midst of them were two
women, with an old man behind each of them beating very gently upon
a drum; and the women at intervals singing in a softer manner than I
ever heard at their other diversions. The assembly listened with great
attention; and were seemingly almost absorbed in the pleasure the
music gave them; for few took any notice of us, and the performers
never once stopped. It was almost dark before we reached Otoo's house,
where we were entertained with one of their public _heevas_, or plays,
in which his three sisters appeared as the principal characters. This
was what they call a _heeva raae_, which is of such a nature, that
nobody is to enter the house or area where it is exhibited. When
the royal sisters are the performers, this is always the case. Their
dress, on this occasion, was truly picturesque and elegant; and they
acquitted themselves, in their parts, in a very distinguished manner;
though some comic interludes, performed by four men seemed to yield
greater pleasure to the audience, which was numerous. The next morning
we proceeded to Matavai, leaving Otoo at Oparre; but his mother,
sisters, and several other women attended me on board, and Otoo
himself followed soon after.

While Otoo and I were absent from the ships, they had been but
sparingly supplied with fruit, and had few visitors. After our return,
we again overflowed with provisions and with company.

On the 4th, a party of us dined ashore with Omai, who gave excellent
fare, consisting of fish, fowls, pork, and puddings. After dinner, I
attended Otoo, who had been one of the party, back to his house, where
I found all his servants very busy getting a quantity of provisions
ready for me. Amongst other articles, there was a large hog, which
they killed in my presence. The entrails were divided into eleven
portions, in such a manner that each of them contained a bit of every
thing. These portions were distributed to the servants, and some
dressed theirs in the same oven with the hog, while others carried
off, undressed, what had come to their share. There was also a large
pudding, the whole process in making which, I saw. It was composed
of bread-fruit, ripe plantains, taro, and palm or pandanus nuts, each
rasped, scraped, or beat up fine, and baked by itself. A quantity of
juice, expressed from cocoa-nut kernels, was put into a large tray or
wooden vessel. The other articles, hot from the oven, were deposited
in this vessel; and a few hot stones were also put in to make the
contents simmer. Three or four men made use of sticks to stir the
several ingredients, till they were incorporated one with another, and
the juice of the cocoa-nut was turned to oil; so that the whole mass,
at last, became of the consistency of a hasty-pudding. Some of these
puddings are excellent; and few that we make in England equal them. I
seldom or never dined without one when I could get it, which was not
always the case. Otoo's hog being baked, and the pudding, which I
have described, being made, they, together with two living hogs, and
a quantity of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, were put into a canoe, and
sent on board my ship, followed by myself, and all the royal family.

The following evening, a young ram, of the Cape breed, that had been
lambed, and with great care brought up on board the ship, was killed
by a dog. Incidents are of more or less consequence, as connected with
situation. In our present situation, desirous as I was to propagate
this useful race amongst these islands, the loss of the ram was a
serious misfortune; as it was the only one I had of that breed; and I
had only one of the English breed left.

In the evening of the 7th, we played off some fireworks before a great
concourse of people. Some were highly entertained with the exhibition;
but by far the greater number of spectators were terribly frightened;
insomuch, that it was with difficulty we could prevail upon them to
keep together to see the end of the shew. A table-rocket was the last.
It flew off the table, and dispersed the whole crowd in a moment; even
the most resolute among them fled with precipitation.

The next day, a party of us dined with our former ship-mate, Oedidee,
on fish and pork. The hog weighed about thirty pounds; and it may be
worth mentioning, that it was alive, dressed, and brought upon the
table within the hour. We had but just dined, when Otoo came and asked
me if my belly was full. On my answering in the affirmative, he
said, "Then, come along with me." I accordingly went with him to his
father's, where I found some people employed in dressing two girls
with a prodigious quantity of fine cloth, after a very singular
fashion: The one end of each piece of cloth, of which there were
a good many, was held up over the heads of the girls, while the
remainder was wrapped round their bodies, under the arm-pits; then the
upper ends were let fall, and hung down in folds to the ground,
over the other, so as to bear some resemblance to a circular
hoop-petticoat. Afterward, round the outside of all, were wrapped
several pieces of differently-coloured cloth, which considerably
increased the size; so that it was not less than five or six yards
in circuit, and the weight of this singular attire was as much as
the poor girls could support. To each were hang two _taames_,
or breast-plates, by way of enriching the whole, and giving it a
picturesque appearance. Thus equipped, they were conducted on board
the ship, together with several hogs, and a quantity of fruit, which,
with the cloth, was a present to me from Otoo's father. Persons of
either sex, dressed in this manner, are called _atee_; but, I believe,
it is never practised, except when large presents of cloth are to be
made. At least, I never saw it practised upon any other occasion; nor,
indeed, had I ever such a present before; but both Captain Clerke and
I had cloth given to us afterward, thus wrapped round the bearers. The
next day, I had a present of five hogs and some fruit from Otoo;
and one hog and some fruit from each of his sisters. Nor were other
provisions wanting. For two or three days, great quantities of
mackerel had been caught by the natives, within the reef, in seines;
some of which they brought to the ships and tents and sold.

Otoo was not more attentive to supply our wants, by a succession of
presents, than he was to contribute to our amusement, by a succession
of diversions. A party of us having gone down to Oparre on the 10th,
he treated us with what may be called a play. His three sisters were
the actresses; and the dresses that they appeared in were new and
elegant; that is, more so than we had usually met with at any of these
islands. But the principal object I had in view, this day, in going
to Oparre, was to take a view of an embalmed corpse, which some of our
gentlemen had happened to meet with at that place, near the residence
of Otoo. On enquiry, I found it to be the remains of Tee, a chief well
known to me when I was at this island during my last voyage. It was
lying in a _toopapaoo_, more elegantly constructed than their common
ones, and in all respects similar to that lately seen by us at
Oheitepeha, in which the remains of Waheiadooa are deposited, embalmed
in the same manner. When we arrived at the place, the body was under
cover, and wrapped up in cloth within the _toopapaoo_; but, at my
desire, the man who had the care of it, brought it out, and laid it
upon a kind of bier, in such a manner, that we had as full a view of
it as we could wish; but we were not allowed to go within the pales
that enclosed the _toopapaoo_. After he had thus exhibited the corpse,
he hung the place with mats and cloth, so disposed as to produce a
very pretty effect. We found the body not only entire in every part;
but, what surprised us much more, was, that putrefaction seemed
scarcely to be begun, as there was not the least disagreeable smell
proceeding from it; though the climate is one of the hottest, and Tee
had been dead above four months. The only remarkable alteration that
had happened, was a shrinking of the muscular parts and eyes; but the
hair and nails were in their original state, and still adhered firmly;
and the several joints were quite pliable, or in that kind of relaxed
state which happens to persons who faint suddenly. Such were Mr
Anderson's remarks to me, who also told me, that on his enquiring into
the method of effecting this preservation of their dead bodies, he had
been informed, that, soon after their death, they are disembowlled,
by drawing the intestines, and other _viscera_, out at the _anus_;
and the whole cavity is then filled or stuffed with cloth, introduced
through the same part; that when any moisture appeared on the skin, it
was carefully dried up, and the bodies afterward rubbed all over with
a large quantity of perfumed cocoa-nut oil; which, being frequently
repeated, preserved them a great many months; but that, at last, they
gradually moulder away. This was the information Mr Anderson received;
for my own part, I could not learn any more about their mode of
operation than what Omai told me, who said, that they made use of the
juice of a plant which grows amongst the mountains, of cocoa-nut oil,
and of frequent washing with sea-water. I was also told, that the
bodies of all their great men, who die a natural death, are preserved
in this manner; and that they expose them to public view for a very
considerable time after. At first, they are laid out every day, when
it does not rain; afterward, the intervals become greater and greater;
and, at last, they are seldom to be seen.[1]

[Footnote 1: The method of embalming, above described, is very
different from that practised among the Egyptians and other ancient
people. For an account of the latter, the reader may turn to Beloe's
Herodotus, vol. i. where observations are collected from several
authors.--E.]

In the evening we returned from Oparre, where we left Otoo, and all
the royal family; and I saw none of them till the 12th; when all, but
the chief himself, paid me a visit. He, as they told me, was gone to
Attahooroo, to assist, this day, at another human sacrifice, which the
chief of Tiaraboo had sent thither to be offered up at the _morai_.
This second instance, within the course of a few days, was
too melancholy a proof how numerous the victims of this bloody
superstition are amongst this humane people. I would have been present
at this sacrifice too, had I known of it in time; for now it was too
late. From the very same cause, I missed being present at a public
transaction, which had passed at Oparre the preceding day, when Otoo,
with all the solemnities observed on such occasions, restored to
the friends and followers of the late king Tootaha, the lands and
possessions which had been withheld from them, ever since his death.
Probably, the new sacrifice was the concluding ceremony of what may be
called the reversal of attainder.

The following evening, Otoo returned from exercising this most
disagreeable of all his duties as sovereign; and the next day, being
now honoured with his company, Captain Clerke and I, mounted on
horseback, took a ride round the plain of Matavai, to the very great
surprise of a great train of people who attended on the occasion,
gazing upon us with as much astonishment as if we had been centaurs.
Omai, indeed, had once or twice before this, attempted to get on
horseback; but he had as often been thrown off, before he could
contrive to seat himself; so that this was the first time they had
seen any body ride a horse. What Captain Clerke and I began, was,
after this, repeated every day, while we staid, by one or another
of our people. And yet the curiosity of the natives continued still
unabated. They were exceedingly delighted with these animals, after
they had seen the use that was made of them; and, as far as I could
judge, they conveyed to them a better idea of the greatness of other
nations, than all the other novelties put together that their European
visitors had carried amongst them. Both the horse and mare were in
good case, and looked extremely well.

The next day, Etary, or Olla, the god of Bolabola, who had, for
several days past, been in the neighbourhood of Matavai, removed to
Oparre, attended by several sailing canoes. We were told that Otoo did
not approve of his being so near our station, where his people could
more easily invade our property. I must do Otoo the justice to say,
that he took every method prudence could suggest to prevent thefts and
robberies; and it was more owing to his regulations, than to our own
circumspection, that so few were committed. He had taken care to erect
a little house or two, on the other side of the river, behind our
post; and two others, close to our tents, on the bank between
the river and the sea. In all these places some of his own people
constantly kept watch; and his father generally resided on Matavai
point; so that we were, in a manner, surrounded by them. Thus
stationed, they not only guarded us in the night from thieves, but
could observe every thing that passed in the day; and were ready to
collect contributions from such girls as had private connections
with our people; which was generally done every morning. So that the
measures adopted by him to secure our safety, at the same time served
the more essential purpose of enlarging his own profits.

Otoo informing me that his presence was necessary at Oparre, where he
was to give audience to the great personage from Bolabola; and asking
me to accompany him, I readily consented, in hopes of meeting with
something worth our notice. Accordingly I went with him, in the
morning of the 16th, attended by Mr Anderson. Nothing, however,
occurred on this occasion that was either interesting or curious.
We saw Etary and his followers present some coarse cloth and hogs to
Otoo; and each article was delivered with some ceremony, and a set
speech. After this, they, and some other chiefs, held a consultation
about the expedition to Eimeo. Etary, at first, seemed to disapprove
of it; but, at last, his objections were over-ruled. Indeed, it
appeared next day, that it was too late to deliberate about this
measure; and that Towha, Potatou, and another chief, had already gone
upon the expedition with the fleet of Attahooroo. For a messenger
arrived in the evening, with intelligence that they had reached
Eimeo, and that there had been some skirmishes, without much loss or
advantage on either side.

In the morning of the 18th, Mr Anderson, myself, and Omai, went again
with Otoo to Oparre, and took with us the sheep which I intended to
leave upon the island, consisting of an English ram and ewe, and three
Cape ewes, all of which I gave to Otoo. As all the three cows had
taken the bull, I thought I might venture to divide them, and carry
some to Ulieta. With this view, I had them brought before us; and
proposed to Etary, that if he would leave his bull with Otoo, he
should have mine, and one of the three cows; adding, that I would
carry them for him to Ulieta; for I was afraid to remove the Spanish
bull, lest some accident should happen to him, as he was a bulky,
spirited beast. To this proposal of mine, Etary, at first, made some
objections; but, at last, agreed to it; partly through the persuasion
of Omai. However, just as the cattle were putting into the boat, one
of Etary's followers valiantly opposed any exchange whatever being
made. Finding this, and suspecting that Etary had only consented to
the proposed arrangement, for the present moment, to please me; and
that, after I was gone, he might take away his bull, and then Otoo
would not have one, I thought it best to drop the idea of an exchange,
as it could not be made with the mutual consent of both parties; and
finally determined to leave them all with Otoo, strictly enjoining him
never to suffer them to be removed from Oparre, not even the Spanish
bull, nor any of the sheep, till he should get a stock of young
ones; which he might then dispose of to his friends, and send to the
neighbouring islands.

This being settled, we left Etary and his party to ruminate upon their
folly, and attended Otoo to another place hard by, where we found the
servants of a chief, whose name I forgot to ask, waiting with a hog, a
pig, and a dog, as a present from their master to the sovereign. These
were delivered with the usual ceremonies, and with an harangue in
form, in which the speaker, in his master's name, enquired after
the health of Otoo, and of all the principal people about him.
This compliment was echoed back in the name of Otoo, by one of his
ministers; and then the dispute with Eimeo was discussed, with many
arguments for and against it. The deputies of this chief were for
prosecuting the war with vigour, and advised Otoo to offer a human
sacrifice. On the other hand, a chief, who was in constant attendance
on Otoo's person, opposed it, seemingly with great strength of
argument. This confirmed me in the opinion, that Otoo himself never
entered heartily into the spirit of this war. He now received
repeated messages from Towha, strongly soliciting him to hasten to his
assistance. We were told, that his fleet was, in a manner, surrounded
by that of Maheine; but that neither the one nor the other durst
hazard an engagement.

After dining with Otoo, we returned to Matavai, leaving him at Oparre.
This day, and also the 19th, we were very sparingly supplied with
fruit. Otoo hearing of this, he and his brother, who had attached
himself to Captain Clerke, came from Oparre, between nine and ten
o'clock in the evening, with a large supply for both ships. This
marked his humane attention more strongly than any thing he had
hitherto done for us. The next day, all the royal family came with
presents; so that our wants were not only relieved, but we had more
provisions than we could consume.

Having got all our water on board, the ships being caulked, the
rigging overhauled, and everything put in order, I began to think of
leaving the island, that I might have sufficient time to spare for
visiting the others in this neighbourhood. With this view, we removed
from the shore our observatories and instruments, and bent the sails.
Early the next morning, Otoo came on board to acquaint me, that all
the war canoes of Matavai, and of three other districts adjoining,
were going to Oparre to join those belonging to that part of the
island; and that there would be a general review there. Soon after,
the squadron of Matavai was all in motion; and, after parading awhile
about the bay, assembled ashore, near the middle of it. I now went in
my boat to take a view of them.

Of those with stages, on which they fight, or what they call their
war-canoes, there were about sixty, with near as many more of a
smaller size. I was ready to have attended them to Oparre; but, soon
after, a resolution was taken by the chiefs, that they should not move
till the next day. I looked upon this to be a fortunate delay, as it
afforded me a good opportunity to get some insight into their manner
of fighting. With this view, I expressed my wish to Otoo, that he
would order some of them to go through the necessary manoeuvres. Two
were accordingly ordered out into the bay; in one of which, Otoo, Mr
King, and myself, embarked; and Omai went on board the other. When we
had got sufficient sea-room, we faced, and advanced upon each other,
and retreated by turns, as quick as our rowers could paddle. During
this, the warriors on the stages flourished their weapons, and
played a hundred antic tricks, which could answer no other end, in
my judgment, than to work up their passions, and prepare them for
fighting. Otoo stood by the side of our stage, and gave the necessary
orders, when to advance, and when to retreat. In this, great judgment
and a quick eye, combined together seemed requisite, to seize every
advantage that might offer, and to avoid giving any advantage to the
adversary. At last, after advancing and retreating to and from each
other, at least a dozen of times, the two canoes closed, head to head,
or stage to stage; and, after a short conflict, the troops on our
stage were supposed to be all killed, and we were boarded by Omai
and his associates. At that very instant, Otoo, and all our paddlers
leaped over-board, as if reduced to the necessity of endeavouring to
save their lives by swimming.

If Omai's information is to be depended upon, their naval engagements
are not always conducted in this manner. He told me, that they
sometimes begin with lashing the two vessels together, head to head,
and then fight till all the warriors are killed, on one side or the
other. But this close combat, I apprehend, is never practised, but
when they are determined to conquer or die. Indeed, one or the other
must happen; for all agree that they never give quarter, unless it be
to reserve their prisoners for a more cruel death the next day.

The power and strength of these islands lie entirely in their navies.
I never heard of a general engagement on land; and all their decisive
battles are fought on the water. If the time and place of conflict are
fixed upon by both parties, the preceding day and night are spent in
diversions and feasting. Toward morning, they launch the canoes, put
every thing in order, and, with the day, begin the battle; the fate of
which generally decides the dispute. The vanquished save themselves
by a precipitate flight; and such as reach the shore, fly with their
friends to the mountains; for the victors, while their fury lasts,
spare neither the aged, nor women, nor children. The next day, they
assemble at the _morai_, to return thanks to the _Eatooa_ for the
victory, and to offer up the slain as sacrifices, and the prisoners
also, if they have any. After this a treaty is set on foot; and the
conquerors, for the most part, obtain their own terms; by which,
particular districts of land, and sometimes whole islands, change
their owners. Omai told us, that he was once taken a prisoner by the
men of Bolabola, and carried to that island, where he and some others
would have been put to death the next day, if they had not found means
to escape in the night.

As soon as this mock-fight was over, Omai put on his suit of armour,
mounted a stage in one of the canoes, and was paddled all along the
shore of the bay; so that every one had a full view of him. His coat
of mail did not draw the attention of his countrymen so much as
might have been expected. Some of them, indeed, had seen a part of it
before; and there were others, again, who had taken such a dislike to
Omai, from his imprudent conduct at this place, that they would hardly
look at any thing, however singular, that was exhibited by him.


SECTION IV.

_The Day of Sailing fixed.--Peace made with Eimeo.--Debates about it,
and Otoo's Conduct blamed.--A Solemnity at the Morai on the Occasion,
described by Mr King.--Observations upon it.--Instance of Otoo's
Art.--Omai's War-Canoe, and Remarks upon his Behaviour.--Otoo's
Present, and Message to the King of Great Britain.--Reflections on
our Manner of Traffic, and on the good Treatment we met with at
Otaheite.--Account of the Expedition of the Spaniards.--Their Fictions
to depreciate the English.--Wishes expressed that no Settlement may be
made.--Omai's Jealousy of another Traveller._

Early in the morning of the 22d, Otoo and his father came on board, to
know when I proposed sailing. For, having been informed that there
was a good harbour at Eimeo, I had told them that I should visit
that island on my way to Huaheine; and they were desirous of taking a
passage with me, and of their fleet sailing, at the time, to reinforce
Towha. As I was ready to take my departure, I left it to them to name
the day; and the Wednesday following was fixed upon, when I was to
take on board Otoo, his father, mother, and, in short, the whole
family. These points being settled, I proposed setting out immediately
for Oparre, where all the fleet, fitted out for the expedition, was to
assemble this day, and to be reviewed.

I had but just time to get into my boat, when news was brought, that
Towha had concluded a treaty with Maheine, and had returned with
his fleet to Attahooroo. This unexpected event made all further
proceedings, in the military way, quite unnecessary; and the
war-canoes, instead of rendezvousing at Oparre, were ordered home to
their respective districts. This alteration, however, did not hinder
me from following Otoo to Oparre, accompanied by Mr King and Omai.
Soon after our arrival, and while dinner was preparing, a messenger
arrived from Eimeo, and related the conditions of the peace, or
rather of the truce, it being only for a limited time. The terms were
disadvantageous to Otaheite; and much blame was thrown upon Otoo,
whose delay, in sending reinforcements, had obliged Towha to submit
to a disgraceful accommodation. It was even currently reported, that
Towha, resenting his not being supported, had declared, that, as soon
as I should leave the island, he would join his forces to those of
Tiaraboo, and attack Otoo at Matavai, or Oparre. This called upon
me to declare, in the most public manner, that I was determined to
espouse the interest of my friend against any such combination; and
that whoever presumed to attack him, should feel the weight of
my heavy displeasure, when I returned again to their island. My
declaration, probably, had the desired effect; and, if Towha had any
such hostile intention at first, we soon heard no more of the report.
Whappai, Otoo's father, highly disapproved of the peace, and blamed
Towha very much for concluding it. This sensible old man wisely
judged, that my going down with them to Eimeo must have been of
singular service to their cause, though I should take no other part
whatever in the quarrel. And it was upon this that he built all his
arguments, and maintained, that Otoo had acted properly by waiting for
me; though this had prevented his giving assistance to Towha so soon
as he expected.

Our debates at Oparre, on this subject, were hardly ended, before a
messenger arrived from Towha, desiring Otoo's attendance, the next
day, at the _morai_ in Attahooroo, to give thanks to the gods for the
peace he had concluded; at least, such was Omai's account to me of
the object of this solemnity. I was asked to go; but being much out of
order, was obliged to decline it. Desirous, however, of knowing what
ceremonies might be observed on so memorable an occasion, I sent
Mr King and Omai, and returned on board my ship, attended by Otoo's
mother, his three sisters, and eight more women. At first, I thought
that this numerous train of females came into my boat with no other
view than to get a passage to Matavai. But when we arrived at the
ship, they told me, they intended passing the night on board, for the
express purpose of undertaking the cure of the disorder I complained
of; which was a pain of the rheumatic kind, extending from the hip
to the foot. I accepted the friendly offer, had a bed spread for them
upon the cabin floor, and submitted myself to their directions. I
was desired to lay myself down amongst them. Then, as many of them as
could get round me, began to squeeze me with both hands, from head to
foot, but more particularly on the parts where the pain was lodged,
till they made my bones crack, and my flesh became a perfect mummy. In
short, after undergoing this discipline about a quarter of an hour,
I was glad to get away from them. However, the operation gave
me immediate relief, which encouraged me to submit to another
rubbing-down before I went to bed; and it was so effectual, that I
found myself pretty easy all the night after. My female physicians
repeated their prescription the next morning, before they went ashore,
and again, in the evening, when they returned on board; after which,
I found the pains entirely removed; and the cure being perfected, they
took their leave of me the following morning. This they call _romee_;
an operation which, in my opinion, far exceeds the flesh brush, or any
thing of the kind that we make use of externally. It is universally
practised amongst these islanders; being sometimes performed by the
men, but more generally by the women. If, at any time, one appears
languid and tired, and sits down by any of them, they immediately
begin to practise the _romee_ upon his legs; and I have always found
it to have an exceedingly good effect.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Captain Wallis's account of the same operation
performed on himself, and his first lieutenant, in this Collection,
vol. xii. p. 197.]

In the morning of the 25th, Otoo, Mr King, and Omai, returned from
Attahooroo; and Mr King gave me the following account of what he had
seen:

"Soon after you left me, a second messenger came from Towha to Otoo,
with a plantain-tree. It was sun-set when we embarked in a canoe
and left Oparre. About nine o'clock we landed at Tettaha, at that
extremity which joins to Attahooroo. Before we landed, the people
called to us from the shore; probably, to tell us that Towha was
there. The meeting of Otoo and this chief, I expected, would afford
some incident worthy of observation. Otoo, and his attendants, went
and seated themselves on the beach, close to the canoe in which Towha
was. He was then asleep; but his servants having awakened him, and
mentioning Otoo's name, immediately a plantain-tree and a dog were
laid at Otoo's feet; and many of Towha's people came and talked with
him, as I conceived, about their expedition to Eimeo. After I had, for
some time, remained seated close to Otoo, Towha neither stirring from
his canoe, nor holding any conversation with us, I went to him. He
asked me if _Toote_ was angry with him. I answered, No: that he was
his _taio_; and that he had ordered me to go to Attahooroo to tell
him so. Omai now had a long conversation with this chief; but I could
gather no information of any kind from him. On my returning to
Otoo, he seemed desirous that I should go to eat, and then to sleep.
Accordingly, Omai and I left him. On questioning Omai, he said, the
reason of Towha's not stirring from his canoe, was his being lame; but
that, presently, Otoo and he would converse together in private. This
seemed true; for in a little time, those we left with Otoo came to us;
and, about ten minutes after, Otoo himself arrived, and we all went to
sleep in his canoe.

"The next morning, the _ava_ was in great plenty. One man drank so
much that he lost his senses. I should have supposed him to be in a
fit, from the convulsions that agitated him. Two men held him, and
kept plucking off his hair by the roots. I left this spectacle to see
another that was more affecting. This was the meeting of Towha and his
wife, and a young girl, whom I understood to be his daughter. After
the ceremony of cutting their heads, and discharging a tolerable
quantity of blood and tears, they washed, embraced the chief, and
seemed unconcerned. But the young girl's sufferings were not yet come
to an end. Terridiri[2] arrived; and she went, with great composure,
to repeat the same ceremonies to him, which she had just performed on
meeting her father. Towha had brought a large war-canoe from Eimeo. I
enquired if he had killed the people belonging to her; and was told,
that there was no man in her when she was captured.

[Footnote 2: Terridiri was Oberea's son. See an account of the royal
family of Otaheite, in this Collection, vol. xii. p. 482.]

"We left Tettaha about ten or eleven o'clock, and landed close to
the _morai_ of Attahooroo a little after noon. There lay three canoes
hauled upon the beach, opposite the _morai_, with three hogs exposed
in each: their sheds, or awnings, had something under them which I
could not discern. We expected the solemnity to be performed the same
afternoon; but as neither Towha nor Potatou had joined us, nothing was
done.

"A chief from Eimeo came with a small pig, and a plantain-tree, and
placed them at Otoo's feet. They talked some time together; and the
Eimeo chief often repeating the words, _Warry, warry_, 'false,' I
supposed that Otoo was relating to him what he had heard, and that the
other denied it.

"The next day (Wednesday) Towha and Potatou, with about eight large
canoes, arrived, and landed near the _morai_. Many plantain-trees were
brought, on the part of different chiefs to Otoo. Towha did not stir
from his canoe. The ceremony began by the principal priest bringing
out the _maro_ wrapped up, and a bundle shaped like a large
sugar-loaf. These were placed at the head of what I understood to be a
grave. Then three priests came, and sat down opposite, that is, at the
other end of the grave; bringing with them a plantain-tree, the branch
of some other tree, and the sheath of the flower of the cocoa-nut
tree.

"The priests, with these things in their hands, separately repeated
sentences; and, at intervals, two, and sometime all three, sung a
melancholy ditty, little attended to by the people. This praying
and singing continued for an hour. Then, after a short prayer, the
principal priest uncovered the _maro_; and Otoo rose up, and wrapped
it about him, holding, at the same time, in his hand, a cap or bonnet,
composed of the red feathers of the tail of the tropic bird, mixed
with other feathers of a dark colour. He stood in the middle space,
facing the three priests, who continued their prayers for about ten
minutes; when a man, starting from the crowd, said something which
ended with the word _heiva!_ and the crowd echoed back to him, three
times, _Earee!_ This, as I had been told before, was the principal
part of the solemnity.

"The company now moved to the opposite side of the great pile of
stones, where is, what they call, the king's _morai_, which is not
unlike a large grave. Here the same ceremony was performed over
again, and ended in three cheers. The _maro_ was now wrapped up, and
increased in its splendour by the addition of a small piece of red
feathers, which one of the priests gave Otoo when he had it on, and
which he stuck into it.

"From this place, the people went to a large hut, close by the
_morai_, where they seated themselves in much greater order than is
usual among them. A man of Tiaraboo then made an oration, which lasted
about ten minutes. He was followed by an Attahooroo man; afterward
Potatou spoke with much greater fluency and grace than any of them;
for, in general, they spoke in short broken sentences, with a motion
of the hand that was rather awkward. Tooteo, Otoo's orator, spoke
next; and, after him, a man from Eimeo. Two or three more speeches
were made; but not much attended to. Omai told me, that the speeches
declared, that they should not fight, but all be friends. As many of
the speakers expressed themselves with warmth, possibly there were
some recriminations and protestations of their good intentions. In
the midst of their speaking, a man of Attahooroo got up, with a sling
fastened to his waist, and a large stone placed upon his shoulder.
After parading near a quarter of an hour, in the open space, repeating
something in a singing tone, he threw the stone down. This stone,
and a plantain-tree that lay at Otoo's feet, were, after the speeches
ended, carried to the _morai_: and one of the priests, and Otoo with
him, said something upon the occasion.

"On our return to Oparre, the sea-breeze having set in, we were
obliged to land; and had a pleasant walk through almost the whole
extent of Tettaha to Oparre. A tree, with two bundles of dried leaves
suspended upon it, marked the boundary of the two districts. The man
who had performed the ceremony of the stone and sling came with us.
With him, Otoo's father had a long conversation. He seemed very angry.
I understood, he was enraged at the part Towha had taken in the Eimeo
business."

From what I can judge of this solemnity, as thus described by Mr King,
it had not been wholly a thanksgiving, as Omai told us, but rather a
confirmation of the treaty, or perhaps both. The grave, which Mr King
speaks of, seems to be the very spot where the celebration of the
rites began, when the human sacrifice, at which I was present, was
offered, and before which the victim was laid, after being removed
from the sea side. It is at this part of the _morai_ also that they
first invest their kings with the _maro_. Omai, who had been present
when Otoo was made king, described to me the whole ceremony, when we
were here; and I find it to be almost the same as this that Mr King
has now described, though we understood it to be upon a very different
occasion. The plantain-tree, so often mentioned, is always the first
thing introduced, not only in all their religious ceremonies, but in
all their debates, whether of a public or private nature. It is also
used on other occasions; perhaps many more than we know of. While
Towha was at Eimeo, one or more messengers came from him to Otoo every
day. The messenger always came with a young plantain-tree in his hand,
which he laid down at Otoo's feet, before he spoke a word; then seated
himself before him, and related what he was charged with. I have seen
two men in such high dispute that I expected they would proceed to
blows; yet, on one laying a plantain-tree before the other, they
have both become cool, and carried on the argument without farther
animosity. In short, it is, upon all occasions, the olive-branch of
these people.

The war with Eimeo, and the solemn rites which were the consequence of
it, being thus finally closed, all our friends paid us a visit on
the 26th; and, as they knew that we were upon the point of sailing,
brought with them more hogs than we could take off their hands. For,
having no salt left, to preserve any, we wanted no more than for
present use.

The next day, I accompanied Otoo to Oparre; and, before I left it, I
looked at the cattle and poultry, which I had consigned to my friend's
care at that place. Every thing was in a promising way, and properly
attended to. Two of the geese, and two of the ducks were sitting; but
the pea and turkey hens had not begun to lay. I got from Otoo four
goats; two of which I intended to leave at Ulietea, where none had as
yet been introduced; and the other two I proposed to reserve for the
use of any other islands I might meet with in my passage to the north.

A circumstance which I shall now mention of Otoo will shew that these
people are capable of much address and art to gain their purposes.
Amongst other things which, at different times, I had given to this
chief, was a spying-glass. After having it in his possession two or
three days, tired of its novelty, and probably finding it of no use to
him, he carried it privately to Captain Clerke, and told him that, as
he had been his very good friend, he had got a present for him which
he knew would be agreeable. "But," says Otoo, "you must not let
_Toote_ know it, because he wants it, and I would not let him have
it." He then put the glass into Captain Clerke's hands; at the same
time assuring him that he came honestly by it. Captain Clerke, at
first, declined accepting it; but Otoo insisted upon it, and left it
with him. Some days after, he put Captain Clerke in mind of the glass,
who, though he did not want it, was yet desirous of obliging Otoo;
and, thinking that a few axes would be of more use at this island,
produced four to give him in return. Otoo no sooner saw this, than he
said, "_Toote_ offered me five for it." "Well," says Captain Clerke,
"if that be the case, your friendship for me shall not make you a
loser, and you shall have six axes." These he accepted; but desired
again, that I might not be told what he had done.

Our friend Omai got one good thing, at this island, for the many
good things he gave away. This was a very fine double-sailing canoe,
completely equipped, and fit for the sea. Some time before, I had
made up for him a suit of English colours; but he thought these too
valuable to be used at this time; and patched up a parcel of colours,
such as flags and pendants, to the number of ten or a dozen, which
he spread on different parts of his vessel, all at the same time; and
drew together as many people to look at her, as a man of war would,
dressed, in an European port. These streamers of Omai were a mixture
of English, French, Spanish, and Dutch, which were all the European
colours that he had seen. When I was last at this island, I gave to
Otoo an English jack and pendant, and to Towha a pendant, which I now
found they had preserved with the greatest care.

Omai had also provided himself with a good stock of cloth and
cocoa-nut oil, which are not only in greater plenty, but much better
at Otaheite, than at any of the Society Islands, insomuch that they
are articles of trade. Omai would not have behaved so inconsistently,
and so much unlike himself, as he did in many instances, but for his
sister and brother-in-law, who, together with a few more of their
acquaintance, engrossed him entirely to themselves, with no other
view than to strip him of every thing he had got. And they would,
undoubtedly, have succeeded in their scheme, if I had not put a stop
to it in time, by taking the most useful articles of his property into
my possession. But even this would not have saved Omai from ruin, if
I had suffered these relations of his to have gone with, or to have
followed us to, his intended place of settlement, Huaheine. This they
had intended; but I disappointed their farther views of plunder, by
forbidding them to shew themselves in that island, while I remained in
the neighbourhood; and they knew me too well not to comply.

On the 28th, Otoo came on board, and informed me that be had got a
canoe, which he desired I would take with me, and carry home, as a
present from him to the _Earee rahie no Pretane_; it being the only
thing, he said, that he could send worth his majesty's acceptance. I
was not a little pleased with Otoo, for this mark of his gratitude.
It was a thought entirely his own, not one of us having given him the
least hint about it; and it shewed, that he fully understood to whom
he was indebted for the most valuable presents that he had received.
At first, I thought that this canoe had been a model of one of their
vessels of war; but I soon found that it was a small _evaa_, about
sixteen feet long. It was double, and seemed to have been built for
the purpose; and was decorated with all those pieces of carved work
which they usually fix upon their canoes. As it was too large for me
to take on board, I could only thank him for his good intention; but
it would have pleased him much better if his present could have been
accepted.

We were detained here some days longer than I expected, by light
breezes from the west, and calms by turns; so that we could not get
out of the bay. During this time, the ships were crowded with our
friends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes; for not one would
leave the place till we were gone. At length, at three o'clock in the
afternoon of the 29th, the wind came at east, and we weighed anchor.

As soon as the ships were under sail, at the request of Otoo, and to
gratify the curiosity of his people, I fired seven guns, loaded with
shot; after which, all our friends, except him, and two or three more,
left us with such marks of affection and grief, as sufficiently shewed
how much they regretted our departure. Otoo being desirous of seeing
the ship sail, I made a stretch out to sea, and then in again; when be
also bid us farewell, and went ashore in his canoe.

The frequent visits we had lately paid to this island, seem to
have created a full persuasion, that the intercourse will not be
discontinued. It was strictly enjoined to me by Otoo, to request, in
his name, the _Earee rahie no Pretane_ to send him, by the next ships,
red feathers, and the birds that produce them; axes; half a dozen
muskets, with powder and shot; and by no means to forget horses.

I have occasionally mentioned my receiving considerable presents from
Otoo, and the rest of the family, without specifying what returns I
made. It is customary for these people, when they make a present, to
let us know what they expect in return; and we find it necessary to
gratify them; so that, what we get by way of present, comes dearer
than what we get by barter. But, as we were sometimes pressed by
occasional scarcity, we could have recourse to our friends for a
present, or supply, when we could not get our wants relieved by any
other method; and, therefore, upon the whole, this way of traffic was
full as advantageous to us as to the natives. For the most part,
I paid for each separate article as I received it, except in my
intercourse with Otoo. His presents generally came so fast upon me,
that no account was kept between us. Whatever he asked for, that I
could spare, he had whenever he asked for it; and I always found him
moderate in his demands.

If I could have prevailed upon Omai to fix himself at Otaheite,
I should not have left it so soon as I did. For there was not a
probability of our being better or cheaper supplied with refreshments
at any other place than we continued to be here, even at the time
of our leaving it. Besides, such a cordial friendship and confidence
subsisted between us and the inhabitants, as could hardly be expected
any where else; and it was a little extraordinary, that this friendly
intercourse had never once been suspended by any untoward accident;
nor had there been a theft committed that deserves to be mentioned.
Not that I believe their morals, in this respect, to be much mended,
but am rather of opinion that their regularity of conduct was owing to
the fear the chiefs were under, of interrupting a traffic which
they might consider as the means of securing to themselves a more
considerable share of our commodities, than could have been got
by plunder or pilfering. Indeed, this point I settled at the first
interview with their chiefs, after my arrival. For, observing the
great plenty that was in the island, and the eagerness of the natives
to possess our various articles of trade, I resolved to make the most
of these two favourable circumstances, and explained myself, in the
most decisive terms, that I would not suffer them to rob us, as they
had done upon many former occasions. In this, Omai was of great use,
as I instructed him to point out to them the good consequences of
their honest conduct, and the fatal mischiefs they must expect to
suffer by deviating from it.

It is not always in the power of the chiefs to prevent robberies; they
are frequently robbed themselves, and complain of it as a great evil.
Otoo left the most valuable things he had from me in my possession,
till the day before we sailed; and the reason he gave for it was, that
they were no where so safe. Since the bringing in of new riches, the
inducements to pilfering must have increased. The chiefs, sensible of
this, are now extremely desirous of chests. They seemed to set much
value upon a few that the Spaniards had left amongst them; and they
were continually asking us for some. I had one made for Otoo, the
dimensions of which, according to his own directions, were eight feet
in length, five in breadth, and about three in depth. Locks and bolts
were not a sufficient security; but it must be large enough for two
people to sleep upon, by way of guarding it in the night.

It will appear a little extraordinary that we, who had a smattering of
their language, and Omai, besides, for an interpreter, could never
get any clear account of the time when the Spaniards arrived, how long
they stayed, and when they departed. The more we enquired into this
matter, the more we were convinced of the inability of most of these
people to remember, or note the time, when past events happened;
especially if it exceeded ten or twenty months. It however appeared,
by the date of the inscription upon the cross, and by the information
we received from the most intelligent of the natives, that two ships
arrived at Oheitepeha in 1774, soon after I left Matavai, which was
in May, the same year. They brought with them the house and live-stock
before mentioned. Some said that, after landing these things, and some
men, they sailed in quest of me, and returned in about ten days. But
I have some doubt of the truth of this, as they were never seen either
at Huaheine, or at Ulietea. The live-stock they left here consisted
of one bull, some goats, hogs, and dogs, and the male of some other
animal, which we afterward found to be a ram, and, at this time, was
at Bolabola, whither the bull was also to have been transported.

The hogs are of a large kind; have already greatly improved the breed
originally found by us upon the island; and, at the time of our late
arrival, were very numerous. Goats are also in tolerable plenty, there
being hardly a chief of any note who has not got some. As to the dogs
that the Spaniards put ashore, which are of two or three sorts, I
think they would have done the island a great deal more service if
they had hanged them all, instead of leaving them upon it. It was to
one of them that my young ram fell a victim.

When these ships left the island, four Spaniards remained behind. Two
were priests, one a servant, and the fourth made himself very popular
among the natives, who distinguish him by the name of Mateema. He
seems to have been a person who had studied their language; or, at
least, to have spoken it so as to be understood; and to have taken
uncommon pains to impress the minds of the islanders with the most
exalted ideas of the greatness of the Spanish nation, and to make them
think meanly of the English. He even went so far as to assure them,
that we no longer existed as an independent nation; that _Pretane_
was only a small island, which they, the Spaniards, had entirely
destroyed; and, for me, that they had met with me at sea, and, with a
few shot, had sent my ship, and every soul in her, to the bottom;
so that my visiting Otaheite, at this time, was, of course, very
unexpected. All this, and many other improbable falsehoods, did this
Spaniard make these people believe. If Spain had no other views, in
this expedition, but to depreciate the English, they had better have
kept their ships at home; for my returning again to Otaheite was
considered as a complete confutation of all that Mateema had said.

With what design the priests stayed, we can only guess. If it was to
convert the natives to the catholic faith, they have not succeeded in
any one instance. But it does not appear that they ever attempted
it; for, if the natives are to be believed, they never conversed with
them, either on this, or on any other subject. The priests resided
constantly in the house at Oheitepeha; but Mateema roved about,
visiting most parts of the island. At length, after he and his
companions had stayed ten months, two ships came to Oheitepeha, took
them on board, and sailed again in five days. This hasty departure
shews that, whatever design the Spaniards might have had upon this
island, they had now laid it aside. And yet, as I was informed by
Otoo, and many others, before they went away, they would have the
natives believe that they still meant to return, and to bring with
them houses, all kinds of animals, and men and women who were to
settle, live, and die on the island. Otoo, when he told me this,
added, that if the Spaniards should return, he would not let them come
to Matavai Fort, which, he said, was ours. It was easy to see that the
idea pleased him; little thinking that the completion of it would, at
once, deprive him of his kingdom, and the people of their liberties.
This shews with what facility a settlement might be made at Otaheite,
which, grateful as I am for repeated good offices, I hope will never
happen. Our occasional visits may, in some respects, have benefitted
its inhabitants; but a permanent establishment amongst them,
conducted as most European establishments amongst Indian nations have
unfortunately been, would, I fear, give them just cause to lament that
our ships had ever found them out. Indeed, it is very unlikely that
any measure of this kind should ever be seriously thought of, as it
can neither serve the purposes of public ambition, nor of private
avarice; and, without such inducements, I may pronounce that it will
never be undertaken.[3]

[Footnote 3: We may have occasion hereafter to make mention of several
subsequent visits to this island, on the part of our countrymen. It
is evident, that Captain Cook was far from being well pleased with the
consequences which had already resulted to its inhabitants from their
intercourse with Europeans. Unfortunately, it is impracticable to give
a more agreeable picture of the condition of the island as influenced
by future visits. Cook's solicitude, in behalf of these people, is
extremely commendable, and it is to this we must ascribe his opinion
of the impolicy of attempting settlements amongst them. Is it
wonderful, that to a man of his humanity and discernment, any other
effect should seem likely to proceed from the undertaking, than what
would augment his concern that ever Otaheite felt the necessity
of being obliged to his countrymen? One motive alone, perhaps, not
contemplated by him in reasoning on the purposes which might induce to
such an attempt, gave some promise of compensating for former evils,
without being likely to entail others, which would still leave the
balance of good and bad consequences a subject of regret. We allude
to the _intentions_ of the missionaries, who projected a settlement on
the island in 1796, &c. But the friends of humanity have not hitherto
had cause to rejoice at the amount of the new benefits conferred. The
advocates for such labours, indeed, require to arm themselves with
patience, unless they can satisfy themselves with the conviction of
having _willed_ a good work. Besides, even they ought to anticipate
the certainty, that, were their intentions realized, intruders of very
different principles, and with very different motives, would speedily
mar the fruits of their benevolence. Such reflections, it may be said,
are discouraging. What opinion, then, ought we to entertain of the
wisdom of labours, which had been undertaken without a full view of
obvious causes threatening their ultimate failure? It would little
alleviate the mortification of disappointment, to exclaim, as is often
done on such occasions, "Who could have thought it?" But the most
enlightened judges of such undertakings, will not only advert to the
probable occurrence of such mischief, but also be well aware of the
existence of _other untoward circumstances_, extremely well
calculated to render any fears of subsequent deterioration altogether
superfluous!--E.]

I have already mentioned the visit that I had from one of the two
natives of this island, who had been carried by the Spaniards to
Lima. I never saw him afterward, which I rather wondered at, as I had
received him with uncommon civility. I believe, however, that Omai
had kept him at a distance from me, by some rough usage; jealous that
there should be another traveller upon the island who might vie with
himself. Our touching at Teneriffe was a fortunate circumstance for
Omai; as he prided himself in having visited a place belonging to
Spain as well as this man. I did not meet with the other, who had
returned from Lima; but Captain Clerke, who had seen him, spoke of
him as a low fellow, and as a little out of his senses. His own
countrymen, I found, agreed in the same account of him. In short,
these two adventurers seemed to be held in no esteem. They had
not, indeed, been so fortunate as to return home with such valuable
acquisitions of property as we had bestowed upon Omai; and, with the
advantages he reaped from his voyage to England, it must be his own
fault if he should sink into the same state of insignificance.


SECTION V.

_Arrival at Eimeo.--Two Harbours there, and an Account of them.--Visit
from Maheine, Chief of the Island.--His Person described.--A Goat
stolen, and sent back with the Thief.--Another Goat stolen, and
secreted.--Measures taken on the Occasion.--Expedition cross the
Island.--Houses and Canoes burnt.--The Goat delivered up, and Peace
restored. Some Account of the Island, &c._

As I did not give up my design of touching at Eimeo, at day-break, in
the morning of the 30th, after leaving Otaheite, I stood for the north
end of the island; the harbour which I wished to examine being at that
part of it. Omai, in his canoe, having arrived there long before us,
had taken some necessary measures to shew us the place. However, we
were not without pilots, having several men of Otaheite on board, and
not a few women. Not caring to trust entirely to these guides, I sent
two boats to examine the harbour; and, on their making the signal for
safe anchorage, we stood in with the ships, and anchored close up to
the head of the inlet, in ten fathoms water, over a bottom of soft
mud, and moored with a hawser fast to the shore.

This harbour, which is called Taloo, is situated upon the north side
of the island, in the district of Oboonohoo, or Poonohoo. It runs
in south, or south by east, between the hills, above two miles. For
security and goodness of its bottom, it is not inferior to any harbour
that I have met with at any of the islands in this ocean; and it has
this advantage over most of them, that a ship can sail in and out,
with the reigning trade wind; so that the access and recess are
equally easy. There are several rivulets that fall into it. The one,
at the head, is so considerable as to admit boats to go a quarter of
a mile up, where we found the water perfectly fresh. Its banks are
covered with the _pooroo_ tree, as it is called by the natives, which
makes good firing, and which they set no value upon; so that wood and
water are to be got here with great facility.

On the same side of the island, and about two miles to the eastward,
is the harbour of Parowroah, much larger within than that of Taloo;
but the entrance, or opening in the reef (for the whole island is
surrounded by a reef of coral rock) is considerably narrower, and lies
to leeward of the harbour. These two defects are so striking, that the
harbour of Taloo must always have a decided preference, It is a little
extraordinary, that I should have been three times at Otaheite before,
and have once sent a boat to Eimeo, and yet not know till now that
there was a harbour in it. On the contrary, I always understood there
was not. Whereas, there are not only the two above mentioned, but one
or two more on the south side of the island. But these last are not so
considerable as the two we have just described.

We had no sooner anchored, than the ships were crowded with the
inhabitants, whom curiosity alone brought on board; for they had
nothing with them for the purposes of barter. But, the next morning,
this deficiency was supplied; several canoes then arriving from more
distant parts, which brought with them abundance of bread-fruit,
cocoa-nuts, and a few hogs. These they exchanged for hatchets, nails,
and beads; for red feathers were not so much sought after here as at
Otaheite. The ship being a good deal pestered with rats, I hauled her
within thirty yards of the shore, as near as the depth of water would
allow, and made a path for them to get to the land, by fastening
hawsers to the trees. It is said, that this experiment has sometimes
succeeded; but, I believe, we got clear of very few, if any, of the
numerous tribe that haunted us.[1]

[Footnote 1: A French traveller in Greece, it is believed Sonnini,
makes mention of such an artifice having been used with success by a
vessel that put into one of the islands he visited; but in this case
the transference was made, not into the island, but into another
vessel, containing apples, of which rats are known to be exceedingly
fond. A hawser was secretly fastened to the latter, so as to form a
communication betwixt the two vessels. On the following morning, it is
said, not a rat was found in the one which originally contained them,
the whole having gone over during the night to the other. So much for
the efficacy of the stratagem. The reader will be at no loss to
decide as to the morality of having recourse to it. Mr Bingley relates
another method of getting rid of these vermin, which seems to be
abundantly serviceable, and which certainly has honesty in its favour.
The Valiant man of war, on its return from the Havannah, was so
shockingly infested with them, that they destroyed a hundred weight of
biscuit daily. The ship was smoked between decks in order to suffocate
them, which had the desired effect. In proof of this, he says,
that six hampers were for some time filled every day with the dead
animals.--E.]

In the morning of the 2d, Maheine, the chief of the island, paid me a
visit. He approached the ship with great caution, and it required
some persuasion to get him on board. Probably, he was under some
apprehensions of mischief from us, as friends of the Otaheitans; these
people not being able to comprehend how we can be friends with
any one, without adopting, at the same time, his cause against his
enemies. Maheine was accompanied by his wife, who, as I was informed,
is sister to Oamo, of Otaheite, of whose death we had an account while
we were at this island. I made presents to both of them of such things
as they seemed to set the highest value upon; and, after a stay of
about half-an-hour, they went away. Not long after, they returned with
a large hog, which they meant as a return to my present; but I made
them another present to the full value of it. After this they paid a
visit to Captain Clerke.

This chief who, with a few followers, has made himself, in a manner,
independent of Otaheite, is between forty and fifty years old. He is
bald-headed, which is rather an uncommon appearance in these islands
at that age. He wore a kind of turban, and seemed ashamed to shew his
head. But whether they themselves considered this deficiency of hair
as a mark of disgrace, or whether they entertained a notion of our
considering it as such, I cannot say. We judged that the latter
supposition was the truth, from this circumstance, that they had seen
us shave the head of one of their people whom we had caught stealing.
They therefore concluded, that this was the punishment usually
inflicted by us upon all thieves; and one or two of our gentlemen,
whose heads were not overburthened with hair, we could observe, lay
under violent suspicions of being _tetos_.

In the evening, Omai and I mounted on horseback, and took a ride along
the shore to the eastward. Our train was not very numerous, as Omai
had forbid the natives to follow us; and many complied; the fear
of giving offence getting the better of their curiosity. Towha had
stationed his fleet in this harbour; and though the war lasted but a
few days, the marks of its devastation were every where to be seen.
The trees were stripped of their fruit; and all the houses in the
neighbourhood had been pulled down or burnt.

Having employed two or three days in getting up all our spirit casks
to tar their heads, which we found necessary, to save them from the
efforts of a small insect to destroy them, we hauled the ship off into
the stream, on the 6th, n the morning, intending to put to sea the
next day; but an accident happened that prevented it, and gave me a
good deal of trouble. We had sent our goats ashore, in the day-time,
to graze, with two men to look after them; notwithstanding which
precaution, the natives had contrived to steal one of them this
evening. The loss of this goat would have been of little consequence,
if it had not interfered with my views of stocking other islands with
these animals; but this being the case, it became necessary to recover
it, if possible. The next morning, we got intelligence that it had
been carried to Maheine, the chief, who was at this time at Parowroah
harbour. Two old men offered to conduct any of my people, whom I might
think proper to send to him, to bring back the goat. Accordingly,
I dispatched them in a boat, charged with a threatening message to
Maheine, if the goat was not immediately given up to me, and also the
thief.

It was only the day before that this chief had requested me to give
him two goats. But, as I could not spare them, unless at the expense
of other lands that might never have another opportunity to get any,
and had besides heard that there were already two upon this island,
I did not gratify him. However, to shew my inclination to assist his
views in this respect, I desired Tidooa, an Otaheite chief, who was
present, to beg Otoo, in my name, to send two of these animals to
Maheine; and, by way of insuring a compliance with this request, I
sent to Otoo, by this chief a large piece of red feathers, equal
to the value of the two goats that I required. I expected that this
arrangement would have been satisfactory to Maheine and all the other
chiefs of the island; but the event shewed that I was mistaken.

Not thinking that any one would dare to steal a second, at the very
time I was taking measures to recover the first, the goats were put
ashore again this morning; and, in the evening, a boat was sent to
bring them on board. As our people were getting them into the boat,
one was carried off undiscovered. It being immediately missed, I made
no doubt of recovering it without much trouble, as there had not been
time to carry it to any considerable distance. Ten or twelve of the
natives set out soon after, different ways, to bring it back, or to
look for it; for not one of them would own that it was stolen, but all
tried to persuade us that it had strayed into the woods; and indeed
I thought so myself. I was convinced to the contrary, however, when
I found that not one of those who went in pursuit of it returned; so
that their only view was to amuse me till their prize was beyond my
reach; and night coming on, put a stop to all farther search. About
this time the boat returned with the other goat, bringing also one of
the men who had stolen it; the first instance of the kind that I had
met with amongst these islands.

The next morning, I found that most of the inhabitants in the
neighbourhood had moved off; carrying with them a corpse which lay on
a _toopapaoo_, opposite the ship; and that Maheine himself had retired
to the most distant part of the island. It seemed now no longer
doubtful, that a plan had been laid to steal what I had refused to
give; and that, though they had restored one, they were resolved to
keep the other, which was a she-goat, and big with kid. I was equally
fixed in my resolution that they should not keep it. I therefore
applied to the two old men who had been instrumental in getting
back the first. They told me that this had been carried to Watea, a
district on the south side of the island, by Hamoa, the chief of that
place; but that if I would send any body for it, it would be delivered
up. They offered to conduct some of my people cross the island; but,
on my learning from them that a boat might go and return the same day,
I sent one, with two petty officers, Mr Roberts and Mr Shuttleworth;
one to remain with the boat, in case she could not get to the place,
while the other should go with the guides, and one or two of our
people.

Late in the evening the boat returned; and the officers informed me,
that, after proceeding as far in the boat as rocks and shoals would
permit, Mr Shuttleworth, with two marines, and one of the guides,
landed and travelled to Watea, to the house of Hamoa, where the people
of the place amused them for some time, by telling that the goat would
soon be brought, and pretended they had sent for it. It however never
came; and the approach of night obliged Mr Shuttleworth to return to
the boat without it.

I was now very sorry that I had proceeded so far, as I could not
retreat with any tolerable credit, and without giving encouragement
to the people of the other islands we had yet to visit, to rob us with
impunity. I asked Omai and the two old men what methods I should next
take; and they, without hesitation, advised me to go with a party of
men into the country, and shoot every soul I should meet with. This
bloody counsel I could not follow; but I resolved to march a party of
men cross the island; and at day-break the next morning, set out with
thirty-five of my people, accompanied by one of the old men, by
Omai, and three or four of his attendants. At the same time I ordered
Lieutenant Williamson, with three armed boats, round the western part
of the island, to meet us.

I had no sooner landed with my party, than the few natives, who still
remained in the neighbourhood, fled before us. The first man that
we met with upon our march run some risk of his life; for Omai, the
moment he saw him, asked me if he should shoot him; so fully was
he persuaded that I was going to carry his advice into execution. I
immediately ordered both him and our guide to make it known that I
did not intend to hurt, much less to kill, a single native. These glad
tidings flew before us like lightning, and stopped the flight of
the inhabitants; so that no one quitted his house, or employment,
afterward.

As we began to ascend the ridge of hills over which lay our road, we
got intelligence that the goat had been carried that way before us;
and, as we understood, could not as yet have passed the hills; so that
we marched up in great silence, in hopes of surprising the party
who were bearing off the prize. But when we had got to the uppermost
plantation on the side of the ridge, the people there told us, that
what we were in search of had indeed been kept there the first night,
but had been carried the next morning to Watea, by Hamoa. We then
crossed the ridge without making any further enquiry, till we came
within sight of Watea, where some people shewed us Hamoa's house, and
told us that the goat was there; so that I made no doubt of getting it
immediately upon my arrival. But when I reached the house, to my very
great surprise, the few people we met with denied that they had ever
seen it, or knew any thing about it; even Hamoa himself came, and made
the same declaration.

On our first coming to the place, I observed several men running to
and fro in the woods, with clubs and bundles of darts in their hands;
and Omai, who followed them, had some, stones thrown at him; so that
it seemed as if they had intended to oppose any step I should take by
force; but on seeing my party was too strong, had dropped the design.
I was confirmed in this notion, by observing that all their houses
were empty. After getting a few of the people of the place together, I
desired Omai to expostulate with them on the absurdity of the conduct
they were pursuing; and to tell them, that, from the testimony of many
on whom I could depend, I was well assured that the goat was in their
possession; and, therefore, insisted upon its being delivered up,
otherwise I would burn their houses and canoes. But, notwithstanding
all that I or Omai could say, they continued to deny their having any
knowledge of it. The consequence was, that I set fire to six or eight
houses, which were presently consumed, with two or three war-canoes
that lay contiguous to them. This done, I marched off to join the
boats, which were about seven or eight miles from us; and, in our way,
we burnt six more war-canoes, without any one attempting to oppose us;
on the contrary, many assisted, though probably more out of fear than
good-will. In one place, Omai, who had advanced a little before, came
back with information, that a great many men were getting together to
attack us. We made ready to receive them; but, instead of enemies, we
found petitioners, with plantain-trees in their hands, which they laid
down at my feet, and begged that I would spare a canoe that lay close
by, which I readily complied with.

At length, about four in the afternoon, we got to the boats that were
waiting at Wharrarade, the district belonging to Tiarataboonoue; but
this chief, as well as all the principal people of the place, had
fled to the hills; though I touched not a single thing that was their
property, as they were the friends of Otoo. After resting ourselves
here about an hour, we set out for the ships, where we arrived about
eight o'clock in the evening. At that time no account of the goat had
been received; so that the operations of this day had not produced the
desired effect.

Early next morning, I dispatched one of Omai's men to Maheine, with
this peremptory message, that, if he persisted in his refusal, I would
not leave him a single canoe upon the island, and that he might expect
a continuation of hostilities as long as the stolen animal remained
in his possession. And, that the messenger might see that I was in
earnest, before he left me, I sent the carpenter to break up three or
four canoes that lay ashore at the head of the harbour. The plank was
carried on board, as materials for building a house for Omai, at
the place where he intended to settle. I afterward went, properly
accompanied, to the next harbour, where we broke up three or four more
canoes, and burnt an equal number; and then returned on board about
seven in the evening. On my arrival, I found that the goat had been
brought back, about half an hour before; and, on enquiry, it appeared
that it had come from the very place where I had been told, the day
before, by the inhabitants, that they knew nothing of it. But, in
consequence of the message I sent to the chief in the morning, it was
judged prudent to trifle with me no longer.

Thus ended this troublesome, and rather unfortunate business; which
could not be more regretted on the part of the natives than it was on
mine. And it grieved me to reflect, that, after refusing the pressing
solicitations of my friends at Otaheite to favour their invasion of
this island, I should so soon find myself reduced to the necessity of
engaging in hostilities against its inhabitants, which, perhaps, did
them more mischief than they had suffered from Towha's expedition.[2]

[Footnote 2: It is impossible not to think that Cook carried his
resentment farther than the necessity of the case required; at least
we may say, that the necessity, besides being in a great degree of
his own creating, did not warrant such extensive aggression. His
confessing his regret and concern must be allowed to prove this, and
at the same time to indicate the tenderness of his moral feelings. It
is one of the wisest precepts of practical wisdom, not to commit one's
self farther in threatenings, or vindictive resolutions, than it will
be quite safe and convenient to carry into effect.--E.]

The next morning our intercourse with the natives was renewed; and
several canoes brought to the ships bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts to
barter; from whence it was natural for me to draw this conclusion,
that they were conscious it was their own fault if I had treated them
with severity; and that the cause of my displeasure being removed,
they had a full confidence that no further mischief would ensue.

About nine o'clock, we weighed with a breeze down the harbour; but it
proved so faint and variable, that it was noon before we got out to
sea, when I steered for Huaheine, attended by Omai in his canoe. He
did not depend entirely upon his own judgment, but had got on board a
pilot. I observed that they shaped as direct a course for the island
as I could do.

At Eimeo, we abundantly supplied the ships with firewood. We had not
taken in any at Otaheite, where the procuring this article would have
been very inconvenient; there not being a tree at Matavai but what
is useful to the inhabitants. We also got here good store of
refreshments, both in hogs and vegetables; that is, bread-fruit and
cocoa-nuts; little else being in season. I do not know that there is
any difference between the produce of this island and of Otaheite; but
there is a very striking difference in their women that I can by no
means account for. Those of Eimeo are of low stature, have a dark
hue, and, in general, forbidding features. If we met with a fine woman
among them, we were sure, upon enquiry, to find that she had come from
some other island.

The general appearance of Eimeo is very different from that Otaheite.
The latter rising in one steep hilly body, has little low land, except
some deep valleys; and the flat border that surrounds the greatest
part of it toward the sea. Eimeo, on the contrary, has hills running
in different directions, which are very steep and rugged, leaving, in
the interspaces, very large valleys, and gently-rising grounds about
their sides. These hills, though of a rocky disposition, are, in
general, covered, almost to their tops, with trees; but the lower
parts, on the sides, frequently only with fern. At the bottom of the
harbour, where we lay, the ground rises gently to the foot of the
hills, which run across nearly in the middle of the island; but its
flat border, on each side, at a very small distance from the sea,
becomes quite steep. This gives it a romantic cast, which renders it a
prospect superior to any thing we saw at Otaheite. The soil, about
the low grounds, is a yellowish and pretty stiff mould; but, upon the
lower hills, it is blacker and more loose; and the stone that composes
the hills, is, when broken, of a blueish colour, but not very
compact texture, with some particles of _glimmer_ interspersed. These
particles seem worthy of observation. Perhaps the reader will think
differently of my judgment, when I add, that, near the station of our
ships, were two large stones, or rather rocks, concerning which
the natives have some superstitious notions. They consider them as
_eatooas_, or divinities; saying, that they are brother and sister,
and that they came by some supernatural means from Ulieta.


SECTION VI.

_Arrival at Huaheine.--Council of the Chiefs.--Omai's Offerings, and
Speech to the Chiefs.--His Establishment in this Island agreed
to.--A House built, and Garden planted for him.--Singularity of his
Situation.--Measures taken to insure his Safety.--Damage done
by Cock-roaches on board the Ships.--A Thief detected and
punished.--Fire-works exhibited.--Animals left with Omai.--His
Family.--Weapons.--Inscription on his House.--His Behaviour on
the Ships leaving the Island.--Summary View of his Conduct and
Character.--Account of the two New Zealand Youths._

Having left Eimeo with a gentle breeze and fine weather, at day-break,
the next morning we saw Huaheine, extending from S.W. by W. 1/2 W.,
to W. by N. At noon, we anchored at the north entrance of Owharre
harbour, which is on the west side of the island. The whole afternoon
was spent in warping the ships into a proper birth and mooring. Omai
entered the harbour just before us, in his canoe, but did not land.
Nor did he take much notice of any of his countrymen, though many
crowded to see him; but far more of them came off to the ships,
insomuch that we could hardly work on account of their numbers. Our
passengers presently acquainted them with what we had done at Eimeo,
and multiplied the number of houses and canoes that we had destroyed,
by ten at least. I was not sorry for this exaggerated account, as I
saw that it made a great impression upon all who heard it; so that
I had hopes it would induce the inhabitants of this island to behave
better to us than they had done during my former visits.

While I was at Otaheite, I had learned that my old friend Oree was no
longer the chief of Huaheine; and that, at this time, he resided
at Ulietea. Indeed, he never had been more than regent during the
minority of Taireetareea, the present _earee rahie_; but he did not
give up the regency till he was forced. His two sons, Opoony and
Towha, were the first who paid me a visit, coming on board before the
ship was well in the harbour, and bringing a present with them.

Our arrival brought all the principal people of the island to our
ships, on the next morning, being the 13th. This was just what
I wished, as it was high time to think of settling Omai; and the
presence of these chiefs, I guessed, would enable me to do it in the
most satisfactory manner. He now seemed to have an inclination to
establish himself at Ulietea; and if he and I could have agreed about
the mode of bringing that plan to bear, I should have had no objection
to adopt it. His father had been dispossessed by the men of Bolabola,
when they conquered Ulietea, of some land in that island; and I made
no doubt of being able to get it restored to the son in an amicable
manner. For that purpose it was necessary that he should be upon good
terms with those who now were masters of the island; but he was too
great a patriot to listen to any such thing; and was vain enough to
suppose that I would reinstate him in his forfeited lands by force.
This made it impossible to fix him at Ulietea, and pointed out to me
Huaheine as the proper place. I, therefore, resolved to avail myself
of the presence of the chief men of the island, and to make this
proposal to them.

After the hurry of the morning was over, we got ready to pay a formal
visit to Taireetareea, meaning then to introduce this business. Omai
dressed himself very properly on the occasion, and prepared a handsome
present for the chief himself, and another for his _eatooa_. Indeed,
after he had got clear of the gang that surrounded him at Otaheite, he
behaved with such prudence as to gain respect. Our landing drew most
of our visitors from the ships; and they, as well as those that were
on shore, assembled in a large house. The concourse of people, on this
occasion, was very great; and, amongst them, there appeared to be a
greater proportion of personable men and women than we had ever seen
in one assembly, at any of these new islands. Not only the bulk of
the people seemed, in general, much stouter and fairer than those of
Otaheite, but there was also a much greater number of men who appeared
to be of consequence, in proportion to the extent of the island, most
of whom had exactly the corpulent appearance of the chiefs of Wateeoo.
We waited some time for Taireetareea, as I would do nothing till the
_earee rahie_ came; but, when he appeared, I found that his presence
might have been dispensed with, as he was not above eight or ten years
of age. Omai, who stood at a little distance from this circle of great
men, began with making his offering to the gods, consisting of red
feathers, cloth, &c. Then followed another offering, which was to be
given to the gods by the chief; and after that, several other small
pieces and tufts of red feathers were presented. Each article was laid
before one of the company, who, I understood, was a priest, and
was delivered with a set speech or prayer, spoken by one of Omai's
friends, who sat by him, but mostly dictated by himself. In these
prayers, he did not forget his friends in England, nor those who had
brought him safe back. The _earee rahie no Pretane_, Lord Sandwich,
_Toote_, _Tatee_,[1] were mentioned in every one of them. When Omai's
offerings and prayers were finished, the priest took each article,
in the same order in which it had been laid before him, and after
repeating a prayer, sent it to the _morai_, which, as Omai told us,
was at a great distance, otherwise the offerings would have been made
there.

[Footnote 1: Cook and Clerke.]

These religious ceremonies having been performed, Omai sat down by me,
and we entered upon business, by giving the young chief my present,
and receiving his in return; and, all things considered, they were
liberal enough on both sides. Some arrangements were next agreed upon,
as to the manner of carrying on the intercourse betwixt us; and I
pointed out the mischievous consequences that would attend their
robbing us, as they had done during my former visits. Omai's
establishment was then proposed to the assembled chiefs.

He acquainted them, "that he had been carried by us into our country,
where he was well received by the great king and his _earees_, and
treated with every mark of regard and affection while he staid amongst
us; that he had been brought back again, enriched, by our liberality,
with a variety of articles which would prove very useful to his
countrymen; and that, besides the two horses which were to remain with
him, several other new and valuable animals had been left at Otaheite,
which would soon multiply, and furnish a sufficient number for the
use of all the islands in the neighbourhood. He then signified to them
that it was my earnest request, in return for all my friendly offices,
that they would give him a piece of land to build a house upon, and to
raise provisions for himself and servants; adding, that if this could
not be obtained for him in Huaheine, either by gift or by purchase, I
was determined to carry him to Ulietea, and fix him there."

Perhaps I have here made a better speech for my friend than he
actually delivered; but these were the topics I dictated to him. I
observed that what he concluded with, about carrying him to Ulietea,
seemed to meet with the approbation of all the chiefs; and I instantly
saw the reason. Omai had, as I have already mentioned, vainly
flattered himself that I meant to use force in restoring him to his
father's lands in Ulietea, and he had talked idly, and without any
authority from me, on this subject, to some of the present assembly,
who dreamed of nothing less than a hostile invasion of Ulietea, and of
being assisted by me to drive the Bolabola men out of that island. It
was of consequence, therefore, that I should undeceive them; and,
in order to this, I signified, in the most peremptory manner, that I
neither would assist them in such an enterprise, nor suffer it to be
put in execution, while I was in their seas; and that, if Omai fixed
himself in Ulietea, he must be introduced as a friend, and not forced
upon the Bolabola men as their conqueror.

This declaration gave a new turn to the sentiments of the council. One
of the chiefs immediately expressed himself to this effect: "That the
whole island of Huaheine, and every thing in it, were mine; and that,
therefore, I might give what portion of it I pleased to my friend."
Omai, who, like the rest of his countrymen, seldom sees things beyond
the present moment, was greatly pleased to hear this, thinking, no
doubt, that I should be very liberal, and give him enough. But to
offer what it would have been improper to accept, I considered as
offering nothing at all, and, therefore, I now desired that they would
not only assign the particular spot, but also the exact quantity of
land which they would allot for the settlement. Upon this, some chiefs
who had already left the assembly, were sent for; and, after a short
consultation among themselves, my request was granted by general
consent, and the ground immediately pitched upon, adjoining to the
house where our meeting was held. The extent, along the shore of the
harbour, was about two hundred yards; and its depth, to the foot
of the hill, somewhat more; but a proportional part of the hill was
included in the grant.

This business being settled to the satisfaction of all parties, I set
up a tent ashore, established a post, and erected the observatories.
The carpenters of both ships were also set to work to build a small
house for Omai, in which he might secure the European commodities
that were his property. At the same time, some hands were employed in
making a garden for his use, planting shaddocks, vines, pine-apples,
melons, and the seeds of several other vegetable articles; all of
which I had the satisfaction of observing to be in a flourishing state
before I left the island.

Omai now began seriously to attend to his own affairs, and repented
heartily of his ill-judged prodigality while at Otaheite. He found at
Huaheine, a brother, a sister, and a brother-in-law; the sister being
married. But these did not plunder him, as he had lately been by his
other relations. I was sorry, however, to discover that, though
they were too honest to do him any injury, they were of too little
consequence in the island to do him any positive good. They had
neither authority nor influence to protect his person, or his
property; and, in that helpless situation, I had reason to apprehend
that he run great risk of being stripped of every thing he had got
from us, as soon as he should cease to have us within his reach, to
enforce the good behaviour of his countrymen, by an immediate appeal
to our irresistible power.

A man who is richer than his neighbours is sure to be envied, by
numbers who wish to see him brought down to their own level. But
in countries where civilization, law, and religion impose their
restraints, the rich have a reasonable ground of security. And besides
there being, in all such communities, a diffusion of property, no
single individual need fear, that the efforts of all the poorer
sort can ever be united to injure him, exclusively of others who are
equally the objects of envy. It was very different with Omai. He was
to live amongst those who are strangers, in a great measure, to any
other principle of action besides the immediate impulse of their
natural feelings. But, what was his principal danger, he was to be
placed in the very singular situation of being the only rich man in
the community to which he was to belong. And having, by a fortunate
connection with us, got into his possession an accumulated quantity of
a species of treasure which none of his countrymen could create by any
art or industry of their own; while all coveted a share of this envied
wealth, it was natural to apprehend that all would be ready to join in
attempting to strip its sole proprietor.

To prevent this, if possible, I advised him to make a proper
distribution of some of his moveables to two or three of the principal
chiefs, who, being thus gratified themselves, might be induced to
take him under their patronage, and protect him from the injuries
of others. He promised to follow my advice; and I heard, with
satisfaction, before I sailed, that this very prudent step had been
taken. Not trusting, however, entirely to the operations of gratitude,
I had recourse to the more forcible motive of intimidation. With this
view, I took every opportunity of notifying to the inhabitants, that
it was my intention to return to their island again, after being
absent the usual time; and that, if I did not find Omai in the same
state of security in which I was now to leave him, all those whom, I
should then discover to have been his enemies, might expect to feel
the weight of my resentment. This threatening declaration; will,
probably, have no inconsiderable effect; for our successive visits of
late years have taught these people to believe that our ships are to
return at certain periods; and while they continue to be impressed
with such a notion, which I thought it a fair stratagem to confirm,
Omai has some prospect of being permitted to thrive upon his new
plantation.

While we lay in this harbour, we carried ashore the bread remaining in
the bread-room, to clear it of vermin. The number of cock-roaches that
infested the ship, at this time, is incredible. The damage they did us
was very considerable; and every method devised by us to destroy them
proved ineffectual. These animals which, at first, were a nuisance,
like all other insects, had now become a real pest, and so
destructive, that few things were free from, their ravages. If food
of any kind was exposed, only for a few minutes, it was covered with
them, and they soon pierced it full of holes, resembling a honey-comb.
They were particularly destructive to birds which had been stuffed and
preserved as curiosities, and what was worse, were uncommonly fond of
ink, so that the writing on the labels fastened to different articles
were quite eaten out; and the only thing that preserved books from
them was the closeness of the binding, which prevented these devourers
getting between the leaves. According to Mr Anderson's observations,
they were of two sorts, the _blatta orientalis_ and _germanica_.
The first of these had been carried home in the ship from her former
voyage, where they withstood the severity of the hard winter in 1776,
though she was in dock all the time. The others had only made their
appearance since our leaving New Zealand, but had increased so fast,
that they now not only did all the mischief mentioned above, but
had even got amongst the rigging, so that when a sail was loosened,
thousands of them fell upon the decks. The orientates, though in
infinite numbers, scarcely came out but in the night, when they made
every thing in the cabins seem as if in motion, from the particular
noise in crawling about. And, besides their disagreeable appearance,
they did great mischief to our bread, which was so bespattered with
their excrement, that it would have been badly relished by delicate
feeders.

The intercourse of trade and friendly offices was carried on between
us and the natives, without being disturbed by any one accident, till
the evening of the 22d, when a man found means to get into Mr Bayly's
observatory, and to carry off a sextant unobserved. As soon as I was
made acquainted with the theft, I went ashore, and got Omai to apply
to the chiefs to procure restitution. He did so; but they took no
steps toward it, being more attentive to a _heeva_ that was then
acting, till I ordered the performers of the exhibition to desist.
They were now convinced that I was in earnest, and began to make some
enquiry after the thief, who was sitting in the midst of them, quite
unconcerned, insomuch that I was in great doubt of his being the
guilty person, especially as he denied it. Omai, however, assuring me
that he was the man, I sent him on board the ship, and there confined
him. This raised a general ferment amongst the assembled natives; and
the whole body fled in spite of all my endeavours to stop them. Having
employed Omai to examine the prisoner, with some difficulty he was
brought to confess where he had hid the sextant; but, as it was now
dark, we could not find it till day-light the next morning, when it
was brought back unhurt. After this, the natives recovered from their
fright, and began to gather about us as usual. And, as to the thief,
he appearing to be a hardened scoundrel, I punished him more severely
than I had ever done any one culprit before. Besides having his head
and beard shaved, I ordered both his ears to be cut off and then
dismissed him.[2]

[Footnote 2: We cannot suffer this action to be passed over, without
expressing indignation at the cruelty and injustice that marked it.
Not even the fair reputation of Cook for meekness and humanity ought
to deter any one from affixing the proper term to such conduct. He had
no right to award so severe a treatment, even though he had authority
to take cognizance of the man's former and general character,
which, however, it is impossible, on any satisfactory principle, to
demonstrate. It was both the duty and the interest of Captain Cook to
conform to the established maxims and decisions of the people whom
he visited, which, whatever their own practice had been, would have
proved amply severe, as we have already had occasion to observe; but
no superiority of power on his part, could warrant the introduction of
unrecognized, and to these islanders it is probable, quite unheard-of
modes of punishment. A suspicion, some persons may think a very unfair
one, lurks in the mind of the writer, that the captain had rather
_forgotten himself_ during this voyage, and that presuming, in some
degree, on his established fame and consequence, be exercised a
greater latitude of power than his original caution and sense of
responsibility would have permitted him to hazard, at an earlier
period of his career. Such undoubtedly is human nature, and it can
by no means be interpreted as an unjust aspersion, that Cook was
not exempted from its common infirmities. Captain King, as we shall
afterwards find, makes a remark on his acquired confidence with
respect to the savages, in the latter part of his professional life,
which, though in the most delicate manner imaginable, seems very
readily to fall in with the suspicion now stated. As might have been
expected, the over severe, and, at all events, imprudently managed
punishment, failed to operate beneficially on the poor wretch that
was subjected to it Perhaps it will be discovered to hold universally,
that wherever the appearance of revenge characterizes an act of
retributive justice, a feeling of the same principle hardens the
breast of the culprit, besides influencing the speculative judgments
of those who witness it But it were foolish to expect, that either one
or other will avow the existence of so dangerous a motive. The only
excuse that offers itself in. behalf of Captain Cook's conduct on this
occasion, is stated in what he immediately mentions of the anarchy
existing in this island. But even that is only a palliation in part,
and does not reach to the full amount of the case. Let the reader
judge.--E.]

This, however, did not deter him from giving us farther trouble; for,
in the night between the 24th and 25th, a general alarm was spread,
occasioned, as was said, by one of our goats being stolen by this
very man. On examination, we found that all was safe in that quarter.
Probably, the goats were so well guarded, that he could not put his
design in execution. But his hostilities had succeeded against another
object, and it appeared that he had destroyed and carried off several
vines and cabbage-plants in Omai's grounds; add he publicly threatened
to kill him, and to burn his house as soon as we should leave the
island. To prevent the fellow's doing me and Omai any more mischief,
I had him seized, and confined again on board the ship, with a view
of carrying him off the island; and it seemed to give general
satisfaction to the chiefs, that I meant thus to dispose of him. He
was from Bolabola; but there were too many of the natives here ready
to assist him in any of his designs, whenever he should think of
executing them. I had always met with more troublesome people in
Huaheine than in any other of the neighbouring islands; and it was
only fear, and the want of opportunities, that induced them to behave
better now. Anarchy, seemed to prevail amongst them. Their nominal
sovereign the _earee rahie_, as I have before observed, was but a
child; and I did not find that there was any one man, or set of
men who managed the government for him; so that, whenever any
misunderstanding happened between us, I never knew, with sufficient
precision, where to make application, in order to bring about an
accommodation, or to procure redress. The young chiefs mother would,
indeed, sometimes exert herself, but I did not perceive that she had
greater authority than many others.

Omai's house being nearly finished, many of his moveables were carried
ashore on the 26th. Amongst a variety of other useless articles was
a box of toys, which, when exposed to public view, seemed greatly to
please the gazing multitude. But, as to his pots, kettles, dishes,
plates, drinking-mugs, glasses, and the whole train of our domestic
accommodations, hardly any one of his countrymen would so much as look
at them. Omai himself now began to think that they were of no manner
of use to him; that a baked hog was more savoury food than a boiled
one, that a plantain-leaf made as good a dish or plate as pewter, and
that a cocoa-nut shell was as convenient a goblet as a blackjack. And,
therefore, he very wisely disposed of as many of these articles
of English furniture for the kitchen and pantry, as he could find
purchasers for, amongst the people of the ships; receiving from them
in return, hatchets and other iron tools, which had a more intrinsic
value in this part of the world, and added more to his distinguishing
superiority over those with whom he was to pass the remainder of his
days.

In the long list of the presents bestowed upon him in England,
fire-works had not been forgot. Some of these we exhibited in the
evening of the 28th, before a great concourse of people, who beheld
them with a mixture of pleasure and fear. What remained, after the
evening's entertainment, were put in order, and left with Omai,
agreeably to their original destination. Perhaps we need not lament
it as a serious misfortune, that the far greater share of this part of
his cargo, had been already expended in exhibitions at other islands,
or rendered useless by being kept so long.

Between midnight and four in the morning of the 30th, the Bolabola
man, whom I had in confinement, found means to make his escape out' of
the ship. He carried with him the shackle of the bilbo-bolt that was
about his leg, which was taken from him, as soon as he got on shore,
by one of the chiefs, and given to Omai, who came on board very early
in the morning, to acquaint me that his mortal enemy was again let
loose upon him. Upon enquiry, it appeared that not only the sentry
placed over the prisoner, but the whole watch upon the quarter-deck
where he was confined, had laid themselves down to sleep. He
seized the opportunity to take the key of the irons out of the
binnacle-drawer, where he had seen it put, and set himself at liberty.
This escape convinced me that my people had been very remiss in their
night duty, which made it necessary to punish those who were now
in fault, and to establish some new regulations to prevent the
like negligence for the future. I was not a little pleased to hear,
afterward, that the fellow who escaped had transported himself to
Ulietea; in this, seconding my views of putting him a second time in
irons.[3]

[Footnote 3: Might not so spirited a fellow as this, by proper
treatment, have been made a most useful agent? How many talents are
often lost to society, because governments are more necessitated, or
at least more accustomed, to punish transgressions, than willing to
be at the pains of rewarding ability and fostering genius! And yet the
latter process, it might not be difficult to prove, would be much less
expensive than the former.--E.]

As soon as Omai was settled in his new habitation, I began to think
of leaving the island; and got every thing off from the shore, this
evening, except the horse and mare, and a goat big with kid, which
were left in the possession of our friend, with whom we were now
finally to part. I also gave him a boar and two sows of the English
breed; and he had got a sow or two of his own. The horse covered the
mare while we were at Otaheite; so that I consider the introduction of
a breed of horses into these islands as likely to have succeeded, by
this valuable present.

The history of Omai will, perhaps, interest a very numerous class of
readers more than any other occurrence of a voyage, the objects
of which do not, in general, promise much entertainment. Every
circumstance, therefore, which may serve to convey a satisfactory
account of the exact situation in which he was left, will be thought
worth preserving; and the following particulars are added, to complete
the view of his domestic establishment. He had picked up at Otaheite
four or five _toutous_; the two New Zealand youths remained with him;
and his brother, and some others, joined him at Huaheine; so that
his family consisted already of eight or ten persons, if that can be
called a family to which not a single female as yet belonged, nor I
doubt was likely to belong, unless its master became less volatile.
At present, Omai did not seem at all disposed to take unto himself a
wife.

The house which we erected for him was twenty-four feet by eighteen,
and ten feet high. It was composed of boards, the spoils of our
military operations at Eimeo; and, in building it, as few nails as
possible were used, that there might be no inducement, from the love
of iron, to pull it down. It was settled, that, immediately after our
departure, he should begin to build a large house after the fashion of
his country, one end of which was to be brought over that which we had
erected, so as to enclose it entirely for greater security. In this
work, some of the chiefs promised to assist him; and, if the intended
building should cover the ground which he marked out, it will be as
large as most upon the island.

His European weapons consisted of a musket, bayonet, and cartouch-box,
a fowling-piece, two pair of pistols, and two or three swords or
cutlasses. The possession of these made him quite happy, which was
my only view in giving him such presents. For I was always of opinion
that he would have been happier without fire-arms, and other European
weapons, than with them, as such implements of war, in the hands of
one, whose prudent use of them I had some grounds for mistrusting,
would rather increase his dangers than establish his superiority.
After he had got on shore every thing that belonged to him, and was
settled in his house, he had most of the officers of both ships, two
or three times, to dinner; and his table was always well supplied with
the very best provisions that the island produced.

Before I sailed, I had the following inscription cut upon the outside
of his house:--

  _Georgius Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777._
  _Naves { Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr._
        _{ Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr._

On the 2d of November, at four in the afternoon, I took the advantage
of a breeze which then sprung up at E., and sailed out of the harbour.
Most of our friends remained on board till the ships were under sail;
when, to gratify their curiosity, I ordered five guns to be fired.
They then all took their leave, except Omai, who remained till we
were at sea. We had come to sail by a hawser fastened to the shore. In
casting the ship, it parted, being cut by the rocks, and the outer end
was left behind, as those who cast it off did not perceive that it
was broken, so that it became necessary to send a boat to bring it
on board. In this boat, Omai went ashore, after taking a very
affectionate farewell of all the officers. He sustained himself with
a manly resolution till he came to me. Then his utmost efforts to
conceal his tears failed; and Mr King, who went in the boat, told me,
that he wept all the time in going ashore.

It was no small satisfaction to reflect, that we had brought him safe
back to the very spot from which he was taken. And yet, such is the
strange nature of human affairs, that it is probable we left him in a
less desirable situation than he was in before his connection with
us. I do not by this mean, that because he has tasted the sweets of
civilized life, he must become more miserable from being obliged to
abandon all thoughts of continuing them. I confine myself to this
single disagreeable circumstance, that the advantages he received from
us have placed him in a more hazardous situation, with respect to his
personal safety. Omai, from being much caressed in England, lost sight
of his original condition; and never considered in what manner his
acquisitions, either of knowledge or of riches, would be estimated by
his countrymen at his return, which were the only things he could have
to recommend him to them now, more than before, and on which he could
build either his future greatness or happiness. He seemed even to have
mistaken their genius in this respect, and, in some measure, to have
forgotten their customs, otherwise he must have known the extreme
difficulty there would be in getting himself admitted as a person of
rank, where there is, perhaps, no instance of a man's being raised
from an inferior station by the greatest merit. Rank seems to be the
very foundation of all distinction here, and, of its attendant, power;
and so pertinaciously, or rather blindly adhered to, that, unless a
person has some degree of it, he will certainly be despised and hated,
if he assumes the appearance of exercising any authority. This was
really the case, in some measure, with Omai, though his countrymen
were pretty cautious of expressing their sentiments while we remained
amongst them. Had he made a proper use of the presents he brought
with him from England, this, with the knowledge he had acquired by
travelling so far, might have enabled him to form the most useful
connections. But we have given too many instances, in the course of
our narrative, of his childish inattention to this obvious means of
advancing his interest. His schemes seemed to be of a higher though
ridiculous nature, indeed I might say meaner; for revenge, rather
than a desire of becoming great, appeared to actuate him from the
beginning. This, however, maybe excused, if we consider that it
is common to his countrymen. His father was, doubtless, a man of
considerable property in Ulietea, when that island was conquered by
those of Bolabola, and, with many others, sought refuge in Huaheine,
where he died, and left Omai, with some other children; who, by that
means, became totally dependent. In this situation he was taken up by
Captain Furneaux, and carried to England. Whether he really expected,
from his treatment there, that any assistance would be given him
against the enemies of his father and his country, or whether he
imagined that his own personal courage and superiority of knowledge
would be sufficient to dispossess the conquerors of Ulietea, is
uncertain; but, from the beginning of the voyage, this was his
constant theme. He would not listen to our remonstrances on so wild a
determination, but flew into a passion if more moderate and reasonable
counsels were proposed for his advantage. Nay, so infatuated and
attached to his favourite scheme was he, that he affected to believe
these people would certainly quit the conquered island, as soon as
they should hear of his arrival in Otaheite. As we advanced, however,
on our voyage, he became more sensible of his error; and, by the time
we reached the Friendly Islands, had even such apprehensions of his
reception at home, that, as I have mentioned in my journal, he would
fain have staid behind at Tongataboo, under Feenou's protection. At
these islands, he squandered away much of his European treasure very
unnecessarily; and he was equally imprudent, as I also took notice of
above, at Tiaraboo, where he could have no view of making friends, as
he had not any intention of remaining there. At Matavai, he continued
the same inconsiderate behaviour, till I absolutely put a stop to his
profusion; and he formed such improper connections there, that Otoo,
who was at first much disposed to countenance him, afterward openly
expressed his dislike of him, on account of his conduct. It was not,
however, too late to recover his favour; and he might have settled, to
great advantage, in Otaheite, as he had formerly lived several years
there, and was now a good deal noticed by Towha, whose valuable
present, of a very large double canoe, we have seen above. The
objection to admitting him to some rank would have also been much
lessened, if he had fixed at Otaheite; as a native will always find
it more difficult to accomplish such a change of state amongst his
countrymen, than a stranger who naturally claims respect. But Omai
remained undetermined to the last, and would not, I believe, have
adopted my plan of settlement in Huaheine, if I had not so explicitly
refused to employ force in restoring him to his father's possessions.
Whether the remains of his European wealth, which after all his
improvident waste, was still considerable, will be more prudently
administered by him, or whether the steps I took, as already
explained, to insure him protection in Huaheine, shall have proved
effectual, must be left to the decision of future navigators of this
ocean, with whom it cannot but be a principal object of curiosity to
trace the future fortunes of our traveller. At present, I can only
conjecture that his greatest danger will arise from the very impolitic
declarations of his antipathy to the inhabitants of Bolabola. For
these people, from a principle of jealousy, will, no doubt, endeavour
to render him obnoxious to those of Huaheine; as they are at peace
with that island at present, and may easily effect their designs, many
of them living there. This is a circumstance, which, of all others, he
might the most easily have avoided. For they were not only free from
any aversion to him, but the person mentioned before, whom we found
at Tiaraboo as an ambassador, priest, or god, absolutely offered to
reinstate him in the property that was formerly his father's. But he
refused this peremptorily; and, to the very last, continued determined
to take the first opportunity that offered of satisfying his revenge
in battle. To this, I guess, he was not a little spurred by the coat
of mail he brought from England; clothed in which, and in possession
of some fire-arms, he fancied that he should be invincible.

Whatever faults belonged to Omai's character, they were more than
overbalanced by his great good-nature and docile disposition.
During the whole time he was with me, I very seldom had reason to
be seriously displeased with his general conduct. His grateful heart
always retained the highest sense of the favours he had received in
England, nor will he ever forget those who honoured him with their
protection and friendship, during his stay there. He had a tolerable
share of understanding, but wanted application and perseverance to
exert it; so that his knowledge of things was very general, and, in
many instances, imperfect. He was not a man of much observation. There
were many useful arts, as well as elegant amusements, amongst the
people of the Friendly Islands, which he might have conveyed to his
own, where they probably would have been readily adopted, as being
so much in their own way. But I never found that he used the least
endeavour to make himself master of any one. This kind of indifference
is indeed the characteristic foible of his nation. Europeans have
visited them at times for these ten years past, yet we could not
discover the slightest trace of any attempt to profit by this
intercourse, nor have they hitherto copied after us in any one thing.
We are not, therefore, to expert that Omai will be able to introduce
many of our arts and customs amongst them, or much improve those to
which they have been long habituated. I am confident, however, that
he will endeavour to bring to perfection the various fruits and
vegetables we planted, which will be no small acquisition. But the
greatest benefit these islands are likely to receive from Omai's
travels, will be in the animals that have been left upon them, which,
probably, they never would have got, had he not come to England. When
these multiply, of which I think there is little doubt, Otaheite and
the Society Islands will equal, if not exceed, any place in the known
word, for provisions.

Omai's return, and the substantial proofs he brought back with him of
our liberality, encouraged many to offer themselves as volunteers
to attend me to _Pretane_. I took every opportunity of expressing my
determination to reject all such applications. But, notwithstanding
this, Omai, who was very ambitious of remaining the only great
traveller, being afraid lest I might be prevailed upon to put others
in a situation of rivalling him, frequently put me in mind that Lord
Sandwich had told him no others of his countrymen were to come to
England.

If there had been the most distant probability of any ship being
again sent to New Zealand, I would have brought the two youths of that
country home with me, as both of them were very desirous of continuing
with us. Tiarooa, the eldest, was an exceedingly well-diposed
young man, with strong natural sense, and capable of receiving any
instruction. He seemed to be fully sensible of the inferiority of his
own country to these islands, and resigned himself, though perhaps
with reluctance, to end his days in ease and plenty in Huaheine. But
the other was so strongly attached to us, that he was taken out of the
ship, and carried ashore by force. He was a witty, smart boy; and, on
that account, much noticed on board.[4]

[Footnote 4: Some particulars respecting the subsequent history of
Omai and the two New Zealanders, are related in the account of Captain
Bligh's voyage in 1788. We ought not to anticipate matter which
properly belongs to another period and subject. It seems right,
however, in the present instance, to set the reader's expectations at
rest, though the doing so be somewhat afflictive to his feelings.
Omai died a natural death about thirty months after Captain Cook's
departure, but not till he had the satisfaction of experiencing
the importance of the arms and ammunition he was master of, in a
successful engagement which his countrymen had with the people of
Ulietea and Bolabola. Peace soon followed, but it does not seem that
his exertions on this occasion procured him any additional possessions
or elevation of rank. From the good character, however, which his
countrymen gave of him, it appeared that he had conducted himself with
such general propriety as gained their applause. The New Zealanders
did not long survive him, but scarcely any satisfactory information of
their history could be obtained.--E.]


SECTION VII.

_Arrival at Ulietea.--Astronomical Observations.--A Marine deserts,
and is delivered up.--Intelligence from Omai.--Instructions to Captain
Clerke.--Another Desertion of a Midshipman and a Seaman.--Three of
the chief Persons of the Island confined on that Account.--A Design to
seize Captains Cook and Clerke, discovered.--The two Deserters brought
back, and the Prisoners released.--The Ships sail.--Refreshments
received at Ulietea.--Present and former State of that
Island.--Account of its dethroned King, and of the late Regent of
Huaheine._

The boat which carried Omai ashore, never to join us again, having
returned to the ship, with the remainder of the hawser, we hoisted her
in, and immediately stood over for Ulietea, where I intended to touch
next. At ten o'clock at night, we brought-to, till four the next
morning, when we made sail round the south end of the island, for the
harbour of Ohamaneno. We met with calms and light airs of wind, from
different directions, by turns; so that, at noon, we were still a
league from the entrance of the harbour. While we were thus detained,
my old friend Oreo, chief of the island, with his son and Pootoe, his
son-in-law, came off to visit us.

Being resolved to push for the harbour, I ordered all the boats to be
hoisted out, and sent them a-head to tow, being assisted by a slight
breeze from the southward. This breeze failed too soon, and being
succeeded by one from the E., which blew right out of the harbour, we
were obliged to come to an anchor at its entrance at two o'clock, and
to warp in, which employed us till night set in. As soon as we were
within the harbour, the ships were surrounded with canoes filled
with people, who brought hogs and fruit to barter with us for our
commodities, so that wherever we went we found plenty.

Next morning, being the 4th, I moored the ship head and stern close to
the north shore, at the head of the harbour; hauled up the cables on
deck, and opened one of the ballast-ports. From this a slight stage
was made to the land, being at the distance of about twenty feet, with
a view to get clear of some of the rats that continued to infest us.
The Discovery moored alongside the south shore for the same purpose.
While this work was going forward, I returned Oreo's visit. The
present I made him on the occasion, consisted of a linen gown, a
shirt, a red-feathered cap from Tongataboo, and other things of less
value. I then brought him and some of his friends on board to dinner.

On the 6th, we set up the observatories, and got the necessary
instruments on shore. The two following days we observed the sun's
azimuths, both on board and ashore, with all the compasses, in order
to find the variation; and in the night of the latter, observed an
occultation of _Sigma Capricorni_, by the moon's dark limb. Mr Bayly and
I agreed in fixing the time of its happening, at six minutes and
fifty-four seconds and a half past ten o'clock. Mr King made it half
a second sooner. Mr Bayly observed with the achromatic telescope
belonging to the board of longitude; Mr King, with the reflector
belonging also to the board; and I made use of my own reflector of
eighteen inches. There was also an immersion of _Pi Capricorni_ behind
the moon's dark limb, some time before, but it was observed by Mr
Bayly alone. I attempted to trace it with a small achromatic, but
found its magnifying power not sufficient.

Nothing worthy of note happened till the night between the 12th
and 13th, when John Harrison, a marine, who was sentinel at the
observatory, deserted, carrying with him his musket and accoutrements.
Having in the morning got intelligence which way he had moved off, a
party was sent after him; but they returned in the evening, after an
ineffectual enquiry and search. The next day I applied to the chief
to interest himself in this matter. He promised to send a party of his
men after him, and gave me hopes that he should be brought back the
same day. But this did not happen; and I had reason to suspect that no
steps had been taken by him. We had at this time a great number of
the natives about the ships, and some thefts were committed; the
consequence of which being dreaded by them, very few visitors came
near us the next morning. The chief himself joined in the alarm, and
he and his whole family fled. I thought this a good opportunity to
oblige them to deliver up the deserter; and having got intelligence
that he was at a place called Hamoa, on the other side of the island,
I went thither with two armed boats, accompanied by one of the
natives; and, in our way, we found the chief, who also embarked
with me. I landed about a mile and a half from the place, with a
few people, and marched briskly up to it, lest the sight of the
boat should give the alarm, and allow the man time to escape to the
mountains. But this precaution was unnecessary, for the natives there
had got information of my coming, and were prepared to deliver him up.

I found Harrison, with the musket lying before him, sitting between
two women, who, the moment that I entered the house, rose up to plead
in his behalf. As it was highly proper to discourage such proceedings,
I frowned upon them, and bid them begone. Upon this they burst into
tears, and walked off. Paha, the chief of the district, now came with
a plantain tree, and a sucking pig, which he would have presented
to me as a peace-offering. I rejected it, and ordered him out of my
sight; and having embarked with the deserter on board the first boat
that arrived, returned to the ships. After this, harmony was again
restored. The fellow had nothing to say in his defence, but that the
natives had enticed him away; and this might in part be true, as it
was certain that Paha, and also the two women above-mentioned, had
been at the ship the day before he deserted. As it appeared that he
remained upon his post till within a few minutes of the time when he
was to have been relieved, the punishment that I inflicted upon him
was not very severe.

Though we had separated from Omai, we were still near enough to have
intelligence of his proceedings; and I had desired to hear from him.
Accordingly, about a fortnight after our arrival at Ulietea, he
sent two of his people in a canoe, who brought me the satisfactory
intelligence that he remained undisturbed by the people of the island,
and that every thing went well with him, except that his goat had died
in kidding. He accompanied this intelligence with a request, that I
would send him another goat and two axes. Being happy to have this
additional opportunity of serving him, the messengers were sent back
to Huaheine on the 18th, with the axes and two kids, male and female,
which were spared for him out of the Discovery.

The next day I delivered to Captain Clerke instructions how to proceed
in case of being separated from me, after leaving these islands; and
it may not be improper to give them a place here.


_By Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop the
Resolution._

"Whereas the passage from the Society Islands to the northern coast of
America, is of considerable length, both in distance and in time, and
as a part of it must be performed in the very depth of winter, when
gales of wind and bad weather must be expected, and may possibly
occasion a separation, you are to take all imaginable care to prevent
this. But if, notwithstanding all our endeavours to keep company, you
should be separated from me, you are first to look for me where
you last saw me. Not seeing me in five days, you are to proceed (as
directed by the instructions of their lordships, a copy of which you
have already received) for the coast of New Albion; endeavouring to
fall in with it in the latitude of 45 deg..

"In that latitude, and at a convenient distance from the land, you are
to cruize for me ten days. Not seeing me in that time, you are to put
into the first convenient port in or to the north of that latitude, to
recruit your wood and water, and to procure refreshments.

"During your stay in port, you are constantly to keep a good look-out
for me. It will be necessary, therefore, to make choice of a station,
situated as near the sea-coast as is possible, the better to enable
you to see me when I shall appear in the offing.

"If I do not join you before the 1st of next April, you are to put to
sea, and proceed northward to the latitude 56 deg.; in which latitude,
and at a convenient distance from the coast, never exceeding fifteen
leagues, you are to cruize for me till the 10th of May.

"Not seeing me in that time, you are to proceed northward, and
endeavour to find a passage into the Atlantic Ocean, through Hudson's
or Baffin's Bays, as directed by the above-mentioned instructions.

"But if you should fail in finding a passage through either of the
said bays, or by any other way, as the season of the year may render
it unsafe for you to remain in high latitudes, you are to repair
to the harbour of St Peter and St Paul, in Kamtschatka, in order to
refresh your people, and to pass the winter.

"But, nevertheless, if you find that you cannot procure the necessary
refreshments at the said port, you are at liberty to go where you
shall judge most proper; taking care, before you depart, to leave with
the governor an account of your intended destination, to be delivered
to me upon my arrival; and in the spring of the ensuing year, 1779,
you are to repair back to the above-mentioned port, endeavouring to be
there by the 10th of May, or sooner.

"If, on your arrival, you receive no orders from, or account of me, so
as to justify your pursuing any other measures than what are pointed
out in the before-mentioned instructions, your future proceedings are
to be governed by them.

"You are also to comply with such parts of said instructions as have
not been executed, and are not contrary to these orders. And in
case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these,
and the instructions of their lordships into execution, you are to be
careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby
required to execute them in the best manner he can.

"Given under my hand, on board the Resolution, at Ulietea, the 18th
day of November 1777.

"J. COOK.


    "To Captain Charles Clerke, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop
    the Discovery,"

While we lay moored to the shore we heeled and scrubbed both sides of
the bottoms of the ships. At the same time we fixed some tin-plates
under the binds, first taking off the old sheathing, and putting in a
piece unfilled, over which the plates were nailed. These plates I
had from the ingenious Mr Pelham, secretary to the commissioners for
victualling his majesty's navy, with a view of trying whether tin
would answer the same end as copper on the bottoms of ships.

On the 24th, in the morning, I was informed that a midshipman and a
seaman, both belonging to the Discovery, were missing. Soon after we
learnt from the natives, that they went away in a canoe the preceding
evening, and were, at this time, at the other end of the island. As
the midshipman was known to have expressed a desire to remain at these
islands, it seemed pretty certain that he and his companion had gone
off with this intention; and Captain Clerke set out in quest of them
with two armed boats and a party of marines. His expedition proved
fruitless, for he returned in the evening, without having got any
certain intelligence where they were. From the conduct of the natives,
Captain Clerke seemed to think that they intended to conceal the
deserters; and, with that view, had amused him with false information
the whole day, and directed him to search for them in places where
they were not to be found. The Captain judged right; for the next
morning we were told that our runaways were at Otaha. As these two
were not the only persons in the ships who wished to end their days
at these favourite islands, in order to put a stop to any further
desertion, it was necessary to get them back at all events; and, that
the natives might be convinced that I was in earnest, I resolved to go
after them myself; having observed, from repeated instances, that they
seldom offered to deceive me with false information.

Accordingly, I set out the next morning with two armed boats, being
accompanied by the chief himself. I proceeded as he directed, without
stopping any where, till we came to the middle of the east side of
Otaha. There we put ashore, and Oreo dispatched a man before us, with
orders to seize the deserters, and keep them till we should arrive
with the boats. But when we got to the place where we expected to find
them, we were told that they had quitted this island, and gone over
to Bolabola the day before. I did not think proper to follow them
thither, but returned to the ships, fully determined, however, to have
recourse to a measure which, I guessed, would oblige the natives to
bring them back.

In the night, Mr Bayly, Mr King, and myself, observed an immersion of
Jupiter's third satellite. It happened, by the observation of

     Mr Bayly, at 2^h 37^m 54^s }
     Mr King,  at 2   37   24   } in the morning.
     Myself,   at 2   37   44   }

Mr Bayly and Mr King observed with Dolland's three-and-a-half inch
achromatic telescope, and with the greatest magnifying power. I
observed with a two-feet Gregorian reflector, made by Bird.

Soon after day-break, the chief, his son, daughter, and son-in-law,
came on board the Resolution. The three last I resolved to detain
till the two deserters should be brought back. With this view, Captain
Clerke invited them to go on board his ship; and, as soon as they
arrived there, confined them in his cabin. The chief was with me when
the news reached him. He immediately acquainted me with it, supposing
that this step had been taken without my knowledge, and, consequently,
without my approbation. I instantly undeceived him; and then he began
to have apprehensions as to his own situation, and his looks expressed
the utmost perturbation of mind. But I soon made him easy as to this;
by telling him, that he was at liberty to leave the ship whenever he
pleased, and to take such measures as he should judge best calculated
to get our two men back; that, if he succeeded, his friends on board
the Discovery should be delivered up, if not, that I was determined
to carry them away with me. I added, that his own conduct, as well
as that of many of his men, in not only assisting these two men to
escape, but in being, even at this very time, assiduous in enticing
others to follow them, would justify any step I could take to put a
stop to such proceedings.

This explanation of the motives upon which I acted, and which we found
means to make Oreo and his people, who were present, fully comprehend,
seemed to recover them, in a great measure, from that general
consternation into which they were at first thrown. But, if relieved
from apprehensions about their own safety, they continued under the
deepest concern for those who were prisoners. Many of them went under
the Discovery's stern in canoes, to bewail their captivity, which they
did with long and loud exclamations. _Poedooa!_ for so the chief's
daughter was called, resounded from every quarter; and the women
seemed to vie with each other in mourning her fate with more
significant expressions of their grief than tears and cries, for there
were many bloody heads upon the occasion.

Oreo himself did not give way to unavailing lamentations, but
instantly began his exertions to recover our deserters, by dispatching
a canoe to Bolabola, with a message to Opoony, the sovereign of that
island, acquainting him with what had happened, and requesting him to
seize the two fugitives, and send them back. The messenger, who was no
less a man than the father of Pootoe, Oreo's son-in-law, before he set
out came to receive my commands. I strictly enjoined him not to return
without the deserters, and to tell Opoony, from me, that, if they had
left Bolabola, he must send canoes to bring them back, for I suspected
that they would not long remain in one place.

The consequence, however, of the prisoners was so great, that the
natives did not think proper to trust to the return of our people for
their release; or, at least, their impatience was so great, that it
hurried them to meditate an attempt which might have involved them in
still greater distress, had it not been fortunately prevented. Between
five and six o'clock in the evening, I observed that all their canoes
in and about the harbour began to move off, as if some sudden panic
had seized them. I was ashore, abreast of the ship at the time, and
enquired in vain to find out the cause, till our people called to
as from the Discovery, and told us, that a party of the natives had
seized Captain Clerke and Mr Gore, who had walked out a little way
from the ships. Struck with the boldness of this plan of retaliation,
which seemed to counteract me so effectually in my own way, there was
no time to deliberate. I instantly ordered the people to arm; and in
less than five minutes, a strong party, under the command of Mr King,
was sent to rescue our two gentlemen. At the same time, two armed
boats, and a party under Mr Williamson, went after the flying canoes,
to cut off their retreat to the shore. These several detachments
were hardly out of sight, before an account arrived that we had been
misinformed, upon which I sent and called them all in.

It was evident, however, from several corroborating circumstances,
that the design of seizing Captain Clerke had really been in agitation
amongst the natives. Nay, they made no secret in speaking of it the
next day. But their first and great plan of operations was to have
laid hold of me. It was my custom, every evening, to bathe in the
fresh water. Very often I went alone, and always without arms.
Expecting me to go as usual this evening, they had determined to seize
me, and Captain Clerke too, if he had accompanied me. But I had, after
confining Oreo's family, thought it prudent to avoid putting myself in
their power; and had cautioned Captain Clerke and the officers not to
go far from the ships. In the course of the afternoon the chief asked
me three several times, if I would not go to the bathing-place; and
when he found, at last, that I could not be prevailed upon, he went
off with the rest of his people, in spite of all that I could do or
say to stop him. But as I had no suspicion, at this time, of their
design, I imagined that some sudden fright had seized them, which
would, as usual, soon be over. Finding themselves disappointed as to
me, they fixed on those who were more in their power. It was fortunate
for all parties that they did not succeed, and not less fortunate
that no mischief was done on the occasion; for not a musket was fired,
except two or three to stop the canoes. To that firing, perhaps,
Messrs Clerke and Gore owed their safety;[1] for, at that very
instant, a party of the natives, armed with clubs, were advancing
toward them, and, on hearing the report of the muskets, they
dispersed.

[Footnote 1: Perhaps they owed their safety principally to Captain
Clerke's walking with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired.
This circumstance is omitted both in Captain Cook's and Mr Andersen's
journal, but it is here mentioned on the authority of Captain
King.--D.]

This conspiracy, as it may be called, was first discovered by a girl,
whom one of the officers had brought from Huaheine. She, overhearing
some of the Ulieteans say, that they would seize Captain Clerke and Mr
Gore, ran to acquaint the first of our people that she met with. Those
who were charged with the execution of the design threatened to kill
her as soon as we should leave the island, for disappointing them.
Being aware of this, we contrived that her friends should come, some
days after, and take her out of the ship, to convey her to a place
of safety, where she might lie concealed till they should have an
opportunity of sending her back to Huaheine.

On the 27th, our observatories were taken down, and every thing we had
ashore carried on board; the moorings of the ships were cast off, and
we transported them a little way down the harbour, where they came to
an anchor again. Toward the afternoon the natives began to shake off
their fears, gathering round and on board the ships as usual, and the
awkward transactions of the day before seemed to be forgotten on both
sides.

The following night the wind blew in hard squalls from S. to E.
attended with heavy showers of rain. In one of the squalls, the cable
by which the Resolution was riding, parted just without the hawse.
We had another anchor ready to let go, so that the ship was presently
brought up again. In the afternoon the wind became moderate, and we
hooked the end of the best small bower-cable, and got it again into
the hawse.

Oreo, the chief, being uneasy, as well as myself, that no account had
been received from Bolabola, set out this evening for that island,
and desired me to follow him the next day with the ships. This was my
intention, but the wind would not admit of our getting to sea. But
the same wind which kept us in the harbour, brought Oreo back from
Bolabola, with the two deserters. They had reached Otaha the same
night they deserted; but, finding it impossible to get to any of the
islands to the eastward (which was their intention) for want of wind,
they had proceeded to Bolabola, and from thence to the small island
Toobaee, where they were taken by the father of Pootoe, in consequence
of the first message sent to Opoony. As soon as they were on board,
the three prisoners were released. Thus ended an affair which had
given me much trouble and vexation. Nor would I have exerted myself so
resolutely on the occasion, but for the reasons before mentioned, and
to save the son of a brother officer from being lost to his country.

The wind continued constantly between the N. and W. and confined us in
the harbour till eight o'clock in the morning of the 7th of December,
when we took the advantage of a light breeze which then sprung up at
N.E., and, with the assistance of all the boats, got out to sea, with
the Discovery in company.

During the last week we had been visited by people from all parts
of the island, who furnished us with a large stock of hogs and green
plantains. So that the time we lay wind-bound in the harbour was
not entirely lost; green plantains being an excellent substitute for
bread, as they will keep good a fortnight or three weeks. Besides this
supply of provisions, we also completed our wood and water.

The inhabitants of Ulietea seemed, in general, smaller and blacker
than those of the other neighbouring islands, and appeared also less
orderly, which, perhaps, may be considered as the consequence of their
having become subject to the natives of Bolabola. Oreo, their chief,
is only a sort of deputy of the sovereign of that island; and the
conquest seems to have lessened the number of subordinate chiefs
resident among them; so that they are less immediately under the
inspection of those whose interest it is to enforce due obedience to
authority. Ulietea, though now reduced to this humiliating state,
was formerly, as we were told, the most eminent of this cluster of
islands, and, probably, the first seat of government; for, they say,
that the present royal family of Otaheite is descended from that which
reigned here before the late revolution. Ooroo, the dethroned monarch
of Ulietea, was still alive when we were at Huaheine, where he
resides, a royal wanderer, furnishing, in his person, an instance of
the instability of power; but, what is more remarkable, of the respect
paid by these people to particular families, and to the customs which
have once conferred sovereignty; for they suffer Ooroo to preserve all
the ensigns which they appropriate to majesty, though he has lost his
dominions.

We saw a similar instance of this while we were at Ulietea. One of the
occasional visitors I now had was my old friend Oree, the late chief
of Huaheine. He still preserved his consequence; came always at the
head of a numerous body of attendants, and was always provided with
such presents as were very acceptable. This chief looked much better
now than I had ever seen him during either of my former voyages. I
could account for his improving in health as he grew older, only
from his drinking less copiously of _ava_ in his present station as
a private gentleman, than he had been accustomed to do when he was
regent.[2]

[Footnote 2: Captain Cook had seen Oree in 1769, when he commanded the
Endeavour; also twice during his second voyage in 1772.--D.]


SECTION VIII.

_Arrival at Bolabola.--Interview with Opoony.--Reasons for purchasing
Monsieur de Bougainville's Anchor.--Departure from the Society
Islands.--Particulars about Bolabola.--History of the Conquest of
Otaha and Ulieta.--High Reputation of the Bolabola Men.--Animals left
there and at Ulietea.--Plentiful Supply of Provisions, and Manner of
salting Pork on Board.--Various Reflections relative to Otaheite and
the Society Islands.--Astronomical and Nautical Observations made
there._

As soon as we had got clear of the harbour, we took our leave of
Ulietea, and steered for Bolabola. The chief, if not sole object I
had in view by visiting that island was, to procure from its monarch,
Opoony, one of the anchors which Monsieur de Bougainville had lost at
Otaheite. This having afterwards been taken up by the natives there,
had, as they informed me, been sent by them as a present to that
chief. My desire to get possession of it did not arise, from our being
in want of anchors; but having expended all the hatchets, and
other iron tools which we had brought from England, in purchasing
refreshments, we were now reduced to the necessity of creating a fresh
assortment of trading articles, by fabricating them out of the spare
iron we had on board; and in such conversions, and in the occasional
uses of the ships, great part of that had been already expended. I
thought that M. de Bougainville's anchor would supply our want of this
useful material; and I made no doubt that I should be able to tempt
Opoony to part with it.

Oreo, and six or eight men more from Ulietea, took a passage with us
to Bolabola. Indeed most of the natives in general, except the chief
himself, would have gladly taken a passage with us to England. At
sunset, being the length of the south point of Bolabola, we shortened
sail, and spent the night making short boards. At day-break, on the
8th, we made sail for the harbour, which is on the west side of the
island. The wind was scant, so that we had to ply up, and it was nine
o'clock before we got near enough to send away a boat to sound the
entrance, for I had thoughts of running the ships in, and anchoring
for a day or two.

When the boat returned, the master, who was in her, reported, that
though at the entrance of the harbour the bottom was rocky, there
was good ground within, and the depth of water twenty-seven and
twenty-five fathoms; and that there was room to turn the ships in,
the channel being one-third of a mile broad. In consequence of this
report, we attempted to work the ships in. But the tide, as well as
the wind, being against us, after making two or three trips, I found
that it could not be done till the tide should turn in our favour.
Upon this I gave up the design of carrying the ships into the harbour;
and having ordered the boats to be got ready, I embarked in one of
them, accompanied by Oreo and his companions, and was rowed in for the
island.

We landed where the natives directed us, and soon after I was
introduced to Opoony, in the midst of a great concourse of people.
Having no time to lose, as soon as the necessary formality of
compliments was over, I asked the chief to give me the anchor, and
produced the present I had prepared for him, consisting of a linen
night-gown, a shirt, some gauze handkerchiefs, a looking-glass, some
beads and other toys, and six axes. At the sight of these last there
was a general outcry. I could only guess the cause, by Opoony's
absolutely refusing to receive my present till I should get the
anchor. He ordered three men to go and deliver it to me; and, as I
understood, I was to send by them what I thought proper in return.
With these messengers we set out in our boat for an island, lying at
the north side of the entrance into the harbour, where the anchor had
been deposited. I found it to be neither so large nor so perfect as I
expected. It had originally weighed seven hundred pounds, according
to the mark that was upon it; but the ring, with part of the shank and
two palms, were now wanting. I was no longer at a loss to guess the
reason of Opoony's refusing my present. He doubtless thought that it
so much exceeded the value of the anchor in its present state, that
I should be displeased when I saw it. Be this as it may, I took the
anchor as I found it, and sent him every article of the present that I
at first intended. Having thus completed my negociation, I returned on
board, and having hoisted in the boats, made sail from the island to
the north.[1]

[Footnote 1: Here again is a trait of genuine nobility, sufficient, we
have no doubt, to reinstate our commander in the good graces of every
reader. On the other hand, there is something so truly honest on
the part of Opoony and his people in declining the acceptance of the
present, till Cook had seen the article he was bargaining for, that
we cannot help giving them high credit for moral attainments. How
forcibly does such a conduct prove the existence of a sense of the
law, which says, "Do to others, as you would that others should do to
you." It is curious, that some authors have maintained, that no such
law is recognised among mankind till they are made acquainted with
divine revelation. But these persons have confounded together two
things, which are quite distinct,--a sense of the obligation of such a
law, and a disposition and power to obey it. The former may exist, and
indeed more generally does exist, without the latter. But we see, by
the present example, that both may operate, where, according to this
opinion, no such thing as either could be found. Here, however,
we would not take it upon us to affirm any thing in respect of
the motives which influenced the obedience. In so far as our
fellow-creatures alone are concerned, it is barely and simply our
actions which ought to be considered. It is the prerogative of
a higher tribunal to judge of the heart and the principles it
contains.--E.]

While the boats were hoisting in, some of the natives came off in
three or four canoes to see the ships, as they said. They brought with
them a few cocoa-nuts and one pig, which was the only one we got at
the island. I make no doubt, however, that if we had staid till the
next day, we should have been plentifully supplied with provisions;
and I think the natives would feel themselves disappointed when they
found that we were gone. But as we had already a very good stock, both
of hogs and of fruit on board, and very little of any thing left to
purchase more, I could have no inducement to defer any longer the
prosecution of our voyage.

The harbour of Bolabola, called Oteavanooa, situated on the west side
of the island, is one of the most capacious that I ever met with; and
though we did not enter it, it was a satisfaction to me that I had
an opportunity of employing my people to ascertain its being a very
proper place for the reception of ships.

The high double-peaked mountain, which is in the middle of the island,
appeared to be barren on the east side; but on the west side, has
trees or bushes on its most craggy parts. The lower grounds, all round
toward the sea, are covered with cocoa-palms and bread-fruit trees,
like the other islands of this ocean; and the many little islets that
surrounded it on the inside of the reef, add both to the amount of its
vegetable productions and to the number of its inhabitants.

But still, when we consider its very small extent, being not more
than eight leagues in compass, it is rather remarkable that its people
should have attempted, or have been able to atchieve the conquest of
Ulietea and Otaha, the former of which islands is, of itself, at least
double its size. In each of my three voyages, we had heard much of the
war that produced this great revolution. The result of our enquiries,
as to the circumstances attending it, may amuse the reader; and I give
it as a specimen of the history of our friends, in this part of the
world, as related to us by themselves.[2]

[Footnote 2: For this, as for many other particulars about these
people, we are indebted to Mr Anderson.--D.]

Ulietea, and Otaha which adjoins it, lived long in friendship, or, as
the natives express it, were considered as two brothers, inseparable
by any interested views. They also admitted the island of Huaheine as
their friend, though not so intimate. Otaha, however, like a traitor,
leagued with Bolabola, and they resolved jointly to attack Ulietea;
whose people called in their friends of Huaheine to assist them
against these two powers. The men of Bolabola were encouraged by a
priestess, or rather prophetess, who foretold that they should be
successful; and, as a proof of the certainty of her prediction, she
desired, that a man might be sent to the sea, at a particular place,
where, from a great depth, a stone would ascend. He went, accordingly,
in a canoe to the place mentioned; and was going to dive to see
where this stone lay, when, behold, it started up to the surface
spontaneously into his hand! The people were astonished at the sight:
The stone was deposited as sacred in the house of the _Eatooa_; and is
still preserved at Bolabola, as a proof of this woman's influence
with the divinity. Their spirits being thus elevated with the hopes of
victory, the canoes of Bolabola set out to engage those of Ulietea
and Huaheine, which being strongly fastened together with ropes,
the encounter lasted long, and would probably, notwithstanding
the prediction and the miracle, have ended in the overthrow of the
Bolabola fleet, if that of Otaha had not, in the critical moment,
arrived. This turned the fortune of the day, and their enemies were
defeated with great slaughter. The men of Bolabola, prosecuting their
victory, invaded Huaheine two days after, which they knew must be
weakly defended, as most of its warriors were absent. Accordingly,
they made themselves masters of that island. But many of its fugitives
having got to Otaheite, there told their lamentable story; which so
grieved those of their countrymen, and of Ulietea, whom, they met with
in that island, that they obtained some assistance from them. They
were equipped with only ten fighting canoes; but, though their force
was so inconsiderable, they conducted the expedition with so much
prudence, that they landed at Huaheine at night, when dark, and,
falling upon the Bolabola men by surprise, killed many of them,
forcing the rest to fly. So that, by this means, they got possession
of their island again, which now remains independent, under the
government of its own chiefs. Immediately after the defeat of the
united fleets of Ulietea and Huaheine, a proposal was made to the
Bolabola men by their allies of Otaha, to be admitted to an equal
share of the conquests. The refusal of this broke the alliance; and
in the course of the war, Otaha itself, as well as Ulietea, was
conquered; and both now remain subject to Bolabola; the chiefs who
govern them being only deputies of Opoony, the sovereign of that
island. In the reduction of the two islands, five battles were fought
at different places, in which great numbers were slain on both sides.

Such was the account we received. I have more than once remarked,
how very imperfectly these people recollect the exact dates of past
events. And with regard to this war, though it happened not many
years ago, we could only guess at the time of its commencement and
its conclusion, from collateral circumstances, furnished by our own
observation, as the natives could not satisfy our enquiries with any
precision. The final conquest of Ulietea, which closed the war, we
know had been made before I was there in the Endeavour, in 1769; but
we may infer, that peace had not been very long restored, as we could
then see marks of recent hostilities having been committed upon that
island. Some additional light may be thrown upon this enquiry, by
attending to the age of Teereetareea, the present chief of Huaheine.
His looks shewed that he was not above ten or twelve years old; and we
were informed that his father had been killed in one of the battles.
As to the time when the war began, we had no better rule for judging
than this, that the young people of about twenty years of age, of whom
we made enquiries, could scarcely remember the first battles; and
I have already mentioned, that Omai's countrymen, whom we found
at Wateoo, knew nothing of this war; so that its commencement was
subsequent to their voyage.

Ever since the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha, the Bolabola men have
been considered by their neighbours as invincible; and such is the
extent of their fame, that even at Otaheite, which is almost out of
their reach, if they are not dreaded, they are, at least, respected
for their valour. It is said that they never fly in battle, and that
they always beat an equal number of the other islanders. But, besides
these advantages, their neighbours seem to ascribe a great deal to the
superiority of their god, who, they believed, detained us at Ulietea
by contrary winds, as being unwilling that we should visit an island
under his special protection.

How high the Bolabola men are now in estimation at Otaheite, may be
inferred from Monsieur de Bougainville's anchor having been
conveyed to them. To the same cause we must ascribe the intention of
transporting to their island the Spanish bull. And they had already
got possession of a third European curiosity, the male of another
animal, brought to Otaheite by the Spaniards. We had been, much
puzzled, by the imperfect description of the natives, to guess what
this could be; but Captain Clerke's deserters, when brought back from
Bolabola, told me, that the animal had been there shewn to them, and
that it was a ram. It seldom happens but that some good arises out
of evil, and if our two men had not deserted, I should not have known
this. In consequence of their information, at the same time that I
landed to meet Opoony, I carried ashore a ewe, which we had brought
from the Cape of Good Hope; and I hope that by this present I have
laid the foundation for a breed of sheep at Bolabola. I also left
at Ulietea, under the care of Oreo, an English boar and sow, and two
goats. So that not only Otaheite, but all the neighbouring islands,
will, in a few years, have their race of hogs considerably improved;
and, probably, be stocked with all the valuable animals which have
been transported hither by their European visitors.

When once this comes to pass, no part of the world will equal these
islands in variety and abundance of refreshments for navigators.
Indeed, even in their present state, I know no place that excels them.
After repeated trials in the course of several voyages we find, when
they are not disturbed by intestine broils, but live in amity with
one another, which has been the case for some years past, that their
productions are in the greatest plenty; and, particularly, the most
valuable of all the articles, their hogs.

If we had had a larger assortment of goods, and a sufficient quantity
of salt on board, I make no doubt that we might have salted as much
pork as would have served both ships near twelve months. But our
visiting the Friendly Islands, and our long stay at Otaheite and the
neigbourhood, quite exhausted our trading commodities, particularly
our axes, with which alone, hogs, in general, were to be purchased.
And we had hardly salt enough to cure fifteen puncheons of meat; of
these, five were added to our stock of provisions at the Friendly
Islands, and the other ten at Otaheite. Captain Clerke also salted a
proportionable quantity for his ship.

The process was the same that had been adopted by me in my last
voyage; and it may be worth while to describe it again. The hogs were
killed in the evening; as soon as they were cleaned, they were cut up,
the bone taken out, and the meat salted when it was hot. It was then
laid in such a position as to permit the juices to drain from it, till
the next morning, when it was again salted, packed into a cask, and
covered with pickle. Here it remained for four or five days, or a
week; after which it was taken out and examined, piece by piece,
and if there was any found to be in the least tainted, as sometimes
happened, it was separated from the rest, which was repacked into
another cask, headed up, and filled with good pickle. In about eight
or ten days time it underwent a second examination; but this seemed
unnecessary, as the whole was generally found to be perfectly cured. A
mixture of bay and of white salt answers the best, but either of them
will do alone. Great care should be taken that none of the large blood
vessels remain in the meat; nor must too great a quantity be packed
together, at the first salting, lest the pieces in the middle should
heat, and, by that means, prevent the salt from penetrating them.
This once happened to us, when we killed a larger quantity than usual.
Rainy sultry weather is unfavourable for salting meat in tropical
climates.

Perhaps the frequent visits Europeans have lately made to these
islanders, may be one great inducement to their keeping up a large
stock of hogs, as they have had experience enough to know, that,
whenever we come, they may be sure of getting from us what they esteem
a valuable consideration for them. At Otaheite they expect the return
of the Spaniards every day, and they will look for the English two or
three years hence, not only there, but at the other islands. It is to
no purpose to tell them that you will not return; they think you must,
though not one of them knows, or will give himself the trouble to
enquire, the reason of your coming.

I own I cannot avoid expressing it as my real opinion, that it would
have been far better for these poor people, never to have known our
superiority in the accommodations and arts that make life comfortable,
than, after once knowing it, to be again left and abandoned to their
original incapacity of improvement. Indeed, they cannot be restored to
that happy mediocrity in which they lived before we discovered them,
if the intercourse between us should be discontinued. It seems to me
that it has become in a manner incumbent on the Europeans to visit
them once in three or four years, in order to supply them with those
conveniences which we have introduced among them, and have given them
a predilection for. The want of such occasional supplies will probably
be felt very heavily by them, when it may be too late to go back to
their old less perfect contrivances, which they now despise, and have
discontinued since the introduction of ours. For by the time that the
iron tools, of which they are now possessed, are worn out, they will
have almost lost the knowledge of their own. A stone-hatchet is, at
present, as rare a thing amongst them, as an iron one was eight years
ago; and a chisel of bone or stone is not to be seen. Spike-nails have
supplied the place of these last, and they are weak enough to fancy
that they have got an inexhaustible store of them; for these were not
now at all sought after. Sometimes, however, nails much smaller than a
spike would still be taken in exchange for fruit. Knives happened,
at present, to be in great esteem at Ulietea, and axes and hatchets
remained unrivalled by any other of our commodities at all the
islands. With respect to articles of mere ornament, these people are
as changeable as any of the polished nations of Europe; so that what
pleases their fancy, while a fashion is in vogue, may be rejected,
when another whim has supplanted it. But our iron tools are so
strikingly useful, that they will, we may confidently pronounce,
continue to prize them highly; and be completely miserable, if,
neither possessing the materials, nor trained up to the art of
fabricating them, they should cease to receive supplies of what may
now be considered as having become necessary to their comfortable
existence.[3]

[Footnote 3: Captain Cook's reasoning here is irresistibly convincing;
yet it is very remarkable that no practical benefit resulted from
it, in favour of the people whose cause he pleads. One can scarcely
account, far less apologize, for the extraordinary fact, that nearly
eleven years, from the date of this voyage, had elapsed, before any
British vessel touched at Otaheite, and that even then the visit was
an accidental one. Soon afterwards, however, Lieutenant Bligh was
ordered to visit it, for the purpose, not of conferring benefits
on it, but of procuring the bread-fruit tree, for our West India
possessions. Of the changes which had happened in that interval,
it would be improper to make any mention in this place. The reader
nevertheless may be informed, that much of the evil, which Captain
Cook had foreseen, really occurred. The want of iron tools especially
was most severely felt.--E.]

Otaheite, though not comprehended in the number of what we have called
the Society Islands, being inhabited by the same race of men,
agreeing in the same leading features of character and manners, it was
fortunate, that we happened to discover this principal island before
the others; as the friendly and hospitable reception we there met
with, of course, led us to make it the principal place of resort,
in our successive visits to this part of the Pacific Ocean. By the
frequency of this intercourse, we have had better opportunities of
knowing something about it and its inhabitants, than about the other
similar but less considerable islands in its vicinity. Of these,
however, we have seen enough to satisfy us, that all that we observed
and have related of Otaheite, may, with trifling variations, be
applied to them.

Too much seems to have been already known and published in our former
relations, about some of the modes of life that made Otaheite so
agreeable an abode to many on board our ships; and, if I could now add
any finishing strokes to a picture, the outlines of which have been
already drawn with sufficient accuracy, I should still have hesitated
to make this journal the place for exhibiting a view of licentious
manners, which could only serve to disgust those for whose information
I write. There are, however, many parts of the domestic, political,
and religious institutions of these people, which, after all our
visits to them, are but imperfectly understood. The foregoing
narrative of the incidents that happened during our stay, will
probably be thought to throw some additional light; and, for farther
satisfaction, I refer to Mr Anderson's remarks.

Amidst our various subordinate employments, while at these islands,
the great objects of our duty were always attended to. No opportunity
was lost of making astronomical and nautical observations; from which
the following table was drawn up:

  Place.            Latitude.    Longitude.      Variation of    Dip of the
                     South.        East.         the Compass.    Needle.
  Matavai Point,
  Otaheite,         17 deg. 24-1/4'  210 deg. 22' 28"    5 deg. 34' East     29 deg. 12'

  Owharre Harbour   16 deg. 42-3/4'  208 deg. 52' 24"    5 deg. 13-1/2" East 28 deg. 28'
   Huaheine,

  Ohamaneno Harbour 16 deg. 45-1/2'  208 deg. 25' 22"    6 deg. 19' East     29 deg.  5'
   Ulietea,

[Transcriber's Note: It is possible that the compass variation at
Owharre Harbour should read 5 deg. 13-1/2' not 5 deg. 13-1/2" (minutes not
seconds)]

The longitude of the three several places is deduced from the mean of
145 sets of observations made on shore; some at one place, and some at
another; and carried on to each of the stations by the time-keeper. As
the situation of these places was very accurately settled, during my
former voyages, the above observations were now made chiefly with a
view of determining how far a number of lunar observations might be
depended upon, and how near they would agree with those made upon the
same spot in 1769, which fixed Matavai Point to be in 210 deg. 27' 30".
The difference, it appears, is only of 5' 2"; and, perhaps, no
other method could have produced a more perfect agreement. Without
pretending to say which of the two computations is the nearest the
truth, the longitude of 210 deg. 22' 28", or, which is the same thing,
208 deg. 25' 22", will be the longitude we shall reckon from with the
time-keeper, allowing it to be losing, on mean time, 1,"69 each day,
as found by the mean of all the observations made at these islands for
that purpose.

On our arrival at Otaheite, the error of the time-keeper in longitude
was,

  by  {Greenwich rate,  1 deg. 18' 58"
      {Tongataboo rate, 0 deg. 16' 40"

Some observations were also made on the tide; particularly at Otaheite
and Ulietea, with a view of ascertaining its greatest rise at the
first place. When we were there, in my second voyage, Mr Wales thought
he had discovered that it rose higher than I had observed it to do,
when I first visited Otaheite, in 1769. But the observations we now
made proved that it did not; that is, that it never rose higher
than twelve or fourteen inches at most. And it was observed to be
high-water nearly at noon, as well at the quadratures, as at the full
and change of the moon.

To verify this, the following observations were made at Ulietea:

  Day of       Water at a stand       Mean Time    Perpendicular
  the                                    of          rise
  Month.          from      to        High Water.   Inches.

  November 6.   11h 15m to 12h 20m     11h 48m       5,5
           7.   11  40      1  00      12  20        5,2
           8.   11  35     12  50      12  12        5,0
           9.   11  40      1  16      12  28        5,5
          10.   11  25      1  10      12  18        6,5
          11.   12  00      1  40      12  20        5,0
          12.   11  00      1  05      12  02        5,7
          13.    9  30     11  40      10  35        8,0
          14.   11  10     12  50      12  00        8,0
          15.    9  20     11  30      10  25        9,2
          16.   10  00     12  00      11  00        9,0
          17.   10  45     12  15      11  30        8,5
          18.   10  25     12  10      11  18        9,0
          19.   11  00      1  00      12  00        8,0
          20.   11  30      2  00      12  45        7,0
          21.   11  00      1  00      12  00        8,0
          22.   11  30      1  07      12  18        8,0
          23.   12  00      1  30      12  45        6,5
          24.   11  30      1  40      12  35        5,5
          25.   11  40      1  50      12  45        4,7
          26.   11  00      1  30      12  15        5,2

Having now finished all that occurs to me, with regard to these
islands, which make so conspicuous a figure in the list of our
discoveries, the reader will permit me to suspend the prosecution of
my journal, while he peruses the following section, for which I am
indebted to Mr Anderson.


SECTION IX.

_Accounts of Otaheite still imperfect.--The prevailing Winds.--Beauty
of the Country.--Cultivation.--Natural Curiosities.--The Persons
of the Natives.--Diseases.--General Character.--Love of
Pleasure.--Language.--Surgery and Physic.--Articles of Food.--Effects
of drinking Ava.--Times and Manner of Eating.--Connexions with the
Females.--Circumcision.--System of Religion.--Notions about the Soul
and a future Life.--Various Superstitions.--Traditions about
the Creation.--An historical Legend.--Honours paid to the
King.--Distinction of Ranks.--Punishment of Crimes.--Peculiarities of
the neighbouring Islands.--Names of their Gods.--Names of Islands they
visit.--Extent of their Navigation._

To what has been said of Otaheite, in the accounts of the successive
voyages of Captain Wallis, Mons. de Bougainville, and Captain Cook, it
would, at first sight, seem superfluous to add any thing, as it might
be supposed, that little could be now produced but a repetition of
what has been told before. I am, however, far from being of
that opinion; and will venture to affirm, though a very accurate
description of the country, and of the most obvious customs of its
inhabitants, has been already given, especially by Captain Cook, that
much still remains untouched; that, in some instances, mistakes have
been made, which later and repeated observation has been able to
rectify; and that, even now, we are strangers to many of the most
important institutions that prevail amongst these people. The truth
is, our visits, though frequent, have been but transient; many of us
had no inclination to make enquiries; more of us were unable to direct
our enquiries properly; and we all laboured, though not to the same
degree, under the disadvantages attending an imperfect knowledge
of the language of those, from whom alone we could receive any
information. The Spaniards had it more in their power to surmount
this bar to instruction; some of them having resided at Otaheite
much longer than any other European visitors. As, with their superior
advantages, they could not but have had an opportunity of obtaining
the fullest information on most subjects relating to this island,
their account of it would, probably, convey more authentic and
accurate intelligence, than, with our best endeavours, any of us could
possibly obtain. But, as I look upon it to be very uncertain, if not
very unlikely, that we shall ever have any communication from that
quarter, I have here put together what additional intelligence, about
Otaheite, and its neighbouring islands, I was able to procure, either
from, Omai, while on board the ship, or by conversing with the other
natives, while we remained among them.

The wind, for the greatest part of the year, blows from between
E.S.E., and E.N.E. This is the true trade-wind, or what the natives
call _Maaraee_; and it sometimes blows with considerable force. When
this is the case, the weather is often cloudy, with showers of rain;
but, when the wind is more moderate, it is clear, settled, and serene.
If the wind should veer farther to the southward, and become S.E., or
S.S.E., it then blows more gently, with a smooth sea, and is called
_Maooui_. In those months, when the sun is nearly vertical, that is,
in December and January, the winds and weather are both very variable;
but it frequently blows from W.N.W., or N.W. This wind is what they
call _Toerou_; and is generally attended by dark, cloudy weather,
and frequently by rain, it sometimes blows strong, though generally
moderate; but seldom lasts longer than five or six days without
interruption; and is the only wind in which the people of the islands
to leeward come to this in their canoes. If it happens to be still
more northerly, it blows with less strength, and has the different
appellation of _Era-potaia_; which they feign to be the wife of the
_Toerou_; who, according to their mythology, is a male.

The wind from S.W., and W.S.W., is still more frequent than the
former; and, though it is, in general, gentle, and interrupted by
calms, or breezes from the eastward, yet it sometimes blows in brisk
squalls. The weather attending it is commonly dark; cloudy, and
rainy, with a close, hot air; and often accompanied by a great deal
of lightning and thunder. It is called _Etoa_, and often succeeds the
_Toerou_; as does also the _Farooa_, which is still more southerly;
and, from its violence, blows down houses and trees, especially the
cocoa-palms, from their loftiness; but it is only of a short duration.

The natives seem not to have a very accurate knowledge of these
changes, and yet pretend to have drawn some general conclusions from
their effects; for they say, when the sea has a hollow sound, and
dashes slowly on the shore, or rather on the reef without, that it
portends good weather, but, if it has a sharp sound, and the waves
succeed each other fast, that the reverse will happen.

Perhaps there is scarcely a spot in the universe that affords a more
luxuriant prospect than the S.E. part of Otaheite. The hills are high
and steep; and, in many places, craggy. But they are covered to
the very summits with trees and shrubs, in such a manner, that the
spectator can scarcely help thinking, that the very rocks possess the
property of producing and supporting their verdant clothing. The flat
land which bounds those hills toward the sea, and the interjacent
valleys also, teem with various productions that grow with the most
exuberant vigour, and at once fill the mind of the beholder with the
idea, that no place upon earth can out-do this, in the strength and
beauty of vegetation. Nature has been no less liberal in distributing
rivulets, which are found in every valley; and as they approach the
sea, often divide into two or three branches, fertilizing the flat
lands through which they run. The habitations of the natives are
scattered without order upon these flats; and many of them appearing
toward the shore, presented a delightful scene, viewed from our ships;
especially as the sea within the reef, which bounds the coast, is
perfectly still, and affords a safe navigation at all times for the
inhabitants, who are often seen paddling in their canoes indolently
along in passing from place to place, or in going to fish. On viewing
these charming scenes, I have often regretted my inability to
transmit to those who have had no opportunity of seeing them, such a
description as might, in some measure, convey an impression similar
to what must be felt by every one who has been fortunate enough to be
upon the spot.

It is doubtless the natural fertility of the country, combined with
the mildness and serenity of the climate, that renders the natives
so careless in their cultivation, that, in many places, though,
overflowing with the richest productions, the smallest traces of it
cannot be observed. The cloth-plant, which is raised by seeds brought
from the mountains, and the _ava_, or intoxicating pepper, which they
defend from the sun when very young, by covering them with leaves of
the bread-fruit tree, are almost the only things to which they seem to
pay any attention, and these they keep very clean.

I have enquired very carefully into their manner of cultivating the
bread-fruit tree, but was always answered that they never planted it.
This, indeed, must be evident to every one who will examine the places
where the young trees come up. It will be always observed that they
spring from the roots of the old ones, which ran along near the
surface of the ground; so that the bread-fruit trees may be reckoned
those that would naturally cover the plains, even supposing that the
island was not inhabited, in the same manner that the white-barked
trees, found at Van Diemen's Land, constitute the forests there. And
from this we may observe, that the inhabitant of Otaheite, instead of
being obliged to plant his bread, will rather be under a necessity of
preventing its progress; which, I suppose, is sometimes done, to give
room for trees of another sort, to afford him some variety in his
food.

The chief of these are the cocoa-nut and plantain; the first of which
can give no trouble, after it has raised itself a foot or two above
the ground; but the plantain requires a little more care; for, after
it is planted, it shoots up, and, in about three months, begins to
bear fruit; during which time it gives young shoots, which supply a
succession of fruit. For the old stocks are cut down as the fruit is
taken off.

The products of the island, however, are not so remarkable for their
variety, as great abundance; and curiosities of any kind are not
numerous. Amongst these we may reckon a pond or lake of fresh water
at the top of one of the highest mountains, to go to and return from
which takes three or four days; it is remarkable for its depth, and
has eels of an enormous size in it, which are sometimes caught by the
natives, who go upon this water, in little floats of two or three wild
plantain trees fastened together. This is esteemed one of the greatest
natural curiosities of the country; insomuch, that travellers, who
come from the other islands, are commonly asked, amongst the first
things, by their friends, at their return, if they have seen it? There
is also a sort of water, of which there is only one small pond upon
the island, as far distant as the lake, and, to appearance, very good,
with a yellow sediment at the bottom; but it has a bad taste, and
proves fatal to those who drink any quantity, or makes them break out
in blotches if they bathe in it.

Nothing could make a stronger impression, at first sight, on our
arrival here, than the remarkable contrast between the robust make and
dark colour of the people of Tongataboo, and a sort of delicacy and
whiteness which distinguish the inhabitants of Otaheite. It was even
some time before that difference could preponderate in favour of the
Otaheiteans; and then only, perhaps, because we became accustomed
to them, the marks which had recommended the others began to be
forgotten. Their women, however, struck us as superior in every
respect, and as possessing all those delicate characteristics which
distinguish them from, the other sex in many countries. The beard,
which the men here wear long, and the hair, which is not cut so short
as is the fashion at Tongataboo, made also a great difference; and we
could not help thinking that on every occasion they shewed a greater
degree of timidity and fickleness. The muscular appearance, so common
amongst the Friendly Islanders, and which seems a consequence of their
being accustomed to much action, is lost here, where the superior
fertility of their country enables the inhabitants to lead a more
indolent life; and its place is supplied by a plumpness and smoothness
of the skin, which, though perhaps more consonant with our ideas of
beauty, is no real advantage, as it seems attended with a kind of
languor in all their motions, not observable in the others. This
observation is fully verified in their boxing and wrestling, which
may be called little better than the feeble efforts of children, if
compared to the vigour with which these exercises are performed at the
Friendly Islands.

Personal endowments being in great esteem amongst them, they have
recourse to several methods of improving them, according to their
notions of beauty. In particular, it is a practice, especially among
the _Erreoes_, or unmarried men of some consequence, to undergo a kind
of physical operation to render them fair. This is done by remaining
a month or two in the house; during which time they wear a great
quantity of clothes, eat nothing but bread-fruit, to which they
ascribe a remarkable property in whitening them. They also speak, as
if their corpulence and colour, at other times, depended upon
their food; as they are obliged, from the change of seasons, to use
different sorts at different times.

Their common diet is made up of, at least, nine-tenths of vegetable
food, and, I believe, more particularly the _mahee_, or fermented
bread-fruit, which enters almost every meal, has a remarkable effect
upon them, preventing a costive habit, and producing a very sensible
coolness about them, which could not be perceived in us who fed on
animal food. And it is, perhaps, owing to this temperate course of
life that they have so few diseases among them.

They only reckon five or six, which might be called chronic, or
national disorders; amongst which are the dropsy and the _fefai_, or
indolent swellings before mentioned as frequent at Tongataboo. But
this was before the arrival of the Europeans; for we have added to
this short catalogue, a disease which abundantly supplies the place
of all the others; and is now almost universal. For this they seem to
have no effectual remedy. The priests, indeed, sometimes give them a
medley of simples; but they own that it never cures them. And yet
they allow that in a few cases, nature, without the assistance of
a physician, exterminates the poison of this fatal disease, and a
perfect recovery is produced. They say, that if a man is infected
with it, he will often communicate it to others in the same house, by
feeding out of the same utensils or handling them; and that, in this
case, they frequently die, while he recovers; though we see no reason
why this should happen.

Their behaviour on all occasions seems to indicate a great openness
and generosity of disposition. Omai, indeed, who, as their countryman,
should be supposed rather willing to conceal any of their defects, has
often said that they are sometimes cruel in punishing their enemies.
According to his representation, they torment them very deliberately;
at one time tearing out small pieces of flesh from different parts; at
another taking out the eyes; then cutting off the nose; and, lastly,
killing them by opening the belly. But this only happens on particular
occasions. If cheerfulness argues a conscious innocence, one would
suppose that their life is seldom sullied by crimes. This, however, I
rather impute to their feelings, which, though lively, seem in no case
permanent; for I never saw them, in any misfortune, labour under the
appearance of anxiety after the critical moment was past. Neither
does care ever seem to wrinkle their brow. On the contrary, even the
approach of death does not appear to alter their usual vivacity. I
have seen them when brought to the brink of the grave by disease,
and when preparing to go to battle; but in neither case ever observed
their countenances overclouded with melancholy or serious reflection.

Such a disposition leads them to direct all their aims only to what
can give them pleasure and ease. Their amusements all tend to excite
and continue their amorous passions; and their songs, of which they
are immoderately fond, answer the same purpose. But as a constant
succession of sensual enjoyments must cloy, we found, that they
frequently varied them to more refined subjects, and had much pleasure
in chaunting their triumphs in war, and their occupations in peace;
their travels to other islands, and adventures there; and the peculiar
beauties, and superior advantages of their own island over the rest,
or of different parts of it over other less favourite districts. This
marks, that they receive great delight from music; and though they
rather expressed a dislike to our complicated compositions, yet were
they always delighted with the more melodious sounds produced singly
on our instruments, as approaching nearer to the simplicity of their
own.

Neither are they strangers to the soothing effects produced by
particular sorts of motion, which, in some cases, seem to allay any
perturbation of mind, with as much success as music. Of this, I met
with a remarkable instance. For on walking one day about Matavai
Point, where our tents were erected, I saw a man paddling in a small
canoe, so quickly, and looking about with such eagerness, on each
side, as to command all my attention. At first, I imagined that he
had stolen something from one of the ships, and was pursued; but, on
waiting patiently, saw him repeat his amusement. He went out from the
shore, till he was near the place where the swell begins to take its
rise; and, watching its first motion very attentively, paddled before
it, with great quickness, till he found that it overtook him, and
had acquired sufficient force to carry his canoe before it, without
passing underneath. He then sat motionless, and was carried along, at
the same swift rate as the wave, till it landed him upon the beach.
Then he started out, emptied his canoe, and went in search of another
swell. I could not help concluding, that this man felt the most
supreme pleasure, while he was driven on, so fast and so smoothly, by
the sea; especially as, though the tents and ships were so near, he
did not seem, in the least, to envy, or even to take any notice of,
the crowds of his countrymen collected to view them as objects which
were rare and curious. During my stay, two or three of the natives
came up, who seemed to share his felicity, and always called out, when
there was an appearance of a favourable swell, as he sometimes missed
it, by his back being turned, and looking about for it. By them
I understood, that this exercise, which is called _ehorooe_, was
frequent amongst them; and they have probably more amusements of this
sort, which afford them at least as much pleasure as skaiting, which
is the only one of ours, with whose effects I could compare it.

The language of Otaheite, though doubtless radically the same with
that of New Zealand and the Friendly Islands, is destitute of that
guttural pronunciation, and of some consonants, with which those
latter dialects abound. The specimens we have already given are
sufficient to mark wherein the variation chiefly consists, and to
shew, that, like the manners of the inhabitants, it has become soft
and soothing. During the former voyage, I had collected a copious
vocabulary, which enabled me the better to compare this dialect with
that of the other islands; and, during this voyage, I took every
opportunity of improving my acquaintance with it, by conversing with
Omai, before we arrived, and by my daily intercourse with the
natives, while we now remained there.[1] It abounds with beautiful and
figurative expressions, which, were it perfectly known, would, I have
no doubt, put it upon a level with many of the languages that are
most in esteem for their warm and bold images. For instance, the
Otaheiteans express their notions of death very emphatically, by
saying, "That the soul goes into darkness; or rather into night." And,
if you seem to entertain any doubt, in asking the question, "if such a
person is their mother?" they immediately reply, with surprise, "Yes,
the mother that bore me." They have one expression, that corresponds
exactly with the phraseology of the scriptures, where we read of
the "yearning of the bowels." They use it on all occasions, when the
passions give them uneasiness; as they constantly refer pain from
grief, anxious desire, and other affections, to the bowels, as its
seat; where they likewise suppose all operations of the mind are
performed. Their language admits of that inverted arrangement of
words, which so much distinguishes the Latin and Greek from most
of our modern European tongues, whose imperfections require a more
orderly construction, to prevent ambiguities. It is so copious, that
for the bread-fruit alone, in its different states, they have above
twenty names; as many for the _taro_ root; and about ten for the
cocoa-nut. Add to this, that, besides the common dialect, they often
expostulate, in a kind of stanza or recitative, which is answered in
the same manner.

[Footnote 1: See this Vocabulary at the end of Captain Cook's second
voyage. Many corrections and additions to it were now made by this
indefatigable enquirer; but the specimens of the language of Otaheite,
already in the hands of the public, seem sufficient for every useful
purpose.--D.]

Their arts are few and simple; yet, if we may credit them, they
perform cures in surgery, which our extensive knowledge in that branch
has not, as yet, enabled us to imitate. In simple fractures, they
bind them up with splints; but if part of the substance of the bone
be lost, they insert a piece of wood, between the fractured ends, made
hollow like the deficient part. In five or six days, the _rapaoo_, or
surgeon, inspects the wound, and finds the wood partly covered with
growing flesh. In as many more days, it is generally entirely covered;
after which, when the patient has acquired some strength, he bathes
in the water, and recovers. We know that wounds will heal over leaden
bullets; and, sometimes, though rarely, over other extraneous
bodies. But what makes me entertain some doubt of the truth of so
extraordinary skill, as in the above instance, is, that in other
cases which fell under my own observation, they are far from being so
dexterous. I have seen the stump of an arm, which was taken off, after
being shattered by a fall from a tree, that bore no marks of
skilful operation, though some allowance be made for their defective
instruments. And I met with a man going about with a dislocated
shoulder, some months after the accident, from their being ignorant
of a method to reduce it; though this be considered as one of the
simplest operations of our surgery. They know that fractures or
luxations of the spine are mortal, but not fractures of the skull; and
they likewise know, from experience, in what parts of the body wounds
prove fatal. They have sometimes pointed out those inflicted by
spears, which, if made in the direction they mentioned, would
certainly have been pronounced deadly by us, and yet these people have
recovered.

Their physical knowledge seems more confined; and that, probably
because their diseases are fewer than their accidents. The priests,
however, administer the juices of herbs in some cases; and women who
are troubled with after-pains, or other disorders after child-bearing,
use a remedy which one would think needless in a hot country. They
first heat stones, as when they bake their food; then they lay a thick
cloth over them, upon which is put a quantity of a small plant of the
mustard kind; and these are covered with another cloth. Upon this they
seat themselves and sweat plentifully, to obtain a cure. The men
have practised the same method for the venereal _lues_, but find it
ineffectual. They have no emetic medicines.

Notwithstanding the extreme fertility of the island, a famine
frequently happens, in which it is said many perish. Whether this be
owing to the failure of some seasons, to over-population, which must
sometimes almost necessarily happen, or to wars, I have not been able
to determine; though the truth of the fact may fairly be inferred,
from the great economy that they observe with respect to their
food, even when there is plenty. In times of scarcity, after their
bread-fruit and yams are consumed, they have recourse to various
roots, which grow without cultivation upon the mountains. The
_patarra_, which is found in vast quantities, is what they use first.
It is not unlike a very large potatoe or yam, and good when in its
growing state; but when old, is full of hard stringy fibres. They then
eat two other roots, one not unlike _taro_; and lastly, the _eohee_.
This is of two sorts; one of them possessing deleterious qualities,
which obliges them to slice and macerate it in water a night before
they bake and eat it. In this respect, it resembles the _cassava_ root
of the West Indies; but it forms a very insipid moist paste, in the
manner they dress it. However, I have seen them eat it at times when
no such scarcity reigned. Both this and the _patarra_ are creeping
plants: the last with ternate leaves.

Of animal food a very small portion falls at any time to the share of
the lower class of people, and then it is either fish, sea-eggs, or
other marine productions; for they seldom or ever eat pork. The _Eree
de hoi_[2] alone is able to furnish pork every day; and inferior
chiefs, according to their riches, once a week, fortnight, or month.
Sometimes they are not even allowed that; for, when the island is
impoverished by war or other causes, the chief prohibits his subjects
to kill any hogs; and this prohibition, we were told, is in force
sometimes for several months, or even for a year or two. During that
restraint the hogs multiply so fast, that there are instances of their
changing their domestic state, and turning wild. When it is thought
proper to take off the prohibition, all the chiefs assemble at the
king's place of abode, and each brings with him a present of hogs. The
king then orders some of them to be killed, on which they feast;
and, after that, every one returns home with liberty to kill what he
pleases for his own use. Such a prohibition was actually in force on
our last arrival here; at least in all those districts of the island
that are immediately under the direction of Otoo. And, lest it should
have prevented our going to Matavai after leaving Oheitepeha, he sent
a message to assure us, that it should be taken off as soon as the
ships arrived there. With respect to us we found it so; but we made
such a consumption of them, that, I have no doubt, it would be laid
on again as soon as we sailed. A similar prohibition is also sometimes
extended to fowls.

[Footnote 2: Mr Anderson, invariably in his manuscript, writes _Eree
de hoi_. According to Captain Cook's mode, it is _Eree rahie_. This is
one of the numerous instances that perpetually occur, of our people's
representing the same word differently.--D.]

It is also amongst the better sort that the _ava_ is chiefly used. But
this beverage is prepared somewhat differently, from that which we
saw so much of at the Friendly Islands. For they pour a very small
quantity of water upon the root here, and sometimes roast or bake and
bruise the stalks, without chewing it previously to its infusion. They
also use the leaves of the plant here, which are bruised, and water
poured upon them, as upon the root. Large companies do not assemble
to drink it in that sociable way which is practised at Tongataboo.
But its pernicious effects are more obvious here; perhaps owing to the
manner of preparing it, as we often saw instances of its intoxicating,
or rather stupifying powers. Some of us, who had been at these islands
before, were surprised to find many people, who, when we saw them
last, were remarkable for their size and corpulency, now almost
reduced to skeletons; and, upon enquiring into the cause of this
alteration, it was universally allowed to be the use of the _ava_. The
skins of these people were rough, dry, and covered with scales, which,
they say, every now and then fall off, and their skin is, as it were,
renewed. As an excuse for a practice so destructive, they allege,
that it is adopted to prevent their growing too fat; but it evidently
enervates them, and, in all probability, shortens their days. As its
effects had not been so visible during our former visits, it is not
unlikely that this article of luxury had never been so much abused as
at this time. If it continues to be so fashionable, it bids fair to
destroy great numbers.

The times of eating at Otaheite are very frequent. Their first meal,
or (as it may rather be called) their last, as they go to sleep after
it, is about two o'clock in the morning; and the next is at eight.
At eleven, they dine; and again, as Omai expressed it, at two, and at
five; and sup at eight. In this article of domestic life, they have
adopted some customs which are exceedingly whimsical. The women, for
instance, have not only the mortification of being obliged to eat by
themselves, and in a different part of the house from the men, but,
by a strange kind of policy, are excluded from a share of most of
the better sorts of food. They dare not taste turtle, nor fish of the
tunny kind, which is much esteemed; nor some particular sorts of the
best plantains; and it is very seldom that even those of the first
rank are suffered to eat pork. The children of each sex also eat
apart; and the women generally serve up their own victuals; for they
would certainly starve before any grown man would do them such an
office. In this, as well as in some other customs relative to their
eating, there is a mysterious conduct which we could never thoroughly
comprehend. When we enquired into the reasons of it, we could get no
other answer, but that it is right and necessary that it should be so.

In other customs respecting the females, there seems to be no such
obscurity; especially as to their connexions with the men. If a young
man and woman, from mutual choice, cohabit, the man gives the father
of the girl such things as are necessary in common life; as hogs,
cloth, or canoes, in proportion to the time they are together; and, if
he thinks that he has not been sufficiently paid for his daughter, he
makes no scruple of forcing her to leave her friend, and to cohabit
with another person who may be more liberal. The man, on his part, is
always at liberty to make a new choice; but, should his consort become
pregnant, he may kill the child; and, after that, either continue his
connexion with the mother, or leave her. But if he should adopt the
child, and suffer it to live, the parties are then considered as
in the married state, and they commonly live together ever after.
However, it is thought no crime in the man to join a more youthful
partner to his first wife, and to live with both. The custom of
changing their connexions is, however, much more general than this
last; and it is a thing so common, that they speak of it with great
indifference. The _Erreoes_ are only those of the better sort, who,
from their fickleness, and their possessing the means of purchasing
a succession of fresh connexions, are constantly roaming about; and,
from having no particular attachment, seldom adopt the more settled
method mentioned above. And so agreeable is this licentious plan of
life to their disposition, that the most beautiful of both sexes thus
commonly spend their youthful days, habituated to the practice of
enormities which would disgrace the most savage tribes; but are
peculiarly shocking amongst a people whose general character, in other
respects, has evident traces of the prevalence of humane and tender
feelings.[3] When an _Erreoe_ woman is delivered of a child, a piece
of cloth, dipped in water, is applied to the mouth and nose, which
suffocates it.

[Footnote 3: That the Caroline Islands are inhabited by the same tribe
or nation, whom Captain Cook found, it such immense distances,
spread throughout the South Pacific Ocean, has been satisfactorily
established in some preceding notes The situation of the Ladrones, or
Marianne Islands, still farther north than the Carolines, but at
no great distance from them, is favourable, at first sight, to the
conjecture, that the same race also peopled that cluster; and, on
looking into Father Le Gobien's history of them, this conjecture
appears to be actually confirmed by direct evidence. One of the
greatest singularities of the Otaheite manners, is the existence of
the society of young men called _Erreoes_, of whom some account is
given in the preceding paragraph. Now we learn from Father Le Gobien,
that such a society exists also amongst the inhabitants of the
Ladrones. His words are: _Les Urritoes sont parmi eux les jeuns gens
qui vivent avec des maitresses, sans vouloir s'engager dans les liens
du mariage_. That there should be young men in the Ladrones, as well
as in Otaheite, _who live with mistresses, without being inclined to
enter into the married state_, would not, indeed, furnish the shadow
of any peculiar resemblance between them. But that the young men in
the Ladrones, and in Otaheite, whose manners are thus licentious,
should be considered as a distinct confraternity, called by a
particular name; and that this name should be the same in both places:
this singular coincidence of custom, confirmed by that of language,
seems to furnish an irrefragable proof of the inhabitants of both
places being the same nation. We know, that it is the general property
of the Otaheite dialect, to soften the pronunciation of its words.
And, it is observable, that, by the omission of one single letter (the
consonant t), our _Arreoys_ (as spelled in Hawkesworth's collection),
or _Erreoes_ (according to Mr Anderson's orthography), and the
_Urritoes_ of the Ladrones, are brought to such a similitude of sound
(the only rule of comparing two unwritten languages), that we may
pronounce them to be the same word, without exposing ourselves to the
sneers of supercilious criticism.

One or two more such proofs, drawn from similarity of language, in
very significant words, may be assigned. Le Gobien tells us, that the
people of the Ladrones worship their dead, whom they call _Anitis_.
Here, again, by dropping the consonant _n_, we have a word that bears
a strong resemblance to that which so often occurs in Captain Cook's
voyages, when speaking of the divinities of his islands, whom he calls
_Eatooas_. And it may be matter of curiosity to remark, that what
is called an _Aniti_, at the Ladrones, is, as we learn from Cantova
(_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 309, 310.) at the
Caroline Islands, where dead chiefs are also worshipped, called a
_Tahutup_; and that, by softening or sinking the strong sounding
letters, at the beginning and at the end of this latter word, the
_Ahutu_ of the Carolines, the _Aiti_ of the Ladrones, and the
_Eatooa_ of the South Pacific Islands, assume such a similarity in
pronunciation (for we can have no other guide), as strongly marks one
common original. Once more; we learn from Le Gobien, that the Marianne
people call their chiefs _Chamorris_, or _Chamoris_. And by softening
the aspirate _Ch_ into _T_, and the harshness of _r_ into _l_ (of
which the vocabularies of the different islands give us repeated
instances), we have the _Tamole_ of the Caroline Islands, and the
_Tamolao_, or _Tamaha_, of the Friendly ones.

If these specimens of affinity of language should be thought too
scanty, some very remarkable instances of similarity of customs and
institutions will go far to remove every doubt. 1. A division into
three classes, of nobles, of middle rank, and the common people, or
servants, was found, by Captain Cook, to prevail, both at the Friendly
and the Society Islands. Father Le Gobien expressly tells us, that the
same distinction prevails at the Ladrones: _Il y a trois etats, parmi
les insulaires, la noblesse, le moyen, et le menu._ 2. Numberless
instances occur in Captain Cook's voyage to prove the great subjection
under which the people of his islands are to their chiefs. We learn
from Le Gobien, that it is so also at the Ladrones: _La noblesse est
d'un fierte incroyable, et tien le peuple dans un abaisement qu'on ne
pourroit imaginer en Europe_, &c. 3. The diversions of the natives
at Wateeo, the Friendly, and the Society Islands, have been copiously
described by Captain Cook. How similar are those which Le Gobien
mentions in the following words, as prevailing at the Ladrones!--_Ils
se divertissent a danser, courir, sautir, lutter, pour s'exercer,
et eprouver leur forces. Ils prennent grand plaisir a raconter les
avantures de leurs ancetres, et a reciter des vers de leurs poetes._
4. The principal share sustained by the women, in the entertainments
at Captain Cook's islands, appears sufficiently from a variety of
instances in this work; and we cannot read what Le Gobien says of
the practice at the Ladrones, without tracing the strongest
resemblance--_Dans leurs assemblees elles se mettent doux ou trieze
femmes en rond, debout, sans se remuer. Dans cette attitude elles
chantent les vers fabuleux de leurs poetes avec un agrement, et une
justesse qui plairoit en Europe. L'accord de leur voix est admirable,
et ne cede en rien a la musique concertee. Elles ont dans les mains
de petits coquilles, dont elles se servent avec beaucoup de precision.
Elles soutiennent leur voix, et animent leur chants avec une action
si vive, et des gestes si expressives, qu'elles charment ceux qui
les voient, et qui les entendent._ 5. We read in Captain Cook's first
voyage, that at Otaheite garlands of the fruit of the palm-tree and
cocoa-leaves, with other things particularly consecrated to funeral
solemnities, are deposited about the places where they lay their dead;
and that provisions and water are also left at a little distance. How
conformable to this is the practice at the Ladrones, as described
by Le Gobien!--_Ils font quelques repas autour du tombeau; car on
en eleve toujours un sur le lieu ou le corps est enterre, ou dans
le voisinage; on le charge de fleurs, de branches de palmiers, de
coquillages, et de tout ce qu'ils ont de plus precieux._ 6. It is the
custom at Otaheite not to bury the skulls of the chiefs with the rest
of the bones, but to put them into boxes made for that purpose. Here
again, we find the same strange custom prevailing at the Ladrones;
for Le Gobien expressly tells us, _qui'ls gardent les cranes, en leur
maisons_, that they put these skulls into little baskets (_petites
corbeilles_); and that these dead chiefs are the _Anitis_, to whom
their priests address their invocations. 7. The people at Otaheite, as
we learn from Captain Cook, in his account of Tee's embalmed corpse,
make use of cocoa-nut oil, and other ingredients, in rubbing the
dead bodies. The people of the Ladrones, Father Le Gobien tells
us, sometimes do the same--_D'autres frottent les morts d'huile
odoriferante._ 8. The inhabitants of Otaheite believe the immortality
of the soul; and that there are two situations after death, somewhat
analogous to our heaven and hell; but they do not suppose, that their
actions here in the least influence their future state. And in the
account given in this Voyage of the religious opinions entertained at
the Friendly Islands, we find there exactly the same doctrine. It
is very observable, how conformable to this is the belief of the
inhabitants of the Ladrones--_Ils sont persuades_ (says Le Gobien) _de
l'immortalite de l'ame. Ils reconnoissent meme un Paradis et un Enfer,
dont ils se forment des idees assez bizarres. Ce n'est point, selon
eux, la vertu ni le crime, qui conduit dans ces lieux la; les bonnes
ou les mauvaises actions n'y servent de rien._ 9. One more very
singular instance of agreement shall close this long list. In Captain
Cook's account of the New Zealanders, we find that, according to them,
the soul of the man who is killed, and whose flesh is devoured, is
doomed to a perpetual fire; while the souls of all who die a natural
death, ascend to the habitations of the gods. And, from Le Gobien, we
learn that this very notion is adopted by his islanders--_Si on a le
malkeur de mourir de mort violente, on a l'enfer pour leur portage._

Surely such a concurrence of very characteristic conformities cannot
be the result of mere accident; and, when combined with the specimens
of affinity of language mentioned at the beginning of this note,
it should seem that we are fully warranted, from premises thus
unexceptionable, to draw a certain conclusion, that the inhabitants of
the various islands discovered or visited by Captain Cook in the South
Pacific Ocean, and those whom the Spaniards found settled upon the
Ladrones or Mariannes, in the northern hemisphere, carried the same
language, customs, and opinions from one common centre, from which
they had emigrated; and that, therefore, they may be considered as
scattered members of the same nation.

See Pere Le Gobien's _Histoire des Iles Mariannes_, Book ii. or the
summary of it in _Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes_,
T. ii. p. 492-512, from which the materials for this note have been
extracted.--D.]

As in such a life, their women must contribute a very large share
of its happiness, it is rather surprising, besides the humiliating
restraints they are laid under with regard to food, to find them often
treated with a degree of harshness, or rather brutality, which one
would scarcely suppose a man would bestow on an object for whom he had
the least affection. Nothing, however, is more common, than to see the
men beat them without mercy; and, unless this treatment is the effect
of jealousy, which both sexes, at least, pretend to be sometimes
infected with, it will be difficult to account for it. It will be
less difficult to admit this as the motive, as I have seen several
instances where the women have preferred personal beauty to interest;
though, I must own, that even in these cases, they seem scarcely
susceptible of those delicate sentiments that are the result of
mutual affection; and, I believe, that there is less Platonic love in
Otaheite than in any other country.

Cutting, or inciding the foreskin, should be mentioned here as a
practice adopted amongst them from a notion of cleanliness; and they
have a reproachful epithet in their language for those who do not
observe that custom. When there are five or six lads pretty well grown
up in a neighbourhood, the father of one of them goes to a _Tahoua_,
or man of knowledge, and lets him know. He goes with the lads to
the top of the hills, attended by a servant, and seating one of them
properly, introduces a piece of wood underneath the foreskin, and
desires him to look aside at something he pretends is coming; having
thus engaged the young man's attention to another object, he cuts
through the skin upon the wood with a shark's tooth, generally at one
stroke. He then separates, or rather turns back the divided parts; and
having put on a bandage, proceeds to perform the same operation on the
other lads. At the end of five days they bathe, and the bandages being
taken off, the matter is cleaned away. At the end of five days more
they bathe again, and are well; but a thickness of the prepuce,
where it was cut, remaining, they go again to the mountains with
the _Tahoua_ and servant; and a fire being prepared, and some stones
heated, the _Tahoua_ puts the prepuce between two of them, and
squeezes it gently, which removes the thickness. They then return
home, having their heads, and other parts of their bodies, adorned
with odoriferous flowers; and the _Tahoua_ is rewarded for his
services by their fathers, in proportion to their several abilities,
with presents of hogs and cloth; and if they be poor, their relations
are liberal on the occasion.

Their religious system is extensive, and, in many instances, singular;
but few of the common people have a perfect knowledge of it; that
being confined chiefly to their priests, who are pretty numerous. They
do not seem to pay respect to one god, as possessing pre-eminence; but
believe in a plurality of divinities, who are all very powerful; and
in this case, as different parts of the island, and the other islands
in the neighbourhood, have different ones, the inhabitants of each, no
doubt, think that they have chosen the most eminent, or, at least, one
who is invested with power sufficient to protect them, and to supply
all their wants. If he should not answer their expectations, they
think it no impiety to change; as has very lately happened in
Tiarabooa, where, in the room of the two divinities formerly honoured
there, Oraa,[4] god of Bolabola, had been adopted, I should suppose,
because he is the protector of a people who have been victorious in
war; and as, since they have made this change, they have been very
successful themselves against the inhabitants of _Otaheite-nooe_, they
impute it entirely to _Oraa_, who, as they literally say, fights their
battles.

[Footnote 4: We have another instance of the same word being
differently pronounced by our people. Captain Cook, as appears above,
speaks of _Olla_ as the Bolabola god.--D.]

Their assiduity in serving their gods is remarkably conspicuous. Not
only the _whattas_, or offering-places of the _morais_, are commonly
loaded with fruits and animals, but there are few houses where you do
not meet with a small place of the same sort near them. Many of them
are so rigidly scrupulous, that they will not begin a meal without
first laying aside a morsel for the _Eatooa_; and we had an
opportunity, during this voyage, of seeing their superstitious
zeal carried to a most pernicious height, in the instance of human
sacrifices; the occasions of offering which, I doubt, are too
frequent. Perhaps they have recourse to them when misfortunes occur;
for they asked, if one of our men, who happened to be confined, when
we were detained by a contrary wind, was _taboo_? Their prayers are
also very frequent, which they chaunt, much after the manner of their
songs in their festive entertainments. And the women, as in other
cases, are also obliged to shew their inferiority in religious
observances; for it is required of them, that they should partly
uncover themselves as they pass the _morais_, or take a considerable
circuit to avoid them. Though they have no notion that their god must
always be conferring benefits, without sometimes forgetting them, or
suffering evil to befall them, they seem to regard this less than the
attempts of some more inauspicious being to hurt them. They tell us,
that _Etee_ is an evil spirit, who sometimes does them mischief;
and to whom, as well as to their god, they make offerings. But the
mischiefs they apprehend from any superior invisible beings, are
confined to things merely temporal.

They believe the soul to be both immaterial and immortal. They say
that it keeps fluttering about the lips during the pangs of death; and
that then it ascends and mixes with, or, as they express it, is eaten
by the deity. In this state it remains for some time; after which it
departs to a certain place, destined for the reception of the souls
of men where it exists in eternal night; or, as they sometimes say, in
twilight or dawn. They have no idea of any permanent punishment after
death, for crimes that they have committed on earth; for the souls
of good and of bad men are eat indiscriminately by God. But they
certainly consider this coalition with the deity as a kind of
purification necessary to be undergone before they enter a state of
bliss. For, according to their doctrine, if a man refrain from all
connexion with women some months before death, he passes immediately
into his eternal mansion, without such a previous union; as if
already, by this abstinence, he were pure enough to be exempted from
the general lot.

They are, however, far from entertaining those sublime conceptions
of happiness, which our religion, and indeed reason, gives us room
to expect hereafter. The only great privilege they seem to think
they shall acquire by death is immortality; for they speak of spirits
being, in some measure, not totally divested of those passions which
actuated them when combined with material vehicles. Thus, if souls,
who were formerly enemies, should meet, they have many conflicts;
though, it should seem, to no purpose, as they are accounted
invulnerable in this invisible state. There is a similar reasoning
with regard to the meeting of man and wife. If the husband dies first,
the soul of the wife is known to him on its arrival in the land of
spirits. They resume their former acquaintance, in a spacious house,
called _tourooa_, where the souls of the deceased assemble to recreate
themselves with the gods. She then retires with him, to his separate
habitation, where they remain for ever, and have an offspring; which,
however, is entirely spiritual, as they are neither married, nor are
their embraces supposed to be the same as with corporeal beings.

Some of their notions about the deity are extravagantly absurd: They
believe that he is subject to the power of those very spirits to whom
he has given existence; and that, in their turn, they frequently eat
or devour him, though he possess the power of re-creating himself.
They doubtless use this mode of expression, as they seem incapable of
conversing about immaterial things, without constantly referring to
material objects to convey their meaning. And in this manner they
continue the account, by saying, that, in the _tourooa_, the deity
enquires if they intend, or not, to destroy him? And that he is not
able to alter their determination. This is known to the inhabitants on
earth, as well as to the spirits; for when the moon is in its wane,
it is said that they are then devouring their _Eatooa_; and that as it
increases he is renewing himself. And to this accident, not only the
inferior, but the most eminent gods are liable. They also believe,
that there are other places for the reception of souls at death. Thus,
those who are drowned in the sea remain there; where they think that
there is a fine country, houses, and every thing that can make them
happy. But, what is more singular, they maintain, that not only all
other animals, but trees, fruit, and even stones, have souls, which at
death, or upon being consumed or broken, ascend to the divinity, with
whom they first mix, and afterwards pass into the mansion allotted to
each.

They imagine that their punctual performance of religious offices
procures for them every temporal blessing. And as they believe that
the animating and powerful influence of the divine spirit is
every where diffused, it is no wonder that they join to this many
superstitious opinions about its operations. Accordingly, they believe
that sudden deaths, and all other accidents, are effected by the
immediate action of some divinity. If a man only stumble against a
stone and hurt his toe, they impute it to an _Eatooa_; so that they
may be literally said, agreeably to their system, to tread enchanted
ground. They are startled in the night on approaching a _toopapaoo_,
where the dead are exposed, in the same manner that many of our
ignorant and superstitious people are with the apprehensions of
ghosts, and at the sight of a church-yard; and they have an equal
confidence in dreams, which they suppose to be communications either
from their god, or from the spirits of their departed friends,
enabling those favoured with them to foretell future events; but this
kind of knowledge is confined to particular people. Omai pretended to
have his gift. He told us, that the soul of his father had intimated
to him in a dream, on the 26th of July 1776, that he should go on
shore at some place within three days; but he was unfortunate in this
first attempt to persuade us that he was a prophet; for it was the
1st of August before we got into Teneriffe. Amongst them, however,
the dreamers possess a reputation little inferior to that of their
inspired priests and priestesses, whose predictions they implicitly
believe, and are determined by them in all undertakings of
consequence. The priestess who persuaded Opoony to invade Ulietea,
is much respected by him; and he never goes to war without consulting
her. They also, in some degree, maintain our old doctrine of planetary
influence; at least, they are sometimes regulated in their public
counsels by certain appearances of the moon; particularly when lying
horizontally, or much inclined on the convex part, on its first
appearance after the change, they are encouraged to engage in war with
confidence of success.

They have traditions concerning the creation, which, as might be
expected, are complex and clouded with obscurity. They say, that a
goddess, having a lump or mass of earth suspended in a cord, gave it a
swing, and scattered about pieces of land, thus constituting Otaheite
and the neighbouring islands, which were all peopled by a man and
woman, originally fixed at Otaheite. This, however, only respects
their own immediate creation; for they have notions of an universal
one before this; and of lands, of which they have now no other
knowledge than what is mentioned in the tradition. Their most remote
account reaches to Tatooma and Tapuppa, male and female stones or
rocks, who support the congeries of land and water, or our globe
underneath. These produced Totorro, who was killed, and divided into
land; and after him Otaia and Oroo were begotten, who were afterward
married, and produced, first, land, and then a race of gods. Otaia is
killed, and Oroo marries a god, her son, called Teorrhaha, whom she
orders to create more land, the animals, and all sorts of food found
upon the earth; as also the sky, which is supported by men called
Teeferei. The spots observed in the moon, are supposed to be groves
of a sort of trees which once grew in Otaheite, and being destroyed
by some accident, their seeds were carried up thither by doves, where
they now flourish.

They have also many legends, both religious and historical; one of
which latter, relative to the practice of eating human flesh, I shall
give the substance of, as a specimen of their method. A long time
since there lived in Otaheite two men, called _Taheeai_, the only name
they yet have for cannibals; none knew from whence they came, or in
what manner they arrived at the island. Their habitation was in
the mountains, from whence they used to issue, and kill many of the
natives, whom they afterward devoured, and by that means prevented the
progress of population. Two brothers, determined to rid their country
of such a formidable enemy, used a stratagem for their destruction,
with success. These still lived farther upward than the _Taheeai_, and
in such a situation that they could speak with them without greatly
hazarding their own safety; they invited them to accept of an
entertainment that should be provided for them, to which these readily
consented. The brothers then taking some stones, heated them in a
fire, and thrusting them into pieces of _mahee_, desired one of the
_Taheeai_ to open his mouth; on which one of these pieces was dropped
in, and some water poured down, which made a boiling or hissing noise,
in quenching the stone, and killed him. They entreated the other to
do the same; but he declined it, representing the consequences of
his companion's eating. However, they assured him that the food was
excellent, and its effects only temporary; for that the other would
soon recover. His credulity was such that be swallowed the bait, and
shared the fate of the first. The natives then cut them in pieces,
which they buried; and conferred the government of the island on the
brothers, as a reward for delivering them from such monsters. Their
residence was in the district called Whapaeenoo; and to this day there
remains a bread-fruit tree, once the property of the _Taheeais_.
They had also a woman, who lived with them, and had two teeth of
a prodigious size. After they were killed, she lived at the island
Otaha; and when dead, was ranked amongst their deities. She did not
eat human flesh, as the men; but, from the size of her teeth, the
natives still call any animal that has a fierce appearance, or is
represented with large tusks, _Taheeai_.

Every one must allow that this story is just as natural as that of
Hercules destroying the hydra, or the more modern one of Jack the
giant-killer. But I do not find that there is any moral couched under
it, any more than under most old fables of the same kind, which
have been received as truths only during the prevalence of the same
ignorance that marked the character of the ages in which they were
invented. It, however, has not been improperly introduced, as serving
to express the horror and detestation entertained here against those
who feed upon human flesh. And yet, from some circumstances, I have
been led to think that the natives of these isles were formerly
cannibals. Upon asking Omai, he denied it stoutly; yet mentioned a
fact, within his own knowledge, which almost confirms such an opinion.
When the people of Bolabola, one time, defeated those of Huaheine, a
great number of his kinsmen were slain. But one of his relations had,
afterward, an opportunity of revenging himself, when the Bolabola men
were worsted in their turn, and cutting a piece out of the thigh of
one of his enemies, he broiled, and eat it. I have also frequently
considered the offering of the person's eye, who is sacrificed, to the
chief, as a vestige of a custom which once really existed to a greater
extent, and is still commemorated by this emblematical ceremony.

The being invested with the _maro_, and the presiding at human
sacrifices, seem to be the peculiar characteristics of the sovereign.
To these, perhaps, may be added the blowing a conch-shell, which
produces a very loud sound. On hearing it, all his subjects are
obliged to bring food of every sort to his royal residence, in
proportion to their abilities. On some other occasions, they carry
their veneration for his very name to an extravagant and very
destructive pitch. For if, on his accession to the _maro_, any words
in their language be found to have a resemblance to it in sound, they
are changed for others; and if any man be bold enough not to comply,
and continue to use those words, not only he, but all his relations,
are immediately put to death. The same severity is exercised toward
those who shall presume to apply this sacred name to any animal. And,
agreeably to this custom of his countrymen, Omai used to express
his indignation, that the English should give the names of prince or
princess to their favourite horses or dogs. But while death is the
punishment for making free with the name of their sovereign, if abuse
be only levelled at his government, the offender escapes with the
forfeiture of lands and houses.

The king never enters the house of any of his subjects, but has, in
every district where he visits, houses belonging to himself. And if,
at any time, he should be obliged by accident to deviate from this
rule, the house thus honoured with his presence, and every part of
its furniture, is burnt. His subjects not only uncover to him, when
present, down to the waist; but if he be at any particular place, a
pole, having a piece of cloth tied to it, is set up somewhere near, to
which they pay the same honours. His brothers are also entitled to the
first part of the ceremony; but the women only uncover to the females
of the royal family. In short, they seem even superstitious in their
respect to him, and esteem his person little less than sacred. And it
is, perhaps, to these circumstances, that he owes the quiet possession
of his dominions. For even the people of Tiaraboo allow him the same
honours as his right; though, at the same time, they look upon their
own chief as more powerful; and say, that he would succeed to the
government of the whole island, should the present reigning family
become extinct. This is the more likely, as Waheiadooa not only
possesses Tiaraboo, but many districts of Opooreanoo. His territories,
therefore, are almost equal in extent to those of Otoo; and he has,
besides, the advantage of a more populous and fertile part of the
island. His subjects, also, have given proofs of their superiority,
by frequent victories over those of Otaheite-nooe, whom they affect
to speak of as contemptible warriors, easily to be worsted, if at any
time their chief should wish to put it to the test.

The ranks of people, besides the _Eree de hoi_ and his family, are
the _Erees_, or powerful chiefs; the _Manahoone_, or vassals; and the
_Teou_, or _Toutou_, servants, or rather slaves. The men of each of
these, according to the regular institution, form their connexions
with women of their respective ranks; but if with any inferior one,
which frequently happens, and a child be born, it is preserved, and
has the rank of the father, unless he happens to be an _Eree_, in
which case it is killed. If a woman of condition should choose an
inferior person to officiate as a husband, the children he has by her
are killed. And if a _Teou_ be caught in an intrigue with a woman
of the blood-royal, he is put to death. The son of the _Eree de hoi_
succeeds his father in title and honours as soon as he is born; but if
he should have no children, the brother assumes the government at his
death. In other families, possessions always descend to the eldest
son; but he is obliged to maintain his brothers and sisters, who are
allowed houses on his estates.

The boundaries of the several districts, into which Otaheite is
divided, are, generally, either rivulets, or low hills, which, in many
places, jut out into the sea. But the subdivisions into particular
property, are marked by large stones, which have remained from one
generation to another. The removal of any of these gives rise to
quarrels, which are decided by arms; each party bringing his friends
into the field. But if any one complain to the _Eree de hoi_, he
terminates the difference amicably. This is an offence, however, not
common; and long custom seems to secure property here as effectually
as the most severe laws do in other countries. In conformity also to
ancient practice established amongst them, crimes of a less general
nature are left to be punished by the sufferer, without referring
them to a superior. In this case, they seem to think that the injured
person will judge as equitably as those who are totally unconcerned;
and as long custom has allotted certain punishments for crimes of
different sorts, he is allowed to inflict them, without being amenable
to any other person. Thus, if any one be caught stealing, which is
commonly done in the night, the proprietor of the goods may put the
thief instantly to death; and if any one should enquire of him after
the deceased, it is sufficient to acquit him, if he only informs them
of the provocation he had to kill him. But so severe a punishment is
seldom inflicted, unless the articles that are stolen be reckoned very
valuable; such as breast-plates and plaited hair. If only cloth, or
even hogs, be stolen, and the thief escape, upon his being afterward
discovered, if he promise to return the same number of pieces of
cloth, or of hogs, no farther punishment is inflicted. Sometimes,
after keeping out of the way for a few days, he is forgiven, or, at
most, gets a slight beating. If a person kill another in a quarrel,
the friends of the deceased assemble, and engage the survivor and his
adherents. If they conquer, they take possession of the house, lands,
and goods of the other party; but if conquered, the reverse takes
place. If a _Manahoone_ kill the _Toutou_, or slave of a chief, the
latter sends people to take possession of the lands and house of the
former, who flies either to some other part of the island, or to some
of the neighbouring islands. After some months he returns, and finding
his stock of hogs much increased, he offers a large present of these,
with some red feathers, and other valuable articles, to the _Toutou_'s
master, who generally accepts the compensation, and permits him to
repossess his house and lands. This practice is the height of venality
and injustice; and the slayer of the slave seems to be under no
farther necessity of absconding, than to impose upon the lower class
of people, who are the sufferers. For it does not appear that the
chief has the least power to punish this _Manahoone_; but the whole
management marks a collusion between him and his superior, to gratify
the revenge of the former, and the avarice of the latter. Indeed, we
need not wonder that the killing of a man should be considered as
so venial an offence, amongst a people who do not consider it as any
crime at all to murder their own children. When talking to them, about
such instances of unnatural cruelty, and asking, whether the chiefs or
principal people were not angry, and did not punish them? I was told,
that the chief neither could nor would interfere in such cases; and
that every one had a right to do with his own child what he pleased.

Though the productions, the people, and the customs and manners of
all the islands in the neighbourhood, may, in general, be reckoned
the same as at Otaheite, there are a few differences which should be
mentioned, as this may lead to an enquiry about more material ones
hereafter, if such there be, of which we are now ignorant.

With regard to the little island Mataia, or Osnaburgh Island, which
lies twenty leagues east of Otaheite, and belongs to a chief of that
place, who gets from thence a kind of tribute, a different dialect
from that of Otaheite is there spoken. The men of Mataia also wear
their hair very long; and when they fight, cover their arms with a
substance which is beset with sharks' teeth, and their bodies with
a sort of shagreen, being skin of fishes. At the same time they
are ornamented with polished pearl-shells, which make a prodigious
glittering in the sun; and they have a very large one, that covers
them before, like a shield or breast plate.

The language of Otaheite has many words, and even phrases, quite
unlike those of the islands to the westward of it, which all agree;
and this island is remarkable for producing great quantities of that
delicious fruit we call apples, which are found in none of the others,
except Eimeo. It has also the advantage of producing an odoriferous
wood, called _eahoi_, which is highly valued at the other isles, where
there is none; nor even in the south-east peninsula, or Tiaraboo,
though joining it. Huaheine and Eimeo, again, are remarkable for
producing greater quantities of yams than the other islands. And
at Mourooa there is a particular bird, found upon the hills, much
esteemed for its white feathers; at which place there is also said
to be some of the apples, though it be the most remote of the Society
Islands from Otaheite and Eimeo, where they are produced.

Though the religion of all the islands be the same, each of them has
its particular, or tutelar god; whose names, according to the best
information I could receive, are set down in the following list:

                                       _Gods of the Isles_,

  Huaheine,                                 _Tanne._
  Ulietea,                                  _Oore._
  Otaha,                                    _Tanne._
  Bolabola,                                 _Oraa._
  Mourooa,                                  _Otoo, ee weiahoo._
  Toobaee,                                  _Tamouee._
  Tabooymanoo, or Saunders's  \
       Island, which           }            _Taroa._
       is subject to Huaheine,/
  Eimeo,                                    _Oroo hadoo._

                   Otaheite-nooe,}         _Ooroo._
  Otaheite,       {
                   Tiaraboo,    }         {_Opoonooa_ and   whom they have
                                           {_Whatooteeree_, { lately changed
                                                                  for Oraa, god
                                                                  of Bolabola.

  Mataia or Osnaburgh                       _Tooboo, toobooai, Ry maraiva._
      Island

  The Low Isles, Eastward                   _Tammaree._

Besides the cluster of high islands from Mataia to Mourooa inclusive,
the people of Otaheite are acquainted with a low uninhabited island,
which they name Mopeeha, and seems to be Howe's Island, laid down to
the westward of Mourooa in our late charts of this ocean. To this the
inhabitants of the most leeward islands sometimes go. There are also
several low islands, to the north-eastward of Otaheite, which they
have sometimes visited, but not constantly; and are said to be only at
the distance of two days' sail, with a fair wind. They were thus named
to me:

  Mataeeva,
  Oanaa, called Oannah, in Dalrymple's letter to Hawkesworth
  Taboohoe,
  Awehee,
  Kaoora,
  Orootooa,
  Otavaoo, where are large pearls.

The inhabitants of these isles come more frequently to Otaheite and
the other neighbouring high islands, from whose natives they differ
in being of a darker colour, with a fiercer aspect, and differently
punctured. I was informed, that at Mataeeva, and others of them, it is
a custom for the men to give their daughters to strangers who arrive
amongst them; but the pairs must be five nights lying near each other,
without presuming to proceed farther. On the sixth evening, the
father of the young woman, treats his guest with food, and informs his
daughter, that she must, that night, receive him as her husband. The
stranger, however, must not offer to express the least dislike, though
the bed-fellow allotted to him should be ever so disagreeable; for
this is considered as an unpardonable affront, and is punished with
death. Forty men of Bolabola, who, incited by curiosity, had roamed as
far as Mataeeva in a canoe, were treated in this manner; one of them
having incautiously mentioned his dislike of the woman who fell to his
lot, in the hearing of a boy, who informed her father. In consequence
of this the Mateevans fell upon them; but these warlike people killed
three times their own number; though with the loss of all their
party, except five. These hid themselves in the woods, and took an
opportunity, when the others were burying their dead, to enter some
houses, where, having provided themselves with victuals and water,
they carried them on board a canoe, in which they made their escape;
and, after passing Mataia, at which they would not touch, at last
arrived safe at Eimeo. The Bolabolans, however, were sensible enough
that their travellers had been to blame; for a canoe from Mateeva,
arriving some time after at Bolabola, so far were they from
retaliating upon them for the death of their countrymen, that they
acknowledged they had deserved their fate, and treated their visitors
kindly.

These low isles are, doubtless, the farthest navigation which those of
Otaheite and the Society Islands perform at present. It seems to be a
groundless supposition, made by Mons. de Bougainville, that they made
voyages of the prodigious extent[5] he mentions; for I found, that it
is reckoned a sort of a prodigy, that a canoe, once driven by a storm
from Otaheite, should have fallen in with Mopeeha, or Howe's Island,
though so near, and directly to leeward. The knowledge they have
of other distant islands is, no doubt, traditional; and has been
communicated to them by the natives of those islands, driven
accidentally upon their coasts, who, besides giving them the names,
could easily inform them of the direction in which the places lie from
whence they came, and of the number of days they had been upon the
sea. In this manner, it may be supposed, that the natives of Wateeoo
have increased their catalogue by the addition of Otaheite and its
neighbouring isles, from the people we met with there, and also of
the other islands these had heard of. We may thus account for that
extensive knowledge attributed by the gentlemen of the Endeavour to
Tupia in such matters. And, with all due deference to his veracity,
I presume that it was, by the same means of information, that he was
able to direct the ship to Oheteroa, without having ever been
there himself, as he pretended; which, on many accounts, is very
improbable.[6]

[Footnote 5: See _Bougainville's Voyage autour du Monde_, p. 228,
where we are told that these people sometimes navigate at the distance
of more than three hundred leagues.--D.]

[Footnote 6: Though much of Mr Anderson's account of Otaheite, &c. be
very similar to what has been given in the preceding relations, yet
it must be allowed to possess too great merit to warrant omission
or alteration. He has been fortunate, certainly, in delineating the
manners and opinions of the people; and perhaps, on the whole,
his information bears more decisive marks of care and intimate
acquaintance than any other we possess on the subject. This, it may
be said, is no very high merit; because, having the benefit of pretty
extensive labours, he had only to compare a picture with its original,
as presented to his notice, and was under no necessity of dividing
his attention among a multiplicity of unconnected objects. Still this
remark is not just, unless it be shewn that he has merely affirmed
the likeness or unlikeness he observed betwixt them, and specified the
peculiarities of resemblance or dissimilarity. In place of doing
so, however, he has executed another picture. But such analogical
reasoning is more fanciful than judicious; and even were it correctly
applicable to the case, it is evident, that no one would be entitled
to decide as to the respective merits of the productions, who was not
familiar with the objects which they represented. Now, the fact is,
that Mr Anderson had no opportunity of availing himself of what others
had done before, unless we except the avowedly imperfect delineations
in Hawkesworth's Narrative, from which we can scarcely believe he
could derive material assistance. The reader will understand this
at once, by considering, that neither Cook's account of his second
voyage, nor the productions of Mr Forster, had been published before
the commencement of this expedition. It may, however, be imagined,
that Cook himself would communicate to Mr Anderson such particulars
of his former journal as were likely to aid him in his present
researches. Even this supposition is exceedingly unnecessary; because,
it appears from the Memoir of Cook, in the Biog. Brit. that that
officer rather received assistance from Mr Anderson during the former
navigation; and we shall afterwards see reason to consider him as
possessed of abilities, and a talent for observation, which rendered
him very independent of others. His description, therefore, is to
be judged an original one, and as such is entitled to the highest
distinction. It may indeed be somewhat chargeable with the
exaggerations of a warm fancy, especially as to what is said of the
religious notions of these islanders, which perhaps assume more of
system and regularity through the medium of Mr A.'s report, than it
is altogether likely would be found to exist in their popular creeds.
This is easily understood, without any aspersion on his veracity. For,
as it will be allowed that he possessed greater compass of mind, and
was more in the habit of exercising thought than the people whose
opinions he described, so it may thence be readily inferred, that,
what to them was confused and unconnected, as is commonly the case
with the superstitions of the illiterate in all countries, his
philosophical genius, working on obvious and remote analogies, wrought
into order, and stamped with the semblance, at least, of theoretical
consistency. We had at one time purposed to offer a few remarks
on certain parts of his description, but, on second thoughts, it
occurred, that, on the whole, the subject had received a very ample
share of attention in the course of these voyages.--E.]


SECTION X.

_Progress of the Voyage, after leaving the Society Islands.--Christmas
Island discovered, and Station of the Ships there.--Boats sent
ashore.--Great Success in catching Turtle.--An Eclipse of the Sun
observed.--Distress of two Seamen who had lost their Way.--Inscription
left in a Bottle.--Account of the Island.--Its Soil.--Trees and
Plants.--Birds.--Its Size.--Form.--Situation.--Anchoring Ground._

After leaving Bolabola, I steered to the northward, close-hauled, with
the wind between N.E. and E., hardly ever having it to the southward
of E., till after we had crossed the Line, and had got into N.
latitudes. So that our course, made good, was always to the W. of N.,
and sometimes no better than N.W.

Though seventeen months had now elapsed since our departure from
England, during which, we had not, upon the whole, been unprofitably
employed, I was sensible, that with regard to the principal object of
my instructions, our voyage was, at this time, only beginning; and,
therefore, my attention to every circumstance that might contribute
toward our safety and our ultimate success, was now to be called forth
anew. With this view I had examined into the state of our provisions
at the last islands; and, as soon as I had left them, and got beyond
the extent of my former discoveries, I ordered a survey to be taken
of all the boatswain's and carpenter's stores that were in the ships,
that I might be fully informed of the quantity, state, and condition
of every article; and, by that means, know how to use them to the
greatest advantage.

Before I sailed from the Society Islands, I lost no opportunity of
enquiring of the inhabitants, if there were any islands in a N. or
N.W. direction from them; but I did not find that they knew of any.
Nor did we meet with any thing that indicated the vicinity of land,
till we came to about the latitude of 8 deg. S., where we began to see
birds, such as boobies, tropic, and men-of-war birds, tern, and some
other sorts. At this time our longitude was 205 deg. E. Mendana, in his
first voyage in 1568,[1] discovered an island which he named Isla de
Jesus, in latitude 6 deg. 45' S., and 1450 leagues from Callao, which
is 200 deg. E. longitude from Greenwich. We crossed this latitude near a
hundred leagues to the eastward of this longitude, and saw there many
of the above-mentioned birds, which are seldom known to go very far
from land.

[Footnote 1: See Dalrymple's Collection, vol. i. p. 45.]

In the night, between the 22d and 23d, we crossed the Line in the
longitude of 203 deg. 15' E. Here the variation of the compass was 6 deg. 30'
E. nearly.

On the 24th, about half an hour after day-break, land was discovered
bearing N.E. by E. 1/2 E. Upon a nearer approach, it was found to be
one of those low islands so common in this ocean, that is, a narrow
bank of land inclosing the sea within. A few cocoa-nut trees were seen
in two or three places; but, in general, the land had a very barren
appearance. At noon, it extended from N.E. by E. to S. by E. 1/2 E.,
about four miles distant. The wind was at E.S.E., so that we were
under a necessity of making a few boards, to get up to the lee or west
side, where we found from forty to twenty and fourteen fathoms water,
over a bottom of fine sand, the least depth about half a mile from,
the breakers, and the greatest about one mile. The meeting with
soundings determined me to anchor, with a view to try to get some
turtles, for the island seemed to be a likely place to meet with them,
and to be without inhabitants. Accordingly we dropped anchor in thirty
fathoms; and then a boat was dispatched to examine whether it was
practicable to land, of which I had some doubt, as the sea broke in
a dreadful surf all along the shore. When the boat returned, the
officer, whom I had entrusted with this examination, reported to me
that he could see no place where a boat could land, but that there was
great abundance of fish in the shoal water, without the breakers.

At day-break, the next morning, I sent two boats, one from each ship,
to search more accurately for a landing-place; and, at the same time,
two others to fish at a grappling near the shore. These last returned
about eight o'clock, with upward of two hundred weight of fish.
Encouraged by this success, they were dispatched again after
breakfast; and I then went in another boat, to take a view of
the coast and attempt landing, but this I found to be wholly
impracticable. Toward noon, the two boats, sent on the same search,
returned. The master, who was in that belonging to the Resolution,
reported to me, that about a league and a half to the N., was a break
in the land, and a channel into the _lagoon_, consequently, that there
was a fit place for landing; and that he had found the same soundings
off this entrance, as we had where we now lay. In consequence of this
report the ships weighed anchor, and, after two or three trips, came
to again in twenty fathoms water, over a bottom of fine dark sand,
before a small island that lies at the entrance of the _lagoon_, and
on each side of which there is a channel leading into it, but only fit
for boats. The water in the _lagoon_ itself is all very shallow.

On the 26th, in the morning, I ordered Captain Clerke to send a
boat, with an officer, to the S.E. part of the _lagoon_, to look for
turtles; and Mr King and I went each in a boat to the N.E. part. I
intended to have gone to the most easterly extremity, but the wind
blew too fresh to allow it, and obliged us to land more to leeward, on
a sandy flat, where we caught one turtle, the only one that we saw
in the _lagoon_. We walked, or rather waded, through the water to
an island, where finding nothing but a few birds, I left it, and
proceeded to the land that bounds the sea to the N.W., leaving Mr King
to observe the sun's meridian altitude. I found this land to be even
more barren than the island I had been upon; but walking over to the
sea-coast, I saw five turtles close to the shore. One of these we
caught, and the rest made their escape. Not seeing any more I returned
on board, as did Mr King soon after, without having seen one turtle.
We, however, did not despair of getting a supply; for some of Captain
Clerke's officers, who had been ashore on the land to the southward
of the channel leading into the _lagoon_, had been more fortunate, and
caught several there.

In the morning of the 27th, the pinnace and cutter, under the command
of Mr King, were sent to the S.E. part of the island, within the
_lagoon_, and the small cutter to the northward, where I had been the
day before, both parties being ordered upon the same service, to catch
turtles. Captain Clerke having had some of his people on shore all
night, they had been so fortunate as to turn between forty and fifty
on the sand, which were brought on board with all expedition this day.
And, in the afternoon, the party I had sent northward returned with
six. They were sent back again, and remained there till we left the
island, having in general pretty good success.

On the 28th, I landed in company with Mr Bayly, on the island which
lies between the two channels into the _lagoon_, to prepare the
telescopes for observing the approaching eclipse of the sun, which
was one great inducement to my anchoring here. About noon, Mr King
returned with one boat and eight turtles, leaving seven behind to
be brought by the other boat, whose people were employed in catching
more; and, in the evening, the same boat was sent with water and
provisions for them. Mr Williamson now went to superintend this
duty in the room of Mr King, who remained on board to attend the
observation of the eclipse.

The next day, Mr Williamson dispatched the two boats back to the ship,
laden with turtles. At the same time, he sent me a message, desiring
that the boats might be ordered round by sea, as he had found a
landing-place on the S.E. side of the island, where most of the
turtles were caught; so that by sending the boats thither, the trouble
would be saved of carrying them over the land to the inside of the
_lagoon_, as had been hitherto done. The boats were accordingly
dispatched to the place which he pointed out.

On the morning of the 30th, the day when the eclipse was to happen,
Mr King, Mr Bayly, and myself, went ashore on the small island
above-mentioned, to attend the observation. The sky was over-cast till
past nine o'clock, when the clouds about the sun dispersed long enough
to take its altitude, to rectify the time by the watch we made use
of. After this, it was again obscured, till about thirty minutes past
nine, and then we found that the eclipse was begun. We now fixed the
micrometers to the telescopes, and observed or measured the uneclipsed
part of the sun's disk. At these observations I continued about
three-quarters of an hour before the end, when I left off, being, in
fact, unable to continue them longer, on account of the great heat of
the sun, increased by the reflection from the sand.

The sun was clouded at times; but it was clear when the eclipse ended,
the time of which was observed as follows:

          Mr Bayly        0  26   3
    By    Mr King    at   0  26   1   Apparent Time p.m.
          Myself          0  25  37

Mr Bayly and I observed with the large achromatic telescopes, and Mr
King with a reflector. As Mr Bayly's telescope and mine were of the
same magnifying power, I ought not to have differed so much from
him as I did. Perhaps, it was, in part, if not wholly owing to a
protuberance in the moon, which escaped my notice, but was seen by
both the other gentlemen.

In the afternoon, the boats and turtling party, at the S.E. part of
the island, all returned on board, except a seaman belonging to the
Discovery, who had been missing two days. There were two of them at
first who had lost their way, but disagreeing about the most probable
track to bring them back to their companions, they had separated, and
one of them joined the party, after having been absent twenty-four
hours, and been in great distress. Not a drop of fresh water could be
had, for there is none upon the whole island; nor was there a single
cocoa-nut tree on that part of it. In order to allay his thirst,
be had recourse to the singular expedient of killing turtles, and
drinking their blood. His mode of refreshing himself, when weary,
of which he said he felt the good effects, was equally whimsical. He
undressed himself, and lay down for some time in the shallow water
upon the beach.[2]

[Footnote 2: The practice is deserving of a better epithet. It is
highly judicious, and may often be adopted with the best effects. The
use of the cold bath in cases of fever is not materially different;
and it is most certain, that washing the body with either cold or warm
water, is one of the best methods of relieving the sense of weariness
consequent on fatiguing exercise. Some caution is undoubtedly required
in using it; but on the whole, there is much less danger in the
application than is commonly imagined. The natural indications are
chiefly to be regarded. Thus it is not likely that a person already
cooled down below the natural standard, so as to feel positively cold
or chilly, will run the risk of greater reduction of temperature by
immersion in cold water; and on the other hand, when most warm,
in which state such reduction is safest, there is the greatest
inclination to have recourse to it. It is advisable to employ friction
with cloths in most cases, but more especially where perspiration has
been brought on, in which state, cold bathing, unless preceded by that
process in such a degree as to excite a sense of heat on the surface,
is improper, for a reason above assigned, perspiration always
occasioning a reduction of temperature. This subject is an important
one, but could not be discussed here; there seemed, however, some good
end likely to be answered by at least directing attention to it.--E.]

It was a matter of surprise to every one, how these two men could
contrive to lose themselves. The land over which they had to travel,
from the sea-coast to the _lagoon_, where the boats lay, was not more
than three miles across, nor was there any thing to obstruct their
view, for the country was a flat, with a few shrubs scattered upon
it, and from many parts of it, the masts of the ships could easily be
seen. But this was a rule of direction they never once thought of;
nor did they recollect in what quarter of the island the ships had
anchored, and they were as much at a loss how to get back to them, or
to the party they had straggled from, as if they had but just
dropped from the clouds. Considering how strange a set of beings the
generality of seamen are, when on shore, instead of being surprised
that these two men should thus lose their way, it is rather to be
wondered at, that no more of the party were missing. Indeed, one
of those who landed with me was in a similar situation; but he had
sagacity enough to know that the ships were to leeward, and got
on board almost as soon as it was discovered that he had been left
behind.

As soon as Captain Clerke knew that one of the stragglers was still in
this awkward situation, he sent a party in search of him; but neither
the man nor the party having come back, the next morning I ordered two
boats into the _lagoon_, to go different ways, in prosecution of the
search. Not long after, Captain Clerke's party returned with their
lost companion; and my boats having now no object left, I called
them back by signal. This poor fellow must have suffered far greater
distress than the other straggler, not only as having been lost
a longer time, but as we found that he was too squeamish to drink
turtle's blood.

Having some cocoa-nuts and yams on board, in a state of vegetation, I
ordered them to be planted on the little island where we had observed
the eclipse, and some melon-seeds were sown in another place. I also
left, on the little island, a bottle containing this inscription:

            _Georgius, Tertius, Rex, 31 Decembris, 1777._
            _Naves    {Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr._
                     _{Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr._

On the 1st of January, 1778, I sent boats to bring on board all our
parties from the land, and the turtles they had caught. Before this
was completed it was late in the afternoon, so that I did not think
proper to sail till next morning. We got at this island, to both
ships, about three hundred turtles, weighing, one with another, about
ninety or a hundred pounds. They were all of the green kind, and
perhaps as good as any in the world. We also caught, with hook and
line, as much fish as we could consume during our stay. They consisted
principally of cavallies of different sizes, large and small snappers,
and a few of two sorts of rock-fish, one with numerous spots of blue,
and the other with whitish streaks scattered about.

The soil of this island, in some places, is light and black, evidently
composed of decayed vegetables, the dung of birds, and sand. There
are other places again, where nothing but marine productions, such as
broken coral stones and shells are to be seen. These are deposited in
long narrow ridges, lying in a parallel direction with the sea-coast,
not unlike a ploughed field, and must have been thrown up by the
waves, though, at this time, they do not reach within a mile of some
of these places. This seems to furnish an incontestible proof that the
island has been produced by accessions from the sea, and is in a state
of increase; for not only the broken pieces of coral, but many of the
shells, are too heavy and large to have been brought by any birds,
from the beach, to the places where they now lie. Not a drop of fresh
water was any where found, though frequently dug for. We met with
several ponds of salt water, which had no visible communication with
the sea, and must, therefore, in all probability, be filled by the
water filtrating through the sand in high tides. One of the lost men
found some salt on the S.E. part of the island. But though this was an
article of which we were in want, a man who could lose himself, as
he did, and not know whether he was travelling east, west, north, or
south, was not to be depended upon as a fit guide to conduct us to the
place.

There were not the smallest traces of any human being having ever been
here before us; and, indeed, should any one be so unfortunate as to be
accidentally driven upon the island, or left there, it is hard to
say, that he could be able to prolong existence. There is, indeed,
abundance of birds and fish, but no visible means of allaying thirst,
nor any vegetable that could supply the place of bread, or correct the
bad effects of an animal diet, which, in all probability, would soon
prove fatal alone. On the few cocoa-trees upon the island, the number
of which did not exceed thirty, very little fruit was found; and, in
general, what was found, was either not fully grown, or had the juice
salt, or brackish. So that a ship touching here, must expect nothing
but fish and turtles, and of these an abundant supply may be depended
upon.

On some parts of the land were a few low trees. Mr Anderson gave me an
account also of two small shrubs, and, of two or three small plants,
all which we had seen on Palmerston's Island and Otakootaia. There
was also a species of _sida_ or Indian mallow, a sort of purslain,
and another small plant, that seemed, from its leaves, a
_mesembryanthemum_, with two species of grass. But each of these
vegetable productions was in so small a quantity, and grew with so
much languor, that one is almost surprised that the species do not
become extinct.

Under the low trees above-mentioned, sat infinite numbers of a new
species of tern, or egg-bird. These are black above and white below,
with a white arch on the forehead, and are rather larger than the
common noddy. Most of them had lately hatched their young, which lay
under old ones upon the bare ground. The rest had eggs, of which they
only lay one, larger than that of a pigeon, bluish and speckled with
black. There were also a good many common boobies, a sort that are
almost like a gannet, and a sooty or chocolate-coloured one, with a
white belly. To this list we must add men-of-war birds, tropic-birds,
curlews, sand-pipers, a small land-bird like a hedge-sparrow,
land-crabs, small lizards, and rats.

As we kept our Christmas here, I called this discovery _Christmas
Island_. I judge it to be about fifteen or twenty leagues in
circumference. It seemed to be of a semicircular form, or like the
moon in the last quarter, the two horns being the N. and S. points,
which bear from each other nearly N. by E., and S. by W., four or five
leagues distant. This west side, or the little isle at the entrance
into the _lagoon_, upon which we observed the eclipse, lies in the
latitude of 1 deg. 59' N., and in the longitude of 202 deg. 30' E., determined
by a considerable number of lunar observations, which differed only
7' from the time-keeper, it being so much less. The variation of the
compass was 6 deg. 22-1/2' E., and the dip of the north end of the needle
11 deg. 54'.

Christmas Island, like most others in this ocean, is bounded by a reef
of coral-rocks, which extends but a little way from the shore.
Farther out than this reef, on the west side, is a bank of fine sand,
extending a mile into the sea. On this bank is good anchorage, in
any depth between eighteen and thirty fathoms. In less than the
first-mentioned depth, the reef would be too near; and, in more than
the last, the edge of the bank would not be at a sufficient distance.
During the time we lay here, the wind blew constantly a fresh gale at
E., or E. by S., except one or two days. We had, always, a great swell
from the northward, which broke upon the reef in a prodigious surf.
We had found this swell before we came to the island, and it continued
for some days after we left it.


SECTION XI.

_Some Islands discovered.--Account of the Natives of Atooi, who came
off to the Ships, and their Behaviour on going on board.--One of them
killed.--Precautions used to prevent Intercourse with the Females.--A
Watering-place found.--Reception upon landing.--Excursion into the
Country.--A Morai visited and described.--Graves of the Chiefs, and of
the human Sacrifices, there buried.--Another Island, called Oneeheow,
visited.--Ceremonies performed by the Natives, who go off to the
Ships.--Reasons for believing that they are Cannibals.--A Party
sent ashore, who remain two Nights.--Account of what passed on
landing.--The Ships leave, the Islands, and proceed to the North._

On the 2d of January, at day-break, we weighed anchor, and resumed our
course to the N., having fine weather, and a gentle breeze at E., and
E.S.E., till we got into the latitude of 7 deg. 45' N., and the longitude
of 205 deg. E., where we had one calm day. This was succeeded by a N.E.
by E., and E.N.E. wind. At first it blew faint, but freshened as we
advanced to the N. We continued to see birds every day of the sorts
last mentioned, sometimes in greater numbers than others, and between
the latitude of 10 deg. and 11 deg., we saw several turtles. All these are
looked upon as signs of the vicinity of land. However, we discovered
none till day-break, in the morning of the 18th, when an island made
its appearance, bearing N.E. by E.; and soon after, we saw more
land bearing N., and entirely detached from the former. Both had the
appearance of being high land. At noon, the first bore N.E. by E. 1/2
E., by estimation about eight or nine leagues distant; and an elevated
hill, near the east end of the other, bore N. 1/2 W. Our latitude, at
this time, was 21 deg. 12' N., and longitude 200 deg. 41' E. We had now light
airs and calms by turns, so that, at sunset, we were not less than
nine or ten leagues from the nearest land.

On the 19th, at sun-rise, the island first seen, bore E., several
leagues distant. This being directly to windward, which prevented our
getting near it, I stood for the other, which we could reach; and, not
long after, discovered a third island in the direction of W.N.W., as
far distant as land could be seen. We had now a fine breeze at E. by
N., and I steered for the east end of the second island, which, at
noon, extended from N. 1/2 E. to W.N.W. 1/4 W., the nearest part being
about two leagues distant. At this time, we were in some doubt whether
or no the land before us was inhabited; but this doubt was soon
cleared up, by seeing some canoes coming off from the shore toward the
ships. I immediately brought-to, to give them time to join us. They
had from three to six men each; and, on their approach, we were
agreeably surprised to find that they spoke the language of Otaheite,
and of the other islands we had lately visited. It required but very
little address to get them to come along-side; but no entreaties could
prevail upon any of them to come on board. I tied some brass medals to
a rope, and gave them to those in one of the canoes, who, in return,
tied some small mackerel to the rope as an equivalent. This was
repeated; and some small nails, or bits of iron, which they valued
more than any other article, were given them. For these they exchanged
more fish and a sweet potatoe, a sure sign that they had some notion
of bartering, or, at least, of returning one present for another. They
had nothing else in their canoes, except some large gourd shells, and
a kind of fishing-net; but one of them offered for sale the piece
of stuff that he wore round his waist, after the manner of the other
islands. These people were of a brown colour; and, though of the
common size, were stoutly made. There was little difference in the
casts of their colour, but a considerable variation in their features,
some of their visages not being very unlike those of Europeans. The
hair of most of them was cropt pretty short, others had it flowing
loose, and, with a few, it was tied in a bunch on the crown of the
head. In all it seemed to be naturally black; but most of them had
stained it, as is the practice of the Friendly Islanders, with some
stuff which gave it a brown or burnt colour. In general they wore
their beards. They had no ornaments about their persons, nor did we
observe that their ears were perforated; but some were punctured on
the hands, or near the groin, though in a small degree; and the bits
of cloth which they wore, were curiously-stained with red, black, and
white colours. They seemed very mild, and had no arms of any kind,
if we except some small stones, which they had evidently brought for
their own defence, and these they threw overboard when they found that
they were not wanted.

Seeing no signs of an anchoring-place at this eastern extreme of the
island, I bore away to leeward, and ranged along the S.E. side, at the
distance of half a league from the shore. As soon as we made sail the
canoes left us; but others came off as we proceeded along the coast,
bringing with them roasting-pigs, and some very fine potatoes, which
they had exchanged, as the others had done, for whatever was offered
to them. Several small pigs were purchased for a sixpenny nail, so
that we again found ourselves in a land of plenty, and just at
the time when the turtle, which we had so fortunately procured at
Christmas Island, were nearly expended. We passed several villages,
some seated near the sea, and others farther up the country. The
inhabitants of all of them crowded to the shore, and collected
themselves on the elevated places to view the ships. The land upon
this side of the island rises in a gentle slope, from the sea to the
foot of the mountains, which occupy the centre of the country, except
at one place near the east end, where they rise directly from the
sea, and seemed to be formed of nothing but stone, or rocks lying in
horizontal _strata_. We saw no wood but what was up in the interior
part of the island, except a few trees about the villages, near
which, also, we could observe several plantations of plantains and
sugar-canes, and spots that seemed cultivated for roots.

We continued to sound, without striking ground with a line of fifty
fathoms, till we came abreast of a low point, which is about the
middle of the east side of the island, or rather nearer the N.W. end.
Here we met with twelve and fourteen fathoms over a rocky bottom.
Being past this point, from which the coast trended more northerly,
we had twenty, then sixteen, twelve, and, at last, five fathoms over
a sandy bottom. The last soundings were about a mile from the shore.
Night now put a stop to any farther researches, and we spent it
standing off and on. The next morning we stood in for the land, and
were met by several canoes filled with people, some of whom took
courage and ventured on board.

In the course of my several voyages I never before met with the
natives of any place so much astonished, as these people were upon
entering a ship. Their eyes were continually flying from object to
object; the wildness of their looks and gestures fully expressing
their entire ignorance about every thing they saw, and strongly
marking to us, that, till now, they had never been visited by
Europeans, nor been acquainted with any of our commodities, except
iron; which, however, it was plain, they had only heard of, or had
known it in some small quantity, brought to them at some distant
period. They seemed only to understand that it was a substance much
better adapted to the purposes of cutting or of boring of holes, than
any thing their own country produced. They asked for it by the name
of _hamaite_, probably referring to some instrument, in the making of
which iron could be usefully employed; for they applied that name to
the blade of a knife, though we could be certain that they had no
idea of that particular instrument, nor could they at all handle it
properly. For the same reason they frequently called iron by the name
of _toe_, which, in their language, signifies a hatchet, or rather a
kind of adze. On asking them what iron was, they immediately answered,
"We do not know; you know what it is, and we only understand it as
_toe_, or _hamaite_." When we shewed them some beads, they asked
first, "What they were;" and then "whether they should eat them."
But on their being told that they were to be hung in their ears,
they returned them as useless. They were equally indifferent as to a
looking-glass, which was offered them, and returned it for the same
reason; but sufficiently expressed their desire for _hamaite_ and
_toe_, which they wished might be very large. Plates of earthen-ware,
china-cups, and other such things, were so new to them, that they
asked if they were made of wood, but wished to have some, that
they might carry them to be looked at on shore. They were, in some
respects, naturally well-bred; or, at least, fearful of giving
offence, asking whether they should sit down, whether they should
spit upon the deck, and the like. Some of them repeated a long prayer
before they came on board; and others afterward sung and made motions
with their hands, such as we had been accustomed to see in the dances
of the islands we had lately visited. There was another circumstance
in which they also perfectly resembled those other islanders. At
first, on their entering the ship, they endeavoured to steal every
thing they came near, or rather to take it openly, as what we either
should not resent, or not hinder. We soon convinced them of their
mistake; and if they, after some time, became less active in
appropriating to themselves whatever they took a fancy to, it was
because they found that we kept a watchful eye over them.

At nine o'clock, being pretty near the shore, I sent three armed
boats, under the command of Lieutenant Williamson, to look for a
landing-place, and for fresh water. I ordered him, that if he should
find it necessary to land in search of the latter, not to suffer
more than one man to go with him out of the boats. Just as they
were putting off from the ship, one of the natives having stole the
butcher's cleaver, leaped overboard, got into his canoe, and hastened
to the shore, the boats pursuing him in vain.

The order not to permit the crews of the boats to go on shore was
issued, that I might do every thing in my power to prevent the
importation of a fatal disease into this island, which I knew some of
our men now laboured under, and which, unfortunately, had been already
communicated by us to other islands in these seas. With the same view
I ordered all female visitors to be excluded from the ships. Many of
them had come off in the canoes. Their size, colour, and features did
not differ much from those of the men; and though their countenances
were remarkably open and agreeable, there were few traces of delicacy
to be seen, either in their faces, or other proportions. The only
difference in their dress was their having a piece of cloth about
the body, reaching from near the middle to half-way down the thighs,
instead of the _maro_ worn by the other sex. They would as readily
have favoured us with their company on board as the men; but I wished
to prevent all connection, which might, too probably, convey an
irreparable injury to themselves, and, through their means, to the
whole nation. Another necessary precaution was taken, by strictly
enjoining, that no person known to be capable of propagating the
infection, should be sent upon duty out of the ships.

Whether these regulations, dictated by humanity, had the desired
effect or no, time only can discover. I had been equally attentive
to the same object, when I first visited the Friendly Islands, yet I
afterwards found, with real concern, that I had not succeeded. And I
am much afraid that this will always be the case in such voyages as
ours, whenever it is necessary to have a number of people on shore.
The opportunities and inducements to an intercourse between the sexes
are then too numerous to be guarded against; and, however confident we
may be of the health of our men, we are often undeceived too late. It
is even a matter of doubt with me, if it be always in the power of the
most skilful of the faculty to pronounce, with any certainty, whether
a person who has been under their care, in certain stages of this
malady, is so effectually cured, as to leave no possibility of his
being still capable of communicating the taint. I think I could
mention some instances which justify my presuming to hazard this
opinion. It is likewise well known, that amongst a number of men,
there are, generally, to be found some so bashful as to endeavour to
conceal their labouring under any symptoms of this disorder. And
there are others again, so profligate, as not to care to whom they
communicate it. Of this last we had an instance at Tongataboo, in the
gunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed on shore to manage
the trade for that ship. After he knew that he had contracted this
disease, he continued to have connections with different women,
who were supposed not to have already contracted it. His companions
expostulated with him without effect, till Captain Clerke, hearing of
this dangerous irregularity of conduct, ordered him on board.[1]

[Footnote 1: One can scarcely help smiling at the mode Dr Kippis uses
to express his abhorrence of this man's conduct. It may be seen in
his account of this voyage, given in the Biog. Brit. "If I knew the
rascal's name," says he, "I would hang it up, as far as lies in my
power, to everlasting infamy!" Undoubtedly it richly deserved such
treatment, but there was no necessity for the doctor exhibiting such
keenness for the office of executioner.--E.]

While the boats were occupied in examining the coast, we stood on
and off with the ships, waiting for their return. About noon, Mr
Williamson came back, and reported that he had seen a large pond
behind a beach near one of the villages, which the natives told him
contained fresh water, and that there was anchoring-ground before it.
He also reported that he had attempted to land in another place, but
was prevented by the natives, who, coming down to the boats in great
numbers, attempted to take away the oars, musquets, and, in short,
every thing that they could lay hold of, and pressed so thick upon
him, that he was obliged to fire, by which one man was killed. But
this unhappy circumstance I did not know till after we had left the
island, so that all my measures were directed as if nothing of the
kind had happened. Mr Williamson told me, that after the man fell,
his countrymen took him up, carried him off, and then retired from
the boat; but still they made signals for our people to land, which he
declined. It did not appear to Mr Williamson, that the natives had
any design to kill, or even to hurt, any of his party; but they seemed
excited by mere curiosity, to get from them what they had, being, at
the same time, ready to give in return, any thing of their own.

After the boats were on board, I dispatched one of them to lie in the
best anchoring-ground; and as soon as she had got to this station, I
bore down with the ships, and anchored in twenty-five fathoms water,
the bottom a fine grey sand. The east point of the road, which was the
low point before-mentioned, bore S. 51 deg. E., the west point N. 65 deg. W.,
and the village, behind which the water was said to be, N.E. by E.,
distant one mile. But, little more than a quarter of a mile from us,
there were breakers, which I did not see till after the Resolution was
placed. The Discovery anchored to the eastward of us, and farther
from the land. The ships being thus stationed, between three and four
o'clock, I went ashore with three armed boats, and twelve marines,
to examine the water, and to try the disposition of the inhabitants,
several hundreds of whom were assembled on a sandy beach before
the village; behind it was a narrow valley, the bottom of which was
occupied by the piece of water.

The very instant I leaped on shore, the collected body of the natives
all fell flat upon their faces, and remained in that very humble
posture, till, by expressive signs, I prevailed upon them to rise.
They then brought a great many small pigs, which they presented to me,
with plantain trees, using much the same ceremonies that we had seen
practised on such occasions, at the Society and other islands; and a
long prayer being spoken by a single person, in which others of
the assembly sometimes joined. I expressed my acceptance of their
proffered friendship, by giving them, in return, such presents as
I had brought with me from the ship for that purpose. When this
introductory business was finished, I stationed a guard upon the
beach, and got some of the natives to conduct me to the water, which
proved to be very good, and in a proper situation for our purpose.
It was so considerable, that it may be called a lake; and it extended
farther up the country than we could see. Having satisfied myself
about this very essential point, and about the peaceable disposition
of the natives, I returned on board, and then gave orders that every
thing should be in readiness for landing and filling our water-casks
in the morning, when I went ashore with the people employed in that
service, having a party of marines with us for a guard, who were
stationed on the beach.

As soon as we landed, a trade was set on foot for hogs and potatoes,
which the people of the island gave us in exchange for nails and
pieces of iron, formed into something like chisels. We met with no
obstruction in watering; on the contrary, the natives assisted our
men in rolling the casks to and from the pool, and readily performed
whatever we required. Every thing thus going on to my satisfaction,
and considering my presence on the spot as unnecessary, I left
the command to Mr Williamson, who had landed with me, and made an
excursion into the country, up the valley, accompanied by Mr Anderson
and Mr Webber; the former of whom was as well qualified to describe
with the pen, as the latter was to represent with his pencil, every
thing we might meet with worthy of observation. A numerous train of
natives followed us; and one of them, whom I had distinguished for his
activity in keeping the rest in order, I made choice of as our guide.
This man, from time to time, proclaimed our approach; and every one
whom we met, fell prostrate upon the ground, and remained in that
position till we had passed. This, as I afterward understood, is the
mode of paying their respect to their own great chiefs. As we ranged
down the coast from the east, in the ships, we had observed at every
village one or more elevated white objects, like pyramids or other
obelisks; and one of these, which I guessed to be at least fifty feet
high, was very conspicuous from the ship's anchoring station, and
seemed to be at no great distance up this valley. To have a nearer
inspection of it, was the principal object of my walk. Our guide
perfectly understood that we wished to be conducted to it. But it
happened to be so placed, that we could not get at it, being separated
from us by the pool of water. However, there being another of the same
kind within our reach, about half a mile off, upon our side of the
valley, we set out to visit that. The moment we got to it, we saw that
it stood in a burying-ground, or _morai_, the resemblance of which,
in many respects to those we were so well acquainted with at other
islands in this ocean, and particularly Otaheite, could not but strike
us; and we also soon found, that the several parts that compose it,
were called by the same names. It was an oblong space, of considerable
extent, surrounded by a wall of stone, about four feet high. The space
inclosed was loosely paved with smaller stones; and at one end of it,
stood what I call the pyramid, but, in the language of the island, is
named _henananoo_, which appeared evidently to be an exact model of
the larger one, observed by us from the ships. It was about four feet
square at the base, and about twenty feet high. The four sides were
composed of small poles interwoven with twigs and branches, thus
forming an indifferent wicker-work, hollow or open within, from bottom
to top. It seemed to be rather in a ruinous state; but there were
sufficient remaining marks to shew that it had originally been covered
with a thin light grey cloth, which these people, it would seem,
consecrate to religions purposes, as we could see a good deal of it
hanging in different parts of the _morai_, and some of it had been
forced upon me when I first landed. On each side of the pyramid were
long pieces of wicker-work, called _hereanee_, in the same ruinous
condition, with two slender poles, inclining to each other, at one
corner, where some plantains were laid upon a board, fixed at the
height of five or six feet. This they called _herairemy_; and informed
us, that the fruit was an offering to their god, which makes it agree
exactly with the _whatta_ of Otaheite. Before the _henananoo_ were a
few pieces of wood, carved into something like human figures, which,
with a stone near two feet high, covered with pieces of cloth, called
_hoho_, and consecrated to _Tongarooa_, who is the god of these
people, still more and more reminded us of what we used to meet with
in the _morais_ of the islands we had lately left. Adjoining to these,
on the outside of the _morai_, was a small shed, no bigger than a
dog-kennel, which they called _hareepahoo_; and before it was a grave,
where, as we were told, the remains of a woman lay.

On the farther side of the area of the _morai_, stood a house or
shed, about forty feet long, ten broad in the middle, each end being
narrower, and about ten feet high. This, which, though much longer,
was lower than their common dwelling places, we were informed, was
called _hemanaa_. The entrance into it was at the middle of the side,
which was in the _morai_. On the farther side of this house, opposite
the entrance, stood two wooden images, cut out of one piece, with
pedestals, in all about three feet high, neither very indifferently
designed or executed. These were said to be _Eatooa no Veheina_, or
representations of goddesses. On the head of one of them was a carved
helmet, not unlike those worn, by the ancient warriors; and on that of
the other, a cylindrical cap, resembling the head-dress at Otaheite,
called _tomou_; and both of them had pieces of cloth tied about the
loins, and hanging a considerable way down. At the side of each, was
also a piece of carved wood, with bits of the cloth hung on them, in
the same manner; and between, or before, the pedestals, lay a quantity
of fern, in a heap. It was obvious, that this had been deposited
there, piece by piece, and at different times; for there was of it, in
all states, from what was quite decayed, to what was still fresh and
green.

In the middle of the house, and before the two images, was an oblong
space, inclosed by a low edging of stone, and covered with shreds of
the cloth so often mentioned. This, on enquiry, we found was the grave
of seven chiefs, whose names were enumerated, and the place was called
_Heneene_. We had met already with so many striking instances of
resemblance, between the burying-place we were now visiting, and those
of the islands we had lately come from in the South Pacific, that we
had little doubt in our minds, that the resemblance existed also, in
the ceremonies practised here, and particularly in the horrid one of
offering human sacrifices. Our suspicions were too soon confirmed by
direct evidence. For, on coming out of the house, just on one side
of the entrance, we saw a small square place, and another still less,
near it; and on asking what these were, our guide immediately informed
us, that in the one was buried a man who had been sacrificed; a
_Taa-ta_ (_Tanata_ or _Tangata_, in this country) _taboo_ (_tafoo_, as
here pronounced); and in the other, a hog, which had also been made
an offering to the divinity. At a little distance from these, near
the middle of the _morai_, were three more of these square inclosed
places, with two pieces of carved wood at each, and upon them a heap
of fern. These, we were told, were the graves of three chiefs; and
before them was an oblong, inclosed space, to which our conductor also
gave the name of _Tangata taboo_; telling us, so explicitly, that we
could not mistake his meaning, that three human sacrifices had been
buried there; that is, one at the funeral of each chief. It was with
most sincere concern, that I could trace, on such undoubted evidence,
the prevalence of these bloody rites, throughout this immense ocean,
amongst people disjoined by such a distance, and even ignorant of each
other's existence, though so strongly marked as originally of the same
nation. It was no small addition to this concern, to reflect, that
every appearance led us to believe, that the barbarous practice was
very general here. The island seemed to abound with such places of
sacrifice as this which we were now visiting, and which appeared to
be one of the most inconsiderable of them, being far less conspicuous
than several others which we had seen, as we sailed along the coast,
and particularly than that on the opposite side of the water, in
this valley, the white _henananoo_, or pyramid, of which, we were now
almost sure, derived its colour only from pieces of the consecrated
cloth laid over it. In several parts, within the inclosure of this
burying-ground, were planted trees of the _cordia sebestina_ some
of the _morinda citrifolia_, and several plants of the _etee_, or
_jeejee_, of Tongataboo, with the leaves of which the _hemanaa_ was
thatched; and, as I observed, that this plant was not made use of in
thatching their dwelling-houses, probably it is reserved entirely for
religious purposes.

Our road to and from the _morai_, which I have described, lay through
the plantations. The greatest part of the ground was quite flat, with
ditches full of water intersecting different parts, and roads that
seemed artificially raised to some height. The interspaces were, in
general, planted with _taro_, which grows here with great strength, as
the fields are sunk below the common level, so as to contain the water
necessary to nourish the roots. This water probably comes from the
same source, which supplies the large pool from which we filled
our casks. On the drier spaces were several spots, where the
cloth-mulberry was planted, in regular rows; also growing vigorously,
and kept very clean. The cocoa-trees were not in so thriving a state,
and were all low, but the plantain-trees made a better appearance,
though they were not large. In general, the trees round this village,
and which were seen at many of those which we passed before we
anchored, are the _cordia sebestina_, but of a more diminutive size
than the product of the southern isles. The greatest part of the
village stands near the beach, and consists of above sixty houses
there; but, perhaps, about forty more stand scattered about, farther
up the country, toward the burying-place.

After we had examined, very carefully, every thing that was to be seen
about the _morai_, and Mr Webber had taken drawings of it, and of the
adjoining country, we returned by a different route. I found a great
crowd assembled at the beach, and a brisk trade for pigs, fowls, and
roots, going on there, with the greatest good order, though I did not
observe any particular person, who took the lead amongst the rest of
his countrymen. At noon, I went on board to dinner, and then sent
Mr King to command the party ashore. He was to have gone upon that
service in the morning, but was then detained in the ship, to make
lunar observations. In the afternoon I landed again, accompanied by
Captain Clerke, with a view to make another excursion up the country.
But, before this could be put in execution, the day was too far spent,
so that I laid aside my intention for the present, and it so happened
that I had not another opportunity. At sun-set, I brought every body
on board, having procured, in the course of the day, nine tons of
water; and, by exchanges, chiefly for nails and pieces of iron, about
seventy or eighty pigs, a few fowls, a quantity of potatoes, and a
few plantains and _taro_ roots. These people merited our best
commendations, in this commercial intercourse, never once attempting
to cheat us, either ashore or alongside the ships. Some of
them, indeed, as already mentioned, at first betrayed a thievish
disposition, or rather they thought, that they had a right to every
thing they could lay their hands upon; but they soon laid aside a
conduct, which, we convinced them, they could not persevere in with
impunity.

Amongst the articles which they brought to barter this day, we could
not help taking notice of a particular sort of cloak and cap, which,
even in countries where dress is more particularly attended to, might
be reckoned elegant. The first are nearly of the size and shape of
the short cloaks worn by the women in England, and by the men in
Spain reaching to the middle of the back, and tied loosely before. The
ground of them is a net-work, upon which the most beautiful red
and yellow feathers are so closely fixed, that the surface might be
compared to the thickest and richest velvet, which they resemble, both
as to the feel, and the glossy appearance. The manner of varying the
mixture is very different, some having triangular spaces of red and
yellow, alternately, others a kind of crescent; and some, that were
entirely red, had a broad yellow border, which made them appear, at
some distance, exactly like a scarlet cloak edged with gold lace. The
brilliant colours of the feathers, in those that happened to be new,
added not a little to their fine appearance, and we found that they
were in high estimation with their owners, for they would not, at
first, part with one of them for any thing that we offered, asking no
less a price than a musket. However, some were afterward purchased for
very large nails. Such of them as were of the best sort, were scarce;
and it should seem, that they are only used on the occasion of some
particular ceremony, or diversion; for the people who had them, always
made some gesticulations, which we had seen used before by those who
sung.

The cap is made almost exactly like a helmet, with the middle part, or
crest, sometimes of a hand's breadth; and it sits very close upon the
head, having notches to admit the ears. It is a frame of twigs and
osiers, covered with a net work, into which are wrought feathers, in
the same manner as upon the cloaks, though rather closer, and less
diversified, the greater part being red, with some black yellow,
or green stripes on the sides, following the curve direction of the
crest. These, probably, complete the dress, with the cloaks, for the
natives sometimes appeared in both together.

We were at a loss to guess from whence they could get such a quantity
of these beautiful feathers, but were soon informed as to one sort,
for they afterward brought great numbers of skins of small red birds
for sale, which were often tied up in bunches of twenty or more, or
had a small wooden skewer run through their nostrils. At the first,
those that were bought, consisted only of the skin from behind
the wings forward, but we afterwards got many with the hind part,
including the tail and feet. The first, however, struck us at once
with the origin of the fable formerly adopted, of the birds of
paradise wanting legs, and sufficiently explained that circumstance.
Probably the people of the islands east of the Moluccas, from whence
the skins of the birds of paradise are brought, cut off their feet,
for the very reason assigned by the people of Atooi, for the like
practice, which was, that they thereby can preserve them with greater
ease, without losing any part which they reckon valuable. The red-bird
of our island was judged by Mr Anderson to be a species of _merops_,
about the size of a sparrow, of a beautiful scarlet colour, with a
black tail and wings, and an arched bill, twice the length of the
head, which, with the feet, was also of a reddish colour. The contents
of the heads were taken out, as in the birds of paradise; but it did
not appear that they used any other method to preserve them, than by
simple drying, for the skins, though moist, had neither a taste
nor smell that could give room to suspect the use of antiputrescent
substances.[2]

[Footnote 2: It is matter of real curiosity to observe, how very
extensively the predilection for red feathers is spread throughout
all the islands of the Pacific Ocean; and the additional circumstance,
mentioned in this paragraph, will, probably, be looked upon by those
who amuse themselves in tracing the wonderful migrations of the same
family, or tribe, as a confirmation of that hypothesis, (built indeed
on other instances of resemblance,) which considers New Guinea, and
its neighbouring East India islands, from whence the Dutch bring
their birds of Paradise, as originally peopled by the same race, which
Captain Cook found at every island from New Zealand to this new group,
to which Atooi belongs.

What Mr Sonnerat tells us, about the bird of Paradise, agrees
perfectly with the account here given of the preserved red-birds.
Speaking of the _Papous_, he proceeds thus: "Ils nous presenterent
plusieurs especes d'oiseaux, aussi elegants par leur forme, que
brillants par l'eclat de leur couleurs. La depouille des oiseaux sert
a la parure des Chefs, qui la portent attachee a leurs bonnets en
forme d'aigrettes. _Mais en preparant les peaux, ils coupent les
pieds_. Les Hollandois, qui trafiquent sur ces cotes, y achetent de
ces peaux ainsi preparees, les transportent en Perse, a Surate, dans
les Indes, ou ils les vendent fort chere aux habitans riches, qui
en font des aigrettes pour leurs turbans, et pour le casque des
guerriers, et qui en parent leur chevaux. C'est de la qu'est venue
l'opinion, qu'une de ces especes d'oiseaux (l'oiseau de pardis) _n'a
point de pattes_. Les Hollandois ont accredite ces fables, qui, en
jettant du merveilleux sur l'objet dont ils traffiquoient,
etoient propres a le rendre plus precieux, et a en rechausser la
valeur."--Voyage a la Nouvelle Guinee, p. 154.--D.]

In the night, and all the morning, on the 22d, it rained almost
continually. The wind was at S.E., S.S.E., and S., which brought in a
short, chopping sea; and as there were breakers little more than two
cables length from the stern of our ship, her situation was none of
the safest. The surf broke so high against the shore, that we could
not land in our boats; but the day was not wholly lost, for the
natives ventured in their canoes, to bring off to the ships hogs and
roots, which they bartered as before. One of our visitors, on this
occasion, who offered some fish-hooks to sale, was observed to have
a very small parcel, tied to the string of one of them, which he
separated with great care, and reserved for himself, when he parted
with the hook. Being asked what it was, he pointed to his belly, and
spoke something of its being dead, at the same time saying, it was
bad, as if he did not wish to answer any more questions about it. On
seeing him so anxious to conceal the contents of this parcel, he was
requested to open it, which he did with great reluctance and some
difficulty, as it was wrapped up in many folds of cloth. We found that
it contained a thin bit of flesh, about two inches long, which, to
appearance, had been dried, but was now wet with salt water. It
struck us, that it might be human flesh, and that these people might,
perhaps, eat their enemies, as we knew that this was the practice of
some of the natives of the South Sea islands. The question being put
to the person who produced it, he answered, that the flesh was part
of a man. Another of his countrymen, who stood by him, was then asked,
whether it was their custom to eat those killed in battle? and he
immediately answered in the affirmative.

There were some intervals of fair weather in the afternoon, and the
wind then inclined to the E. and N.E. but, in the evening, it veered
back again to S.S.E., and the rain also returned, and continued all
night. Very luckily, it was not attended with much wind. We had,
however, prepared for the worst, by dropping the small bower-anchor,
and striking our top-gallant-yards.

At seven o'clock the next morning, a breeze of wind springing up at
N.E., I took up the anchors, with a view of removing the ship farther
out. The moment that the last anchor was up, the wind veered to the
E., which made it necessary to set all the sail we could, in order to
clear the shore; so that, before we had tolerable sea-room, we were
driven some distance to leeward. We made a stretch off, with a view
to regain the road; but having very little wind, and a strong current
against us, I found that this was not to be effected. I therefore
dispatched Messrs King and Williamson ashore, with three boats, for
water, and to trade for refreshments. At the same time, I sent an
order to Captain Clerke to put to sea after me, if he should see
that I could not recover the road. Being in hopes of finding one,
or perhaps a harbour, at the west end of the island, I was the less
anxious about getting back to my former station. But as I had sent
the boats thither, we kept to windward as much as possible,
notwithstanding which, at noon, we were three leagues to leeward. As
we drew near the west end of the island, we found the coast to round
gradually to the N.E., without forming a creek, or cove, to shelter a
vessel from the force of the swell, which rolled in from the N.,
and broke upon the shore in a prodigious surf, so that all hopes of
finding a harbour here vanished.

Several canoes came off in the morning, and followed us as we stood
out to sea, bartering their roots and other articles. Being very
averse to believe these people to be cannibals, notwithstanding the
suspicious circumstance which had happened the day before, we took
occasion now to make some more enquiries about this. A small wooden
instrument, beset with sharks teeth, had been purchased; and from its
resemblance to the saw or knife used by the New Zealanders, to dissect
the bodies of their enemies, it was suspected to have the same use
here. One of the natives being asked about this, immediately gave the
name of the instrument, and told us, that it was used to cut out the
fleshy part of the belly, when any person was killed. This explained
and confirmed the circumstance above-mentioned, of the person pointing
to his belly. The man, however, from whom we now had this information,
being asked, if his countrymen eat the part thus cut out? denied it
strongly, but, upon the question being repeated, shewed some degree of
fear, and swam to his canoe. Just before he reached it, he made signs,
as he had done before, expressive of the use of the instrument. And an
old man, who sat foremost in the canoe, being then asked whether they
eat the flesh? answered in the affirmative, and laughed, seemingly
at the simplicity of such a question. He affirmed the fact, on being
asked again; and also said, it was excellent food, or, as he expressed
it, "savoury eating."[3]

[Footnote 3: Of this there can be no doubt, if the assertions of those
who have tried it be entitled to credit. When the reluctance, then, to
use it is once overcome, there is no reason to think it would ever be
abandoned, if it could be safely and conveniently procured. We have
instances of this on record. Some persons necessitated, let us allow,
to have recourse to it, have continued the practice, where the doing
so required the repeated commission of murder. We formerly alluded to
instances of this kind, and we see in the case of the people before
us, that hunger is not the only motive for so abominable a repast.
Admitting even that it were the original one, we should expect the
practice to be relinquished whenever other food was to be had in
sufficient quantity. But this we know by many proofs is not the case;
and perhaps, indeed, it will be found, that this odium is fully as
prevalent in savage countries, where nature has been bountiful, as
in those where a more stinted hand has inflicted poverty on the
inhabitants. The causes, then, and the remedies of this most shocking
enormity, are to be looked for in other circumstances than the
scarcity or the profusion of food. Here we may be allowed to join in
opinion with Dr Robertson. "Human flesh was never used as common
food in any country, and the various relations concerning people
who reckoned it among the stated means of subsistence, flow from the
credulity and mistakes of travellers. The rancour of revenge first
prompted men to this barbarous action." In addition to his opinion and
that of the authors quoted by him, in his History of America, lib. 4,
the reader may advantageously consult Dr Forster's Observations. If
the sentiments maintained by these writers be correct, we may expect
to find cannibalism in almost every country where the spirit of
revenge is not curbed by principle, or directed by the authority of a
well-organized government. Here the evidence of these voyages and
of others which we could mention, must be allowed considerable
importance. There is the strongest reason, indeed, to believe that the
inhabitants of all the South Sea islands are now chargeable with this
inhumanity, or are but recently recovered from its dominion. We
might easily enlarge on this subject, but what has been said, it is
probable, is sufficient to direct the attention of the reader, which
is all we could find, room to do in the narrow compass of a note.
But it is probable, that to most persons, the observations of a late
navigator, Captain Krusenstern, will be admitted as decisive of the
question of fact, without further enquiry. They may have another
effect too, viz. to destroy that delusion which many persons labour
under as to the innocence and amiableness of mankind in a state of
nature. "Notwithstanding," says he, "the favourable account in Captain
Cook's voyages of the Friendly, the Society, and the Sandwich islands,
and the enthusiasm with which Forster undertakes their defence against
all those who should make use of any harsh expression with regard
to them, I cannot refrain from declaring the inhabitants of all the
islands of this ocean to be savages, but as ranking generally, perhaps
with a very trifling exception, with those men who are still one
degree below the brute creation. In a word, they are all cannibals:
We need only recollect the islanders who have already been proved to
belong to this class;--for instance, the New Zealanders, the cruel
inhabitants of Fidji, the Navigateur, the Mendoza, Washington, the
Tolomon, and Sandwich islands, the islands of Louisiade and New
Caledonia. The good name which the inhabitants of the Friendly islands
had acquired has suffered very much by the affair of Captain Bligh,
and the visit of D'Entrecasteaux, and it may now be maintained, with
some degree of certainty, that they have in this respect the same
taste as their neighbours in the Fidji islands, and the Isles des
Navigateurs." He has more to the same effect, and is particular in
shewing how even the Society islanders, whom he admits to be the
most humane and civilized of all the natives of this region, are
notwithstanding deformed with horrid crimes, from which the passage
to cannibalism is very easy, supposing even that certain suspicious
circumstances do not warrant the opinion that they are but recently
emerged from it. And as to the people of New Caledonia, again, of whom
Cook spoke so highly, he alludes to the more recent information of
D'Entrecasteaux, as giving indisputable proof of their being addicted
to the same abominable enormity.--E.]

At seven o'clock in the evening, the boats returned, with two tons of
water, a few hogs, a quantity of plantains, and some roots. Mr King
informed me, that a great number of the inhabitants were at the
watering or landing place. He supposed that they had come from all
parts of the island. They had brought with them a great many fine fat
hogs to barter, but my people had not commodities with them equal to
the purchase. This, however, was no great loss, for we had already
got as many on board as we could well manage for immediate use, and,
wanting the materials, we could not have salted them. Mr King also
told me, that a great deal of rain had fallen ashore, whereas, out
at sea, we had only a few showers; and that the surf had run so high,
that it was with great difficulty our men landed, and got back into
the boats.

We had light airs and calms, by turns, with showers of rain, all
night, and at day-break, in the morning of the 24th, we found that the
currents had carried the ship to the N.W. and N., so that the west end
of the island, upon which we had been, called Atooi by the natives,
bore E., one league distant; another island, called Oreehoua, W. by
S., and the high land of a third island, called Oneeheow, from S.W. by
W. to W.S.W. Soon after, a breeze sprung up at N.; and, as I expected
that this would bring the Discovery to sea, I steered for Oneeheow,
in order to take a nearer view of it, and to anchor there, if I should
find a convenient place. I continued to steer for it, till past eleven
o'clock, at which time we were about two leagues from it. But not
seeing the Discovery, and being doubtful whether they could see us, I
was fearful lest some ill consequence might attend our separating
so far. I therefore gave up the design of visiting Oneeheow for the
present, and stood back to Atooi, with an intent to anchor again in
the road, to complete our water. At two o'clock in the afternoon, the
northerly wind died away, and was succeeded by variable light airs and
calms, that continued till eleven at night, with which we stretched
to the S.E., till day-break in the morning of the 25th, when we tacked
and stood in for Atooi road, which bore about N. from us; and, soon
after, we were joined by the Discovery.

We fetched in with the land about two leagues to leeward of the road,
which, though so near, we never could recover, for what we gained at
one time, we lost at another; so that, by the morning of the 29th, the
currents had carried us westward, within three leagues of Oneeheow.
Being tired with plying so unsuccessfully, I gave up all thoughts of
getting back to Atooi, and came to the resolution of trying, whether
we could not procure what we wanted at the other island, which was
within our reach. With this view, I sent the master in a boat, to
sound the coast, to look out for a landing-place, and, if he should
find one, to examine if fresh water could be conveniently got in
its neighbourhood. To give him time to execute his commission, we
followed, under an easy sail, with the ships. As soon as we were
abreast, or to the westward of the south point of Oneeheow, we found
thirty, twenty-five, and twenty fathoms water, over a bottom of coral
sand, a mile from the shore.

At ten o'clock the master returned, and reported that he had landed in
one place, but could find no fresh water; and that there was anchorage
all along the coast. Seeing a village a little farther to leeward, and
some of the islanders, who had come off to the ships, informing us,
that fresh water might be got there, I ran down, and came to an anchor
before it, in twenty-six fathoms water, about three quarters of a mile
from the shore. The S.E. point of the island bore S. 65 deg. E., three
miles distant; the other extreme of the island bore N. by E., about
two or three miles distant; a peaked hill, inland, N.E. 1/4 E.; and
another island, called Tahoora, which was discovered the preceding
evening, bore S. 61 deg. W., distant seven leagues.

Six or seven canoes had come off to us, before we anchored, bringing
some small pigs and potatoes, and a good many yams and mats. The
people in them resembled those of Atooi, and seemed to be equally
well acquainted with the use of iron, which they asked for also by
the names of _hamaite_ and _toe_, parting readily with all their
commodities for pieces of this precious metal. Several more canoes
soon reached the ships, after they had anchored; but the natives in
these seemed to have no other object, than to pay us a formal visit.
Many of them came readily on board, crouching down upon the deck, and
not quitting that humble posture, till they were desired to get up.
They had brought several females with them, who remained alongside in
the canoes, behaving with far less modesty than their countrywomen of
Atooi; and, at times, all joining in a song, not remarkable for its
melody, though performed in very exact concert, by beating time upon
their breasts with their hands. The men who had come on board did
not stay long; and before they departed, some of them requested our
permission to lay down, on the deck, locks of their hair.

These visitors furnished us with an opportunity of agitating again,
this day, the curious enquiry, whether they were cannibals; and the
subject did not take its rise from any questions of ours, but from
a circumstance that seemed to remove all ambiguity. One of the
islanders, who wanted to get in at the gun-room port, was refused, and
at the same time asked, whether, if he should come in, we would kill
and eat him? accompanying this question with signs so expressive, that
there could be no doubt about his meaning. This gave a proper opening
to retort the question as to this practice; and a person behind the
other, in the canoe, who paid great attention to what was passing,
immediately answered, that if we were killed on shore, they would
certainly eat us. He spoke with so little emotion, that it appeared
plainly to be his meaning, that they would not destroy us for that
purpose, but that their eating us would be the consequence of our
being at enmity with them. I have availed myself of Mr Anderson's
collections for the decision of this matter, and am sorry to say,
that I cannot see the least reason to hesitate in pronouncing it to
be certain, that the horrid banquet of human flesh is as much relished
here, amidst plenty, as it is in New Zealand.

In the afternoon, I sent Lieutenant Gore, with three armed boats, to
look for the most convenient landing-place; and, when on shore, to
search for fresh water. In the evening he returned, having landed
at the village above-mentioned, and acquainted me that he had been
conducted to a well half a mile up the country; but, by his account,
the quantity of water it contained was too inconsiderable for our
purpose, and the road leading to it exceedingly bad.

On the 30th, I sent Mr Gore ashore again, with a guard of marines, and
a party to trade with the natives for refreshments. I intended to have
followed soon after, and went from the ship with that design. But the
surf had increased so much by this time, that I was fearful, if I got
ashore, I should not be able to get off again. This really happened to
our people who had landed with Mr Gore, the communication between them
and the ships, by our own boats, being stopped. In the evening, they
made a signal for the boats, which were sent accordingly; and, not
long after, they returned with a few yams and some salt. A tolerable
quantity of both had been procured in the course of the day; but the
surf was so great, that the greatest part of both these articles had
been lost in conveying them to the boats. The officer and twenty men,
deterred by the danger of coming off, were left ashore all night; and,
by this unfortunate circumstance, the very thing happened, which, as
I have already mentioned, I wished so heartily to prevent, and vainly
imagined I had effectually guarded against. The violence of the surf,
which our own boats could not act against, did not hinder the
natives from coming off to the ships in their canoes. They brought
refreshments with them, which were purchased in exchange for nails,
and pieces of iron-hoops; and I distributed a good many pieces of
ribbon, and some buttons, as bracelets, amongst the women in the
canoes. One of the men had the figure of a lizard punctured upon
his breast, and upon those of others were the figures of men badly
imitated. These visitors informed us, that there was no chief, or
_Hairee_, of this island; but that it was subject to Teneooneoo, a
chief of Atooi; which island, they said, was not governed by a single
chief, but that there were many to whom they paid the honour of
_moe_, or prostration; and, amongst others, they named, Otaeaio and
Terarotoa. Among other things, which these people now brought off, was
a small drum, almost like those of Otaheite.

About ten or eleven o'clock at night, the wind veered to the S., and
the sky seemed to forebode a storm. With such appearances, thinking
that we were rather too near the shore, I ordered the anchors to be
taken up, and having carried the ships into forty-two fathoms, came
to again in that safer station. The precaution, however, proved to
be unnecessary; for the wind, soon after, veered to N.E., from which
quarter it blew a fresh gale, with squalls, attended with very heavy
showers of rain.

This weather continued all the next day; and the sea ran so high, that
we had no manner of communication with our party on shore; and even
the natives themselves durst not venture out to the ships in their
canoes. In the evening, I sent the master in a boat up to the S.E.
head, or point of the island, to try if he could land under it. He
returned with a favourable report; but it was too late, now, to send
for our party till the next morning; and thus they had another night
to improve their intercourse with the natives.

Encouraged by the master's report, I sent a boat to the S.E. point,
as soon as day-light returned, with an order to Mr Gore, that, if
he could not embark his people from the spot where they now were, to
march them up to the point. As the boat could not get to the beach,
one of the crew swam ashore, and carried the order. On the return of
the boat, I went myself with the pinnace and launch up to the point,
to bring the party on board; taking with me a ram-goat and two ewes,
a boar and sow-pig of the English breed, and the seeds of melons,
pumpkins, and onions, being very desirous of benefiting these poor
people, by furnishing them with some additional articles of food. I
landed with the greatest ease, under the west side of the point, and
found my party already there, with some of the natives in company. To
one of them, whom Mr Gore had observed assuming some command over
the rest, I gave the goats, pigs, and seeds. I should have left these
well-intended presents at Atooi, had we not been so unexpectedly
driven from it.

While the people were engaged in filling four water-casks, from a
small stream occasioned by the late rain, I walked a little way up
the country, attended by the man above-mentioned, and followed by two
others carrying the two pigs. As soon as we got upon a rising ground,
I stopped to look round me, and observed a woman, on the opposite side
of the valley where I landed, calling to her countrymen who attended
me. Upon this, the chief began to mutter something which I supposed
was a prayer; and the two men, who carried the pigs, continued to walk
round me all the time, making, at least, a dozen circuits before the
other had finished his oration. This ceremony being performed; we
proceeded, and presently met people coming from all parts, who, on
being called to by my attendants, threw themselves prostrate on their
faces, till I was out of sight. The ground, through which I passed,
was in a state of nature, very stony, and the soil seemed poor. It
was, however, covered with shrubs and plants, some of which perfumed
the air, with a more delicious fragrancy than I had met with at any
other of the islands visited by us in this ocean. Our people, who had
been obliged to remain so long on shore, gave me the same account
of those parts of the island which they had traversed. They met with
several salt ponds, some of which had a little water remaining, but
others had none; and the salt that was left in them was so thin, that
no great quantity could have been procured. There was no appearance of
any running stream; and though they found some small wells, in which
the fresh water was tolerably good, it seemed scarce. The habitations
of the natives were thinly scattered about; and it was supposed, that
there could not be more than five hundred people upon the island, as
the greatest part were seen at the marketing-place of our party, and
few found about the houses by those who walked up the country. They
had an opportunity of observing the method of living amongst the
natives, and it appeared to be decent and cleanly. They did not,
however, see any instance of the men and women eating together; and
the latter seemed generally associated in companies by themselves. It
was found, that they burnt here the oily nuts of the _dooe dooe_ for
lights in the night, as at Otaheite; and that they baked their hogs
in ovens, but, contrary to the practice of the Society and Friendly
Islands, split the carcases through their whole length. They met
with a positive proof of the existence of the _taboo_ (or, as they
pronounce it, the _tafoo_), for one woman fed another who was
under that interdiction. They also observed some other mysterious
ceremonies; one of which was performed by a woman, who took a small
pig, and threw it into the surf, till it was drowned, and then tied up
a bundle of wood, which she also disposed of in the same manner. The
same woman, at another time, beat with a stick upon a man's shoulders,
who sat down for that purpose. A particular veneration seemed to be
paid here to owls, which they have very tame; and it was observed to
be a pretty general practice amongst them, to pull out one of their
teeth;[4] for which odd custom, when asked the reason, the only answer
that could be got was, that it was _teeha_, which was also the reason
assigned for another of their practices, the giving a lock of their
hair.

[Footnote 4: It is very remarkable, that, in this custom, which one
would think is so unnatural, as not to be adopted by two different
tribes, originally unconnected, the people of this island, and
Dampier's natives on the west side of New Holland, at such an immense
distance, should be found to agree.--D.]

After the water-casks had been filled and conveyed into the boat, and
we had purchased from the natives a few roots, a little salt, and some
salted fish, I returned on board with all the people, intending
to visit the island the next day. But, about seven o'clock in the
evening, the anchor of the Resolution started, and she drove off the
bank. As we had a whole cable out, it was some time before the anchor
was at the bows; and then we had the launch to hoist up alongside,
before we could make sail. By this unlucky accident, we found
ourselves, at day-break next morning, three leagues to the leeward of
our last station; and, foreseeing that it would require more time to
recover it than I chose to spend, I made the signal for the Discovery
to weigh and join us. This was done about noon, and we immediately
stood away to the northward, in prosecution of our voyage. Thus, after
spending more time about these islands than was necessary to have
answered all our purposes, we were obliged to leave them before we had
completed our water, and got from them such a quantity of refreshments
as their inhabitants were both able and willing to have supplied
us with. But, as it was, our ship procured from them provisions,
sufficient for three weeks at least; and Captain Clerke, more
fortunate than us, got, of their vegetable productions, a supply that
lasted his people upward of two months. The observations I was enabled
to make, combined with those of Mr Anderson, who was a very useful
assistant on all such occasions, will furnish materials for the next
section.


SECTION XII.

_The Situation of the Islands now discovered.--Their
Names.--Called the Sandwich Islands.--Atooi described.--The
Soil.--Climate.--Vegetable Productions.--Birds.--Fish.--Domestic
Animals.--Persons of the Inhabitants.--Their
Disposition.--Dress.--Ornaments.--Habitations.--Food.--Cookery.--
Amusements.--Manufactures.--Working-tools.--Knowledge
of Iron accounted for.--Canoes.--Agriculture.--Account of one of
their Chiefs.--Weapons.--Customs agreeing with those of Tongataboo and
Otaheite.--Their Language the same.--Extent of this Nation throughout
the Pacific Ocean.--Reflections on the useful Situation of the
Sandwich Islands._

It is worthy of observation, that the islands in the Pacific Ocean,
which our late voyages have added to the geography of the globe,
have been generally found lying in groups or clusters; the single
intermediate islands, as yet discovered, being few in proportion
to the others; though, probably, there are many more of them still
unknown, which serve as steps between the several clusters. Of what
number this newly-discovered Archipelago consists, must be left for
future investigation. We saw five of them, whose names, as given to
us by the natives, are Woahoo, Atooi, Oneeheow, Orrehoua, and Tahoora.
The last is a small elevated island, lying four or five leagues from
the S.E. point of Oneeheow, in the direction of S., 69 deg. W. We were
told, that it abounds with birds, which are its only inhabitants. We
also got some information of the existence of a low uninhabited island
in the neighbourhood, whose name is Tammata pappa. Besides these
six, which we can distinguish by their names, it appeared, that the
inhabitants of those with whom we had intercourse, were acquainted
with some other islands both to the eastward and westward. I named the
whole group the Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich.
Those that I saw, are situated between the latitude of 21 deg. 30', and
22 deg. 15' N., and between the longitude of 199 deg. 20', and 201 deg. 30' E.

Of Woahoo, the most easterly of these islands, seen by us, which lies
in the latitude of 21 deg. 36', we could get no other intelligence, but
that it is high land, and is inhabited.

We had opportunities of knowing some particulars about Oneeheow, which
have been mentioned already. It lies seven leagues to the westward
of our anchoring-place at Atooi; and is not above fifteen leagues in
circuit. Its chief vegetable produce is yams, if we may judge from
what was brought to us by the natives. They have salt, which they call
_patai_, and is produced in salt ponds. With it they cure both fish
and pork; and some salt fish, which we got from them, kept very well,
and were found to be very good. This island is mostly low land, except
the part facing Atooi, which rises directly from the sea to a good
height; as does also the S.E. point of it, which terminates in a round
hill. It was on the west side of this point where our ships anchored.

Of Oreehoua we know nothing more than that it is a small elevated
island, lying close to the north side of Oneeheow.

Atooi, which is the largest, being the principal scene of our
operations, I shall now proceed to lay before my readers what
information I was able to collect about it, either from actual
observation, while on shore, or from conversation with its
inhabitants, who were perpetually on board the ships while we lay at
anchor; and who, in general, could be tolerably well understood, by
those of us who had acquired an acquaintance with the dialects of the
South Pacific Islands. It is, however, to be regretted, that we should
have been obliged, so soon, to leave a place, which, as far as our
opportunities of knowing reached, seemed to be highly worthy of a more
accurate examination.

Atooi, from what we saw of it, is, at least, ten leagues in length
from east to west; from whence its circuit may nearly be guessed,
though it appears to be much broader at the east than at the west
point, if we may judge from the double range of hills which appeared
there. The road, or anchoring-place, which we occupied, is on the
south-west side of the island, about six miles from the west end,
before a village which has the name of Wymoa. As far as we sounded, we
found, that the bank has a fine grey sand at the bottom, and is free
from rocks; except a little to the eastward of the village, where
there spits out a shoal, on which are some rocks and breakers; but
they are not far from the shore. This road would be entirely sheltered
from the trade-wind, if the height of the land, over which it blows,
did not alter its direction, and make it follow that of the coast; so
that it blows at N.E., on one side of the island, and at E.S.E., or
S.E., on the other, falling obliquely upon the shore. Thus the road,
though situated on the lee side of the island, is a little exposed to
the trade-wind; but, notwithstanding this defect, is far from being a
bad station, and much superior to those which necessity obliges ships
daily to use, in regions where the winds are both more variable and
more boisterous; as at Teneriffe, Madeira, the Azores, and elsewhere.
The landing too is more easy than at most of those places; and, unless
in very bad weather, always practicable. The water to be got in the
neighbourhood is excellent, and easy to be conveyed to the boats.
But no wood can be cut at any distance, convenient enough to bring it
from, unless the natives could be prevailed upon to part with the few
_etooa_ trees (for so they call the _cordia sebestina_,) that grow
about their villages, or a sort called _dooe dooe_, that grow farther
up the country.

The land, as to its general appearance, does not, in the least,
resemble any of the islands we have hitherto visited within the
tropic, on the south side of the _equator_; if we except its hills
near the centre, which are high, but slope gently to the sea, or lower
lands. Though it be destitute of the delightful borders of Otaheite,
and of the luxuriant plains of Tongataboo, covered with trees, which
at once afford a friendly shelter from the scorching sun, and an
enchanting prospect to the eye, and food for the natives, which may
be truly said to drop from the trees into their mouths, without the
laborious task of rearing; though, I say, Atooi be destitute of these
advantages, its possessing a greater quantity of gently-rising land,
renders it, in some measure, superior to the above favourite islands,
as being more capable of improvement.

The height of the land within, the quantity of clouds which we saw,
during the whole time we staid, hanging over it, and frequently on
the other parts, seems to put it beyond all doubt, that there is a
sufficient supply of water; and that there are some running streams
which we did not see, especially in the deep valleys, at the entrance
of which the villages commonly stand. From the wooded part to the sea,
the ground is covered with an excellent sort of grass, about two feet
high, which grows sometimes in tufts, and, though not very thick
at the place where we were, seemed capable of being converted into
plentiful crops of fine hay. But not even a shrub grows naturally on
this extensive space.

In the break, or narrow valley, through which we had our road to the
_morai_, the soil is of a brownish black colour, somewhat loose; but
as we advanced upon the high ground, it changed to a reddish brown,
more stiff and clayey, though, at this time, brittle from its dryness.
It is most probably the same all over the cultivated parts; for, what
adhered to most of the potatoes, bought by us, which, no doubt, came
from very different spots, was of this sort. Its quality, however, may
be better understood from its products, than from its appearance. For
the vale, or moist ground, produces _taro_, of a much larger size than
any we had ever seen; and the higher ground furnishes sweet potatoes,
that often weigh ten, and sometimes twelve or fourteen pounds; very
few being under two or three.

The temperature of the climate may be easily guessed from the
situation of the island. Were we to judge of it from our experience,
it might be said to be very variable; for, according to the generally
received opinion, it was now the season of the year, when the weather
is supposed to be most settled, the sun being at his greatest annual
distance. The heat was at this time very moderate; and few of those
inconveniences, which many tropical countries are subject to, either
from heat or moisture, seem to be experienced here, as the habitations
of the natives are quite close; and they salt both fish and pork,
which keep well, contrary to what has usually been observed to be the
case, when this operation is attempted in hot countries. Neither
did we find any dews of consequence, which may, in some measure, be
accounted for, by the lower part of the country being destitute of
trees.

The rock that forms the sides of the Valley, and which seems to be
the same with that seen by us at different parts of the coast, is
a greyish black, ponderous stone; but honey-combed, with some
very minute shining particles, and some spots of a rusty colour
interspersed. The last gives it often a reddish cast, when at a
distance. It is of an immense depth, but seems divided into _strata_,
though nothing is interposed. For the large pieces always broke off
to a determinate thickness, without appearing to have adhered to those
below them. Other stones are probably much more various, than in
the southern islands. For, during our short stay, besides the _lapis
lydius_, which seems common all over the South Sea, we found a species
of cream-coloured whetstone, sometimes variegated with blacker or
whiter veins, as marble; or in pieces, as _brecciae_; and common
writing slate, as well as a coarser sort; but we saw none of them in
their natural state; and the natives brought some pieces of a coarse
whitish pumice-stone. We got also a brown sort of _haematites_, which,
from being strongly attracted by the magnet, discovered the quantity
of metal that it contained, and seems to belong to the second
species of Cronstedt, though Linnaeus has placed it amongst his
_intractabilia_. But its variety could not be discovered; for what we
saw of it, as well as the slates and whetstones, was cut artificially.

Besides the vegetable articles bought by us as refreshments, amongst
which were, at least, five or six varieties of plantains, the island
produces bread-fruit; though it seems to be scarce, as we saw only one
tree, which was large, and had some fruit upon it. There are also a
few cocoa-palms; yams, as we were told, for we saw none; the _kappe_
of the Friendly Islands, or Virginian _arum_; the _etooa_ tree, and
sweet-smelling _gardenia_, or _cape jasmine_. We saw several trees
of the _dooe dooe_, so useful at Otaheite, as bearing the oily nuts,
which are stuck upon a kind of skewer, and burnt as candles. Our
people saw them used, in the same manner, at Oneeheow. We were not
on shore at Atooi but in the day-time, and then we saw the natives
wearing these nuts, hung on strings, round the neck. There is a
species of _sida_, or Indian mallow, somewhat altered, by the climate,
from what we saw at Christmas Island; the _morinda citrifolia_,
which is called _none_; a species of _convolvulus_; the _ava_, or
intoxicating pepper; and great numbers of gourds. These last grow to
a very large size, and are of a vast variety of shapes, which probably
is effected by art. Upon the dry sand, about the village, grew a
plant, that we had never seen in these seas, of the size of a common
thistle, and prickly, like that; but bearing a fine flower, almost
resembling a white poppy. This, with another small one, were the only
uncommon plants, which our short excursion gave us an opportunity of
observing.

The scarlet birds, already described, which were brought for sale,
were never met with alive; but we saw a single small one, about the
size of a canary-bird, of a deep crimson colour; a large owl; two
large brown hawks, or kites; and a wild duck. The natives mentioned
the names of several other birds; amongst which we knew the _otoo_, or
blueish heron; and the _torata_, a sort of whimbrel, which are known
by the same names at Otaheite; and it is probable, that there are a
great many sorts, judging by the quantity of fine yellow, green, and
very small, velvet-like, black feathers used upon the cloaks, and
other ornaments worn by the inhabitants.

Fish and other marine productions were, to appearance, not various;
as, besides the small mackarel, we only saw common mullets; a sort of
a dead white, or chalky colour; a small brownish rock-fish, spotted
with blue; a turtle, which was penned up in a pond; and three or four
sorts of fish salted. The few shell-fish that we saw, were chiefly
converted into ornaments, though they neither had beauty nor novelty
to recommend them.

The hogs, dogs, and fowls, which were the only tame or domestic
animals that we found here, were all of the same kind that we met with
at the South Pacific Islands. There were also small lizards, and some
rats, resembling those seen at every island at which we had, as yet,
touched.

The inhabitants are of a middling stature, firmly made, with some
exceptions, neither remarkable for a beautiful shape, nor for striking
features, which rather express an openness and good-nature, than a
keen intelligent disposition. Their visage, especially amongst the
women, is sometimes round; but others have it long; nor can we say
that they are distinguished as a nation, by any general cast of
countenance. Their colour is nearly of a nut-brown; and. it may be
difficult to make a nearer comparison, if we take in all the different
hues of that colour; but some individuals are darker. The women have
been already mentioned as being little more delicate than the men in
their formation; and I may say, that, with a very few exceptions, they
have little claim to those peculiarities that distinguish the sex in
other countries. There is, indeed, a more remarkable equality in the
size, colour, and figure of both sexes, than in most places I have
visited. However, upon the whole, they are far from being ugly, and
appear to have few natural deformities of any kind. Their skin is not
very soft, nor shining; perhaps for want of oiling, which is practised
at the southern islands; but their eyes and teeth are, in general,
very tolerable. The hair, for the greatest part is straight, though in
some frizzling; and though its natural colour be commonly black, it
is stained, as at the Friendly and other islands. We saw but few
instances of corpulence; and these oftener amongst the women than the
men; but it was chiefly amongst the latter that personal defects were
observed, though, if any of them can claim a share of beauty, it was
most conspicuous amongst the young men.

They are vigorous, active, and most expert swimmers; leaving their
canoes upon the most trifling occasion, diving under them, and
swimming to others, though at a great distance. It was very common to
see women with infants at the breast, when the surf was so high,
that they could not land in the canoes, leap overboard, and, without
endangering their little ones, swim to the shore, through a sea that
looked dreadful.

They seem to be blest with a frank cheerful disposition; and were I to
draw any comparisons, should say, that they are equally free from the
fickle levity which distinguishes the natives of Otaheite, and the
sedate east observable amongst many of those of Tongataboo. They seem
to live very sociably in their intercourse with one another; and,
except the propensity to thieving, which seems innate in most of the
people we have visited in this ocean, they were exceedingly friendly
to us. And it does their sensibility no little credit, without
flattering ourselves, that when they saw the various articles of our
European manufacture, they could not help expressing their surprise,
by a mixture of joy and concern, that seemed to apply the case as a
lesson of humility to themselves; and, on all occasions, they appeared
deeply impressed with a consciousness of their own inferiority; a
behaviour which equally exempts their national character from the
preposterous pride of the more polished Japanese, and of the ruder
Greenlander. It was a pleasure to observe with how much affection
the women managed their infants, and how readily the men lent their
assistance to such a tender office; thus sufficiently distinguishing
themselves from those savages, who esteem a wife and child as things
rather necessary, than desirable or worthy of their notice.

From the numbers which we saw collected at every village, as we sailed
past, it may be supposed, that the inhabitants of this island
are pretty numerous. Any computation, that we make, can be only
conjectural. But, that some notion may be formed, which shall not
greatly err on either side, I would suppose, that, including the
straggling houses, there might be, upon the whole island, sixty such,
villages, as that before which we anchored; and that, allowing five
persons to each house, there would be, in every village, five hundred;
or thirty thousand upon the island. This number is certainly not
exaggerated; for we had sometimes three thousand persons at least upon
the beach; when it could not be supposed that above a tenth part of
the inhabitants were present.

The common dress both of the women and of the men has been already
described. The first have often much larger pieces of cloth wrapped
round them, reaching from just below the breasts to the hams or lower;
and several were seen with pieces thrown loosely about the shoulders,
which covered the greatest part of the body; but the children when
very young are quite naked. They wear nothing upon the head; but the
hair in both sexes is cut in different forms; and the general fashion,
especially among the women, is to have it long before and short
behind. The men often had it cut or shaved on each side, in such a
manner, that the remaining part, in some measure, resembles the crest
of their caps or helmets formerly described. Both sexes, however, seem
very careless about their hair, and have nothing like combs to dress
it with. Instances of wearing it in a singular manner were sometimes
met with among the men, who twist it into a number of separate
parcels, like the tails of a wig, each about the thickness of a
finger; though the greatest part of these, which are so long that they
reach far down the back, we observed were artificially fixed upon the
head over their own hair.[1]

[Footnote 1: The print of Horn Island, which we meet with in Mr
Dalrymple's account of Le Maire and Schouten's voyage, represents some
of the natives of that island with such long tails hanging from their
heads as are here described. See Dalrymple's Voyages to the South
Pacific, vol. ii. p. 58.--D]

It is remarkable, that, contrary to the general practice of the
islands we had hitherto discovered in the Pacific Ocean, the people of
the Sandwich Islands have not their ears perforated; nor have they
the least idea of wearing ornaments in them. Both sexes, nevertheless,
adorn themselves with necklaces made of bunches of small black cord,
like our hat-string, often above a hundred-fold; exactly like those
of Wateeoo; only that instead of the two little balls on the middle
before, they fix a small bit of wood, stone, or shell, about two
inches long, with a broad hook turning forward at its lower part well
polished. They have likewise necklaces of many strings of very small
shells, or of the dried flowers of the Indian mallow. And sometimes a
small human image of bone, about three inches long, neatly polished,
is hung round the neck. The women also wear bracelets of a single
shell, pieces of black wood, with bits of ivory interspersed and well
polished, fixed by a string drawn very closely through them; or others
of hogs' teeth laid parallel to each other, with the concave part
outward, and the points cut off, fastened together as the former; some
of which made only of large boars' tusks are very elegant. The men
sometimes wear plumes of the tropic-bird's feathers stuck in their
heads; or those of cocks, fastened round neat polished sticks two feet
long, commonly decorated at the lower part with _oora_; and for the
same purpose, the skin of a white dog's tail is sewed over a stick
with its tuft at the end. They also frequently wear on the head a
kind of ornament of a finger's thickness or more, covered with red
and yellow feathers curiously varied and tied behind; and on the arm,
above the elbow, a kind of broad shell-work, grounded upon net-work.

The men are frequently punctured, though not in any particular part,
as the Otaheiteans and those of Tongataboo. Sometimes there are a few
marks upon their hands or arms, and near the groin; but frequently we
could observe none at all; though a few individuals had more of
this sort of ornament, than we had usually seen at other places, and
ingeniously executed in a great variety of lines and figures on the
arms and fore-part of the body; on which latter, some of them had the
figure of the _taame_, or breast-plate of Otaheite, though we did not
meet with the thing itself amongst them. Contrary to the custom of the
Society and Friendly Islands, they do not slit or cut off part of the
_prepuce_; but have it universally drawn over the _glans_, and tied
with a string as practised by some of the natives of New Zealand.

Though they seem to have adopted the mode of living in villages, there
is no appearance of defence or fortification near any of them; and the
houses are scattered about without any order, either with respect to
their distances from each other, or their position in any particular
direction. Neither is there any proportion as to their size; some
being large and commodious, from forty to fifty feet long, and twenty
or thirty broad, while others of them are mere hovels. Their figure is
not unlike oblong corn or hay-stacks; or, perhaps, a better idea may
be conceived of them, if we suppose the roof of a barn placed on the
ground, in such a manner as to form a high, acute ridge, with two
very low sides hardly discernible at a distance. The gable at each end
corresponding to the sides, makes these habitations perfectly close
all round; and they are well thatched with long grass, which is laid
on slender poles disposed with some regularity. The entrance is made
indifferently in the end or side, and is an oblong hole, so low, that
one must rather creep than walk in; and is often shut up by a board
of planks fastened together, which serves as a door, but having no
hinges, must be removed occasionally. No light enters the house but
by this opening; and though such close habitations may afford a
comfortable retreat in bad weather, they seem but ill adapted to the
warmth of the climate. They are, however, kept remarkably clean; and
their floors are covered with a large quantity of dried grass, over
which they spread mats to sit and sleep upon. At one end stands a kind
of bench about three feet high, on which their household utensils are
placed. The catalogue is not long. It consists of gourd-shells, which
they convert into vessels that serve as bottles to hold water, and as
baskets to contain their victuals, and other things with covers of
the same; and of a few wooden bowls and trenchers of different sizes.
Judging from what we saw growing, and from what was brought to market,
there can be no doubt, that the greatest part of their vegetable
food consists of sweet potatoes, _taro_, and plantains; and that
bread-fruit and yams are rather to be esteemed rarities. Of animal
food they can be in no want; as they have abundance of hogs, which run
without restraint about the houses; and if they eat dogs, which is not
improbable, their stock of these seemed to be very considerable. The
great number of fishing-hooks found amongst them, shewed that they
derive no inconsiderable supply of animal food from the sea. But it
should seem, from their practice of salting fish, that the openness of
their coast often interrupts the business of catching them; as it
may be naturally supposed, that no set of people would ever think of
preserving quantities of food artificially, if they could depend
upon a daily regular supply of it in its fresh state. This sort of
reasoning, however, will not account for their custom of salting their
pork, as well as their fish, which are preserved in gourd-shells. The
salt, of which they use a great quantity for this purpose, is of a red
colour, not very coarse, and seems to be much the same with what our
stragglers found at Christmas Island. It has its colour doubtless from
a mixture of the mud at the bottom of the part where it is formed; for
some of it that had adhered in lumps, was of a sufficient whiteness
and purity.

They bake their vegetable food with heated stones, as at the southern
islands; and from the vast quantity, which we saw dressed at one time,
we suspected that the whole village, or, at least, a considerable
number of people joined in the use of a common oven. We did not see
them dress any animal food at this island; but Mr Gore's party, as
already mentioned, had an opportunity of satisfying themselves, that
it was dressed at Oneeheow in the same sort of ovens, which leaves no
doubt of this being also the practice in Atooi; especially as we met
with no utensil there that could be applied to the purpose of stewing
or boiling. The only artificial dish we met with was a _taro_ pudding,
which, though a disagreeable mess from its sourness, was greedily
devoured by the natives. They eat off a kind of wooden plates or
trenchers; and the women, as far as we could judge from one instance,
if restrained from feeding at the same dish with the men, as at
Otaheite, are at least permitted to eat in the same place near them.

Their amusements seem pretty various; for during our short
stay, several were discovered. The dances at which they used the
feathered-cloaks and caps were not seen; but from the motions which
they made with their hands on other occasions, when they sung, we
could form some judgment that they are, in some degree at least,
similar to those we had met with at the southern islands, though not
executed so skilfully. Neither had they amongst them either flutes or
reeds, and the only two musical instruments which we observed were
of an exceedingly rude kind. One of them does not produce a melody
exceeding that of a child's rattle. It consists of what may be called
a conic cap inverted, but scarcely hollowed at the base above a foot
high, made of a coarse sedge-like plant, the upper part of which,
and the edges, are ornamented with beautiful red feathers, and to the
point, or lower part, is fixed a gourd-shell larger than the fist.
Into this is put something to rattle, which is done by holding the
instrument by the small part, and shaking or rather moving it from
place to place briskly, either to different sides or backward and
forward just before the face, striking the breast with the other hand
at the same time. The other musical instrument (if either of them
deserve that name) was a hollow vessel of wood, like a platter,
combined with the use of two sticks, on which one of our gentlemen saw
a man performing. He held one of the sticks, about two feet long, as
we do a fiddle with one hand, and struck it with the other, which was
smaller, and resembled a drum-stick, in a quicker or slower measure;
at the same time beating with his foot upon the hollow vessel that
lay inverted upon the ground, and thus producing a tune that was by
no means disagreeable. This music was accompanied by the vocal
performance of some women, whose song had a pleasing and tender
effect.

We observed great numbers of small polished rods, about four or five
feet long, somewhat thicker than the rammer of a musket, with a tuft
of long white dog's hair fixed on the small end. These are probably
used in their diversions. We saw a person take one of them in his
hand, and holding it up, give a smart stroke, till he brought it into
an horizontal position, striking with the foot on the same side upon
the ground, and with his other hand beating his breast at the same
time. They play at bowls with pieces of whetstone mentioned before, of
about a pound weight, shaped somewhat like a small cheese, but rounded
at the sides and edges, which are very nicely polished; and they have
other bowls of the same sort, made of a heavy reddish, brown clay,
neatly glazed over with a composition of the same colour, or of a
coarse dark-grey slate. They also use, in the manner that we throw
quoits, small flat rounded pieces of the writing slate of the diameter
of the bowls, but scarcely a quarter of an inch thick, also well
polished. From these circumstances, one would be induced to think that
their games are rather trials of skill than of strength.

In every thing manufactured by these people, there appears to be an
uncommon degree of neatness and ingenuity. Their cloth, which is
the principal manufacture, is made from the _morus papyrifera_; and
doubtless in the same manner as at Otaheite and Tongataboo; for
we bought some of the grooved sticks with which it is beaten. Its
texture, however, though thicker, is rather inferior to that of the
cloth of either of the other places; but in colouring or staining it,
the people of Atooi display a superiority of taste, by the endless
variation of figures which they execute. One would suppose, on seeing
a number of their pieces, that they had borrowed their patterns from
some mercer's shop, in which the most elegant productions of China
and Europe are collected; besides some original patterns of their own.
Their colours, indeed, except the red, are not very bright; but the
regularity of the figures and stripes is truly surprising; for, as
far as we know, they have nothing like stamps or prints, to make the
impressions. In what manner they produce their colours, we had not
opportunities of learning; but, besides the party coloured sorts, they
have some pieces of plain white cloth, and others of a single colour,
particularly dark-brown and light-blue. In general, the pieces which
they brought to us were about two feet broad, and four or five yards
long, being the form and quantity that they use for their common dress
or _maro_; and even these we sometimes found were composed of pieces
sewed together; an art which we did not find to the southward, but
is strongly, though not very neatly, performed here. There is also a
particular sort that is thin, much resembling oil-cloth; and which is
actually either oiled or soaked in some kind of varnish, and seems to
resist the action of water pretty well.

They fabricate a great many white mats, which are strong, with many
red stripes, rhombuses, and other figures, interwoven on one side;
and often pretty large. These probably make a part of their dress
occasionally; for they put them on their backs when they offered them
to sale. But they make others coarser, plain and strong, which they
spread over their floors to sleep upon.

They stain their gourd-shells prettily with undulated lines,
triangles, and other figures of a black colour; instances of which
we saw practised at New Zealand. And they seem to possess the art of
varnishing; for some of these stained gourd-shells are covered with
a kind of lacker; and, on other occasions, they use a strong size, or
gluey substance, to fasten their things together. Their wooden
dishes and, bowls, out of which they drink their _ova_, are of the
_etooa_-tree, or _cordia_, as neat as if made in our turning-lathe,
and perhaps better polished. And amongst their articles of handicraft,
may be reckoned small square fans of mat or wicker-work, with handles
tapering from them of the same, or of wood; which are neatly wrought
with small cords of hair, and fibres of the cocoa-nut coir intermixed.
The great variety of fishing-hooks are ingeniously made; some of bone,
others of wood pointed with bone, and many of pearl shell. Of the
last, some are like a sort that we saw at Tongataboo; and others
simply curved, as the common sort at Otaheite, as well as the wooden
ones. The bones are mostly small, and composed of two pieces; and all
the different sorts have a barb, either on the inside, like ours,
or on the outside, opposite the same part; but others have both, the
outer one being farthest from the point. Of this last sort, one was
procured nine inches long, of a single piece of bone, which doubtless
belonged to some large fish. The elegant form and polish of this could
not certainly be outdone by any European artist, even if he should
add all his knowledge in design to the number and convenience of
his tools. They polish their stones by constant friction, with
pumice-stone in water; and such of their working instruments, or
tools, as I saw, resembled those of the Southern Islands. Their
hatchets, or rather adzes, were exactly of the same pattern, and
either made of the same sort of blackish stone, or of a clay-coloured
one. They have also little instruments, made of a single shark's
tooth, some of which are fixed to the fore-part of a dog's jawbone,
and others to a thin wooden handle of the same shape; and at the other
end there is a bit of string fastened through a small perforation.
These serve as knives occasionally, and are perhaps used in carving.

The only iron tools, or rather bits of iron, seen amongst them, and
which they had before our arrival, were a piece of iron hoop,
about two inches long, fitted into a wooden handle;[2] and another
edge-tool, which our people guessed to be made of the point of a
broad-sword. Their having the actual possession of these, and their
so generally knowing the use of this metal, inclined some on board
to think that we had not been the first European visitors of these
islands. But it seems to me, that the very great surprise expressed
by them on seeing our ships, and their total ignorance of the use of
fire-arms, cannot be reconciled with such a notion. There are many
ways by which such people may get pieces of iron, or acquire the
knowledge of the existence of such a metal, without having ever had
an immediate connection with nations that use it. It can hardly be
doubted, that it was unknown to all the inhabitants of this sea,
before Magalhaens led the way into it; for no discoverer, immediately
after his voyage, ever found any of this metal in their possession;
though, in the course of our late voyages, it has been observed,
that the use of it was known at several islands, to which no former
European ships had ever, as far as we know, found their way. At all
the places where Mendana touched in his two voyages, it must have been
seen and left; and this would extend the knowledge of it, no doubt, to
all the various islands with which those whom he had visited had any
immediate intercourse. It might even be carried farther; and
where specimens of this favourite article could not be procured,
descriptions might, in some measure, serve to make it known when
afterward seen. The next voyage to the southward of the Line, in which
any intercourse was had with the natives of this ocean, was that of
Quiros, who landed at Sagittaria, the Island of Handsome People, and
at Tierra del Espiritu Santo; at all which places, and at those with
whom they had any communication, it must of consequence have been made
known. To him succeeded, in this navigation, Le Maire and Schouten,
whose connections with the natives commenced much farther to the
eastward, and ended at Cocos and Horn Islands. It was not surprising,
that when I visited Tongataboo, in 1773, I should find a bit of iron
there, as we knew that Tasman had visited it before me; but let
us suppose, that he had never discovered the Friendly Islands, our
finding iron, amongst them would have occasioned much speculation;
though we have mentioned before the method by which they had gained
a renewal of their knowledge of this metal, which confirms my
hypothesis. For Neeootaboo taboo, or Boscawen's Island, where Captain
Wallis's ships left it, and from whence Poulaho received it, lies
some degrees to the north-west of Tongataboo. It is well known, that
Roggewein lost one of his ships on the Pernicious Islands; which, from
their situation, are probably not unknown to, though not frequently
visited by, the inhabitants of Otaheite and the Society Islands. It is
equally certain, that these last people had a knowledge of iron, and
purchased it with the greatest avidity, when Captain Wallis discovered
Otaheite; and this knowledge could only have been acquired through
the medium of those neighbouring islands where it had been originally
left. Indeed, they acknowledge that this was actually the case; and
they have told us since, that they held it in such estimation before
Captain Wallis's arrival, that a chief of Otaheite, who had got two
nails into his possession, received no small emolument, by letting out
the use of these to his neighbours for the purpose of boring holes,
when their own methods failed, or were thought too tedious.[3] The
men of the Society Islands whom we found at Wateeoo, had been driven
thither, long after the knowledge and use of iron had thus been
introduced amongst their countrymen; and though probably they had
no specimen of it with them, they would naturally, and with ease,
communicate at that island their knowledge of this valuable material
by description. From the people of Wateeoo, again, those of Hervey's
Island might derive that desire to possess some of it, of which we had
proofs during our short intercourse with them.

[Footnote 2: Captain King, we are told, purchased this, and had it in
his possession at the time of publishing this account.--E.]

[Footnote 3: A similar instance of profitable revenue, drawn from the
use of nails by the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, is mentioned by
Father Cantova: "Si, par hazard, un vaisseau etranger laisse dans
leurs Isles quelques vieux morceaux de fer, ils appartiennent de
droit aux Tamoles, qui en font faire des outils, le mieux qu'il
est possible. Ces outils sent un fond le Tamole tire un revenu
considerable, car il les donne a louage, et ce louage se paye assez
chere."--P. 314.]

The consideration of these facts sufficiently explains, how the
knowledge of iron has been conveyed throughout this ocean to islands
which never have had an immediate intercourse with Europeans; and it
may easily be conceived, that wherever the history of it only has been
reported, or a very small quantity of it has been left, the greater
eagerness will be shewn by the natives to get copious supplies of
it. The application of these particulars to the instance now under
consideration, is obvious. The people of Atooi and Oneeheow, without
having ever been visited by Europeans before us, might have received
it from intermediate islands lying between them and the Ladrones,
which have been frequented by the Spaniards almost ever since the date
of Magalhaens's voyage. Or if the distant western situation of the
Ladrones should render this solution less probable, is there not the
extensive continent of America to windward, where the Spaniards have
been settled for more than two hundred years; during which long period
of time, shipwrecks must have frequently happened on its coasts?
It cannot be thought at all extraordinary, that part of such wrecks
containing iron, should, by the easterly trade wind, be, from time to
time, cast upon islands scattered about this vast ocean. The distance
of Atooi from America is no argument against this supposition. But
even if it were, it would not destroy it. This ocean is traversed
every year by Spanish ships; and it is obvious, that, besides the
accident of losing a mast and its appendages, casks with iron hoops,
and many other things containing iron, may be thrown or may fall
overboard during so long a passage, and thus find their way to land.
But these are not mere conjectures and possibilities; for one of my
people actually did see some wood in one of the houses at Wymoa, which
he judged to be fir. It was worm-eaten, and the natives gave him to
understand, that it had been driven ashore by the waves of the
sea; and we had their own express testimony, that they had got the
inconsiderable specimens of iron, found amongst them, from some place
to the eastward.

From this digression (if it can be called so) I return to the
observations made during our stay at Atooi; and some account must now
be given of their canoes. These, in general, are about twenty-four
feet long, and have the bottom, for the most part, formed of a single
piece or log of wood, hollowed out to the thickness of an inch, or an
inch and a half, and brought to a point at each end. The sides consist
of three boards, each about an inch thick, and neatly fitted and
lashed to the bottom part. The extremities, both at head and stern,
are a little raised, and both are made sharp, somewhat like a wedge;
but they flatten more abruptly; so that the two sideboards join each
other side by side, for more than a foot. As they are not more than
fifteen or eighteen inches broad, those that go single (for they
sometimes join them as at the other islands) have outriggers, which
are shaped and fitted with more judgment than any I had before seen.
They are rowed by paddles, such as we had generally met with; and
some of them have a light triangular sail, like those of the Friendly
Islands, extending to a mast and boom. The ropes used for their boats,
and the smaller cords for their fishing-tackle, are strong and well
made.

What we saw of their agriculture, furnished sufficient proofs that
they are not novices in that art. The vale ground has already been
mentioned as one continued plantation of _taro_, and a few other
things, which have all the appearance of being well attended to. The
potatoe fields, and spots of sugar-cane, or plantains on the higher
grounds, are planted with the same regularity; and always in some
determinate figure, generally as a square or oblong; but neither
these, nor the others, are enclosed with any kind of fence, unless
we reckon the ditches in the low grounds such, which, it is more
probable, are intended to convey water to the _taro_. The great
quantity and goodness of these articles may also, perhaps, be as much
attributed to skilful culture as to natural fertility of soil, which
seems better adapted to them than to bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees;
the few which we saw of these latter not being in a thriving state,
which will sufficiently account for the preference given to the
culture of the other articles, though more labour be required to
produce them. But, notwithstanding this skill in agriculture, the
general appearance of the island shewed, that it was capable of much
more extensive improvement, and of maintaining, at least, three times
the number of the inhabitants that are at present upon it; for the far
greater part of it, that now lies quite waste, seemed to be as good a
soil as those parts of it that are in cultivation. We must therefore
conclude, that these people, from some cause, which we were not long
enough amongst them to be able to trace, do not increase in that
proportion, which would make it necessary to avail themselves of
the extent of their island, toward raising a greater quantity of its
vegetable productions for their subsistence.

Though I did not see a chief of any note, there were however several,
as the natives informed us, who reside upon Atooi, and to whom they
prostrate themselves as a mark of submission; which seems equivalent
to the _moe_, _moea_, paid to the chiefs of the Friendly Islands, and
is called here _hamoea_, or _moe_. Whether they were at first afraid
to shew themselves, or happened to be absent, I cannot say; but, after
I had left the island, one of these great men made his appearance, and
paid a visit to Captain Clerke, on board the Discovery. He came off
in a double canoe; and, like the king of the Friendly Islands, paid
no regard to the small canoes that happened to lie in his way, but
ran against, or over them, without endeavouring in the least to avoid
them. And it was not possible for these poor people to avoid him, for
they could not manage their canoes; it being a necessary mark of
their submission that they should lie down till he had passed. His
attendants helped him into the ship, and placed him on the gangway.
Their care of him did not cease then; for they stood round him,
holding each other by the hands; nor would they suffer any one to come
near him but Captain Clerke himself. He was a young man, clothed from
head to foot, and accompanied by a young woman, supposed to be his
wife. His name was said to be Tamahano. Captain Clerke made him some
suitable presents; and received from him, in return, a large bowl,
supported by two figures of men, the carving of which, both as to the
design and execution, shewed some degree of skill. This bowl, as our
people were told, used to be filled with the _kava_ or _ava_, (as it
is called at Otaheite), which liquor they prepare and drink here as at
the other islands in this ocean. Captain Clerke could not prevail
upon this great man to go below, nor to move from the place where his
attendants had first fixed him. After staying some time in the ship,
he was carried again into his canoe, and returned to the island,
receiving the same honours from all the natives as when he came on
board. The next day several messages were sent to Captain Clerke,
inviting him to return the visit ashore, and acquainting him that
the chief had prepared a large present on that occasion. But, being
anxious to get to sea, and join the Resolution, the Captain did not
think it advisable to accept of the invitation.

The very short and imperfect intercourse which we had with the
natives, put it out of our power to form any accurate judgment of the
mode of government established amongst them; but, from the general
resemblance of customs, and particularly from what we observed of the
honours paid to their chiefs, it seems reasonable to believe, that
it is of the same nature with that which prevails throughout all
the islands we had hitherto visited; and probably their wars amongst
themselves are equally frequent. This, indeed, might be inferred from
the number of weapons which we found them possessed of, and from, the
excellent order these were kept in. But we had direct proof of the
fact from their own confession; and, as we understood, these wars
are between the different districts of their own island, as well as
between it and their neighbours of Oneeheow and Orrehoua, we need
scarcely assign any other cause besides this to account for the
appearance already mentioned, of their population bearing no
proportion to the extent of their ground capable of cultivation.

Besides their spears or lances, made of a fine chesnut-coloured
wood, beautifully polished, some of which are barbed at one end, and
flattened to a point at the other, they have a sort of weapon which we
had never seen before, and not mentioned by any navigator, as used by
the natives of the South Sea. It is somewhat like a dagger, in general
about a foot and a half long, sharpened at one or both ends, and
secured to the hand by a string. Its use is to stab in close fight;
and it seems well adapted to the purpose. Some of these may be called
double daggers, having a handle in the middle, with which they are
better enabled to strike different ways. They have also bows and
arrows; but, both from their apparent scarcity and their slender make,
it may almost be presumed that they never use them in battle. The
knife or saw, formerly mentioned, with which they dissect the dead
bodies, may also be ranked amongst their weapons, as they both strike
and cut with it when closely engaged. It is a small flat wooden
instrument, of an oblong shape, about a foot long, rounded at the
corners, with a handle almost like one sort of the _patoos_ of New
Zealand; but its edges are entirely surrounded with sharks' teeth,
strongly fixed to it, and pointing outward; having commonly a hole
in the handle, through which passes a long string, which is wrapped
several times round the wrist. We also suspected that they use slings
on some occasions; for we got some pieces of the _haematites_,
or blood-stone, artificially made of an oval shape, divided
longitudinally, with a narrow groove in the middle of the convex part.
To this the person, who had one of them, applied a cord of no great
thickness, but would not part with it, though he had no objection
to part with the stone, which must prove fatal, when thrown with any
force, as it weighed a pound. We likewise saw some oval pieces of
whetstone, well polished, but somewhat pointed toward each end, nearly
resembling in shape some stones which we had seen at New Caledonia in
1774, and used there in their slings.

What we could learn of their religions institutions, and the manner of
disposing of their dead, which may properly be considered as closely
connected, has been already mentioned. And as nothing more strongly
points out the affinity between the manners of these people and of
the Friendly and Society Islands, I must just mention some other
circumstances to place this in a strong point of view, and at the same
time to shew how a few of the infinite modifications, of which a few
leading principles are capable, may distinguish any particular nation.
The people of Tongataboo inter their dead in a very decent manner,
and they also inter their human sacrifices; but they do not offer, or
expose any other animal, or even vegetable, to their gods, as far as
we know. Those of Otaheite do not inter their dead, but expose them to
waste by time and putrefaction, though the bones are afterward buried;
and as this is the case, it is very remarkable that they should inter
the entire bodies of their human sacrifices. They also offer other
animals and vegetables to their gods; but are by no means attentive to
the state of the sacred places where those solemn rites are performed;
most of their _morais_ being in a ruinous condition, and bearing
evident marks of neglect. The people of Atooi, again, inter both their
common dead and human sacrifices, as at Tongataboo; but they resemble
those of Otaheite in the slovenly state of their religious places, and
in offering vegetables and animals to their gods.

The _taboo_ also prevails in Atooi in its full extent, and seemingly
with much more rigour than even at Tongataboo. For the people here
always asked, with great eagerness and signs of fear to offend,
whether any particular thing, which they desired to see, or we were
unwilling to shew, was _taboo_, or, as they pronounced the word,
_tafoo_? The _maia_, _ruae_, or forbidden articles at the Society
Islands, though doubtless the same thing, did not seem to be so
strictly observed by them, except with respect to the dead, about whom
we thought them more superstitious than any of the others were. But
these are circumstances with which we are not as yet sufficiently
acquainted to be decisive about; and I shall only just observe, to
shew the similitude in other matters connected with religion, that the
priests, or _tahounas_, here, are as numerous as at the other islands;
if we may judge, from our being able, during our short stay, to
distinguish several saying their _poore_ or prayer.

But whatever resemblance we might discover, in the general manners of
the people of Atooi to those of Otaheite, these, of course, were less
striking than the coincidence of language, indeed, the languages of
both places may be said to be almost, word for word, the same. It is
true, that we sometimes remarked particular words to be pronounced
exactly as we had found at New Zealand and the Friendly Islands; but,
though all the four dialects are indisputably the same, these people,
in general, have neither the strong guttural pronunciation of the
former, nor a less degree of it, which also distinguishes the latter;
and they have not only adopted the soft mode of the Otaheitans, in
avoiding harsh sounds, but the whole idiom of their language; using
not only the same affixes and suffixes to their words, but the same
measure and cadence in their songs; though, in a manner, somewhat less
agreeable. There seems, indeed, at first hearing, some disagreement to
the ear of a stranger; but it ought to be considered, that the people
of Otaheite, from their frequent connections with the English,
had learnt it, in some measure, to adapt themselves to our scanty
knowledge of their language, by using not only the most common, but
even corrupted expressions, in conversation with us; whereas, when
they conversed among themselves, and used the several parts necessary
to propriety of speech, they were scarcely at all understood by those
amongst us, who had made the greatest proficiency in their vocabulary.
A catalogue of words was collected at Atooi by Mr Anderson, who
lost no opportunity of making our voyage useful to those who amuse
themselves in tracing the migrations of the various tribes or families
that have peopled the globe, by the most convincing of all arguments,
that drawn from affinity of language.

How shall we account for this nation's having spread itself, in so
many detached islands, so widely disjoined from each other, in every
quarter of the Pacific Ocean! We find it, from New Zealand, in the
south, as far as the Sandwich Islands to the north! And, in another
direction, from Easter Island to the Hebrides! that is, over an extent
of sixty degrees of latitude, or twelve hundred leagues, north and
south! and eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen hundred and
sixty leagues east and west! How much farther, in either direction,
its colonies reach is not known; but what we know already, in
consequence of this and our former voyage, warrants us in pronouncing
it to be, though perhaps not the most numerous, certainly, by far, the
most extensive nation upon the earth.[4]

[Footnote 4: See more about the great extent of the colonies of this
nation in the Introductory Preface.]

Had the Sandwich Islands been discovered at an early period by the
Spaniards, there is little doubt that they would have taken advantage
of so excellent a situation, and have made use of Atooi, or some other
of the islands, as a refreshing place to the ships that sail annually
from Acapulco for Manilla. They lie almost midway between the first
place and Guam, one of the Ladrones, which is at present their only
port in traversing this vast ocean; and it would not have been a
week's sail out of their common route to have touched at them; which
could have been done without running the least hazard of losing the
passage, as they are sufficiently within the verge of the easterly
trade-wind. An acquaintance with the Sandwich Islands would have been
equally favourable to our Buccaneers, who used sometimes to pass from
the coast of America to the Ladrones, with a stock of food and water
scarcely sufficient to preserve life. Here they might always have
found plenty, and have been within a month's sure sail of the very
part of California, which the Manilla ship is obliged to make, or else
have returned to the coast of America, thoroughly refitted, after an
absence of two months. How happy would Lord Anson have been, and what
hardships would he have avoided, if he had known that there was a
group of islands half way between America and Tinian, where all his
wants could have been effectually supplied; and in describing which,
the elegant historian of that voyage would have presented his reader
with a more agreeable picture than I have been able to draw in this
chapter![5]

[Footnote 5: We defer considering the curious subject of the identity
and origin of the people that inhabit the South Sea, till other
relations shall have put the reader in possession of the facts
requisite for the discussion. Of the Sandwich Islands, we shall
hereafter probably have mere complete information than is now
given.--E.]


SECTION XIII.

_Observations made at the Sandwich Islands, on the Longitude,
Variation of the Compass and Tides.--Prosecution of the
Voyage.--Remarks on the Mildness of the Weather, as far as
the Latitude 44 deg. North.--Paucity of Sea Birds, in the Northern
Hemisphere.--Small Sea Animals described.--Arrival on the Coast
of America.--Appearance of the Country.--Unfavourable Winds and
boisterous Weather.--Remarks on Martin de Aguilar's River, and Juan
de Fuca's pretended Strait.--An Inlet discovered, where the Ships
anchor.--Behaviour of the Natives._

After the Discovery had joined us, we stood away to the northward,
close hauled, with a gentle gale from the east; and nothing occurring,
in this situation, worthy of a place in my narrative, the reader
will permit me to insert here the nautical observations which I had
opportunities of making relative to the islands we had left; and which
we had been fortunate enough to add to the geography of this part of
the Pacific Ocean.

The longitude of the Sandwich Islands was determined by seventy-two
sets of lunar observations; some of which were made while we were at
anchor in the road of Wymoa; others before we arrived, and after we
left it, and reduced to it by the watch or time-keeper. By the mean
result of these observations, the longitude of the road is

                                              200 deg. 13'  0" East.
    Time-keeper / Greenwich rate,             200 deg.  0'  0"
                \ Ulietea rate,               200 deg. 21'  0"
    The latitude of the road, by the   \
      mean of two meridian observations }      21 deg. 56' 15" North.
      of the sun                       /

The observations for the variation of the compass did not agree very
well among themselves. It is true, they were not all made exactly
in the same spot. The different situations, however, could make very
little difference. But the whole will be seen, by casting an eye on
the following table.

    Time.         Latitude. Longitude. Compass.    East          Mean
                                                 variation.    Variation.
  Jan. 18th. A.M.  21 deg. 12'   200 deg. 41'  Gregory's 10 deg. 10' 10"\
                                       Knight's   9 deg. 20'  5" } 90 deg. 51' 38"
                                       Martin's  10 deg.  4' 40"/

       19th. P.M.  21 deg. 51'   200 deg. 20'  Knight's  10 deg.  2' 10"\  10 deg. 37' 10"
                                       Gregory's 11 deg. 12' 30"/

       28th. A.M.  21 deg. 22'   199 deg. 56'  Gregory's  9 deg.  1' 20"\
                                       Knight's   9 deg.  1' 25" }  9 deg. 26' 57"
                                       Martin's  10 deg. 18'  5"/

       28th. P.M.  21 deg. 36'   199 deg. 50'  Gregory's 11 deg. 21' 15"\
                                       Knight's  10 deg. 40'  0" } 11 deg. 12' 50"
                                       Martin's  11 deg. 37' 50"/

    Means of the}  21 deg. 29'   200 deg. 12'                          10 deg. 17' 11"
      above     }

   On January 18.  21 deg. 12'   200 deg. 41' the north end of
                                      the needle dipped 42 deg. 1' 7".


The tides at the Sandwich Islands are so inconsiderable, that, with
the great surf which broke against the shore, it was hardly possible
to tell, at any time, whether we had high or low water, or whether
it ebbed or flowed. On the south side of Atooi, we generally found a
current setting to the westward, or north-westward. But when we
were at anchor off Oneeheow, the current set nearly north-west and
south-east, six hours one way and six the other, and so strong as to
make the ships tend, though the wind blew fresh. This was certainly
a regular tide; and, as far as I could judge, the flood came from the
north-west.

I now return to the progress of our voyage. On the 7th, being in the
latitude of 29 deg. N. and in the longitude of 200 deg. E. the wind veered to
S.E. This enabled us to steer N.E. and E.; which course we continued,
till the 12th, when the wind had veered round by the S. and W. to
N.E. and E.N.E. I then tacked and stood to the northward, our latitude
being 30 deg. N. and our longitude 206 deg. 15' E. Notwithstanding our
advanced latitude, and its being the winter season, we had only begun,
for a few days past, to feel a sensation of cold in the mornings and
evenings. This is a sign of the equal and lasting influence of
the sun's heat, at all seasons, to 30 deg. on each side the line. The
disproportion is known to become very great after that. This must be
attributed almost entirely to the direction of the rays of the sun,
independent of the bare distance, which is by no means equal to the
effect.

On the 19th, being now in the latitude of 37 deg. N. and in the longitude
of 206 deg. E. the wind veered to S.E.; and I was enabled again to
steer to the E. inclining to the N. We had, on the 25th, reached the
latitude of 42 deg. 30', and the longitude of 219 deg.; and then we began
to meet with the rock-weed, mentioned by the writer of Lord Anson's
voyage, under the name of sea-leek, which the Manilla ships generally
fall in with. Now and then a piece of wood also appeared. But if we
had not known that the continent of North America was not far distant,
we might, from the few signs of the vicinity of land hitherto met
with, have concluded, that there was none within some thousand leagues
of us. We had hardly seen a bird, or any other oceanic animal, since
we left Sandwich Islands.

On the 1st of March, our latitude being now 44 deg. 49' N., and our
longitude 228 deg. E. we had one calm day. This was succeeded by a wind
from the N. with which I stood to the E. close hauled, in order to
make the land. According to the charts, it ought not to have been far
from us. It was remarkable, that we should still carry with us such
moderate and mild weather so far to the northward, and so near the
coast of an extensive continent, at this time of the year. The present
season either must be uncommon for its mildness, or we can assign no
reason why Sir Francis Drake should have met with such severe cold,
about this latitude, in the month of June. Viscaino, indeed, who was
near the same place in the depth of winter, says little of the cold,
and speaks of a ridge of snowy mountains somewhere on the coast, as a
thing rather remarkable.[1] Our seeing so few birds, in comparison of
what we met with in the same latitudes to the south of the Line,
is another singular circumstance, which must either proceed from a
scarcity of the different sorts, or from a deficiency of places
to rest upon. From hence, we may conclude, that, beyond 40 deg. in the
southern hemisphere, the species are much more numerous, and the isles
where they inhabit also more plentifully scattered about, than any
where between the coast of California and Japan, in or near that
latitude.

[Footnote 1: See Torquemada's Narrative of Viscaino's Expedition
in 1602 and 1603, in the second volume of Vanegas's History of
California, English translation, from p. 229 to p. 308.--D.]

During a calm, on the morning of the 2d, some parts of the sea seemed
covered with a kind of slime, and some small sea-animals were swimming
about. The most conspicuous of which were of the gelatinous or
_medusa_ kind, almost globular; and another sort smaller, that had
a white or shining appearance, and were very numerous. Some of these
last were taken up, and put into a glass cup with some salt water, in
which they appeared like small scales or bits of silver, when at rest,
in a prone situation. When they began to swim about, which they did,
with equal ease, upon their backs, sides, or belly, they emitted
the brightest colours of the most precious gems, according to their
position with respect to the light. Sometimes they appeared quite
pellucid, at other times assuming various tints of blue, from a pale
sapphirine to a deep violet colour; which were frequently mixed with
a ruby or opaline redness; and glowed with a strength sufficient to
illuminate the vessel and water. These colours appeared most vivid
when the glass was held to a strong light; and mostly vanished on the
subsiding of the animals to the bottom, when they had a brownish cast.
But, with candle light, the colour was, chiefly, a beautiful pale
green, tinged with a burnished gloss; and, in the dark, it had a
faint appearance of glowing fire. They proved to be a new species of
_oniscus_, and, from their properties, were, by Mr Anderson, (to whom
we owe this account of them), called _oniscus fulgens_; being probably
an animal which has a share in producing some sorts of that lucid
appearance, often observed near ships at sea in the night. On the same
day two large birds settled on the water, near the ship. One of these
was the _procellaria maxima_ (the _quebrantahuessos_), and the
other, which was little more than half the size, seemed to be of the
_albatross_ kind. The upper part of the wings, and tip of the tail,
were black, with the rest white; the bill yellowish; upon the whole
not unlike the sea-gull, though larger.

On the 6th at noon, being in the latitude of 44 deg. 10' N., and the
longitude of 234-1/2 deg. E., we saw two seals and several whales; and at
day-break the next morning, the long-looked-for coast of New Albion[2]
was seen, extending from N.E. to S.E., distant ten or twelve leagues.
At noon our latitude was 44 deg. 33' N., and our longitude 235 deg. 20' E.;
and the land extended from N.E. 1/2 N. to S.E. by S. about eight
leagues distant. In this situation we had seventy-three fathoms water,
over a muddy bottom, and about a league farther off found ninety
fathoms. The land appeared to be of a moderate height, diversified
with hills and valleys, and almost every where covered with wood.
There was, however, no very striking object on any part of it, except
one hill, whose elevated summit was flat. This bore E. from us at
noon. At the northern extreme the land formed a point, which I called
_Cape Foulweather_, from the very bad weather that we soon after met
with. I judge it to lie in the latitude of 44 deg. 55' N., and in the
longitude of 235 deg. 54' E.

[Footnote 2: This part of the west side of North America was so named
by Sir Francis Drake.--D.]

We had variable light airs and calms till eight o'clock in the
evening, when a breeze sprung up at S.W. With it I stood to the N.W.,
under an easy sail, waiting for day-light, to range along the coast.
But at four, next morning, the wind shifted to N.W., and blew in
squalls, with rain. Our course was N.E. till near ten o'clock, when,
finding that I could make no progress on this tack, and seeing
nothing like a harbour, I tacked, and stood off S.W. At this time Cape
Foulweather bore N.E. by N. about eight leagues distant. Toward noon
the wind veered more to the westward, and the weather became fair
and clear; so that we were enabled to make lunar observations. Having
reduced all those that we had made since the 19th of last month to
the present ones, by the time-keeper, amounting in the whole to
seventy-two sets, their mean result determined the longitude to be
235 deg. 15' 26" E., which was 14' 11" less than what the time-keeper
gave. This longitude is made use of for settling that of the coast;
and I have not a doubt of its being within a very few miles of the
truth.

Our difficulties now began to increase. In the evening the wind came
to the N.W., blowing in squalls, with hail and sleet; and the weather
being thick and hazy, I stood out to sea till near noon the next
day, when I tacked, and stood in again for the land, which made
its appearance at two in the afternoon, bearing E.N.E. The wind and
weather continued the same; but, in the evening, the former veered
more to the W. and the latter grew worse, which made it necessary
to tack and stand off till four the next morning, when I ventured to
stand in again.

At four in the afternoon we saw the island, which, at six, extended
from N.E. 1/2 E. to S.E. by S. about eight leagues distant. In this
situation we tacked, and sounded; but a line of a hundred and sixty
fathoms did not reach the ground. I stood off till midnight, then
stood in again; and at half-past six we were within three leagues
of the land, which extended from N. by E. 1/2 E. to S. 1/2 E.; each
extreme about seven leagues distant. Seeing no signs of a harbour, and
the weather being still unsettled, I tacked, and stretched off S.W.
having then fifty-five fathoms water, over a muddy bottom.

That part of the land which we were so near when we tacked, is of a
moderate height, though in some places it rises higher within. It was
diversified with a great many rising grounds and small hills; many
of which were entirely covered with tall, straight trees; and
others, which were lower, and grew in spots like coppices; but the
interspaces, and sides of many of the rising grounds, were clear. The
whole, though it might make an agreeable summer prospect, had now an
uncomfortable appearance; as the bare grounds towards the coast were
all covered with snow, which seemed to be of a considerable depth
between the little hills and rising grounds; and in several places,
toward the sea, might easily have been mistaken, at a distance, for
white cliffs. The snow on the rising grounds was thinner spread; and
farther inland, there was no appearance of any; from whence we might,
perhaps, conclude, that what we saw toward the sea, had fallen during
the night; which was colder than any we had experienced since our
arrival on the coast; and we had sometimes a kind of sleet. The coast
seemed every where almost straight, without any opening or inlet; and
it appeared to terminate in a kind of white sandy beach; though some
on board thought that appearance was owing to the snow. Each extreme
of the land that was now before us, seemed to shoot out into a point.
The northern one was the same which we had first seen on the 7th; and
on that account I called it _Cape Perpetua_. It lies in the latitude
of 44 deg. 6' N., and in the longitude of 235 deg. 57'E. The southern extreme
before us, I named _Cape Gregory_.[3] Its latitude is 43 deg. 30', and its
longitude 235 deg. 57' E. It is a remarkable point; the land of it rising
almost directly from the sea to a tolerable height, while that on each
side of it is low.

[Footnote 3: In our calendar, the 7th of March is distinguished by the
name of Perpetua M, and the 12th by that of Gregory B.--D.]

I continued standing off till one in the afternoon. Then I tacked, and
stood in, hoping to have the wind off from the land in the night. But
in this I was mistaken; for at five o'clock it began to run to the
west and south-west, which, obliged me once more to stand out to sea.
At this time, Cape Perpetua bore N.E. by N.; and the farthest land we
could see to the south of Cape Gregory bore S. by E., perhaps ten or
twelve leagues distant. If I am right in this estimation, its latitude
will be 43 deg. 10', and its longitude 235 deg. 55' E., which is nearly the
situation of Cape Blanco, discovered or seen by Martin d'Aguilar, on
the 19th of January, 1603. It is worth observing, that in the very
latitude where we now were, geographers have been pleased to place a
large entrance or strait, the discovery of which they take upon them
to ascribe to the same navigator; whereas nothing more is mentioned in
the account of his voyage, than his having seen, in this situation,
a large river, which he would have entered, but was prevented by the
currents.[4]

[Footnote 4: See the History of California, Eng. trans. vol. ii. p.
292.--D.]

The wind, as I have observed, had veered to S.W. in the evening; but
it was very unsettled, and blew in squalls, with snow showers. In one
of these, at midnight, it shifted at once to W.N.W. and soon increased
to a very hard gale, with heavy squalls, attended with sleet or
snow. There was no choice now; and we were obliged to stretch to the
southward, in order to get clear of the coast. This was done under
courses and two close-reefed top-sails; being rather more sail than
the ships could safely bear; but it was necessary to carry it to avoid
the more pressing danger of being forced on shore. This gale continued
till eight o'clock in the morning of the 18th; when it abated, and
I stood in again for the land. We had been forced a considerable way
backward; for at the time of our tacking, we were in the latitude of
42 deg. 45', and in the longitude of 233 deg. 30'.

The wind continued at W. and N.W.; storms, moderate weather, and
calms, succeeding each other by turns, till the morning of the 21st;
when, after a few hours calm, a breeze sprung up at S.W. This bringing
with it fair weather, I steered north-easterly, in order to fall
in with the land, beyond that part of it where we had already so
unprofitable been tossed about for the last fortnight. In the evening,
the wind veered to the westward; and at eight o'clock the next
morning, we saw the land, extending from N.E. to E. nine leagues
distant. At this time we were in the latitude of 47 deg. 5' N. and in the
longitude of 235 deg. 10' E.

I continued to stand to the north, with a fine breeze at W. and W.N.W.
till near seven o'clock in the evening, when I tacked to wait for
day-light. At this time we were in forty-eight fathoms water, and
about four leagues from the land, which extended from N. to S.E.
1/2 E. and a small round hill, which had the appearance of being an
island, bore N. 3/4 E., distant six or seven leagues, as I guessed; it
appears to be of a tolerable height, and was but just to be seen from
the deck. Between this island or rock, and the northern extreme of the
land, there appeared to be a small opening, which flattered us with
the hopes of finding an harbour. These hopes lessened as we drew
nearer; and at last we had some reason to think that the opening was
closed by low land. On this account I called the point of land to the
north of it _Cape Flattery_. It lies in the latitude of 48 deg. 15' N.,
and in the longitude of 235 deg. 3' E. There is a round hill of a moderate
height over it; and all the land upon this part of the coast is of a
moderate and pretty equal height, well covered with wood, and had
a very pleasant and fertile appearance. It is in this very latitude
where we now were, that geographers have placed the pretended strait
of Juan de Fuca. But we saw nothing like it; nor is there the least
probability that ever any such thing existed.[5]

[Footnote 5: See Michael Locke's apocryphal account of Juan de Fuca
and his pretended strait, in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 849-852, and many
later Collections.--D.]

I stood off to the southward till midnight, when I tacked, and steered
to the N.W. with a gentle breeze at S.W. intending to stand in for the
land as soon as day-light should appear. But, by that time, we were
reduced to two courses and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hard
gale, with rain, right on shore; so that, instead of running in for
the land, I was glad to get an offing, or to keep that which we
had already got. The south-west wind was, however, but of short
continuance; for in the evening it veered again to the west. Thus
had we perpetually strong west and north-west winds to encounter.
Sometimes, in an evening, the wind would become moderate, and veer to
the southward; but this was always a sure prelude to a storm, which
blew the hardest at S.S.E. and was attended with rain and sleet. It
seldom lasted above four or six hours, before it was succeeded by
another gale from the N.W. which, generally, brought with it fair
weather. It was, by the means of these southerly blasts, that we were
enabled to get to the north-west at all.

At length, at nine o'clock in the morning of the 29th, as we were
standing to the N.E. we again saw the land, which, at noon, extended
from N.W. by W. to E.S.E. the nearest part about six leagues distant.
Our latitude was now 49 deg. 29' N. and our longitude 232 deg. 29' E. The
appearance of the country differed much from that of the parts which
we had before seen; being full of high mountains, whose summits were
covered with snow. But the valleys between them, and the grounds on
the sea coast, high as well as low, were covered to a considerable
breadth with high, straight trees, that formed a beautiful prospect
as of one vast forest. The south-east extreme of the land formed a low
point off which are many breakers, occasioned by sunken rocks. On this
account it was called _Point Breakers_. It lies in the latitude of 49 deg.
15' N., and in the longitude of 233 deg. 20' E., and the other extreme
in about the latitude of 50 deg., and the longitude of 232 deg.. I named this
last _Woody Point_. It projects pretty much out to the S.W. and is
high land. Between these two points the shore forms a large bay, which
I called _Hope Bay_; hoping, from the appearance of the land, to find
in it a good harbour. The event proved that we were not mistaken.

As we drew nearer the coast, we perceived the appearance of two
inlets; one in the N.W., and the other in the N.E. corner of the bay.
As I could not fetch the former, I bore up for the latter; and passed
some breakers, or sunken rocks, that lay a league or more from the
shore. We had nineteen and twenty fathoms water half a league without
them; but as soon as we had passed them, the depth increased to
thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, with a sandy bottom; and farther in
we found no ground with the greatest length of line. Notwithstanding
appearances, we were not yet sure that there were any inlets; but
as we were in a deep bay, I had resolved to anchor, with a view to
endeavour to get some water, of which, by this time, we were in great
want. At length, as we advanced, the existence of the inlet was no
longer doubtful. At five o'clock we reached the west point of it,
where we were becalmed for some time. While in this situation, I
ordered all the boats to be hoisted out to tow the ships in. But this
was hardly done, before a fresh breeze sprung up again at N.W. with
which we were enabled to stretch up into an arm of the inlet, that was
observed by us to run into the N.E. There we were again becalmed, and
obliged to anchor in eighty-five fathoms water, and so near the shore
as to reach it with a hawser. The wind failed the Discovery before
she got within the arm, where she anchored, and found only seventy
fathoms.

We no sooner drew near the inlet than we found the coast to be
inhabited; and at the place where we were first becalmed, three canoes
came off to the ship. In one of these were two men, in another six,
and in the third ten. Having come pretty near us, a person in one of
the two last stood up, and made a long