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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 17
       Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History
       of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and
       Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the
       Present Time

Author: Robert Kerr

Release Date: March 21, 2005 [EBook #15425]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

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A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. XVII.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON.

MDCCCXXIV.




A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. XVII.

EDINBURGH:

_Printed by James Ballantyne & Co_.

FOR WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH;
J. MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET; BALDWIN, CRADOCK AND
JOY, AND GALE AND FENNER, PATERNOSTER-ROW,
LONDON; AND J. CUMMING, DUBLIN.

1816.




CONTENTS TO VOL. XVII.


CHAP.
V. _Continued_. Captain King's Journal of the Transactions on
returning to the Sandwich Islands.

  SECT.
  VI. General Account of the Sandwich Islands. Their Number, Names, and
  Situation. OWHYHEE. Its Extent, and Division into Districts. Account of
  its Coasts, and the adjacent Country. Volcanic Appearances. Snowy
  Mountains. Their Height determined. Account of a Journey into the
  Interior Parts of the Country. MOWEE. TAHOOHOWA. MOROTOI. RANAI. WOAHOO.
  ATOOI. ONEEHEOW. OREEHOUA. TAAOORA. Climate. Winds. Currents. Tides.
  Animals and Vegetables. Astronomical Observations.

  VII. General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued. Of the
  Inhabitants. Their Origin. Persons. Pernicious effects of the Ava.
  Numbers. Disposition and Manners. Reasons for supposing them not
  Cannibals. Dress and Ornaments. Villages and Houses. Food. Occupations
  and Amusements. Addicted to Gaming. Their extraordinary Dexterity in
  Swimming. Arts and Manufactures. Curious Specimens of their Sculpture.
  Kipparee, or Method of Painting Cloth. Mats. Fishing Hooks. Cordage.
  Salt Pans. Warlike Instruments.

  SECT. VIII. General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued.
  Government. People divided into three Classes. Power of Erreetaboo.
  Genealogy of the Kings of Owhyhee and Mowee. Power of the Chiefs. State
  of the inferior Class. Punishment of Crimes. Religion. Society of
  Priests. The Orono. Their Idols. Songs chanted by the Chiefs, before
  they drink Ava. Human Sacrifices. Custom of Knocking out the fore Teeth.
  Notions with regard to a future State. Marriages. Remarkable Instance of
  Jealousy. Funeral Rites.

CHAP.
VI. Transactions during the second Expedition to the North, by the way of
Kamtschatka; and on the Return Home by the way of Canton and the Cape of
Good Hope.

  SECT.
  I. Departure from Oneheeow. Fruitless Attempt to discover Modoopapappa.
  Course steered for Awatska Bay. Occurrences during that Passage. Sudden
  Change from Heat to Cold. Distress occasioned by the Leaking of the
  Resolution. View of the Coast of Kamtschatka. Extreme Rigour of the
  Climate. Lose Sight of the Discovery. The Resolution enters the Bay of
  Awatska. Prospect of the Town of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Party sent
  ashore. Their Reception by the Commanding-Officer of the Port. Message
  dispatched to the Commander at Bolcheretsk. Arrival of the Discovery.
  Return of the Messengers from the Commander. Extraordinary mode of
  Travelling. Visit from a Merchant and a German Servant belonging to the
  Commander.

  II. Scarcity of Provisions and Stores at the Harbour of Saint Peter and
  Saint Paul; A Party set out to visit the Commander at Bolcheretsk.
  Passage up the River Awatska. Account of their Reception by the Toion of
  Karatchin. Description of Kamtschadale Dress. Journey on Sledges.
  Description of this Mode of Travelling. Arrival at Natcheekin. Account
  of Hot Springs. Embark on Bolchoireka. Reception at the Capital.
  Generous and hospitable Conduct of the Commander and the Garrison.
  Description of Bolcheretsk. Presents from the Commander. Russian and
  Kamtschadale Dancing. Affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk. Return to
  Saint Peter and Saint Paul's, accompanied by Major Behm, who visits the
  Ship. Generosity of the Sailors. Dispatches sent by Major Behm to
  Petersburg. His Departure and Character.

  III. Continuation of Transactions in the Harbour of St Peter and St
  Paul. Abundance of Fish. Death of a Seaman belonging to the Resolution.
  The Russian Hospital put under the Care of the Ship's Surgeons. Supply
  of Flour and Cattle. Celebration of the King's Birth-day. Difficulties
  in Sailing out of the Bay. Eruption of a Volcano. Steer to the
  Northward. Cheepoonskoi Noss. Errors of the Russian Charts.
  Kamptschatskoi Noss. Island of St. Laurence. View, from the same Point,
  of the Coasts Asia and America, and the Islands of St. Diomede. Various
  Attempts to get to the North, between the two Continents. Obstructed by
  impenetrable Ice. Sea-horses and White Bears killed. Captain Clerke's
  Determination and future Designs.

  IV. Fruitless Attempts to penetrate through Ice to the North-West.
  Dangerous Situation of the Discovery. Sea-horses killed. Fresh
  Obstructions from the Ice. Report of Damages, received by the Discovery.
  Captain Clerke's Determination to proceed to the Southward. Joy of the
  Ships' Crews on that Occasion. Pass Serdze Kamen. Return through
  Beering's Strait. Enquiry into the Extent of the North-East Coast of
  Asia. Reasons for rejecting Muller's Map of the Promontory of the
  Tschutski. Reasons for believing the Coast does not reach a higher
  Latitude than 70-2/3 deg. North. General Observations on the
  Impracticability of a North-East or North-West Passage from the Atlantic
  into the Pacific Ocean. Comparative View of the Progress made in the
  Years 1778 and 1779. Remarks on the Sea and Sea-coasts, North of
  Beering's Strait. History of the Voyage resumed. Pass the Island of St.
  Laurence. The Island of Mednoi. Death of Captain Clerke. Short Account
  of his Services.

  V. Return to the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Promotion of
  Officers. Funeral of Captain Clerke. Damages of the Discovery repaired.
  Various other Occupations of the Ships' Crews. Letters from the
  Commander. Supply of Flour and Naval Stores from a Russian Galliot.
  Account of an Exile. Bear-hunting and Fishing Parties. Disgrace of the
  Serjeant. Celebration of the King's Coronation Day, and Visit from the
  Commander. The Serjeant reinstated. A Russian Soldier promoted at our
  Request. Remarks on the Discipline of the Russian Army. Church at
  Paratounca. Method of Bear-hunting. Farther Account of the Bears and
  Kamtschadales. Inscription to the Memory of Captain Clerke. Supply of
  Cattle. Entertainments on the Empress's Name Day. Present from the
  Commander. Attempt of a Marine to desert. Work out of the Bay. Nautical
  and Geographical Description of Awatska Bay. Astronomical Tables and
  Observations.

  VI. General Account of Kamtschatka. Geographical Description. Rivers.
  Soil. Climate. Volcanoes. Hot Springs. Productions. Vegetables. Animals.
  Birds. Fish.

  VII. General Account of Kamtschatka, continued. Of the Inhabitants.
  Origin of the Kamtschadales. Discovered by the Russians. Abstract of
  their History. Numbers. Present State. Of the Russian Commerce in
  Kamtschatka. Of the Kamtschadale Habitations, and Dress. Of the Kurile
  Islands. The Koreki. The Tschutski.

  VIII. Plan of our future Proceedings. Course to the Southward, along the
  Coast of Kamtschatka. Cape Lopatka. Pass the Islands Shoomska and
  Paramousir. Driven to the Eastward of the Kuriles. Singular Situation
  with respect to the pretended Discoveries of former Navigators.
  Fruitless Attempts to reach the Islands North of Japan. Geographical
  Conclusions. View of the Coast of Japan. Run along the East Side. Pass
  two Japanese Vessels. Driven off the Coast by contrary Winds.
  Extraordinary Effect of Currents. Steer for the Bashees. Pass large
  Quantities of Pumice Stone. Discover Sulphur Island. Pass the Pratas.
  Isles of Lema, and Ladrone Island. Chinese Pilot taken on board the
  Resolution. Journals of the Officers and Men secured.

  IX. Working up to Macao. A Chinese Comprador. Sent on Shore to visit the
  Portuguese Governor. Effects of the Intelligence we received from
  Europe. Anchor in the Typa. Passage up to Canton. Bocca Tygris. Wampu.
  Description of a Sampane. Reception at the English Factory. Instance of
  the suspicious Character of the Chinese. Of their Mode of trading. Of
  the City of Canton. Its Size. Population. Number of Sampanes. Military
  Force. Of the Streets and Houses. Visit to a Chinese. Return to Macao.
  Great Demand for the Sea-Otter Skins. Plan of a Voyage for opening a
  Fur-Trade on the Western Coast of America, and prosecuting further
  Discoveries in the Neighbourhood of Japan. Departure from Macao. Price
  of Provisions in China.

  X. Leave the Typa. Orders of the Court of France respecting Captain
  Cook. Resolutions in consequence thereof. Strike Soundings on the
  Macclesfield Banks. Pass Pulo Sapata. Steer for Pulo Condore. Anchor at
  Pulo Condore. Transactions during our Stay. Journey to the principal
  Town. Receive a Visit from a Mandarin. Examine his Letters. Refreshments
  to be procured. Description, and present State of the Island. Its
  Produce. An Assertion of M. Sonnerat refuted. Astronomical and Nautical
  Observations.

  XI. Departure from Pulo Condore. Pass the Straits of Banca. View of the
  Island of Sumatra. Straits of Sunda. Occurrences there. Description of
  the Island of Cracatoa. Prince's Island. Effects of the Climate of Java.
  Run to the Cape of Good Hope. Transactions there. Description of False
  Bay. Passage to the Orkneys. General Reflections.

Vocabulary of the Language of Nootka, or King George's Sound. April, 1778.

Table to shew the Affinity between the Languages Spoken at Oonalashka and
Norton Sound, and those of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux.

APPENDIX, No. I. BYRON'S NARRATIVE.

  The Author's Preface.

  Chapter
  I. Account of the Wager and her Equipment. Captain Kid's Death.
  Succeeded by Captain Cheap. Our Disasters commence with our Voyage. We
  lose Sight of our Squadron in a Gale of Wind. Dreadful Storm. Ship
  strikes.

  II. We land on a wild Shore. No Appearance of Inhabitants. One of our
  Lieutenants dies. Conduct of a Part of the Crew who remained on the
  Wreck. We name the Place of our Residence Mount Misery. Narrative of
  Transactions there. Indians appear in Canoes off the Coast. Description
  of them. Discontents amongst our People.

  III. Unfortunate Death of Mr Cozens. Improper Conduct of Captain Cheap.
  The Indians join us in a friendly Manner, but depart presently on
  account of the Misconduct of our Men. Our Number dreadfully reduced by
  Famine. Description of the various Contrivances used for procuring Food.
  Further Transactions. Departure from the Island.

  IV. Occurrences on our Voyage. We encounter bad Weather and various
  Dangers and Distresses. Leave a Part of our Crew behind on a desert
  Shore. A strange Cemetry discovered. Narrow Escape from Wreck. Return to
  Mount Misery. We are visited by a Chanos Indian Cacique, who talks
  Spanish, with whom we again take our Departure from the Island.

  V. Navigation of the River. One of our Men dies from Fatigue. Inhumanity
  of the Captain. Description of our Passage through a horrible and
  desolate Country. Our Conductor leaves us, and a Party of our Men desert
  with the Boat. Dreadful Situation of the Remainder. The Cacique returns.
  Account of our Journey Overland. Kindness of two Indian Women.
  Description of the Indian Mode of Fishing. Cruel Treatment of my Indian
  Benefactress by her Husband.

  VI. The Cacique's Conduct changes. Description of the Indian Mode of
  Bird-fowling. Their Religion. Mr Elliot, our Surgeon, dies. Transactions
  on our Journey. Miserable Situation to which we are reduced.

  VII. We land on the Island of Chiloe. To our great Joy we at length
  discover Something having the Appearance of a House. Kindness of the
  Natives. We are delivered to the Custody of a Spanish Guard.
  Transactions with the Spanish Residents. Arrival at Chaco. Manners of
  the Inhabitants.

  VIII. Adventure with the Niece of an old Priest at Castro. Superstition
  of the People. The Lima Ship arrives, in which we depart for Valparaiso,
  January 1743. Arrival at and Treatment there. Journey to Chili. Arrival
  at St. Jago. Generous Conduct of a Scotch Physician. Description of the
  City and of the People.

  IX. Account of the Bull Feasts and other Amusements. Occurrences during
  nearly two Years Residence. In December, 1744, we embark for Europe in
  the Lys French Frigate. The Vessel leaky. Dangerous Voyage. Narrow
  Escape from English Cruizers. Arrival in England. Conclusion

APPENDIX, No. II. BULKELEY'S NARRATIVE.






A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART III. BOOK III. (CONTINUED.)






CHAPTER V. CONTINUED.

CAPTAIN KING'S JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE SANDWICH
ISLANDS.




SECTION VI.


General Account of the Sandwich Islands.--Their Number, Names, and
Situation.--OWHYHEE.--Its Extent, and Division into Districts.--Account of
its Coasts, and the adjacent Country.--Volcanic Appearances.--Snowy
Mountains.--Their Height determined.--Account of a Journey into the
Interior Parts of the Country.--MOWEE.--TAHOOROWA.--MOROTOI.--RANAI.--
WOAHOO.--ATOOI.--ONEEHEOW.--OBEEHOUA.--TAHOORA.--Climate.--Winds.--
Currents.--Tides.--Animals and Vegetables.--Astronomical
Observations.[1]


As we are now about to take our final leave of the Sandwich Islands, it
will not be improper to introduce here some general account of their
situation and natural history, and of the manners and customs of the
inhabitants.

This subject has indeed been, in some measure, preoccupied by persons far
more capable of doing it justice than I can pretend to be. Had Captain Cook
and Mr Anderson lived to avail themselves of the advantages which we
enjoyed by a return to these islands, it cannot be questioned, that the
public would have derived much additional information from the skill and
diligence of two such accurate observers. The reader will therefore lament
with me our common misfortune, which hath deprived him of the labours of
such superior abilities, and imposed on me the task of presenting him with
the best supplementary account the various duties of my station permitted
me to furnish.

This group consists of eleven islands, extending in latitude from 18 deg. 54'
to 22 deg. 15' N., and in longitude from 199 deg. 36' to 205 deg. 06' E. They are
called by the natives, 1. Owhyhee. 2. Mowee. 3. Ranai, or Oranai. 4.
Morotinnee, or Morokinnee. 5. Kahowrowee, or Tahoorowa. 6. Morotoi, or
Morokoi. 7. Woahoo, or Oahoo. 8. Atooi, Atowi, or Towi, and sometimes
Kowi.[2] 9. Neeheehow, or Oneeheow. 10. Oreehona, or Reehoua; and, 11.
Tahoora; and are all inhabited, excepting Morotinnee and Tahoora. Besides
the islands above enumerated, we were told by the Indians, that there is
another called Modoopapapa,[3] or Komodoopapapa, lying to the W.S.W. of
Tahoora, which is low and sandy, and visited only for the purpose of
catching turtle and sea-fowl; and, as I could never learn that they knew of
any others, it is probable that none exist in their neighbourhood.

They were named by Captain Cook the _Sandwich Islands_, in honour of
the EARL OF SANDWICH, under whose administration he had enriched geography
with so many splendid and important discoveries; a tribute justly due to
that noble person for the liberal support these voyages derived from his
power, in whatever could extend their utility, or promote their success;
for the zeal with which he seconded the views of that great navigator; and,
if I may be allowed to add the voice of private gratitude, for the generous
protection, which, since the death of their unfortunate commander, he has
afforded all the officers that served under him.

Owhyhee, the easternmost, and by much the largest of these islands, is of a
triangular shape, and nearly equilateral. The angular points make the
north, east, and south extremities, of which the northern is in latitude
20 deg. 17' N., longitude 204 deg. 02' E.; the eastern in latitude 19 deg. 34' N.,
longitude 205 deg. 06' E.; and the southern extremity in latitude 18 deg. 54' N.,
longitude 204 deg. 15' E. Its greatest length, which lies in a direction nearly
north and south, is 23-1/2 leagues; its breadth is 24 leagues; and it is
about 255 geographical, or 293 English miles in circumference. The whole
island is divided into six large districts; Amakooa and Aheedoo, which lie
on the north-east side; Apoona and Kaoo on the south-east; Akona and
Koaarra on the west.

The districts of Amakooa and Aheedoo are separated by a mountain called
Mounah Kaah (or the mountain Kaah), which rises in three peaks, perpetually
covered with snow, and may be clearly seen at 40 leagues distance.

To the north of this mountain the coast consists of high and abrupt cliffs,
down which fall many beautiful cascades of water. We were once flattered
with the hopes of meeting with a harbour round a bluff head, in latitude
20 deg. 10' N., and longitude 204 deg. 26' E.; but, on doubling the point, and
standing close in, we found it connected by a low valley, with another high
head to the north-west. The country rises inland with a gentle ascent, is
intersected by deep narrow glens, or rather chasms, and appeared to be well
cultivated and sprinkled over with a number of villages. The snowy mountain
is very steep, and the lower part of it covered with wood.

The coast of Aheedoo, which lies to the south of Mouna Kaah, is of a
moderate height, and the interior parts appear more even than the country
to the north-west, and less broken by ravines. Off these two districts we
cruised for almost a month; and, whenever our distance from shore would
permit it, were sure of being surrounded by canoes laden with all kinds of
refreshments. We had frequently a very heavy sea, and great swell on this
side of the island; and as we had no soundings, and could observe much foul
ground off the shore, we never approached nearer the land than two or three
leagues, excepting on the occasion already mentioned.

The coast to the north-east of Apoona, which forms the eastern extremity of
the island, is low and flat; the acclivity of the inland parts is very
gradual, and the whole country covered with cocoa-nut and bread-fruit
trees. This, as far as we could judge, is the finest part of the island,
and we were afterward told that the king had a place of residence here. At
the south-west extremity the hills rise abruptly from the sea side, leaving
but a narrow border of low ground toward the beach. We were pretty near the
shore at this part of the island, and found the sides of the hills covered
with a fine verdure; but the country seemed to be very thinly inhabited. On
doubling the east point of the island, we came in sight of another snowy
mountain, called Mouna Roa (or the extensive mountain), which continued to
be a very conspicuous object all the while we were sailing along the south-
east side. It is flat at the top, making what is called by mariners table-
land; the summit was constantly buried in snow, and we once saw its sides
also slightly covered for a considerable way down; but the greatest part of
this disappeared again in a few days.

According to the tropical line of snow, as determined by Mr. Condamine,
from observations taken on the Cordilleras, this mountain must be at least
16,020 feet high, which exceeds the height of the Pico de Teyde, or Peak of
Teneriffe, by 724 feet, according to Dr. Heberden's computation, or 3,680,
according to that of the Chevalier de Borda. The peaks of Mouna Kaah
appeared to be about half a mile high; and as they are entirely covered
with snow, the altitude of their summits cannot be less than 18,400 feet.
But it is probable that both these mountains may be considerably higher.
For in insular situations, the effects of the warm sea air must necessarily
remove the line of snow in equal latitudes, to a greater height than where
the atmosphere is chilled on all sides by an immense tract of perpetual
snow.

The coast of Kaoo presents a prospect of the most horrid and dreary kind;
the whole country appearing to have undergone a total change from the
effects of some dreadful convulsion. The ground is every where covered with
cinders, and intersected in many places with black streaks, which seem to
mark the course of a lava that has flowed, not many ages back, from the
mountain Roa to the shore. The southern promontory looks like the mere
dregs of a volcano. The projecting head-land is composed of broken and
craggy rocks, piled irregularly on one another, and terminating in sharp
points.

Notwithstanding the dismal aspect of this part of the island, there are
many villages scattered over it, and it certainly is much more populous
than the verdant mountains of Apoona. Nor is this circumstance hard to be
accounted for. As these islanders have no cattle, they have consequently no
use for pasturage, and therefore naturally prefer such ground as either
lies more convenient for fishing, or is best suited to the cultivation of
yams and plantains. Now amidst these ruins, there are many patches of rich
soil, which are carefully laid out in plantations, and the neighbouring sea
abounds with a variety of most excellent fish, with which, as well as with
other provisions, we were always plentifully supplied. Off this part of the
coast we could find no ground, at less than a cable's length from the
shore, with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line, excepting in a small bight
to the eastward of the south point, where we had regular soundings of fifty
and fifty-eight fathoms over a bottom of fine sand. Before we proceed to
the western districts, it may be necessary to remark, that the whole east
side of the island, from the northern to the southern extremity, does not
afford the smallest harbour or shelter for shipping.

The south-west parts of Akona are in the same state with the adjoining
district of Kaoo; but farther to the north, the country has been cultivated
with great pains, and is extremely populous.

In this part of the island is situated Karakakooa Bay, which has been
already described. Along the coast nothing is seen but large masses of
slag, and the fragments of black scorched rocks; behind which, the ground
rises gradually for about two miles and a half, and appears to have been
formerly covered with loose burnt stones. These the natives have taken the
pains of clearing away, frequently to the depth of three feet and upward;
which labour, great as it is, the fertility of the soil amply repays. Here
in a rich ashy mould, they cultivate sweet potatoes and the cloth-plant.
The fields are enclosed with stone-fences, and are interspersed with groves
of cocoa-nut trees. On the rising ground beyond these, the bread-fruit
trees are planted, and flourish with the greatest luxuriance.

Koaara extends from the westernmost point to the northern extremity of the
island; the whole coast between them forming an extensive bay, called Toe-
yah-yah, which is bounded to the north by two very conspicuous hills.
Toward the bottom of this bay there is foul corally ground, extending
upward of a mile from the shore, without which the soundings are regular,
with good anchorage, in twenty fathoms. The country, as far as the eye
could reach, seemed fruitful and well inhabited, the soil being in
appearance of the same kind with the district of Kaoo; but no fresh water
is to be got here.

I have hitherto confined myself to the coasts of this island, and the
adjacent country, which is all that I had an opportunity of being
acquainted with from my own observation. The only account I can give of the
interior parts, is from the information I obtained from a party, who set
out on the afternoon of the 26th of January, on an expedition up the
country, with an intention of penetrating as far as they could; and
principally of reaching, if possible, the snowy mountains.

Having procured two natives to serve them as guides, they left the village
about four o'clock in the afternoon, directing their course a little to the
southward of the east. To the distance of three or four miles from the bay,
they found the country as before described; the hills afterward rose with a
more sudden ascent, which brought them to the extensive plantations that
terminate the view of the country, as seen from the ships.

These plantations consist of the tarrow[4], or eddy root, and the sweet
potatoe, with plants of the cloth tree, neatly set out in rows. The walls
that separate them are made of the loose burnt stones, which are got in
clearing the ground; and being entirely concealed by sugar-canes, planted
close on each side, make the most beautiful fences that can be conceived.
The party stopped for the night at the second hut they found amongst the
plantations, where they judged themselves to be about six or seven miles
from the ships. They described the prospect from this spot as very
delightful; they saw the ships in the bay before them; to the left a
continued range of villages, interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut trees,
spreading along the sea-shore; a thick wood stretching out of sight behind
them; and to the right an extent of ground, laid out in regular and well-
cultivated plantations, as far as the eye could reach.

Near this spot, at a distance from any other dwelling, the natives pointed
out to them the residence of a hermit, who, they said, had formerly been a
great chief and warrior, but had long ago quitted the shores of the island,
and now never stirred from his cottage. They prostrated themselves as they
approached him, and afterward presented to him a part of such provisions as
they had brought with them. His behaviour was easy and cheerful; he scarce
shewed any marks of astonishment at the sight of our people, and though
pressed to accept some of our curiosities, he declined the offer, and soon
withdrew to his cottage. He was described as by far the oldest person any
of the party had ever seen, and judged to be, by those who computed his age
at the lowest, upward of 100 years old.

As our people had imagined the mountain not to be more than ten or twelve
miles from the bay, and consequently that they should reach it with ease
early the next morning, an error into which its great height had probably
led them, they were now much surprised to find the distance scarce
perceptibly diminished. This circumstance, together with the uninhabited
state of the country they were going to enter, made it necessary to procure
a supply of provisions; and for that purpose they dispatched one of their
guides back to the village. Whilst they were waiting his return, they were
joined by some of Kaoo's servants, whom that benevolent old man had sent
after them, as soon as he heard of their journey, laden with refreshments,
and authorised, as their route lay through his grounds, to demand and take
away whatever they might have occasion for.

Our travellers were much astonished to find the cold here so intense; but
having no thermometer with them, could judge of it only by their feelings,
which, from the warm atmosphere they had left, must have been a very
fallacious measure. They found it, however, so cold, that they could get
but little sleep, and the natives none at all; both parties being
disturbed, the whole night, by continued coughing. As they could not, at
this time, be at any very considerable height, the distance from the sea
being only six or seven miles, and part of the road on a very moderate
ascent, this extraordinary degree of cold must be ascribed to the easterly
wind blowing fresh over the snowy mountains.

Early on the 27th they set out again, and filled their calibashes at an
excellent well about half a mile from their hut. Having passed the
plantations, they came to a thick wood, which they entered by a path made
for the convenience of the natives, who go thither to fetch the wild or
horse-plantain, and to catch birds. Their progress now became very slow,
and attended with much labour; the ground being either swampy, or covered
with large stones; the path narrow, and frequently interrupted by trees
lying across it, which it was necessary to climb over, the thickness of the
underwood on both sides making it impossible to pass round them. In these
woods they observed, at small distances, pieces of white cloth fixed on
poles, which they supposed to be land-marks for the division of property,
as they only met with them where the wild plantains grew. The trees, which
are of the same kind with those we called the spice-tree at New Holland,
were lofty and straight, and from two to four feet in circumference.

After they had advanced about ten miles in the wood, they had the
mortification to find themselves, on a sudden, within sight of the sea, and
at no great distance from it; the path having turned imperceptibly to the
southward, and carried them to the right of the mountain, which it was
their object to reach. Their disappointment was greatly increased by the
uncertainty they were now under of its true bearings, since they could not,
at this time, get a view of it from the top of the highest trees. They,
therefore, found themselves obliged to walk back six or seven miles to an
unoccupied hut, where they had left three of the natives and two of their
own people, with the small stock that remained of their provisions. Here
they spent the second night; and the air was so very sharp, and so little
to the liking of their guides, that, by the morning, they had all departed,
except one.

The want of provisions now making it necessary to return to some of the
cultivated parts of the island, they quitted the wood by the same path they
had entered it; and, on their arrival at the plantations, were surrounded
by the natives, of whom they purchased a fresh stock of necessaries; and
prevailed upon two of them to supply the place of the guides that were gone
away. Having obtained the best information in their power, with regard to
the direction of their road, the party, being now nine in number, marched
along the skirts of the wood for six or seven miles, and then entered it
again by a path that bore to the eastward. For the first three miles they
passed through a forest of lofty spice-trees, growing on a strong rich
loam; at the back of which they found an equal extent of low shrubby trees,
with much thick underwood, on a bottom of loose burnt stones. This led them
to a second forest of spice-trees, and the same rich brown soil, which was
again succeeded by a barren ridge of the same nature with the former. This
alternate succession may, perhaps, afford matter of curious speculation to
naturalists. The only additional circumstance I could learn relating to it
was, that these ridges appeared, as far as they could be seen, to run in
directions parallel to the sea-shore, and to have Mouna Roa for their
centre.

In passing through the woods they found many canoes half-finished, and here
and there a hut; but saw none of the inhabitants. Having penetrated near
three miles into the second wood, they came to two huts, where they
stopped, exceedingly fatigued with the day's journey, having walked not
less than twenty miles, according to their own computation. As they had met
with no springs, from the time they left the plantation-ground, and began
to suffer much from the violence of their thirst, they were obliged, before
the night came on, to separate into parties, and go in search of water;
and, at last, found some left by rain in the bottom of an unfinished canoe,
which, though of the colour of red wine, was to them no unwelcome
discovery. In the night, the cold was still more intense than they had
found it before; and though they had wrapped themselves up in mats and
cloths of the country, and kept a large fire between the two huts, they
could yet sleep but very little, and were obliged to walk about the
greatest part of the night. Their elevation was now probably pretty
considerable, as the ground on which they had travelled had been generally
on the ascent.

On the 29th, at day-break, they set out, intending to make their last and
utmost effort to reach the snowy mountain; but their spirits were much
depressed, when they found they had expended the miserable pittance of
water they had found the night before. The path, which extended no farther
than where canoes had been built, was now at an end; and they were
therefore obliged to make their way as well as they could; every now and
then climbing up into the highest trees, to explore the country round. At
eleven o'clock, they came to a ridge of burnt stones, from the top of which
they saw the snowy mountain, appearing to be about twelve or fourteen miles
from them.

It was here deliberated, whether they should proceed any further, or rest
satisfied with the view they now had of Mouna Rao. The road, ever since the
path ceased, had become exceedingly fatiguing; and every step they advanced
was growing still more so. The deep chinks, with which the ground was every
where broken, being slightly covered with moss, made them stumble at almost
every step; and the intermediate space was a surface of loose burnt stones,
which broke under their feet like potsherds. They threw stones into several
of these chinks, which, by the noise they made, seemed to fall to a
considerable depth, and the ground sounded hollow under their feet. Besides
these discouraging circumstances, they found their guides so averse to
going on, that they believed, whatever their own determinations might have
been, they could not have prevailed on them to remain out another night.
They therefore at last agreed to return to the ships, after taking a view
of the country, from the highest trees which the place afforded. From this
elevation they saw themselves surrounded, on all sides, with wood toward
the sea; they could not distinguish, in the horizon, the sky from the
water; and between them and the snowy mountain, was a valley about seven or
eight miles broad, above which the mountain appeared only as a hill of a
moderate size.

They rested this night at a hut in the second wood, and, on the 30th,
before noon, they had got clear of the first, and found themselves about
nine miles to the north-east of the ships, toward which they directed their
march through the plantations. As they passed along, they did not observe a
single spot of ground that was capable of improvement left unplanted; and
indeed it appeared, from their account, hardly possible for the country to
be cultivated to greater advantage for the purposes of the inhabitants, or
made to yield them a larger supply of necessaries for their subsistence.
They were surprised to meet with several fields of hay; and, on enquiring
to what uses it was applied, were told, it was designed to cover the young
tarrow grounds, in, order to preserve them from being scorched by the sun.
They saw a few scattered huts amongst the plantations, which served for
occasional shelter to the labourers; but no villages at a greater distance
than four or five miles from the sea. Near one of them, about four miles
from the bay, they found a cave, forty fathoms long, three broad, and of
the same height. It was open at both ends; the sides were fluted, as if
wrought with a chisel, and the surface glazed over, probably by the action
of fire.

Having given this account of the most material circumstances that occurred
on the expedition to the snowy mountain, I shall now return to the other
islands that remain to be described.

The island next in size and nearest in situation to Owhyhee, is Mowee,
which lies at the distance of eight leagues N.N.W. from the, former, and is
one hundred and forty geographical miles in circumference. A low isthmus
divides it into two circular peninsulas, of which that to the east is
called Whamadooa, and is double the size of the western peninsula called
Owhyrookoo. The mountains in both rise to an exceeding great height, having
been seen by us at the distance of upward of thirty leagues. The northern
shores, like those of Owhyhee, afford no soundings; and the country
presents the same appearance of verdure and fertility. To the south-east,
between this and the adjacent isles, we had regular depths with a hundred
and fifty fathoms, with a sandy bottom. From the west point, which is low,
runs a shoal, stretching out toward Ranai, to a considerable distance; and
to the southward of this is a fine spacious bay, with a sandy beach, shaded
with cocoa-nut trees. It is probable that good anchorage might be found
here, with shelter from the prevailing winds, and that the beach affords a
convenient place for landing. The country behind presents a most romantic
appearance. The hills rise almost perpendicularly, in a great variety of
peaked forms; and their steep sides, and the deep chasms between them, are
covered with trees, amongst which those of the bread-fruit were observed
particularly to abound. The tops of these hills are entirely bare, and of a
reddish brown colour. We were informed by the natives that there is a
harbour to the southward of the east point, which they affirmed to be
superior to that of Karakakooa; and we were also told, that, on the north-
west side, there was another harbour, called Keepookeepoo.

Tahoorowa is a small island lying off the S.W. part of Mowee, from which it
is distant three leagues. This island is destitute of wood, and the soil
seems to be sandy and barren. Between Tahowrowa and Mowee lies the small
uninhabited island Morrotinnee.

Morotoi is only two leagues and a half from Mowee to the W.N.W. The south-
western coast, which was the only part near which we approached, is very
low, but the land rises backward to a considerable height; and, at the
distance from which we saw it, appeared to be entirely without wood. Its
produce, we are told, consists chiefly of yams. It may, probably, have
fresh water, and on the south and west sides, the coast forms several bays
that promise good shelter from the trade-winds.

Ranai is about three leagues distant from Mowee and Morotoi, and lies to
the S.W. of the passage between these islands. The country to the S. is
high and craggy; but the other parts of the island had a better aspect, and
appeared to be well inhabited. We were told that it produces very few
plantains and bread-fruit trees; but that it abounds in roots, such as
yams, sweet potatoes, and tarrow.

Woahoo lies to the N.W. of Morotoi, at the distance of about seven leagues.
As far as we could judge from the appearance of the N.E. and N.W. parts,
(for we saw nothing of the southern side,) it is by far the finest island
of the whole group. Nothing can exceed the verdure of the hills, the
variety of wood and lawn, and rich cultivated vallies, which the whole face
of the country displayed. Having already given a description of the bay,
formed by the N. and W. extremities, in which we came to an anchor, I have
only to observe, that in the bight of the bay, to the S. of the anchoring-
place, we found rocky foul ground, two miles from the shore. Should the
ground tackling of a ship be weak, and the wind blow strong from the N., to
which quarter the road is entirely open, this circumstance might be
attended with some danger; but with good cables there would be little risk,
as the ground from the anchoring-place, which is opposite to the valley
through which the river runs to the N. point, is a fine sand.

Atooi lies to the N.W. of Woahoo, and is distant from it about twenty-five
leagues. The face of the country to the N.E. and N.W., is broken and
ragged, but to the S. it is more even; the hills rise with a gentle slope
from the seaside, and, at some distance back, are covered with wood. Its
productions are the same with those of the other islands; but the
inhabitants far surpass all the neighbouring islanders in the management of
their plantations. In the low grounds, adjoining to the bay where we lay at
anchor, these plantations were divided by deep and regular ditches; the
fences were made with a neatness approaching to elegance, and the roads
through them were thrown up and finished in a manner that would have done
credit to any European engineer.

Oneeheow lies five leagues to the westward of Atooi. The eastern coast is
high, and rises abruptly from the sea, but the rest of the island consists
of low ground, excepting a round bluff head on the S.E. point. It produces
abundance of yams, and of the sweet root called _Tee_, but we got from
it no other sort of provisions.

Oreehow aad Tahoora are two small islands in the neighbourhood of Oneeheow.
The former is a single high hummock, joined by a reef of coral rocks to the
northern extremity of Oneeheow. The latter lies to the S.W., and is
uninhabited.

The climate of the Sandwich islands differs very little from that of the
West India islands, which lie in the same latitude. Upon the whole,
perhaps, it may be rather more temperate. The thermometer on shore in
Karakakooa Bay, never rose higher than 88 deg., and that but one day; its mean
height at noon was 83 deg.. In Wymoa Bay, its mean height at noon was 76 deg., and
when out at sea 75 deg.. The mean height of the thermometer at noon, in
Jamaica, is about 86 deg., at sea 80 deg..

Whether they be subject to the same violent winds and hurricanes, we could
not discover, as we were not there in, any of the stormy months. However,
as the natives gave us no positive testimony of the fact, and no traces of
their effects were any where visible, it is probable that, in this respect,
they resemble the Society and Friendly islands, which are, in a great
measure, free from these dreadful visitations.

During the four winter months that we remained amongst these islands, there
was more rain, especially in the interior parts, than usually falls during
the dry season in the islands of the West Indies. We generally saw clouds
collecting round the tops of the hills, and producing rain to leeward; but
after they are separated from the land by the wind, they disperse and are
lost, and others succeed in their place. This happened daily at Owhyhee;
the mountainous parts being generally enveloped in a cloud; successive
showers falling in the inland country, with fine weather, and a clear sky
at the sea-shore.

The winds in general were from E.S.E. to N.E.; though they sometimes varied
a few points each way to the N. and S, but these were light, and of short
duration. In the harbour of Karakakooa we had a constant land and sea-
breeze every day and night.

The currents seemed very uncertain, sometimes setting to windward, and at
other times to leeward, without any regularity. They did not appear to be
governed by the winds, nor any other cause that I can assign; they
frequently set to windward against a fresh breeze.

The tides are very regular, flowing and ebbing six hours each. The flood
comes from the eastward; and it is high water, at the full and change of
the moon, forty-five minutes past three, apparent time. Their greatest rise
is two feet seven inches; and we always observed the water to be four
inches higher when the moon was above the horizon, than when it was below.

The quadrupeds in these, as in all the other islands that have been
discovered in the South Sea, are confined to three sorts, dogs, hogs, and
rats. The dogs are of the same species with those of Otaheite, having short
crooked legs, long backs, and pricked ears. I did not observe any variety
in them, except in their skins, some having long and rough hair, and others
being quite smooth. They are about the size of a common turnspit,
exceedingly sluggish in their nature, though perhaps this may be more owing
to the manner in which they are treated, than to any natural disposition in
them. They are in general fed and left to herd with the hogs; and I do not
recollect one instance in which a dog was made a companion in the manner we
do in Europe. Indeed the custom of eating them is an inseparable bar to
their admission into society; and, as there are neither beasts of prey in
the island, nor objects of chase, it is probable that the social qualities
of the dog, its fidelity, attachment, and sagacity, will remain unknown to
the natives.

The number of dogs in these islands did not appear to be nearly equal, in
proportion, to those in Otaheite. But on the other hand, they abound much
more in hogs; and the breed is of a larger and weightier kind. The supply
of provisions of this kind which we got from them was really astonishing.
We were near four months, either cruising off the coast, or in harbour at
Owhyhee. During all this time, a large allowance of fresh pork was
constantly served to both crews, so that our consumption was computed at
about sixty puncheons of five hundred weight each. Besides this, and the
incredible waste which, in the midst of such plenty, was not to be guarded
against, sixty puncheons more were salted for sea-store. The greatest part
of this supply was drawn from the island of Owhyhee alone, and yet we could
not perceive that it was at all drained, or even that the abundance had any
way decreased.

The birds of these islands are as beautiful as any we have seen during the
voyage, and are numerous, though not various. There are four, which seem to
belong to the _trochili_, or honey-suckers of Linnaeus; one of which is
something larger than a bullfinch; its colour is a fine glossy black, the
rump, vent, and thighs, a deep yellow. It is called by the natives
_hoohoo_. Another is of an exceedingly bright scarlet colour; the
wings black, and edged with white, and the tail black; its native name is
_eeeeve_. A third, which seems to be either a young bird, or a variety
of the foregoing, is variegated with red, brown, and yellow. The fourth is
entirely green, with a tinge of yellow, and is called _akaiearooa_.
There is a species of thrush, with a grey breast, and a small bird of the
flycatcher kind; a rail, with very short wings and no tail, which, on that
account, we named _rallus ecaudatus_. Ravens are found here, but they
are very scarce; their colour is dark-brown, inclining to black, and their
note is different from the European. Here are two small birds, both of one
_genus_, that are very common; one is red, and generally seen about
the cocoa-nut trees, particularly when they are in flower, from whence it
seems to derive great part of its subsistence, the other is green; the
tongues of both are long and ciliated, or fringed at the tip. A bird with a
yellow head, which, from the structure of its beak, we called a parroquet,
is likewise very common. It however by no means belongs to that tribe, but
greatly resembles the _lexia flavicans_, or yellowish cross-bill of
Linnaeus.

Here are also owls, plovers of two sorts, one very like the whistling
plover of Europe; a large white pigeon; a bird with a long tail, whose
colour is black, the vent and feathers under the wing (which is much longer
than is usually seen in the generality of birds, except the birds of
paradise) are yellow; and the common water or darker hen.

Their vegetable productions are nearly the same with the rest of the South
Sea islands. I have before mentioned. that the _tarrow_ root is much
superior to any we had before tasted, and that we attributed this
excellence to the dry method of cultivating it. The bread-fruit trees
thrive here, not in such abundance, but produce double the quantity of
fruit they do on the rich plains of Otaheite. The trees are nearly of the
same height, but the branches begin to strike out from the trunk much
lower, and with greater luxuriance. Their sugar-canes are also of a very
unusual size. One of them was brought to us at Atooi, measuring eleven
inches and a quarter in circumference, and having fourteen feet eatable.

At Oneeheow they brought us several large roots of a brown colour, shaped
like a yam, and from six to ten pounds in weight. The juice, which it
yields in great abundance, is very sweet, and of a pleasant taste, and was
found to be an excellent substitute for sugar. The natives are very fond of
it, and use it as an article of their common diet; and our people also
found it very palatable and wholesome. We could not learn to what species
of plant it belonged, having never been able to procure the leaves; but it
was supposed, by our botanists, to be the root of some kind of fern.

Agreeably to the practice of Captain Cook, I shall subjoin an abstract of
the astronomical observations which were made at the observatory in
Karakakooa Bay, for determining its latitude and longitude, and for finding
the rate and error of the time-keeper. To these are subjoined the mean
variation of the compass, the dip of the magnetic needle, and a table of
the latitude and longitude of the Sandwich Islands.


The latitude of the observatory, deduced
  from meridian zenith distances of the
  sun, eleven stars to the south, and four
  stars to the north of the zenith             19 deg. 28' 0" N.
The longitude of the observatory, deduced
  from 253 sets of lunar observations;
  each set consisting of six observed
  distances of the moon from the
  sun or stars; 14 of the above sets were
  only taken at the observatory, 105 sets
  being taken whilst cruising off Owhyhee,
  and 134 sets when at Atooi and
  Oneeheow, all these being reduced to
  the observatory, by means of the timekeeper  204 deg. 0' 0" E.
The longitude of the observatory, by the
  time-keeper, on the 19th January,
  1779, according to its rate, as found
  at Greenwich                                 214 deg. 7' 15' E.
The longitude of the observatory, by the
  time-keeper, on the 19th January,
  1779, according to its rate, corrected
  at different places, and last at Samganoodha
  Harbour, in Oonalaschka                       203 deg. 37' 22" E.
The daily rate of the time-keeper losing
  on mean time, was 9",6; and, on the
  2d February, 1779, it was 14^h 41' 1"
  too slow for mean time.
The variation of the compass, by azimuths,
  observed on shore with four
  different compasses                             8   6   0  E.
The variation of the compass, by azimuths,
  observed on board the Resolution,
  with four different compasses                   7  32   0  E.
Dip of the north        /Balanced needle\        40  22  30  E.
  pole of the magnetic |                 |
  needle on            | Unbalanced, or  |
  shore, with           \ plain needle  /        40  41  15  E.
Dip of the north        /Balanced needle\        41  50   0  E.
  pole of the magnetic |                 |
  needle on            |  Unbalanced     |       40  30   5  E.
  board, with           \   needle      /


_A Table of the Latitude and Longitude of the Sandwich Islands_.

                                  Latitude.   Longitude.
         /The north point         20 deg.   17'   204 deg.    2'
Owhyhee | South point             18    55    204    15
        | East point              19    35    205     6
         \Karakakooa Bay          19    28    204     0
         /East point              20    50    204     4
Mowee   < South point             20    34    203    48
         \West point              20    54    203    24
Morokinnee                        20    39    203    33
Tahoorowa                         20    38    203    27
Kanai. South point                20    46    203     8
Morotoi. West point               21    10    202    46
Woahoo. Anchoring-place.          21    43    202     9
Atooi. Wymoa Bay                  21    57    200    20
Oneeheow. Anchoring-place.        21    50    199    45
Oreehoua                          22     2    199    52
Tahoora                           21    43    199    56


[1] The general account of the Sandwich Islands given by Captain King, has
    been substantially confirmed by subsequent voyagers. Some additional
    particulars, not by any means very important, have resulted from their
    enquiries, from which, of course, it had been easy to have enlarged
    the present and two following sections, by supplementary notes. But no
    good end would be answered by such a practice in the present case, as
    the description in the text is abundantly complete for every important
    purpose, and as it is probable, that, in the course of this work,
    there will occur opportunities of communicating whatever is valuable
    in the narratives of more recent voyagers.--E.

[2] It is to be observed, that, among the windward islands, the _k_ is
    used instead of the _t_, as _Morokoi_ instead of
    _Morotoi_, &c.

[3] _Modoo_ signifies island; _papapa_, flat. This island is
    called _Tammatapappa_ by Captain Cook.

[4] Both the sweet potatoes, and the tarrow, are here planted four feet
    from each other; the former was earthed up almost to the top of the
    stalk, with about half a bushel of light mould; the latter is left
    bare to the root, and the mould round it is made in the form of a
    basin, in order to hold the rain-water, as this root requires a
    certain degree of moisture. It has been before observed, that the
    tarrow, at the Friendly and Society Islands, was always planted in low
    and moist situations, and generally where there was the convenience of
    a rivulet to flood it. It was imagined that this mode of culture was
    absolutely necessary; but we now found, that, with the precaution
    above-mentioned, it succeeds equally well in a drier situation;
    indeed, we all remarked, that the tarrow of the Sandwich Islands is
    the best we had ever tasted. The plantains are not admitted in these
    plantations: but grow amongst the bread-fruit trees.




SECTION VII.


General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued.--Of the Inhabitants.--
Their Origin.--Persons.--Pernicious Effects of the Ava.--Numbers.--
Disposition and Manners.--Reasons for supposing them not Cannibals.--Dress
and Ornaments.--Villages and Houses.--Food.--Occupations and Amusements.--
Addicted to Gaming.--Their extraordinary Dexterity in Swimming.--Arts and
Manufactures.--Curious Specimens of their Sculpture.--Kipparee, or Method
of Painting Cloth.--Mats.--Fishing Hooks.--Cordage.--Salt Pans.--Warlike
Instruments.


The inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands are undoubtedly of the same race
with those of New Zealand, the Society and Friendly Islands, Easter Island,
and the Marquesas; a race that possesses, without any intermixture, all the
known lands between the latitudes of 47 deg. S. and 20 deg. N., and between the
longitudes of 184 deg. and 260 deg. E. This fact, which, extraordinary as it is,
might be thought sufficiently proved by the striking similarity of their
manners and customs, and the general resemblance of their persons, is
established, beyond all controversy, by the absolute identity of their
language.

From what continent they originally emigrated, and by what steps they have
spread through so vast a space, those who are curious in disquisitions of
this nature, may perhaps not find it very difficult to conjecture. It has
been already observed, that they bear strong marks of affinity to some of
the Indian tribes that inhabit the Ladrones and Caroline islands; and the
same affinity may again be traced amongst the Battas and Malays. When these
events happened, is not so easy to ascertain; it was probably not very
lately, as they are extremely populous, and have no tradition of their own
origin, but what is perfectly fabulous; whilst, on the other hand, the
unadulterated state of their general language, and the similarity which
still prevails in their customs and manners, seem to indicate that it could
not have been at any very distant period.[5]

The natives of these islands are in general above the middle size, and well
made; they walk very gracefully, run nimbly, and are capable of bearing
great fatigue; though, upon the whole, the men are somewhat inferior, in
point of strength and activity, to the Friendly islanders, and the women
less delicately limbed than those of Otaheite. Their complexion is rather
darker than that of the Otaheitans, and they are not altogether so handsome
a people. However, many of both sexes had fine open countenances, and the
women, in particular, had good eyes and teeth, and a sweetness and
sensibility of look, which rendered them very engaging. Their hair is of a
brownish black, and neither uniformly straight, like that of the Indians of
America, nor uniformly curling, as amongst the African negroes, but varying
in this respect like the hair of Europeans. One striking peculiarity in the
features of every part of this great nation, I do not remember to have seen
any where mentioned; which is, that even in the handsomest faces, there is
always a fulness of the nostrils, without any flatness or spreading of the
nose, that distinguishes them from Europeans. It is not improbable that
this may be the effect of their usual mode of salutation, which is
performed by pressing the ends of their noses together.

The same superiority that is observable in the persons of the _Erees_,
through all the other islands, is found also here. Those whom we saw were,
without exception, perfectly well formed; whereas the lower sort, besides
their general inferiority, are subject to all the variety of make and
figure that is seen in the populace of other countries. Instances of
deformity are more frequent here than in any of the other islands. Whilst
we were cruising off Owhyhee, two dwarfs came on board, one an old man,
four feet two inches high, but exactly proportioned, and the other a woman,
nearly of the same height. We afterward saw three natives who were hump-
backed, and a young man born without hands or feet. Squinting is also very
common amongst them; and a man who, they said, had been born blind, was
brought to us to be cured. Besides these particular imperfections, they
are, in general, very subject to boils and ulcers, which we attributed to
the great quantity of salt they eat with their flesh and fish. The _Erees_
are very free from these complaints, but many of them suffer still more
dreadful effects from the immoderate use of the _ava_. Those who were the
most affected by it, had their bodies covered with a white scurf, their
eyes red and inflamed, their limbs emaciated, the whole frame trembling and
paralytic, accompanied with a disability to raise the head. Though this
drug does not appear universally to shorten life, as was evident from the
cases of Terreeoboo, Kaoo, and some other chiefs, who were very old men,
yet it invariably brings on an early and decrepid old age. It is fortunate
that the use of it is made one of the peculiar privileges of the chiefs.
The young son of Terreeoboo, who was about twelve years old, used to boast
of his being admitted to drink _ava_, and shewed us, with great triumph, a
small spot in his side that was growing scaly.

There is something very singular in the history of this pernicious drug.
When Captain Cook first visited the Society Islands, it was very little
known among them. On his second voyage, he found the use of it very
prevalent at Ulietea, but it had still gained very little ground at
Otaheite. When we were last there, the dreadful havoc it had made was
beyond belief, insomuch, that the captain scarce knew many of his old
acquaintances. At the Friendly Islands, it is also constantly drunk by the
chiefs, but so much diluted with water, that it does not appear to produce
any bad effects. At Atooi, also, it is used with great moderation, and the
chiefs are, in consequence, a much finer set of men there than in any of
the neighbouring islands. We remarked, that, by discontinuing the use of
this root, the noxious effects of it soon wore off. Our good friends,
Kaireekeea and old Kaoo, were persuaded by us to refrain from it, and they
recovered amazingly during the short time we afterward remained in the
island.

It may be thought extremely difficult to form any probable conjectures
respecting the population of islands, with many parts of which we are but
imperfectly acquainted. There are, however, two circumstances that take
away much of this objection; the first is, that the interior parts of the
country are entirely uninhabited; so that, if the number of the inhabitants
along the coast be known, the whole will be pretty accurately determined.
The other is, that there are no towns of any considerable size; the
habitations of the natives being pretty equally dispersed in small villages
round all their coasts. It is on this ground that I shall venture at a
rough calculation of the number of persons in this group of islands.

The bay of Karakakooa, in Owhyhee, is three miles in extent, and contains
four villages of about eighty houses each, upon an average, in all three
hundred and twenty; besides a number of straggling houses, which may make
the whole amount to three hundred and fifty. From the frequent
opportunities I had of informing myself on this head, I am convinced that
six persons to a house is a very moderate allowance; so that, on this
calculation, the country about the bay contains two thousand one hundred
souls. To these may be added fifty families, or three hundred persons,
which I conceive to be nearly the number employed in the interior parts of
the country amongst their plantations, making in all two thousand four
hundred. If, therefore, this number be applied to the whole extent of the
coast round the island, deducting a quarter for the uninhabited parts, it
will be found to contain one hundred and fifty thousand. By the same mode
of calculation, the rest of the islands will be found to contain the
following numbers:--


Owhyhee                     150,000
Mowee                        65,400
Woahoo                       60,200
Atooi                        54,000
Moroloi                      36,000
Oneeheow                     10,000
Ranai                        20,400
Preehoua                      4,000

      Total of inhabitants  400,000


I am pretty confident, that in this calculation I have not exceeded the
truth in the total amount. If we compare the numbers supposed to be in
Owhyhee, with the population of Otaheite, as settled by Dr. Forster, this
computation will be found very low. The proportion of coast in the latter
island is to that of Owhyhee, only as one to three; the number of
inhabitants at Otaheite he states to be one hundred and twenty-one thousand
five hundred; though, according to his own principles, it should be double
that amount. Again, if we compare it with the medium population of the
countries in Europe, the proportion will be in favour of the latter nearly
as two to one.[6]

Notwithstanding the irreparable loss we suffered from the sudden resentment
and violence of these people, yet, in justice to their general conduct, it
must be acknowledged, that they are of the most mild and affectionate
disposition; equally remote from the extreme levity and fickleness of the
Otaheitans, and the distant gravity and reserve of the inhabitants of the
Friendly Islands. They appear to live in the utmost harmony and friendship
with one another. The women, who had children, were remarkable for their
tender and constant attention to them; and the men would often lend their
assistance in those domestic offices, with a willingness that does credit
to their feelings.

It must however be observed, that they fall very short of the other
islanders, in that best test of civilization, the respect paid to the
women. Here they are not only deprived of the privilege of eating with the
men, but the best sorts of food are _tabooed_, or forbidden them. They are
not allowed to eat pork, turtle, several kinds of fish, and some species of
the plantains; and we were told that a poor girl got a terrible beating for
having eaten, on board our ship, one of these interdicted articles. In
their domestic life, they appear to live almost entirely by themselves, and
though we did not observe any instances of personal ill treatment, yet it
was evident they had little regard or attention paid them.

The great hospitality and kindness with which we were received by them,
have been already frequently remarked; and indeed they make the principal
part of our transactions with them. Whenever we came on shore, there was a
constant struggle who should be most forward in making us little presents,
bringing refreshments, or shewing some other mark of their respect. The old
people never failed of receiving us with tears of joy; seemed highly
gratified with being allowed to touch us, and were constantly making
comparisons between themselves and us, with the strongest marks of
humility. The young women were not less kind and engaging, and till they
found, notwithstanding our utmost endeavours to prevent it, that they had
reason to repent of our acquaintance, attached themselves to us without the
least reserve.

In justice however to the sex, it must be observed, that these ladies were
probably all of the lower class of the people; for I am strongly inclined
to believe, that excepting the few whose names are mentioned in the course
of our narrative, we did not see any woman of rank during our stay amongst
them.

Their natural capacity seems, in no respect, below the common standard of
mankind. Their improvements in agriculture, and the perfection of their
manufactures, are certainly adequate to the circumstances of their
situation, and the natural advantages they enjoy. The eager curiosity with
which they attended the armourer's forge, and the many expedients they had
invented, even before we left the islands, for working the iron they had
procured from us, into such forms as were best adapted to their purposes,
were strong proofs of docility and ingenuity.

Our unfortunate friend, Kaneena, possessed a degree of judicious curiosity,
and a quickness of conception, which was rarely met with amongst these
people. He was very inquisitive after our customs and manners, asked after
our king, the nature of our government, our numbers, the method of building
our ships, our houses, the produce of our country, whether we had wars,
with whom, and on what occasions, and in what manner they were carried on,
who was our God, and many other questions of the same nature, which
indicated an understanding of great comprehension.

We met with two instances of persons disordered in their minds; the one a
man at Owhyhee, the other a woman at Oneeheow. It appeared, from the
particular attention and respect paid to them, that the opinion of
their being inspired by the Divinity, which obtains among most of the
nations of the east, is also received here.

Though the custom of eating the bodies of their enemies be not known, by
positive evidence, to exist in any of the South Sea islands, except New
Zealand, yet it is extremely probable, that it was originally prevalent in
them all. The sacrificing human victims, which seems evidently to be a
relic of this horrid practice, still obtains universally amongst these
islanders; and it is easy to conceive, why the New Zealanders should retain
the repast, which was probably the last act of these shocking rites, longer
than the rest of their, tribe, who were situated in more mild and fruitful
climates. As the inhabitants of the Sandwich islands certainly bear a
nearer resemblance to those of New Zealand, both in their persons and
disposition, than to any other people of this family, so it was strongly
suspected by Mr. Anderson, that, like them, they still continue to feast on
human flesh. The evidence on which he founds this opinion, has been stated
very fully in the tenth section of the third chapter; but, as I always
entertained great doubts of the justice of his conclusions, it may not be
improper to take this occasion of mentioning the grounds on which I venture
to differ from him. With respect to the information derived from the
natives themselves, I shall only observe, that great pains were taken, by
almost every officer on board, to come at the knowledge of so curious a
circumstance; and that except in the two instances mentioned by Mr.
Anderson, we found them invariably denying the existence of any such custom
amongst them. It must be allowed, that Mr. Anderson's knowledge of their
language, which was superior to that of any other person in either ship,
ought certainly to give his opinion great weight; at the same time, I must
beg leave to remark, that being present when he examined the man who had
the small piece of salted flesh wrapped in cloth, it struck me very
forcibly, that the signs he made use of meant nothing more, than that it
was intended to be eat, and that it was very pleasant or wholesome to the
stomach. In this opinion I was confirmed, by a circumstance which came to
our knowledge, after the death of my worthy and ingenious friend, viz. that
almost every native of these islands carried about with him, either in his
calibash, or wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and tied about his waist, a
small piece of raw pork, pork, highly salted, which they considered as a
great delicacy, and used now and then to taste of. With respect to the
confusion the young lad was in, (for he was not more than sixteen or
eighteen years of age,) no one could have been surprised at it, who had
seen the eager and earnest manner in which Mr. Anderson questioned him.

The argument drawn from the instrument made with sharks' teeth, and which
is nearly of the same form with those used at New Zealand for cutting up
the bodies of their enemies, is much more difficult to controvert. I
believe it to be an undoubted fact, that this knife, if it may be so
called, is never used by them in cutting the flesh of other animals.
However, as the custom of offering human sacrifices, and of burning the
bodies of the slain, is still prevalent here, it is not improbable that the
use of this instrument is retained in those ceremonies. Upon the whole, I
am strongly inclined to think, and particularly from this last
circumstance, that the horrid practice in question, has but lately ceased
amongst these and other islands of the South Sea. Omai, when pressed on
this subject, confessed that in the rage and fury of revenge, they would
sometimes tear the flesh of their enemies that were slain with their teeth;
but positively denied that they ever eat it. This was certainly approaching
as near the fact as could be; but, on the other hand, the denial is a
strong proof that the practice has actually ceased; since in New Zealand,
where it still exists, the inhabitants neyer made the smallest scruple of
confessing it.[7]

The inhabitants of these islands differ from those of the Friendly Isles,
in suffering, almost universally, their beards to grow. There were indeed a
few, amongst whom was the old king, that cut it off entirely; and others
that wore it only upon the upper lip. The same variety, in the manner of
wearing the hair, is also observable here, as among the other islanders of
the South Sea; besides which, as far as we know, they have a fashion
peculiar to themselves. They cut it close on each side the head, down to
the ears, leaving a ridge of about a small hand's breadth, running from the
forehead to the neck; which, when the hair is thick and curling, has the
form of the crest of the ancient helmet. Others wear large quantities of
false hair, flowing down their backs in long ringlets, like the figure of
the inhabitants of Horn Island, as seen in Dalrymple's Voyages; and others,
again, tie it into a single round bunch on the top of the head, almost as
large as the head itself, and some into five or six distinct bunches. They
daub their hair with a grey clay, mixed with powdered shells, which they
keep in balls, and chew into a kind of soft paste, when they have occasion
to make use of it. This keeps the hair smooth, and in time changes it to a
pale yellow colour.

Both sexes wear necklaces, made of strings of small variegated shells; and
an ornament, in the form of the handle of a cup, about two inches long, and
half an inch broad, made of wood, stone, or ivory, finely polished, which
is hung about the neck by fine threads of twisted hair, doubled sometimes
an hundred fold. Instead of this ornament, some of them wear on their
breast a small human figure made of bone, suspended in the same manner.

The fan, or fly-flap, is also an ornament used by both sexes. The most
ordinary kind are made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, tied loose in
bunches to the top of a smooth polished handle. The tail-feathers of the
cock, and of the tropic-bird, are also used in the same manner; but the
most valuable are those which have the handle made of the arm or leg bones
of an enemy slain in battle, and which are preserved with great care, and
handed down from father to son, as trophies of inestimable value.

The custom of _tattowing_ the body, they have in common with the rest of
the natives of the South Sea islands; but it is only at New Zealand and the
Sandwich Islands, that they _tattow_ the face. There is also this
difference between the two last, that in the former it is done in elegant
spiral volutes, and in the latter in straight lines, crossing each, other
at right angles. The hands and arms of the women are also very neatly
marked, and they have a singular custom amongst them, the meaning of which
we could never learn, that of _tallowing_ the tip of the tongues of the
females.

From some information we received, relative to the custom of _tattowing_,
we were inclined to think, that it is frequently intended as a sign of
mourning on the death of a chief, or any other calamitous event. For we
were often, told, that such a particular mark was in memory of such a
chief, and so of the rest. It may be here too observed, that the lowest
class are often _tattowed_ with a mark, that distinguishes them as the
property of the several chiefs to whom they belong.[8]

The dress of the men generally consists only of a piece of thick cloth
called the _maro_, about ten or twelve inches broad, which they pass
between the legs, and tie round the waist. This is the common dress of all
ranks of people. Their mats, some of which are beautifully manufactured,
are of various sizes, but mostly about five feet long and four broad. These
they throw over their shoulders, and bring forward before; but they are
seldom used, except in time of war, for which purpose they seem better
adapted than for ordinary use, being of a thick and cumbersome texture, and
capable of breaking the blow of a stone, or any blunt weapon. Their feet
are generally bare, except when they have occasion to travel over the burnt
stones, when they secure them with a sort of sandal, made of cords, twisted
from the fibres of the cocoa-nut. Such is the ordinary dress of these
islanders; but they have another, appropriated to their chiefs, and used on
ceremonious occasions, consisting of a feathered cloak and helmet, which,
in point of beauty and magnificence, is perhaps nearly equal to that of any
nation in the world. As this dress has been already described with great
accuracy and minuteness, I have only to add, that these cloaks are made of
different lengths, in proportion to the rank of the wearer, some of them
reaching no lower than the middle, others trailing on the ground. The
inferior chiefs have also a short cloak, resembling the former, made of the
long tail-feathers of the cock, the tropic and man-of-war birds, with a
broad border of the small red and yellow feathers, and a collar of the
same. Others again are made of feathers entirely white, with variegated
borders. The helmet has a strong lining of wicker-work, capable of breaking
the blow of any warlike instrument, and seems evidently designed for that
purpose.

These feathered dresses seemed to be exceedingly scarce, appropriated to
persons of the highest rank, and worn by the men only. During the whole
time we lay in Karakakooa Bay, we never saw them used but on three
occasions; in the curious ceremony of Terreeoboo's first visit to the
ships; by some chiefs, who were seen among the crowd on shore when Captain
Cook was killed, and afterward when Eappo brought his bones to us.

The exact resemblance between this habit, and the cloak and helmet formerly
worn by the Spaniards, was too striking not to excite our curiosity to
enquire, whether there were any probable grounds for supposing it to have
been borrowed from them. After exerting every means in our power of
obtaining information on this subject, we found that they had no immediate
knowledge of any other nation whatever, nor any tradition remaining among
them of these islands having been ever visited before by such ships as
ours. But, notwithstanding the result of these enquiries, the uncommon form
of this habit appears to me a sufficient proof of its European origin,
especially when added to another circumstance, that it is a singular
deviation from the general resemblance in dress, which prevails amongst all
the branches of this tribe, dispersed through the South Sea. We were driven
indeed, by this conclusion, to a supposition of the shipwreck of some
Buccaneer, or Spanish ship, in the neighbourhood of these islands. But when
it is recollected, that the course of the Spanish trade from Acapulco to
the Manillas is but a few degrees to the southward of the Sandwich Islands
in their passage out, and to the northward on their return, this
supposition will not appear in the least improbable.[9]

The common dress of the women bears a close resemblance to that of the men.
They wrap round the waist a piece of cloth, that reaches half way down the
thighs; and sometimes in the cool of the evening they appeared with loose
pieces of fine cloth, thrown over their shoulders, like the women of
Otaheite. The _pau_ is another dress very frequently worn by the younger
part of the sex. It is made of the thinnest and finest sort of cloth, wrapt
several times round the waist, and descending to the leg, so as to have
exactly the appearance of a full short petticoat. The hair is cut short
behind, and turned up before, as is the fashion among the Otaheiteans and
New Zealanders; all of whom differ, in this respect, from the women of the
Friendly Islands, who wear their hair long. We saw, indeed, one woman in
Karakakooa Bay, Whose hair was arranged in a very singular manner; it was
turned up behind, and brought over the forehead, and then doubled back, so
as to form a sort of a shade to the face, like a small bonnet.

Their necklaces are made of shells, or of a hard shining red berry. Besides
which, they wear wreaths of dried flowers of the Indian mallow; and another
beautiful ornament called _eraie_, which is generally put about the neck,
but is sometimes tied like a garland round the hair, and sometimes worn in
both these ways at once. It is a ruff, of the thickness of a finger, made
in a curious manner, of exceedingly small feathers, woven so close together
as to form a surface as smooth as that of the richest velvet. The ground
was generally of a red colour, with alternate circles of green, yellow, and
black. Their bracelets, which were also of great variety, and very peculiar
kinds, have been already described.

At Atooi, some of the women wore little figures of the turtle, neatly
formed of wood or ivory, tied on their fingers in the manner we wear rings.
Why this animal is thus particularly distinguished, I leave to the
conjectures of the curious. There is also an ornament, made of shells,
fastened in rows on a ground of strong netting, so as to strike each other
when in motion; which both men and women, when they dance, tie either round
the arm or the ankle, or below the knee. Instead of shells, they sometimes
make use of dog's teeth, and a hard red berry, resembling that of the
holly.

There remains to be mentioned another ornament (if such it may be called),
which is a kind of mask, made of a large gourd, with holes cut in it for
the eyes and nose. The top was stuck full of small green twigs, which, at a
distance, had the appearance of an elegant waving plume; and from the lower
part hung narrow stripes of cloth, resembling a beard. We never saw these
masks worn but twice, and both times by a number of people together in a
canoe, who came to the side of the ship, laughing and drolling, with an air
of masquerading. Whether they may not likewise be used as a defence for the
head against stones, for which, they seem best designed; or in some of
their public games; or be merely intended for the purposes of mummery, we
could never inform ourselves.

It has already been remarked, in a few instances, that the natives of the
Sandwich Islands approach nearer to the New Zealanders in their manners and
customs, than to either of their less distant neighbours of the Society or
Friendly Islands. This is in nothing more observable than in their method
of living together in small towns or villages, containing from about one
hundred to two hundred houses, built pretty close together, without any
order, and having a winding path leading through them. They are generally
flanked, toward the sea, with loose detached walls, which, probably, are
meant both for the purposes of shelter and defence. The figure of their
houses has been already described. They are of different sizes, from
eighteen feet by twelve, to forty-five by twenty-four. There are some of a
larger kind, being fifty feet long and thirty broad, and quite open at one
end. These, they told us, were designed for travellers or strangers, who
were only making a short stay.

In addition to the furniture of their houses, which has been accurately
described by Captain Cook, I have only to add, that at one end are mats on
which they sleep, with wooden pillows, or sleeping stools, exactly like
those of the Chinese. Some of the better sort of houses have a courtyard
before them, neatly railed in, with smaller houses built round it, for
their servants. In this _area_ they generally eat, and sit during the day-
time. In the sides of the hills, and among the steep rocks, we also
observed several holes or caves, which appeared to be inhabited; but as the
entrance was defended with wicker-work, and we also found, in the only one
that was visited, a stone-fence running across it within, we imagine they
are principally designed for places of retreat, in case of an attack from
an enemy.

The food of the lower class of people consists principally of fish and
vegetables, such as yams, sweet-potatoes, tarrow, plantains, sugar-canes,
and bread-fruit. To these the people of a higher rank add the flesh of hogs
and dogs, dressed in the same manner as at the Society Islands. They also
eat fowls of the same domestic kind with ours; but they are neither
plentiful nor much esteemed by them. It is remarked by Captain Cook, that
the bread-fruit and yams appeared scarce amongst them, and were reckoned
great rarities. We found this not to be the case on our second visit; and
it is therefore most probable, that, as these vegetables were generally
planted in the interior parts of the country, the natives had not had time
to bring them down to us during the short stay we made at Wymoa Bay. Their
fish, they salt, and preserve in gourd-shells; not, as we at first
imagined, for the purpose of providing against any temporary scarcity, but
from the preference they give to salted meats. For we also found, that the
_Erees_ used to pickle pieces of pork in the same manner, and esteemed it a
great delicacy.

Their cookery is exactly of the same sort with that already described in
the accounts that have been published of the other South Sea islands; and
though Captain Cook complains of the sourness of their tarrow puddings,
yet, in justice to the many excellent meals they afforded us in Karakakooa
Bay, I must be permitted to rescue them from this general censure, and to
declare, that I never eat better even in the Friendly Islands. It is
however remarkable, that they had not got the art of preserving the bread-
fruit, and making the sour paste of it called _Maihee_, as at the Society
Islands; and it was some satisfaction to as, in return for their great
kindness and hospitality, to have it in our power to teach them this useful
secret. They are exceedingly cleanly at their meals; and their mode of
dressing both their animal and vegetable food was universally allowed to be
greatly superior to ours. The chiefs constantly begin their meal with a
dose of the extract of pepper-root, brewed after the usual manner. The
women eat apart from the men, and are _tabooed_, or forbidden, as has been
already mentioned, the use of pork, turtle, and particular kinds of
plantains. However, they would eat pork with us in private; but we could
never prevail upon them to touch the two last articles.

The way of spending their time appears to be very simple, and to admit of
little variety. They rise with the sun; and, after enjoying the cool of the
evening, retire to rest a few hours after sun-set. The making of canoes and
mats forms the occupations of the _Erees_; the women are employed in
manufacturing cloth; and the _Towtows_ are principally engaged in the
plantations and fishing. Their idle hours are filled up with various
amusements. Their young men and women are fond of dancing; and on more
solemn occasions, they have boxing and wrestling matches, after the manner
of the Friendly Islands; though, in all these respects, they are much
inferior to the latter.

Their dances have a much nearer resemblance to those of the New Zealanders
than of the Otaheiteans or Friendly Islanders. They are prefaced with a
slow, solemn song, in which all the party join, moving their legs, and
gently striking their breasts, in a manner, and with attitudes, that are
perfectly easy and graceful; and so far they are the same with the dancers
of the other Society Islands. When this has lasted about ten minutes, both
the tune and motions gradually quicken, and end only by their inability to
support the fatigue; which part of the performance is the exact counterpart
of that of the New Zealanders; and (as it is among them) the person who
uses the most violent action, and holds out the longest, is applauded as
the best dancer. It is to be observed, that, in this dance, the women only
take a part; and that the dancing of the men is nearly of the same kind
with what we saw of the small parties at the Friendly Islands; and which
may, perhaps, with more propriety, be called the accompaniment of songs,
with corresponding and graceful motions of the whole body. Yet, as we were
spectators of boxing exhibitions, of the same kind with those we were
entertained with at the Friendly Islands, it is probable that they had
likewise their grand ceremonious dances, in which numbers of both sexes
assisted.

Their music is also of a ruder kind, having neither flutes nor reeds, nor
instruments of any other sort, that we saw, except drums of various sizes.
But their songs, which they sung in parts,[10] and accompany with a gentle
motion of the arms, in the same manner as the Friendly Islanders, had a
very pleasing effect.

It is very remarkable that the people of these islands are great gamblers.
They have a game very much like our draughts; but if one may judge from the
number of squares, it is much more intricate. The board is about two feet
long, and is divided into two hundred and thirty-eight squares, of which
there are fourteen in a row; and they make use of black and white pebbles,
which they move from square to square.

There is another game, which consists in hiding a stone under a piece of
cloth, which one of the parties spreads out, and rumples in such a manner
that the place where the stone lies is difficult to be distinguished. The
antagonist, with a stick, then strikes the part of the cloth where he
imagines the stone to be; and as the chances are, upon the whole,
considerably against his hitting it, odds, of all degrees, varying with the
opinion of the skill of the parties, are laid on the side of him who hides.

Besides these games, they frequently amuse themselves with racing matches
between the boys and girls; and here, again, they wager with great spirit.
I saw a man in a most violent rage, tearing his hair, and beating his
breast, after losing three hatchets at one of these races, which he had
just before purchased from us with half his substance.

Swimming is not only a necessary art, in which both their men and women are
more expert than any people we had hitherto seen, but a favourite diversion
amongst them. One particular mode, in which they sometimes amused
themselves with this exercise, in Karakakooa Bay, appeared to us most
perilous and extraordinary, and well deserving a distinct relation.

The surf, which breaks on the coast round the bay, extends to the distance
of about one hundred and fifty yards from the shore, within which space the
surges of the sea, accumulating from the shallowness of the water, are
dashed against the beach with prodigious violence. Whenever, from stormy
weather, or any extraordinary swell at sea, the impetuosity of the surf is
increased to its utmost height, they choose that time for this amusement,
which is performed in the following manner: Twenty or thirty of the
natives, taking each a long narrow board, rounded at the ends, set out
together from the shore. The first wave they meet they plunge under, and,
suffering it to roll over them, rise again beyond it, and make the best of
their way, by swimming out into the sea. The second wave is encountered in
the same manner with the first; the great difficulty consisting in seizing
the proper moment of diving under it, which, if missed, the person is
caught by the surf, and driven back again with great violence; and all his
dexterity is then required to prevent himself from being dashed against the
rocks. As soon as they have gained, by these repeated efforts, the smooth
water beyond the surf, they lay themselves at length on their board, and
prepare themselves for their return. As the surf consists of a number of
waves, of which every third is remarked to be always much larger than the
others, and to flow higher on the shore, the rest breaking in the
intermediate space, their first object is to place themselves on the summit
of the largest surge, by which they are driven along with amazing rapidity
toward the shore. If, by mistake, they should place themselves on one of
the smaller waves, which breaks before they reach the land, or should not
be able to keep their plank in a proper direction on the top of the swell,
they are left exposed to the fury of the next, and, to avoid it, are
obliged again to dive, and regain the place from which they set out. Those
who succeed in their object of reaching the shore, have still the greatest
danger to encounter. The coast being guarded by a chain of rocks, with here
and there a small opening between them, they are obliged to steer their
board through one of these, or, in case of failure, to quit it before they
reach the rocks, and, plunging under the wave, make the best of their way
back again. This is reckoned very disgraceful, and is also attended with
the loss of the board, which I have often seen, with great terror, dashed
to pieces, at the very moment the islander quitted it. The boldness and
address with which we saw them perform these difficult and dangerous
manoeuvres, were altogether astonishing, and is scarcely to be
credited.[11]

An accident, of which I was a near spectator, shews at how early a period
they are so far familiarized to the water, as both to lose all fears of it,
and to set its dangers at defiance. A canoe being overset, in which was a
woman with her children, one of them an infant, who, I am convinced, was
not more than four years old, seemed highly delighted with what had
happened, swimming about at its ease, and playing a hundred tricks, till
the canoe was put to rights again.

Besides the amusements I have already mentioned, the young children have
one, which was much played at, and shewed no small degree of dexterity.
They take a short stick, with a peg sharpened at both ends, running through
one extremity of it, and extending about an inch on each side; and throwing
up a ball, made of green leaves, moulded together, and secured with twine,
they catch it on the point of the peg; and immediately throwing it up again
from the peg, they turn the stick round, and thus keep catching it on each
peg alternately, without missing it, for a considerable time. They are not
less expert at another game of the same nature, tossing up in the air, and
catching, in their turns, a number of these balls; so that we frequently
saw little children thus keep in motion five at a time. With this latter
play the young people likewise divert themselves at the Friendly Islands.

The great resemblance which prevails in the mode of agriculture and
navigation, amongst all the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, leaves me
very little to add on those heads. Captain Cook has already described the
figure of the canoes we saw at Atooi. Those of the other islands were
precisely the same; and the largest we saw was a double canoe, belonging to
Terreeoboo, which measured seventy feet in length, three and a half in
depth, and twelve in breadth; and each was hollowed out of one tree.

The progress they have made in sculpture, their skill in painting cloth,
and their manufacturing of mats, have been all particularly described. The
most curious specimens of the former, which we saw during our second visit,
are the bowls in which the chiefs drink _ava_. These are usually about
eight or ten inches in diameter, perfectly round, and beautifully polished.
They are supported by three, and sometimes four small human figures, in
various attitudes. Some of them rest on the hands of their supporters,
extended over the head; others on the head and hands; and some on the
shoulders. The figures, I am told, are accurately proportioned, and neatly
finished, and even the anatomy of the muscles, in supporting the weight,
well expressed.

Their cloth is made of the same materials, and in the same manner, as at
the Friendly and Society Islands. That which is designed to be painted, is
of a thick and strong texture, several folds being beat and incorporated
together; after which it is cut in breadths, about two or three feet wide,
and is painted in a variety of patterns, with a comprehensiveness and
regularity of design that bespeaks infinite taste and fancy. The exactness
with which the most intricate patterns are continued is the more
surprising, when we consider that they have no stamps, and that the whole
is done by the eye, with pieces of bamboo-cane dipped in paint; the hand
being supported by another piece of the cane, in the manner practised by
our painters. Their colours are extracted from the same berries, and other
vegetable substances, as at Otaheite, which have been already described by
former voyagers.

The business of painting belongs entirely to the women, and is called
_kipparee_; and it is remarkable that they always gave the same name to our
writing. The young women would often take the pen out of our hands, and
shew us that they knew the use of it as well as we did; at the same time
telling us that our pens were not so good as theirs. They looked upon a
sheet of written paper as a piece of cloth striped after the fashion of our
country; and it was not without the utmost difficulty that we could make
them understand that our figures had a meaning in them which theirs had
not.

Their mats are made of the leaves of the _pandanus_; and, as well as their
cloths, are beautifully worked in a variety of patterns, and stained of
different colours. Some have a ground of pale green, spotted with squares
or rhomboids of red; others are of a straw colour, spotted with green; and
others are worked with beautiful stripes, either in straight or waving
lines of red and brown. In this article of manufacture, whether we regard
the strength, fineness, or beauty, they certainly excel the whole world.

Their fishing-hooks are made of mother-of-pearl, bone, or wood, pointed and
barbed with small bones or tortoise-shell. They are of various sizes and
forms, but the most common are about two or three inches long, and made in
the shape of a small fish, which serves as a bait, having a bunch of
feathers tied to the head or tail. Those with which they fish for sharks
are of a very large size, being generally six or eight inches long.
Considering the materials of which these hooks were made, their strength
and neatness are really astonishing; and, in fact, we found them, upon
trial, much superior to our own.

The line which they use for fishing, for making nets, and for other
domestic purposes is of different degrees of fineness, and is made of the
bark of the _touta_, or cloth-tree; neatly and evenly twisted, in the same
manner as our common twine; and may be continued to any length. They have a
finer sort, made of the bark of a small shrub, called _areemah_; and the
finest is made of human hair; but this last is chiefly used for things of
ornament. They also make cordage of a stronger kind, for the rigging of
their canoes, from the fibrous coatings of the cocoa-nuts. Some of this we
purchased for our own use, and found it well adapted to the smaller kinds
of the running rigging. They likewise make another sort of cordage, which
is flat, and exceedingly strong, and used principally in lashing the
roofing of their houses, or whatever they wish to fasten tight together.
This last is not twisted like the former sorts, but is made of the fibrous
strings of the cocoa-nut's coat, plaited with the fingers, in the manner
our sailors make their points for the reefing of sails.

The gourds, which grow to so enormous a size, that some of them are capable
of containing from ten to twelve gallons, are applied to all manner of
domestic purposes; and in order to fit them the better to their respective
uses, they have the ingenuity to give them different forms, by tying
bandages round them during their growth. Thus some of them are of a long
cylindrical form, as best adapted to contain their fishing-tackle; others
are of a dish form, and these serve to hold their salt and salted
provisions, their puddings, vegetables, &c. which two sorts have neat close
covers, made likewise of the gourd; others, again, are exactly in the shape
of a bottle with a long neck, and in these they keep their water. They have
likewise a method of scoring them with a heated instrument, so as to give
them the appearance of being painted in a variety of neat and elegant
designs.

Amongst their arts, we must not forget that of making salt, with which we
were amply supplied during our stay at these islands, and which was
perfectly good of its kind. Their salt-pans are made of earth, lined with
clay; being generally six or eight feet square, and about eight inches
deep. They are raised upon a bank of stones near to high-water mark, from
whence the salt-water is conducted to the foot of them in small trenches,
out of which they are filled, and the sun quickly performs the necessary
process of evaporation. The salt we procured at Atooi and Oneeheow, on our
first visit, was of a brown and dirty sort; but that which we afterward got
in Karakakooa Bay was white, and of a most excellent quality, and in great
abundance. Besides the quantity we used in salting pork, we filled all our
empty casks, amounting to sixteen puncheons, in the Resolution only.

Their instruments of war are spears, daggers, called _pahooas_, clubs, and
slings. The spears are of two sorts, and made of a hard solid wood, which
has much the appearance of mahogany. One sort is from six to eight feet in
length, finely polished, and gradually increasing in thickness from the
extremity till within about half a foot of the point, which tapers
suddenly, and is furnished with four or six rows of barbs. It is not
improbable that these might be used in the way of darts. The other sort,
with which we saw the warriors at Owhyhee and Atooi mostly armed, are
twelve or fifteen feet long, and, instead of being barbed, terminate toward
the point like their daggers.

The dagger, or _pahooa_, is made of heavy black wood, resembling ebony. Its
length is from one to two feet, with a string passing through the handle,
for the purpose of suspending it to the arm.

The clubs are made indifferently of several sorts of wood. They are of rude
workmanship, and of a variety of shapes and sizes.

The slings have nothing singular about them; and in no respect differ from
our common slings, except that the stone is lodged on a piece of matting
instead of leather.


[5] The nice and highly interesting subject now adverted to, it is evident,
    will require a very extensive and cautious enquiry, and cannot
    possibly be discussed in the small compass allotted to notes. See
    Forster's Observations. But additional information has been obtained
    since the time of that author.--E.

[6] There is good reason to imagine that most of the early voyagers into
    the South Sea, have exaggerated the numbers of the inhabitants in the
    various groups of islands they met with. The present calculation, most
    readers will believe, is beyond the truth. Certain however it is, that
    almost all the recent accounts are at variance with such astonishing
    estimates as were formerly made. But, on the other hand, Mr.
    Pinkerton's assertion, that "it is probable there are not above
    300,000 souls in all Australasia and Polynesia," (Geog. 3d ed. 2d vol.
    p. 172,) must appear so extraordinary when considered in opposition to
    them, as at once to convey the notion of a bold adventure. Yet even
    this admits of some degree of probability, from the account formerly
    given, of the immense decrease in the population of Otaheite.
    Altogether the subject is imperfectly understood, and labours under
    peculiar difficulties; we ought to listen with some hesitation,
    therefore, to all assertions respecting it.--E.

[7] We have elsewhere had occasion to take notice of the fact of human
    sacrifices and cannibalism, forming an essential particular in the
    history of all the South Sea islanders. It is unnecessary to occupy a
    moment's attention in farther enquiry respecting it, as perhaps no
    question, in the circle of philosophical research, has received more
    complete solution by the testimony of credible witnesses. He that
    shall attempt to controvert their evidence, will have need of all the
    effrontery and invincibility to truth that ever stamped the forehead
    or hardened the heart of a polemist.--E.

[8] Here, then, we have two reasons for the practice of tattowing, in
    addition to those which we enumerated in the account of Cook's first
    voyage, provided only that Captain King's information can he relied
    on. The first of these, it may be remarked, is so extremely similar to
    the practice of wounding or cutting the body for the dead, which has
    prevailed so extensively, that we can have no difficulty in allowing
    the full force of the observation. But, with respect to the second,
    one may incline to demur, on the ground of the improbability that such
    a state of servitude as it implies, could exist in so apparently
    primitive a condition of society. This, however, is not difficult of
    explanation, as the reader will find in the following section, from
    which one may safely infer, that the government of the Sandwich
    islands is by no means one which requires for its exhibition, the
    innocence, the liberty, and equality of the golden age. Some
    conclusion may hence be drawn as to the probable origin and antiquity
    of these islanders. But it is obvious that we are far from possessing
    sufficient data to enable us to enter satisfactorily on the discussion
    of the topic.--E.

[9] Mr Playfair in his Geography, vol. vi. p. 839, asserts, that the
    Sandwich islands were first discovered by Gaetano, a Spanish
    navigator, in 1542; but he does not assign his authority, or give any
    clue for which the position may be verified. The fact is certainly
    probable, as Captain King seems to admit; and supposing it so, we can
    easily conceive that the distance of time from the period of the
    discovery above stated, would be quite sufficient to account for the
    natives having no tradition of such a visit. Even a much shorter
    period would be adequate for the total loss of almost any event in the
    current history of a people, who had no other method of preserving it
    than the impression it made on the senses, and to whom there was no
    excitement to impress it on the memories of succeeding generations,
    arising from the importance of the circumstances connected with it.
    The possession of iron, indeed, supposing it traced to this source,
    may be alleged too valuable, to have admitted such total forgetfulness
    of the event which occasioned it. But this difficulty readily resolves
    into a general remark, that even in more fortunate situations, the
    authors and occasions of many discoveries and inventions are soon lost
    sight of, in the more interesting experience of the utility that
    commends them. Men, in fact, are always much more anxious to avail
    themselves of the advantages which genius or accident has presented to
    their notice, than careful to testify gratitude by ascertaining and
    perpetuating the original sources to which they have been indebted. A
    case, not indeed quite parallel, instantly occurs to recollection. How
    few persons are there in this island, who have the smallest
    conception, to whom it is they are indebted for the introduction of
    that valuable vegetable the potatoe? The incident, no doubt, is
    recorded in the history of our country. But is there one in a thousand
    to whom the article is so familiar, that knows whence it came; or is
    it conceivable, that, without such a record, any individual of the
    present generation would have doubted for a moment that it was
    indigenous to Britain? We might multiply such examples almost without
    end. But the reader may like better to amuse himself with an enquiry
    into the extent of common ignorance and indifference.--E.

[10] As this circumstance, of their _singing in parts_, has been much
    doubted by persons eminently skilled in music, and would be
    exceedingly curious if it were clearly ascertained, it is to be
    lamented that it cannot be more positively authenticated.

    Captain Burney, and Captain Phillips, of the marines, who both have a
    tolerable knowledge of music, have given it as their opinion, that
    they did sing in parts; that is to say, that they sung together in
    different notes, which formed a pleasing harmony.

    These gentlemen have fully testified, that the Friendly Islanders
    undoubtedly studied their performances before they were exhibited in
    public; that they had an idea of different notes being useful in
    harmony; and also, that they rehearsed their compositions in private,
    and threw out the inferior voices, before they ventured to appear
    before those who were supposed to be judges of their skill in music.

    In their regular concerts each man had a bamboo, which was of a
    different length and gave a different tone; these they beat against
    the ground, and each performer, assisted by the note given by this
    instrument, repeated the same note, accompanying it by words, by which
    means it was rendered sometimes short and sometimes long. In this
    manner they sing in chorus, and not only produced octaves to each
    other, according to their different species of voice, but fell on
    concords, such as were not disagreeable to the ear.

    Now, to overturn this fact, by the reasoning of persons who did not
    hear these performances, is rather an arduous task. And yet there is
    great improbability, that any uncivilized people should, by accident,
    arrive at this degree of perfection in the art of music, which, we
    imagine, can only be attained by dint of study, and knowledge of the
    system and theory upon which musical composition is founded. Such
    miserable jargon as our country psalm-singers practise, which may be
    justly deemed the lowest class of counterpoint, or singing in several
    parts, cannot be acquired, in the coarse manner in which it is
    performed in the churches, without considerable time and practice. It
    is therefore scarcely credible, that a people, semi-barbarous, should
    naturally arrive at any perfection in that art, which it is much
    doubted, whether the Greeks and Romans, with all their refinements in
    music, ever attained, and which the Chinese, who have been longer
    civilized than any people on the globe, have not yet found out.

    If Captain Burney (who, by the testimony of his father, perhaps the
    greatest musical theorist of this or any other age, was able to have
    done it) had written down, in European notes, the concords that these
    people sing; and if these concords had been such as European ears
    could tolerate, there would have been no longer doubt of the fact;
    but, as it is, it would, in my opinion, be a rash judgment to venture
    to affirm, that they did or did not understand counterpoint; and
    therefore I fear that this curious matter must be considered as still
    remaining undecided.

[11] An amusement somewhat similar to this, at Otaheite, has been elsewhere
    described.




SECTION VIII.


General Account of the Sandwich Islands, continued.--Government.--People
divided into three Classes,--Power of Erreetaboo.--Genealogy of the Kings
of Owhyhee and Mowee.--Power of the Chiefs.--State of the inferior Class.
--Punishment of Crimes.--Religion.--Society of Priests.--The Orono.--Their
Idols.--Songs chanted by the Chiefs, before they drink Ava.--Human
Sacrifices.--Custom of knocking out the fore Teeth.--Notions with regard to
a future State.--Marriages.--Remarkable Instance of Jealousy.--Funeral
Rites.


The people of these islands are manifestly divided into three classes. The
first are the _Erees_, or chiefs, of each district, one of which is
superior to the rest, and is called at Owhyhee _Eree-taboo_, and _Eree-
moee_. By the first of these words they express his absolute authority; and
by the latter, that all are obliged to prostrate themselves (or put
themselves to sleep, as the word signifies) in his presence. The second
class are those who appear to enjoy a right of property without authority.
The third are the _towtows_, or servants, who have neither rank nor
property.

It is not possible to give any thing like a systematical account of the
subordination of these classes to each other, without departing from that
strict veracity, which, in works of this nature, is more satisfactory than
conjectures, however ingenious. I will, therefore, content myself with
relating such facts as we were witnesses to ourselves, and such accounts as
we thought could be depended upon; and shall leave the reader to form from
them his own ideas of the nature of their government.

The great power and high rank of Terreeoboo, the _Eree-taboo_ of Owhyhee,
was very evident, from the manner in which he was received at Karakakooa,
on his first arrival. All the natives were seen prostrated at the entrance
of their houses; and the canoes, for two days before, were _tabooed_, or
forbidden to go out, till he took off the restraint. He was at this time
just returned from Mowee, for the possession of which he was contending in
favour of his son Teewarro, who had married the daughter and only child of
the late king of that island, against Tabeeterree, his surviving brother.
He was attended, in this expedition, by many of his warriors; but whether
their service was voluntary, or the condition on which they hold their rank
and property, we could not learn.

That he collects tribute from the subordinate chiefs, we had a very
striking proof in the instance of Kaoo, which has been already related in
our transactions of the 2d and 3d of February.

I have before mentioned, that the two most powerful chiefs of these
islands, are, Terreeoboo of Owhyhee, and Perreeorannee of Wohahoo; the rest
of the smaller isles being subject to one or other of these; Mowee, and its
dependencies, being at this time claimed, as we have just observed, by
Terreeoboo, for Teewarro, his son and intended successor; Atooi and
Oneeheow being governed by the grandsons of Perreorannee.

The following genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee kings, which I collected
from the priests, during our residence at the _morai_, in Karakakooa Bay,
contains all the information I could procure relative to the political
history of these islands.

This account reaches to four chiefs, predecessors of the present; all of
whom they represent to have lived to an old age. Their names and
successions are as follows:

First, Poorahoo Awhykaia was king of Owhyhee, and had an only son called
Neerooagooa. At this time Mowee was governed by Mokoakea, who had also an
only son, named Papikaneeou.

Secondly, Neerooagooa had three sons, the eldest named Kahavee; and
Papikaneeou, of the Mowee race, had an only son, named Kaowreeka.

Thirdly, Kahavee had an only son, Kayenewee a mummow; and Kaowreeka, the
Mowee king, had two sons, Maiha-maiha, and Taheeterree; the latter of whom
is now, by one party, acknowledged chief of Mowee.

Fourthly, Kayenewee a mummow had two sons, Terreeoboo and Kaihooa; and
Maiha-maiha, king of Mowee, had no son, but left a daughter called Roaho.

Fifthly, Terreeoboo, the present king of Owhyhee, had a son, named
Teewarro, by Rora-rora, the widow of Maiha-maiha, late king of Mowee; and
this son has married Roaho, his half-sister, in whose right he claims Mowee
and its appendages.

Taheeterree, the brother of the late king, supported by a considerable
party, who were not willing that the possessions should go into another
family, took up arms, and opposed the rights of his niece.

When we were first off Mowee, Terreeoboo was there with his warriors, to
support the claims of his wife, his son, and daughter-in-law, and had
fought a battle with the opposite party, in which Taheeterree was worsted.
We afterwards understood that matters had been compromised, and that
Taheeterree is to have the possession of the three neighbouring islands
during his life; that Teewarro is acknowledged the chief of Mowee, and will
also succeed to the kingdom of Owhyhee on the death of Terreeoboo; and also
to the sovereignty of the three Islands contiguous to Mowee, on the death
of Taheeterree. Teewarro has been lately married to his half-sister, and,
should he die without issue, the government of these islands descends to
Maiha-maiha, whom we have often had occasion to mention, he being the son
of Kaihooa, the deceased brother of Terreeoboo. Should he also die without
issue, they could not tell who would succeed; for the two youngest sons of
Terreeoboo, one of whom he appears to be exceedingly fond of, being born of
a woman of no rank, would, from this circumstance, be debarred all right of
succession. We had not an opportunity of seeing queen Rora-rora, whom
Terreeoboo had left behind at Mowee; but we have already had occasion to
take notice, that he was accompanied by Kanee-kabareea, the mother of the
two youths, to whom he was much attached.

From this account of the genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee monarchs, it is
pretty clear that the government is hereditary; which also makes it very
probable, that the inferior titles, and property itself, descend in the
same course. With regard to Perreeorannee, we could only learn that he is
an _Ere-taboo_; that he was invading the possession of Taheeterree, but on
what pretence we were not informed; and that his grandsons governed the
islands to leeward.

The power of the _Erees_ over the inferior classes of people appears to be
very absolute. Many instances of this occurred daily during our stay
amongst them, and have been already related. The people, on the other hand,
pay them the most implicit obedience; and this state of servility has
manifestly had a great effect in debasing both their minds and bodies. It
is, however, remarkable, that the chiefs were never guilty, as far at least
as came within my knowledge, of any acts of cruelty or injustice, or even
of insolent behaviour toward them; though, at the same time, they exercised
their power over one another in the most haughty and oppressive manner. Of
this I shall give two instances. A chief of the lower order had behaved
with great civility to the master of the ship, when he went to examine
Karakakooa Bay, the day before the ship first arrived there; and, in
return, I afterward carried him on board, and introduced him to Captain
Cook, who invited him to dine with us. While we were at table, Pareea
entered, whose face but too plainly manifested his indignation at seeing
our guest in so honourable a situation. He immediately seized him by the
hair of the head, and was proceeding to drag him out of the cabin, when the
captain interfered, and, after a great deal of altercation, all the
indulgence we could obtain, without coming to a quarrel with Pareea, was,
that our guest should be suffered to remain, being seated upon the floor,
whilst Pareea filled his place at the table. At another time, when
Terreeoboo first came on board the Resolution, Maiha-maiha, who attended
him, finding Pareea on deck, turned him out of the ship in the most
ignominious manner; and yet Pareea we certainly knew to be a man of the
first consequence.

How far the property of the lower class is secured against the rapacity and
despotism of the great chiefs, I cannot say, but it should seem that it is
sufficiently protected against private theft, or mutual depredation; for
not only their plantations, which are spread over the whole country, but
also their houses, their hogs, and their cloth, were left unguarded,
without the smallest apprehensions. I have already remarked, that they not
only separate their possessions by walls in the plain country, but that, in
the woods likewise, wherever the horse-plantains grow, they make use of
small white flags, in the same manner, and for the same purpose of
discriminating property, as they do bunches of leaves at Otaheite. All
which circumstances, if they do not amount to proofs, are strong
indications that the power of the chiefs, where property is concerned, is
not arbitrary, but at least so far circumscribed and ascertained, as to
make it worth the while for the inferior orders to cultivate the soil, and
to occupy their possessions distinct from each other.

With respect to the administration of justice, all the information we could
collect was very imperfect and confined. Whenever any of the lowest class
of people had a quarrel amongst themselves, the matter in dispute was
referred to the decision of some chief, probably the chief of the district,
or the person to whom they appertained. If an inferior chief had given
cause of offence to one of a higher rank, the feelings of the latter at the
moment seemed the only measure of his punishment. If he had the good
fortune to escape the first transports of his superior's rage, he generally
found means, through the mediation of some third person, to compound for
his crime by a part or the whole of his property and effects. These were
the only facts that came to our knowledge on this head.

The religion of these people resembles, in most of its principal features,
that of the Society and Friendly Islands. Their _morais_, their _whattas_,
their idols, their sacrifices, and their sacred songs, all of which they
have in common with each other, are convincing proofs that their religious
notions are derived from the same source. In the length and number of their
ceremonies, this branch indeed far exceeds the rest; and though in all
these countries there is a certain class of men, to whose care the
performance of their religious rites is committed, yet we never met with a
regular society of priests, till we discovered the cloisters of Kakooa in
Karakakooa Bay. The head of this order was called _Orono_; a title which we
imagined to imply something highly sacred, and which, in the person of
Omeeah, was honoured almost to adoration. It is probable, that the
privilege of entering into this order (at least as to the principal offices
in it) is limited to certain families. Omeeah, the _Orono_, was the son of
Kaoo, and the uncle of Kaireekeea, which last presided, during the absence
of his grandfather, in all religious ceremonies at the _morai_. It was also
remarked, that the child of Omeeah, an only son, about five years old, was
never suffered to appear without a number of attendants, and such other
marks of care and solicitude as we saw no other like instance of. This
seemed to indicate that his life was an object of the greatest moment, and
that he was destined to succeed to the high rank of his father.

It has been mentioned, that the title of _Orono_, with all its honours, was
given to Captain Cook; and it is also certain that they regarded us
generally as a race of people superior to themselves, and used often to say
that great _Eatoua_ dwelled in our country. The little image, which we have
before described as the favourite idol on the _morai_ in Karakakooa Bay,
they call _Koonooraekaiee_, and said it was Terreeoboo's god, and that he
also resided amongst us.

There are found an infinite variety of these images both on the _morais_,
and within and without their houses, to which they give different names;
but it soon became obvious to us in how little estimation they were held,
from their frequent expressions of contempt of them, and from their even
offering them to sale for trifles. At the same time there seldom failed to
be some one particular figure in favour, to which, whilst this preference
lasted, all their adoration was addressed. This consisted in arraying it in
red cloth, beating their drums, and singing hymns before it, laying bunches
of red feathers, and different sorts of vegetables, at its feet, and
exposing a pig or a dog to rot on the _whatta_, that stood near it.

In a bay to the southward of Karakakooa, a party of our gentlemen were
conducted to a large house, in which they found the black figure of a man,
resting on his fingers and toes, with his head inclined backward, the limbs
well formed, and exactly proportioned, and the whole beautifully polished.
This figure the natives call _Maee_; and round it were placed thirteen
others of rude and distorted shapes, which they said were the _Eatooas_ of
several deceased chiefs, whose names they recounted. The place was full of
_whattas_, on which lay the remains of their offerings. They likewise give
a place in their houses to many ludicrous and some obscene idols, like the
Priapus of the ancients.

It hath been remarked by former voyagers, that, both among the Society and
Friendly Islanders, an adoration is paid to particular birds; and I am led
to believe that the same custom prevails here; and that, probably, the
raven is the object of it, from seeing two of these birds tame at the
village of Kakooa, which they told me were _Eatooas_; and, refusing every
thing I offered for them, cautioned me, at the same time, not to hurt or
offend them.

Amongst their religious ceremonies may be reckoned the prayers and
offerings made by the priests before their meals. Whilst the _ava_ is
chewing, of which they always drink before they begin their repast, the
person of the highest rank takes the lead in a sort of hymn, in which he is
presently joined by one, two, or more of the company; the rest moving their
bodies, and striking their hands gently together, in concert with the
singers. When the _ava_ is ready, cups of it are handed about to those who
did not join in the song, which they keep in their hands till it is ended;
when, uniting in one loud response, they drink off their cup. The
performers of the hymn are then served with _ava_, who drink it after a
repetition of the same ceremony; and if there be present one of a very
superior rank, a cup is, last of all, presented to him, which, after
chanting some time alone, and being answered by the rest, and pouring a
little out on the ground, he drinks off. A piece of the flesh that is
dressed is next cut off, without any selection of the part of the animal,
which, together with some of the vegetables, being deposited at the foot of
the image of the _Eatooa_, and a hymn chanted, their meal commences. A
ceremony of much the same kind is also performed by the chiefs, whenever
they drink _ava_ between their meals.

Human sacrifices are more frequent here, according to the account of the
natives themselves, than in any other islands we visited. These horrid
rites are not only had recourse to upon the commencement of war, and
preceding great battles and other signal enterprises, but the death of any
considerable chief calls for a sacrifice of one or more _Towtows_,
according to his rank; and we were told, that ten men were destined to
suffer on the death of Terreeoboo. What may, if any thing possibly can,
lessen, in some small degree, the horror of this practice is, that the
unhappy victims have not the most distant intimation of their fate. Those
who are fixed upon to fall, are set upon with clubs wherever they happen to
be, and, after being dispatched, are brought dead to the place, where the
remainder of the rites are completed. The reader will here call to his
remembrance the skulls of the captives that had been sacrificed at the
death of some great chief, and which were fixed on the rails round the top
of the _morai_ at Kakooa. We got a farther piece of intelligence upon this
subject at the village of Kowrowa; where, on our enquiring into the use of
a small piece of ground, inclosed with a stone-fence, we were told that it
was an _Here-eere_, or burying-ground of a chief; and there, added our
informer, pointing to one of the corners, lie the _tangata_ and _waheene
taboo_, or the man and woman who were sacrificed at his funeral.

To this class of their customs may also be referred that of knocking out
their fore-teeth. Scarce any of the lower people, and very few of the
chiefs, were seen, who had not lost one or more of them; and we always
understood that this voluntary punishment, like the cutting off the joints
of the finger at the Friendly Islands, was not inflicted on themselves from
the violence of grief on the death of their friends, but was designed as a
propitiatory sacrifice to the _Eatooa_, to avert any danger or mischief to
which they might be exposed.

We were able to learn but little of their notions with regard to a future
state. Whenever we asked them whither the dead were gone? we were always
answered, that the breath, which they appeared to consider as the soul, or
immortal part, was gone to the _Eatooa_; and, on pushing our enquiries
farther, they seemed to describe some particular place, where they imagined
the abode of the deceased to be; but we could not perceive that they
thought, in this state, either rewards or punishments awaited them.

Having promised the reader an explanation of what was meant by the word
_taboo_, I shall, in this place, lay before him the particular instances
that fell under our observation of its application and effects. On our
enquiring into the reasons of the interdiction of all intercourse between
us and the natives, the day preceding the arrival of Terreeoboo, we were
told that the bay was _tabooed_. The same restriction took place, at our
request, the day we interred the bones of Captain Cook. In these two
instances the natives paid the most implicit and scrupulous obedience, but
whether on any religious principle, or merely in deference to the civil
authority of their chiefs, I cannot determine. When the ground near our
observatories, and the place where our masts lay, were _tabooed_, by
sticking small wands round them, this operated in a manner not less
efficacious. But though this mode of consecration was performed by the
priests only, yet still, as the men ventured to come within the space, when
invited by us, it should seem that they were under no religious
apprehensions, and that their obedience was limited to our refusal only.
The women could, by no means, be induced to come near us; but this was
probably on account of the _morai_ adjoining, which they are prohibited, at
all times, and in all the islands of those seas, from approaching. Mention
hath been already made, that women are always _tabooed_, or forbidden to
eat certain kind of meats. We also frequently saw several at their meals,
who had the meat put into their mouths by others; and, on our asking the
reason of this singularity, were told that they were _tabooed_, or
forbidden to feed themselves. This prohibition, we understood, was always
laid on them after they had assisted at any funeral, or touched a dead
body, and also on other occasions. It is necessary to observe, that on
these occasions they apply the word _taboo_ indifferently both to persons
and things. Thus they say, the natives were _tabooed_, or the bay was
_tabooed_, and so of the rest. This word is also used to express any thing
sacred, or eminent, or devoted. Thus the king of Owhyhee was called _Eree-
taboo_, a human victim _tangata-taboo_; and, in the same manner, among the
Friendly Islanders, Tonga, the island where the king resides, is named
_Tonga-taboo_.

Concerning their marriages, I can afford the reader little farther
satisfaction than informing him, that such a relation or compact exists
amongst them. I have already had occasion to mention, that at the time
Terreeoboo had left his queen Rora-rora at Mowee, he was attended by
another woman, by whom he had children, and to whom he was very much
attached; but how far polygamy, properly speaking, is allowed, or how far
it is mixed with concubinage, either with respect to the king, the chiefs,
or among the inferior orders, too few facts came to our knowledge to
justify any conclusions. It hath also been observed, that, except
Kaneekabareea, and the wife of the Orono, with three women whom I shall
have occasion hereafter to mention, we never saw any female of high rank.
From what I had an opportunity of observing of the domestic concerns of the
lowest class, the house seemed to be under the direction of one man and
woman, and the children in the like state of subordination as in civilized
countries.

It will not be improper, in this place, to take notice, that we were eye-
witnesses of a fact, which, as it was the only instance we saw of any thing
like jealousy among them, shews, at the same time, that not only fidelity,
but a degree of reserve, is required from the married women of consequence.
At one of the entertainments of boxing, Omeeah was observed to rise from
his place two or three times, and to go up to his wife with strong marks of
displeasure, ordering her, as it appeared to us from his manner, to
withdraw. Whether it was, that being very handsome, he thought she drew too
much of our attention, or without being able to determine what other reason
he might have for his conduct, it is but justice to say, that there existed
no real cause of jealousy. However, she kept her place, and when the
entertainment was over, joined our party, and, soliciting some trifling
presents, was given to understand that we had none about us, but that if
she would accompany us toward our tent, she should return with such as she
liked best. She was accordingly walking along with us, which Omeeah
observing, followed in a violent rage, and seizing her by the hair, began
to inflict, with his fists, a severe corporeal punishment. This sight,
especially as we had innocently been the cause of it, gave us much concern;
and yet we were told, that it would be highly improper to interfere between
man and wife of such high rank. We were, however, not left without the
consolation of seeing the natives at last interpose, and had the farther
satisfaction of meeting them together the next day, in perfect good humour
with each other; and, what is still more singular, the lady would not
suffer us to remonstrate with her husband on his treatment of her, which we
were much inclined to do, and plainly told us, that he had done no more
than he ought.

Whilst I was ashore at the observatory at Karakakooa Bay, I had twice an
opportunity of seeing a considerable part of their funeral rites.
Intelligence was brought me of the death of an old chief in a house near
our observatories, soon after the event happened. On going to the place, I
found a number of people assembled, and seated round a square area,
fronting the house in which the deceased lay, whilst a man, in a red-
feathered cap, advanced from an interior part of the house to the door,
and, putting out his head, at almost every moment uttered a most lamentable
howl, accompanied with the most singular grimaces and violent distortions
of his face that can be conceived. After this had passed a short time, a
large mat was spread upon the area, and two men and thirteen women came out
of the house, and sate themselves down upon it, in three equal rows; the
two men and three of the women being in front. The necks and hands of the
women were decorated with, feathered ruffs; and broad green leaves,
curiously scolloped, were spread over their shoulders. At one corner of
this _area_, near a small hut, were half a dozen boys, waving small white
banners, and the tufted wands, or _taboo_ sticks which, have been often
mentioned, who would not permit us to approach them. This led me to imagine
that the dead body might be deposited in this little hut; but I afterwards
understood, that it was in the house where the man in the red cap opened
the rites, by playing his tricks at the door. The company just mentioned
being seated on the mat, began to sing a melancholy tune, accompanied with
a slow and gentle motion of the body and arms. When this had continued some
time, they raised themselves on their knees, and, in a posture between
kneeling and sitting, began by degrees to move their arms and their bodies
with great rapidity, the tune always keeping pace with their motions. As
these last exertions were too violent to continue long, they resumed, at
intervals, their slower movements; and, after this performance had lasted
an hour, more mats were brought and spread upon the area, and four or five
elderly women, amongst whom I was told was the dead chief's wife, advanced
slowly out of the house, and seating themselves in the front of the first
company, began to cry and wail most bitterly; the women in the three rows
behind joining them, whilst the two men inclined their heads over them in a
very melancholy and pensive attitude. At this period of the rites, I was
obliged to leave them to attend at the observatory; but returning within
half an hour, found them in the same situation. I continued with them till
late in the evening, and left them proceeding, with little variation, as
just described; resolving, however, to attend early in the morning, to see
the remainder of the ceremony. On my arrival at the house, as soon as it
was day, I found, to my mortification, the crowd dispersed, and every thing
quiet; and was given to understand, that the corpse was removed; nor could
I learn in what manner it was disposed of. I was interrupted in making
farther enquiries for this purpose, by the approach of three women of rank,
who, whilst their attendants stood near them with their fly-flaps, sat down
by us, and, entering into conversation, soon made me comprehend that our
presence was a hindrance to the performance of some necessary rites. I had
hardly got out of sight, before I heard their cries and lamentations; and
meeting them a few hours afterward, I found they had painted the lower part
of their faces perfectly black.

The other opportunity I had of observing these ceremonies, was in the case
of an ordinary person; when, on hearing some mournful female cries issue
from a miserable-looking hut, I ventured into it, and found an old woman
with her daughter, weeping over the body of an elderly man, who had but
just expired, being still warm. The first step they took was to cover the
body with cloth, after which, lying down by it, they drew the cloth over
themselves, and then began a mournful kind of song, frequently repeating,
_Aweh medooah! Aweh tanee!_ Oh my father! Oh my husband! A younger daughter
was also at the same time lying prostrate, in a corner of the house,
covered over with black cloth, repeating the same words. On leaving this
melancholy scene, I found at the door a number of their neighbours
collected together, and listening to their cries with profound silence. I
was resolved not to miss this opportunity of seeing in what manner they
dispose of the body; and, therefore, after satisfying myself before I went
to bed that it was not then removed, I gave orders that the sentries should
walk backward and forward before the house, and, in case they suspected any
measures were taking for the removal of the body, to give me immediate
notice. However, the sentries had not kept a good look-out, for in the
morning I found the body was gone. On enquiring what they had done with it,
they pointed toward the sea; indicating most probably thereby, that it had
been committed to the deep, or perhaps that it had been carried beyond the
bay, to some burying-ground in another part of the country. The chiefs are
interred in the _morais_, or _He-ree-erees_, with the men sacrificed on the
occasion, by the side of them; and we observed that the _morai_, where the
chief had been buried, who, as I have already mentioned, was killed in the
cave after so stout a resistance, was hung round with red cloth.




CHAPTER VI.


TRANSACTIONS DURING THE SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF
KAMTSCHATKA; AND ON THE RETURN HOME BY THE WAY OF CANTON AND THE CAPE OF
GOOD HOPE.




SECTION I.


Departure from Oneeheow--Fruitless Attempt to discover Modoopapappa.--
Course steered for Awatska Bay.--Occurrences during that Passage.--Sudden
Change from Heat to Cold.--Distress occasioned by the leaking of the
Resolution.--View of the Coast of Kamtschatka.--Extreme Rigour of the
Climate.--Lose Sight of the Discovery.--The Resolution enters the Bay of
Awatska.--Prospect of the Town of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.--Party sent
ashore.--Their Reception by the Commanding-Officer of the Port.--Message
dispatched to the Commander at Bolcheretsk.--Arrival of the
Discovery.--Return of the Messengers from the Commander.--Extraordinary
Mode of Travelling.--Visit from a Merchant and a German Servant belonging
to the Commander.


On the 15th of March, at seven in the morning, we weighed anchor, and
passing to the north of Tahoora, stood on to the south-west, in hopes of
falling in with the island of Modoopapappa, which, we were told by the
natives, lay in that direction, about five hours sail from Tahoora. At four
in the afternoon, we were overtaken by a stout canoe, with ten men, who
were going from Oneeheow to Tahoora, to kill tropic and man-of-war birds,
with which that place was said to abound. It has been mentioned before,
that the feathers of these birds are in great request, being much used in
making their cloaks and other ornamental parts of their dress.

At eight, having seen nothing of the island, we hauled the wind to the
northward till midnight, and then tacked, and stood on a wind to the south-
east till day-light next morning, at which time Tahoora bore E.N.E., five
or six leagues distant. We afterward steered W.S.W, and made the
Discovery's signal to spread four miles upon our starboard-beam. At noon
our latitude was 21 deg. 27', and our longitude 198 deg. 42'; and having stood on
till five, in the same direction, we made the Discovery's signal to come
under our stern, and gave over all hopes of seeing Modoopapappa. We
conceived that it might probably lie in a more southerly direction from
Tahoora, than that in which we had steered; though, after all, it is
possible that we might have passed it in the night, as the islanders
described it to be very small, and almost even with the surface of the sea.

The next day we steered west; it being Captain Clerke's intention to keep
as near as possible in the same parallel of latitude, till we should make
the longitude of Awatska Bay, and afterward to steer due north for the
harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul in that bay, which was also appointed
for our rendezvous in case of separation. This track was chosen on account
of its being, as far as we knew, unexplored; and we were not without hopes
of falling in with some new island on our passage.

We had scarcely seen a bird since our losing sight of Tahoora, till the
18th in the afternoon, when, being in the latitude of 21 deg. 12', and the
longitude of 194 deg. 45', the appearance of a great many boobies, and some
man-of-war birds, made us keep a sharp look-out for land. Toward evening
the wind lessened, and the north-east swell, which, on the 16th and 17th,
had been so heavy as to make the ships labour exceedingly, was much abated.
The next day we saw no appearance of land; and at noon, we steered a point
more to the southward, viz. W. by S., in the hopes of finding the trade-
winds, (which blew almost invariably from the E. by N.,) fresher as we
advanced within the tropic. It is somewhat singular that, though we saw no
birds in the forenoon, yet toward evening we had again a number of boobies
and man-of-war birds about us. This seemed to indicate that we had passed
the land from whence the former flights had come, and that we were
approaching some other low island.[12]

The wind continued very moderate, with fine weather, till the 23d, when it
freshened from the N.E. by E., and increased to a strong gale, which split
some of our old sails, and made the running rigging very frequently give
way. This gale lasted twelve hours; it then became more moderate, and
continued so till the 25th at noon, when we entirely lost it, and had only
a very light air.

On the 26th, in the morning, we thought we saw land to the W.S.W.; but,
after running about sixteen leagues in that direction, we found our
mistake; and night coming on, we again steered W. Our latitude, at this
time, was 19 deg. 45', which was the greatest southing we made in this run; our
longitude was 183 deg., and variation 12 deg. 45' E. We continued in this course,
with little alteration in the wind, till the 29th, when it shifted to the
S.E. and S.S.E., and, for a few hours in the night, it was in the W.; the
weather being dark and cloudy, with much rain. We had met, for some days
past, several turtles, one of which was the smallest I ever saw, not
exceeding three inches in length. We were also accompanied by man-of-war
birds, and boobies of an unusual kind, being quite white, except the tip of
the wing, which was black, and easily mistaken, at first sight, for
gannets.

The light winds which we had met with for some time past, with the present
unsettled state of the weather, and the little appearance of any change for
the better, induced Captain Clerke to alter his plan of keeping within the
tropical latitudes; and accordingly, at six this evening, we began to steer
N.W. by N., at which time our latitude was 20 deg. 23', and our longitude 180 deg.
40'. During the continuance of the light winds, which prevailed almost
constantly ever since our departure from the Sandwich Islands, the weather
was very close, and the air hot and sultry; the thermometer being generally
at 80 deg., and sometimes at 83 deg.. All this time we had a considerable swell
from the N.E.; and in no period of the voyage did the ships roll and strain
so violently.

In the morning of the 1st of April, the wind changed from the S.E. to the
N.E. by E., and blew a fresh breeze till the morning of the 4th, when it
altered two points more to the E., and by noon increased to a strong gale,
which lasted till the afternoon of the 5th, attended with hazy weather. It
then again altered its direction to the S.E., became more moderate, and was
accompanied by heavy showers of rain. During all this time, we kept
steering to the N.W. against a slow, but regular current from that quarter,
which caused a constant variation from our reckoning by the log, of fifteen
miles a day. On the 4th, being then in the latitude 26 deg. 17', and longitude
173 deg. 30', we passed prodigious quantities of what sailors call Portuguese
men-of-war (_holothuria physalis_), and were also accompanied with a great
number of sea-birds, amongst which we observed, for the first time, the
albatross and sheerwater.

On the 6th, at noon, we lost the trade-wind, and were suddenly taken aback,
with the wind from the N.N.W. At this time our latitude was 29 deg. 50', and
our longitude 170 deg. l'. As the old running ropes were constantly breaking in
the late gales, we reeved what new ones we had left, and made such other
preparations as were necessary for the very different climate with which we
were now shortly to encounter. The fine weather we met with between the
tropics had not been idly spent. The carpenters found sufficient employment
in repairing the boats. The best bower-cable had been so much damaged by
the foul ground in Karakakooa Bay, and whilst we were at anchor off
Oneeheow, that we were obliged to cut forty fathoms from it; in converting
of which, with other old cordage into spunyarn, and applying it to
different uses, a considerable part of the people were kept constantly
employed by the boatswain. The airing of sails and other stores, which,
from the leakiness of the decks and sides of the ships, were perpetually
subject to be wet, had now become a frequent as well as a laborious and
troublesome part of our duty.

Besides these cares, which had regard only to the ships themselves, there
were others, which had for their object the preservation of the health of
the crews, that furnished a constant occupation to a great number of our
hands. The standing orders, established by Captain Cook, of airing the
bedding, placing fires between deck, washing them with vinegar, and smoking
them with gunpowder, were observed without any intermission. For some time
past, even the operation of mending the sailors' old jackets had risen into
a duty both of difficulty and importance. It may be necessary to inform
those who are unacquainted with the disposition and habits of seamen, that
they are so accustomed in ships of war to be directed in the care of
themselves by their officers, that they lose the very idea of foresight,
and contract the thoughtlessness of infants. I am sure, that if our people
had been left to their own discretion alone, we should have had the whole
crew naked, before the voyage had been half finished. It was natural to
expect, that their experience, during our voyage to the north last year,
would have made them sensible of the necessity of paying some attention to
these matters; but if such reflections ever occurred to them, their
impression was so transitory, that upon our return to the tropical
climates, their fur-jackets, and the rest of their cold country clothes,
were kicked about the decks as things of no value; though it was generally
known in both ships, that we were to make another voyage toward the Pole.
They were of course picked up by the officers; and being put into casks,
restored about this time to the owners.

In the afternoon we observed some of the sheathing floating by the ship;
and on examination found that twelve or fourteen feet had been washed off
from under the larboard bow, where we supposed the leak to have been, which
ever since our leaving Sandwich Islands, had kept the people almost
constantly at the pumps, making twelve inches water an hour. This day we
saw a number of small crabs, of a pale blue colour; and had again, in
company, a few albatrosses and sheerwaters. The thermometer in the night-
time sunk eleven degrees; and although it remained as high as 59 deg., yet we
suffered much from the cold, our feelings being as yet by no means
reconciled to that degree of temperature.

The wind continued blowing fresh from the N. till the 8th in the morning,
when it became more moderate, with fair weather, and gradually changed its
direction to the E., and afterward to the S.

On the 9th, at noon, our latitude was 32 deg. 16', our longitude 166 deg. 40', and
the variation 8 deg. 30' E. And on the 10th, having crossed the track of the
Spanish galleons from the Manillas to Acapulco, we expected to have fallen
in with the island of Rica de Plata, which, according to De Lisle's chart,
in which the route of those ships is laid down, ought to have been in
sight; its latitude, as there given, being 33 deg. 30' N., and its longitude
166 deg. E. Notwithstanding we were so far advanced to the northward, we saw
this day a tropic-bird, and also several other kinds of sea-birds, such as
puffins, sea-parrots, sheerwaters, and albatrosses.

On the 11th, at noon, we were in latitude 35 deg. 30', longitude 165 deg. 45'; and
during the course of the day, had sea-birds as before, and passed several
bunches of sea-weed. About the same time, the Discovery passed a log of
wood; but no other signs of land were seen.

The next day the wind came gradually round to the east, and increased to so
strong a gale, as obliged us to strike our top-gallant yards, and brought
us under the lower sails, and the main top-sail close-reefed. Unfortunately
we were upon that tack, which was the most disadvantageous for our leak.
But as we had always been able to keep it under with the hand-pumps, it
gave us no great uneasiness till the 13th, about six in the afternoon, when
we were greatly alarmed by a sudden inundation, that deluged the whole
space between decks. The water, which had lodged in the coal-hole, not
finding a sufficient vent into the well, had forced up the platforms over
it, and in a moment set every thing afloat. Our situation was indeed
exceedingly distressing; nor did we immediately see any means of relieving
ourselves. A pump, through the upper decks into the coal-hole, could answer
no end, as it would very soon have been choaked up by the small coals; and
to bale the water out with buckets was become impracticable, from the
number of bulky materials that were washed out of the gunner's store-room
into it, and which, by the ship's motion, were tossed violently from side
to side. No other method was therefore left, but to cut a hole through the
bulk-head (or partition) that separated the coal-hole from the fore-hold,
and by that means to make a passage for the body of water into the well.
However, before that could be done, it was necessary to get the casks of
dry provisions out of the forehold, which kept us employed the greatest
part of the night; so that the carpenters could not get at the partition
till the next morning. As soon as the passage was made, the greatest part
of the water emptied itself into the well, and enabled us to get out the
rest with buckets. But the leak was now so much increased, that we were
obliged to keep one half of the people constantly pumping and baling, till
the noon of the 15th. Our men bore with great cheerfulness this excessive
fatigue, which was much increased by their having no dry place to sleep in;
and on this account we began to serve their full allowance of grog.

The weather now becoming more moderate, and the swell less heavy, we were
enabled to clear away the rest of the casks from the fore-hold, and to open
a sufficient passage for the water to the pumps. This day we saw a greenish
piece of drift-wood, and fancying the water coloured, we sounded, but got
no bottom with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line. Our latitude at noon
this day was 41 deg. 52', longitude 161 deg. 15', variation 6 deg. 30' E.; and the wind
soon after veering to the northward, we altered our course three points to
the west.

On the 16th at noon, we were in the latitude of 42 deg. 12', and in the
longitude of 160 deg. 5'; and as we were now approaching the place where a
great extent of land is said to have been seen by De Gama, we were glad of
the opportunity which the course we were steering gave, of contributing to
remove the doubts, if any should be still entertained, respecting the
falsehood of this pretended discovery. For it is to be observed, that no
one has ever yet been able to find who John de Gama was, when he lived, or
what year this pretended discovery was made.

According to Mr Muller, the first account of it given to the public was in
a chart published by Texeira, a Portuguese geographer, in 1649, who places
it ten or twelve degrees to the north-east of Japan, between the latitudes
of 44 deg. and 45 deg.; and announces it to be _land seen by John de Gama, the
Indian, in a voyage from China to New Spain_. On what grounds the French
geographers have since removed it five degrees to the eastward, does not
appear; except we suppose it to have been done in order to make room for
another discovery made by the Dutch, called _Company's Land_; of which we
shall have occasion to speak hereafter.

During the whole day the wind was exceedingly unsettled, being seldom
steady to two or three points, and blowing in fresh gusts, which were
succeeded by dead calms. These were not unpromising appearances; but after
standing off and on the whole of this day, without seeing anything of the
land, we again steered to the northward, not thinking it worth our while to
lose time in search of an object, the opinion of whose existence had been
already pretty generally exploded. Our people were employed the whole of
the 16th, in getting their wet things dry, and in airing the ships below.

We now began to feel very sharply the increasing inclemency of the northern
climate. In the morning of the 18th, our latitude being 45 deg. 40', and our
longitude 160 deg. 25', we had snow and sleet, accompanied with strong gales
from the S.W. This circumstance will appear very remarkable, if we consider
the season of the year, and the quarter from which the wind blew. On the
19th, the thermometer in the day-time remained at the freezing point, and
at four in the morning fell to 29 deg.. If the reader will take the trouble to
compare the degree of heat, during the hot sultry weather we had at the
beginning of this month, with the extreme cold which we now endured, he
will conceive how severely so rapid a change must have been felt by us.

In the gale of the 18th, we had split almost all the sails we had bent,
which being our second best suit, we were now reduced to make use of our
last and best set. To add to Captain Clerke's difficulties, the sea was in
general so rough, and the ships so leaky, that the sail-makers had no place
to repair the sails in, except his apartments, which in his declining state
of health was a serious inconvenience to him.

On the 20th at noon, being in latitude 49 deg. 45' N., and longitude 161 deg. 15'
E., and eagerly expecting to fall in with the coast of Asia, the wind
shifted suddenly to the north, and continued in the same quarter the
following day. However, although it retarded our progress, yet the fair
weather it brought was no small refreshment to us. In the forenoon of the
21st we saw a whale and a land-bird; and in the afternoon the water looking
muddy, we sounded, but got no ground with an hundred and forty fathoms of
line. During the three preceding days, we saw large flocks of wild fowl, of
a species resembling ducks. This is usually considered as a proof of the
vicinity of land, but we had no other signs of it since the 16th, in which
time we had run upwards of an hundred and fifty leagues.

On the 22d the wind shifted to the N.E., attended with misty weather. The
cold was exceedingly severe, and the ropes were so frozen that it was with
difficulty we could force them through the blocks. At noon, the latitude,
by account, was 51 deg. 38', longitude 160 deg. 7'; and on comparing our present
position with that given to the southern parts of Kamtschatka in the
Russian charts, Captain Clerke did not think it prudent to run on toward
the land all night. We therefore tacked at ten, and having found, had
ground agreeably to our conjectures, with seventy fathoms of line.

On the 23d, at six in the morning, being in latitude 52 deg. 09', and longitude
160 deg. 07', on the fog clearing away, the land appeared in mountains covered
with snow; and extending from N. 3/4 E., to S.W.; a high conical rock,
bearing S.W., 3/4 W., at three or four leagues distance. We had no sooner
taken this imperfect view, than we were again covered with a thick fog.
Being now, according to our maps, only eight leagues from the entrance of
Awatska Bay, as soon as the weather cleared up we stood in to take a nearer
view of the land; and a more dismal and dreary prospect I never beheld. The
coast appears strait and uniform, having no inlets or bays; the ground from
the shore rises in hills of a moderate elevation, behind which are ranges
of mountains, whose summits were lost in the clouds. The whole scene was
entirely covered with snow, except the sides of some of the cliffs which
rose too abruptly from the sea for the snow to lie upon them.

The wind continued blowing very strong from the N.E., with thick hazy
weather and sleet, from the 24th to the 28th. During the whole time, the
thermometer was never higher than 30 1/2 deg.. The ship appeared to be a
complete mass of ice; the shrowds were so incrusted with it, as to measure
in circumference more than double their usual size; and, in short, the
experience of the oldest seaman among us had never met with any thing like
the continued showers of sleet, and the extreme cold which we now
encountered. Indeed, the severity of the weather, added to the great
difficulty of working the ships, and the labour of keeping the pumps
constantly going, rendered the service too hard for many of the crew, some
of whom were frostbitten, and others laid up with bad colds. We continued
all this time standing four hours on each tack, having generally soundings
of sixty fathoms, when about three leagues from the land, but none at twice
that distance. On the 25th we had a transient view of the entrance of
Awatska Bay; but, in the present state of the weather, we were afraid of
venturing into it. Upon our standing off again we lost sight of the
Discovery; but, as we were now so near the place of rendezvous, this gave
us no great uneasiness.

On the 28th in the morning, the weather at last cleared, and the wind fell
to a light breeze from the same quarter as before. We had a fine warm day;
and, as we now began to expect a thaw, the men were employed in breaking
the ice from off the rigging, masts, and sails, in order to prevent its
falling on our heads. At noon, being in the latitude of 52 deg. 44', and the
longitude of 159 deg., the entrance of Awatska Bay bore N.W., distant three or
four leagues; and, about three in the afternoon, a fair wind sprung up from
the southward, with which we stood in, having regular soundings, from
twenty-two to seven fathoms.

The mouth of the bay opens in a N.N.W. direction. The land, on the south
side, is of a moderate height; to the northward it rises into a bluff head,
which is the highest part of the coast. In the channel between them, near
the N.E. side, lie three remarkable rocks; and farther in, near the
opposite coast, a single detached rock of a considerable size. On the north
head there is a look-out house, which, when the Russians expect any of
their ships, upon the coast, is used as a light-house. There was a flag-
staff on it, but we saw no sign of any person being there.

Having passed the mouth of the bay, which is about four miles long, we
opened a large circular bason of twenty-five miles in circumference; and,
at half past four, came to an anchor in six fathoms water, being afraid of
running foul on a shoal, or some sunk rocks, which are said by Muller[13]
to lie in the channel of the harbour of St Peter and St Paul. The middle of
the bay was full of loose ice, drifting with the tide; but the shores were
still entirely blocked up with it. Great flocks of wild-fowl were seen of
various species; likewise ravens, eagles, and large flights of Greenland
pigeons. We examined every corner of the bay with our glasses, in search of
the town of St Peter and St Paul; which, according to the accounts given us
at Oonalashka, we had conceived to be a place of some strength and
consideration. At length we discovered on a narrow point of land to the
N.N.E., a few miserable log-houses, and some conical huts, raised on poles,
amounting in all to about thirty; which, from their situation,
notwithstanding all the respect we wished to entertain for a Russian
_ostrog_, we were under the necessity of concluding to be Petropaulowska.
However, in justice to the generous and hospitable treatment we found here,
I shall beg leave to anticipate the reader's curiosity, by assuring him
that our disappointment proved to be more of a laughable than a serious
nature. For, in this wretched extremity of the earth, situated beyond every
thing that we conceived to be most barbarous and inhospitable, and, as it
were, out of the very reach of civilization, barricadoed with ice, and
covered with summer snow, in a poor miserable port, far inferior to the
meanest of our fishing towns, we met with feelings of humanity, joined to a
greatness of mind, and elevation of sentiment, which would have done honour
to any nation or climate.

During the night much ice drifted by us with the tide, and at day-light I
was sent with the boats to examine the bay, and deliver the letters we had
brought from Oonalashka to the Russian commander. We directed our course
toward the village I have just mentioned, and having proceeded as far as we
were able with the boats, we got upon the ice, which, extended near half a
mile from the shore. Mr Webber, and two of the seamen, accompanied me,
whilst the master took the pinnace and cutter to finish the survey, leaving
the jolly-boat behind to carry us back.

I believe the inhabitants had not yet seen either the ship or the boats;
for even after we had got on the ice, we could not perceive any signs of a
living creature in the town. By the time we had advanced a little way on
the ice, we observed a few men hurrying backward and forward, and presently
after a sledge drawn by dogs, with one of the inhabitants in it, came down
to the sea-side, opposite to us. Whilst we were gazing at this unusual
sight, and admiring the great civility of this stranger, which we imagined
had brought him to our assistance, the man, after viewing us for some time
very attentively, turned short round, and went off with great speed toward
the _ostrog_. We were not less chagrined than disappointed at his abrupt
departure, as we began to find our journey over the ice attended not only
with great difficulty, but even with danger. We sunk at every step almost
knee-deep in the snow, and though we found tolerable footing at the bottom,
yet the weak parts of the ice not being discoverable, we were constantly
exposed to the risk of breaking through it. This accident at last actually
happened to myself; for, stepping on quickly over a suspicious spot, in
order to press with less weight upon it, I came upon a second, before I
could stop myself, which broke under me, and in I fell. Luckily I rose
clear of the ice, and a man that was a little way behind with a boat-hook,
throwing it to me, I laid it across some loose pieces near me, and by that
means was enabled to get upon firm ice again.

As we approached the shore, we found the ice, contrary to our expectations,
more broken than it had been before. We were, however, again comforted by
the sight of another sledge coming toward us; but instead of proceeding to
our relief, the driver stopt short, and began to call out to us. I
immediately held up to him Ismyloff's letters; upon which he turned about,
and set off back again full speed; followed, I believe, not with the
prayers of any of our party. Being at a great loss what conclusions to draw
from this unaccountable behaviour, we continued our march toward the
_ostrog_, with great circumspection, and when we had arrived within a
quarter of a mile of it, we perceived a body of armed men marching toward
us. That we might give them as little alarm, and have as peaceable an
appearance as possible, the two men who had boat-hooks in their hands, were
ordered into the rear, and Mr Webber and myself marched in front. The
Russian party, consisting of about thirty soldiers, was headed by a decent-
looking person with a cane in his hand. He halted within a few yards of us,
and drew up his men in a martial and good order. I delivered to him
Ismyloff's letters, and endeavoured to make him understand, as well as I
could (though I afterward found in vain), that we were English, and had
brought the papers from Oonalashka. After having examined us attentively,
he began to conduct us toward the village, in great silence and solemnity,
frequently halting his men, to form them in different manners, and make
them perform several parts of their manual exercise, probably with a view
to shew us, that if we had the temerity to offer any violence, we should
have to deal with men who were not ignorant of their business.

Though I was all this time in my wet clothes, shivering with cold, and
sufficiently inclined to the most unconditional submission, without having
my fears violently alarmed, yet it was impossible not to be diverted with
this military parade, notwithstanding it was attended with the most
unseasonable delay. At length we arrived at the house of the commanding-
officer of the party, into which we were ushered; and after no small stir
in giving orders, and disposing of the military without doors, our host
made his appearance, accompanied by another person, whom we understood to
be the secretary of the port. One of Ismyloff's letters was now opened, and
the other sent off by a special messenger to Bolcheretsk, a town on the
west side of the peninsula of Kamtschatka, where the Russian commander of
this province usually resides.

It is very remarkable, that they had not seen the ship the preceding day,
when we came to anchor in the bay, nor indeed this morning, till our boats
were pretty near the ice. The panic with which the discovery had struck
them, we found had been very considerable. The garrison was immediately put
under arms. Two small field-pieces were placed at the entrance of the
commander's house, and pointed toward our boats; and shot, powder, and
lighted matches, were all ready at hand.

The officer, in whose house we were at present entertained, was a serjeant,
and the commander of the _ostrog_. Nothing could exceed the kindness and
hospitality of his behaviour, after he recovered from the alarm occasioned
by our arrival. We found the house insufferably hot, but exceedingly neat
and clean. After I had changed my clothes, which the serjeant's civility
enabled me to do, by furnishing me with a complete suit of his own, we were
invited to sit down to dinner, which I have no doubt was the best he could
procure; and, considering the shortness of time he had to provide it, was
managed with some ingenuity. As there was not time to prepare soup and
_bouilli_, we had in their stead some cold beef, sliced, with hot water
poured over it. We had next a large bird roasted, of a species with which I
was unacquainted, but of a very excellent taste. After having eaten a part
of this, it was taken off, and we were served with fish dressed two
different ways; and soon after the bird again made its appearance, in
savory and sweet _pates_. Our liquor, of which I shall have to speak
hereafter, was of the kind called by the Russians _quass_, and was much the
worst part of the entertainment. The serjeant's wife brought in several of
the dishes herself, and was not permitted to sit down at table. Having
finished our repast, during which it is hardly necessary to remark, that
our conversation was confined to a few bows, and other signs of mutual
respect, we endeavoured to open to our host the cause and objects of our
visit to this port. As Ismyloff had probably written to them on the same
subject, in the letters we had before delivered, he appeared very readily
to conceive our meaning; but as there was unfortunately no one in the place
that could talk any other language except Russian or Kamtschadale, we found
the utmost difficulty in comprehending the information he meant to convey
to us. After some time spent in these endeavours to understand one another,
we conceived the sum of the intelligence we had procured to be, that though
no supply, either of provisions or naval stores, was to be had at this
place, yet that these articles were in great plenty at Bolcheretsk; that
the commander would most probably be very willing to give us what we
wanted; but that till the serjeant had received orders from him, neither he
nor his people, nor the natives, could even venture to go on board the
ship.

It was now time for us to take our leave; and, as my clothes were still too
wet to put on, I was obliged to have recourse again to the serjeant's
benevolence, for his leave to carry those I had borrowed of him on board.
This request was complied with very cheerfully; and a sledge, drawn by five
dogs, with a driver, was immediately provided for each of our party. The
sailors were highly delighted with this mode of conveyance; and what
diverted them still more was, that the two boat-hooks had also a sledge
appropriated to themselves. These sledges are so light, and their
construction so well adapted to the purposes for which they are intended,
that they went with great expedition, and perfect safety, over the ice,
which it would have been, impossible for us, with all our caution, to have
passed on foot.

On our return, we found the boats towing the ship toward the village; and
at seven we got close to the ice, and moored with the small bower to the
N.E., and best bower to the S.W.; the entrance of the bay bearing S. by E.,
and S. 3/4 E.; and the _ostrog_ N., 1/4 E., distant one mile and a half.
The next morning the casks and cables were got upon the quarter-deck, in
order to lighten the ship forward; and the carpenters were set to work to
stop the leak, which had given us so much trouble daring our last run. It
was found to have been occasioned by the falling of some sheathing from the
larboard-bow, and the oakum between the planks having been washed out. The
warm weather we had in the middle of the day, began to make the ice break
away very fast, which, drifting with the tide, had almost filled up the
entrance of the bay. Several of our gentlemen paid their visits to the
serjeant, by whom they were received with great civility; and Captain
Clerke sent him two bottles of rum, which he understood would be the most
acceptable present he could make him, and received in return some fine
fowls of the grouse kind, and twenty trouts. Our sportsmen met with but bad
success; for though the bay swarmed with flocks of ducks of various kinds,
and Greenland pigeons, yet they were so shy that they could not come within
shot of them.

In the morning of the 1st of May, seeing the Discovery standing into the
bay, a boat was immediately sent to her assistance; and in the afternoon
she moored close by us. They told us, that after the weather cleared up on
the 28th, they found themselves to leeward of the bay; and that when they
got abreast of it the following day, and saw the entrance choked up with
ice, they stood off, after firing guns, concluding we could not be here;
but finding afterward it was only loose drift ice, they had ventured in.
The next day the weather was so very unsettled, attended with heavy showers
of snow, that the carpenters were not able to proceed in their work. The
thermometer stood at 28 deg. in the evening, and the frost was exceedingly
severe in the night.

The following morning, on our observing two sledges drive into the village,
Captain Clerke sent me on shore, to enquire whether any message was arrived
from the commander of Kamtschatka, which, according to the serjeant's
account, might now be expected, in consequence of the intelligence that had
been sent of our arrival. Bolcheretsk, by the usual route, is about one
hundred and thirty-five English miles from Saint Peter and Saint Paul's.
Our dispatches were sent off in a sledge drawn by dogs, on the 29th, about
noon. And the answer arrived, as we afterward found, early this morning; so
that they were only a little more than three days and a half in performing
a journey of two hundred and seventy miles.

The return of the commander's answer was, however, concealed from us for
the present; and I was told, on my arrival at the serjeant's, that we
should hear from him the next day. Whilst I was on shore, the boat which
had brought me, together with another belonging to the Discovery, were set
fast in the ice, which a southerly wind had driven from the other side of
the bay. On seeing them entangled, the Discovery's launch had been sent to
their assistance, but shared the same fate; and in a short time the ice had
surrounded them near a quarter of a mile deep. This obliged us to stay on
shore till evening, when, finding no prospect of getting the boats off,
some of us went in sledges to the edge of the ice, and were taken off by
boats sent from the ship, and the rest staid on shore all night.

It continued to freeze hard during the night; but before morning, on the
4th, a change of wind drifted away the floating ice, and set the boats at
liberty, without their having sustained the smallest damage.

About ten o'clock in the forenoon, we saw several sledges driving down to
the edge of the ice, and sent a boat to conduct the persons who were in
them on board. One of these was a Russian merchant, from Bolcheretsk, named
Fedositch, and the other a German, called Port, who had brought a letter
from Major Behm, the commander of Kamtschatka, to Captain Clerke. When they
got to the edge of the ice, and saw distinctly the size of the ships, which
lay within about two hundred yards from them, they appeared to be
exceedingly alarmed; and, before they would venture to embark, desired two
of our boat's crew might be left on shore as hostages for their safety. We
afterward found, that Ismyloff, in his letter to the commander, had
misrepresented us, for what reasons we could not conceive, as two small
trading boats; and that the serjeant, who had only seen the ships at a
distance, had not in his dispatches rectified the mistake.

When they arrived on board, we still found, from their cautious and
timorous behaviour, that they were under some unaccountable apprehensions;
and an uncommon degree of satisfaction was visible in their countenances,
on the German's finding a person amongst us with whom he could converse.
This was Mr Webber, who spoke that language perfectly well; and at last,
though with some difficulty, convinced them that we were Englishmen and
friends. Mr Port, being introduced to Captain Clerke, delivered to him the
commander's letter, which was written in German, and was merely
complimental, inviting him and his officers to Bolcheretsk, to which place
the people who brought it were to conduct us. Mr Port, at the same time
acquainted him, that the major had conceived a very wrong idea of the size
of the ships, and of the service we were engaged in; Ismyloff, in his
letter, having represented us as two small English packet boats, and
cautioned him to be on his guard; insinuating, that he suspected us to be
no better than pirates. In consequence of this letter, he said there had
been various conjectures formed about us at Bolcheretsk; that the major
thought it most probable we were on a trading scheme, and for that reason
had sent down a merchant to us; but that the officer, who was second in
command, was of opinion we were French, and come with some hostile
intention, and was for taking measures accordingly. It had required, he
added, all the major's authority to keep the inhabitants from leaving the
town, and retiring up into the country, to so extraordinary a pitch had
their fears risen from their persuasion that we were French.

Their extreme apprehensions of that nation were principally occasioned by
some circumstances attending an insurrection that had happened at
Bolcheretsk, a few years before, in which the commander had lost his life.
We were informed, that an exiled Polish officer, named Beniowski, taking
advantage of the confusion into which the town was thrown, had seized upon
a galliot, then lying at the entrance of the Bolchoireka, and had forced on
board a number of Russian sailors, sufficient to navigate her; that he had
put on shore a part of the crew at the Kourile Islands, and among the rest,
Ismyloff, who, as the reader will recollect, had puzzled us exceedingly at
Oonalashka, with the history of this transaction; though, for want of
understanding his language, we could not often make out all the
circumstances attending it; that he passed in sight of Japan; made Luconia;
and was there directed how to steer to Canton; that arriving there, he had
applied to the French, and had got a passage in one of their India ships to
France; and that most of the Russians had likewise returned to Europe in
French ships, and had afterward found their way to Petersburg. We met with
three of Beniowski's crew in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and
from them we learnt the circumstances of the above story.

On our arrival at Canton, we received a farther corroboration, of the facts
from the gentlemen of the English factory; who told us, that a person had
arrived there in a Russian galliot, who said he came from Kamtschatka, and
that he had been furnished by the French factory with a passage to
Europe.[14]

We could not help being much diverted with the fears and apprehensions of
these good people, and particularly with the account Mr Port gave us of the
serjeant's wary proceedings the day before. On seeing me come on shore, in
company with some other gentlemen, he had made him and the merchant, who
arrived in the sledges we had seen come in the morning, hide themselves in
his kitchen, and listen to our conversation with one another, in hopes that
by this means they might discover whether we were really English or not.

As we concluded, from the commission and dress of Mr Port, that he might
probably he the commander's secretary, he was received as such, and
invited, with his companion, the merchant, to dine with Captain Clerke; and
though we soon began to suspect, from the behaviour of the latter toward
him, that he was only a common servant, yet this being no time to sacrifice
our little comforts to our pride, we prevented an explanation, by not
suffering the question to be put to him; and, in return for the
satisfaction we reaped from his abilities as a linguist, we continued to
let him live on a footing of equality with us.


[12] It is highly probable that there are several small islands or rocks
    in the vicinity of this track, the discovery of which would at least
    benefit navigation. Thus we are told by Captain Krusenstern, an
    authority to which we are always glad to appeal, that he saw in
    latitude 17 deg., and longitude 169 deg. 30', an extraordinary number of
    birds, that hovered round his ship in flocks of upwards of a hundred,
    from which he inferred his having passed near some island, which
    served as a resting place for them. In confirmation of this opinion,
    he informs us, that La Perouse in 1786, and an English merchantman in
    1796, discovered west of the Sandwich Islands, the first in the
    parallel of 22 deg., and the latter in that of 18 deg., two small rocky
    islands both extremely dangerous; and that the Nero in her passage
    from America to China in 1805, found near this place a very dangerous
    sand island, viz. in 173 deg. 35' 45" W., and 26 deg. 2' 48" N. It is perhaps
    to be regretted, that Krusenstern, who, a few days after the date of
    the remark now quoted, crossed Captain Clerke's course, should have so
    resolutely endeavoured, as he says he did, and that too with tolerable
    success, not to approach the track of that officer nearer than by a
    hundred or a hundred and twenty miles. It is evident, that, within a
    smaller distance, he might have made some useful discovery, without,
    in any measure, endangering his own reputation, as a mere follower in
    the footsteps of others. Here it may be added, that his course was
    more northerly than Clerke's, and that he did not experience any of
    those swells so soon complained of by Captain King.--E.

[13] Voyages made by the Russians from Asia to America, &c., translated
    from the German, by T. Jeffereys, p. 37.

[14] It hath since appeared, from the Account of Kerguelen's Voyage, that
    this extraordinary person, who had entered into the French service,
    was commander of a new settlement at Madagascar, when Kerguelen
    touched there in 1774.




SECTION II.


Scarcity of Provisions and Stores at the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint
Paul.--A Party set out to visit the Commander at Bolcheretsk.--Passage up
the River Awatska.--Account of their Reception by the Toion of Karatchin.--
Description of a Kamtschadale Dress.--Journey on Sledges.--Description of
this Mode of Travelling.--Arrival at Natcheekin.--Account of Hot
Springs.--Embark on the Bolchoireka.--Reception at the Capital.--Generous
and hospitable Conduct of the Commander and the Garrison.--Description of
Bolcheretsk.--Presents from the Commander.--Russian and Kamtschadale
Dancing.--Affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk.--Return to Saint Peter and
Saint Paul's, accompanied by Major Behm, who visits the Ships.--Generosity
of the Sailors.--Dispatches sent by Major Behm to Petersburg.--His
Departure, and Character.


Being now enabled to converse with the Russians, by the aid of our
interpreter, with tolerable facility, our first enquiries were directed to
the means of procuring a supply of fresh provisions and naval stores; from
the want of which latter article, in particular, we had been for some time
in great distress. On enquiry, it appeared, that the whole stock of live
cattle, which the country about the bay could furnish, amounted only to two
heifers; and these the serjeant very readily promised to procure us. Our
applications were next made to the merchant, but we found the terms upon
which he offered to serve us so exorbitant, that Captain Clerke thought it
necessary to send an officer to visit the commander at Bolcheretsk, and to
enquire into the price of stores at that place. As soon as this
determination was communicated to Mr Port, he dispatched an express to the
commander to inform him of our intentions, and at the same time to clear us
from the suspicions that were entertained with respect to the designation
and purposes of our voyage.

Captain Clerke having thought proper to fix on me for this service, I
received orders, together with Mr Webber, who was to accompany me as
interpreter, to be ready to set out the next day. It proved, however, too
stormy, as did also the 6th, for beginning a journey through so wild and
desolate a country; but on the 7th, the weather appearing more favourable,
we set out early in the morning in the ship's boats, with a view to reach
the entrance of the Awatska at high water, on account of the shoals with
which the mouth of that river abounds; here the country boats were to meet
us, and carry us up the stream.

Captain Gore was now added to our party, and we were attended by Messrs
Port and Fedositsch, with two cossacks, and were provided by our conductors
with warm furred clothing; a precaution which we soon found very necessary,
as it began to snow briskly just after we set out. At eight o'clock, being
stopped by shoal water, about a mile from the mouth of the river, some
small canoes, belonging to the Kamtschadales, took up us and our baggage,
and carried us over a spit of sand, which is thrown up by the rapidity of
the river, and which they told us was continually shifting. When we had
crossed this shoal, the water again deepened, and here we found a
commodious boat, built and shaped like a Norway yawl, ready to convey us up
the river, together with canoes for our baggage.

The mouth of the Awatska is about a quarter of a mile broad, and, as we
advanced, it narrowed very gradually. After we had proceeded a few miles,
we passed several branches, which, we were told, emptied themselves into
other parts of the bay; and that some of those on the left hand flowed into
the Paratounca river. Its general direction from the bay, for the first ten
miles, is to the north, after which it turns to the westward; this bend
excepted, it preserves for the most part a straight course; and the country
through which it flows, to the distance of near thirty miles from the sea,
is low and flat, and subject to frequent inundations. We were pushed
forward by six men, with long poles, three at each end of the boat, two of
whom were cossacks, the others Kamtschadales, and advanced against a strong
stream, at the rate, as well as I could judge, of about three miles an
hour. Our Kamtshadales bore this severe labour with great stoutness for ten
hours, during which we stopped only once, and that for a short time, whilst
they took some little refreshment. As we had been told, at our first
setting out in the morning, that we should easily reach an _ostrog_, called
Karatchin, the same night, we were much disappointed to find ourselves, at
sunset, fifteen miles from that place. This we attributed to the delay
occasioned in passing the shoals we had met with, both at the entrance of
the river, and in several other places as we proceeded up it; for our boat
being the first that had passed up the river, the guides were not
acquainted with the situation of the shifting sand-banks, and unfortunately
the snow not having yet begun to melt, the shallowness of the river was at
its extreme.

The fatigue our men had already undergone, and the difficulty of navigating
the river, which would have been much increased by the darkness of the
night, obliged us to give up all thoughts of continuing our journey that
evening. Having therefore found a place tolerably sheltered, and cleared it
of the snow, we erected a small _marquee_, which we had brought with us;
and, by the assistance of a brisk fire, and some good punch, passed the
night not very unpleasantly. The only inconvenience we laboured under was,
the being obliged to make the fire at some distance from us. For, although
the ground was to all appearance dry enough before, yet when the fire was
alighted, it soon thawed all the parts round it into an absolute puddle. We
admired much the alertness and expedition with which the Kamtschadales
erected our _marquee_, and cooked our provisions; but what was most
unexpected, we found they had brought with them their tea-kettles;
considering it as the greatest of hardships not to drink tea two or three
times a day.

We set out as soon as it was light in the morning, and had not advanced
far, before we were met by the _Toion_, or chief of Karatchin, who had been
apprised of our coming, and had provided canoes that were lighter, and
better contrived for navigating the higher parts of the river. A commodious
vessel, consisting of two canoes, lashed close together with cross spars,
lined with bear-skins, and furnished with fur-cloaks, was also provided for
us. We now went on very rapidly, the _Toion's_ people being both stout and
fresh, and remarkable for their expertness in this business. At ten we got
to the _ostrog_, the seat of his command, where we were received at the
water-side by the Kamtschadale men and women, and some Russian servants
belonging to Fedositsch, who were employed in making canoes. They were all
dressed out in their best clothes. Those of the women were pretty and gay,
consisting of a full loose robe of white nankeen, gathered close round the
neck, and fastened with a collar of coloured silk. Over this they wore a
short jacket without sleeves, made of different-coloured nankeens, and
petticoats of a slight Chinese silk. Their shirts, which had sleeves down
to the wrist, were also of silk; and coloured silk handkerchiefs were bound
round their heads, concealing entirely the hair of the married women,
whilst those who were unmarried brought the handkerchief under the hair,
and suffered it to flow loose behind.

This _ostrog_ was pleasantly situated by the side of the river, and
consisted of three log-houses, three _jourts_, or houses made under ground,
and nineteen _balagans_, or summer habitations. We were conducted to the
tent of the _Toion_, who was a plain decent man, born of a Russian woman,
by a Kamtschadale father. His house, like all the rest in this country, was
divided into two apartments. A long narrow table, with a bench round it,
was all the furniture we saw in the outer; and the household stuff of the
inner, which was the kitchen, was not less simple and scanty. But the kind
attention of our host, and the hearty welcome we received, more than
compensated for the poverty of his lodgings.

His wife proved an excellent cook, and served us with fish and game of
different sorts, and various kinds of heath-berries, that had been kept
since the last year. Whilst we were at dinner in this miserable hut, the
guests of a people, with whose existence we had before been scarce
acquainted, and at the extremity of the habitable globe, a solitary, half-
worn pewter spoon, whose shape was familiar to us, attracted our attention;
and, on examination, we found it stamped on the back with the word
_London_. I cannot pass over this circumstance in silence, out of gratitude
for the many pleasant thoughts, the anxious hopes, and tender remembrances
it excited in us. Those who have experienced the effects that long absence
and extreme distance from their native county produce on the mind, will
readily conceive the pleasure such trifling incidents can give. To the
philosopher and politician they may perhaps suggest reflections of a
different nature.[15]

We were now to quit the river, and perform the next part of our journey on
sledges; but the thaw had been too powerful in the day-time to allow us to
set out till the cold of the evening had again made the surface of the snow
hard and firm. This gave us an opportunity of walking about the village,
which was the only place we had yet seen free from snow since we landed in
this country. It stood upon a well-wooded flat, about a mile and a half in
circumference. The leaves were just budding, and the verdure of the whole
scene was strongly contrasted with the sides of the surrounding hills,
which were still covered with snow. As the soil appeared to me very capable
of producing all the common sorts of garden vegetables, I was greatly
surprised not to find the smallest spot any where cultivated. If to this we
add, that none of the inhabitants were possessed of cattle of any sort,
nothing can be well conceived more wretched than their situation must be
during the winter months.[16] They were at this time removing from their
_jourts_ into their _balagans_, which afforded us an opportunity of
examining both these sorts of habitations; and they will be hereafter more
particularly described. The people invited us into their houses with great
good humour; a general air of cheerfulness and content was every where
visible, to which the approaching change of season might probably not a
little contribute.

On our return to the _Toion's_, we found supper prepared for us, which
differed in nothing from our former repast; and concluded with our treating
the _Toion_ and his wife with some of the spirits we had brought with us,
made into punch. Captain Gore, who had great generosity on all occasions,
having afterward made them some valuable presents, they retired to the
kitchen, leaving us in possession of the outward room, where, spreading our
bear-skins on the benches, we were glad to get a little repose, having
settled with our conductors to resume our journey as soon as the ground
should be judged fit for travelling.

About nine o'clock the same evening we were awakened by the melancholy
howlings of the dogs, which continued all the time our baggage was lashing
upon the sledges; but as soon as they were yoked, and we were all prepared
to set out, this changed into a light cheerful yelping, which, entirely
ceased the instant they marched off. But before we set out, the reader may
expect to be made more particularly acquainted with this curious mode of
travelling.

The body of the sledge is about four feet and a half long, and a foot wide,
made in the form of a crescent, of light tough wood, strongly bound
together with wicker-work; which, in those belonging to the better sort of
people, is elegantly stained of a red and blue colour, and the seat covered
with bear-skins, or other furs. It is supported by four legs, about two
feet high, which rest on two long flat pieces of wood, five or six inches
broad, extending a foot at each end beyond the body of the sledge. These
are turned up before in the manner of a skate, and shod with the bone of
some sea-animal. The fore-part of the carriage is ornamented with thongs of
leather and tassels of coloured cloth; and from the cross-bar, to which the
harness is joined, are hung links of iron, or small bells, the jingling of
which they conceive to be encouraging to the dogs. They are seldom used to
carry more than one person at a time, who sits aside, resting his feet on
the lower part of the sledge, and carrying his provisions and other
necessaries, wrapped up in a bundle, behind him. The dogs are usually five
in number, yoked two and two, with a leader. The reins, not being fastened
to the head of the dogs, but to the collars, have little power over them,
and are therefore generally hung upon the sledge, whilst the driver depends
entirely on their obedience to his voice for the direction of them. With
this view, the leader is always trained up with a particular degree of care
and attention; some of them rising to a most extraordinary value on account
of their docility and steadiness; insomuch, that for one of these, I am
well assured, forty roubles (or ten pounds) was no unusual price. The
driver is also provided with a crooked stick, which answers the purpose
both of whip and reins; as, by striking it into the snow, he is enabled to
moderate the speed of the dogs, or even to stop them entirely; and when
they are lazy, or otherwise inattentive to his voice, he chastises them by
throwing it at them. Upon these occasions their dexterity in picking it up
again is very remarkable, and forms the principal difficulty of their art.
But it is indeed not surprising that they should labour to be skilful in a
practice upon which their safety so materially depends. For they say, that
if the driver should happen to lose his stick, the dogs will instantly
perceive it; and unless their leader be of the most sober and resolute
kind, they will immediately run a-head full speed, and never stop till they
are quite spent. But as that will not be the case soon, it generally
happens that either the carriage is overturned, and dashed to pieces
against the trees, or they hurry down some precipice, and are all buried in
the snow. The accounts that were given us of the speed of these dogs, and
of their extraordinary patience of hunger and fatigue, were scarcely
credible, if they had not been supported by the best authority. We were
indeed ourselves witnesses of the great expedition with which the
messenger, who had been dispatched to Bolcheretsk with the news of our
arrival, returned to the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, though the
snow was at this time exceedingly soft. But I was informed, by the
commander of Kamtschatka, that this journey was generally performed in two
days and a half; and that he had once received an express from the latter
place in twenty-three hours.

The dogs are fed, during the winter, on the offals of dried and stinking
fish; but are always deprived of this miserable food a day before they set
out on a journey, and never suffered to eat before they reach the end of
it. We were also told, that it was not unusual for them to continue thus
fasting two entire days, in which time they would perform a journey of one
hundred and twenty miles.[17] These dogs are in shape somewhat like the
Pomeranian breed, but considerably larger.

As we did not choose to trust to our own skill, we had each of us a man to
drive and guide the sledge, which, from the state the roads were now in,
proved a very laborious business. For, as the thaw had advanced very
considerably in the vallies, through which our road lay, we were under the
necessity of keeping along the sides of the hills; and this obliged our
guides, who were provided with snow-shoes for that purpose, to support the
sledges, on the lower side, with their shoulders, for several miles
together. I had a very good-humoured cossack to attend me, who was,
however, so very unskilful in his business, that we were overturned almost
every minute, to the great entertainment of the rest of the company. Our
party consisted in all of ten sledges. That in which Captain Gore was
carried, was made of two lashed together, and abundantly provided with furs
and bear-skins; it had ten dogs, yoked four a-breast; as had also some of
those that were heavy laden with baggage.

When we had proceeded about four miles it began to rain; which, added to
the darkness of the night, threw us all into confusion. It was at last
agreed, that we should remain where we were till day-light; and accordingly
we came to anchor in the snow, (for I cannot better express the manner in
which the sledges were secured,) and wrapping ourselves up in our furs,
waited patiently for the morning. About three o'clock we were called on to
set out, our guides being apprehensive, that if we waited longer we might
be stopped by the thaw, and neither be able to proceed nor to return. After
encountering many difficulties, which were principally occasioned by the
bad condition of the road, at two in the afternoon we got safe to an
_ostrog_, called Natcheekin, situated on the side of a small stream which
falls into the Bolchoireka, a little way below the town. The distance
between Karatchin and Natcheekin is thirty-eight wersts (or twenty-five
miles;) and had the hard frost continued, we should not, by their account,
have been more than four hours in performing it; but the snow was so soft,
that the dogs, almost at every step, sunk up to their bellies; and I was
indeed much surprised at their being at all able to overcome the
difficulties of so fatiguing a journey.

Natcheekin is a very inconsiderable _ostrog_, having only one log-house,
the residence of the _Toion_; five _balagans_, and one _jourt_. We were
received here with the same formalities, and in the same hospitable manner,
as at Karatchin; and in the afternoon we went to visit a remarkable hot-
spring, which is near this village. We saw at some distance the steam
rising from it as from a boiling cauldron; and as we approached, perceived
the air had a strong sulphureous smell. The main spring forms a bason of
about three feet in diameter; besides which there are a number of lesser
springs, of the same degree of heat, in the adjacent ground; so that the
whole spot, to the extent of near an acre, was so hot, that we could not
stand two minutes in the same place. The water flowing from these springs
is collected in a small bathing pond, and afterwards forms a little
rivulet, which, at the distance of about an hundred and fifty yards, falls
into the river. The bath, they told us, had wrought great cures in several
disorders, such as rheumatisms, swelled and contracted joints, and
scorbutic ulcers. In the bathing place the thermometer stood at 100 deg., or
blood heat; but in the spring, after being immersed two minutes, it was 1 deg.
above boiling spirits. The thermometer in the air, at this time was 34 deg.; in
the river 40 deg.; and in the _Toion's_ house 64 deg.. The ground where these
springs break out is on a gentle ascent; behind which there is a green hill
of a moderate size. I am sorry I was not sufficiently skilled in botany to
examine the plants, which seemed to thrive here with great luxuriance; the
wild garlic, indeed, forced itself on our notice, and was at this time
springing up very vigorously.

The next morning we embarked on the Bolchoireka in canoes; and having the
stream with us, expected to be at our journey's end the day following. The
town of Bolcheretsk is about eighty miles from Natcheekin; and we were
informed, that, in the summer season, when the river has been full and
rapid, from the melting of snow on the mountains, the canoes had often gone
down in a single day; but that, in its present state, we should probably be
much longer, as the ice had broken up only three days before we arrived;
and that ours would be the first boat that had attempted to pass. This
intelligence proved but too true. We found ourselves greatly impeded by the
shallows; and though the stream in many places ran with great rapidity, yet
in every half mile we had ripplings and shoals, over which we had to haul
the boats.[18] The country on each side was very romantic, but unvaried;
the river running between mountains of the most craggy and barren aspect,
where there was nothing to diversify the scene but now and then the sight
of a bear, and the flights of wild fowl. So uninteresting a passage leaves
me nothing farther to say, than that this, and the following night, we
slept on the banks of the river, under our _marquee_, and suffered very
much from the severity of the weather, and the snow, which still remained
on the ground.

At day-light, on the 12th, we found we had got clear of the mountains, and
were entering a low extensive plain, covered with shrubby trees. About nine
in the forenoon, we arrived at an _ostrog_, called Opatchin, which is
computed to be fifty miles from Natcheekin, and is nearly of the same size
as Karatchin. We found here a serjeant, with four Russian soldiers, who had
been two days waiting for our arrival, and who immediately dispatched a
light boat to Bolcheretsk, with intelligence of our approach. We were now
put into the trammels of formality; a canoe, furnished with skins and furs,
and equipped in a magnificent manner, was prepared for our reception, in
which we were accommodated much at our ease, but to the exclusion of the
rest of our fellow-travellers. It was with much regret we found ourselves
obliged to separate from our old companion Monsieur Port, whom we had
observed to grow every day more shy and distant as we drew nearer the end
of our journey. Indeed, he had himself told us, before we set out, that we
paid him a respect he had no title to; but as we had found him a very
modest and discreet man, we had insisted on his living with us during the
whole of our journey. The remainder of our passage was performed with great
facility and expedition, the river growing more rapid as we descended, and
less obstructed by shoals.

As we approached the capital, we were sorry to observe, from an appearance
of much stir and bustle, that we were to be received in form. Decent
clothes had been for some time a scarce commodity amongst us; and our
travelling dresses were made up of a burlesque mixture of European, Indian,
and Kamtschadale fashions. We therefore thought it would be too ridiculous
to make a parade in this trim through the metropolis of Kamtschatka; and,
as we saw a crowd collected on the banks of the river, and were told the
commander would be at the water-side to receive us, we stopped short, at a
soldier's house, about a quarter of a mile from the town, from whence we
sent Port, with a message to his excellency, acquainting him, that the
moment we had put off our travelling dresses, we would pay our respects to
him at his own house; and to beg he would not think of waiting to conduct
us. Finding, however, that he persisted in his intentions of paying us this
compliment, we lost no farther time in attiring ourselves, but made all the
haste in our power to join him at the entrance of the town. I observed my
companions to be as awkward as I felt myself in making our first
salutations; bowing and scraping being marks of good breeding, that we had
now, for two years and a half, been totally unaccustomed to. The manner in
which we were received by the commander, was the most engaging that could
be conceived, and increased my mortification at finding that he had almost
entirely forgot the French language; so that the satisfaction of conversing
with him was wholly confined to Mr Webber, who spoke the German, his native
tongue.

In company with Major Behm was Captain Shmaleff, the second in command, and
another officer, with the whole body of the merchants of the place. They
conducted us to the commander's house, where we were received by his lady
with great civility, and found tea and other refreshments prepared for us.
After the first compliments were over, Mr Webber was desired to acquaint
the major with the object of our journey, with our want of naval stores,
flour, and fresh provisions, and other necessaries for the ship's crews,
and at the same time to assure him, that we were sensible, from what we had
already seen of the condition of the country about Awatska Bay, we could
not expect much assistance from him in that quarter; that the impossibility
of sending heavy stores across the peninsula during the present season of
the year, was but too apparent, from the difficulties we had met with in
our journey; and that, long before any material change could take place, we
should be under the necessity of proceeding on our voyage. We were here
interrupted by the commander, who observed, that we did not yet know what
they were capable of doing; that, at least, it was not his business to
think of the difficulties of supplying our wants, but only to learn what
were the articles we stood in need of, and the longest time we could allow
him for procuring them. After expressing our sense of his obliging
disposition, we gave him a list of our naval stores, the number of cattle,
and the quantity of flour we were directed to purchase, and told him that
we purposed recommencing our voyage about the 5th of June.

Our conversation afterward turned upon different subjects; and it will
naturally be supposed that our enquiries were principally directed to the
obtaining some information respecting our own country. Having now been
absent three years, we had flattered ourselves with the certainty of
receiving intelligence from Major Behm, which could not fail of being
interesting; and I cannot express the disappointment we felt, on finding
that he had no news to communicate of a much later date than that of our
departure from England.

About seven o'clock the commander, conceiving we might be fatigued with our
journey, and desirous of taking some repose, begged he might conduct us to
our lodgings. It was in vain that we protested against a compliment which
we had certainly no title to expect, but that of being strangers; a
circumstance which seemed, in the opinion of this generous Livonian, to
counterbalance every other consideration. In our way we passed by two
guard-houses, where the men were turned out under arms, in compliment to
Captain Gore; and were afterward brought to a very neat and decent house,
which the major gave us to understand was to be our residence during our
stay. Two sentinels were posted at the doors, and, in a house adjoining,
there was a serjeant's guard. Having shewn us into our apartments, the
major took his leave, with a promise to see us the next day: and we were
left to find out at our leisure all the conveniences that he had most amply
provided for us. A soldier, called a _putpropersckack_, whose rank is
between that of a serjeant and a corporal, along with our fellow-traveller
Port, were appointed to be our male domestics; besides whom, there was a
housekeeper and a cook, who had orders to obey Port's directions in
dressing us a supper according to our own mode of cookery. We received many
civil messages in the course of the evening from the principal people of
the town, purporting, that they would not add to our fatigues by paying
their respects to us at that time, but would wait upon us in the morning.
Such well-supported politeness and attention, in a country so desolate and
uncultivated, formed a contrast exceedingly favourable to its inhabitants;
and, to finish the piece as it began, at sun-set the serjeant came with the
report of his guard to Captain Gore.

Early in the morning we received the compliments of the commander, of
Captain Shmaleff, and of the principal inhabitants of the town, who all
honoured us with visits soon after. The two first, having sent for Port,
after we were gone to rest, and enquired of him what articles we seemed to
be most in want of on board the ships, we found them prepared to insist on
our sharing with the garrison under their command, in what little stock of
provisions they had remaining. At the same time they lamented that we had
arrived at a season of the year, when there was always the greatest
scarcity of every thing amongst them, the sloops not being yet arrived,
with their annual supply, from Okotsk.

We agreed to accept the liberality of these hospitable strangers, with the
best grace we could; but on condition that we might be made acquainted with
the price of the articles we were to be supplied with, and that Captain
Clerke should give bills to the amount upon the Victualling Office in
London. This the major positively refused; and whenever it was afterwards
urged, stopped us short, by telling us, he was certain that he could not
oblige his mistress more than in giving every assistance in his power to
her good friends and allies the English; and that it would be a particular
satisfaction to her to hear, that, in so remote a part of the world, her
dominions had afforded any relief to ships engaged in such services as
ours; that he could not therefore act so contrary to the character of his
empress as to accept of any bills; but that to accommodate the matter, he
would take a bare attestation of the particulars with which we might be
furnished, and that this he should transmit to his court, as a certificate
of having performed his duty. I shall leave, he continued, to the two
courts all farther acknowledgments, but cannot consent to accept of any
thing of the kind alluded to.

When this matter was adjusted, he began to enquire about our private wants,
saying, he should consider himself as ill used if we had any dealings with
the merchants, or applied to any other person except himself.

In return for such singular generosity, we had little to bestow but our
admiration and our thanks. Fortunately, however, Captain Clerke had sent by
me a set of prints and maps, belonging to the last voyage of Captain Cook,
which he desired me to present in his name to the commander; who being an
enthusiast in every thing relating to discoveries, received it with a
satisfaction which shewed, that, though a trifle, nothing could have been
more acceptable. Captain Clerke had likewise entrusted me with a
discretionary power of shewing him a chart of the discoveries made in the
present voyage; and as I judged that a person in his situation, and of his
turn of mind, would be exceedingly gratified by a communication of this
sort, though, out of delicacy, he had forborn to ask more than a few
general questions on the subject, I made no scruple to repose in him a
confidence, of which his whole conduct shewed him to be deserving.

I had the pleasure to find, that he felt this compliment as I hoped he
would, and was much struck at seeing, in one view, the whole of that coast,
as well on the side of Asia as on that of America, of which his countrymen
had been so many years employed in acquiring a partial and imperfect
knowledge.[19]

Excepting this mark of confidence, and the set of prints I have already
mentioned, we had brought nothing with us that was in the least worth his
acceptance; for it scarce deserves noticing, that I prevailed on his son, a
young boy, to accept of a silver watch I happened to have about me; and I
made his little daughter very happy with two pair of ear-rings of French
paste. Besides these trifles, I left with Captain Shmaleff the thermometer
I used on my journey; and he promised me, to keep an exact register of the
temperature of the air for one year, and to transmit it to Mr Muller, with
whom he had the pleasure of being acquainted.

We dined this day at the commander's, who, studious on every occasion to
gratify our curiosity, had, besides a number of dishes dressed in our own
way, prepared a great variety of others, after the Russian and Kamtschadale
manner. The afternoon was employed in taking a view of the town and the
adjacent country. Bolcheretsk is situated in a low swampy plain, that
extends to the sea of Okotsk, being about forty miles long, and of a
considerable breadth. It lies on the north side of the Bolchoireka, or
great river, between the mouth of the Gottsofka and the Bistraia, which
here empty themselves into this river; and the peninsula, on which it
stands, has been separated from the continent by a large canal, the work of
the present commander; which has not only added much to its strength as a
fortress, but has made it much less liable than it was before to
inundations. Below the town the river is from six to eight feet deep, and
about a quarter of a mile broad. It empties itself into the sea of Okotsk,
at the distance of twenty-two miles; where, according to Krascheninikoff,
it is capable of admitting vessels of a considerable size. There is not
corn, of any species, cultivated in this part of the country; and Major
Behm informed me, that his was the only garden that had yet been planted.
The ground was, for the most part, covered with snow; that which was free
from it appeared full of small hillocks, of a black turfy nature. I saw
about twenty or thirty cows, And the major had six stout horses. These and
their dogs are the only tame animals they possess; the necessity they are
under, in the present state of the country, of keeping great numbers of the
latter, making it impossible to bring up any cattle that are not in size
and strength a match for them. For, during the summer season, their dogs
are entirely let loose, and left to provide for themselves, which makes
them so exceedingly ravenous, that they will sometimes even attack the
bullocks.

The houses in Bolcheretsk are all of one fashion, being built of logs, and
thatched. That of the commander is much larger than the rest, consisting of
three rooms of a considerable size, neatly papered, and which might have
been reckoned handsome, if the _talc_ with which the windows were covered,
had not given them a poor and disagreeable appearance. The town consists of
several rows of low buildings, each consisting of five or six dwellings,
connected together, with a long common passage running the length of them,
on one side of which is the kitchen and store-house, and on the other the
dwelling apartments. Besides these are barracks for the Russian soldiers
and cossacks, a well-looking church, and a court-room, and at the end of
the town a great number of _balagans_, belonging to the Kamtschadales. The
inhabitants, taken all together, amount to between five and six hundred. In
the evening the major gave a handsome entertainment, to which the principal
people of the town of both sexes were invited.

The next morning we applied privately to the merchant, Fedositsch, to
purchase some tobacco for the sailors, who had now been upward of a
twelvemonth without this favourite commodity. However, this, like all our
other transactions of the same kind, came immediately to the major's
knowledge; and we were soon after surprised to find in our house four bags
of tobacco, weighing-upward of a hundred pounds each, which he begged might
be presented, in the name of himself and the garrison under his command, to
our sailors. At the same time they had sent us twenty loaves of fine sugar,
and as many pounds of tea, being articles they understood we were in great
want of, which they begged to be indulged in presenting to the officers.
Along with these Madame Behm had also sent a present for Captain Clerke,
consisting of fresh-butter, honey, figs, rice, and some other little things
of the same kind, attended with many wishes that, in his infirm state of
health, they might be of service to him. It was in vain we tried to oppose
this profusion of bounty, which I was really anxious to restrain, being
convinced that they were giving away, not a share, but almost the whole
stock of the garrison. The constant answer the major returned us on those
occasions was, that we had suffered a great deal, and that we must needs be
in distress. Indeed the length of time we had been out since we touched at
any known port, appeared to them so very incredible, that it required the
testimony of our maps, and other corroborating circumstances, to gain their
belief. Amongst the latter was a very curious fact which Major Behm related
to us this morning, and which, he said, but for our arrival, he should have
been totally at a loss to account for.

It is well known that the Tschutski are the only people of the north of
Asia who have maintained their independence, and resisted all the attempts
that have been made by the Russians to reduce them. The last expedition
against them was undertaken in the year 1750, and terminated, after various
success, in the retreat of the Russian forces, and the loss of the
commanding officer. Since that time the Russians had removed their frontier
fortress from the Anadir to the Ingiga, a river that empties itself into
the northern extremity of the sea of Okotsk, and gives its name to a gulf
situated to the west of that of Penshinsk. From this fort Major Behm had
received dispatches the day of our arrival at Bolcheretsk, containing
intelligence that a tribe, or party of the Tschutski, had arrived at that
place with propositions of friendship, and a voluntary offer of tribute;
that on enquiring into the cause of this unexpected alteration in their
sentiments, they had informed his people, that toward the latter end of the
last summer they had been visited by two very large Russian boats; that
they had been treated by the people who were in them with the greatest
kindness, and had entered into a league of friendship and amity with them;
and that relying on this friendly disposition, they were now come to the
Russian fort in order to settle a treaty on such terms as might be
acceptable to both nations. This extraordinary history had occasioned much
speculation, both at Ingiginsk and Bolcheretsk; and, had we not furnished
them with a key to it, must have remained perfectly unintelligible. We felt
no small satisfaction in having, though accidentally, shewn the Russians,
in this instance, the only true way of collecting tribute and extending
their dominions; and in the hopes that the good understanding which this
event hath given rise to, may rescue a brave people from the future
invasions of such powerful neighbours.

We dined this day with Captain Shmaleff, and in the afternoon, in order to
vary our amusements, he treated us with an exhibition of the Russian and
Kamtschadale dancing. No description can convey an adequate idea of this
rude and uncouth entertainment. The figure of the Russian dance was much
like those of our hornpipes, and was danced either single, or by two or
four persons at a time. Their steps were, short and quick, with the feet
scarce raised from the ground; the arms were fixed close to the sides, the
body being all the while kept upright and immovable, excepting when the
parties passed each other, at which time the hand was raised with a quick
and awkward motion. But if the Russian dance was, at the same time, both
unmeaning and ridiculous, the Kamtschadale joined to the latter quality the
most whimsical idea that ever entered into any people's heads. It is
intended to represent the awkward and clumsy gestures of the bear, which
these people have frequent opportunities of observing in a great variety of
situations. It will scarcely be expected that I should give a minute
description of all the strange postures which were exhibited on these
occasions; and I shall therefore only mention, that the body was always
bowed, and the knees bent, whilst the arms were used in imitating the
tricks and attitudes of that animal.

As our journey to Bolcheretsk had taken up more time than we expected, and
we were told that our return might prove still more difficult and tedious,
we were under the necessity of acquainting the commander this evening with
our intention of setting out the next day. It was not without the utmost
regret we thought of leaving our new acquaintance, and were therefore most
agreeably surprised when the major told us, that if we could stay one
day longer, he would accompany us. He had, he said, made up his dispatches,
and resigned the command of Kamtschatka to his successor Captain Shmaleff,
and had prepared every thing for his departure to Okotsk, which was to take
place in a few days; but that he should feel great pleasure in putting off
his journey a little longer, and returning with us to Saint Peter and
Paul's, that be might himself be a witness of every thing being done for us
that it was in their power to do.

In return for the few trifles I had given to the children of Major Behm, I
was next morning, the 15th, presented by his little boy with a most
magnificent Kamtschadale dress, which shall be described in its proper
place. It was of the kind worn by the principal _Toions_ of the country on
occasions of great ceremony; and, as I was afterward told by Fedositsch,
could not have been purchased for one hundred and twenty roubles. At the
same time I had a present from his daughter of a handsome sable muff.

We afterward dined with the commander, who, in order to let us see as much
of the manners of the inhabitants, and of the customs of the country, as
our time would permit, invited the whole of the better sort of people in
the village to his house this evening. All the women appeared very
splendidly dressed after the Kamtschadale fashion. The Wives of Captain
Shmaleff and the other officers of the garrison, were prettily dressed,
half in the Siberian and half in the European mode; and Madame Behm, in
order to make the strongest contrast, had unpacked part of her baggage, and
put on a rich European dress. I was much struck with the richness and
variety of the silks which the women wore, and the singularity of their
habits. The whole was like some enchanted scene in the midst of the wildest
and most dreary country in the world. Our entertainment again consisted of
dancing and singing.

The next morning being fixed for our departure, we retired early to our
lodgings, where the first things we saw were three travelling dresses, made
after the fashion of the country, which the major had provided for us, who
came himself to our house soon after, to see all our things packed up and
properly taken care of. Indeed, what with his liberal presents, and the
kindness of Captain Shmaleff, and many other individuals, who all begged to
throw in their mite, together with the ample stock of provisions he had
sent us for our journey, we had amassed no inconsiderable load of baggage.

Early in the morning, every thing being ready for our departure, we were
invited to call on Madame Behm in our way to the boats, and take our leave
of her. Impressed, as our minds were, with sentiments of the warmest
gratitude, by the attentive, benevolent, and generous treatment we had met
with at Bolcheretsk, they were greatly heightened by the affecting scene
which presented itself to us on leaving our lodgings; All the soldiers and
cossacks belonging to the garrison were drawn up on one hand, and the male
inhabitants of the town, dressed out in their best clothes, on the other;
and, as soon as we came out of the house, the whole body of the people
joined in a melancholy song, which the major told us it was usual in that
country to sing on taking leave of their friends. In this manner we marched
down to the commander's house, preceded by the drums and music of the
garrison, where we were received by Madame Behm, attended by the ladies,
who were dressed in long silk cloaks, lined with very valuable furs of
different colours, which made a most magnificent appearance. After
partaking of some refreshment that was prepared for us, we went down to the
water-side, accompanied by the ladies, who now joined the song with the
rest of the inhabitants; and, as soon as we had taken leave of Madame Behm,
and assured her of the grateful sense we should ever retain of the
hospitality of Bolcheretsk, we found ourselves too much affected not to
hasten into the boats with all the expedition we could. When we put off,
the whole company gave us three cheers, which we returned from the boat;
and, as we were doubling a point, where, for the last time, we saw our
friendly entertainers, they took their farewell in another cheer.

We found the stream on our return so exceedingly rapid, that,
notwithstanding the cossacks and Kamtschadales used their utmost exertions,
we did not reach the first village, Opatchin, till the evening of the 17th,
which was at the rate of about twenty miles a day. We got to Natcheekin on
the 19th; and, on the 20th, we crossed the plain to Karatchin. We found the
road much better than when we had passed it before, there having been a
smart frost on the night of the 19th. On the 21st, we proceeded down the
Awatska river; and, before it was dark, got over the shoals which lie at
the entrance of the bay. During the whole course of our journey we were
much pleased with the great good-will with which the _Toions_ and their
Kamtschadales afforded us their assistance at the different _ostrogs_
through which we passed; and I could not but observe the pleasure that
appeared in their countenances on seeing the major, and their strong
expressions of sorrow, on hearing he was so soon going to leave them.

We had dispatched a messenger to Captain Clerke from Bolcheretsk, with an
account of our reception, and of the major's intention of returning with
us, at the same time apprising him of the day he might probably expect to
see us. We were therefore very well pleased to observe, as we approached
the harbour, all the boats of the two ships coming towards us, the men
clean, and the officers as well dressed as the scarcity of our clothing
would permit. The major was much struck at the robust and healthy
appearance of the boats' crews, and still more at seeing most of them
without any other covering than a shirt and trowsers, although at the very
moment it actually snowed.

As Major Behm had expressed his intentions of visiting the ships before he
landed, as soon as we arrived off the town, I desired to receive his
commands; when remarking, that from the account we had given of the very
bad state of Captain Clerke's health, it might be imprudent to disturb him
at so late an hour, (it being now past nine o'clock,) he thought it, he
said, most advisable to remain that night on shore. Accordingly, after
attending him to the serjeant's house, I took my leave for the present, and
went on board to acquaint Captain Clerke with my proceedings at
Bolcheretsk. It was with the utmost concern I found, that, in the fortnight
we had been absent, this excellent officer was much altered for the worse,
instead of reaping that advantage we flattered ourselves he might from the
repose of the harbour, and the milk and vegetable diet with which he was
supplied.

As soon as I had dispatched this business, I returned to the major, and the
next morning conducted him to the ships; where, on his arrival, he was
saluted with thirteen guns, and received with every other mark of
distinction that it was in our power to pay him. He was attended by the
commander of one of the Russian galliots, the master of a sloop that lay in
the harbour, two merchants from Bolcheretsk, and the priest of the
neighbouring village of Paratounca, for whom he appeared to entertain the
highest respect, and whom I shall hereafter have occasion to mention, on
account of his great kindness to Captain Clerke.

After visiting the captain, and taking a view of both the ships, he
returned to dinner on board the Resolution; and, in the afternoon, the
various curiosities we had collected in the course of our voyage were shewn
him, and a complete assortment of every article presented to him by Captain
Clerke. On this occasion I must not pass over an instance of great
generosity and gratitude in the sailors of both ships; who, when they were
told of the handsome present of tobacco that was made them by the major,
desired, entirely of their own accord, that their grog might be stopped,
and their allowance of spirits presented, on their part, to the garrison of
Bolcheretsk, as they said they had reason to conclude that brandy was
scarce in the country, and would be very acceptable to them, since the
soldiers on shore had offered four roubles a bottle for it. We, who knew
how much the sailors always felt whenever their allowance of grog was
stopped, which was generally done in warm weather, that they might have it
in a greater proportion in cold, and that this offer would deprive them of
it during the inclement season we had to expect in our next expedition to
the north, could not but admire so extraordinary a sacrifice; and, that
they might not suffer by it, Captain Clerke, and the rest of the officers,
substituted in the room of the very small quantity the major could be
prevailed on to accept, the same quantity of rum. This, with a dozen or two
of Cape wine, for Madame Behm, and such other little presents as were in
our power to bestow, were accepted in the most obliging manner. The next
morning the tobacco was divided between the crews of the two ships, three
pounds being allotted to every man that chewed or smoked tobacco, and one
pound to those that did not.

I have before mentioned that Major Behm had resigned the command of
Kamtschatka, and intended to set out in, a short time for Petersburg; and
he now offered to charge himself with any dispatches we might trust to his
care. This was an opportunity not to be neglected, and accordingly Captain
Clerke acquainted him, that he would take the liberty of sending by him
some papers relating to our voyage, to be delivered to our ambassador at
the Russian court. Our first intentions were to send only a small journal
of our proceedings; but, afterward, Captain Clerke being persuaded that the
whole account of our discoveries might safely be trusted to a person who
had given such striking proofs both of his public and private virtues; and
considering that we had a very hazardous part of the voyage still to
undertake, determined to send by him the whole of the journal of our late
commander, with that part of his own which completed the period of Captain
Cook's death till our arrival at Kamtschatka, together with a chart of all
our discoveries. Mr Bayly and myself thought it also proper to send a
general account of our proceedings to the Board of Longitude; by which
precautions, if any misfortune had afterward befallen us, the Admiralty
would have been in possession of a complete history of the principal facts
of our voyage. It was also determined that a smaller packet should be sent
by an express from Okotsk, which, the major said, if he was fortunate in
his passage to that port, would reach Petersburg by December, and that he
himself should be there in February or March.

During the three following days the major was entertained alternately in
the two ships in the best manner we were able. On the 25th he took his
leave, and was saluted with thirteen guns; and the sailors, at their own
desire, gave him three cheers. The next morning, Mr Webber and myself
attended him a few miles up the Awatska river, where we met the Russian
priest, his wife and children, who were waiting to take the last farewell
of their commander.

It was hard to say, whether the good priest and his family, or ourselves,
were most affected on taking leave of Major Behm. Short as our acquaintance
had been, his noble and disinterested conduct had inspired us with the
highest respect and esteem for him; and we could not part with a person to
whom we were under such obligations, and whom we had little prospect of
ever seeing again, without feeling the most tender concern. The intrinsic
value of the private presents we received from him, exclusive of the stores
which might be carried to a public account, must have amounted, according
to the current price of articles in that country, to upward of two hundred
pounds. But this generosity, extraordinary as it must appear in itself, was
exceeded by the delicacy with which all his favours were conferred, and the
artful manner in which he endeavoured to prevent our feeling the weight of
obligations, which he knew we had no means of requiting. If we go a step
further, and consider him as supporting a public character, and maintaining
the honour of a great sovereign, we shall find a still higher subject of
admiration, in the just and enlarged sentiments by which he was actuated.
"The service in which you are employed," he would often say, "is for the
general advantage of mankind, and therefore gives you a right, not merely
to the offices of humanity, but to the privileges of citizens, in whatever
country you may be thrown. I am sure I am acting agreeably to the wishes of
my mistress, in affording you all the relief in our power; and I cannot
forget either her character, or my own honour, so much, as to barter for
the performance of my duty." At other times he would tell us, that he was
particularly desirous of setting a good example to the Kamtschadales, who,
he said, were but just emerging from a state of barbarism; that they looked
up to the Russians as their patterns in every thing; and that he had hopes
they might in future look upon it as a duty incumbent upon them to assist
strangers to the utmost of their power, and believe that such was the
universal practice of civilized nations. To all this must be added, that
after having relieved, to the utmost of his abilities, all our present
distresses, he shewed himself not much less mindful of our future wants;
and as he supposed it more than probable we should not discover the passage
we were in search of, and therefore should return to Kamtschatka in the
fall of the year, he made Captain Clerke give him a list of what cordage
and flour we should want, and promised they should be sent from Okotsk, and
wait our arrival. For the same purpose, he gave Captain Clerke a paper,
enjoining all the subjects of the empress, whom we might happen to meet, to
give us every assistance in their power.[20]


[15] Mr Dugald Stewart has not neglected to avail himself of this
    incident, to illustrate his observations on the power which certain
    perceptions or impressions on the senses possess to awaken
    associations.--E.

[16] Even so lately as Captain Krusenstern's visit, the number of horned
    cattle at Saint Peter and Saint Paul's amounted to no more than ten
    cows and as many young heifers; of course, he remarks, there was no
    butter, and very little milk. But it is his opinion, that it would be
    extremely easy to support some hundred head there, as the place
    abounds in the finest grass. Elsewhere he informs us, that it is
    calculated there are about six hundred cattle in the whole of
    Kamtschatka; a number which, for obvious reasons, he thinks may and
    ought to be increased.--E.

[17] Extraordinary as this may appear, Krascheninikoff, whose account of
    Kamtschatka, from every thing that I saw, and had an opportunity of
    comparing it with, seems to me to deserve entire credit, and whose
    authority I shall, therefore, frequently have recourse to, relates
    instances of this kind that are much more surprising. "Travelling
    parties," says he, "are often overtaken with dreadful storms of snow,
    on the approach of which they drive with the utmost precipitation into
    the nearest wood, and there are obliged to stay till the tempest,
    which frequently lasts six or seven days, is over; the dogs remaining
    all this while quiet and inoffensive; except that sometimes, when
    prest by hunger, they will devour the reins and the other leathern
    parts of the harness."--_History and Description of Kamtschatka, by
    Krascheninikof_.

[18] Captain King does not seem to have heard or inferred any thing as to
    the danger usually encountered in the summer excursions on the river,
    from the nature of the vessels employed. This, according to
    Krusenstern, infinitely more resembles a trough than a boat, being, in
    fact, the hollow trunk of a tree, and exceedingly apt to be upset by
    the rapidity of the stream. Thus, he says, scarcely a year passes in
    which several people are not drowned, both in the Kamtschatka river
    and the Awatscha; a serious loss any where, no doubt; but in this
    country, where population is so scanty, and so uncertain, incomparably
    more important in a political point of view.--E.

[19] On this occasion Major Behm permitted us to examine all the maps and
    charts that were in his possession. Those relating to the peninsula of
    the Tschutski, were made in conformity to the information collected by
    Plenishner, between the years 1760 and 1770. As the charts of
    Plenishner were afterwards made use of, according to Mr Coxe, in the
    compilation of the General Map of Russia, published by the Academy in
    1776, it may be necessary to observe, that we found them exceedingly
    erroneous; and that the compilers of the General Map seem to have been
    led into some mistakes on his authority. Those in which the islands on
    the coast of America were laid down, we found to contain nothing new,
    and to be much less accurate than those we saw at Oonalashka.

[20] The reader need scarcely be reminded, that mention is made in the
    introduction to this voyage, of an honourable testimony of British
    gratitude for the extraordinary services of this generous man. Of his
    subsequent history, we regret to say, we are entirely ignorant.--E.




SECTION III.


Continuation of Transactions in the Harbour of St Peter and St
Paul.--Abundance of Fish.--Death of a Seaman belonging to the
Resolution.--The Russian Hospital put under the Care of the Ship's
Surgeons.--Supply of Flour and Cattle.--Celebration of the King's
Birth-day.--Difficulties in Sailing out of the Bay.--Eruption of a
Volcano.--Steer to the Northward.--Cheepoonskoi Noss.--Errors of the
Russian Charts.--Kamptschatskoi Noss.--Island of St Laurence.--View, from
the same Point, of the Coasts of Asia and America, and the Islands of St
Diomede.--Various Attempts to get to the North, between the two
Continents.--Obstructed by Impenetrable Ice.--Sea-horses and White Bears
killed.--Captain Clerke's Determination and future Designs.


Having concluded the last section with an account of our return from
Bolcheretsk, accompanied by Major Behm, the commander of Kamtschatka, and
of his departure, I shall proceed to relate the transactions that passed in
the harbour of St Peter and St Paul during our absence. On the 7th of May,
soon after we had left the bay, a large piece of ice drove across the cut-
water of the Resolution, and brought home the small bower-anchor. This
obliged them to weigh the other anchor, and moor again. The carpenters who
were employed in stopping the leak, were obliged to take off a great part
of the sheathing from the bows, and found many of the trunnels so very
loose and rotten, as to be easily drawn out with the fingers.

On the 11th, they had heavy gales from the N.E., which obliged both the
ships to strike yards and topmasts; but in the afternoon the weather being
more moderate, and the ice having drifted away as far as the mouth of the
harbour of St Peter and St Paul, they warped close to the shore for the
greater convenience, of watering and wooding, and again moored as before;
the town bearing N. 1/2 W., half a mile distant, and the mouth of the bay
shut in by the southernmost point of Rakowina harbour, S.

The next day a party was sent on shore to cut wood, but made little
progress on account of the snow, which still covered the ground. A
convenient spot was cleared away abreast of the ships, where there was a
fine run of water; and a tent being erected for the cooper, the empty casks
were landed, and the sail-makers sent on shore.

On the 15th, the beach being clear of ice, the people were sent to haul the
seine, and caught an abundant supply of fine flat fish for both the ships'
companies. Indeed from this time, during the whole of our stay in the
harbour, we were absolutely overpowered with the quantities of fish which
came in from every quarter. The _Toions_, both of this town, and of
Paratounca, a village in the neighbourhood, had received orders from Major
Behm to employ all the Kamtschadales in our service; so that we frequently
could not take into the ships the presents that were sent us. They
consisted in general of fish, cod, trout, and herring. These last, which
were in their full perfection, and of a delicious flavour, were exceedingly
abundant in this bay. The Discovery's people surrounded at one time so
great a quantity in their seine, that they were obliged to throw a vast
number out, lest the net should be broken to pieces; and the cargo they
landed was afterward so plentiful, that besides a sufficient store for
immediate use, they filled as many casks as they could spare for salting;
and after sending to the Resolution a sufficient quantity for the same
purpose, they left several bushels behind on the beach.

The snow now began to disappear very rapidly, and abundance of wild garlic,
celery, and nettle-tops, were gathered for the use of the crews; which
being boiled with wheat and portable soup, made them a wholesome and
comfortable breakfast; and with this they were supplied every morning. The
birch-trees were also tapped, and the sweet juice, which they yielded in
great quantities, was constantly mixed with the men's allowance of brandy.

The next day a small bullock, which had been procured for the ship's
company by the serjeant, was killed; and weighed two hundred and seventy-
two pounds. It was served out to both crews for their Sunday's dinner,
being the first piece of fresh beef they had tasted since our departure
from the Cape of Good Hope, in December 1776, a period of near two years
and a half.

This evening died John Macintosh, the carpenter's mate, after having
laboured under a dysentery ever since our departure from the Sandwich
islands; he was a very hard working quiet man, and much regretted by his
messmates. He was the fourth person we lost by sickness during the voyage;
but the first who could be said, from his age and the constitutional habits
of his body, to have had on our setting out an equal chance with the rest
of his comrades; Watman, we supposed to be about sixty years of age, and
Roberts and Mr Anderson, from the decay which had evidently commenced
before we left England, could not, in all probability, under any
circumstances, have lived a greater length of time than they did.

I have already mentioned, that Captain Clerke's health continued daily to
decline, notwithstanding the salutary change of diet which the country of
Kamtschatka afforded him. The priest of Paratounca, as soon as he heard of
the infirm state he was in, supplied him every day with bread, milk, fresh
butter, and fowls, though his house was sixteen miles from the harbour
where we lay.

On our first arrival, we found the Russian hospital, which is near the town
of St Peter and St Paul, in a condition truly deplorable. All the soldiers
were, more or less, affected by the scurvy, and a great many in the last
stage of that disorder. The rest of the Russian inhabitants were also in
the same condition; and we particularly remarked, that our friend the
serjeant, by making too free with the spirits we gave him, had brought on
himself, in the course of a few days, some of the most alarming symptoms of
that malady. In this lamentable state, Captain Clerke put them all under
the care of our surgeons, and ordered a supply of sourkrout, and malt, for
wort, to be furnished for their use. It was astonishing to observe the
alteration in the figures of almost every person we met on our return from
Bolcheretsk; and I was informed by our surgeons, that they attributed their
speedy recovery principally to the effects of the sweetwort.[21]

On the 1st of June we got on board two hundred and fifty poods, or nine
thousand pound weight of rye-flour, with which we were supplied from the
stores of St Peter and St Paul; and the Discovery had a proportional
quantity. The men were immediately put on full allowance of bread, which
they had not been indulged in since our leaving the Cape of Good Hope. The
same day our watering was completed, having got on board sixty-five tons.

On the 4th we had fresh breezes and hard rain, which disappointed us in our
design of dressing the ships, and obliged us to content ourselves with
firing twenty-one guns in honour of the day, and celebrating it in other
respects in the best manner we were able. Port, who was left with us on
account of his skill in languages, behaved himself with so much modesty and
discretion, that as soon as his master was gone, he was no longer Jean
Port, but Monsieur Port, the interpreter; and partook, as well as the
serjeant (in his capacity of commander of the place), of the entertainment
of the day. Our worthy friend, the priest of Paratounca, having got
intelligence of its being our king's birth-day, gave also a sumptuous
feast; at which some of our gentlemen were present, who seemed highly
delighted with their entertainment, which consisted of abundance of good
eating and drinking, together with dancing.

On the 6th, twenty head of cattle were sent us by the commander's orders,
from the Verchnei _ostrog_, which is situated on the river Kamtschatka, at
the distance of near a hundred miles from this place, in a direct line.
They were of a moderate size; and, notwithstanding the Kamtschadales had
been seventeen days in driving them down to the harbour, arrived in good
condition. The four following days were employed in making ready for sea;
and on the 11th, at two in the morning, we began to unmoor; but before we
had got one anchor up, it blew so strong a gale from the N.E., that we kept
fast, and moored again; conjecturing, from the position of the entrance of
the bay, that the current of wind would set up the channel. Accordingly,
the pinnace being sent out to examine the passage, returned with an
account, that the wind blew strong from the S.E., with a great swell
setting into the bay, which would have made any attempt to get to sea very
hazardous.

Our friend Port now took his leave of us, and carried with him the box with
our Journals, which was to go by the major, and the packet that was to be
sent express. On the 12th, the weather being more moderate, we began to
unmoor again; but, after breaking the messenger, and reeving a running
purchase with a six-inch hawser, which also broke three times, we were
obliged at last to heave a strain at low water, and wait for the flowing of
the tide to raise the anchor. This project succeeded; but not without
damaging the cable in the wake of the hawse. At three we weighed the best
bower, and set sail; and at eight having little wind, and the tide making
against us, we dropped anchor again in ten fathoms, off the mouth of
Rakowina harbour; the _ostrog_ bearing N. by E. 1/2 E., two miles and a
half distant; the Needle Rocks on the east side of the passage, S.S.E. 1/2
E.; and the high rock, on the west side of the passage, S.

On the 13th, at four in the morning, we got under way with the ebb tide;
and there being a dead calm, the boats were sent ahead to tow the ships. At
ten the wind springing up from the S.E. by S., and the tide having turned,
we were again obliged to drop anchor in seven fathoms; the Three Needle
Rocks bearing S. 1/2 E.; and the _ostrog_ N. 1/2 E., at the distance of one
mile from the nearest land. After dinner I went with Captain Gore on shore
on the east side of the passage, where we saw, in two different places, the
remains of extensive villages; and on the side of the hill an old ruined
parapet, with four or five embrasures. It commanded the passage up the
mouth of the bay; and in Beering's time, as he himself mentions, had guns
mounted on it. Near this place were the ruins of some caverns under ground,
which we supposed to have been magazines.

At six in the afternoon we weighed with the ebb tide, and turned to
windward; but at eight a thick fog arising, we were obliged to bring-to, as
our soundings could not afford us a sufficient direction for steering
between several sunk rocks, which lie on each side of the passage we had to
make. In the morning of the 14th, the fog clearing away, we weighed as soon
as the tide began to ebb, and having little wind, sent the boats ahead to
tow; but at ten o'clock, both the wind and tide set in so strong from the
sea, that we were again obliged to drop anchor in thirteen fathoms, the
high rock bearing W. 1/4 S., distant three quarters of a mile. We remained
fast for the rest of the day, the wind blowing fresh into the mouth of the
bay; and toward evening, the weather had a very unusual appearance, being
exceedingly dark and cloudy, with an unsettled shifting wind.

Before day-light, on the 15th, we were surprised with a rumbling noise,
resembling distant hollow thunder; and when the day broke, we found the
decks and sides of the ships covered with a fine dust like emery, near an
inch thick. The air at the same time continued loaded and darkened with
this substance, and toward the _volcano_ mountain, situated to the north of
the harbour, it was so thick and black, that we could not distinguish the
body of the hill. About twelve o'clock, and during the afternoon, the
explosions became louder, and were followed by showers of cinders, which
were in general about the size of peas; though many were picked up from the
deck larger than a hazel-nut. Along with the cinders fell several small
stones, which had undergone no change from the action of fire. In the
evening we had dreadful thunder and lightning, which, with the darkness of
the atmosphere, and the sulphureous smell of the air, produced altogether a
most awful and terrifying effect. We were at this time about eight leagues
from the foot of the mountain.

On the 16th, at day-light, we again weighed anchor, and stood out of the
bay; but the ebb tide setting across the passage upon the eastern shore,
and the wind falling, we were driven very near the Three Needle Rocks,
which lie on that side of the entrance, and obliged to hoist out the boats,
in order to tow the ships clear of them. At noon we were two leagues from
the land, and had soundings with forty-three fathoms of line, over a bottom
of small stones, of the same kind with those which fell on our decks after
the eruption of the _volcano_; but whether they had been, left there by the
last, or by some former eruptions, we were not able to determine.

The aspect of the country was now very different from what it had been on
our first arrival. The snow, excepting what remained on the tops of some
very high mountains, had disappeared; and the sides of the hills, which in
many parts were well wooded, were covered with a beautiful verdure.

As it was Captain Clerke's intention to keep as much in sight of the coast
of Kamtschatka as the weather would permit, in order to determine its
position, we continued steering to the N.N.E, with light and variable winds
till the 18th. The _volcano_ was still seen throwing up immense volumes of
smoke, and we had no soundings with one hundred and fifty fathoms, at the
distance of four leagues from the shore.

On the 18th, the wind freshening from the south, the weather became so
thick and hazy, as to make it imprudent to attempt any longer to keep in
sight of the land. But that we might be ready to resume our survey,
whenever the fogs should disperse, we ran on in the direction of the coast,
as laid down in the Russian charts, and fired signal guns for the Discovery
to steer the same course. At eleven o'clock, just before we lost sight of
the land, Cheepoonskoi Noss, so called by the Russians, (a description of
which, as well as the coast between it and Awatska Bay, will be given,
hereafter), bore N.N.E., distant seven or eight leagues.

On the 20th, at three in the morning, the weather having cleared up, we
stood in toward the land; and in an hour's time saw it ahead, extending
from N.W. to N.N.E., distant about five leagues. The north part we took to
be Kronotskoi Noss; its position in the Russian charts agreeing nearly with
our reckoning as to its latitude, which was 54 deg. 42'; but in longitude we
differed from them considerably, they placing it 1 deg. 48' E. of Awatska;
whereas our reckoning, corrected by the time-keepers and lunar
observations, makes it 3 deg. 34' eastward of that place, or 162 deg. 17' E. from
Greenwich. The land about this cape is very high, and the inland mountains
were still covered with snow. The shore breaks off in steep cliffs, and the
coast is without appearance of inlets or bays. We had not been long
gratified with this sight of the land, when the Wind freshened from the
S.W., and brought on a thick fog, which obliged us to stand off to the
N.E.by E. The weather clearing up again at noon, we steered toward the
land, expecting to fall in with Kamtschatskoi Noss, and had sight of it at
day-break of the 21st.

The southerly wind was soon after succeeded by a light breeze blowing off
the land, which prevented our approaching the coast sufficiently near to
describe its aspect, or ascertain with accuracy its direction. At noon our
latitude, by observation, was 55 deg. 52', and longitude (deduced from a
comparison of many lunar observations, taken near this time, with the time-
keepers), 163 deg. 50'; the extremities of the land bearing N.W. by W. 3/4 W.,
and N. by W. 3/4 W., the nearest part about eight leagues distant. At nine
o'clock in the evening, having approached about two leagues nearer the
coast, we found it formed a projecting peninsula, extending about twelve
leagues in a direction nearly north and south. It is level, and of a
moderate height, the southern extremity terminating in a low sloping point;
that to the north forming a steep bluff head; and between them, about four
leagues to the southward of the northern cape, there is a considerable
break in the land. On each side of this break the land is quite low; beyond
the opening rises a remarkable saddle-like hill; and a chain of high
mountains, covered with snow, ranges along the back of the whole peninsula.

As the coast runs in an even direction, we were at a great loss where to
place Kamtschatskoi Noss, which, according to Muller, forms a projecting
point about the middle of the peninsula, and which certainly does not
exist; but I have since found, that in the general map published by the
Academy of Petersburgh in 1776, that name is given to the southern cape.
This was found, by several accurate observations, to be in latitude 56 deg. 3',
longitude 163 deg. 20'; the difference, in longitude, from the Russian charts,
being the same as at Kronotskoi Noss. The variation of the compass at this
time was 10 deg. E. To the southward of this peninsula, the great river
Kamtschatka falls into the sea.

As the season was too far advanced to admit of our making an accurate
survey of the coast of Kamtschatka, it was Captain Clerke's plan, in our
run to Beering'a Strait, to determine principally the positions of the
projecting points of the coast. We therefore directed our course across an
extensive bay, laid down between Kamtschatskoi Noss and Olutorskoi Noss,
intending to make the latter; which, according to the Russian geographers,
terminates the peninsula called Kamtschatka, and becomes the southern
boundary of the Koriaki country.

On the 22d we passed a dead whale, which emitted a horrid stench,
perceivable at upward of a league's distance; it was covered with a great
number of sea-birds, that were feasting on it.

On the 24th, the wind, which had varied round the compass the three
preceding days, fixed at S.W., and brought clear weather, with which we
continued our course to the N.E. by N. across the bay, without any land in
sight.

This day we saw a great number of gulls, and were witnesses to the
disgusting mode of feeding of the arctic gull, which has procured it the
name of the parasite; and which, if the reader is not already acquainted
with it, he will find in the note below.[22]

On the 25th, at one o'clock in the afternoon, being in latitude 59 deg. 12',
longitude 168 deg. 35', the wind freshening from the same quarter, a thick fog
succeeded; and this unfortunately just at the time we expected to see
Olutorskoi Noss, which, if Muller places it right in latitude 59 deg. 3O', and
in longitude 167 deg.36', could only have then been twelve leagues from us; at
which distance, land of a moderate height might easily have been seen. But
if the same error in longitude prevails here, which we have hitherto
invariably found, it would have been much nearer us, even before the fog
came on; and as we saw no appearances of land at that time, it must either
have been very low, or there must be some mistake of latitude in Muller's
account. We tried soundings, but had no ground with one hundred and sixty
fathoms of line.

The weather still thickening, and preventing a nearer approach to the land,
at five we steered E. by N., which is somewhat more easterly than the
Russian charts lay down the trending of the coast from Olutorskoi Noss. The
next day we had a fresh gale from the S.W., which lasted till the 27th at
noon, when the fogs clearing away, we stood to the northward, in order to
make the land. The latitude at noon, by observation, was 59 deg. 49', longitude
175 deg. 43'. Notwithstanding we saw shags in the forenoon, which are supposed
never to go far from land, yet there was no appearance of it this day; but
on the 28th, at six in the morning, we got sight of it to the N.W. The
coast shews itself in hills of a moderate height; but inland, others are
seen to rise considerably. We could observe no wood, and the snow lying
upon them in patches, gave the whole a very barren appearance. At nine we
were about ten miles from the shore, the southern extremity bearing W. by
S., six leagues distant, beyond which the coast appeared to trend to the
westward. This point being in latitude 61 deg. 48', longitude 174 deg., 48', lies,
according to the Russian charts, near the mouth of the river Opuka. At the
same time the northern extreme bore N. by W.; between which and a hill
bearing N.W. by W. 1/4 W., and at this distance appearing to us like an
island, the coast seemed to bend to the westward, and form a deep bay.

About eight miles from land, we perceived ourselves in a strong rippling;
and being apprehensive of foul ground, we bore away to the N.E., along the
shore; notwithstanding, on heaving the lead, we found regular soundings of
twenty-four fathoms, over a gravelly bottom; from whence we concluded, that
this appearance was occasioned by a tide, at that time running to the
southward. At noon, the extremes of the land bearing W.S.W. 3/4 W., and
N.N.E. 3/4 E., distant from the nearest shore four leagues, we were abreast
of the low land, which we now perceived to join the two points, where we
had before expected to find a deep bay. The coast bends a little to the
westward, and has a small inlet, which may probably be the mouth of some
trifling stream. Our latitude, by observation, was 61 deg. 56', and longitude
175 deg. 43', and the variation of the compass 17 deg. 30' E.

We continued during the afternoon to run along the shore, at the distance
of four or five leagues, with a moderate westerly breeze, carrying regular
soundings from twenty-eight to thirty-six fathoms. The coast presented the
same barren aspect as to the southward; the hills rising considerably
inland, but to what height, the clouds on their tops put it out of our
power to determine. At eight in the evening, land was thought to have been
seen to the E. by N., on which, we steered to the southward of E.; but it
turned out to be only a fog-bank. At midnight, the extreme point bearing
N.E. 1/4 E., we supposed it to be Saint Thadeus's Noss; to the southward of
which the land trends to the westward, and forms a deep bight, wherein,
according to the Russian charts, lies the river Katirka.

On the 29th, the weather was unsettled and variable, with the wind from the
N.E. At noon of the 30th, our latitude, by observation, was 61 deg. 48', and
longitude 180 deg. 0'; at which time Saint Thadeus's Noss bore N.N.W., twenty-
three leagues distant, and beyond it we observed the coast stretching
almost directly N. The most easterly point of the Noss is in latitude 62 deg.
50', and longitude 179 deg. 0', being 3-1/2 deg. more to the E. than what the
Russians make it. The land about it must be of a considerable height, from
its being seen at so great a distance. During the two last days, we saw
numbers of whales, large seals, and sea-horses; also gulls, sea-parrots,
and albatrosses. We took the advantage of a little calm weather to try for
fish, and caught abundance of fine cod. The depth of water from sixty-five
to seventy-five fathoms.

On the 1st of July at noon, Mr Bligh having moored a small keg with the
deep-sea lead, in seventy-five fathoms, found the ship made a course N. by
E., half a mile an hour. This he attributed to the effect of a long
southerly swell, and not to that of any current. The wind freshening from
the S.E. toward evening, we shaped our course to the N.E. by E., for the
point called in Beering's chart Tschukotskoi Noss, which we had observed on
the 4th of September last year, at the same time that we saw, to the S E.,
the island of Saint Laurence. This cape, and Saint Thadeus's Noss, form the
N.E. and S.W. extremities of the large and deep gulph of Anadir, into the
bottom of which the river of that name empties itself, dividing as it
passes the country of the Koriacs from that of the Tschutski.

On the 3d at noon, the latitude, by observation, was 63 deg. 33', and the
longitude 186 deg. 45'; half an hour after which we got sight of the
Tschukotskoi Noss, bearing N. 1/2 W., thirteen or fourteen leagues distant;
and at five in the afternoon saw the island of Saint Laurence, bearing E.
3/4 N.; and another island a little to the eastward of it, which we
supposed to be between Saint Laurence and Anderson's Island, about six
leagues E.S.E. of the former. As we had no certain accounts of this island,
Captain Clerke was desirous of a nearer prospect, and immediately hauled
the wind toward it; but unfortunately we were not able to weather the
island of Saint Laurence, and were therefore under the necessity of bearing
up again, and passing them all to the leeward.

We had a better opportunity of settling the longitude of the island Saint
Laurence, when we last saw it than now. But seeing it at that time but
once, and to the southward, we could only determine its latitude so far as
we could judge of distances; whereas now the noon observations enabled us
to ascertain it correctly, which is 63 deg. 47'. Its longitude was found to be
188 deg. 15' as before. This island, if its boundaries were at this time within
our view, is about three leagues in circuit. The north part may be seen at
the distance of ten or twelve leagues; but as it falls in lowland to the
south-east, the extent of which we could not see, some of us conjectured
that it might probably be joined to the land to the eastward of it; this,
however, the haziness of the weather prevented our ascertaining. These
islands, as well as the land about the Tschukotskoi Noss, were covered with
snow, and presented us with a most dreary picture. At midnight, Saint
Laurence bore S.S.E., five or six miles distant; and our depth of water was
eighteen fathoms. We were accompanied by various kinds of sea-fowl, and saw
several small crested hawks.

The weather still continuing to thicken, we lost all sight of land till the
5th, when it appeared both to the N.E. and N.W, Our latitude, by account,
was at this time 65 deg. 24', longitude 189 deg. 14'. As the islands of Saint
Diomede, which lie between the two continents in Beering's strait, were
determined by us last year to be in latitude 65 deg. 48', we could not
reconcile the land to the N.E., with the situation of these islands. We
therefore stood toward the land till three in the afternoon, when we were
within four miles of it, and finding it to be two islands, were pretty well
satisfied of their being the same; but the weather still continuing hazy,
to make sure of our situation, we stood over to the coast of Asia till
seven in the evening; at which time we were within two or three leagues of
the east cape of that continent.

This cape is a high round head of land, extending four or five miles from
north to south, forming a peninsula, and connected with the continent by a
narrow neck of low land. Its shore is bold, and off its north part are
three high, detached, spiral rocks. At this time it was covered with snow,
and the beach surrounded with ice. We were now convinced, that we had been
under the influence of a strong current, setting to the north, that had
caused an error in our latitude at noon of twenty miles. In passing this
strait the last year, we had experienced the same effect.

Being at length sure of our position, we held on to the N. by E. At ten at
night the weather becoming clear, we had an opportunity of seeing, at the
same moment, the remarkable peaked hill, near Cape Prince of Wales, on the
coast of America, and the east cape of Asia, with the two connecting
islands of Saint Diomede between them.[23]

At noon on the 6th, the latitude, by account, was 67 deg. N., and the longitude
191 deg. 6' E. Having already passed a considerable number of large masses of
ice, and observed that it still adhered in several places to the shore on
the continent of Asia, we were not much surprised to fall in, at three in
the afternoon, with an extensive body of it, stretching away to the
westward. This sight gave great discouragement to our hopes of advancing
much farther northward this year, than we had done the preceding.

Having little wind in the afternoon, we hoisted out the boats in pursuit of
the sea-horses, which were in great numbers on the detached pieces of ice;
but they soon returned without success; these animals being exceedingly
shy, and before they could come within gun-shot always making their retreat
into the water.

At seven in the evening we hoisted in the boats, and the wind freshening
from the southward, we stood on to the N.E., with a view of exploring the
continent of America, between the latitudes of 68 deg. and 69 deg., which,
owing to the foggy weather last year, we had not been able to examine. In
this attempt we were again in part disappointed. For on the 7th, at six in
the morning, we were stopped by a large field of ice, stretching from N.W.
to S.E.; but soon after, the horizon becoming clear, we had sight of the
coast of America, at about ten leagues distance, extending from N.E. by E.
to E., and lying, by observation, between the 68 deg. and 68 deg. 20' of latitude.
As the weather was clear, and the ice not high, we were enabled to see over
a great extent of it. The whole presented a solid and compact surface, not
in the smallest degree thawed; and appeared to us likewise to adhere to the
land.

The weather soon after changing to hazy, we saw no more of the land; and
there not remaining a possibility of approaching nearer to it, we stood to
the N.N.W., keeping the ice close on board, and got round its western
extremity by noon, when we found it trending nearly N. Our latitude at this
time was, by account, 68 deg. 22', and longitude 192 deg. 34'. We continued our
course to the N.N.E., along the edge of the ice, during the remaining part
of the day, passing through many loose pieces that had been broken, off
from the main body, and against which, notwithstanding all our caution, the
ships were driven with great violence. At eight o'clock in the evening, we
passed some drift-wood; and at midnight the wind shifted to the N.W., the
thermometer fell from 38 deg. to 31', and we had continued showers of snow and
sleet.

On the 8th at five in the morning, the wind coming still more to the
northward, we could no longer keep on the same tack, on account of the ice,
but were obliged to stand to the westward. At this time our soundings had
decreased to nineteen fathoms, from which, on comparing it with our
observations on the depth of water last year, we concluded that we were not
at a greater distance from the American shore than six or seven leagues;
but our view was confined within a much shorter compass, by a violent fall
of snow. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69 deg. 21', longitude 192 deg.
42'. At two in the afternoon the weather cleared up, and we found ourselves
close to an expanse of what appeared from the deck solid ice; but, from the
mast-head, it was discovered to be composed of huge compact bodies, close
and united toward the outer edge, but in the interior parts several
pieces were seen floating in vacant spaces of the water. It extended from
N.E. by the N. to W.S.W. We bore away by the edge of it to the southward,
that we might get into clearer water; for the strong northerly winds had
drifted down such quantities of loose pieces, that we had been for some
time surrounded by them, and could not avoid striking against several,
notwithstanding we reefed the topsails, and stood under an easy sail.

On the 9th we had a fresh gale from the N.N.W., with heavy showers of snow
and sleet. The thermometer was in the night time 28 deg., and at noon 30 deg.. We
continued to steer W.S.W., as before, keeping as near the large body of ice
as we could, and had the misfortune to rub off some of the sheathing from
the bows against the drift pieces, and to damage the cutwater. Indeed, the
shocks we could not avoid receiving, were frequently so severe, as to be
attended with considerable danger. At noon, the latitude, by account, was
69 deg. 12',. and longitude 188 deg. 5'. The variation in the afternoon was found
to be 29 deg. 30' E.

As we had now sailed near forty leagues to the westward, along the edge of
the ice, without seeing any opening, or a clear sea to the northward beyond
it, and had therefore no prospect of advancing farther N. for the present,
Captain Clerke resolved to bear away to the S. by E. (the only quarter that
was clear), and to wait till the season was more advanced, before he made
any farther efforts to penetrate through the ice. The intermediate time he
proposed to spend in examining the bay of Saint Laurence, and the coast to
the southward of it; as a harbour so near, in case of future damage from
the ice, would be very desirable. We also wished to pay another visit to
our Tschutski friends; and particularly since the accounts we had heard of
them from the commander of Kamtschatka.

We therefore stood on to the southward, till the noon of the 10th, at which
time we passed great quantities of drift-ice, and the wind fell to a
perfect calm. The latitude, by observation, was 68 deg. 1', longitude 188 deg. 30'.
We passed several whales in the forenoon, and in the afternoon hoisted out
the boats, and sent them in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in great
numbers on the pieces of ice that surrounded us. Our people were more
successful than they had been before, returning with three large ones and a
young one; besides killing and wounding several others. The gentlemen who
went on this party were witnesses of several remarkable instances of
parental affection in those animals. On the approach of our boats toward
the ice, they all took their cubs under their fins, and endeavoured to
escape with them into the sea. Several, whose young were killed or wounded,
and left floating on the surface, rose again, and carried them down,
sometimes just as our people were going to take them up into the boat; and
might be traced bearing them to a great distance through the water, which
was coloured with their blood; we afterward observed them bringing them at
times above the surface, as if for air, and again diving under it with a
dreadful bellowing. The female, in particular, whose young had been
destroyed, and taken into the boat, became so enraged, that she attacked
the cutter, and struck her two tusks through the bottom of it.

At eight in the evening, a breeze sprang up to the eastward, with which we
still continued our course to the southward, and at twelve fell in with
numerous large bodies of ice. We endeavoured to push through them with an
easy sail, for fear of damaging the ship; and having got a little farther
to the southward, nothing was to be seen but one compact field of ice,
stretching to the S.W., S.E., and N.E., as far as the eye could reach. This
unexpected and formidable obstacle put an end to Captain Clerke's plan of
visiting the Tschutski; for no space remained open, but back again to the
northward. Accordingly, at three in the morning of the 11th, we tacked, and
stood to that quarter. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 67 deg. 49',
and longitude 188 deg. 47'.

On the 12th, we had light winds, with thick hazy weather; and on trying the
current, we found it set to the N.W., at the rate of half a knot an hour.
We continued to steer northward, with a moderate southerly breeze and fair
weather till the 13th, at ten in the forenoon, when we again found
ourselves close in with a solid field of ice, to which we could see no
limits from the mast-head. This at once dashed all our hopes of penetrating
farther, which had been considerably raised, by having now advanced near
ten leagues through a space, which on the 9th we had found occupied by
impenetrable ice. Our latitude at this time was 69 deg. 37'; our position
nearly in the mid-channel between tween the two continents; and the field
of ice extending from E.N.E. to W.S.W.

As there did not remain the smallest prospect of getting farther north in
the part of the sea where we now were, Captain Clerke resolved to make one
more and final attempt on the American coast, for Baffin's Bay, since we
had been able to advance the farthest on this side last year. Accordingly
we kept working the remaining part of the day to the windward, with a fresh
easterly breeze. We saw several fulmars and arctic gulls, and passed two
trees, both appearing to have lain in the water a long time. The larger was
about ten feet in length, and three in circumference, without either bark
or branches, but with the roots remaining attached.

On the 14th, we stood on to the eastward, with thick and foggy weather, our
course being nearly parallel to that we steered the 8th and 9th, but six
leagues more to the northward. On the 15th, the wind freshened from the
westward, and having in a great measure dispersed the fog, we immediately
stood to the northward, that we might take a nearer view of the ice; and in
an hour were close in with it, extending from N.N.W. to N.E. We found it to
be compact and solid; the outer parts were ragged, and of different
heights; the interior surface was even, and we judged from eight to ten
feet above the level of the sea. The weather becoming moderate for the
remaining part of the day, we directed our course according to the trending
of the ice, which in many parts formed deep bays.

In the morning of the 16th the wind freshened, and was attended with thick
and frequent showers of snow. At eight in the forenoon, it blew a strong
gale from the W.S.W., and brought us under double-reefed top-sails; when
the weather clearing a little, we found ourselves embayed, the ice having
taken a sudden turn to the S.E., and in one compact body surrounding us on
all sides, except on the south quarter. We therefore hauled our wind to the
southward, being at this time in latitude 70 deg. 8' N., and in twenty-six
fathoms water; and, as we supposed, about twenty-five leagues from the
coast of America. The gale increasing, at four in the afternoon we close
reefed the fore and main top-sails, furled the mizen-top-sail, and got the
top-gallant-yards down upon deck. At eight, finding the depth of water had
decreased to twenty-two fathoms, which we considered as a proof of
our near approach to the American coast, we tacked and stood to the north.
We had blowing weather, accompanied with snow, through the night; but next
morning it became clear and moderate, and at eight in the forenoon we got
the top-gallant yards across, and made sail with the wind still at W.S.W.
At noon we were in latitude, by observation, 69 deg. 55', longitude 194 deg. 30'.
Toward evening the wind slackened, and at midnight it was a calm.

On the 18th, at five in the morning, a light breeze sprung up from the
E.N.E., with which we continued our course to the north, in order to regain
the ice as soon as possible. We passed some small logs of drift-wood, and
saw abundance of sea-parrots, and the small ice-birds, and likewise a
number of whales. At noon the latitude, by observation, was 70 deg. 26', and
longitude 194 deg. 54'; the depth of water twenty-three fathoms; the ice
stretched from N. to E.N.E., and was distant about three miles. At one in
the afternoon, finding that we were close in with a firm united field of
it, extending from W.N.W. to E., we tacked, and the wind coming round to
the westward, stood on to the eastward, along its edge, till eleven at
night. At that time a very thick fog coming on, and the water shoaling to
nineteen fathoms, we hauled our wind to the south. The variation observed
this day was 31 deg. 20' E. It is remarkable, that though we saw no sea-horses
on the body of the ice, yet they were in herds, and in greater numbers on
the detached fragments, than we had ever observed before. About nine in the
evening, a white bear was seen swimming close by the Discovery; it
afterward made to the ice, on which were also two others.

On the 19th, at one in the morning, the weather clearing up, we again
steered to the N.E. till two, when we were a second time so completely
embayed, that there was no opening left but to the south; to which quarter
we accordingly directed our course, returning through a remarkably smooth
water, and with very favourable weather, by the same way we had come in. We
were never able to penetrate farther north than at this time, when our
latitude was 70 deg. 33'; and this was five leagues short of the point to which
we advanced last season. We held on to the S.S.W., with light winds from
the N.W., by the edge of the main ice, which lay on our left hand, and
stretched between us and the continent of America. Our latitude, by
observation at noon, was 70 deg. 11', our longitude 196 deg. 15', and the depth of
water sixteen fathoms. From this circumstance, we judged that the Icy Cape
was now only at seven or eight leagues distance; but though the weather was
in general clear, it was at the same time hazy in the horizon; so that we
could not expect to see it.[24]

In the afternoon we saw two white bears in the water, to which we
immediately gave chase in the jolly-boat, and had the good fortune to kill
them both. The larger, which probably was the dam of the younger, being
shot first, the other would not quit it, though it might easily have
escaped on the ice whilst the men were reloading, but remained swimming
about, till after being fired upon several times, it was shot dead.

The dimensions of the larger were as follow:


                                                  Ft. In.

From the snout to the end of the tail              7   2
From the snout to the shoulder-bone                2   3
Height of the shoulder                             4   3
Circumference near the fore-legs                   4  10
Breadth of the fore-paw                               10

                                                  lb.
Weight of the four quarters                      436
Weight of the four quarters of the smallest      256


On comparing the dimensions of this with Lord Mulgrave's white bear, they
were found almost exactly the same, except in the circumference, where
our's fell exceedingly short.

These animals afforded us a few excellent meals of fresh meat. The flesh
had, indeed, a strong filthy taste, but was, in every respect infinitely
superior to that of the sea-horse; which nevertheless our people were again
persuaded, without much difficulty, to prefer to their salted provisions.

At six in the morning of the 20th, a thick fog coming on, we lost sight of
the ice for two hours; but the weather clearing, we saw the main body again
to the S.S.E., when we hauled our wind, which was easterly, toward it, in
the expectation of making the American coast to the S.E., and which we
effected at half past ten. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69 deg. 33',
and longitude 194 deg. 53', and the depth of water nineteen fathoms. The land
extended from S. by E. to S.S.W. 1/2 W., distant eight or ten leagues,
being the same we had seen last year; but it was now much more covered with
snow than at that time, and to all appearance the ice adhered to the shore.
We continued in the afternoon sailing through a sea of loose ice, and
standing toward the land, as near as the wind, which was E.S.E., would
admit. At eight the wind lessening, there came on a thick fog, and on
perceiving a rippling in the water, we tried the current, which we found to
set to the E.N.E., at the rate of a mile an hour, and therefore determined
to steer during the night before the wind, in order to stem it, and to
oppose the large fragments of loose ice that were setting us on toward the
land. The depth of the water at midnight was twenty fathoms.

At eight in the morning of the 21st, the wind freshening, and the fog
clearing away, we saw the American coast to the S.E., at the distance of
eight or ten leagues, and hauled in for it; but were stopped again by the
ice, and obliged to bear away to the westward, along the edge of it. At
noon, the latitude, by account, was 69 deg. 34', and longitude 193 deg., and the
depth of water twenty-four fathoms.

Thus a connected solid field of ice, rendering every effort we could make
to a nearer approach to the land fruitless, and joining as we judged to it,
we took a last farewell of a N.E passage to Old England. I shall beg leave
to give, in Captain Clerke's own words, the reasons of this his final
determination, as well as of his future plans; and this the rather, as it
is the last transaction his health permitted him to write down.

"It is now impossible to proceed the least farther to the northward upon
this coast (America); and it is equally as improbable that this amazing
mass of ice should be dissolved by the few remaining summer-weeks which
will terminate this season; but it will continue, it is to be believed, as
it now is, an insurmountable barrier to every attempt we can possibly make.
I therefore think it the best step that can be taken, for the good of the
service, to trace the sea over to the Asiatic coast, and to try if I can
find any opening, that will admit me farther north; if not, to see what
more is to be done upon that coast; where I hope, yet cannot much flatter
myself, to meet with better success; for the sea is now so choaked with
ice, that a passage, I fear, is totally out of the question."


[21] Krusenstern substantially admits the correctness of Captain King's
    statement respecting the Russian hospital, &c. by saying, expressively
    enough, things are not quite so bad at present. It is evident,
    however, from his remarks, that the change to the better is almost to
    the full amount of being imperceptible, notwithstanding the zeal of
    some individuals whose exertions he is anxious to eulogize, and his
    own disposition to believe that their well-meant exertions have not
    been entirely fruitless. The change, it would seem, consists in the
    greater quantities of medicine sent to Kamtschatka, and not in the
    greater practicability of judiciously applying them. This, most
    persons of discernment will shrewdly suspect, is several degrees worse
    than problematically a change to the better. At least one could
    scarcely help desiring rather to accept peaceably the warrant of a
    natural death, than to risk the enhancement of a conflict on the
    doubtful aid of a bungling doctor, whose chief recommendation,
    perhaps, if he would but allow himself to be favoured by it, consisted
    in his avowed ignorance securing his neutrality. In such a case,
    indeed, and it seems on the whole to be almost the very one which K.
    describes, it is obvious enough that the medicines can at least do no
    more harm than the bottles and boxes that contain them; but then one
    cannot easily perceive wherein consists the merit or utility of having
    provided them, unless, as in the instance of fire-arms hung over the
    chimney never to be loaded or fired, or in that of idols of wood and
    stone which adorn the temples of pagans, but which can neither receive
    nor bestow favours, we shall suppose that the imagination of some
    potential advantages is quite equivalent to the reality of their
    operation. Krusenstern has some sensible remarks on the proper method
    of supplying Kamtschatka with well-qualified physicians, but they are
    of course foreign to this place, and cannot, therefore, properly be
    introduced.--E.

[22] This bird, which is somewhat larger than the common gull, pursues the
    latter kind whenever it meets them; the gull, after flying for some
    time, with loud screams, and evident marks of great terror, drops its
    dung, which its pursuer immediately darts at, and catches before it
    falls into the sea.

[23] The distance betwixt the two remarkable points now specified, it will
    be proper for the reader to remember, is estimated at 13 leagues, or
    about 40 miles, being the nearest approach of the two continents of
    Asia and America yet ascertained.--E.

[24] Captain Cook then must still be allowed to have succeeded in getting
    farther towards the north in this ocean, than any other navigator.
    For, from the date of this voyage up to the present period, so far at
    least as has been published, no one has surpassed the limit of his
    examination. But it is obvious, from the very circumstance of the
    difference betwixt the two attempts recorded in this voyage, that a
    considerable variation in the state and intensity of the obstructing
    cause may occur in various years. There is a probability then, that a
    still greater difference might be experienced, affording a practicable
    opportunity of getting still more towards the north than in either of
    them. How far this probability, not a great one, as Captain King
    afterwards suggests, ought to be considered, or how far the
    expectation of any benefit arising from it, ought to influence in
    directing another similar undertaking, it is not the province of this
    work to speculate. But one cannot help remarking, that the Russian
    government at least, might not be injudiciously employed in ordering
    one or more vessels, properly fitted up, to be kept in readiness at
    some port in this distant region of the empire, to take advantage of
    any season more suitable than another, for prosecuting the enterprise.
    Nay, is it not far from being romantic to imagine, that the two
    friendly powers of Russia and Great Britain might actually find a
    reward, in the promotion of their mutual interest, by a joint and
    well-concerted plan for opening up a communication by any means
    betwixt the North Pacific and North Atlantic Oceans? Both of them, one
    should suppose, must be sensible, that the zeal of their intermediate
    neighbour (if the expression may be used) the Americans, to discover
    the practicability of a connexion, and of course to establish one
    betwixt the opposite sides of the new continent, is not likely to
    prove altogether fruitless, though perhaps there are still more
    formidable difficulties in the way of its exercise. A little time will
    probably demonstrate, that these politic republicans have not in vain
    emulated the enterprising spirit, or commercial sagacity of the parent
    state; and that neither of the other governments just now mentioned,
    has fully profited of all the advantages which its possessions have
    continued to hold out.--E.




SECTION IV.


Fruitless Attempts to penetrate through the Ice to the North-West.--
Dangerous Situation of the Discovery.--Sea-horses killed.--Fresh
Obstructions from the Ice.--Report of Damages received by the Discovery.--
Captain Clerke's Determination to proceed to the Southward.--Joy of the
Ships' Crews on that Occasion.--Pass Serdze Kamen.--Return through
Beering's Strait.--Enquiry into the Extent of the North-East Coast of
Asia.--Reasons for rejecting Muller's Map of the Promontory of the
Tschutski.--Reasons for believing the Coast does not reach a higher
Latitude than 70-1/2 deg. North.--General Observations on the Impracticability
of a North-East or North-West Passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific
Ocean.--Comparative View of the Progress made in the Years 1778 and
1779.--Remarks on the Sea and Sea-coasts, North of Beering's
Strait.--History of the Voyage resumed.--Pass the Island of St
Laurence.--The Island of Mednoi.--Death of Captain Clerke.--Short Account
of his Services.


Captain Clerke having determined, for the reasons assigned, to give up all
farther attempts on the coast of America, and to make his last efforts in
search of a passage on the coast of the opposite continent, we continued
during the afternoon of the 21st of July, to steer to the W.N.W., through
much loose ice. At ten at night, discovering the main body of it through
the fog, right ahead, and almost close to us, and being unwilling to take a
southerly course so long as we could possibly avoid it, we hauled our wind,
which was easterly, and stood to the northward; but in an hour after, the
weather clearing up, and finding ourselves surrounded by a compact field of
ice on every side, except to the S.S.W., we tacked and stood on in that
direction, in order to get clear of it.

At noon of the 22d, our latitude, by observation, was 69 deg. 30', and
longitude 187 deg. 30'. In the afternoon we again came up with the ice, which
extended to the N.W. and S.W., and obliged us to continue our course to the
southward, in order to weather it.

It may be remarked, that, since the 8th of this month, we had twice
traversed this sea, in lines nearly parallel with the run we had just now
made; that in the first of those traverses we were not able to penetrate so
far north, by eight or ten leagues, as in the second; and that in the last
we had again found an united body of ice, generally about five leagues to
the southward of its position in the preceding run. As this proves that the
large compact fields of ice, which we saw, were moveable, or diminishing,
at the same time, it does not leave any well-founded expectations of
advancing much farther in the most favourable seasons.

At seven in the evening, the weather being hazy, and no ice in sight, we
bore away to the westward; but at half past eight the fog dispersing, we
found ourselves in the midst of loose ice, and close in with the main body;
we therefore stood upon a wind, which was still easterly, and kept beating
to windward during the night, in hopes of weathering the loose pieces,
which the freshness of the wind kept driving down upon us in such
quantities, that we were in manifest danger of being blocked up by them.

In the morning of the 23d, the clear water, in which we continued to stand
to and fro, did not exceed a mile and a half, and was every instant
lessening. At length, after using our utmost endeavours to clear the loose
ice, we were driven to the necessity of forcing the passage to the
southward, which at half past seven we accomplished, but not without
subjecting the ship to some very severe shocks. The Discovery was less
successful. For at eleven, when they had nigh got clear out, she became so
entangled by several large pieces, that her way was stopped, and
immediately dropping bodily to leeward, she fell broadside foremost, on the
edge of a considerable body of ice; and having at the same time an open sea
to windward, the surf caused her to strike violently upon it. This mass at
length either so far broke, or moved, as to set them at liberty to make
another trial to escape; but unfortunately before the ship gathered way
enough to be under command, she again fell to leeward on another fragment;
and the swell making it unsafe to lie to windward, and finding no chance of
getting clear, they pushed into a small opening, furled their sails, and
made fast with ice-hooks.

In this dangerous situation we saw them at noon, about three miles from us,
bearing N.W., a fresh gale from the S.E. driving more ice to the N.W., and
increasing the body that lay between us. Our latitude, by account, was 69 deg.
8', the longitude 187 deg. and the depth of water twenty-eight fathoms. To add
to the gloomy apprehensions which began to force themselves on us, at half
past four in the afternoon, the weather becoming thick and hazy, we lost
sight of the Discovery; but that we might be in a situation to afford her
every assistance in our power, we kept standing on close by the edge of the
ice. At six, the wind happily coming round to the north, gave us some hopes
that the ice might drift away and release her; and in that case, as it was
uncertain in what condition she might come out, We kept firing a gun every
half hour, in order to prevent a separation. Our apprehensions for her
safety did not cease till nine, when we heard her guns in answer to ours;
and soon after being hailed by her, were informed that upon the change of
wind the ice began to separate; and that setting all their sails, they
forced a passage through it. We learned farther, that whilst they were
encompassed by it, they found the ship drift with the main body to the
N.E., at the rate of half a mile an hour. We were sorry to find that the
Discovery had rubbed off a great deal of the sheathing from her bows, and
was become very leaky, from the strokes she had received when she fell upon
the edge of the ice.

On the 24th we had fresh breezes from the S.W., with hazy weather, and kept
running to the S.E. till eleven in the forenoon, when a large body of loose
ice, extending from N.N.E. round by the E., to S.S.E., and to which (though
the weather was tolerably clear) we could see no end, again obstructed our
course. We therefore kept working to windward, and at noon our latitude, by
observation, was 68 deg. 53', longitude 188 deg.; the variation of the compass 22 deg.
30' E. At four in the afternoon it became calm, and we hoisted out the
boats in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in prodigious herds on every
side of us. We killed ten of them, which were as many as we could make use
of for eating, or for converting into lamp-oil. We kept on with the wind
from the S.W., along the edge of the ice, which extended in a direction
almost due E. and W., till four in the morning of the 25th, when observing
a clear sea beyond it to the S.E., we made sail that way, with a view of
forcing through it. By six we had cleared it, and continued the remainder
of the day running to the S.E., without any ice in sight. At noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 68 deg. 38', longitude 189 deg. 9', and the depth of
water thirty fathoms. At midnight we tacked and stood to the westward, with
a fresh gale from the S.; and at ten in the forenoon, of the 26th, the ice
again shewed itself, extending from N.W. to S. It appeared loose, and
drifting by the force of the wind to the northward. At noon, our latitude,
by observation, was 68 deg. N., longitude 188 deg. 10' E.; and we had soundings
with twenty-eight fathoms. For the remaining part of the day, and till noon
of the 27th, we kept standing backward and forward, in order to clear
ourselves of different bodies of ice. At noon we were in latitude, by
observation, 67 deg. 47', longitude 188 deg.. At two in the afternoon, we saw the
continent to the S. by E.; and at four, having run since noon with a S.S.E.
wind to the S.W., we were surrounded by loose masses of ice, with the firm
body of it in sight, stretching in a N. by W. and a S. by E. direction, as
far as the eye could reach; beyond which we saw the coast of Asia, bearing
S. and S. by E.

As it was now necessary to come to some determination with respect to the
course we were next to steer, Captain Clerke sent a boat, with the
carpenters, on board the Discovery, to enquire into the particulars of the
damage she had sustained. They returned in the evening, with the report of
Captain Gore, and of the carpenters of both ships, that the damages they
had received were of a kind that would require three weeks to repair; and
that it would be necessary, for that purpose, to go into some port.

Thus, finding a farther advance to the northward, as well as a nearer
approach to either continent, obstructed by a sea blocked up with ice, we
judged it both injurious to the service, by endangering the safety of the
ships, as well as fruitless, with respect to the design of our voyage, to
make any farther attempts toward a passage. This, therefore, added to the
representations of Captain Gore, determined Captain Clerke not to lose more
time in what he concluded to be an unattainable object, but to sail for
Awatska Bay, to repair our damages there; and before the winter should set
in, and render all other efforts toward discovery impracticable, to explore
the coast of Japan.

I will not endeavour to conceal the joy that brightened the countenance of
every individual, as soon as Captain Clerke's resolutions were made known.
We were all heartily sick of a navigation full of danger, and in which the
utmost perseverance had not been repaid with the smallest probability of
success. We therefore turned our faces toward home, after an absence of
three years, with a delight and satisfaction, which, notwithstanding the
tedious voyage we had still to make, and the immense distance we had to
run, were as freely entertained, and perhaps as fully enjoyed, as if we had
been already in sight of the Land's-end.

On the 28th, we kept working to windward with a fresh breeze from the S.E.,
having the coast of Asia still in sight. At four in the morning, the cape,
which, on the authority of Muller, we have called Serdze Kamen, bore
S.S.W., distant six or seven leagues. We saw in different places, upon the
tops of the hills, which rise inland on both sides of the cape,
protuberances of a considerable height, which had the appearance of huge
rocks, or pillars of stone.

On the 29th, the wind still continuing contrary, we made but slow progress
to the southward. At midnight we had thick foggy weather, accompanied with
a breeze from the N.N.W., with which we directed our course to the S.S.E.
through the strait, and had no land in sight till seven in the evening of
the 30th, when the fog clearing away, we saw Cape Prince of Wales bearing
S. by E., distant about six leagues; and the island St Diomede, S.W. by W.
We now altered our course to the W., and at eight made the east cape, which
at midnight bore W. by N., distant four leagues. In the night we steered to
the S.S.W., with a fresh west-north-westerly breeze; and at four in the
morning of the 31st, the east cape bore N.N.E.; and the N.E. part of the
bay of St Laurence (where we anchored the last year) W. by S., its distance
being four leagues. As we could not have worked up to windward without a
greater waste of time than the object appeared to deserve, we ran across
the bay, regretting much, as we passed along, the loss of this opportunity
of paying a second visit to the Tschutski. At noon, our latitude, by
observation, was 65 deg. 6', and longitude 189 deg.. The south point of the bay of
St Laurence bore N. by W. 1/4 W., and was distant seven or eight leagues.
In the afternoon, the variation was found to be 22 deg. 50' E.

Having now passed Beering's Strait, and taken our final leave of the N.E.
coast of Asia, it may not be improper, on this occasion, to state the
grounds on which we have ventured to adopt two general conclusions
respecting its extent, in opposition to the opinions of Mr Muller. The
first, that the promontory named East Cape, is actually the easternmost
point of that quarter of the globe; or, in other words, that no part of the
continent extends in longitude beyond 190 deg. 22' E.; the second, that the
latitude of the north-easternmost extremity falls to the southward of 70 deg.
N. With respect to the former, if such land exist, it must necessarily be
to the N. of latitude 69 deg., where the discoveries made in the present voyage
terminate; and, therefore, the probable direction of the coast, beyond this
point, is the question I shall endeavour, in the first place, to
investigate.

As the Russian is the only nation that has hitherto navigated these seas,
all our information respecting the situation of the coast to the northward
of Cape North, must necessarily be derived from the charts and journals of
the persons who have been employed at various times in ascertaining the
limits of that empire; and these are for the most part so imperfect, so
confused, and contradictory, that it is not easy to form any distinct idea
of their pretended, much less to collect the amount of their real
discoveries. It is on this account, that the extent and form of the
peninsula, inhabited by the Tschutski, still remains a point on which the
Russian geographers are much divided. Mr Muller, in his map, published in
the year 1754, supposes this country to extend toward the N.E., to the 75 deg.
of latitude, and in longitude 190 deg. E. of Greenwich, and to terminate in a
round cape, which he calls Tschukotskoi Noss. To the southward of this cape
he conceives the coast to form a bay to the westward, bounded in latitude
67 deg. 18', by Serdze Kamen, the northernmost point seen by Beering in his
expedition in the year 1728. The map published by the academy of St
Petersburgh, in the year 1776, gives the whole peninsula entirely a new
form, placing its north-easternmost extremity in the latitude of 73 deg.,
longitude 178 deg. 30'. The easternmost point in latitude 65 deg. 30', longitude
189 deg. 30'. All the other maps we saw, both printed and in manuscript, vary
between these two, apparently more according to the fancy of the compiler,
than on any grounds of more accurate information. The only point in which
there is a general coincidence, without any considerable variation, is in
the position of the east cape in latitude 66 deg.. The form of the coast, both
to the S. and N. of this cape, in the map of the academy, is exceedingly
erroneous, and may be totally disregarded. In that of Mr Muller, the coast
to the northward bears a considerable resemblance to our survey, as far as
the latter extends, except that it does not trend sufficiently to the
westward, receding only about 5 deg. of longitude, between the latitude of 66 deg.
and 69 deg.; whereas in reality it recedes near ten. Between the latitude of
69 deg. and 74 deg., he makes the coast bend round to the N. and N.E., and to form
a considerable promontory. On what authority now remains to be examined.

Mr Coxe, whose accurate researches into this subject give his opinion great
weight, is persuaded that the extremity of the Noss in question was never
passed but by Deshneff and his party, who sailed from the river Kovyma in
the year 1648, and are supposed to have got round it into the Anadir. As
the account of this expedition, the substance of which the reader will find
in Mr Coxe's Account of Russian Discoveries, contains no geographical
delineation of the coast along which they sailed, its position must be
conjectured from incidental circumstances; and from these it appears very
manifest, that the Tschukotskoi Noss of Deshneff is no other than the
promontory called by Captain Cook the East Cape. Speaking of the Noss, he
says, "One might sail from the isthmus to the river Anadir, with a fair
wind, in three days and three nights." This exactly coincides with the
situation of the East Cape, which is about one hundred and twenty leagues
from the mouth of the Anadir; and as there is no other isthmus to the
northward between that and the latitude of 69 deg., it is obvious that, by this
description, he must intend either the cape in question, or some other to
the southward of it. In another place he says, "Over against the isthmus
there are two islands in the sea, upon which were seen people of the
Tschutski nation, through whose lips were run pieces of the teeth of the
sea-horse." This again perfectly agrees with the two islands situated to
the S.E. of the East Cape. We saw indeed no inhabitants on them, but it is
not at all improbable that a party of the Americans from the opposite
continent, whom this description accurately suits, might, at that time,
have been accidentally there; and whom it was natural enough for him to
mistake for a tribe of the Tschutski.[25]

These two circumstances are of so striking and unequivocal a nature, that
they appear to me conclusive on the point of the Tschukotskoi Noss,
notwithstanding there are others of a more doubtful kind, which we have
from the same authority, and which now remain to be considered. "To go,"
says Deshneff in another account, "from the Kovyma to the Anadir, a great
promontory must be doubled, which stretches very far into the sea;" and
afterwards, "this promontory stretches between N. and N.E." It was probably
from the expressions contained in these passages, that Mr Muller was
induced to give the country of the Tschutski the form we find in his map;
but had he been acquainted with the situation of the east cape, as
ascertained by Captain Cook, and the remarkable coincidence between it and
this promontory or isthmus, (for it must be observed, that Deshneff appears
to be all along speaking of the same thing), in the circumstances already
mentioned, I am confident he would not have thought those expressions,
merely by themselves, of sufficient weight to warrant him in extending the
north-eastern extremity of Asia, either so far to the north or to the
eastward. For, after all, these expressions are not irreconcilable with the
opinion we have adopted, if we suppose Deshneff to have taken these
bearings from the small bight which lies to the westward of the cape.

The deposition of the Cossack Popoff, taken at the Anadirskoi ostrog; in
the year 1711, seems to have been the next authority on which Mr Muller has
proceeded; and beside these two, I am not acquainted with any other. This
Cossack, together with several others, was sent by land to demand tribute
from the independent Tschutski tribes, who lived about the Noss. The first
circumstance in the account of this journey that can lead to the situation
of Tschukotskoi Noss, is its distance from Anadirsk; and this is stated to
be ten weeks' journey with loaded rein-deer; on which account, it is added,
their day's journey was but very small. It is impossible to conclude much
from so vague an account; but, as the distance between the east cape and
the ostrog is upward of two hundred leagues in a straight line, and
therefore may be supposed to allow twelve or fifteen miles a day, its
situation cannot be reckoned incompatible with Popoff's calculation. The
next circumstance mentioned in this deposition is, that their route lay by
the foot of a rock called Matkol, situated at the bottom of a great gulf.
This gulf Muller supposes to be the bay he had laid down between latitude
66 deg. and 72 deg.; and accordingly places the rock Matkol in the centre of it;
but it appears equally probable, even if we had not so many reasons to
doubt the existence of that bay, that it might be some part of the gulf of
Anadir, which they would undoubtedly touch upon in their road from the
ostrog to the east cape.

But what seems to put this matter beyond all dispute, and to prove that the
cape visited by Popoff cannot be to the northward of 69 deg. latitude, is, that
part of his deposition, which I have already quoted, relative to the island
lying off the Noss, from whence the opposite continent might be seen. For
as the two continents in latitude 69 deg., have diverged so far as to be more
than three hundred miles distant, it is highly improbable that the Asiatic
coast should again trend in such a manner to the eastward, as to come
nearly within sight of the coast of America.

If these arguments should be deemed conclusive against the existence of the
peninsula of the Tschutski, as laid down by Muller, it will follow that the
east cape is the Tschukotskoi Noss of the[26] more early Russian
navigators; and, consequently, that the undescribed coast from the latitude
of 69 deg. to the mouth of the river Kovyma, must uniformly trend more or less
to the westward. As an additional proof of this, it may be remarked, that
the Tschukotskoi Noss is always represented as dividing the sea of Kovyma
from that of Anadir, which could not be the case, if any considerable cape
had projected to the N.E. in the higher latitudes. Thus, in the depositions
taken at Anadirsk, it is related, "that opposite the Noss, on both sides,
as well in the sea of Kovyma, as in that of Anadir, an island is said to be
seen at a great distance, which the Tschutski call a large country; and say
that people dwell there who have large teeth put in their mouths that
project through their cheeks." Then follows a description of these people
and their country, exactly corresponding with our accounts of the opposite
continent.

The last question that arises is, to what degree of northern latitude this
coast extends, before it trends more directly to the westward. If the
situation of the mouth of the Kovyma, both with respect to its latitude and
longitude, were accurately determined, it would perhaps not be very
difficult to form a probable conjecture upon this point. Captain Cook was
always strongly of opinion that the northern coast of Asia, from the
Indigirka eastward, has hitherto been generally laid down more than two
degrees to the northward of its true position; and he has, therefore, on
the authority of a map that was in his possession, and on the information
he received at Oonalashka, placed the mouth of the river Kovyma, in his
chart of the N.W. coast of America, and the N.E. coast of Asia, in the
latitude of 68 deg.. Should he be right in this conjecture, it is probable, for
the reasons that have been already stated, that the Asiatic coast does not
any where exceed 70 deg., before it trends to the westward; and consequently,
that we were within 1 deg. of its north-eastern extremity. For, if the
continent be supposed to stretch any where to the northward of Shelatskoi
Noss, it is scarcely possible that so extraordinary a circumstance should
not have been mentioned by the Russian navigators; and we have already
shewn that they make mention of no remarkable promontory between the Kovyma
and the Anadir, except the east cape. Another circumstance, related by
Deshneff, may, perhaps, be thought a further confirmation of this opinion,
namely, that he met with no impediment from ice in navigating round the
N.E. extremity of Asia; though, he adds, that this sea is not always so
free from it, as indeed is manifest from the failure of his first
expedition, and since that, from the unsuccessful attempts of Shalauroff,
and the obstacles we met with, in two different years, in our present
voyage.[27]

The continent left undetermined in our chart between Cape North, and the
mouth of the Kovyma is, in longitudinal extent, one hundred and twenty-five
leagues. One-third, or about forty leagues, of this distance, from the
Kovyma eastward, was explored in the year 1723, by a _sinbo-jarskoi_ of
Jakutz, whose name was Feodor Amossoff, by whom Mr Muller was informed,
that its direction was to the eastward. It is said to have been since
accurately surveyed by Shalauroff, whose chart makes it trend to the N.E.
by E., as far as the Shelatskoi Noss, which he places about forty-three
leagues to the eastward of the Kovyma. The space between this Noss and Cape
North, about eighty-two leagues, is therefore the only part of the Russian
empire that now remains unascertained.

But if the river Kovyma be erroneously situated with respect to its
longitude, as well as in its latitude, a supposition for which probable
grounds are not wanting, the extent of the unexplored coast will become
proportionably diminished. The reasons which incline me to believe that the
mouth of this river is placed in the Russian charts much too far to the
westward, are as follow: First, because the accounts that are given of the
navigation of the Frozen Sea from that river, round the N.E. point of Asia
to the gulf of Anadir, do not accord with the supposed distance between
those places. Secondly, because the distance over land from the Kovyma to
the Anadir is represented by the early Russian travellers as a journey
easily performed, and of no very extraordinary length. Thirdly, because the
coast from the Shelatskoi Noss of Shalauroff[28] seems to trend directly
S.E. to the East Cape. If this be so, it will follow, that as we were
probably not more than 1 deg. to the southward of Shelatskoi Noss, only sixty
miles of the Asiatic coast remain unascertained.[29]

Had Captain Cook lived to this period of our voyage, and experienced, in a
second attempt, the impracticability of a N.E. or N.W. passage from the
Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean, he would doubtless have laid before the
public, in one connected view, an account of the obstacles which defeated
this, the primary object of our expedition, together with his observations
on a subject of such magnitude, and which had engaged the attention and
divided the opinions of philosophers and navigators for upward of two
hundred years. I am very sensible how unequal I am to the task of supplying
this deficiency; but that the expectations of the reader may not be wholly
disappointed, I must beg his candid acceptance of the following
observations, as well as of those I have already ventured to offer him,
relative to the extent of the N.E. coast of Asia.

The evidence that has been so fully and judiciously stated in the
introduction, amounts to the highest degree of probability that a N.W.
passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, cannot exist to the
southward of 65 deg. of latitude. If then there exist a passage, it must be
either through Baffin's Bay, or round by the north of Greenland, in the
western hemisphere, or else through the Frozen Ocean, to the northward of
Siberia, in the eastern; and on whichever side it lies, the navigator must
necessarily pass through Beering's Strait. The impracticability of
penetrating into the Atlantic on either side, through the strait, is
therefore all that remains to be submitted to the consideration of the
public.

As far as our experience went, it appears, that the sea to the north of
Beering's Strait is clearer of ice in August than in July, and perhaps in a
part of September it may be still more free. But after the equinox the days
shorten so fast, that no farther thaw can be expected; and we cannot
rationally allow so great an effect to the warm weather in the first half
of September, as to imagine it capable of dispersing the ice from the most
northern parts of the American coast. But admitting this to be possible, it
must at least be granted, that it would be madness to attempt to run from
the Icy Cape to the known parts of Baffin's Bay, (a distance of four
hundred and twenty leagues), in so short a time as that passage can be
supposed to continue open.[30]

Upon the Asiatic side, there appears still less probability of success,
both from what came to our own knowledge, with respect to the state of the
sea to the southward of Cape North, and also from what we learn from the
experience of the[31] lieutenants under Beering's direction, and the
journal of Shalauroff, in regard to that on the north of Siberia.

The voyage of Deshneff, if its truth be admitted, proves undoubtedly the
possibility of passing round the N.E. point of Asia; but when the reader
reflects that near a century and a half has elapsed since the time of that
navigator, during which, in an age of great curiosity and enterprize, no
man has yet been able to follow him, he will not entertain very sanguine
expectations of the public advantages that can be derived from it. But let
us even suppose, that in some singularly favourable season a ship has found
a clear passage round the coast of Siberia, and is safely arrived at the
mouth of the Lena, still there remains the Cape of Taimura, stretching to
the 78 deg. of latitude, which the good fortune of no single voyager has
hitherto doubled.

It is, however, contended, that there are strong reasons for believing that
the sea is more free from ice the nearer we approach to the Pole; and that
all the ice we saw in the lower latitudes was formed in the great rivers of
Siberia and America, the breaking up of which had filled the intermediate
sea. But even if that supposition be true, it is equally so, that there can
be no access to those open seas, unless this great mass of ice is so far
dissolved in the summer as to admit of a ship's getting through it. If this
be the fact, we have taken a wrong time of the year for attempting to find
this passage, which should have been explored in April and May, before the
rivers were broken up. But how many reasons may be given against such a
supposition? Our experience at Saint Peter and Saint Paul enabled us to
judge what might be expected farther north; and upon that ground we had
reason to doubt whether the continents might not in winter be even joined
by the ice; and this agreed with the stories we heard in Kamtschatka, that
on the Siberian coast they go out from the shore in winter upon the ice to
greater distances than the breadth of the sea is in some parts from one
continent to the other.

In the depositions referred to above, the following remarkable circumstance
is related. Speaking of the land seen from the Tschukotskoi Noss, it is
said, "that in summer time they sail in one day to the land in baidares, a
sort of vessel constructed of whale-bone, and covered with seal-skins; and
in winter time, going swift with rein-deer, the journey may be likewise
made in one day." A sufficient proof that the two countries were usually
joined together by the ice.

The account given by Mr Muller of one of the expeditions undertaken to
discover a supposed island in the Frozen Sea, is still more remarkable. "In
the year 1714, a new expedition was prepared from Jakutzk, for the same
place, under the command of Alexei Markoff, who was to sail from the mouth
of the Jana; and if the _Schitiki_ were not fit for sea-voyages, he was to
construct, at a proper place, vessels fit for prosecuting the discoveries
without danger.

"On his arrival at Ust-janskoe Simovie, the port at which he was to embark,
he sent an account, dated February 2, 1715, to the Chancery of Jakutzk,
mentioning that it was impossible to navigate the sea, as it was
continually frozen both in summer and winter; and that consequently the
intended expedition was no otherwise to be carried on but with sledges
drawn by dogs. In this manner he accordingly set out, with nine persons, on
the 10th of March the same year, and returned on the 3d of April, to Ust-
janskoe Simovie. The account of his journey is as follows: That he went
seven days as fast as his dogs could draw him, (which, in good ways and
weather, is eighty or a hundred wersts in a day) directly towards the
north, upon the ice, without discovering any island; that it had not been
possible for him to proceed any farther, the ice rising there in the sea
like mountains; that he had climbed to the top of some of them, whence he
was able to see to a great distance round about him, but could discern no
appearance of land; and that at last wanting food for his dogs, many of
them died, which obliged him to return."

Besides these arguments, which proceed upon an admission of the hypothesis,
that the ice in those seas comes from the rivers, there are others which
give great room to suspect the truth of the hypothesis itself. Captain
Cook, whose opinion respecting the formation of ice had formerly coincided
with that of the theorists we are now controverting, found abundant reason,
in the present voyage, for changing his sentiments. We found the coast of
each continent to be low, the soundings gradually decreasing toward them,
and a striking resemblance between the two; which, together with the
description Mr Hearne gives of the copper-mine river, afford reason to
conjecture, that whatever rivers may empty themselves into the Frozen Sea,
from the American continent, are of the same nature with those on the
Asiatic side, which are represented to be so shallow at the entrance, as to
admit only small vessels; whereas the ice we have seen rises above the
level of the sea to a height equal to the depth of those rivers, so that
its entire height must be at least ten times greater.

The curious reader will also, in this place, be led naturally to reflect on
another circumstance, which appears very incompatible with the opinion of
those who imagine land to be necessary for the formation of ice; I mean the
different state of the sea about Spitsbergen, and to the north of Beering's
Strait. It is incumbent on them to explain how it comes to pass, that in
the former quarter, and in the vicinity of much known land, the navigator
annually penetrates to near 80 deg. N. latitude; whereas, on the other side,
his utmost efforts have not been able to carry him beyond 71 deg.; where,
moreover, the continents diverge nearly E. and W., and where there is no
land yet known to exist near the Pole. For the farther satisfaction of the
reader on this point, I shall beg leave to refer him to _Observations made
during a Voyage round the World_, by Dr Forster, where he will find the
question of the formation of ice fully and satisfactorily discussed, and
the probability of open polar seas disproved by a variety of powerful
arguments.[32]

I shall conclude these remarks with a short comparative view of the
progress we made to the northward, at the two different seasons we were
engaged in that pursuit, together with a few general observations relative
to the sea, and the coasts of the two continents, which lie to the north of
Beering's Strait.

It may be observed, that in the year 1778 we did not meet with the ice till
we advanced to the latitude of 70 deg., on August 17th, and that then we found
it in compact bodies, extending as far as the eye could reach, and of which
a part or the whole was moveable, since, by its drifting down, upon us, we
narrowly escaped being hemmed in between it and the land. After
experiencing both how fruitless and dangerous it would be to attempt to
penetrate farther north, between the ice and the land, we stood over toward
the Asiatic side, between the latitude 69 deg. and 70 deg., frequently encountering
in this tract large and extensive fields of ice; and though, by reason, of
the fogs and thickness of the weather, we were not able absolutely and
entirely to trace a connected line of it across, yet we were sure to meet
with it before we reached the latitude of 70 deg., whenever we attempted to
stand to the northward. On the 26th of August, in latitude 69-3/4 deg., and
longitude 184 deg., we were obstructed by it in such quantities, as made it
impossible for us to pass either to the north or west, and obliged us to
run along the edge of it to the S.S.W., till we saw land, which we
afterward found to be the coast of Asia. With the season thus far advanced,
the weather setting in with snow and sleet, and other signs of approaching
winter, we abandoned our enterprize for that time.

In this second attempt we could do little more than confirm the
observations we had made in the first; for we were never able to approach
the continent of Asia higher than the latitude 67 deg., nor that of America in
any parts, excepting a few leagues between the latitude of 68 deg. and 68 deg. 20',
that were not seen the last year. We were now obstructed by ice 3 deg. lower,
and our endeavours to push farther to the northward were principally
confined to the mid-space between the two coasts. We penetrated near 3 deg.
farther on the American side than on the Asiatic, meeting with the ice both
years sooner, and in greater quantities on the latter coast. As we advanced
N., we still found the ice more compact and solid; yet, as in our different
traverses from side to side, we passed over spaces which had, before been
covered with it, we conjectured that most of what we saw was moveable. Its
height, on a medium, we took to be from eight to ten feet, and that of the
highest to have been sixteen or eighteen. We again tried the currents
twice, and found them unequal, but never to exceed one mile an hour. By
comparing the reckoning with the observations, we also found the current to
set different ways, yet more from the S.W. than any other quarter; but
whatever their direction might be, their effect was so trifling, that no
conclusions respecting the existence of any passage to the northward could
be drawn from them. We found the month of July to be infinitely colder than
that of August. The thermometer in July was once at 28 deg., and very commonly
at 30 deg.; whereas the last year, in August, it was very rare to have it so
low as the freezing point. In both seasons we had some high winds, all of
which came from the S.W. We were subject to fogs whenever the wind was
moderate, from whatever quarter, but they attended southerly winds more
constantly than contrary ones.[33]

The straits between the two continents, at their nearest approach in
latitude 66 deg., were ascertained to be thirteen leagues, beyond which they
diverge to N.E. by E. and W.N.W.; and in latitude 69 deg., they become 14 deg. of
longitude, or about one hundred leagues asunder. A great similarity is
observable in the appearance of the two countries, to the northward of the
straits. Both are destitute of wood. The shores are low, with mountains
rising to a great height farther up the country. The depth of water in the
mid-way between them was twenty-nine and thirty fathoms, decreasing
gradually as we approached either continent, with the difference of being
somewhat shoaler on the American than on the Asiatic coast, at the same
distance from land. The bottom in the middle was a soft slimy mud, and on
drawing near to either shore, a brown sand, intermixed with small fragments
of bones, and a few shells. We observed but little tide or current; what
there was came from the westward.

But it is now time to resume the narrative of our voyage, which was broken
off on the 31st of July, on which day at noon we had advanced eighteen
leagues to the southward of the East Cape.

We had light airs from the S.W., till noon of the 1st of August, at which
time our latitude, by observation, was 64 deg. 23', longitude 189 deg. 15'; the
coast of Asia extended from N.W. by W. to W. 1/2 S, distant about twelve
leagues; and the land to the eastward of St Laurence bore S. 1/2 W. On the
2d, the weather becoming clear, we saw the same land at noon, bearing from
W.S.W. 1/2 W. to S.E., making in a number of high hummocks, which had the
appearance of separate islands; the latitude, by observation, was 64 deg. 3',
longitude 189 deg. 28', and depth of water seventeen fathoms. We did not
approach this land sufficiently near to determine whether it was one
island, or composed to a cluster together. Its westernmost part we passed
July 3d, in the evening, and then supposed to be the island of St Laurence;
the easternmost we ran close by in September last year, and this we named
Clerke's Island, and found it to consist of a number of high cliffs, joined
together by very low land. Though we mistook the last year those cliffs for
separate islands, till we approached very near the shore, I should still
conjecture that the island Saint Laurence was distinct from Clerke's
Island, since there appeared a considerable space between them, where we
could not perceive the smallest rising of ground.[34] In the afternoon we
also saw what bore the appearance of a small island to the N.E. of the land
which was seen at noon, and which, from the haziness of the weather, we had
only sight of once. We estimated its distance to be nineteen leagues from
the island of St Laurence, in a N.E. by E. 1/2 E. direction. On the 3d, we
had light variable winds, and directed our course round the N.W. point of
the island of Saint Laurence. On the 4th, at noon, our latitude by account
was 64 deg. 8', longitude 188 deg.; the island Saint Laurence bearing S. 1/4 E.,
distant seven leagues. In the afternoon, a fresh breeze springing up from
the E., we steered to the S.S.W., and soon lost sight of Saint Laurence. On
the 7th, at noon, the latitude by observation was 59 deg. 38', longitude 183 deg..
In the afternoon it fell calm, and we got a great number of cod in seventy-
eight fathoms of water. The variation was found to be 19 deg. E. From this time
to the 17th, we were making the best of our way to the S., without any
occurrence worth remarking, except that the wind coming from the western
quarter, forced us farther to the eastward than we wished, as it was our
intention to make Beering's Island.

On the 17th, at half-past four in the morning, we saw land to the N.W.,
which we could not approach, the wind blowing from that quarter. At noon,
the latitude by observation was 53 deg. 49', longitude 168 deg. 5', and variation
10 deg. E. The land in sight bore N. by W. twelve or fourteen leagues distant.
This land we take to be the island Mednoi, laid down in the Russian charts
to the S.E. of Beering's Island. It is high land, and appeared clear of
snow. We place it in the latitude 54 deg. 28', longitude 167 deg. 52'. We got no
soundings with one hundred and fifty fathoms of line.

Captain Clerke was now no longer able to get out of his bed; he therefore
desired that the officers would receive their orders from me, and directed
that we should proceed with all speed to Awatska Bay. The wind continuing
westerly, we stood on to the S., till early on the morning of the 19th,
when, after a few hours rain, it blew from the eastward, and freshened to a
strong gale. We accordingly made the most of it whilst it lasted, by
standing to the westward under all the sail we could carry. On the 20th,
the wind shifting to the S.W., our course was to the W.N.W. At noon, the
latitude by observation was 53 deg. 7', longitude 162 deg. 49'. On the 21st, at
half-past five in the morning, we saw a very high peaked mountain on the
coast of Kamtschatka, called Cheepoonskoi Mountain, from its lying behind
the Noss, bearing N.W. by N., twenty-five or thirty leagues distant. At
noon, the coast extended from N. by E. to W., with a very great haziness
upon it, and distant about twelve leagues. We had light airs the remaining
part of this and the following day, and got no soundings with one hundred
and forty fathoms of line.

On the 22d of August, 1779. at nine o'clock in the morning, departed this
life Captain Charles Clerke, in the thirty-eighth year of his age. He died
of a consumption, which had evidently commenced before he left England, and
of which he had lingered during the whole voyage. His very gradual decay
had long made him a melancholy object to his friends; yet the equanimity
with which he bore it, the constant flow of good spirits which continued to
the last hour, and a cheerful resignation to his fate, afforded them some
consolation. It was impossible not to feel a more than common degree of
compassion for a person whose life had been a continued scene of those
difficulties and hardships to which a seaman's occupation is subject, and
under which he at last sank. He was brought up to the navy from his
earliest youth, and had been in several actions during the war which began
in 1756, particularly in that between the Bellona and Courageux, where,
being stationed in the mizen-top, he was carried overboard with the mast,
but was taken up without having received any hurt. He was midshipman in the
Dolphin, commanded by Commodore Byron, on her first voyage round the world,
and afterward served on the American station. In 1768, he made his second
voyage round the world in the Endeavour, as master's mate, and by the
promotion which took place during the expedition, he returned a lieutenant.
His third voyage round the world was in the Resolution, of which he was
appointed the second lieutenant; and soon after his return in 1775, he was
promoted to the rank of master and commander. When the present expedition
was ordered to be fitted out, he was appointed to the Discovery, to
accompany Captain Cook; and, by the death of the latter, succeeded, as has
been already mentioned, to the chief command.

It would be doing his memory extreme injustice not to say, that during the
short time the expedition was under his direction, he was most zealous and
anxious for its success. His health, about the time the principal command
devolved upon him, began to decline very rapidly, and was every way unequal
to encounter the rigours of a high northern climate. But the vigour and
activity of his mind had, in no shape, suffered by the decay of his body;
and though he knew, that by delaying his return to a warmer climate, he was
giving up the only chance that remained for his recovery, yet, careful and
jealous to the last degree, that a regard to his own situation should never
bias his judgment to the prejudice of the service, he persevered in the
search of a passage, till it was the opinion of every officer in both ships
that it was impracticable, and that any farther attempts would not only be
fruitless but dangerous.



[25] From the circumstance, related in the last volume, that gave name to
    Sledge Island, it appears that the inhabitants of the adjacent
    continents visit occasionally the small islands lying between them,
    probably for the conveniency of fishing, or in pursuit of furs.

    It appears also from Popoff's deposition, which I shall have occasion
    to speak of more particularly hereafter, that the general resemblance
    between the people, who are seen in these islands, and the Tschutski,
    was sufficient to lead Deshneff into the error of imagining them to be
    the same. "Opposite to the Noss," he says, "is an island of moderate
    size, without trees, whose inhabitants _resemble in their exterior the
    Tschutski, although they are quite another nation_; not numerous,
    indeed, yet speaking their own particular language." Again, "One may
    go in a baidare from the Noss to the island in half a day; beyond is a
    great continent, which can be discovered from the island in serene
    weather. When the weather is good, one may go from the island to the
    continent in a day. _The inhabitants of the continent are similar to
    the Tschutski, excepting that they speak another language_."

[26] I mention the more early Russian navigators, because Beering, whom we
    have also followed, and after him all the late Russian geographers,
    have given this name to the S.E. cape of the peninsula of the
    Tschutski, which was formerly called the Anadirskoi Noss.

[27] It ought, however, to be recollected, that though Shalauroff is
    conceived never to have doubled Shelatskoi Noss, he nevertheless does
    not appear to have considered there was any particular difficulty in
    doing so. In his first attempt to sail from the Kovyma to the Eastern
    Ocean, he was necessitated, by contrary winds, and the too far
    advanced season of the year, to seek for a watering-place, before
    having reached that cape. In the following year, again, he was
    frustrated by want of provisions, and a mutiny of his crew, which
    forced him to return to the Lena. The progress of his last enterprise
    is somewhat uncertain, as neither he nor any of his crew ever
    returned. But there are tolerably good reasons for believing, that, at
    all events, he had surmounted the navigation of this cape, if not for
    the opinion, that he actually accomplished the chief object of his
    voyage, by bringing his vessel to the mouth of the Anadir, where, it
    is on the whole, most probable, they were killed by the Tschutski.
    This last circumstance, however, it is to be allowed Mr Coxe, affords
    no decisive proof that they had doubled the eastern extremity of Asia,
    for it is possible they might have reached the Anadir by a journey
    over land. After all, then, we are forced to revert to Deshneff's
    voyage as the solitary evidence, and that too but imperfectly
    elucidated, of the practicability of reaching the Eastern Ocean from
    the north coast of Asia.--E.

[28] See chart in Coxe's Account of Russian Discoveries.

[29] Here, it is not unlikely, some readers will feel regret, that a
    greater sacrifice was not made, or a longer continued effort
    practised, or a renewed attempt hazarded, in order to overcome so
    inconsiderable a space, and so to double Shelatskoi Noss, whence, it
    may be thought, there could have been comparatively little difficulty
    in prosecuting the object of the voyage. The feeling is not
    unreasonable, provided it be not made the basis of any thing like
    censure on the management of the undertaking; in which case, it must
    soon give way to the conviction of the superior good sense, and the
    higher interest (excluding altogether, which is manifestly inhuman,
    every concern for the persons immediately engaged in the enterprise)
    displayed by the determination to abandon the attempt. To the force of
    this conviction, it may be necessary to add the very material
    consideration, that, even had it been any way practicable to double
    the cape in question, and to reach the Lena in the same track as
    Shalauroff, there would have still remained the space betwixt that
    river and Archangel, which, though undoubtedly to a great degree
    explored, does not appear to have been ever altogether navigated. To
    the merely fanciful caviller at the result of this attempt, it would
    be a prostitution of time and patience, even if one had both in the
    requisite quantity, to offer a reply. But the observations which
    Captain King immediately makes on this subject, will probably obviate
    any objection which the most sanguine mind will be disposed to
    entertain, and perhaps there was little occasion to subjoin a single
    remark to his opinion.--E.

[30] This is the only point on which, it seems possible, to question the
    reasoning of Captain King, and that altogether on the ground of Mr
    McKenzie's discovery, which of course was not known to that officer.
    In virtue of that discovery, it seems obvious enough, that the implied
    necessity of the run from the Icy Cape to Baffin's Bay in one short
    season, according to the above argument, is reduced; though it would
    be erroneous, to say, that the importance of the discovery is such as
    very materially to modify the occasion for so great a navigation at
    one stretch. But enough perhaps has been said on a subject, which can
    scarcely be expected to claim more attention than it has done already,
    or which, if it be yet destined to prompt to farther undertakings,
    will do so for some such reasons, and on such grounds, as were
    formerly adverted to.--E.

[31] See Gmelin, pages 369, 374.

[32] The reader may recollect that his attention was formerly directed to
    the same work, and for the same reason. It ought now to be remarked,
    that the subject has very recently attracted much attention by the
    additional enquiries and observations of Mr Scoresby, as communicated
    to the Wernerian Society of Edinburgh, and which are likely to lead to
    some important results.--E.

[33] It is worth while to remember that a corresponding observation as to
    the comparative prevalence of fogs during a northerly wind, was made
    in Cook's second voyage when navigating in a high south latitude.--E.

[34] But this opinion is not admitted by Mr Arrowsmith, who has given but
    one island in this position, as we have already mentioned.--E.




SECTION V.


Return to the Harbour of Saint Peter and St Paul.--Promotion of Officers.--
Funeral of Captain Clerke.--Damages of the Discovery repaired.--Various
other Occupations of the Ships' Crews.--Letters from the Commander.--Supply
of Flour and Naval Stores from a Russian Galliot.--Account of an Exile.--
Bear-hunting and fishing Parties.--Disgrace of the Serjeant.--Celebration
of the King's Coronation Day, and Visit from the Commander.--The Serjeant
reinstated.--A Russian Soldier promoted at our Request.--Remarks on the
Discipline of the Russian Army.--Church at Paratounca.--Method of Bear-
hunting--Farther Account of the Bears and Kamtschadales.--Inscription to
the Memory of Captain Clerke.--Supply of Cattle.--Entertainments on the
Empress's Name Day.--Present from the Commander.--Attempt of a Marine to
desert.--Work out of the Bay.--Nautical and Geographical Description of
Awatska Bay.--Astronomical Tables and Observations.


I sent Mr Williamson to acquaint Captain Gore with the death of Captain
Clerke, and received a letter from him, ordering me to use all my
endeavours to keep in company with the Discovery; and, in case of a
separation, to make the best of my way to the harbour of Saint Peter and
Saint Paul. At noon, we were in latitude 53 deg. 8' N., longitude 160 deg. 40' E.,
with Cheepoonskoi Noss bearing W. We had light airs in the afternoon, which
lasted through the forenoon of the 23d. At noon, a fresh breeze springing
up from the eastward, we stood in for the entrance of Awatska Bay; and, at
six in the evening, saw it bearing W.N.W. 1/2 W., distant five leagues. At
eight, the light-house, in which we now found a good light, bore N.W. by
W., three miles distant. The wind about this time died away; but the tide
being in our favour, we sent the boats ahead, and towed beyond the narrow
parts of the entrance; and, at one o'clock in the morning of the 24th, the
ebb tide setting against us, we dropped anchor. At nine we weighed, and
turned up the bay with light airs, and the boats still ahead till one;
when, by the help of a fresh breeze, we anchored before three in the
afternoon in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, with our ensign
half staff up, on account of our carrying the body of our late captain, and
were soon after followed by the Discovery.

We had no sooner anchored than our old friend the serjeant, who was still
the commander of the place, came on board with a present of berries,
intended for our poor deceased captain. He was exceedingly affected when we
told him of his death, and shewed him the coffin that contained his body.
And as it was Captain Clerke's particular request to be buried on shore,
and, if possible, in the church of Paratounca, we took the present
opportunity of explaining this matter to the serjeant, and consulting with
him about the proper steps to be taken on the occasion. In the course of
our conversation, which, for want of an interpreter, was carried on but
imperfectly, we learned that Professor De L'lsle and several other
gentlemen who died here, had been buried in the ground near the barracks at
the _ostrog_ of Saint Peter and Saint Paul's; and that this place would be
preferable to Paratounca, as the church was to be removed thither the next
year. It was therefore determined that we should wait for the arrival of
the priest of Paratounca, whom the serjeant advised us to send for, as the
only person that could satisfy our enquiries on this subject. The serjeant
having, at the same time, signified his intention of sending off an express
to the commander at Bolcheretsk, to acquaint him with our arrival, Captain
Gore availed himself of that occasion of writing him a letter, in which he
requested that sixteen head of black cattle might be sent with all possible
expedition. And because the commander did not understand any language
except his own, the nature of our request was made known to the serjeant,
who readily undertook to send, along with our letter, an explanation of its
contents.

We could not help remarking, that, although the country was much improved
in its appearance since we were last here, the Russians looked, if
possible, worse now than they did then. It is to be owned, they observed,
that this was also the case with us; and, as neither party seemed to like
to be told of their bad looks, we found mutual consolation in throwing the
blame upon the country, whose green and lively complexion, we agreed, cast
a deadness and sallowness upon our own.

The eruption of the _volcano_, which was so violent when we sailed out of
the bay, we found had done no damage here, notwithstanding stones had
fallen at the _ostrog_ of the size of a goose's egg. This was all the news
we had to enquire after, and all they had to tell, excepting that of the
arrival of Soposnikoff from Oonalashka, who took charge of the packet
Captain Cook had sent to the Admiralty, and which, it gave us much
satisfaction to find, had been forwarded.

In the morning of the 25th, Captain Gore made out the new commissions, in
consequence of Captain Clerke's death, appointing himself to the command of
the Resolution, and me to the command of the Discovery; and Mr Lanyan,
master's mate of the Resolution, who had served in that capacity on board
the Adventure in the former voyage, was promoted to the vacant lieutenancy.
These promotions produced the following farther arrangements: Lieutenants
Burney and Rickman were removed from the Discovery to be first and second
lieutenants of the Resolution; and lieutenant Williamson was appointed
first lieutenant of the Discovery. Captain Gore also permitted me to take
into the Discovery four midshipmen, who had made themselves useful to me in
astronomical calculations, and whose assistance was now particularly
necessary; as we had no _ephemeris_ for the present year. And, that
astronomical observations might continue to be made in both ships, Mr
Bayley took my place in the Resolution. The same day we were visited by the
Pope Romanoff Vereshagen, the worthy priest of Paratounca. He expressed his
sorrow at the death of Captain Clerke in a manner that did honour to his
feelings, and confirmed the account given by the serjeant respecting the
intended removal of the church to the harbour, adding, that the timber was
actually preparing, but leaving the choice of either place entirely to
Captain Gore.

The Discovery, as has been mentioned, had suffered great damage from the
ice, particularly on the 23d day of July; and having ever since been
exceedingly leaky, it was imagined that some of her timbers had started.
Captain Gore therefore sent the carpenters of the Resolution to assist our
own in repairing her; and, accordingly, the forehold being cleared, to
lighten her forward, they were set to work, to rip the damaged sheathing
from the larboard bow. This operation discovered, that three feet of the
third strake, under the wale, were staved and the timbers within started. A
tent was next erected for the accommodation of such of our people as were
employed on shore; and a party were sent a mile into the country, to the
northward of the harbour, to fell timber. The observatories were erected at
the west end of the village, near a tent in which Captain Gore and myself
took up our abode.

The farther we proceeded in removing the sheathing, the more we discovered
of the decayed state of the ship's hull. The next morning, eight feet of a
plank in the wale were found to be so exceedingly rotten, as to make it
necessary to shift it. This left us for some time at a stand, as nothing
was to be found in either ship wherewith to replace it, unless we chose to
cut up a top-mast, an expedient not to be had recourse to, till all others
failed. The carpenters were, therefore, sent on shore in the afternoon, in
search of a tree big enough for the purpose. Luckily they found a birch,
which I believe was the only one of sufficient size in the whole
neighbourhood of the bay, and which had been sawed down by us when we were
last here; so that it had the advantage of having lain some time to season.
This was shaped on the spot, and brought on board the next morning.

As the season was now so far advanced, I was fearful lest any delay or
hindrance should arise, on our parts, to Captain Gore's farther views of
discovery, and therefore gave orders that no more sheathing should be
ripped off than was absolutely necessary for repairing the damages
sustained by the ice. This I did, being apprehensive of their meeting with
more decayed planks, which, I judged, had much better remain in that state,
than be filled up with green birch, upon a supposition that such was to be
had. All hands were at present busily employed in separate duties, that
every thing might be in readiness for sea against the time our carpenters
should have finished their work. We set apart four men to haul the seine
for salmon, which were caught in great abundance, and found to be of an
excellent quality. After supplying the immediate wants of both ships, we
salted down near a hogshead a day. The invalids, who were four in number,
were employed in gathering greens, and in cooking for the parties on shore.
Our powder was also landed, in order to be dried; and the seahorse blubber,
with which both ships, in our passage to the north, (as has been before
related,) had stored themselves, was now boiled down for oil, which was
become a necessary article, our candles having long since been expended.
The cooper was fully engaged in his department; and in this manner were
both ships' companies employed in their several occupations, till Saturday
afternoon, which was given up to all our men, except the carpenters, for
the purpose of washing their linen, and getting their clothes in some
little order, that they might make a decent appearance on Sunday.

In the afternoon of that day, we paid the last offices to Captain Clerke.
The officers and men of both ships walked in procession to the grave,
whilst the ships fired minute-guns; and the service being ended, the
marines fired three vollies. He was interred under a tree which stands on
rising ground, in the valley to the north side of the harbour, where the
hospital and store-houses are situated; Captain Gore having judged this
situation most agreeable to the last wishes of the deceased, for the
reasons above-mentioned; and the priest of Paratounca having pointed out a
spot for his grave, which, he said, would be, as near as he could guess, in
the centre of the new church. This reverend pastor walked in the procession
along with the gentleman who read the service; and all the Russians in the
garrison were assembled, and attended with great respect and solemnity.

On the 30th, the different parties returned to their respective
employments, as mentioned in the course of the preceding week; and, on the
2d of September, the carpenters having shifted the rotten and damaged
planks, and repaired and caulked the sheathing of the larboard bow,
proceeded to rip off the sheathing that had been injured by the ice, from
the starboard side. Here again they discovered four feet of a plank, in the
third strake under the wale, so shaken, as to make it necessary to be
replaced. This was accordingly done, and the sheathing repaired on the 3d.
In the afternoon of the same day, we got on board some ballast, unhung the
rudder, and sent it on shore, the lead of the pintles being found entirely
worn away, and a great part of the sheathing rubbed off. As the carpenters
of the Resolution were not yet wanted, we got this set to rights the next
day, but finding the rudder out of all proportion heavy, even heavier than
that of the Resolution, we let it remain on shore in order to dry and
lighten.

The same day an ensign arrived from Bolcheretsk with a letter from the
commander to Captain Gore, which we put into the serjeant's hands, and, by
his assistance, were made to understand, that orders had been given about
the cattle, and that they might be expected here in the course of a few
days; and, moreover, that Captain Shmaleff, the present commander, would
himself pay us a visit immediately on the arrival of a sloop which was
daily expected from Okotzk. The young officer who brought the letter was
the son of the Captain-lieutenant Synd, who commanded an expedition on
discovery, between Asia and America, eleven years ago, and resided at this
time at Okotzk.[35] He informed us, that he was sent to receive our
directions, and to take care to get us supplied with whatever our service
might require; and that he should remain with us till the commander was
himself able to leave Bolcheretsk; after which he was to return, that the
garrison there might not be left without an officer.

On the 5th, the parties that were on shore returned on board, and were
employed in scrubbing the ship's bottom, and getting in eight tons of
shingle ballast. We also got up two of our guns that had been stowed in the
fore-hold, and mounted them on the deck, being now about to visit nations,
our reception amongst whom might a good deal depend on the respectability
of our appearance.

The Resolution hauled on shore on the 8th, to repair some damage which she
had also received among the ice, in her cut-water, and our carpenters in
their turn, were sent to her assistance.

About this time we began to brew a strong decoction of a species of dwarf-
pine that grows here in great abundance, thinking that it might hereafter
be useful in making beer, and that we should probably be able to procure
sugar or molasses to ferment with it at Canton. At all events I was sure it
would be serviceable as a medicine for the scurvy; and was more
particularly desirous of supplying myself with as much of it as I could
procure, because most of the preventatives we had brought out were either
used, or spoiled by keeping. By the time we had prepared a hogshead of it,
the ship's copper was discovered to be very thin, and cracked in many
places. This obliged me to desist, and to give orders that it should be
used as sparingly for the future as possible. It might, perhaps, be an
useful precaution for those who may hereafter be engaged in long voyages of
this kind, either to provide themselves with a spare copper, or to see that
the copper usually furnished be of the strongest kind. The various extra-
services, in which it will be found necessary to employ them, and
especially the important one of making antiscorbutic decoctions, seem
absolutely to require some such provision; and I should rather recommend
the former, on account of the additional quantity of fuel that would be
consumed in heating thick coppers.

In the morning of the 10th, the boats from both ships were sent to tow into
the harbour a Russian galliot from Okotzk. She had been thirty-five days on
her passage, and had been seen from the light-house a fortnight ago,
beating up toward the mouth of the bay. At that time the crew had sent
their only boat on shore for water, of which they now began to be in great
want; and the wind freshening, the boat was lost on its return, and the
galliot, being driven out to sea again, had suffered exceedingly.

There were fifty soldiers in her, with their wives and children, and
several other passengers, besides the crew, which consisted of twenty-five,
so that they had upward of an hundred souls on board. A great number for a
vessel of eighty tons; and that was also heavy laden with stores and
provisions. Both this galliot, and the sloop we saw here in May, are built
like the Dutch doggers. Soon after she had come to anchor, we received a
visit from a _put-parouchick_, or sub-lieutenant, who was a passenger in
the galliot, and sent to take the command of this place. Part of the
soldiers, we understood, were also designed to reinforce the garrison; and
two pieces of small cannon were landed, as an additional defence to the
town. It should seem, from these circumstances, that our visit here had
drawn the attention of the Russian commanders in Siberia, to the
defenceless situation of the place; and I was told by the honest serjeant,
with many significant shrugs, that, as we had found our way into it, other
nations might do the same, some of whom might not be altogether so
welcome.[36]

Next morning the Resolution hauled off from the shore, having repaired the
damages she had sustained by the ice; and, in the course of the day, we got
from the galliot a small quantity of pitch, tar, cordage, and twine; canvas
was the only thing we asked for, with which their scanty store did not put
it into their power to supply us. We also received from her an hundred and
forty skins of flour, amounting to 13,782 pounds English, after deducting
five pounds for the weight of each bag.

We had a constant course of dry weather till this day, when there came on a
heavy rain, accompanied with strong squalls of wind, which obliged us to
strike our yards and topmasts.

The 12th, being Sunday, was kept as a day of rest; but the weather
unfortunately continuing foul, our men could not derive the advantage from
it we wished, by gathering the berries that grew in great quantities and
varieties on the coast, and taking other pastime on shore. The same day
Ensign Synd left us to return to Bolcheretsk with the remainder of the
soldiers that came in the galliot. He had been our constant guest during
his stay. Indeed we could not but consider him, on his father's account, as
in some measure belonging to us, and entitled, as one of the family of
discoverers, to a share in our affections.

We had hitherto admitted the serjeant to our tables, in consideration of
his being commander of the place; and, moreover, because he was a quick,
sensible man, and comprehended better than any other, the few Russian words
we had learned. Ensign Synd had very politely suffered him to enjoy the
same privileges during his stay; but, on the arrival of the new commander
from Okotzk, the serjeant, for some cause or other, which we could not
learn, fell into disgrace, and was no longer suffered to sit down in the
company of his own officers. It was in vain to think of making any attempt
to obtain an indulgence, which, though it would have been highly agreeable
to us, was doubtless incompatible with their discipline.

On Wednesday we had finished the stowage of the holds, got on board all our
wood and water, and were ready to put to sea at a day's notice. It is
however necessary to observe, that though every thing was in this degree of
readiness on board, the cattle were not yet arrived from Verchnei; and as
fresh provisions were the most important article of our wants, and in a
great measure necessary for the health of the men, we could not think of
taking our departure without them. We therefore thought this a favourable,
opportunity (especially as there was an appearance of fine weather) of
taking some amusement on shore, and acquiring a little knowledge of the
country. Accordingly Captain Gore proposed a party of bear-hunting, which
we all very readily came into.

We did not set out on this expedition till Friday the 17th, in order to
give a day's rest to the Hospodin Ivaskin, a new acquaintance, that was to
be of our party, and who came down here on Wednesday. This gentleman who,
we understood, usually resides at Verchnei, had been desired by Major Behm
to attend us on our return to the harbour, in order to be our interpreter;
and the accounts we had heard of him before his arrival had excited in us a
great curiosity to see him.

He is of a considerable family in Russia. His father was a general in the
empress's service; and he himself, after having received his education
partly in France, and partly in Germany, had been page to the Empress
Elizabeth, and an ensign in her guards. At the age of sixteen he was
_knowted_, had his nose slit, and was banished first to Siberia, and
afterward to Kamtschatka, where he had now lived thirty-one years. He was a
very tall thin man, with a face all over furrowed with deep wrinkles; and
bore in his whole figure the strongest marks of old age, though he had
scarcely reached his fifty-fourth year.

To our very great disappointment he had so totally forgotten both his
German and French, as not to be able to speak a sentence, nor readily to
understand what was said to him in either of these languages. We found
ourselves thus unfortunately deprived of what we flattered ourselves would
have turned out a favourable opportunity of getting farther information
relative to this country. We had also promised ourselves much pleasure from
the history of this extraordinary man, which he probably would have been
induced to relate to strangers, who might perhaps be of some little service
to him, but who could have no inducement to take advantage from any thing
he might say to do him an injury. No one here knew the cause of his
banishment, but they took it for granted that it must have been for
something very atrocious, particularly as two or three commanders of
Kamtschatka have endeavoured to get him recalled since the present
empress's reign; but far from succeeding in this, they have not been even
able to get the place of his banishment changed. He told us that for twenty
years he had not tasted bread, nor had been allowed subsistence of any kind
whatsoever; but that during this period he had lived among the
Kamtschadales on what his own activity and toil in the chase had furnished:
That afterward he had a small pension granted; and that, since Major Behm
came to the command, his situation had been, infinitely mended. The notice
that worthy man had taken of him, and his having often invited him to
become his guest, had been the occasion of others following his example;
besides which, he had been the means of getting his pension increased to
one hundred roubles a year, which is the common pay of an ensign in all
parts of the empress's dominions, except in this province, where the pay of
all the officers is double. Major Behm told us that he had obtained
permission to take him to Okotzk, which was to be the place of his
residence in future; but that he should leave him behind for the present,
on an idea that he might, on our return to the bay, be useful to us as an
interpreter.[37]

Having given orders to the first lieutenants of both ships, to let the
rigging have such a repair as the supply of stores we had lately received
would permit, we set out on our hunting party, under the direction of the
corporal of the Kamtschadales, intending, before we began to look for our
game, to proceed straight to the head of Behm's Harbour. It is an inlet on
the west side of the bay, (which we had named after that officer, from its
being a favourite place of his, and having been surveyed by himself,) and
is called by the natives Tareinska.

In our way toward this harbour we met the _Toion_ of Saint Peter and Saint
Paul in a canoe, with his wife and two children, and another Kamtschadale.
He had killed two seals upon a round island, that lies in the entrance of
the harbour, with which, and a great quantity of berries that he had
gathered, he was returning home. As the wind had veered to the S.W., we now
changed our route by his advice; and, instead of going up the harbour,
directed our course to the northward, toward a pool of water that lies near
the mouth of the river Paratounca, and which was a known haunt of the
bears. We had scarce landed, when unfortunately the wind changed to the
eastward, and a second time destroyed all hopes of coming up with our game;
for the Kamtschadales assured us, that it was in vain to expect to meet
with bears, whilst we were to the windward, owing to their being possessed
of an uncommon acuteness in scenting their pursuers, which enabled them,
under such circumstances, to avoid the danger, whilst it is yet at a very
great distance. We returned therefore to the boat, and passed the night on
the beach, having brought a tent with us for that purpose, and the next
day, by the advice of our guides, crossed the bay, and went to the head of
Rakoweena Harbour.

Having here secured the boats, we proceeded with all our luggage on foot,
and, after a walk of five or six miles, came to the sea-side, a league to
the northward of the light-house head. From hence, as far as we could see
toward Cheepoonskoi Noss, there is a continued narrow border of low level
ground adjoining to the sea, which is covered with heath, and produces
great abundance of berries, particularly those called partridge and crow
berries. We were told we should not fail to meet with a number of bears
feeding upon those berries; but that the weather being showery, was
unfavourable for us.

Accordingly we directed our course along this plain, and, though we saw
several bears at a distance, we could never, with all our management,
contrive to get within shot of them. Our diversion was therefore changed to
spearing of salmon, which we saw pushing in great numbers through the surf
into a small river. I could not help observing how much inferior our
Kamtschadales were, at this method of fishing, to the people at Oonalashka;
nor were their instruments, although pointed with iron, near so good for
the purpose, nor to be compared in neatness to those of the Americans,
though pointed only with bone. On enquiring into the reason of this
inferiority, I was informed by the corporal, who had lived many years
amongst the Americans, that formerly the Kamtschadales made use of the same
kind of darts and spears with the Americans, headed and barbed with bone,
and were not less dexterous in the management of them than the latter. We
could not understand one another sufficiently for me to learn the cause of
this change; probably it was one of the not unusual effects of a forced and
imperfect state of improvement. It fell out very opportunely that the water
afforded us a little prey; for, besides our ill success in the chase by
land, we had also been disappointed in our expectations of shooting wild
fowl, on a supply of which we had in some measure depended for our
subsistence; and, on its failure, began to think that we had been full long
absent from head quarters.

Our Kamtschadales now discovered that the want of success in not meeting
with game, was owing to the party being too large, and to the unavoidable
noise that was the consequence of it. We therefore agreed to separate,
Ivaskin, the corporal, and myself, forming one party, Captain Gore, and the
rest of the company, the other.

Accordingly, after passing the night under our tent, we set out on the
morning of the 19th, by different routes, meaning to take a circuit round
the country, and meet at Saint Peter and Saint Paul. The party to which I
belonged took the course of the river, at the mouth of which we had fished
for the salmon; and, after being thoroughly soaked by the heavy rains that
fell all the morning, we came about three in the afternoon to some old
_balagans_, where a Kamtschadale village had been formerly situated,
without meeting with a single bear during the whole of a long and tedious
walk. It was our first intention to have remained here all night, in order
to have resumed our chase early the next morning; but the weather clearing,
and, at the same time, a fresh breeze springing up from a quarter
unfavourable to our designs, the Hospodin, whom former sufferings had made
very unfit to bear much fatigue, and who seemed at present more
particularly distressed from having emptied his snuff-box, began to be very
importunate with us to return home. It was some time before the old
corporal consented, alleging, that we were at a great distance from the
harbour, and that, on account of the badness of the way, the night would
probably overtake us before we reached the end of our journey. At length,
however, he yielded to Ivaskin's entreaties, and conducted us along the
side of a number of small lakes, with which the flat part of this country
seems much to abound. These lakes are from half a mile to two miles in
length, and about half a mile broad; the water is fresh and clear, and they
are full of a red-coloured fish, resembling, both in shape and size, a
small salmon; of which a more particular description will be given
hereafter. The banks of these lakes were covered with fragments of fish
that the bears had half eaten, and which caused an intolerable stench. We
often came upon the spots which the bears had just left, but were never
able even to come within sight of them.

It was night before we reached the ships, and we had then been twelve hours
upon our legs. Poor Ivaskin found himself exceedingly tired and overcome
with fatigue; probably he was more sensible of it for want of a supply of
snuff; for every step he took his hand dived mechanically into his pocket,
and drew out his huge empty box. We had scarcely got into the tent, when
the weather set in exceedingly rough and wet. We congratulated ourselves
that we had not staid out another day, the Hospodin's box was replenished,
and we forgot the fatigues and ill success of our expedition over a good
supper.

I was exceedingly sorry, on being told the next day, that our friend the
serjeant had undergone corporal punishment during our absence, by command
of the old _Putparouchick_. None of our people had been able to learn, what
was the cause of his displeasure; but it was imagined to have arisen from
some little jealousy subsisting between them, on account of the civility
which we had shewn to the former. However, having every reason to believe
that the offence, whatever it might be, did not call for so disgraceful a
chastisement, we could not help being both sorry and much provoked at it,
as the terms on which we had lived with him, and the interest we were known
to take in his affairs, made the affront, in some measure, personal to
ourselves; for it has not yet been mentioned, that we had consulted with
the late worthy commander, Major Behm, who was also his friend, by what
means we might be most likely to succeed in doing him some service for the
good order he had kept in the _ostrog_ during our stay, and for his
readiness on all occasions to oblige us. The major advised a letter of
recommendation to the governor-general, which Captain Clerke had
accordingly given him, and which, backed with his own representations, he
had no doubt would get the serjeant advanced a step higher in his
profession.

We did not choose to make any remonstrance on this subject till the arrival
of Captain Shmaleff. Indeed our inability, from the want of language, to
enter into any discussion of the business, made it advisable to come to
this determination. However, when the _Putparouchick_ paid us his next
visit, we could not help testifying our chagrin by receiving him very
coolly.

The 22d being the anniversary of his majesty's coronation, twenty-one guns
were fired, and the handsomest feast our situation would allow of, was
prepared, in honour of the day. As we were sitting down to dinner, the
arrival of Captain Shmaleff was announced. This was a most agreeable
surprise; in the first place, because he arrived so opportunely to partake
of the good fare and festivity of the occasion; and, in the next, because,
in our last accounts of him, we were given to understand, that the effects
of a severe illness had made him unequal to the journey. We were glad to
find this had been merely an excuse; that, in fact, he was ashamed of
coming empty-handed, knowing we must be in great want of tea, sugar, &c.
&c.; and that therefore he had deferred his setting out, in daily
expectation of the sloop from Okotzk; but having no tidings of her, and
dreading lest we should sail, without his having paid us a visit, he was
determined to set out, though with nothing better to present to us than
apologies for the poverty of Bolcheretsk. At the same time he acquainted
us, that our not having received the sixteen head of black cattle we had
desired might be sent down, was owing to the very heavy rains at Verchnei,
which had prevented their setting out. We made the best answer we were able
to so much politeness and generosity; and the next day, on coming on board
the Resolution, he was saluted with eleven guns. Specimens of all our
curiosities were presented to him, and Captain Gore added to them a gold
watch and a fowling-piece.

The next day he was entertained on board the Discovery, and on the 25th he
took leave of us to return to Bolcheretsk. He could not be prevailed upon
to lengthen his visit, having some expectations, as he told us, that the
sub-governor-general, who was at this time making a tour through all the
provinces of the Governor-general of Jakutzk, might arrive in the sloop
that was daily expected from Okotzk. Before his departure, and without any
interference of ours, he reinstated the serjeant in the command of this
place, having determined to take the _Putparouchick_ along with him; at the
same time we understood that he was highly displeased with him on account
of the punishment that had been inflicted on the serjeant, and for which
there did not appear to be the slightest foundation.

Captain Shmaleff's great readiness to give us every possible proof of his
desire to oblige us, encouraged us to ask a small favour for another of our
Kamtschadale friends. It was to requite an old soldier, whose house had
been at all times open to the inferior officers, and who had done both them
and all the crew a thousand good offices. The captain most obligingly
complied with our request, and dubbed him (which was all he wished for) a
corporal upon the spot, and ordered him to thank the English officers for
his great promotion. It may not here be improper to observe, that in the
Russian army the inferior class of officers enjoy a degree of pre-eminence
above the private men, with which we, in our service, are in a great
measure unacquainted. It was no small astonishment to us, to see a serjeant
keep up all the state, and exact all the respect from all beneath him
belonging to a field-officer. It may be farther remarked, that there are
many more gradations of rank amongst them than are to be met with in other
countries. Between a serjeant and a private man, there are not less than
four intermediate steps; and I have no doubt, but that the advantages
arising from this system are found to be very considerable. The salutary
effects of little subordinate ranks in our sea-service cannot be
questioned. It gives rise to great emulation, and the superior officers are
enabled to bestow, on almost every possible degree of merit, a reward
proportioned to it.

Having been incidentally led into this subject, I shall beg leave to add
but one observation more, namely, that the discipline of the Russian army,
though at this distance from the seat of government, is of the strictest
and severest kind, from which even the commissioned officers are not
exempt. The punishment of the latter for small offences is imprisonment,
and a bread and water diet. An ensign, a good friend of ours at this place,
told us, that, for having been concerned in a drunken riot, he was confined
in the black hole for three months, and fed upon bread and water; which, he
said, so shattered his nerves, that he had never since had spirits for a
common convivial meeting.

I accompanied Captain Shmaleff to the entrance of Awatska River; and having
bid him farewell, took this opportunity of paying a visit to the priest of
Paratounca. On Sunday, the 26th, I attended him to church. The congregation
consisted of his own family, three Kamtschadale men, and three boys, who
assisted in singing part of the service; the whole of which was performed
in a very solemn and edifying manner. The church is of wood, and by far the
best building either in this town or that of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. It
is ornamented with many paintings, particularly with two pictures of Saint
Peter and Saint Paul, presented by Beering; and which, in the real richness
of their drapery, would carry off the prize from the first of our European
performances; for all the principal parts of it are made of thick plates of
solid silver, fastened to the canvas, and fashioned into the various
foldings of the robes with which the figures were clothed.

The next day, I set on foot another hunting party, and put myself under the
direction of the clerk of the parish, who was a celebrated bear-hunter. We
arrived by sun-set, at the side of one of the larger lakes. The next step
was to conceal ourselves as much as possible; and this we were able to do
effectually, among some long grass and brushwood, that grew close to the
water's edge. We had not lain long in ambush, before we had the pleasure to
hear the growlings of bears in different parts round about us; and our
expectations were soon gratified, by the sight of one of them in the water,
which seemed to be swimming directly to the place where we lay hid. The
moon, at this time, gave a considerable light; and when the animal had
advanced about fifteen yards, three of us fired at it, pretty nearly at the
same time. The beast immediately turned short on one side, and set up a
noise, which could not properly be called roaring, nor growling, nor
yelling, but was a mixture of all three, and horrible beyond description.
We plainly saw that it was severely wounded, and that with difficulty it
gained the bank, and retreated to some thick bushes at a little distance.
It still continued to make the same loud and terrible noise; and though the
Kamtschadales were persuaded it was mortally wounded, and could get no
farther, yet they thought it most advisable not to rouse it again for the
present. It was at this time past nine o'clock; and the night becoming
overcast, and threatening a change of weather, we thought it most prudent
to return home, and defer the gratification of our curiosity till morning,
when we returned to the spot, and found the bear dead, in the place to
which it had been watched. It proved to be a female, and beyond the common
size.

As the account of our first hunting-party will be apt to give the reader a
wrong idea of the method in which this sport is usually conducted, it may
not be amiss to add a few more words on the subject; and which I am the
better able to do since this last expedition.

When the natives come to the ground frequented by the bears, which they
contrive to reach about sun-set, the first step is to look for their
tracks; to examine which are the freshest, and the best situated with a
view to concealment; and taking aim at the beast, either as he is passing
by, or advancing in front, or going from them. These tracks are found in
the greatest numbers, leading from the woods down to the lakes, and among
the long sedgy grass and brakes by the edge of the water. The place of
ambuscade being determined upon, the hunters next fix in the ground the
crutches, upon which their firelocks are made to rest, pointing them in the
direction they mean to make their shot. This done, they kneel, or lie down,
as the circumstances of the cover require; and, with their bear-spears by
their side, wait for their game. These precautions, which are chiefly taken
in order to make sure of their mark, are, on several accounts, highly
expedient. For, in the first place, ammunition is so dear at Kamtschatka,
that the price of a bear will not purchase more of it than is sufficient to
load a musquet four or five times; and, what, is more material, if the bear
be not rendered incapable of pursuit by the first shot, the consequences
are often fatal. He immediately makes toward the place from whence the
noise and smoke issue, and attacks his adversaries with great fury. It is
impossible for them to reload, as the animal is seldom at more than twelve
or fifteen yards distance when he is fired at; so that if he does not fall,
they immediately put themselves in a posture to receive him upon their
spears; and their safety greatly depends on their giving him a mortal stab,
as he first comes upon them. If he parries the thrust, (which, by the
extraordinary strength and agility of their paws, they are often enabled to
do,) and thereby breaks in upon his adversaries, the conflict becomes very
unequal, and it is well if the life of one of the party alone suffice to
pay the forfeit.[38]

There are two seasons of the year when this diversion, or occupation, as it
may be rather called, is more particularly dangerous; in the spring, when
the bears first come forth, after having subsisted, as is universally
asserted here, on sucking their paws through the winter; and especially if
the frost happen to be severe, and the ice not to be broken up in the lake
at that time, by which means they are deprived of their ordinary and
expected food. Under these circumstances, they soon become exceedingly
famished, and fierce and savage in proportion. They will pursue the natives
by the scent; and as they now prowl about out of their usual tracks,
frequently come upon them unawares; and when this happens, as the
Kamtschadales have not the smallest notion of shooting flying, nor even at
an animal running, or in any way except with their piece on a rest, the
bear-hunters often fall a sacrifice to their hunger. The other season in
which it is dangerous to come in their way, is at the time of their
copulation, which is generally about this time of the year.

An extraordinary instance of natural affection in these animals has been
already mentioned. The chace affords a variety of a similar nature, and not
less affecting; many of which were related to me. The Kamtschadales derive
great advantage in hunting from this circumstance. They, never venture to
fire upon a young bear, when the mother is near; for if the cub drop, she
becomes enraged to a degree little short of madness; and if she get sight
of the enemy, will only quit her revenge with her life. On the contrary, if
the dam be shot, the cubs will not leave her side, even after she has been
dead a long time, but continue about her, shewing, by a variety of
affecting actions and gestures, marks of the deepest affliction, and thus
become any easy prey to the hunters.

Nor is the sagacity of the bears, if the Kamtschadales are to be credited,
less extraordinary, or less worthy to be remarked, than their natural
affection. Of this they have a thousand stories to relate. I shall content
myself with mentioning one instance, which the natives speak of as a well-
known fact, and that is, the stratagem they have recourse to in order to
catch the bareins, which are considerably too swift of foot for them. These
animals keep together in large herds; they frequent mostly the low grounds,
and love to browse at the feet of rocks and precipices. The bear hunts them
by scent, till he come in sight, when he advances warily, keeping above
them, and concealing himself amongst the rocks, as he makes his approaches,
till he gets immediately over them, and nigh enough for his purpose. He
then begins to push down with his paws pieces of the rock amongst the herd
below. This manoeuvre is not followed by any attempt to pursue, until he
find he has maimed one of the flock, upon which a course immediately
ensues, that proves successful, or otherwise, according to the hurt the
barein has received.[39]

I cannot conclude this digression, without observing, that the
Kamtschadales very thankfully acknowledge their obligations to the bears
for what little advancement they have hitherto made either in the sciences
or polite arts. They confess that they owe to them all their skill both to
physic and surgery; that, by remarking with what herbs these animals rub
the wounds they have received, and what they have recourse to when sick and
languid, they have become acquainted with most of the simples in use among
them, either in the way of internal medicine, or external application. But,
what will appear somewhat more singular, is, they acknowledge the bears
likewise for their dancing-masters. Indeed, the evidence of one's senses
puts this out of dispute; for the bear-dance of the Kamtschadales is an
exact counterpart of every attitude and gesture peculiar to this animal,
through its various functions; and this is the foundation and groundwork of
all their other dances, and what they value themselves most upon.

I returned to the ships on the 28th, very well pleased with my excursion,
as it had afforded me an opportunity of seeing a little more of the
country, and of observing the manners and behaviour of the Kamtschadales,
when freed from that constraint which they evidently lie under in the
company of the Russians.

No occurrence worth mentioning took place till the 30th, when Captain Gore
went to Paratounca, to put up in the church there an escutcheon, prepared
by Mr Webber, with an inscription upon it, setting forth Captain Clerke's
age and rank, and the object of the expedition in which he was engaged at
the time of his decease. We also affixed to the tree under which he was
buried, a board, with an inscription upon it to the same effect.[40]

Before his departure, Captain Gore left orders with me to get the ships out
of the harbour into the bay, to be in readiness to sail. We were prevented
from doing this by a violent gale of wind, which lasted the whole day of
the 1st of October. However, on the 2d, both ships warped out of the
harbour, clear of the narrow passage, and came to anchor in seven fathoms,
a quarter of a mile from the _ostrog_.

The day before we went out of the harbour the cattle arrived from Verchnei;
and, that the men might receive the full benefit of this capital and much-
longed-for supply, by consuming it fresh, Captain Gore came to a
determination of staying five or six days longer. Nor was this time idly
employed. The boats, pumps, sails, and rigging of both ships, thereby
received an additional repair. And Captain Gore sparing me some molasses,
and the use of the Resolution's copper, I was enabled to brew a fortnight's
beer for the crew, and to make a farther provision of ten puncheons of
strong spruce essence. The present supply was the more acceptable, as our
last cask of spirits, except a small quantity left in reserve for cases of
necessity, was now serving out.

The 3d was the name-day of the Empress, and we could want no inducement to
shew it every possible respect. Accordingly, Captain Gore invited the
priest of Paratounca, Ivaskin, and the serjeant, to dinner; and an
entertainment was also provided for the inferior officers of the garrison;
for the two _Toions_ of Paratounca and Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and for
the other better sort of Kamtschadale inhabitants. The rest of the natives,
of every description, were invited to partake with the ships' companies,
who had a pound of good fat beef served out to each man; and what remained
of our spirits was made into grog, and divided amongst them. A salute of
twenty-one guns was fired at the usual hour; and the whole was conducted
(considering the part of her dominion it was in) in a manner not unworthy
so renowned and magnificent an empress.

On the 5th, we received from Bolcheretsk a fresh supply of tea, sugar, and
tobacco. This present had met Captain Shmaleff on his return, and was
accompanied by a letter from him, in which he informed us, that the sloop
from Okotzk had arrived during his absence; and that Madame Shmaleff, who
was entirely in our interests, had lost no time in dispatching a courier
with the few presents, of which our acceptance was requested.

The appearance of foul weather on the 6th and 7th, prevented our unmooring;
but on the morning of the 8th, we sailed out toward the mouth of the bay,
and hoisted in all the boats, when the wind, veering to the southward,
stopped our farther progress, and obliged us to drop anchor in ten fathoms;
the _ostrog_ bearing due north, half a league distant.

The weather being foggy, and the wind from the same quarter during the
forenoon of the 9th, we continued in our station. At four in the afternoon
we again unmoored; but whilst we were with great difficulty weighing our
last anchor, I was told that the drummer of the marines had left the boat
which had just returned from the village, and that he was last seen with a
Kamtschadale woman, to whom his messmates knew he had been much attached,
and who had often been observed persuading him to stay behind. Though this
man had been long useless to us, from a swelling in his knee, which
rendered him lame, yet this made me the more unwilling he should be left
behind, to become a miserable burden both to the Russians and himself. I
therefore got the serjeant to send parties of soldiers, in different
directions, in search of him, whilst some of our sailors went to a well-
known haunt of his in the neighbourhood, where they found him with his
woman. On the return of this party, with our deserter, we weighed, and
followed the Resolution out of the bay.

Having at length taken our leave of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, I shall
conclude this section with a particular description of Awatska Bay, and the
coast adjoining; not only because (its three inlets included) it
constitutes, perhaps, the most extensive and safest harbour that has yet
been discovered, but because it is the only port in this part of the world
capable of admitting ships of any considerable burden. The term Bay,
indeed, is perhaps not applicable, properly speaking, to a place so well
sheltered as Awatska; but, then, it must be observed, that, from the loose
undistinguishing manner in which navigators have denominated certain
situations of sea and land, with respect to each other, bays, roads,
sounds, harbours, &c. we have no defined and determinate ideas affixed to
these words, sufficient to warrant us in changing a popular name for one
that may appear more proper.

The entrance into this bay is in 52 deg. 51' north latitude, and 158 deg. 48' east
longitude, and lies in the bight of another exterior bay, formed by
Cheepoonskoi Noss to the N., and Cape Gavareea to the S. The former of
these head lands bears from the latter N.E. by N. 3/4 E., and is distant
thirty-two leagues. The coast from Cape Gavareea to the entrance of Awatska
Bay, takes a direction nearly N., and is eleven leagues in extent. It
consists of a chain of high ragged cliffs, with detached rocks frequently
lying off them. This coast, at a distance, presents in many parts an
appearance of bays or inlets, but, on a nearer approach, the head-lands
were found connected by low ground.

Cheepoonskoi Noss bears, from the entrance of the bay, E.N.E. 1/4 E, and is
twenty-five leagues distant. On this side the shore is low and flat, with
hills rising behind to a considerable height. In the latitude of Cape
Gavareea there is an error of twenty-one miles in the Russian charts, its
true latitude being 52 deg. 21'.

This striking difference of the land on each side Awatska Bay, with their
different bearings, are the best guides to steer for it in coming from the
southward; and, in approaching it from the northward, Cheepoonskoi Noss
will make itself very conspicuous; for it is a high projecting head-land,
with a considerable extent of level ground lower than the Noss, uniting it
to the continent. It presents the same appearance, whether viewed from the
north or south, and will warn the mariner not to be deceived in imagining
Awatska Bay to lie in the bight which the coast forms to the northward of
this Noss, and which might be the case, from the striking resemblance there
is between a conical hill within this bight or bay, and one to the south of
Awatska Bay.

I have been thus particular in giving a minute description of this coast,
from our own experience of the want of it. For had we been furnished with a
tolerable account of the form of the coast on each side of Awatska Bay, we
should, on our first arrival upon it, have got safely within the bay two
days before we did, and thereby have avoided part of the stormy weather
which came on when we were plying off the mouth of the harbour. Besides,
from the prevalence of fogs in these seas, it must frequently happen, that
an observation for ascertaining the latitude cannot be got; to which we may
add, that the deceptive appearances land makes when covered with snow, and
when viewed through an hazy atmosphere, both which circumstances prevail
here during the greatest part of the year, render the knowledge of a
variety of discriminating objects the more necessary.

Should, however, the weather be clear enough to admit a view of the
mountains on the coast in its neighbourhood, these will serve to point out
the situation of Awatska Bay, with a great deal of precision. For to the
south of it are two high mountains; that which is nearest to the bay, is
shaped like a sugar-loaf; the other, which is farther inland, does not
appear so high, and is flat at the top. To the north of the bay, are three
very conspicuous mountains; the westernmost is, to appearance, the highest;
the next is the _volcano_ mountain, which may be known from the smoke that
issues from its top, and likewise from some high table-hills connected with
it, and stretching to the northward; these two are somewhat peaked. The
third, and the most northerly, might perhaps be more properly called a
cluster of mountains, as it presents to the sight several flat tops.

When the navigator has got within the capes, and into the outward bay, a
perpendicular head-land, with a lighthouse erected upon it, will point out
the entrance of the bay of Awatska to the northward. To the eastward of
this head-land lie many sunken rocks, stretching into the sea, to the
distance of two or three miles; and which will shew themselves, if there be
but a moderate sea or swell. Four miles to the south of the entrance lies a
small round island, very distinguishable from being principally composed of
high pointed rocks, with one of them strikingly remarkable, as being much
larger, more peaked and perpendicular than the rest.

It is no way necessary to be equally particular in the description of the
bay itself, as of its approaches and environs; since no words can give the
mariner a perfect idea of it. The entrance is at first near three miles
wide, and in the narrowest part one mile and a half, and four miles long,
in a N.N.W. direction. Within the mouth is a noble bason of twenty-five
miles circuit, with the capacious harbours of Tareinska to the W., of
Rakoweena to the E., and the small one of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, where
we lay, to the N.

Tareinska harbour is about three miles in breadth, and twelve in length; it
stretches to the E.S.E., and is separated from the sea, at the bottom, by a
narrow neck of land. The road into this harbour is perfectly free from
rocks or shoals. We had never less than seven fathoms water, as far as our
survey extended; for we were not able to get to the bottom of the harbour
on account of the ice.

The harbour of Rakoweena would deserve the preference over the other two,
if its entrance were not impeded by a shoal lying in the middle of the
channel; which, in general, will make it necessary to warp in, unless there
be a leading wind. It is from one mile to half a mile in width, and three
miles long, running at first in a S.E., and afterward in an easterly
direction. Its depth is from thirteen to three fathoms.

Saint Peter and Saint Paul's is one of the most convenient little harbours
I ever saw. It will hold conveniently half a dozen ships, moored head and
stern; and is fit for giving them any kind of repairs. The south side is
formed by a low sandy neck, exceedingly narrow, on which the _ostrog_ is
built; and whose point may almost be touched by ships going in, having
three fathoms water close in with it. In the mid channel, which is no more
than two hundred and seventy-eight feet across, there are six fathoms and a
half; the deepest water within is seven fathoms; and in every part over a
muddy bottom. We found some inconvenience from the toughness of the ground,
which constantly broke the messenger, and gave us a great deal of trouble
in getting up the anchors. There is a watering-place at the head of the
harbour.

The plan we drew points out the shoal to be avoided, lying off the eastern
harbour, as well as the spit within the entrance, stretching from the S.W.
shore, and over which there are only three fathoms water. In order to steer
clear of the latter, a small island, or perhaps it may rather be called a
large detached rock, lying on the west shore of the entrance, is to be shut
in with the land to the south of it; and to steer clear of the former, the
Three Needle Rocks, which lie on the east shore of the entrance near the
light-house head, are to be kept open with the head-lands (or bluff-heads)
that rise to the northward of the first small bay, or bending, observable
on the east side of the entrance. When arrived to the north of the north
head-land of the eastern harbour, the shoal is past.

In sailing into the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and approaching
the village, it is necessary to keep in close to the eastern shore, in
order to avoid a spit which runs from the head-land to the S.W. of the
town.[41]

Before I proceed to give a table of the result of our astronomical
observations at this place, it may be proper to acquaint the reader, that
the time-keeper we had on board the Resolution, which was an exact copy of
that invented by Mr Harrison, and executed by Mr Kendal, stopped on the
27th of April, a few days before we first came into Awatska Bay. It had
been always kept with the most scrupulous care during the voyage, having
never been trusted for a moment into any other hands than those of Captain
Cook and mine. No accident could therefore have happened to it, to which we
could attribute its stopping; nor could it have arisen from the effects of
intense cold, as the thermometer was very little below the freezing point.
As soon as the discovery was made, I consulted with Captain Clerke what
course it was best to pursue; whether to let it remain as it was, entirely
useless to us, for the purpose of satisfying the curious at home, where it
was sure of being examined by proper judges, or suffer it to be inspected
by a seaman on board, who had served a regular apprenticeship to a
watchmaker in London, and appeared sufficiently knowing in the business,
from his success in cleaning and repairing several watches since we had
been out. The advantages we had derived from its accuracy, made us
extremely unwilling to be deprived of its use during the remaining part of
the voyage; and that object appeared to us to be of much greater importance
than the small degree of probability, which we understood was all that
could be expected, of obtaining any material knowledge respecting its
mechanism, by deferring the inspection of it. At the same time, it should
be remembered, that the watch had already a sufficient trial, both in the
former voyage and during the three years we had now had it on board to
ascertain its utility. On these considerations, we took the opportunity of
the first clear day, after our arrival in Awatska Bay, of opening the
watch, which was done in the captain's cabin, and in our presence. The
watchmaker found no part of the work broken; but not being able to set it
a-going, he proceeded to take off the cock and balance, and cleaned both
the pivot-holes, which he found very foul, and the rest of the work rather
dirty; he also took off the dial-plate; and, between two teeth of the wheel
that carries the second-hand, found a piece of dirt, which he imagined to
be the principal cause of its stopping. Having afterward put the work
together, and oiled it as sparingly as possible, the watch appeared to go
free and well.

Having received orders the next day to go to Bolcheretsk, the time-keeper
was left in the care of Mr Bayley, to compare it with his watch and clock,
in order to get its rate. On my return, I was told it had gone for some
days with tolerable regularity, losing only from fifteen to seventeen
seconds a-day, when it stopped a second time. It was again opened, and the
cause of its stopping appeared to be owing to the man having put some part
of the work badly together when he first opened it. Being again adjusted,
it was found to gain above a minute a-day; and, in the attempt to alter the
regulator and balance-spring, he broke the latter. He afterward made a new
spring; but the watch now went so irregularly, that we made no farther use
of it. The poor fellow was not less chagrined than we were at our bad
success; which, however, I am convinced, was more owing to the miserable
tools he was obliged to work with, and the stiffness his hands had
contracted from his ordinary occupation, than to his want of skill.

For the satisfaction of those who may wish to have a general view of its
rate of going, I have added the following table.

The first and second columns contain the dates when, and the names of the
places where its rate was observed. The third column contains the daily
error of its rate, so found from mean time. The fourth column has the
longitude of each place, according to the Greenwich rate; that is,
calculated on a supposition that the time-keeper had not varied its rate
from the time it left Greenwich. But as we had frequent opportunities of
ascertaining the variation of its daily error, or finding its new rate, the
fifth column has the longitude according to its last rate, calculated from
the true longitude of the place last departed from. The sixth is the true
longitude of the place deduced from astronomical observations made by
ourselves, and compared with those made by others, whenever such could be
obtained. The seventh column shews the difference between the fourth column
and the sixth in space; and the eighth the same difference in time. The
ninth shews the number of months and days in which the error, thus
determined, had been accumulating. The difference between the fifth and
sixth columns is found in the tenth, and shews the error of the time-
keeper, according to its rate last found, in space; and the eleventh the
same error in time. The twelfth contains the time elapsed in sailing from
the place where the rate was last taken, to the place whose longitude is
last determined. The thirteenth and fourteenth contain the state of the air
at the time of each observation.

As persons, unaccustomed to calculations of this sort, may find some
difficulty in comprehending the nature of the table, the two following
instances will more clearly explain it.

Thus, on the 24th October, 1776, (first column,) at the Cape of Good Hope
(second column,) we found the daily error, in the rate of its going, to be
2",26 (third column.) The longitude of that place, calculated on a
supposition that the rate of the time-keeper had continued the same from
the time of our leaving Greenwich, that is, had a regular daily error of
1",21, is found to be 18 deg. 26' 30" east (fourth column.) And as its rate at
Greenwich is, in this instance, its latest rate, the longitude thus found
is the same (fifth column.) The true longitude of the place is 18 deg. 23' 15"
(sixth column.) From whence it appears, that in our run from Greenwich to
the Cape, the watch would have led us into an error only of 3' 15" (seventh
column,) or three miles one quarter; or had varied 13" of time (eighth
column,) in four months twenty-three days (ninth column,) the period
between our leaving Greenwich and our arrival at the Cape. As the Greenwich
is the latest error, the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth columns, will be the
same with the seventh and ninth.

But, on the 23d of February, 1777, (first column,) at Queen Charlotte's
Sound, New Zealand, (second column,) the daily error of its rate was found
to be 2",91, (third column.) The longitude of this place, according to the
Greenwich rate, is 175 deg. 25', (fourth column.) But having found at the Cape,
that it had altered its rate from a daily error of 1",21, to 2",26, the
longitude corrected by this new rate is found to be 174 deg. 44' 23", (fifth
column.) The true longitude of the place being 174 deg. 23' 31", (sixth
column;) it appears that, in our run from Greenwich to New Zealand, the
error would have been only 1 deg. 1' 29", (seventh column,) or sixty-one miles
and a half, even if we had not had an opportunity of correcting its daily
error; or, in other words, that the watch had varied 4' 5",3, (eighth
column,) in nine months four days, (ninth column.) But the longitude, as
given by its new rate, leaves an error of only 30' 54", (tenth column,)
near thirty-one miles, or, in time, 2' 3",6, (eleventh column,) which has
been accumulating during our run from the Cape to New Zealand, or in four
months nine days, (twelfth column.) The thirteenth and fourteenth columns
require no explanation.


TABLE of the Rate and Error of Mr Kendall's Watch on Board the Resolution.


   I.  |       II.     |  III.  |   IV.    |   V.    |    VI.   |
-------|---------------|--------|-------------------------------|
       |               |        |          |         |          |
       |               |Error of|Longitude |Longitude|True      |
 TIME. |      PLACE.   | Daily  |by Green- |   by    |Longitude.|
       |               | Rate.  |wich Rate.|New Rate.|          |
       |               |        |          |         |          |
       |               |        |          |         |          |
-------|---------------|--------|----------|---------|----------|
       |               |   "    |   deg.  '  " |   deg. '  " |   deg.  '  " |
 1776. |               |--------|----------|---------|----------|
June 11|Greenwich      |-1,21   |  0  0 0E |  0  0 0E|  0  0 0E |
Oct. 24|Cape of Good   |-2,26   | 18 26 30 | 18 26 30| 18 23 15 |
       | Hope          |        |          |         |          |
 1777. |               |        |          |         |          |
Feb. 22|Queen Char-    |        |          |         |          |
       | lotte's Sound,|-2,91   |175 25  0 |174 54 25|174 23 31 |
       | New Zealand   |        |          |         |          |
May   7|Anamooka       |+0,52   |186 13 26 |186 13 15|185 11 18 |
June  7|Anamooka       |-0,54   |186  8 28 |186 12 43|185 11 18 |
July  1|Tongataboo     |-1,78   |185 48 50 |184 53  0|184 55 18 |
Sept. 1|Otaheite       |-1,54   |211 41 26 |210 39  8|210 22 28 |
Oct. 17|Huaheine       |-2,30   |210 14 52 |208 50 24|208 52 24 |
Nov.  7|Ulietea        |-1,52   |209 42 54 |208 25 22|208 25 22 |
 1778. |               |        |          |         |          |
Apr. 16|Nootka         |-7,0    |235 32 45 |233 56  0|233 17  8 |
Oct. 14|Samganoodha    |-8,8    |197 44 15 |193 12 35|193 31 20 |
 1779. |               |        |          |         |          |
Feb.  2|Owhyhee        |-9,6    |214  7 35 |203 37 22|204  0  0 |
May   1|Saint Peter and|  T.K.  |          |         |          |
       | Saint Paul,   | stopt. |173 86  0 |159 20  0|158 43 16 |
       | Kamtschatka   |        |          |         |          |
-----------------------------------------------------------------


|   VII.  |  VIII.   | IX.  |   X.    |   XI.   | XII. |XIII.    |   XIV.|
|-----------------------------------------------|------|---------|-------|
|Accumulated Error by|      |Error by New Rate. |      |Thermo-  |  B    |
|  Greenwich Rate.   |Length|                   |Length| meter.  |  a    |
|--------------------|  of  |-------------------|  of  |---------|  r    |
|         |          | Time.|         |         | Time.|         |  o    |
|   In    |  In      |      |  In     |  In     |      |Gr. Least|  m    |
|  Space. | Time.    |      | Space.  | Time.   |      | Height. |  e    |
|---------|----------|------|---------|---------|------|---------|  t    |
|  deg.   '  "|H. '  "   |Mo Da |   deg.  '  "| H '  "  | Mo Da|    |    |  er.  |
|---------|----------|------|---------|---------|------|----|----|-------|
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
|+ 0  3 15|0  0 13,0 | 4 23 |+ 0  3 15|0  0 13,0| 4  23|  84|  63|  30, 0|
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
|  1  1 29|0  4  5,9 | 9  4 |+ 0 30 54|0  2  3,6| 4   9|  73|  53|  30, 0|
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
|  1  2  8|0  4  8,5 |11 22 |+ 1  1 57|0  4  7,8| 2  18|  83|  74|  30, 1|
|  0 57 10|0  3 48,6 |12 25 |+ 1  1 25|0  4  5,6| 1   3|  79|  73|  30,15|
|  0 53 32|0  3 34,1 |13 21 |- 0  2 18|0  0  9,2| 0  24|  85|  69|  30,15|
|  1 18 58|0  5 15,8 |15 27 |+ 0 16 40|0  1  6,6| 2   6|  90|  70|  30, 1|
|  1 22 28|0  5 29,8 |17 17 |- 0  2  0|0  0  8,0| 1  18|  90|  72|  29, 9|
|  1 17 32|0  5 10,1 |18 10 |  0  0  0|0  0  0,0| 0  21|  92|  70|  29, 7|
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
|  2 15 27|0  9  1,8 |24  2 |+ 0 28 42|0  2 34,8| 5  20|  65|  41|  30, 0|
|  4 12 55|0 16 51,6 |30 15 |- 0 18 45|0  1 15,0| 6  13|  57|  36|  20,15|
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
| 10  7 35|0 40 30,3 |34 14 |- 0 22 38|0  1 30,5| 3  27|  88|  70|  29, 8|
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
| 14 52 44|0 59 30,9 |37 18 |- 0 36 44|0  2 16,9| 3   4|    |    |       |
|         |          |      |         |         |      |    |    |       |
--------------------------------------------------------------------------


From this view of the time-keeper it appears, that for near two years it
altered its rate very inconsiderably, and therefore that its error,
according to the Greenwich rate, if we had had no opportunities of
correcting it, amounted only to 2-1/4 deg.. That afterward, at King George's
Sound, or Nootka, it was found to have varied exceedingly; of course, the
longitude, by its Greenwich rate, was becoming considerably erroneous.
About this time, it should be remarked, the thermometer was varying from
65 deg. to 41 deg.. The greatest alteration we ever observed in the watch was,
during the three weeks we were cruising to the N.; in which interval, it
gave the longitude of the East Cape with a difference of twenty-eight
miles, I have marked the longitude of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, as given
by the time-keeper, notwithstanding it stopped a few days before we arrived
there; this I was enabled to do, from comparing the longitude it gave the
day before it stopped, with that given by Mr Bayley's watch, and allowing
for the error of the latter.

The use of so accurate a measure of time is sufficiently evident, from its
furnishing in itself the means of approximating to the longitude at sea, as
may be seen in the above table. But, besides this, we were enabled, by the
same means, to give a degree of accuracy to the lunar observations, which
they cannot otherwise pretend to; and, at the same time, by reducing a
number of those observations to one time, obtain results approaching still
nearer to the truth. In surveying coasts, and ascertaining the true
position of capes and head-lands, it reaches the utmost degree of practical
exactness. On the other hand, it is to be observed, that lunar
observations, in their turn, are absolutely necessary, in order to reap the
greatest possible advantages from the time-keeper; since, by ascertaining
the true longitude of places, they discover the error of its rate. The
original observations that were made in the course of this voyage, have
been published by order of the Board of Longitude, and to those I must
refer the reader, for his further information on this subject.

N.B. The observatories were placed on the west side of the village of Saint
Peter and Saint Paul.


Latitude deduced from meridian zenith
  distances of the sun, and of five stars
  to the S., and five to the N. of the
  zenith                                     53 deg.  0' 38" N.
Longitude deduced from one hundred
  and forty-six sets of lunar observations  158  43  16  E.
Longitudy by time-keeper, according to
  its Greenwich rate                        173  36   0
Longitude by time-keeper, according to
  its rate found at Owhyhee                 159  20   0
Variation of the compass, by azimuths
  taken with three compasses, made by
  Knight, Gregory, and Martin                 6  18  40  E.
Dip of the North Pole of the magnetic
  needle, being a mean of the observations
  taken in June and September                63   5   0


It was high water, on the full and change of the moon, at thirty-six
minutes past four, and the greatest rise was five feet eight inches. The
tides were very regular every twelve hours. On the coast, near the bay, the
flood came from the S., and the time of high water was near two hours
sooner than in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.



[35] See all that is known of this voyage, and a chart of discoveries, in
    Mr Coxe's Account of Russian-Discoveries between Asia and America. We
    were not able to learn from the Russians in Kamtschatka, a more
    perfect account of Synd than we now find is given by Mr Coxe; and yet
    they seemed disposed to communicate all that they really knew. Major
    Behm could only inform us, in general, that the expedition had
    miscarried as to its object, and that the commander had fallen under
    much blame. It appeared evidently that he had been on the coast of
    America, to the southward of Cape Prince of Wales, between the
    latitudes 64 deg. and 65 deg. and it is most probable that his having got too
    far to the northward to meet with sea-otters, which the Russians, in
    all their attempts at discoveries, seem to have principally, in view,
    and his returning without having made any that promised commercial
    advantages, was the cause of his disgrace, and of the great contempt
    with which the Russians always spoke of this officer's voyage.

    The cluster of islands placed in Synd's chart, between the latitudes
    of 61 deg. and 65 deg., is undoubtedly the same with the island called by
    Beering St Laurence's, and those we named Clerke's, Anderson's, and
    King's Islands; but their proportionate size, and relative situation,
    are exceedingly erroneous.

[36] By some strange anomaly in human nature, it would seem as if, in many
    cases, the apprehension of danger is in the inverse proportion of the
    amount of evil to be dreaded, or of the probability of its happening.
    Thus, the good people at Saint Peter and Saint Paul, who have but very
    little more reason to expect the intrusion of enemies, than if they
    dwelt in the regions of the North Pole, exhibit a remarkable degree of
    unnecessary suspicion on the occurrence of the most harmless, nay the
    most beneficial events. In addition to what is recorded in this
    voyage, we may mention an evidence of it in the case of Captain
    Krusenstern's last arrival among them, which happened sooner than they
    had looked for, notwithstanding his having previously intimated it. On
    the appearance of his vessel, the people immediately concluded it was
    an enemy, and some families began to fly with their effects to the
    neighbouring mountains. To them it seemed more natural, that some
    hostile power should send a vessel half round the globe in order to
    conquer a miserable spot, whose only riches was a few dried fish, and
    where a crew could scarcely subsist for two months, than that the ship
    in sight should belong to a friend whose arrival they had been
    instructed to expect. Nor were their fears quieted, till the solemn
    and strongly urged opinion of the soldier on duty, who, from his
    having been a companion of Captain Billing's, had the reputation of
    much knowledge in such matters, induced them to believe, that the form
    and rigging of the ship could be no other than those of their old
    acquaintance the Nadeshda!--E.

[37] The singular personage here spoken of, was living near Saint Peter and
    Saint Paul in 1805, when Captain Krusenstern arrived there. He was at
    that time eighty-six years old, and had but lately obtained his
    liberty from the present emperor, who, besides other bounty, granted
    him a sum of money to cover his travelling expenses, if he chose to
    return to St Petersburg. The old man, however, was unable to bring his
    mind to undertake the journey, or even to venture the sea with
    Krusenstern; and in all probability, therefore, would end his days in
    the land of his captivity. We learn from the same authority, that
    Iwashkin had been banished in consequence of a report, apparently an
    unfounded one, that he had been engaged in a conspiracy against the
    Empress Elizabeth; and he is said to have been afterwards refused a
    pardon by Catharine, because he had been accused of murdering a man in
    the heat of passion. But for this circumstance, according to K., "the
    terms in which he is mentioned in Cook's voyage are such, as would not
    fail to meet with attention in Russia." These few additional
    particulars may add to whatever of interest is felt in Captain Kind's
    account of this exile. And even this may be enhanced to the
    susceptible mind by the remark, that old and worn out as Iwashkin
    appeared to Captain King, he nevertheless survived him at least twenty
    years, as the latter died at Nice, in Italy, in 1784.--E.

[38] It may not be ill-timed to mention here, what Captain Krusenstern says
    as to the scarcity of gunpowder in Kamtschatka, to which Captain King
    alludes in his account of bear-hunting. It is owing to the deficiency
    of this article, that the inhabitants are so seldom provided with
    certain luxuries of the table, as the wild sheep, or _argalis_, rein-
    deer, hares, ducks, and geese, with most or all of which the country
    is tolerably well stocked. The conveyance of this most useful material
    from the provinces of European Russia, is both difficult and exposed
    to different accidents; such as getting wet, or, what is still worse,
    taking fire; in consequence of which latter occurrence, it is said,
    whole villages have been destroyed. To prevent this mischief, as much
    as possible, we are informed, that gunpowder is now forbidden to be
    brought for private sale. This prohibition, as is usual in all such
    cases, is often evaded, and, by augmenting the price of the article,
    of course excites the stronger disposition on the part of the merchant
    to introduce it. The Kamtschadale, therefore, purchases powder
    secretly, and at a very high price; he uses it sparingly, and that
    only for defence against bears; or to kill some animal, whose skin he
    knows will repay the cost of getting it. As, in many respects, it is
    an article of indispensable necessity, and as therefore the people
    must have it in some way or other, Captain Krusenstern recommends,
    that, with many other commodities, it should be sent from
    Cronstadt.--E.

[39] The reader will probably not dislike to see another instance of the
    bear's cunning, in the mode of catching a peculiar sort of fish called
    _kachly_, which abounds in Kamtschatka, and of which he is exceedingly
    fond. We are told by Krusenstern, that as soon as this animal
    perceives the shoals of _kachly_ going up the river, he places himself
    in the water, within a short distance of the bank, and in such a
    position of his legs, as that the fish, which always goes straight
    forward, may have just space enough to pass between them. He then
    watches his opportunity, when a good many have entered the snare, to
    press his legs together, so as to inclose his prey, with which, at one
    spring, he jumps on shore, where he devours them at his leisure. This
    practice is much to be commended for the spirit of independence it
    indicates; but not so another one, which some authors have charged
    against these sagacious animals, viz. dragging the fishermen's nets
    out of the water, during their absence, and then robbing them of the
    fish they contained. Mr Bingley's Animal Biography, where this piece
    of pilfering is mentioned, may be advantageously consulted for several
    amusing notices respecting the habits and capabilities of this
    creature, which are quite in unison with Captain King's account.--E.

[40] The interest of the following passage, from the account of
    Krusenstern's voyage, will form the only apology necessary for the
    largeness of the space it occupies. "As it was evident, upon our
    arrival, that the many things necessary to be done on board, would
    occupy a space of not less than four or five weeks, the officers of
    the ship had formed a plan of renewing the monument which had been
    erected to Captain Clerke. From Cook's and La Perouse's voyage, it is
    well known that Clerke was buried in the town of Saint Peter and St
    Saint Paul, under a large tree, to which a board, with an inscription,
    was affixed, mentioning his death, his age and rank, and the object of
    the expedition, in which he lost his life. We found the escutcheon,
    painted by Webber, the draughtsman of the Resolution, and suspended by
    Captain King in the church at Paratunka, in the portico of Major
    Krupskoy's house, nor did any one appear to know what connection it
    had with this painted board; and as there has been no church for many
    years either in Paratunka or Saint Peter and Saint Paul, it was very
    fortunate that the escutcheon was not entirely lost. La Perouse,
    finding the board on the tree rotting very fast, had the inscription
    copied on a plate of copper, adding, that it had been restored by him;
    and as this inscription is not given in Cook's voyage, and every thing
    relative to him and his companion must be interesting to all, I cannot
    avoid transcribing it here from La Perouse's copy.

    "At The Root Of This Tree Lies The Body Of
               Captain Charles Clerke,
    Who Succeeded To The Command Of His Britannic
          Majesty's Ships, The Resolution And
    Discovery, On The Death Of Captain James Cook, Who
         Was Unfortunately Killed By The Natives
              At An Island In The South Sea
      On The 14TH Of February In The Year 1779,
    And Died At Sea Of A Lingering Consumption The
          22ND August In The Same Year, Aged 38.

       *       *       *       *       *

    "Copie sur l'inscription Angloise par ordre de M^r le C^{te} de la
    Perouse chef d'Escadre, en 1787.

    "This plate La Perouse caused to be nailed on the wooden monument. We
    found it there, although it had more than once been removed. The
    monument itself, however, appeared to promise but short duration; for
    the tree, which was more than half decayed, could not stand above a
    few years longer, and it was become necessary to raise a more durable
    one to Cook's companion. We also found the coffin, containing the
    remains of De Lisle de la Croyere, as we were digging up the ground, a
    few paces from Clerke's tomb, after having long sought for it in vain.
    La Perouse had erected a monument to him also; and, upon a copper-
    plate, had engraved an inscription, containing a few of the
    particulars of his life. Of this there was not the least vestige
    remaining, though no longer space than eighteen years had since
    elapsed. The _memento_ of these two persons, equally skilled in the
    science of navigation, and who had both lost their lives in one of the
    most inhospitable quarters of the globe, could now be united in one
    monument; and, for this purpose, a durable pedestal of wood was
    erected as near as possible to the old tree, in order still to
    preserve the locality; and over this a pyramid; on one side of which,
    the plate, which La Perouse had engraved, was fastened; and on the
    opposite side, a copy of Captain Clerke's escutcheon, made for the
    occasion by M. Tilesius. On the other two sides were the following
    inscriptions, in Russian: 'In the first voyage round the world,
    undertaken by the Russians, under the command of Captain Krusenstern,
    the officers of the ship Nadeshda erected this monument to the memory
    of the English captain, Clerke, on the 15th September 1805.'

    "And on the side facing the south: 'Here rest the ashes of De Lisle de
    la Croyere, the astronomer attached to the expedition commanded by
    Commodore Behring, in the year 1741.'

    "This monument was constructed under the direction of Lieutenant
    Ratmanoff; and his anxiety to complete it previous to our departure,
    made him overcome every difficulty in the way of such an undertaking
    in Kamtschatka. It would have been an injustice in me not to have
    supported and contributed by all the means in my power to its
    completion; and as I gave them not only workmen, but also such
    materials as we had on board the ship, we had the satisfaction of
    seeing it entirely completed previous to our departure. A deep ditch
    surrounded the whole; and, in order to screen it against any
    accidental injury, it was inclosed in a high paling, the door of which
    was to be kept constantly locked, and the key to remain in the hands
    of the governor of Saint Peter and Saint Paul."

    Every heart that is capable of humane emotions will respect this
    labour infinitely beyond either the magnitude or the importance of its
    effects, and will gladly applaud the virtuous sentiment that prompts
    generous minds, in defiance of the narrow and perishable distinction
    of name and nation, to reverence the kindred excellence and the common
    lot of their fellow creatures.--E.

[41] Every reader will be pleased to learn, that Krusenstern bears ample
    testimony to the general accuracy of Captain King's drawings and
    descriptions of the bay, &c. This intimation is probably sufficient
    for most persons, without any special exemplification of the
    coincidences betwixt these two writers.--F.




SECTION VI.


General Account of Kamtschatka.--Geographical Description.--Rivers.--
Soil.--Climate.--Volcanoes.--Hot Springs.--Productions.--Vegetables.--
Animals.--Birds.--Fish.[42]


Kamtschatka is the name of a peninsula situated on the eastern coast of
Asia, running nearly N. and S., from 52 deg. to 6l deg. N. latitude; the longitude
of its southern extremity being 156 deg. 45' E. The isthmus, which joins it to
the continent on the N., lies between the Gulf of Olutorsk and the Gulf of
Penshinsk. Its southern extremity is Cape Lopatka, a word signifying the
blade bone of a man, and is so called from its supposed resemblance to it.
The shape of the whole peninsula is not unlike that of a shoe, widening
from the toe (which we may suppose to be Cape Lopatka) toward the middle,
and narrowing again toward the heel, the neck of land above mentioned
connecting it with the continent. Its greatest breadth is from the mouth of
the river Tigil to that of Kamtschatka, and is computed to be two hundred
and thirty-six miles, from whence it narrows very gradually toward each
extremity.

It is bounded on the N. by the country of the Koriacks; to the S. and E.,
by the North Pacific Ocean; and to the W., by the sea of Okotzk. A chain of
high mountains stretches the whole length of the country, from N. to S.,
dividing it nearly into two equal parts, from whence a great number of
rivers take their rise, and empty themselves, on each side, into the
Pacific Ocean and the sea of Okotzk.

There are three rivers of much greater magnitude than the rest; the
Bolchoireka, or great river, so called from bolchoia, which signifies
great, and reka, a river; the river Kamtschatka, and the Awatska. The first
empties itself into the sea of Okotzk, and is navigable for the Russian
galliots upwards of five leagues from its mouth, or within nine miles of
Bolcheretsk, a town situated at the conflux of the Goltsoffka and the
Bistraia, which here lose themselves in the Bolchoireka. The Bistraia
itself is no inconsiderable river. It derives its source from the same
mountain with the river Kamtschatka, and, by taking a direct contrary
course, affords the Kamtschadales the means of transporting their goods by
water in small canoes, almost across the whole peninsula. The river
Kamtschatka, after maintaining a course of near three hundred miles from S.
to N.. winds round to the eastward; in which direction it empties itself
into the ocean, a little to the southward of Kamtschatkoi Noss. Near the
mouth of the Kamtschatka to the N.W., lies the great lake called Nerpitsch,
from nerpi, a Kamtschadale word, signifying a seal, with which this lake
abounds. About twenty miles up the river, reckoning from the mouth of the
lake, is a fort called Nishnei Kamtschatka ostrog, where the Russians have
built an hospital and barracks; and which, we were informed, is become the
principal mart in this country.

The river Awatska rises from the mountains situated between the Bolchoireka
and the Bistraia, and running, from N.W. to S.E., a course of one hundred
miles, falls into the bay of Awatska. The Tigil is likewise a river of
considerable size, rising amidst some very high mountains, which lie under
the same parallel with Kamtschatkoi Noss, and running in an even course
from S.E. to N.W., falls into the sea at Okotzk. All the other rivers of
this peninsula, which are almost infinite in number, are too small to
deserve a particular enumeration.

If I may judge of the soil, from what I saw of its vegetable productions, I
should not hesitate in pronouncing it barren in the extreme. Neither in the
neighbourhood of the bay, nor in the country I traversed on my journey to
Bolcheretsk, nor in any of our hunting expeditions, did I ever meet with
the smallest spot of ground that resembled what in England is called a good
green turf; or that seemed as if it could be turned to any advantage,
either in the way of pasturage, or other mode of cultivation. The face of
the country in general was thinly covered with stunted trees, having a
bottom of moss, mixed, with low weak heath. The whole bore a more striking
resemblance to Newfoundland, than to any other part of the world I had ever
seen.

It must however be observed, that I saw at Paratounca three or four stacks
of sweet and very fine-looking hay; and Major Behm informed me, that many
parts of the peninsula, particularly the banks of the river Kamtschatka and
the Bistraia, produce grass of great height and strength, which they cut
twice in the summer; and that the hay is of a succulent quality, and
particularly well adapted to the fattening of cattle. Indeed it should
appear, from the size and fatness of the thirty-six head that were sent
down to us from the Verchnei ostrog, and which, we were told, were bred and
fattened in the neighbourhood, that they must have had the advantage of
both good pastures and meadows. For it is worth our notice, that the first
supply we received, consisting of twenty, came to us just at the close of
the winter, and before the snow was off the ground, and therefore probably
had tasted nothing but hay for the seven preceding months. And this agrees
with what is related by Krascheninnikoff, that there is no part of the
country equal in fertility to that which borders on the river Kamtschatka;
and that to the N. and S. it is much inferior both in point of soil and
climate. He relates, that repeated experiments have been made in the
culture of oats, barley, and rye, in different quarters near this river,
which have generally succeeded; that, in particular, some persons belonging
to the convent of Jakutzk, who had settled in that part of the country, had
sown barley there, which had yielded an extraordinary increase; and he has
no doubt but that wheat, in many parts, particularly near the source of the
Bistraia and Kamtschatka, would grow as well as in the generality of
countries situated in the same latitude. Perhaps the superior fertility of
the country here spoken of, may, in a great measure, be accounted for, from
its lying in that part of the peninsula which is by much the widest, and
consequently farthest removed from the sea, on each side. The moist
chilling fogs and drizzling weather which prevail almost perpetually along
the coast, must necessarily render the parts adjacent very unfit for all
the purposes of agriculture.[43]

It is natural to suppose, that the severity of the climate must be in due
proportion to the general sterility of the soil, of which it is probably
the cause. The first time we saw this country was in the beginning of May,
1779, when the whole face of it was covered with snow, from six to eight
feet deep. On the 6th we had snow, with the wind from the N.E. On the 8th
of May, at noon, the thermometer stood at 32 deg.; and the same day some of our
men were sent on shore to try to cut wood, but the snow was still so deep
on the ground, as to render all their attempts fruitless. Nor was it found
practicable to proceed in this necessary business, with all the efforts of
a very stout party, till the 12th, at which time the thaw began to advance
gradually. The sides of the hills were now in some places free from snow;
and, by the beginning of June, it was generally melted from the low lands.
On the 15th of June, the day we sailed out of the harbour, the thermometer
had never risen higher than 58 deg., nor the barometer than 30 deg. 04'. The winds
blew almost invariably from the eastward during our stay, and the S.E. was
more prevalent than any other.

On our return, the 24th of August, the foliage of the trees, and all other
sorts of vegetation, seemed to be in the utmost state of perfection. For
the remainder of this month, and through September, the weather was very
changeable, but in no respect severe. The winds at the beginning of the
month were for the most part easterly, after which they got round to the W.
The greatest height of the thermometer was 65 deg., the lowest 40 deg.. The
barometer's greatest height 30 deg., its lowest 29,3. So that upon the whole,
during this month, an equal and moderate degree of temperature prevailed.
But at the beginning of October, the tops of the hills were again covered
with new-fallen snow, the wind continuing westerly.

In computing the seasons, the spring ought certainly not to be taken into
the account. From the middle of June to the middle of September, may be
properly said to constitute the summer. October may be considered as an
autumnal month; from thence, to the middle of June, it is perfect winter.
It was toward the end of May that we made our journey between Bolcheretsk
and Awatska, over the snow in sledges.

It is said, that the climate in the country adjoining to the river
Kamtschatka, is not less serene and temperate, than in many parts of
Siberia that are under the same latitude. This variation is probably owing
to the same causes, to which the superior fertility of the soil in those
parts has been before attributed. But it is not in the sterility of the
ground alone, that the Kamtschadales feel the unfavourable temperature of
their climate. The uncertainty of the summer season sometimes prevents
their laying up a sufficient stock of dried fish for their winter's
provision, and the moisture of the air causes worms to breed in them, which
not unfrequently destroy the greatest part.

I do not remember that we had either thunder or lightning during our stay,
excepting on the night of the eruption of the volcano; and, from the
account of the inhabitants, they are very seldom troubled with storms of
this kind, and never but in a slight degree. The general severity of the
winter, as well as the dreadful hurricanes of wind and snow that season
brings along with it, cannot be questioned, from the subterraneous
habitations the natives are under a necessity of retiring to, for warmth
and security. Major Behm told us, that the cold and inclemency of the
winter of 1779 was such, that for several weeks all intercourse between the
inhabitants was entirely stopped, every one being afraid to stir even from
one house to another, for fear of being frost-bitten. This extraordinary
rigour of climate, in so low a latitude, may be accounted for from its
being situated to the east of an immense uncultivated tract of country, and
from the prevalence of the westerly winds, blowing over so extensive and
cold a continent. The extraordinary violence and impetuosity of the winds
is attributed to the subterraneous fires, the sulphureous exhalations, and
the general volcanic disposition of the country.

This peninsula abounds in volcanos, of which only three have, for some time
past, been subject to eruptions. We have already mentioned that which is
situated in the neighbourhood of Awatska. Besides this, there are others
not less remarkable, according to the account given of them by
Krascheninnikoff.

The volcano of Tolbatchick is situated on a neck of ground between the
river of Kamtschatka and Tolbatchick. The mountain, from the summit of
which, the eruptions proceed, is of a considerable height, and terminated
in pointed rocks. In the beginning of the year 1739, there issued from it a
whirlwind of flames, which reduced to ashes the forests of the neighbouring
mountains. This was succeeded by a cloud of smoke, which spread over and
darkened the whole country, till it was dissipated by a shower of cinders,
that covered the ground to the distance of thirty miles. Mr
Krascheninnikoff, who was at this time on a journey from Bolchoireka to the
Kamtschatka ostrog, at no great distance from the mountain, relates that
the eruption was preceded by an alarming sound in the woods, which he
thought the forerunner of some dreadful storm or hurricane, till three
shocks of an earthquake, at about a minute's interval of each, convinced
him of its real cause; but that he was hindered from approaching nearer the
mountain, by the cinders that fell, and prevented him from proceeding on
his journey.

The third volcano is on the top of the mountain of Kamtschatka, which is
mentioned as by far the highest in the peninsula. A thick smoke never
ceases to ascend from its summit, and it has frequent eruptions, of the
most violent and dreadful kind; some of which were much talked of, and
seemed to be fresh in the memories of the Kamtschadales.

The country is likewise said to contain numerous springs of hot water. The
only one that I had an opportunity of seeing was at Natcheekin ostrog, and
hath been already described. Krascheninnikoff makes mention of several
others, and also of two very extraordinary pits, or wells, at the bottom of
which the water is seen to boil as in a cauldron, with prodigious force and
impetuosity; at the same time a dreadful noise issues out of them, and so
thick a vapour, that a man cannot see through it.

Of the trees which fell under our notice, the principal are the birch, the
poplar, the alder, (with the bark of which they stain their leather,) many
species of the willow, but all small; and two kinds of dwarfish pines or
cedars.[44] One of these grows upon the coast, creeping along the ground,
and seldom exceeds two feet in height. It was of this sort we made our
essence for beer, and found it excellent for the purpose. The other grows
on the mountains, to a greater height, and bears a small nut, or apple. We
were told by the old _Toion_ at Saint Peter and Saint Paul, that Beering,
during the time he lay in that harbour, first taught them the use of the
decoction of these pines, and that it proved a most excellent remedy for
the scurvy; but, whether from the great scarcity of sugar, or from what
other cause, we could not learn, we were sorry to find that it was no
longer in use amongst them.

The birch was by far the most common tree we saw; and of this we remarked
three sorts. Two of them fit for timber, and differing only in the texture
and colour of the bark; the third of a dwarfish kind. This tree is applied
to a great variety of uses by the inhabitants. The liquor which, on
tapping, it yields in great abundance, they drink without mixture, or any
preparation, as we had frequent opportunities of observing upon our journey
to Bolcheretsk; and found it ourselves pleasant and refreshing, but
somewhat purgative. The bark they convert into vessels, for almost all
their domestic and kitchen purposes; and it is of the wood of this tree the
sledges and canoes are also made.[45]

The birch, and every other kind of tree in the neighbourhood of the bay,
were small and stunted; and they are obliged to go many miles up into the
country, for wood of a proper size to work into canoes, for the principal
timbers of their _balagans_, and the like uses.

Besides the trees above-mentioned, Krascheninnikoff relates, that the larch
grows on the banks of the river Kamtschatka, and of those that fall into
it, but no where else; and that there are firs in the neighbourhood of the
river Berezowa; that there is likewise the service-tree (_padus foliis
annuis_;) and two species of the white thorn, one bearing a red, the other
a black berry.

Of the shrub kind, as junipers, the mountain-ash, wild rose-trees, and
raspberry bushes, the country produces great abundance; together with a
variety of berries; blue berries of two sorts, round and oval; partridge-
berries, cranberries, crow-berries, and black-berries. These the natives
gather at proper seasons, and preserve, by boiling them into a thick jam,
without sugar. They make no inconsiderable part of their winter provisions,
and are used as sauce to their dried and salt fish; of which kind of food
they are unquestionably excellent correctives. They likewise eat them by
themselves in puddings and various other ways, and make decoctions of them
for their ordinary liquor.

We met with several wholesome vegetables in a wild state, and in great
quantities; such as wild celery, angelica, chervil, garlic, and onions.
Upon some few patches of ground in the vallies, we found excellent turnips
and turnip-radishes. Their garden cultivation went no farther; yet from
hence I am led to conclude, that many of the hardy sorts of vegetables,
(such at least as push their roots downward,) like as carrots; parsnips,
and beet, and perhaps potatoes, would thrive tolerably well. Major Behm
told me, that some other sorts of kitchen vegetables had been tried, but
did not answer; that neither any of the cabbage or lettuce kind would ever
head; and that peas and beans shot up very vigorous stalks, flowered and
podded, but the pods never filled. He likewise told me, that in the
experiments made by himself at Bolcheretsk, with different sorts of
farinaceous grain, there generally came up a very high and strong blade,
which eared, but that the ears never yielded flour.

This short account of the vegetable production reaches to such parts of the
country only as fell within our notice, In the neighbourhood of the
Kamtschatka river, where (as has been observed) both the soil and climate
are by much the best in the whole peninsula, garden culture is attended to,
and probably with great success, as appears from our having received, at
the same time with the second drove of cattle from Verchnei, a present of
cucumbers, of very large fine turnips, celery, and some other garden-stuff,
of which I do not recollect the kinds.

There are two plants, which, from the great use made of them, merit a
particular mention and description. The first is called by the natives
_sarana_, and by botanists, _Lilium Kamtskatiense flore atro rubente_.[46]
The stem is about the thickness of that of the tulip, and grows to the
height of five inches, is of a purple colour toward the bottom, and green
higher up, and hath growing from it two tier of leaves of an oval figure,
the lowest consisting of three leaves, the uppermost of four, in the form
of a cross; from the top of the stalk grows a single flower, of an
exceedingly dark red colour, in shape resembling the flower, of the
narcissus, only much smaller; from the centre of the flower rises a style
of a triangular form, and obtuse at the end, which is surrounded by six
white stamina, whose extremities are yellow. The root is of the bulbous
kind, and resembles in shape that of garlic, being much of the same size,
but rounder, and having, like that, four or five cloves hanging together.
The plant grows wild, and in considerable abundance; the women are employed
in collecting the roots at the beginning of August, which are afterward
dried in the sun, and then laid up for use. On our second arrival, this
harvest was just over, and had fallen much short of its usual produce. It
is a common observation amongst the Kamtschadales, that the bounty of
Providence never fails them, for that such seasons as are most hurtful to
the _sarana_, are always the most favourable for fishing; and that, on the
contrary, a bad fishing month is always made up by the exuberance of the
_sarana_ harvest. It is used in cookery in various ways. When roasted in
embers, it supplies the place of bread better than any thing the country
affords. After being baked in an oven and pounded, it becomes an excellent
substitute for flour and meal of every sort; and in this form is mixed in
all their soups, and most of their other dishes. It is esteemed extremely
nourishing, has a pleasant bitter taste, and may be eaten every day without
cloying. We used to boil these roots, and eat them as potatoes, either
alone, or with our meat, and found them very wholesome and pleasant. It has
been already mentioned, that this useful plant grows also at Oonalashka,
where the roots of it are used, and constitute a considerable part of their
food, in like manner as in Kamtschatka.

The other plant alluded to is called the sweet grass; the botanical
description is _Heracleum Sibericum foliis pinnatis, foliolis quinis,
intermediis sessilibus, corollulis uniformibus_. Hort. Upsal. 65. The time,
I took particular notice of it, was in May, when it was about a foot and a
half high, had much the appearance of sedge, and was covered with a white
down, or dust, which looked exceedingly like the hoar frost hanging upon
it, and might be rubbed off; it tasted as sweet as sugar; but was hot and
pungent. The stalk is hollow, and consists of three or four joints; from
each of which arise large leaves, and when at its full growth, is six feet
high.

This plant was formerly a principal ingredient in the cookery of most of
the Kamtschadale dishes; but since the Russians got possession of the
country, it has been almost entirely appropriated to the purpose of
distillation. The manner in which it is gathered, prepared, and afterward
distilled, is as follows:--Having cut such stalks as have leaves growing on
them, of a proper age, (the principal stem, by the time the plant has
attained its full growth, having become too dry for their purpose,) and
scraped off with shells the downy substance on their surface, they are laid
in small heaps, till they begin to sweat and smell. On growing dry again,
they put them into sacks, made of matting; where, after remaining a few
days, they are gradually covered with a sweet saccharine powder, which
exudes from the hollow of the stalk. From thirty-six pounds of the plant in
this state, they obtain no more than a quarter of a pound of powder. The
women, whose province it is to collect and prepare the materials, are
obliged to defend their hands with gloves whilst they are scraping the
stalks; the rind they remove, being of so acrid a quality as to blister,
and even ulcerate, whatever it touches.

The spirit is drawn from the plant in this state by the following
process:--After steeping bundles of it in hot water, they promote its
fermentation in a small vessel, by the help of berries of the
_gimolost_,[47] or of the _golubitsa_,[48] being careful to close up well
the mouth of the vessel, and to keep it in a warm place whilst the
fermentation is going on, which is generally so violent as to occasion a
considerable noise, and to agitate the vessel in which it is contained.
After drawing off this first liquor, they pour on more hot water, and make
a second in the same manner. They then pour both liquor and herbs into a
copper still, and draw off the spirit after the usual method. The liquor
thus obtained is of the strength of brandy; and is called by the natives
_raka_. Two pood (seventy-two pounds) of the plant yield generally one
vedro (twenty-five pints) of _raka_.

Steller says, that the spirit distilled from this plant, unscraped, is
exceedingly prejudicial to the health, and produces the most sudden and
terrible nervous effects.

Besides these, Krascheninnikoff mentions a variety of other plants, from
whence the inhabitants prepare several decoctions; and which, being mixed
with their fish, make palatable and wholesome ragouts. Such as the
_kipri_,[49] with which is brewed a pleasant common beverage; and, by
boiling this plant and the sweet herb together, in the proportion of one to
five of the latter, and fermenting the liquor in the ordinary way, is
obtained a strong and excellent vinegar. The leaves of it are used instead
of tea, and the pith is dried and mixed in many of their dishes; the
_morkovai_,[50] which is very like angelica; the _kotkorica,[51] the root
of which they eat indifferently, green or dried; the _ikoum_,[52] the
_utchichlei_,[53] which is much eaten with fish; with many others.

It is said, that the Kamtschadales (before their acquaintance with fire-
arms) poisoned their spears and arrows with the juice of the root of the
_zgate_;[54] and that wounds inflicted by them are equally destructive to
land and marine animals. The Tschutski are reported to use the same drug
for this purpose at present.

I shall conclude this part of the natural history of Kamtschatka with an
account, from the same author, of three plants, which furnish the materials
of all their manufactures. The first is the _triticum radice perenni
spiculis binis lanuginosis_,[55] which grows in abundance along the coast.
Of the straw of this grass they make a strong sort of matting, which they
use not only for their floors, but for sacks, bedclothes, curtains, and a
variety of other domestic purposes. Of the same materials they also make
very neat little bags and baskets, of different forms, and for various
uses.

The plant called _bolotnaia_, which grows in the marshes, and resembles
_cyperoides_, is gathered in the autumn, and carded like wool, with a comb
made of the bones of the sea-swallow; with this, in lieu of linen and
woollen clothes, they swathe their new-born infants, and use it for a
covering next the skin whilst they are young. It is also made into a kind
of wadding, and used for the purpose of giving additional warmth to various
parts of their clothing.

There remains still a vulgar and well-known plant, which, as it contributes
more effectually to their subsistence, than all the rest put together, must
not be passed over in silence. This is the nettle, which, as the country
produces neither, hemp nor flax, supplies the materials of which are made
their fishing-nets, and without which they could not possibly subsist. For
this purpose they cut it down in August; and, after hanging it up in
bundles in the shade, under their _balagans_, the remainder of the summer,
treat it like hemp. They then spin it into thread with their fingers, and
twist it round a spindle; after which they twine several threads together,
according to the different purposes for which It may be designed.

Though there is little doubt but that many parts of this peninsula would
admit of such cultivation as might contribute considerably to the comfort
of the inhabitants, yet its real riches must always consist in the number
of wild animals it produces; and no labour, can ever be turned to so good
account as what is employed upon their furrieries. The animals therefore
which supply these come next to be considered; and these are, the common
fox, the stoat, or ermine, the zibeline, or sable, the isatis, or arctic
fox, the varying hare, the mountain rat, or earless marmot, the weasel, the
glutton, or wolverene, the argali, or wild sheep, rein-deer, bears, wolves,
dogs.

The fox[56] is the most general object of the chase; and they are found in
great numbers, and of variety of colours. The most common is the same in
species with the European, with this variation, that the colours are more
bright and shining; some are of a dark chesnut, others are striped with
dark-coloured bars, others have the belly black, and the rest of the body
of a light chesnut. Some again are of a very dark brown, some black, others
of a stone colour; and there are a few quite white, but these last are very
scarce. Their fur is exceedingly thick and fine, and of a quality much
superior to those either of Siberia or America. A variety of artifices are
made use of by the hunters to catch this animal, which in all climates seem
to preserve the same character of craftiness and cunning. Traps of
different sorts, some calculated to fall upon them, others to catch them by
the feet, others by the head, are amongst the most common; to which may be
added, several ingenious contrivances for taking them in nets. Poisoned
baits are likewise in use; and the _nux vomica_ is the drug principally
employed for this purpose. Before their knowledge of the Russians, by which
they became acquainted with fire-arms, they also carried bows and arrows to
the chase. But since that period, almost every Kamtschadale is provided
with a rifle-barrel gun; and, though far from being dexterous in the use of
it, its superiority over the former instruments he is ready to acknowledge.

The sables[57] of Kamtschatka are said to be considerably larger than those
of Siberia, and their fur much thicker and brighter, though not of so good
a black as those in the neighbourhood of the Olekma and the Vitime,[58] a
circumstance which depreciates their value much more than their superiority
in other respects enhances it. The sables of the Tigil and Ouka are counted
the best in Kamtschatka; and a pair of these sometimes sell for thirty
roubles (five pounds sterling). The worst are those of the southern
extremity. The apparatus of the sable hunters consist of a rifle-barrel gun
of an exceedingly small bore, a net, and a few bricks; with the first they
shoot them when they see them on the trees; the net is to surround the
hollow trees, in which, when pursued, they take refuge; and the bricks are
heated, and put into the cavities, in order to smoke them out.

I must refer the reader for an account of the isatis,[59] or arctic fox, to
Mr Pennant's Arctic Zoology, as I never saw either the animal or the skin,
which I understand they set no value upon. The varying hare[60] is also
neglected on the same account. They are in great abundance; and, as is
always the case with this species, turn quite white during the winter. Our
shooting parties saw several of this colour the beginning of May, but found
them so shy, that they were not able to get within gun-shot.

The mountain-rat, or earless marmot,[61] is a beautiful little animal,
considerably smaller than a squirrel, and, like it, feeds upon roots,
berries, the cedar-apple, &c. which it eats sitting upon its hind-legs, and
holding them up to its mouth with the paws. Its skin is much valued by the
Kamtschadales, is both warm and light, and of a bright shining colour,
forming, like the plumage of some birds, various colours when viewed in
different lights.

The stoat, or ermine,[62] is here held in no estimation, and consequently
never engages the attention of the hunters; because, as I have heard, its
fur is of an ordinary kind. I saw many of these little animals running
about; and we bought several of their skins, which were of a bad white, and
of a dirty yellow toward the belly. The common weasel[63] is also
neglected, and for the same reason.

On the contrary, the skin of the glutton, or wolverene,[64] is here in the
highest repute; insomuch, that a Kamtschadale looks upon himself as most
richly attired, when a small quantity of this fur is seen upon him. The
women adorn their hair with its pats, which are white, and considered as an
extraordinary piece of finery; and they have a superstitious opinion, that
the angels are clad with the skins of those animals. It is said, that this
creature is easily tamed, and taught a number of pleasant tricks.[65]

Having already had occasion to speak, as fully as my own knowledge enables
me, of the bears, and the method of killing them, I shall only here
observe, that all those I saw were of a dun brown colour; that they are
generally seen in companies of four or five together; that the time they
are most abroad is during the season that the fish (which is their
principal food) are pushing up from the sea into the rivers, and that they
are seldom visible in the winter months.[66]

Their skins are exceedingly useful. They make both excellent warm matresses
and coverings for their beds; comfortable bonnets and gloves, and good
collars for the dogs' harness. Their flesh, and particularly the fat, are
considered as great delicacies.

The wolves are only seen in the winter; at which season they prowl about,
as I was told, in large companies, in search of prey.

There are rein-deer, both wild and tame, in several parts of the peninsula;
but none in the neighbourhood of Awatska. It is somewhat singular, that
this nation should never have used the rein-deer for the purposes of
carriage, in the same manner as their neighbours, both to the north and the
eastward. Their dogs, indeed, seem fully sufficient for all the demands of
the natives in their present state; and the breed of Russian horses will
probably increase with the future necessities of the country. But when it
is recollected, that the use of dogs, in a great measure, precludes them
from the advantage of bringing up any other domestic animals, it will
appear the more extraordinary, that they should not have adopted the
services of an animal so much more gentle as well as powerful.

The argali, or wild mountain-sheep,[67] an animal, I believe, unknown in
Europe, (except in Corsica and Sardinia,) is here in great plenty. Its skin
is like the deer's, but in gait and general appearance, it partakes more of
the goat. It has two large twisted horns, sometimes weighing, when at full
growth, from twenty-five to thirty pounds, which in, running it rests upon
its back. These creatures are exceedingly, nimble and swift, haunt only the
most craggy and mountainous parts, and make their way among the steepest
rocks with an agility that is astonishing. The natives work their horns
into spoons, and small cups and platters; and have frequently one of a
smaller size hanging to a belt, which serves them to drink out of in their
hunting expeditions. This animal is gregarious. I frequently tasted the
flesh of them, and thought it had a very sweet and delicate flavour; but
never had an opportunity of seeing one alive. I must, therefore, refer the
reader for a particular description of this beautiful animal, (for such it
is said to be,) to the Memoirs of the Academy of Petersburg, tom. iv. tab.
xiii.

I have already observed, that the dogs of this country are, in shape and
mien, exceedingly like the Pomeranian, with this difference, that they are
a great deal larger, and the hair somewhat coarser. They are of a variety
of colours; but the most general is a light dun, or dirty cream-colour.
Toward the end of May they are all turned loose, and left to provide for
themselves through the summer, being sure to return to their respective
homes when the snow begins to fall. Their food, in the winter, consists
entirely of the head, entrails, and back-bones of salmon; which are put
aside, and dried for that purpose; and with this diet they are fed but
sparingly. The number of dogs must needs be very great, since five are
yoked to a sledge, and a sledge carries but one person; so that on our
journey to Bolcheretsk, we required no fewer than an hundred and thirty-
nine, at the two stages of Karatchin and Natcheekin. It is also to be
remarked, that they never make use of bitches for the draft, nor dogs, but
those that are cut. The whelps are trained to this business, by being tied
to stakes with light leathern thongs, which, are made to stretch, and
having their victuals placed at a proper distance out of their reach; so
that by constantly pulling and labouring, in order to come at their food,
they acquire both the strength of limbs, and the habit of drawing, that are
necessary for their future destination.

The coasts and bays of this country are frequented by almost every kind of
northern sea-fowl; and amongst the rest are the sea-eagles, but not, as at
Oonalashka, in great numbers. The rivers inland (if I may judge from what I
saw in our journey to Bolcheretsk) are stored with numerous flocks of wild-
ducks of various species; one kind of which, in particular, has a most
beautiful plumage, and is called by the natives _a-an-gitche_; a word
intended to express its cry, which is not less singular than agreeable,
consisting of three distinct notes, rising, at equal intervals, above each
other.[68]

 There is another species, called the mountain-duck,[69] which, Steller
says, is peculiar to Kamtschatka. The drake is covered with plumage of
extraordinary beauty. Besides these, we observed a variety of other water-
fowl, which, from their size, seemed to be of the wild-goose kind.

In the woods through which we passed, were seen several eagles of a
prodigious size; but of what species they were I cannot pretend to
determine. These are said to be of three different sorts; the black eagle,
with a white head, tail, and leg;[70] of which the eaglets are as white as
snow; the white eagle, so called, though in fact it is of a light grey; and
the lead, or stone-coloured eagle,[71] which is the most common; and
probably those I saw were of this sort. Of the hawk, falcon, and bustard
kind, there are great numbers.

This country likewise affords woodcocks, snipes, and two sorts of grouse,
or moor-game. Swans are also said to be in great plenty; and in their
entertainments, generally to make a part of the repast, though I do not
remember to have seen one on any occasion. The vast abundance of wild-fowl
with which the country is stored, was manifest from the numerous presents
we received from the _Toion_ of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and which
sometimes consisted of twenty brace.

We met with no amphibious sea-animals on the coast, except seals, with
which the bay of Awatska swarmed; as they were at this time in pursuit of
the salmon that were collecting in shoals, and ready to ascend the rivers.
Some of them are said to pursue the fish into the fresh water, and to be
found in most of the lakes which communicate with the sea.

The sea-otters[72] are exactly the same with those we met with at Nootka
Sound, which have been already fully described, and where they are in great
plenty. They are also said to have been formerly in equal abundance here;
but, since the Russians have opened a trade for their skins to China, where
they are sold at a price much beyond that of any other kind of fur, they
have been hunted almost entirely out of the country. Amongst the Kurile
Islands they are still caught, though in no great numbers; but are of a
superior quality to those of Kamtschatka, or the American coast.

We are informed, that on Mednoi and Beering's Island, scarce a sea-otter is
now to be found; though it appears from Muller,[73] that in his time they
were exceedingly plentiful.

The Russian voyagers make mention of a great variety of amphibious sea-
animals, which are said to frequent these coasts; the reason why we saw no
other kinds might be, that this was the season of their migration.

Not having it in my power to treat these articles more fully, I conclude
them with the less regret, since the ingenious Mr Pennant has a work,
almost ready for publication, entitled, "Arctic Zoology;" in which the
learned will receive full information concerning the animals of this
peninsula. This gentleman has very obligingly communicated to me his
Catalogue of Arctic Animals, with reference to his work, and permission to
insert it. It will be found at the end of this section; and I feel myself
extremely happy in laying it before the reader, and thereby presenting him
with, what could have been furnished from no other quarter, one entire view
of Kamtschadale zoology.[74]

Fish may be considered as the staple article of food with which Providence
hath supplied the inhabitants of this peninsula; who, in general, must
never expect to draw any considerable part of their sustenance either from
grain or cattle. It is true, the soil, as has been remarked, affords some
good and nourishing roots, and every part of the country abounds in
berries; but though these alone would be insufficient for the support of
the people, yet, at the same time, they are necessary correctives of the
putrescent quality of their dried fish. In short, fish may, with much
greater justice, be here called the staff of life, than bread is in other
countries; since it appears, that neither the inhabitants, nor the only
domestic animal they have, the dog, could exist without it.

Whales are frequently seen, both in the sea of Okotzk, and on the side of
the eastern ocean, and, when caught, are turned to a variety of uses. Of
the skin they make the soles of their shoes, and straps and thongs for
various other purposes. The flesh they eat, and the fat is carefully
stored, both for kitchen use, and for their lamps. The whiskers are found
to be the best materials for sewing together the seams of their canoes;
they likewise make nets of them for the larger kind of fish; and with the
under-jaw-bones their sledges are shod. They likewise work the bones into
knives; and formerly the chains with which their dogs are tied, were made
of that material, though at present iron ones are generally used. The
intestines they clean, then blow and dry like bladders and it is in these
their oil and grease is stored; and of the nerves and veins, which are both
strong and slip readily, they make excellent snares; so that there is no
part of the whale which here does not find its use.

From the middle of May, till our departure on the 24th of June, we caught
great quantities of excellent flat-fish, trout, and herrings. Upward of
three hundred of the former, besides a number of sea-trout, were dragged
out at one haul of the seine, the 15th of May. These flat-fish are firm,
and of a good flavour, studded upon the back with round prickly knobs, like
turbot, and streaked with dark-brown lines, running from the head toward
the tail. About the end of May the first herring season begins. They
approach in great shoals, but do not remain long on the coast. They had
entirely left the bay before we sailed out of it the first time, but were
beginning to revisit it again in October. It has been already mentioned,
that the herrings were remarkably fine and large, and that we filled a
great part of our empty casks with them. The beginning of June large
quantities of excellent cod were taken; a part of which were likewise
salted. We caught too, at different times, numbers of small fish, much
resembling a smelt, and once drew out a wolf-fish.

Notwithstanding this abundance of flat-fish, cod, and herring, it is on the
salmon-fishery alone that the Kamtschadales depend for their winter
provisions. Of these, it is said by naturalists, there are to be found on
this coast all the different species that are known to exist, and which the
natives formerly characterized by the different months in which they ascend
the rivers. They say, too, that though the shoals of different sorts are
seen to mount the rivers at the same time, yet they never mix with each
other; that they always return to the same river in which they were bred,
but not till the third summer; that neither the male nor female live to
regain the sea; that certain species frequent certain rivers, and are never
found in others, though they empty themselves nearly at the same place.

The first shoals of salmon begin to enter the mouth of the Awatska about
the middle of May; and this kind, which is called by the Kamtschadales
_Tchavitsi_, is the largest and most valued. Their length is generally
about three feet and a half; they are very deep in proportion, and their
average weight is from thirty to forty pounds. The tail is not forked, but
straight. The back is of a dark blue, spotted with black; in other respects
they are much like our common salmon. They ascend the river with
extraordinary velocity, insomuch that the water is sensibly agitated by
their motion; and the Kamtschadales, who are always on the watch for them
about the time they are expected, judge of their approach by this
circumstance, and immediately let drop their nets before them. We were
presented with one of the first that was caught, and given to understand
that it was the greatest compliment that could be paid us. Krascheninnikoff
relates, that formerly the Kamtschadales made a point of eating the first
fish they took with great rejoicings, and a variety of superstitious
ceremonies; and that, after the Russians became their masters, it was for a
long time a constant subject of quarrel between them, to whom the first
should belong. The season for fishing for this species lasts from the
middle of May till the end of June.

The other sort is of a smaller kind, weighing only from eight to sixteen
pounds. They are known by the general name of the red fish, and begin to
collect in the bays and at the mouths of the rivers the beginning of June;
from, which time till the end of September, they are caught in great
quantities, both upon the eastern and western coast, where any fresh water
falls into the sea, and likewise all along the course of the rivers to
their very source. The manner in which they draw their nets within the bay
of Awatska is as follows: They tie one end of the net to a large stone at
the water's edge; they then push off in a canoe about twenty yards in a
right line, dropping their net as they advance, after which they turn and
run out the remainder of the net in a line parallel to the shore. In this
position they wait, concealing themselves very carefully in the boat, and
keeping a sharp look-out for the fish, which always direct their course
close in with the shore, and whose approach is announced by a rippling in
the water, till they find that the shoal has advanced beyond the boat, when
they shoot the canoe to shore in a direct line, and never fail of inclosing
their prey. Seldom more than two men are employed to a net, who haul with
facility, in this manner, seines larger than ours, to which we appoint a
dozen. We at first met with very poor success in our own method of hauling,
but after the Kamtschadales had very kindly put us in the way, we were not
less successful than themselves. In the rivers, they shoot one net across,
and haul another down the stream to it.

The lakes that have a communication with the sea, which was the case of all
those that I saw, abound with fish that have very much the resemblance of
small salmon, and are from four to six pounds weight. I could not
understand that the inhabitants thought it worth their while to fish for
them. As these lakes are not deep, they become an easy prey to the bears
and dogs during the summer; and, if I might judge from the quantity of
bones to be seen upon, the banks, they devour vast numbers of them.

The inhabitants, for the most part, dry their salmon, and salt very little
of it. Each fish is cut into three pieces, the belly-piece being first
taken off, and afterward a slice along each side the back-bone. The former
of these are dried and smoked, and esteemed the finest part of the fish,
and sold, when we were at Saint Peter and Saint Paul's, at the rate of one
hundred for a rouble. The latter are dried in the air, and either eaten
whole as bread, or reduced to powder, of which they make paste and cakes,
that are not unpleasant to the taste. The head, tail, and bones are hung
up, and dried for winter provision for the dogs.


_List of Animals found in Kamtschadale, communicated by Mr Pennant_.[75]


*Argali, wild sheep, Arct.         _Capra ammon_, Lin. Syst. 97
    Zool. vol. i. p. 12.
 Ibex, _or_ wild goat          16  _Capra ibex_.             90
*Rein                          22  _Cervus tarandus_.        93
*Wolf                          38  _Canis lupus_.            53
*Dog                           40
*Arctic fox                    42   _Canis lagopus_.         59
*European fox                  45   _Canis vulpes_.          59
*  a. black                    46
   b. cross                    ib.
*Polar bear, in the Frozen Sea      _Ursus Arctos_.          69
   only                        55
*Bear                          57   _Ursus arctos_.
*Wolverene                     66   _Ursus luscus_.          71
*Common weasel                 75   _Mustela nivalis_.       69
*Stoat, _or_ ermine            ib.  _Mustela erminea_.       68
*Sable                         79   _Mustela zibellina_.     68
 Common otter                  86   _Mustela lutra_.         66
*Sea otter                     88   _Mustela lutris_.        66
*Varying hare                  94   _Lepus timidus_.
 Alpine hare                   97
*Earless marmot               113   _Mus citellus_.         113
 Bobak marmot                 115
 Water rat                    130   _Mus amphibius_.         82
 Common mouse                 131   _Mus Musculus_.          83
 OEconomic mouse              134
 Red mouse                    136
 Ichelag mouse                138
 Foetid shrew                 139   _Sorex araneus_.         74
*Walrus. Icy sea              144   _Trichecus rosmarus_.    49
*Common seal                  151   _Phoca vitulina_         56
 Great seal                   159
 Leporine seal                161
 Harp seal                    163
 Rubbon seal. Kurile Isles    165
 Ursine seal                  ib.   _Phoca ursina_           58
 Leonine seal                 172
*Whale-tailed manati          177


There were no domestic animals in Kamtschatka till they were introduced by
the Russians. The dogs, which seem to be of wolfish descent, are
aboriginal.


BIRDS.


LAND BIRDS.


I.    Sea eagle. Vol. II. p. 194   _Falco ossifragus_ ..... 124
     *Cinereous eagle ...... 2l4   _Vultur albiulla_ ...... 123
     *White-headed eagle ... 196   _Falco leucocephalus_ .. ib.
      Crying eagle ......... 215     (Latham, I.38.)
      Osprey ............... 199   _Falco haliaetus_ ....... 129
      Peregrine falcon ..... 202     (Latham, I.73.[76])
      Goshawk .............. 204   _Falco palumbarius_..... 130
II.   Eagle owl ............ 228   _Strix bubo_ ........... 131
      Snowy owl ............ 233   _Strix nyctea_.......... 132
III   Raven ................ 246   _Corvus corax_.......... 155
      Magpye ............... 147   _Corvus pica_ .......... 157
      Nutcracker ........... 252   _Corvus caryocatactes_.. ib.
IV.   Cuckoo ............... 266   _Cuculus canorus_ ...... 168
V.    Wryneck .............. 267   _Jynx torquilla_ ....... 172
VI.   Nuthatch ............. 281   _Sitta Europea_  ....... 177
VII.  White grous .......... 308   _Tetrao lagopus_ ....... 274
      Wood grous ........... 312   _Tetrao urogallus_ ..... 273
VIII. Water ouzel .......... 332   _Sturnus cinclus_
IX.   Fieldfare ............ 340   _Turdus pilaris_  ...... 291
      Redwing thrush ....... 341   _Turdus iliacus_  ...... 291
      Kamtschatkan ......... 343     (Latham, III. 23.)
X.    Greenfinch ........... 353   _Loxia chloris_ ........ 304
XI.   Golden bunting ....... 367     (Latham, II. 201.)
XII.  Lesser red-headed         \
       linnet .............. 379/    (Latham, II. 305.)
XIII. Dun flycatcher ....... 390     (Latham, II. 351.)
XIV.  Sky-lark ............. 394A.  _Alauda arsensis_ ..... 287
      Wood-lark ............ 395B.  _Alauda arborea_ ...... ib.
XV.   White wagtail ........ 396E.  _Motacilla alba_ ...... 331
      Yellow wagtail ....... ib.F.  _Motacilla flava_ ..... ib.
      Tschutski wagtail .... 397H.    (Latham, IV. 403.)
XVI.  Yellow wren .......... 413    _Motacilla trochilus_.  338
      Redstart ............. 416    _Motacilla phaenicurus_. 335
      Longbilled ........... 420
      Stapazina ............ 421    _Motacilla stapazina_.  331
      Awatska .............. 422
XVII. Marsh titmouse ....... 427    _Paras palustris_ ..... 341
XVIII.Chimney swallow ...... 429    _Hirundo rustica_ ..... 343
      Martin ............... 430    _Hirundo urbica_ .....  344
      Sand martin .......... ib.    _Hirundo riparia_ ....  ib.
XIX. European goatsucker ... 437    _Caprimulgus Europeus_. 346


WATER FOWL.


_Cloven-footed Water Fowl_.


Crane                 P.453 A. _Ardeagrus_               334
Curlew                P.462 A. _Scolopax arquata_        242
Whimbrel              P.462 B. _Scolopax phaeopus_        243
Common sandpiper     No 388    _Tringa hypoleucos_       250
Gambet               No 394    _Tringa gambetta_         248
Golden plover        No 399    _Charadrius pluvialis_    254
Pied oyster-catcher  No        _Haematopus ostralegus_    257


_With pinnated Feet_.


Plain phalarope.


_With webbed Feet_.


Wandering albatross   No 423  _Diomedea exulans_         214
Razor-bill hawk       No 425  _Alca torda_               210
Puffin                No 427  _Alca arctica_             211
Antient               No 430
Pygmy                 No 431
Tufted                No 432
Parroquet             No 433
Crested               No 434
Dusky                 No 435
Foolish guillemot     No 436  _Colymbus troille_          220
Black guillemot       No 437  _Colymbus grylle_.          ib.
Marbled guillemot     No 438
Imber diver           No 440  _Colymbus immer_            222
Speckled diver        No 441
Red-throated diver    No 443  _Colymbus septentrionalis_  220
Great tern            No 448  _Sterna hirundo_.
Kamtschatkan          P.525 A.
Black-headed gull     No 455  _Larus ridibundus_          225
Kittiwake gull        No 456  _Larus rissa_               224
Ivory gull            No 457
Arctic gull           No 459
Tarrock               P.533D._Larus tridactylus_.         ib.
Red-legged            P.533 E.
Fulmar petrel         No 464  _Procellaria glacialis_     213
Stormy petrel         No 464  _Procellaria pelagica_      212
Kurile petrel         P.536 A.
Blue petrel.[77]      Preface.
Goosander merganser   No 465  _Mergus merganser_          208
Smew                  No 468  _Mergus albellus_           209
Whistling swan        No 469  _Anas Cygnus ferus_         194 A.
Great goose           P.570
Chinese goose         P.571  _Anas cygnoides_             194 B.
Snow goose            No 477
Brent goose           No 478   _Anas bernicla_            198
Eider duck            No 480   _Anas molitsima_           ib.
Black duck            No 483   _Anas spectabilis_         195
Velvet duck           No 481   _Anas fusca_               196
Shoveler              No 485   _Anas clypeata_            200
Golden eye            No 486   _Anas clangula_            201
Harlequin             No 490   _Anas histrionica_         204
Mallard               No 494   _Anas boschas_             205
* Western             No 497
Pintail               No 500   _Anas acuta_               202
* Longtailed          No 501   _Anas glacialis_           203
Morillon              P.573 F. _Anas glaucion_            201
Shieldrake            P.572 D. _Anas tadorna_             195
Tufted                P.573 G. _Anas fuligula_            207
Falcated              P.574 I.
Garganey              P.576 O. _Anas querquedula_         263
Teal                  P.577 P. _Anas crecia_              204
Corvorant             No 509   _Pelecanus carbo_          216
Violet corvorant      P.584 B.
Red-faced corvorant   P.584 C.


[42] Some doubt may be entertained of the propriety with which Captain King
    has occupied so large a portion of his volume as two chapters, or
    sections, with a subject, respecting which it is most certain, his
    knowledge must have resulted from almost any thing else than his own
    personal observation. There is force in the objection. But it must be
    allowed on the other hand, that there was no inconsiderable inducement
    to supply the public with a tolerable share of information concerning
    a country which, distant and uncultivated as it was, seemed
    notwithstanding to be entitled to more regard than had usually been
    paid to it. Steller's work, of which he has properly availed himself,
    had been but recently published, viz. in 1774, and in all probability
    had not hitherto occupied much attention. The earlier accounts,
    whether published separately as that of Krascheninnikof, an English
    translation of which appeared at Gloucester in 1764, or contained in
    other works, as an article in Pallas's New Memoirs of the North, were
    perhaps still less consulted. Captain King's description, therefore,
    supposing the subject in any degree entitled to notice, was neither
    unnecessary nor unprofitable. It has been generally employed as the
    basis of the subsequent accounts which have been inserted in
    gazetteers and treatises of geography. But there have been several
    works, entitled to the consideration of being original, published
    since its appearance, from which some additions might be obtained, or
    which point out reasons for correction,--not so much however, it is
    proper to remark, because of errors committed by Captain K., as
    because of alterations occurred in the country since his time. A few
    of these, unfortunately not much for the better, have been stated, or
    will be so, on the authority of one of the last visitors to
    Kamtschatka, Captain Krusenstern. This gentleman, however, it ought to
    be understood, admits the general accuracy of the previous accounts
    given by Krascheninnikof, Steller, and King, and therefore, avoiding
    repetition, restricts himself almost entirely to the mention of the
    most material changes which have taken place during the last thirty
    years. This will readily be allowed enough for our present purpose,
    exclusive of any attention to the other productions which have treated
    of Kamtschatka, in the intermediate period.--E.

[43] It is in the vicinity of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, Krusenstern
    allows, that the climate is so unfavourable, and the soil, in
    consequence, so ungrateful. But he specifies reasons for believing that
    the middle provinces of Kamtschatska are equal, if not superior, to
    many in European Russia, in respect of natural advantages, though
    certainly far less indebted to the hand of man. He tells us, however,
    that in the interior, several species of corn are brought to
    perfection and many kinds of vegetables are cultivated. In his opinion
    the climate is not so bad as it has generally been represented, and he
    is convinced that the indolence of the inhabitants, and the incapacity
    occasioned by the immoderate use of spirits, are far more in fault as
    to the deficiency or unproductiveness of the soil, than the frequent
    fogs which are so much complained of, or any other unkindness on the
    part of nature. In proof of this, he maintains that the officers who
    are garrisoned here, have laid out gardens for themselves, which, by
    proper care, yield almost every kind of vegetable necessary for the
    table, and that too in quantities beyond the usual demand. Besides the
    materially efficient checks already mentioned, this gentleman
    specifies a very unreasonable notion, pretty commonly entertained,
    which has operated extensively in limiting the productions of the
    earth, and from which not even the officers who had been successful in
    their particular pursuits were altogether exempt. The notion to which
    he alludes is, that it would be useless to commence cultivating their
    gardens before the month of July, although, to his certain knowledge,
    June was _as beautiful as it can possibly be in the most favoured
    climate_, and though, according to Captain King, wild garlic, cellery,
    and nettles, were gathered for his crew in the month of May. The
    inference from this last circumstance seems obviously correct. "If,"
    says Krusenstern, "in the middle of May so much is already produced
    without any cultivation at all, I think I do not assert too much in
    saying they ought to begin to lay out their gardens in this month."
    This conclusion appears still more importantly authoritative from what
    he relates on his own experience. "I passed all the summer months in
    Kamtschatka," says he, "during the two years of my absence; that is to
    say, the whole of June, a part of July, and the whole of August and
    September, and can affirm with confidence, that, in these four months,
    there are just as many pleasant cheerful days as in any other place
    under the same latitude." On the whole then, one may readily concur in
    sentiment with this intelligent officer, that did the government adopt
    very different measures from those which have hitherto been in force,
    and were certain practices and prejudices abolished, Kamtschatka might
    afford as good and cheap living as many other provinces of the Russian
    empire. To most readers, it is probable, this will seem no very mighty
    recommendation. Relatively, however, to the person who makes it, and
    to those to whom it is addressed, it must be allowed to possess a
    virtue of no common magnitude or efficacy. Perhaps it is necessary to
    state for the credit of this writer, that some of the immediately
    following remarks of Captain King, much as they seem at first sight to
    oppose one of his opinions above approved of, will be found on
    attentive consideration perfectly reconcileable with them, more
    particularly if it be remembered that in other countries where much
    snow falls during the winter, nothing is more usual than to find, on
    its disappearance, that the earth is covered with a rich and healthy
    vegetation which a thick coating of that substance, known to be a bad
    conductor of heat, had preserved from the rigors of the season.--E.

[44] Krascheninnikoff says, that the tree here spoken of is a dwarf cedar,
    for that there is not a pine in the peninsula.

[45] Krascheninnikoff says, that the natives likewise convert the bark into
    a pleasant wholesome food, by stripping it off whilst it is young and
    green, and cutting it into long narrow stripes, like _vermicelli_,
    drying it, and stewing it afterward along with their _caviar_.

[46] Gmelin, p. 41. Steller enumerates five different species of this
    plant.

[47] Lonicera pedunclis bifloris, floribus infundibili formis, baccia
    solitaria, oblonga, angulosa. Gmel. Flor. Sib.

[48] Myrtillus grandis caeruleus.

[49] Epilobium.

[50] Chaerephyllum seminibus levibus.

[51] Tradescantia fructu molli edulo.

[52] Bistorta foliis ovatis, oblongis, acuminatis.

[53] Jacobea foliis cannabis. Steller.

[54] Anemonoides et ranunculus.

[55] Gmel. Sib. Tom. i. p. 119. Tab. XXV.

[56] Canis vulpes.

[57] Mustela zibellina.

[58] Rivers emptying themselves into the Lena, near its source.

[59] Canis lagopus.

[60] Lepus timidus.

[61] Mus citellus.

[62] Mustela erminea.

[63] Mustela nivalis.

[64] Ursus luseus.

[65] Krascheninnikoff relates, that this small animal frequently destroys
    deer, and the wild mountain sheep, in the following way: They scatter
    at the bottom of trees bark and moss, which those animals are fond of;
    and whilst they are picking it up, drop suddenly upon them, and,
    fastening behind the head, suck out their eyes.

[66] The Koriacks make use of a very simple method of catching bears. They
    suspend, between the forks of a tree, a running noose; within which
    they fasten a bait, which the animal, endeavouring to pull away, is
    caught sometimes by the neck, and sometimes by the paw.

[67] Capra ammon, or wild sheep. Arct, Zool. i. p. 12.

[68] Mr Steller has made the following scale of its cry:

    [Illustration:
     F-A- C     |F-A- C
     a-an-gitche a-an-gitche.
    ]

    For a further account of this bird, I must refer the reader to
    Krascheninnikoff, vol. ii. part 4.

[69] Anas picta, capita pulchre fasciato. Steller.

[70] Falco leucocephalus.

[71] Vultur albiulla.

[72] Mustela lutris.

[73] English translation, p. 59.

[74] Few readers, it is probable, will require the information, that the
    work of Mr Pennant, here alluded to, was published not very long after
    the appearance of this voyage, viz. in 1784. In consequence of this
    circumstance, it might be thought unnecessary to insert the table or
    catalogue of animals now spoken of. But, on the whole, there appeared
    more propriety in risking the offence of repetition with those who
    possess Mr P.'s work, than in disappointing those who do not.--E.

[75] The quadrupeds and birds mentioned in this part of the voyage are
    marked in this list with an asterisk.

[76] The birds, which are not described by Linnaeus's, are referred to the
    History of Birds, published by Mr Latham, surgeon in Dartford, Kent.

[77] I never saw this, but it is mentioned by Mr Ellis. I had omitted it in
    my zoologic part.




SECTION VII.


General Account of Kamtschatka, continued.--Of the Inhabitants.--Origin of
the Kamtschadales.--Discovered by the Russians.--Abstract of their
History.--Numbers.--Present State.--Of the Russian Commerce in
Kamtschatka.--Of the Kamtschadale Habitations, and Dress.--Of the Kurile
Islands.--The Koreki.--The Tschutski.


The present inhabitants of Kamtschatka are of three sorts. The natives, or
Kamtschadales; the Russians and Cossacks; and a mixture of these two by
marriage.

Mr Steller, who resided sometime in this country, and who seems to have
taken great pains to gain information on this subject, is persuaded, that
the true Kamtschadales are a people of great antiquity, and have for many
ages inhabited this peninsula; and that they are originally descended from
the Mungallians, and not either from the Tungusian Tartars, as some, or the
Japanese, as others have imagined.

The principal arguments, by which he supports these opinions, are, That
there exists not among them the trace of a tradition of their having
migrated from any other country; that they believe themselves to have been
created and placed in this very spot by their god Koutkou; that they are
the most favoured of his creatures; the most fortunate and happy of beings;
and that their country is superior to all others, affording means of
gratification far beyond what are any where else to be met with; that they
have a perfect knowledge of all the plants of their country, their virtues
and uses, which could not be acquired in a short time; that their
instruments and household utensils differ greatly from those of any other
nation, and are made with an extraordinary degree of neatness and
dexterity, which implies that they are both of their own invention, and
have been long in arriving at so great perfection; that, antecedently to
the arrival of the Russians and Cossacks among them, they had not the
smallest knowledge of any people, except the Koreki; that it is but of late
they had an intercourse with the Kuriles, and still later (and happened by
means of a vessel being shipwrecked on their coast) that they knew any
thing of the Japanese; and, lastly, that the country was very populous at
the time the Russians first got footing in it.

The reasons he alleges for supposing them to be originally descended from
the Mungalians, are, That many words in their language have terminations
similar to those of the Mungalian Chinese, such as, ong, ing, oing, tching,
tcha, tchoing, ksi, ksung, &c.; and, moreover, that the same principle of
inflexion or derivation obtains in both languages; that they are in general
under-sized, as are the Mungalians; that their complexion, like theirs, is
swarthy; that they have black hair, little beard, the face broad, the nose
short and flat, the eyes small and sunk, the eye-brows thin, the belly
pendant, the legs small; all which are peculiarities that are to be found
among the Mungalians. From the whole of which he draws this conclusion,
that they fled for safety to this peninsula, from the rapid advances of the
Eastern conquerors; as the Laplanders, the Samoides, &c. were compelled to
retreat to the extremities of the north by the Europeans.

The Russians having extended their conquests, and established posts and
colonies along that immense extent of coast of the Frozen Sea, from the
Jenesei to the Anadir, appointed commissaries for the purpose of exploring
and subjecting the countries still farther eastward. They soon became
acquainted with the wandering Koriacs, inhabiting the north and north-east
coast of the sea of Okotzk, and, without difficulty, made them tributary.
These being the immediate neighbours of the Kamtschadales, and likewise in
the habits of bartering with them, a knowledge of Kamtschatka followed of
course.

The honour of the first discovery is given to Feodot Alexeieff, a merchant,
who is said to have sailed from the river Kovyma, round the peninsula of
the Tschutski, in company with seven other vessels, about the year 1648.
The tradition goes, that, being separated from the rest by a storm, near
the Tschukotskoi Noss, he was driven upon the coast of Kamtschatka, where
he wintered; and the summer following coasted round the promontory of
Lopatka, into the sea of Okotzk, and entered the mouth of the Tigil; but
that he and his companions were cut off by the Koriacs, in endeavouring to
pass from thence by land to the Anadirsk. This, in part, is corroborated by
the accounts of Simeon Deshneff, who commanded one of the seven vessels,
and was thrown on shore at the mouth of the Anadir. Be this as it may,
since these discoverers, if such they were, did not live to make any report
of what they had done, Volodimir Atlassoff, a Cossack, stands for the first
acknowledged discoverer of Kamtschatka.[78]

This person was sent, in the year 1697, from the fort Jakutzk to the
Anadirsk, in the quality of commissary, with instructions to call in the
assistance of the Koriacs, with a view to the discovery of countries beyond
theirs, and to the subjecting them to a tribute. In 1699, he penetrated,
with about sixty Russian soldiers, and the same number of Cossacks, into
the heart of the peninsula; gained the Tigil; and from thence levying a
tribute in furs, in his progress crossed over to the river Kamtschatka, on
which he built the higher Kamtschatka ostrog, called Verchnei, where he
left a garrison of sixteen Cossacks, and returned to Jakutzk in 1700, with
an immense quantity of rare and valuable tributary furs. These he had the
good sense and policy to accompany to Moscow; and, in recompence for his
services, was appointed commander of the fort of Jakutzk, with farther
orders to repair again to Kamtschatka; having first drawn from the garrison
at Tobolsk a reinforcement of a hundred Cossacks, with ammunition, and
whatever else could give efficacy to the completion and settlement of his
late discoveries. Advancing with this force toward the Anadirsk, he fell in
with a bark on the river[79] Tunguska. laden with Chinese merchandize,
which he pillaged; and, in consequence of a remonstrance from the sufferers
to the Russian court, he was seized upon at Jakutzk, and thrown into
prison.

In the mean time, Potop Serioukoff, who had been left by Atlassoff, kept
peaceable possession of the garrison of Verchnei; and though he had not a
sufficient force to compel the payment of a tribute from the natives, yet,
by his management and conciliating disposition, he continued to carry on an
advantageous traffic with them as a merchant. On his return to the
Anadirsk, with the general good-will of the natives of Kamtschatka, himself
and party were attacked by the Koriacs, and unfortunately all cut off. This
happened about 17O3; and several other successive commissaries were sent
into Kamtschatka, with various success, during the disgrace and trial of
Atlassoff.

In 1706, Atlassoff was reinstated in his command, and appointed to conduct
a second expedition into Kamtschatka, with instructions to gain upon the
natives by all peaceable means, but on no pretence to have recourse to
force and compulsion; but, instead of attending to his orders, he not only,
by repeated acts of cruelty and injustice, made the natives exceedingly
hostile and averse to their new governors, but likewise so far alienated
the affections of his own people, that it ended in a mutiny of the
Cossacks, and their demand of another commander. The Cossacks having
carried their point, in displacing Atlassoff, seized upon his effects; and,
after once tasting the sweets of plunder, and of living without discipline
or controul, in vain did his successors attempt to reduce them to military
discipline and subjection. Three successive commanders were assassinated in
their turn; and the Cossacks being thus in open rebellion to the Russian
government, and with arms in their hands, were let loose upon the natives.
The history of this country from that period, till the grand revolt of the
Kamtschadales in 1731, presents one unvaried detail of massacres, revolts,
and savage and sanguinary rencounters between small parties, from one end
of the peninsula to the other.

What led to this revolt, was the discovery of a passage from Okotzk to the
Bolchoireka, which was first made by Cosmo Sokoloff, in the year 1715.
Hitherto the Russians had no entrance into the country but on the side of
Anadirsk; so that the natives had frequent opportunities of both plundering
the tribute, as it was carried by so long a journey out of the peninsula,
and harassing the troops in their march into it. But by the discovery of
this communication, there existed a safe and speedy means, as well of
exporting the tribute, as of importing the troops and military stores into
the very heart of the country; which the natives easily saw gave the
Russians so great an advantage, as must soon confirm their dominion, and
therefore determined them to make one grand and immediate struggle for
their liberty. The moment resolved upon for carrying their designs into
execution, was when Beering should have set sail, who was at this time on
the coast with a small squadron, and had dispatched all the troops that
could well be spared from the country, to join Powloutski, in an expedition
against the Tschutski. The opportunity was well chosen; and it is
altogether surprising, that this conspiracy, which was so general, that
every native in the peninsula is said to have had his share in it, was at
the same time conducted with such secrecy, that the Russians had not the
smallest suspicion that any thing hostile to their interests was in
agitation. Their other measures were equally well taken. They had a strong
body in readiness to cut off all communication with the fort Anadirsk; and
the eastern coast was likewise lined with detached parties, with a view of
seizing on any Russians that might by accident arrive from Okotzk. Things
were in this state, when the commissary Cheekhaerdin marched from Verchnei
with his tribute, escorted by the troops of the fort, for the mouth of the
Kamtschatka river, where a vessel was lying to convey them to the Anadir.
Besides waiting for the departure of Beering, the revolt was to be
suspended till this vessel should be out at sea, notice of which was to be
given to the different chiefs. Accordingly, the moment she was out of
sight, they began to massacre every Russian and Cossack that came in their
way, and to set fire to their houses. A large body ascended the river
Kamtschatka; made themselves masters of the fort and _ostrog_ the
commissary had just quitted; put to death all that were in it, and, except
the church and the fort, reduced the whole to ashes. Here it was that they
first learned that the Russian vessel, in which the commissary had
embarked, was still on the coast, which, determined them to defend
themselves in the fort. The wind fortunately soon brought the vessel back
to the harbour; for had she proceeded in her voyage, nothing probably could
have prevented the utter extirpation of the Russians. The Cossacks finding,
on their landing, that their houses had been burnt to the ground, and their
wives and children either massacred or carried off prisoners, were enraged
to madness. They marched directly to the fort, which they attacked with
great fury, and the natives as resolutely defended, till at length the
powder-magazine taking fire, the fort was blown up, together with most of
those that were in it. Various rencounters succeeded to this event, in
which much blood was spilled on both sides. At length, two of the principal
leaders being slain, and the third, (after dispatching his wife and
children, to prevent their falling into the enemy's hand,) having put an
end to himself, peace was established.

From that period every thing went on very peaceably till the year 1740,
when a few Russians lost their lives in a tumult, which was attended with
no farther consequences; and, except the insurrection at Bolcheretsk, in
1770, (which, has been already noticed,) there has been no disturbance
since.

Though the quelling the rebellion of 1731 was attended with the loss of a
great number of inhabitants, yet I was informed that the country had
recovered itself, and was become more populous than ever, when, in the year
1767, the small-pox, brought by a soldier from Okotzk, broke out among them
for the first time, marking its progress with ravages not less dreadful
than the plague, and seeming to threaten their entire extirpation. They
compute that near twenty thousand died of this disorder in Kamtschatka, the
Koreki country, and the Kurile Islands. The inhabitants of whole villages
were swept away. Of this we had sufficient proofs before our eyes. There
are no less than eight ostrogs scattered about the bay of Awatska, all
which, we were informed, had been fully inhabited, but are now entirely
desolate, except Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and even that contains no more
than seven Kamtschadales, who are tributary. At Paratounca ostrog there are
but thirty-six native inhabitants, men, women, and children, which, before
it was visited by the small-pox, we were told contained three hundred and
sixty. In our road to Bolcheretsk, we passed four extensive ostrogs, with
not an inhabitant in them. In the present diminished state of the natives,
with fresh supplies of Russians and Cossacks perpetually pouring in, and
who intermix with them by marriage, it is probable, that in less than half
a century there will be very few of them left. By Major Behm's account,
there are not now more than three thousand who pay tribute, the Kurile
islanders included.[80]

I understood that there are at this time, of the military, in the five
forts of Nichnei, Verchnei, Tigil, Bolcheretsk, and Saint Peter and Saint
Paul, about four hundred Russians and Cossacks, and near the same number at
Ingiga, which, though to the north of the peninsula, is, I learned, at
present under the commander of Kamtschatka; to these may be added the
Russian traders and emigrants, whose numbers are not very considerable.

The Russian government, established over this country, is mild and
equitable, considered as a military one, in a very high degree. The natives
are permitted to choose their own magistrates from among themselves, in the
way, and with the same powers, they had ever been used. One of these, under
the title of _Toion_, presides over each ostrog; is the referee in all
differences; imposes fines, and inflicts punishments for all crimes and
misdemeanours; referring to the governor of Kamtschatka such only as he
does not choose, from their intricacy or heinousness, to decide upon
himself. The Toion has likewise the appointment of a civil officer, called
a corporal, who assists him in the execution of his office, and in his
absence acts as his deputy.[81]

By an edict of the empress, no crime whatsoever can be punished with death.
But we were informed, that in cases of murder (of which there are very
few), the punishment of the knout is administered with such severity, that
the offender, for the most part, dies under it.

The only tribute exacted (which can be considered as little more than an
acknowledgment of the Russian dominion over them) consists, in some
districts, of a fox's skin; in others, of a sable's; and in the Kurile
Isles, of a sea-otter's; but as this is much the most valuable, one skin
serves to pay the tribute of several persons. The Toions collect the
tribute in their respective districts. Besides the mildness of their
government, the Russians have a claim to every praise for the pains they
have bestowed, and which have been attended with great success, in
converting them to Christianity, there remaining at present very few
idolaters among them. If we may judge of the other missionaries, from the
hospitable and benevolent pastor of Paratounca (who is a native on the
mother's side), more suitable persons could not be set over this business.
It is needless to add, that the religion taught is that of the Greek
church.[82] Schools are likewise established in many of the ostrogs, where
the children of both the natives and Cossacks are gratuitously instructed
in the Russian language. The commerce of this country, as far as concerns
the exports, is entirely confined to furs, and carried on principally by a
company of merchants, instituted by the empress. This company originally
consisted of twelve, and three have been lately added to it. They are
indulged with certain privileges, and distinguished by wearing a golden
medal, as a mark of the empress's encouragement and protection of the fur-
trade. Besides these, there are many inferior traders (particularly of the
Cossacks) scattered through the country. The principal merchants for the
time they are here, reside at Bolcheretsk, or the Nichnei ostrog, in which
two places the trade almost wholly centers. Formerly this commerce was
altogether carried on in the way of barter, but of late years every article
is bought and sold for ready money only; and we were surprised at the
quantity of specie in circulation in so poor a country. The furs sell at a
high price, and the situation and habits of life of the natives call for
few articles in return. Our sailors brought a great number of furs with
them from the coast of America, and were not less astonished than delighted
with the quantity of silver the merchants paid down for them; but on
finding neither gin-shops to resort to, nor tobacco, nor any thing else
that they cared for, to be had for money, the roubles soon became
troublesome companions; and I often observed them kicking about the deck.
The merchant I have already had occasion to mention, gave our men at first
thirty roubles for a sea-otter's skin, and for others in proportion; but
finding that they had considerable quantities to dispose of, and that he
had men to deal with who did not know how to keep up the market, he
afterward bought them for much less.

The articles of importation are principally European, but not confined to
Russian manufactures; many are English and Dutch; several likewise come
from Siberia, Bucharia, the Calmucks, and China. They consist of coarse
woollen and linen clothes, yarn-stockings, bonnets, and gloves; thin
Persian silks; cottons, and pieces of nankeen, silk and cotton
handkerchiefs; brass coppers and pans, iron-stoves, files, guns, powder,
and shot; hardware, such as hatchets, bills, knives, scissars, needles;
looking-glasses, flour, sugar; tanned hides, boots, &c. We had an
opportunity of seeing a great many of these articles in the hands of a
merchant, who came in the empress's galliot from Okotzk; and I shall only
observe generally, that they sold for treble the price they might have been
purchased for in England. And though the merchants have so large a profit
upon these imported goods, they have a still larger upon the furs at
Kiachta, upon the frontiers of China, which is the great market for them.
The best sea-otter skins sell generally in Kamtschatka for about thirty
roubles a-piece. The Chinese merchant at Kiachta purchases them at more
than double that price, and sells them again at Pekin at a great advance,
where a farther profitable trade is made with some of them to Japan. If,
therefore, a skin is worth thirty roubles in Kamtschatka, to be transported
first to Okotzk, thence to be conveyed by land to Kiachta, a distance of
one thousand three-hundred and sixty-four miles; and thence on to Pekin,
seven hundred and sixty miles more; and after this to be transported to
Japan, what a prodigiously advantageous trade might be carried on between
this place and Japan, which is about a fortnight's, or at most three weeks,
sail from it?

All furs exported from hence across the sea of Okotzk, pay a duty of ten
per cent., and sables a duty of twelve. And all sorts of merchandise, of
whatever denomination, imported from Okotzk, pay half a rouble for every
pood.[83]

The duties arising from the exports and imports, of which I could not learn
the amount, are paid at Okotzk; but the tribute is collected at
Bolcheretsk; and, I was informed by Major Behm, amounted in value to ten
thousand roubles annually.

There were six vessels (of from forty to fifty tons burthen) employed by
the empress between Okotzk and Bolcheretsk; five of which are appropriated
to the transporting of stores and provisions from Okotzk to Bolcheretsk;
except that once in two or three years, some of them go round to Awatska
and the Kamtschatka river; the sixth is only used as a packet-boat, and
always kept in readiness, and properly equipped for conveying dispatches.
Besides these, there are about fourteen vessels employed by the merchants
in the fur-trade, amongst the islands to the eastward. One of these we
found frozen up in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, which was to
sail on a trading voyage to Oonalashka, as soon as the season would
permit.[84]

It is here to be observed, that the most considerable and valuable part of
the fur-trade is carried on with the islands that lie between Kamtschatka
and America. These were first discovered by Beering, in 1741, and being
found to abound with sea-otters, the Russian merchants became exceedingly
eager in searching for the other islands seen by that navigator, to the
S.E. of Kamtschatka, called in Muller's map the islands of Seduction, St
Abraham, &c. In these expeditions they fell in with three groups of
islands; the first about fifteen degrees to the east of Kamtschatka, in 53 deg.
N. latitude; the second about twelve degrees to the eastward of the former;
and the third, Oonalashka, and the islands in its neighbourhood. These
trading adventurers advanced also as far east as Shumagin's Islands (so
called by Beering), the largest of which is named Kodiak. But here, as well
as on the continent at Alashka, they met with so warm a reception in their
attempts to compel the payment of a tribute, that they never afterward
ventured so far. However they conquered, and made tributary the three
groups before mentioned.

In the Russian charts, the whole sea between Kamtschatka and America is
covered with islands; for the adventurers in these expeditions frequently
falling in with land, which they imagined did not agree with the situation
of others laid down by preceding voyagers, immediately concluded it must be
a new discovery, and reported it as such on their return; and, since the
vessels employed in these expeditions were usually out three or four years,
and oftentimes longer, these mistakes were not in the way of being soon
rectified; It is, however, now pretty certain, that the islan