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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11
       Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History
              of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and
              Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the
              Present Time

Author: Robert Kerr

Release Date: March 16, 2005 [EBook #15376]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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A

GENERAL

HISTORY AND COLLECTION

OF

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS

OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,

BY SEA AND LAND,

FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. XI.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON.

MDCCCXXIV.

CONTENTS

OF

VOL. XI

PART II. BOOK IV. CONTINUED.

A

GENERAL HISTORY

AND

COLLECTION

OF

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART II. BOOK IV.

(CONTINUED.)

CHAPTER XII

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE,

IN 1719-1722.

SECTION V.

Voyage from California to Canton in China.

We fell in with the coast of California on the 11th of August, and as soon as we were discovered by the natives, they made fires on the shore as we sailed past. Towards evening, two of them came off on a bark log, and were with difficulty induced to come on board. Seeing our negroes standing promiscuously among the whites, they angrily separated them from us, and would hardly suffer them to look at us. They then made signs for us to sit down, after which one of them put himself into strange postures, talking to us with great vehemence, and seeming to be in a transport of extacy, running from one to the other of us with great vehemence, continually singing, speaking, and [pg 2] running, till quite out of breath. Night coming on, they were for departing, when we gave them a knife and an old coat each, with which they were much pleased, and invited us by signs to go on shore along with them. On the 13th, we were near Porto Leguro, whence some of the natives came out to meet us on bark-logs, while others made fires, as if to welcome us, on the tops of hills and rocks near the sea, all seemingly rejoiced to see us; those on shore running up and down to each other, and those on the bark-logs paddling with all their strength to meet us.

No sooner was our anchor down than they came off to us in crowds, some off bark-logs, but most of them swimming, all the while talking and calling to each other confusedly. In an instant our ship was full of these swarthy gentry, all quite naked. Among the rest was their king or chief; who was no way distinguishable from the rest by any particular ornament, or even by any deference paid to him by his people, his only ensign of sovereignty being a round black stick of hard wood, about two feet and a half long. This being observed by some of our people, they brought him to me, and concluding that I was the chief of the ship, he delivered his black sceptre to me in a handsome manner, which I immediately returned. Notwithstanding his savage appearance, this man had a good countenance, and there was something dignified in his manner and behaviour. I soon found a way to regale them, by setting before them abundance of our choicest Peruvian conserves, with which they seemed much gratified. They were accommodated with spoons, mostly silver, all of which they very honestly returned.

Having thus commenced friendship with the natives, I sent an officer ashore to view the watering-place; and, to make him the more welcome, I sent with him some coarse blue baize and some sugar, to distribute among the women. On seeing our boat ready to put off, the king was for accompanying her in his bark-log, but I persuaded him to go in the boat, with which he seemed to be much gratified. The remainder of the day was spent with our wild visitors, who behaved in general very quietly. The officer returned with an account of having been very civilly received, and we prepared our casks for being sent ashore next morning. Although, at first view, the country and inhabitants might dissuade us from venturing freely among them, I had formerly read such accounts of these people, that I was under no apprehension [pg 3] of being molested in wooding and watering. The Californians, however, appeared very terrible to our negroes, insomuch, that one of them, who accompanied the officer on shore, was afraid to stir from the boat, and held an axe constantly in his hand, to defend himself in case of being attacked. On the approach of night, all the Indians swam ashore, leaving us a clear ship, after the fatigues of the day.

Next morning, at day-break, our boat went ashore with the people appointed to cut wood and fill our water-casks; and before the sun was up, our ship was again filled with our former guests, who seemed never satisfied with gazing at us and every thing about the ship. That nothing might be wanting to keep up our amity, I sent a large boiler on shore, with a good store of flour and sugar, and a negro cook, who continually boiled hasty-pudding, to serve the numerous guests on the beach. At first the natives remained idle spectators of our labours; but at length, taking compassion to see our few men labouring hard in rolling great casks of water over the heavy sand in the sultry heat of the day, they put forth their hands to help them, encouraged by the particular readiness of their chief to serve us; for, after seeing Mr Randal take up a log of wood to carry to the boat, he took up another, and was immediately followed by two or three hundred of the natives, so that they eased our men mightily. They also rolled our casks down to the beach, but always expected a white man to assist them, though quite satisfied if he only touched the cask with his finger. This eased our men of a great deal of fatigue, and shortened the time of our stay at this place. We even found means to make those who used to stay all day on board, of some use to us; for, when we came to heel the ship, we crowded them, all over on one side, which, with other shifts, gave her a deep heel, while we cleaned and paid her bottom with pitch and tallow.

The natives seemed every day more and more attached to us. When our boat went ashore in the morning, there was constantly a large retinue in waiting on the beach for our people, and particularly for those whom they guessed to be above the common rank, by their better dress. By this time, the news of our arrival had spread through all the neighbouring parts, and some natives of different tribes from that which dwelt about the bay, came daily to visit us. Those who came from any distance in the inland country could not [pg 4] swim, and were differently painted, besides some other visible distinctions; but all united amicably to assist us, and hardly any were idle except the women, who used to sit in circles on the scorching sand, waiting for their shares of what was going forwards, which they received without any quarrelling among themselves about the inequality of distribution. Having completed our business in five days, we prepared for our departure on the 18th August, and employed that morning in making a large distribution of sugar among the women, and gave a great many knives, old axes, and old iron among the men, being the most valuable presents we could make them; and, in return, they gave us bows and arrows, deer-skin bags, live foxes and squirrels, and the like. That we might impress them with awe of our superior power, we saluted them with five guns on loosing our top-sails, which greatly frightened them, and there seemed an universal damp on their spirits on seeing our sails loosed, as sorry for our approaching departure. The women were all in tears when my people were coming off to the ship; and many of the men remained till we were under sail, and then leapt into the sea with sorrowful countenances.

Having made some stay in California, some account of that country and its inhabitants may be expected; though I believe a complete discovery of its extent and boundaries would produce few real advantages, except satisfying the curious. That part of California which I saw, being the southern extremity of its western coast, appears mountainous, barren, and sandy, much like some parts of Peru: yet the soil about Porto Leguro, and most likely in the other vallies, is a rich black mould, and when turned up fresh to the sun, appears as if intermingled with gold-dust. We endeavoured to wash and purify some of this, and the more this was done, the more it appeared like gold. In order to be farther satisfied, I brought away some of this earth, but it was afterwards lost in our confusions in China. However this may be, California probably abounds in metals of all sorts, though the natives had no ornaments or utensils of any metal, which is not to be wondered at, as they are perfectly ignorant of all arts.

The country has plenty of wood, but the trees are very small, hardly better than bushes. But woods, which are an ornament to most other countries, serve only to make this appear the more desolate; for locusts swarm here in such [pg 5] numbers, that they do not leave a green leaf on the trees. In the day, these destructive insects are continually on the wing in clouds, and are extremely troublesome by flying in, one's face. In shape and size they greatly resemble our green grasshoppers, but are of a yellow colour. Immediately after we cast anchor, they came off in such numbers, that the sea around the ship was covered with their dead bodies. By their incessant ravages, the whole country round Porto Leguro was stripped totally naked, notwithstanding the warmth of the climate and the richness of the soil. Believing that the natives are only visited with this plague at this season of the year, I gave them a large quantity of calavances, and shewed them how they were sown. The harbour of Porto Leguro is about two leagues to the N.E. of Cape St Lucas, being a good and safe port, and very convenient for privateers when cruizing for the Manilla ship. The watering-place is on the north side of the bay or harbour, being a small river which there flows into the sea, and may easily be known by the appearance of a great quantity of green canes growing in it, which always retain their verdure, not being touched by the locusts, as these canes probably contain, something noxious to that voracious insect.

The men of this country are tall, straight, and well set, having large limbs, with coarse black hair, hardly reaching to their shoulders. The women are of much smaller size, having much longer hair than the men, with which some of them almost cover their faces. Some of both sexes have good countenances; but all are much darker-complexioned than any of the other Indians I saw in the South Seas, being a very deep copper-colour. The men go quite naked, wearing only a few trifles by way of ornament, such as a band or wreath of red and white silk-grass round their heads, adorned on each side with a tuft of hawk's feathers. Others have pieces of mother-of-pearl and small shells fastened among their hair, and tied round their necks; and some had large necklaces of six or seven strings, composed of small red and black berries. Some are scarified all over their bodies; others use paint, some smearing their faces and breasts with black, while others were painted black down to the navel, and from thence to the feet with red.

The women wear a thick fringe or petticoat of silk-grass, reaching from their middle to their heels, and have a deer-skin carelessly thrown over their shoulders. Some of the [pg 6] better sort have a cloak of the skin of some large bird, instead of the bear-skins. Though the appearance of the Californians is exceedingly savage, yet, from what I could observe of their behaviour to each other, and their deportment towards us, they seem to possess all imaginable humanity. All the time we were there, and constantly among many hundreds of them, there was nothing to be seen but the most agreeable harmony, and most affectionate behaviour to each other. When any of us gave any thing eatable to one person, he always divided it among all who were around him, reserving the smallest share to himself. They seldom walked singly, but mostly in pairs, hand in hand. They seemed of meek and gentle dispositions, having no appearance of cruelty in their countenances or behaviour, yet seemed haughty towards their women. They lead a careless life, having every thing in common, and seemed to desire nothing beyond the necessaries of life. They never once offered to pilfer or steal any of our tools or other utensils; and such was their honesty, that my men having forgotten their axes one day on shore, while cutting wood, which was noticed by one of the natives, he told it to the king, who sent into the wood for the axes, and restored them with much apparent satisfaction.

Their language is guttural and harsh, and they talk a great deal, but I could never understand a single word they spoke. Their dwellings were very mean, being scarcely sufficient to shelter them. Their diet is, I believe, mostly fish, which they frequently eat raw, but they sometimes bake it in the sand. They seldom want abundance of this food, as the men go out to sea on their bark-logs, and are very expert harponiers. Their harpoons are made of hard wood, and with these they strike the largest albicores, and bring them ashore on their bark-logs, which they row with double paddles. This seemed strange to us, who had often experienced the strength of these fish; for frequently when we had hold of one of these with very large hooks, made fast to eight-strand twine, we had to bring the ship to, to bring them in, and it was then as much as eight or ten men could do; so that one would expect, when an Indian had struck one of these fish, from his light float, it would easily run away with the man and the bark-log; but they have some sleight in their way of management, by which the strength [pg 7] and struggling of these fish are all in vain. There are hardly any birds to be seen in this country except a few pelicans.

When the Californians want to drink, they wade into the river, up to their middles, where they take up the water in their hands, or stoop down and suck it with their mouths. Their time is occupied between hunting, fishing, eating, and sleeping; and having abundant exercise, and rather a spare diet, their lives are ordinarily prolonged to considerable age, many of both sexes appearing to be very old, by their faces being much wrinkled, and their hair very grey. Their bows are about six feet long, with strings made of deer's sinews, but their arrows seemed too long for their bows; and considering that they have no adequate tools, these articles must require much time in making. The shafts of their arrows consist of a hollow cane, for two-thirds of their length, the other third, or head, being of a heavy kind of wood, edged with flint, or sometimes agate, and the edges notched like a saw, with a very sharp point. They made no display of their arms to us, and we seldom saw any in their hands, though they have need of some arms to defend themselves from wild beasts, as I saw some men who had been severely hurt in that way, particularly one old man, who had his thigh almost torn in pieces by a tiger or lion, and though, healed, it was frightfully scarred. The women commonly go into the woods with bows and arrows in search of game, while the men are chiefly occupied in fishing. I can say nothing respecting their government, except that it did not seem any way strict or rigorous. When the king appeared in public, he was usually attended by many couples, or men walking hand in hand, two and two together. On the first morning of our arrival, he was seen in this manner coming out of a wood, and noticing one of my officers cutting down a tree, whom he judged to be better than ordinary, by having silver lace on his waistcoat, be shewed both his authority and civility at the same time, by ordering one of his attendants to take the axe and work in his stead.

One day while we were there, a prodigious flat fish was seen basking in the sun on the surface of the water near the shore, on which twelve Indians swam off and surrounded him. Finding himself disturbed, the fish dived, and they after him, but he escaped from them at this time. He appeared again in about an hour, when sixteen or seventeen Indians swam off and encompassed him; and, by continually [pg 8] tormenting him, drove, him insensibly ashore. On grounding, the force with which he struck the ground with his fins is not to be expressed, neither can I describe the agility with which the Indians strove to dispatch him, lest the surf should set him again afloat, which they at length accomplished with the help of a dagger lent them by Mr Randal. They then cut him into pieces, which were distributed among all who stood by. This fish, though of the flat kind, was very thick, and had a large hideous mouth, being fourteen or fifteen feet broad, but not quite so much in length.

On the 18th August, 1721, we set sail from Porto Leguro, bound for Canton in China, as a likely place for meeting with some English ships, in which we might procure a passage home. Considering the length of the voyage before us, our ship was in a very bad condition, as her sails and rigging were so old and rotten, that if any accident had befallen our masts or sails, we had been reduced to extreme distress and danger, having no change either of sails or ropes; but ours being a case of necessity, we had to run all hazards, and to endeavour, by the utmost attention, to guard against deficiencies which could not be supplied. Having already overcome many difficulties, seemingly insurmountable in prospect, we were full of hope to get over these also, and the pleasing expectation of revisiting our native shores gave us spirits to encounter this tedious navigation in so weak and comfortless a condition. We were now so weakly manned, that we could scarcely have been able to navigate our vessel without the assistance of the negroes, not amounting now to thirty whites, so much had our crew been reduced by untoward accidents.

We discovered an island on the 21st, 110 leagues W.S.W. from Cape St Lucas,¹ but as the wind blew fresh, I could not get nearer than two leagues, and did not think proper to lose time in laying-to in the night. It seemed seven or eight leagues in circumference, having a large bay on its S.W. side, in the middle of which was a high rock. My people named this Shelvocke's island. From hence we shelved, down to the latitude of 13° N. but were stopped two or three days by westerly winds, which we did not expect in this sea, especially as being now five or six hundred leagues from the land. The trade-wind again returning, we kept [pg 9] in the parallel of 13° N. except when we judged that we were near the shoals of St Bartholomew, and then haled a degree more to the north, and so continued for sixty or seventy leagues. A fortnight after leaving California, my people, who had hitherto enjoyed uninterrupted health, began to be afflicted with sickness, particularly affecting their stomachs, owing doubtless to the great quantities of sweetmeats they were continually devouring, and also to oar common food, chiefly composed of puddings made of coarse flour and sweetmeats, mixed up with sea-water, together with jerked beef, most of which was destroyed by ants, cockroaches, and other vermin. We could not afford to boil the kettle once in the whole passage with fresh water, so that the crew became reduced to a very melancholy state by scurvy and other distempers. The sickness increased upon us every day, so that we once buried two in one day, the armourer and carpenter's, mate, besides whom the carpenter, gunner, and several others died, together with some of our best negroes.

The greatest part of my remaining people were disabled, and our ship very leaky; and to add to our misfortunes, one of our pumps split and became useless. Under these unhappy circumstances, we pushed forwards with favourable gales till within 80 leagues of Guam, one of the Ladrones, when we encountered dismal weather and tempestuous winds, veering round the compass. This was the more frightful, as we were unable to help ourselves, not above six or seven, being able for duty, though necessity obliged even those who were extremely low and weak to lend what help they could. In the boisterous sea raised by these gales, our ship so laboured that the knee of her head, and her whole beak-head, became loose, so that the boltsprit fetched away and played with every motion of the ship, and so continued all the rest of the time we were at sea. For some time our main-mast stood without larboard shrouds, till we could unlay our best cable to make more, having knotted and spliced the old shrouds till our labour was in vain. In the midst of these difficulties, I was taken very ill, and had little expectations of living much longer, till the gout gave me some painful hopes of recovery.

In the beginning of October, we made the island of Guam, 100 leagues short of the account given by Rogers, who makes 105° of longitude between Cape St Lucas and Guam, while [pg 10] we made not quite 100°.² We passed through between Guam and Serpana, and saw several flying proas, but none came near us that day. We had heavy and squally weather, which obliged me to keep the deck in the rain, by which I caught a cold, which threw me into a worse condition than before, in which I continued all the time I was in China. Guam seemed very green and of moderate height, and the sight of land was so pleasant after our long run, that we would gladly have stopped to procure some refreshments, but durst not venture in, though on the point of perishing, lest the inhabitants should take advantage of our weakness. From Guam I shaped our course for the island of Formosa, to which we had a long and melancholy voyage, as our sickness daily increased; so that, on the 3d November, when we got sight of that island, both ship and company were almost entirely worn out. Next day we doubled the south Cape of Formosa, passing within a league of the rocks of Vele-Rete, where we were sensible of a very strong current. As we passed in sight, the inhabitants of Formosa made continual fires on the coast, as inviting us to land; but we were so weak that we did not deem it prudent to venture into any of their harbours.

We directed our course from Formosa for the neighbouring coast of China, and found ourselves on the 6th at the mouth of the river Loma,³ in twelve fathoms water, but the weather was so hazy that we could not ascertain where we were. Seeing abundance of fishing boats, we tried every method we could think of to induce some of the fishermen to come on board to pilot us to Macao, but found this impracticable, as we could not understand each other. We were therefore obliged to keep the land close on board, and to anchor every evening. This was a prodigious fatigue to our men, who were so universally ill that we could hardly find any one able to steer the ship. We were bewildered in a mist during four days, and much surprised by seeing a great many islands, omitted in our charts, on some of which we saw large fortifications. This made us believe that the current had carried us beyond our port, and occasioned much dejection of spirits; for, though the sea was covered [pg 11] with fishing boats, we could get no one to set us right, or to give us any directions we could understand.

Towards evening of the 10th, as we were passing through a very narrow channel between two islands, a fisherman who was near, and observed by our manner of working that we were afraid to venture through, waved with his cap for us to bring to till he came to us. When he came, he seemed to understand that we enquired for Macao, and made signs that he would carry us there, if we gave him as many pieces of silver as he counted little fish from his basket, which amounted to forty. We accordingly counted out forty dollars into a hat, and gave them to him, on which he came into our ship, and took her in charge, carrying us through the narrow channel, and brought us to anchor at sun-set. We weighed next morning, and kept the coast of China close on board. By noon we were abreast of Pulo Lantoon, whence we could see two English ships under sail, passing the island of Macao on their way from the river of Canton. They kept on their way, taking no notice of us, which struck a damp into our spirits, fearing we should miss a passage for England this season. In the afternoon of next day, we anchored in the road of Macao, near the entrance of Canton river, which we never should have found out by any of our charts.

I was much amazed at the incorrectness with which these coasts are laid down, to the eastwards of Pulo Lantoon; as there runs a cluster of islands for upwards of twenty leagues in that direction, which are not in the least noticed by any of our hydrographers, nor have I ever met with any navigator who knew any thing about them. The coast of China, within these islands, is rocky, mountainous, and barren; but, owing to my heavy sickness, I was unable to make any useful observations.

Footnote 1: (return)

Probably La Nablada, in lat. 18° 55' N. long. 180° 48' E.

Footnote 2: (return)

Rogers is however nearer the truth, the difference of longitude being 106° 42' between these two places.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

This name is so corrupted as to be unintelligible.E

SECTION VI.

Residence in China, and Voyage thence to England.

As Macao is the place where ships always stop for a pilot to carry them up the river of Canton, I sent an officer with my compliments to the governor, and with orders to bring off a pilot; but hearing nothing of him till next morning, [pg 12] I was under very great apprehensions. Next morning, a great number of the people belonging to the Success came off to our ship, and acquainted me that Clipperton had left me designedly. About noon this day, the 12th November, 1721, a pilot came off to us, when we immediately weighed anchor, and immediately entered Canton river, being assured that there still were some European ships at Wampoo, about ten miles short of Canton. We were four days in plying up to the road between the tower bars, where we anchored; and, finding the Bonetta and Hastings, two English ships, I sent an officer to request their instructions how to conduct ourselves in this port, and to acquaint us with its customs. They answered, that the Cadogan and Francis, two English European ships, were lying at Wampoo, and advised me to send up to the English factors at Canton, to acquaint them with our arrival, and the reasons which obliged us to come here. This I accordingly did next day, borrowing one of their flags to hoist as our boat, without which we had met with much trouble from the Hoppo-men, or custom-house officers. I sent letters to the captains of the English ships, signifying the necessity which forced me to this country, and requesting their succour and protection; assuring them that I acted under his majesty's commission, which also I sent, for their perusal. Next morning, being the 17th, I weighed and worked up to Wampoo, where, besides the two English ships, I found three belonging to France, one Ostender, and a small ship from Manilla.

I was here in hopes of all my troubles being at an end, and that I should have full leisure for rest and refreshment after my many and great fatigues; but I soon found these expectations ill grounded, and after all my perils, that I was fallen into others least to be endured, as proceeding from false brethren. A most unlucky accident happened the very evening that we anchored at Wampoo, which gave birth to all the troubles I encountered in India; though, in respect to me, both unforeseen and unavoidable, and purely the effects of that eagerness in the ship's company to get out of this part of the world at any rate. Had there been any government among the English settled here, to have supported my authority, this unlucky business had never happened; and, as it was, could only be imputed to nothing but the want of such an establishment. One of my men, named David Griffith, being in a hurry to remove his effects [pg 13] into the Bonetta's boat, in which he was chased by a Hoppo or custom-house boat; and being a little in liquor, and fearing to lose his silver, fired a musket and killed the Hoppo-man or custom-house officer. Early next morning, the dead body was laid at the door of the English factory, where Chinese officers lay in wait to seize the first Englishman that should come out. A supercargo belonging to the Bonetta happened to be the first; he was immediately seized and carried off, and afterwards led in chains about the suburbs of Canton. All that could be said or done by the most considerable Chinese merchants who were in correspondence with the English, was of no avail. In the mean time, my man, who had slain the Chinese officer, and another, were put in irons aboard the Francis, which was chopped, or seized, till the guilty man was delivered up. He was then carried to Canton in chains, and the supercargo was released.

I had not been here many days, when I was deserted by all my officers and men, who were continually employed in removing their effects from my ship to some of the European ships, without my knowledge, I being then confined to bed. My officers were using all their efforts to engage the gentlemen belonging to the company in their interest, and had only left my son and a few negroes to look after the ship, and to defend my effects, which were on the brink of falling into the bottomless pit of Chinese avarice; besides, they and the ship's company had so many ways of disposing of every thing they could lay their hands on, that I found it impossible to oblige them to do what I thought justice to our owners: They all soon recovered from their illness, and they all became their own masters. There were no magistrates for me to appeal to on shore, who would aid me so far as to compel them to remain in my ship; and the officers commanding the English ships could not afford me the help they might have been inclined to give, lest the supercargoes might represent their conduct to the East India Company. And these last, who superintend the English trade at this port, seemed even inclined to have refused me a passage in one of their ships, and even treated me as one enemy would treat another in a neutral port; looking on me in that light for presuming to come within the limits of the Company, without considering the necessity by which I had been compelled to take that step.

When Captains Hill and Newsham came to visit me, they were astonished at the ruinous condition of my ship, and could scarcely think it possible for her to have made so long a passage. The rottenness of her cordage, and the raggedness of her sails, filled them with surprise and pity for my condition. When I had given them a short history of the voyage, and requested they would receive my officers and company, with their effects, they at once said, That they saw plainly my ship was in no condition to be carried any farther, and they were willing to receive us all as soon as we pleased, on payment of our passage. But the supercargoes were displeased that I had not applied to them, as they are the chief men here, though only passengers when aboard; so that I was quite neglected, and the English captains were ordered to fall down with their ships five or six miles below where I lay. I was thus left destitute in the company of five foreign ships; yet their officers, seeing me deserted by my countrymen, kindly offered me their services, and assisted me as much as they could, and without them I know not what might have been my fate, as I was under perpetual apprehensions that the Chinese would have seized my ship.

After the murder of the custom-house officer seemed to have been quite forgotten, a magistrate, called a Little Mandarin, committed the following outrageous action:At the beginning of the troubles, occasioned by that murder, he had received orders to apprehend all the English he could find, which he neglected till all was over. He then one day, while passing the European factories, ordered his attendants to seize on all the English he could see in the adjoining shops, and took hold of nine or ten, French as well as English, whom he carried, with halters about their necks, to the palace of the Chantock, or viceroy. Application was then made to the Hoppo, or chief customer, who represented matters to the viceroy in favour of the injured Europeans; on which the mandarin was sent for, and being unable to vindicate himself was degraded from his post, subjected to the bamboo, a severe punishment, and rendered incapable of acting again as a magistrate; the Europeans being immediately liberated. It appears to me, however, that the English are tyrannized over by the Chinese, and exposed to the caprices of every magistrate, wherefore I was the more urgent to be on board one of the European ships. I had now discovered my error in addressing the captains, and now sent a letter to the supercargoes, [pg 15] demanding a passage for myself, my officers, and ship's company, which I was sensible they could not refuse: but their compliance was clogged with a charge to the captains not to receive any thing belonging to us, unless consigned to the company in England.

The hoppo now made a demand upon me for anchorage in the river, amounting to no less than 6000 tahel, and, to quicken the payment, annexed a penalty to this extortion of 500 tahel for every day the payment was delayed. There were no means to avoid this gross imposition; and though a day necessarily elapsed before I could send up the money, I had to add the penalty of that day, so that he received 6500 tahel, or L. 2166:13:4 sterling;¹ being about six times as much as was paid for the Cadogan, the largest English ship there at the time, and which measured a third larger than mine. I soon after sold my ship for 2000 tahel, or L. 666, 13s. 4d. sterling, which money was consigned to the India Company, along with all the rest of my effects, and I prevailed on most of my officers and men to take their passage in the English homeward-bound ships.

Considering my short stay in China, and my bad health, I cannot be expected to give any tolerable account of this place from my own observation, and to copy others would be inconsistent with the purpose of this narrative, so that I shall only observe, that the English, at this time, had no settled factory at Canton, being only permitted to hire large houses, called hongs, with convenient warehouses adjoining, for receiving their goods previous to their shipment. For these they pay rent to the proprietors, and either hire the same or others, as they think proper, next time they have occasion for the accommodation.

Notwithstanding my utmost diligence, the business I was engaged in kept me in a continual hurry till the ships were ready to depart, which was in December, 1721: At which time, heartily tired of the country, and the ill usage I had met with, I sailed in the Cadogan, Captain John Hall, in company with the Francis, Captain Newsham; and as the latter ship sailed much better than the Cadogan, she left us immediately after getting out to sea. Finding his ship very tender, or crank, Captain Hill put in at Batavia, to get her into better trim. We continued here about ten days; but [pg 16] I can say little about that place, being all the time unable to stand on my legs, and was only twice out in a coach to take the air, two or three miles out of the city, in which little excursion I saw a great variety of beautiful prospects of fine country seats and gardens, and, indeed, every thing around shewed the greatest industry. The buildings in the city are generally very handsome, and laid out in very regular streets, having canals running through most of them, with trees planted on each side, so that Batavia may justly be called a fine city: But the sight is the only sense that is gratified here, for the canals smell very offensively when the tide is low, and breed vast swarms of muskitoes, which are more troublesome here than in any place I was ever in.

A great part of the inhabitants of Batavia are Chinese, who are remarkable for wearing there their ancient dress, having their hair rolled up in such a manner that there is little difference in that respect between the men and women. Ever since the revolution in China, which brought that country under the Tartar yoke, the Tartarian dress has been imposed upon the whole kingdom, which was not effected without great bloodshed: For many of the Chinese were so superstitiously attached to their ancient modes, that they unaccountably chose rather to lose their lives than their hair; as the Tartar fashion is to shave the head, except a long lock on the crown, which they plait in the same manner we do. The Dutch, taking advantage of this superstitious attachment of the Chinese to their hair, exact from all the men who live under their protection, a poll-tax of a dollar a month for the liberty of wearing their hair, which produces a very considerable revenue.

Hearing at Batavia that there were several pirates in these seas, Captain Hill joined the Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Bantam bay, and the Dutch commodore promised to assist Captain Hill in wooding and watering at Mew island, the water at Batavia being very bad. We fell in with the Francis in the Straits of Sunda, though we imagined that ship had been far a-head. The Dutch made this a pretence for leaving us before we got to Mew island, and Captain Newsham also deserted us, so that we were left alone. We continued six or seven days at Mew island, during which time several boats came to us from Prince's island, and brought us turtle, cocoa-nuts, pine-apples, and other fruits. From Mew island we had a very pleasant voyage to and [pg 17] about the Cape of Good Hope. By the good management of Captain Hill, although the Francis and the Dutch ships had the start of us seven days, by deserting us in the Straits of Sunda, we yet got to the cape seven days before the Francis, though she sailed considerably better than we. By comparing notes with the officers of the Francis, we found that she had suffered a good deal of bad weather off the south of Africa, while we, by keeping about ten leagues nearer shore, continually enjoyed pleasant weather and a fair wind, till we anchored in Table Bay, which we did towards the end of March, 1722.

We here found Governor Boon and others, bound for England in the London Indiaman. We had a pleasant voyage from the cape to St Helena, and thence to England, arriving off the Land's-end towards the close of July. On coming into the British channel we had brisk gales from the west, with thick foggy weather. In the evening of the 30th July we anchored under Dungeness, and that same night some of the supercargoes and passengers, among whom I was one, hired a small vessel to carry us to Dover, where we arrived the next morning early. The same day we proceeded for London, and arrived there on the 1st August, 1722. Thus ended a long, fatiguing, and unfortunate voyage, of three years, seven months, and eleven days, in which I had sailed considerably more than round the circumference of the globe, and had undergone a great variety of troubles and hardships by sea and land.

Footnote 1: (return)

At these proportions, the Chinese tahel is exactly 6s. 8d. sterling.E.

SECTION VII.

Supplement to the foregoing Voyage.

In the Collection of Harris, besides interweaving several controversial matters respecting this voyage, from an account of it by one Betagh, who was captain of marines in the Speedwell, a long series of remarks on the conduct of Shelvocke by that person, are appended. Neither of these appear to possess sufficient interest, at this distance of time, almost a century, to justify their insertion in our collection, where they would have very uselessly occupied a considerable space. Captain Betagh appears to have been actuated by violent animosity against Captain Shelvocke, whose actions he traduced and misrepresented with the utmost malignity, [pg 18] the innocent cause of his having suffered captivity among the Spaniards in South America, of which some account will be found in the subsequent section. Of all these charges, we have only deemed it expedient to insert the following statement of the circumstances connected with the capture of the Conception, as related by Betagh, which Harris, I. 230, characterizes as "a very extraordinary piece of recent history, and seemingly supported by evidence;" but at this distance of time we have no means of ascertaining to which side the truth belongs.Ed.

"This being the great crisis of the voyage, I shall be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize. This ship was named the Conception, Don Stephen de Recova commander,¹ bound from Calao to Panama, having on board several persons of distinction, particularly the Conde de la Rosa, who had been some time governor of Pisco, and was now going to Spain, laden with flour, sugar, marmalade, et cetera. Now, be it known to all men, that the et cetera was 108,630 pieces of eight, or Spanish dollars: And Shelvocke little thought, when he took this prize, or compiled his book, that I, of all men, should have the exact state of this affair. He often said that he would give the gentlemen owners a fair account; and I have often promised to prove that he did say so. We have now both made our words good, and I have not only an authentic account, but I will also declare how I got it.

"When I was carried prisoner to Lima, I had sufficient leisure to reflect on my misfortunes, and how likely I was to be ruined and the owners cheated; wherefore, to prepare them to defend their just rights, I wrote to one of them the substance of what had occurred to me; how Shelvocke had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what were his private intentions in the latter part of the voyage. As soon as I came to London, which was in October, 1721, I confirmed the report of my letter with several new circumstances; for all which performance of my duty, it is, as I suppose, that my name has met with so much reproach in Captain Shelvocke's book. But, besides my advices, the gentlemen owners had many proofs from prisoners and other people. Eleven months after me, [pg 19] being August, 1722, Shelvocke himself arrived, and immediately waited on the gentlemen in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, with every thing else, among twenty-three of his men. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentlemen read him a letter, secured him, and had him the same day confined in Wood-street Compter. A few days after, his pupil, Stewart, arrived at Dover, and was seized by the honest warden of the castle, according to directions, securing also his book of accounts, and brought it along with the prisoner to the owners, from whom I had the book, and copied from it the following statement of the dividends:

"The reader will perceive that the sum total of this dividend falls short of what I said the capture amounted to; but, in order to set that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which Shelvocke graciously shared among private friends, each quadruple, or double doubloon; being worth sixteen dollars each, or L. 3:14:8 sterling, at 4s. 8d. the dollar. The value of these is 10,032 dollars, which, added to the sum of the foregoing account, make 108,636-3/4 dollars, or L. 25,348:11:6 sterling in all. Which large sum of money Shelvocke had the prodigious modesty to conceal, under the mysterious et cetera. Stewart's book mentions the double doubloons, but says not a word as to how they were distributed, so that we may imagine they were sunk between the two Shelvockes and Stewart: For, as Stewart was agent, cashier, and paymaster, it was an easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and to divide it afterwards in a committee of two or three."Betagh.

Footnote 1: (return)

Shelvocke who certainly ought to have known best, names the ship the Conception de Recova, and her commander Don Joseph Desorio.E.

SECTION VIII.

Appendix to Shelvocke's Voyage round the World. Containing Observations on the Country and Inhabitants of Peru, by Captain Betagh.¹

INTRODUCTION.

This article may rather seem misplaced, as here inserted among the circumnavigations; but, both as having arisen out of the voyage of Shelvocke, and because arranged in this manner by Harris, it has been deemed proper and necessary to preserve it in this place, where it may be in a great measure considered as a supplement to the preceding voyage. In the opinion of Harris, "The time that Betagh lived among the Spaniards in Peru, and the manner in which he was treated by them, gave him an opportunity of acquainting himself with their manners and customs, and with the nature and maxims of their government, such as no Englishman had possessed; and the lively manner in which he tells his story, gives it much beauty and spirit." We have already seen, in the narrative of Shelvocke, the [pg 21] occasion of Betagh separating from his commander, along with Hately and a complement of men in the Mercury, on which occasion Shelvocke alleged that they purposely separated from him, in consequence of taking a prize containing 150,000 dollars. In the following narrative, Betagh tells his own story very differently, and we do not presume to determine between them. The separation of Shelvocke originally from his own superior officer, Clipperton, is not without suspicion; and Hately and Betagh may have learnt from their commander, to endeavour to promote their own individual interests, at the expense of their duty, already weakened by bad example.Ed.

§ 1. Particulars of the Capture of the Mercury by the Spaniards.

It was in the beginning of the year 1720, about the middle of March, when Captain Shelvocke sent Hately and the rest of us to seek our fortunes in the lighter called the Mercury. He then went in the Speedwell to plunder the village of Payta, where we might easily have joined him, had he been pleased to have imparted his design to us. We had not cruized long off Cape Blanco, when we took a small bark, having a good quantity of flour and chocolate. There were also on board an elderly lady, and a thin old friar, whom we detained two or three days; and, after taking out what could be of use to us, we discharged the bark and them. Soon after this we took the Pink, which Shelvocke calls the rich prize. Her people had no suspicion of our being an enemy, and held on their way till they saw the Mercury standing towards them, and then began to suspect us; on which, about noon, they clapt their helm hard a-weather, and crowded all sail before the wind; and, being in ballast, this was her best sailing, yet proved also the greatest advantage they could have given us; for, had she held her wind, our flat-bottomed vessel could never have got up with theirs. About ten o'clock at night, with the assistance of hard rowing, we got up within shot of the chase, and made her bring to, when pretty near the shore. On boarding the prize, in which were about seventy persons, thirty of whom were negroes, Hately left me and Pressick in the Mercury, with other four, where we continued two or three days, till [pg 22] a heavy rain spoiled all our bread and other dry provisions. We then went on board the prize, sending three men to take charge of the Mercury.

After this, we stood off and on in the height of Cape Blanco for seven or eight days, expecting to meet with the Speedwell; and at that place we sent ashore the Spanish Captain, a padre or priest, and some gentlemen passengers. At last we espied a sail plying to windward; and, having no doubt that she was either the Speedwell or the Success, we stood towards her, while she also edged down towards us. About ten in the morning we were near enough to make her out to be a ship of war, but neither of these we wished for. The master of our prize had before informed us, that he had fallen in with the Brilliante, which was cruizing for our privateers, and we had till now entirely disregarded his information. Upon this, Hately advised with me what we ought to do in this emergency, when we agreed to endeavour to take advantage of the information given us by the Spaniards; considering, as the Brilliante had spoken so very lately with the Pink, that there might not be many questions asked now. Accordingly, Hately and I dressed ourselves like Spaniards, and hoisted Spanish colours, confined all our prisoners in the great cabin, and allowed none but Indians and negroes to appear on the deck, that the Pink might have the same appearance as before. We had probably succeeded in this contrivance, but for the obstinacy of John Sprake, one of our men, whom we could not persuade to keep off the deck. As the Brilliante came up, she fired a gun to leeward, on which we lowered our topsail, going under easy sail till we got alongside. The first question asked was, If we had seen the English privateer? We answered, No. The next question was, How we had got no farther on our way to Lima? To which we answered, By reason of the currents. To two or three other questions, we answered satisfactorily in Spanish, and they were getting their tacks aboard in order to leave us, when Sprake and two or three more of our men appeared on the main deck. A Frenchman aboard the Brilliante, who was on the mast-head, seeing their long trowsers, called out, Par Dieu, Monsieur, ils sont Anglois, By Heaven, Sir, they are English: Upon which they immediately fired a broad-side into us with round and partridge shot, by one of which Hately was slightly wounded in the leg.

As soon as we struck our flag, the enemy sent for all the English on board their ships, and ordered two of their own officers into our prize. The Brilliante then bore down on the Mercury, into which she fired at least twenty-five shot, which bored her sides through and through: Yet such was the construction of that extraordinary vessel, that, though quite full of water, there was not weight enough to sink her, and our three men who were in her remained unhurt. Don Pedro Midrando, the Spanish commander, ordered these three men into his own ship, in which he intended to sail for Payta. As for me, he gave directions that I should be sent forty miles up the country, to a place called Piura, and was so kind as to leave Mr Pressick the surgeon, and my serjeant Cobbs, to bear me company. Mr Hately and the rest of our men were ordered to Lima by land, a journey of four hundred miles.² Hately had the misfortune to be doubly under the displeasure of the Spaniards: First, for returning into these seas after having been long their prisoner, and being well used among them: And, second, for having stripped the Portuguese captain at Cape Frio of a good quantity of moidores, which were now found upon him. Don Pedro proposed to have this business searched to the bottom, and the guilty severely punished, without exposing the innocent to any danger.

Footnote 1: (return)

Harris, I. 240.

Footnote 2: (return)

Lima is above six hundred miles from Cape Blanco, and Piura is about seventy-five miles from the same place. Betagh gives no account of the place where he landed; but forty miles northwards from Piura would only carry him to the north side of the bay of Payta; and, as he makes no mention of passing any river, he was probably landed on the south side of the river Amatape or Chira.E.

§ 2. Observations made by Betagh in the North of Peru.

Leaving Mr Hately for the present, I proceed to the observations I made on the road, as the admiral was so good as send me up into the country, till his return from Payta. As the weather in this part of the world is much too hot to admit of any labour in the middle of the day, the custom is to travel only from six in the evening till eight next morning. My Indian guide set me on the best mule he had, which did not think proper to follow the rest, so that I led my fellow-travellers while day lasted. The whole country [pg 24] through which we travelled was an open plain, having Indian plantations laid out with tolerable regularity, on both sides of us. This champaign country is from thirty to an hundred miles broad, and extends three hundred miles along shore; and I was travelling to the southward, having the Cordelieras, or mountains of the Andes, on my left hand, and the great Pacific Ocean to the right. As the soil is good and fertile, this land would be as fine a country as any in the world, if well watered; but travellers are here obliged to carry water for their mules as well as themselves. At the approach of night, I was much puzzled to find the way, my mule still persisting to go foremost, being often stopped by great sand hills, and my mule as often endeavoured to pull the reins out of my hand. This being very troublesome, the Indians advised me to lay the reins on the mule's neck, and on doing that the creature easily hit the way. These sand hills often shift from place to place, which I suppose is occasioned by strong eddy winds, reverberated from the mountains.

We rested at night in an old empty house, about half way, which the guide told me was built by the inhabitants of Piura, for the accommodation of the prince of San Bueno, viceroy of Peru, when they met and regaled him at his entrance on his government. After a short rest, we continued our journey, and arrived at Piura, a handsome regularly built town, on the banks of the river Callan or Piura. The Indian conducted us to the house of an honest Spanish gentleman and his wife, to whose charge he committed us, and then returned to Payta. In less than a quarter of an hour, the inhabitants of the town flocked to see us, as a raree-show, and entertained us with respect and civility, instead of using us as prisoners of war. The gentleman to whose charge we were committed was named Don Jeronimo Baldivieso, who had five daughters, who received us in so benevolent a manner, that we hoped our time would slide easily away, and our captivity prove no way disagreeable; and I now became sensible of the favour shewn me by Don Pedro in sending me to this place; for he had such interest in all Peru, that for his sake we found very good treatment.

After refreshing ourselves, according to the custom of the country, with chocolate, biscuit, and water, we were serenaded by the sound of a harp from some inner apartment, [pg 25] of which instrument the artist seemed to have a good command, as I heard parts of several famous compositions, both Italian and English. Upon enquiry, I found that all Don Jeronimo's daughters had learnt music, and sung or played upon some instrument. Though this seemed unaccountable at first, I afterwards found that music was much cultivated in Peru. During the prevalence of the Italian party at the court of Madrid, the last viceroy of Peru, the prince of San Bueno, who was an Italian, brought a great many musicians to that country along with him, by whom the taste for music had spread every where, and had become as good in Peru as in old Spain. I the rather notice this, because, by our being lovers of music, and behaving peaceably and civilly to the inhabitants, we passed our time quietly and chearfully. We were only exposed to one inconvenience, which lasted all the time we remained here: which was, the daily assembling of the people to stare at us. I and my sergeant Cobbs, being used to exercise in public, bore this pretty well; but Mr Pressick, being a grave man, at first hung down his head, and was very melancholy. But he grew better acquainted with the people by degrees, and came to like them so well, that we had much ado to get him away, when it became necessary for us to remove our quarters.

Almost all the commodities of Europe are distributed through Spanish America by a sort of pedlars, or merchants who travel on foot. These men come from Panama to Payta by sea; and in their road from Payta to Lima, make Piura their first stage, disposing of their goods, and lessening their burdens, as they go along. From Piura, some take the inland road by Caxamarca, and others the road along the coast through Truxillo. From Lima they take their passage back to Panama by sea, perhaps carrying with them a small adventure of brandy. At Panama they again stock themselves with European goods, and return by sea to Payta. Here they hire mules to carry their goods, taking Indians along with them to guide the mules and carry them back: And in this way these traders keep a continual round, till they have gained a sufficiency to live on. Their travelling expenses are next to nothing; as the Indians are under such entire subjection to the Spaniards, that they always find them in lodgings free, and provide them with provender for their mules. All this every white man may command, being an homage the Indians have long been accustomed [pg 26] to, and some think themselves honoured into the bargain. Yet out of generosity, they sometimes meet with a small recompense. Among the British and French, a pedlar is despised, and his employment is considered as a very, mean shift for getting a living: But it is quite otherwise here, where the quick return of money is a sufficient excuse for the manner in which it is gained; and there are many gentlemen in old Spain, in declining circumstances, who send their sons to what they call the Indies, to retrieve their fortunes in this way.

Our lodging while at Piura was in an out-house, which had been built on purpose for accommodating such travelling merchants. Every day, according to the Spanish custom, our dinner was served up under covers, and we eat at the same table with Don Jeronimo; while the good lady of the house and her daughters sat in another room. Any strong liquors are only used during dinner: And I think the only circumstance in our conduct that any way disobliged our good host, was once seeing me drink a dram with the doctor, at a small eating-house; and, as nothing is more offensive to the Spaniards than drunkenness, I had much ado to apologise for this step. Yet they admit of gallantry in the utmost excess, thus only exchanging one enormity for another.

After remaining about six weeks at Piura, our Indian guide came to conduct us to Payta, to which place the Brilliante had returned. When about to take leave, Mr Pressick our surgeon was not to be found, which detained us a day. They had concealed him in the town, meaning to have kept him there, being a very useful man; and if he could have had a small chest of medicines, he might soon have made a handsome fortune. Next day, however, we mounted our mules, and parted reluctantly with our kind host and his family. We went on board the Brilliante at Payta, which had done nothing at sea since we left her, and now made a sort of cruizing voyage to Calao, the port of Lima. I have already mentioned the civility I received from Don Pedro Midranda, who was admiral or general of the South Seas; and I shall here add one circumstance to the honour of Monsieur de Grange, a captain under the general. When taken by the Brilliante, the soldiers stripped us, considering our clothes as the usual perquisite of conquerors; on which that gentleman generously gave me [pg 27] a handsome suit of clothes, two pair of silk stockings, shirts, a hat and wig, and every thing accordant, so that I was rather a gainer by this accident.

§ 3. Voyage from Payta to Lima, and Account of the English Prisoners at that place.

Our voyage to Lima occupied about five weeks; and, immediately on our arrival, we were committed to the same prison in which the rest of the ship's company were confined, except Mr Hately, who, for reasons formerly assigned, was confined by himself, and very roughly treated. A short time after our arrival, commissioners were appointed to hear our cause, and to determine whether we were to be treated as criminals, or as prisoners of war. We were charged with piracy, not solely for what we had done in the South Seas in plundering the Spaniards, but for having used the like violence against other nations, before our arrival in that sea, from which they proposed to infer that we had evinced a piratical disposition in the whole of our conduct. Of this they thought they had sufficient proof in the moidores found upon Hately, as they appeared to have been taken from the subjects of a prince in amity with our sovereign. Happily for us, Don Diego Morsilio, the viceroy, who was an archbishop in the decline of life, was pleased to investigate this matter; and finding only one of us guilty, would not sign an order for taking away the lives of the innocent. Some were for sending Hatley to the mines for life, and others for hanging him: But the several accounts of the vile proceedings of Captain Shelvocke contributed to his deliverance, of the truth of which circumstance, there were enough of our people at Lima to witness; for, besides Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men, who were brought thither, there came also the men whom Shelvocke sent along with Hopkins to shift for themselves in an empty bark, who were forced to surrender themselves to the Indians for want of sustenance; so that the court were satisfied that Shelvocke was the principal in that piratical act, rather than Hately. Considering that we had all been sufficiently punished before our arrival at Lima, they thought fit to let us all go by degrees. Hately was kept in irons about a twelvemonth, and was then allowed to return to England. I was more fortunate, as my imprisonment [pg 28] lasted only a fortnight, owing to the interposition of one Captain Fitzgerald, a gentleman born in France, who had great interest with the viceroy, and became security for me, on which I was allowed my liberty in the city, provided I were forthcoming when called for.

Among my first enquiries was into the condition of other English prisoners at this place. I learnt from Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men, who were here before us, that most of them had adopted the religion of the country, had been christened, and were dispersed among the convents of the city. The first of these I met had his catechism in one hand, and a large string of beads dangling in the other. I smiled, and asked him how he liked it? He said, very well; for having a religion to chuse, he thought theirs better than none, especially as it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life. Many of Shelvocke's men followed this example, and I may venture to say, that most of them had the same substantial reason for their conversion. It is here reckoned very meritorious to make a convert, and many arguments were used for that purpose, but no rigorous measures were used to bring any one over to their way of thinking. Those who consented to be baptized, generally had some of the merchants of Lima for their patrons and god-fathers, who never failed to give them a good suit of clothes, and some money to drink their healths.

About this time four or five of Clipperton's men had leave from the convents where they resided, to meet together at a public-house kept by one John Bell, an Englishman, who had a negro wife, who had been made free for some service or other. The purpose of this meeting was merely to confirm their new baptism over a bowl of punch; but they all got drunk and quarrelled, and, forgetting they were true catholics, they demolished the image of some honest saint that stood in a corner, mistaking him for one of their companions. Missing them for a few days, I enquired at Bell what was become of them, when he told me they were all in the Inquisition; for the thing having taken air, he was obliged to go himself to complain of their behaviour, but he got them released a few days after, when they had time to repent and get sober in the dungeons of the holy office. Bell said, if these men had remained heretics, their drunken exploit had not come within the verge of the ecclesiastical power; but as they were novices, they were the easier pardoned, [pg 29] their outrages on the saint being attributed to the liquor, and not to any designed affront to the catholic faith, or a relapse into heresy.

Some time afterwards, about a dozen of our men from the Success and Speedwell were sent to Calao, to assist in careening and fitting out the Flying-fish, designed for Europe. They here entered into a plot to run away with the Margarita, a good sailing ship which lay in the harbour, meaning to have gone for themselves, in which of course they would have acted as pirates. Not knowing what to do for ammunition and a compass, they applied to Mr Sergeantson, pretending they meant to steal away to Panama, where there was an English factory, and whence they had hopes of getting home. They said they had got half a dozen firelocks, with which they might be able to kill wild hogs or other game, as they went along, and begged him to help them to some powder and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the woods. By begging and making catholic signs to the people in Lima, they had collected some dollars, which they desired Sergeantson to lay out for them; and he, not mistrusting their plot, bought them what they wanted. Thus furnished, one of them came to me at Lima, and told me their intention, and that Sprake was to have the command, as being the only one among them who knew any thing of navigation. I answered, that it was a bold design; but as Captain Fitzgerald had engaged for my honour, I could not engage in it. Their plot was discovered a few days after, their lodgings searched, their arms taken away, and they were committed to prison. The government was much incensed against them, and had nearly determined upon their execution; but they were soon all released except Sprake, who was the ringleader, and was kept in irons for two or three months, and then set at liberty.

The dominions belonging to the Spaniards in America are so large and valuable, that, if well governed, they might render that monarchy exceedingly formidable. In my long stay in Peru, I had the means of examining at leisure, and with attention, their manner of living, the form of their government, and many other circumstances little known in our part of the world, and had many opportunities of enquiring into things minutely, which did not fall under my immediate observation; and of which I propose to give as clear and accurate an account as I can, constantly distinguishing between [pg 30] what fell under my own immediate knowledge, and what I received from the information of others.

§ 4. Description of Lima, and some Account of the Government of Peru.

The great and rich city of Lima is the metropolis of Peru, and the seat of an archbishop. It is all regularly built, the streets being all straight and spacious, dividing the whole into small squares. It stands in an open vale, through which runs a gentle stream, dividing the city in two, as the Thames does London from Southwark. Calao is the port of Lima, from whence it is about seven miles distant. Because of the frequent earthquakes, the houses are only of one story, and generally twelve or fourteen feet high. It contains eight parish churches, three colleges for students, twenty-eight monasteries of friars, and thirteen nunneries, so that the religions occupy a fourth part of the city; yet, by the quick and plentiful flow of money, and the vast sums bequeathed through the effects of celibacy, they are well endowed. Besides these, there are two hospitals for sick, poor, and disabled; and in which several of our men were kindly looked after. The length of the city from north to south is two miles, and its breadth one and a half; its whole circumference, including the wall and the river, being six miles. The other, or smaller part of the city, is to the east of the river, over which there is a handsome stone bridge of seven arches. Including all sorts and colours, I computed that the whole population of Lima amounted to between sixty and seventy thousand persons; and I should not wonder at any multiplication in this city, as it is the centre of so much affluence and pleasure. Besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all ships that trade this way, whether public or private, generally leave some deserters, who remain behind in consequence of the encouragement given to all white faces.

The people here are perhaps the most expensive in their habits of any in the world. The men dress nearly as in England, their coats being either of silk, fine English cloth, or camblets, embroidered or laced with gold or silver, and their waistcoats usually of the richest brocades. The women wear no stays or hoops, having only a stitched holland jacket next their shifts, and they generally wear a square [pg 31] piece of swansdown flannel thrown over their shoulders, entirely covered with Flanders lace, and have their petticoats adorned with gold or silver lace. When they walk out, the Creole women are mostly veiled, but not the mulattoes; and, till thirty or forty years of age, they wear no head-clothes, their hair being tied behind with fine ribbons. The pride of the ladies chiefly appears in fine Mechlin or Brussels lace, with which they trim their linen in a most extravagant manner, not omitting even their sheets and pillows. Their linen jackets are double bordered with it, both at top and bottom, with four or five ruffles or furbelows hanging down to their knees. They are very extravagant also in pearls and precious stones, in rings, bracelets, and necklaces, though the value of these is hardly equal to the shew.

The viceroy has a splendid palace in the royal square, or great quadrangle of the city, which seemed as large as Lincoln's-Inn-Fields. His salary is ten thousand pounds a-year, but his perquisites amount to double that sum. And though his government expires at the end of three, four, or five years, he generally makes a handsome fortune, as all places are in his gift, both in the government and the army throughout all Peru, except such as are sent out or nominated by the king. The great court of justice consists of twelve judges, besides a number of inferior officers, councillors, and solicitors. Before this court all causes are decided, but they are too often determined in favour of the party who gives most money. And, though these vast dominions abound in riches, there is not much work for the lawyers, as the laws are few and plain, which certainly is much better than a multiplicity of laws, explaining one another till they become so intricate that the issue of a cause depends more on the craft of the solicitor and advocate, than on its justice. Every magistrate in this country knows that his reign is short, and that he will be laughed at if he does not make a fortune, so that they wink at each other; and, so great is the distance between Spain and Peru, that the royal orders are seldom, regarded, being two years in going backward and forward: Hence arise many clandestine doings. According to law, the king ought to have a twentieth part of all the gold, and a fifth of all the silver procured from the mines; but vast quantities are carried away privately, without paying any duty, both north by Panama, and south through the Straits of Magellan. There are also vast sums allowed for the militia, [pg 32] the garrisons, and the repairs of fortifications, one half of which are never applied to these objects. Hence it may easily be imagined what immense riches would flow into the treasury of Madrid, if his catholic majesty were faithfully served.

The country of Peru is naturally subject to earthquakes. About fifty years before I was there, or about the year 1670, there were two great ones at Lima, which overturned many houses, churches, and convents. And in the reign of Charles II. the late king of Spain, there was an earthquake near the equator, which lifted up whole fields, carrying them to the distance of several miles. Small shocks are often felt which do no harm, and I have been often called out of bed on such occasions, and heard nothing more about the matter; but on these occasions the bells always toll to prayers. Yet, although this country has suffered much from earthquakes, especially near the coast, their churches are lofty and neatly built. Such parts of their buildings as require strength are made of burnt bricks; but their dwelling-houses are all constructed of bamboos, canes, and bricks only dried in the sun, which are sufficiently durable, as it never rains in Peru. Instead of roofs, they are merely covered over with mats, on which ashes are strewed, to keep out the dews. The small river of Lima, or Runac, consists mostly of snow-water from the neighbouring mountains, which are covered all the year with snow, that partly dissolves in the summer-season, from September to March.

One would expect the weather to be much hotter here; but there is no proportion between the heat of this part of America and the same latitudes in Africa. This is owing to two causes; that the neighbourhood of the snowy mountains diffuses a cool temperature of the air all around; and the constant humid vapours, which are so frequent that I often expected it to rain when I first went to Lima. These vapours are not so dense, low, and gloomy, like our fogs, nor yet are they separated above like our summer clouds; but an exhalation between both, spread all around, as when we say the day is overcast, so that sometimes a fine dew is felt on the upper garments, and may even be discerned on the knap of the cloth. This is a prodigious convenience to the inhabitants of Lima, who are thus screened half the day from the sun; and though it often shines out in the afternoon, yet is the heat very tolerable, being tempered by the sea-breezes, [pg 33] and not near so hot as at Lisbon and some parts of Spain, more than thirty degrees farther from the equator.

The entire want of rain in this country induced the Indians, even before the conquest, to construct canals and drains for leading water from among the distant mountains, which they have done with great skill and labour, so as to irrigate and refresh the vallies, by which they produce grass and corn, and a variety of fruits, to which also the dews contribute. A Spanish writer observes that this perpetual want of rain is occasioned by the south-west wind blowing on the coast of Peru the whole year round, which always bears away the vapours from the plains before they are of sufficient body to descend in showers: But, when carried higher and farther inland, they become more compact, and at length fall down in rain on the interior hills. The inhabitants of Peru have plenty of cattle, fowls, fish, and all kinds of provisions common among us, except butter, instead of which they always use lard. They have oil, wine, and brandy in abundance, but not so good as in Europe. Instead of tea from China, which is prohibited, they make great use of camini, called herb of Paraguay, or Jesuits tea, which, is brought from Paraguay by land. They make a decoction of this, which they usually suck through a pipe, calling it Mattea, being the name of the bowl out of which it is drank. Chocolate is their usual breakfast, and their grace cup after dinner; and sometimes they take a glass of brandy, to promote digestion, but scarcely drink any wine. In Chili, they make some butter, such as it is, the cream being put into a skin bag kept for that purpose, which is laid on a table between two women, who shake it till the butter comes.

The Spaniards are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and intrigue are here brought to perfection, insomuch that it is quite unmannerly here not to have a mistress, and scandalous not to keep her well. The women have many accomplishments, both natural and acquired, having graceful motions, winning looks, and engaging, free, and sprightly conversation. They are all delicately shaped, not injured by stiff-bodied stays, but left entirely to the beauty of nature, and hardly is there a crooked body to be seen, among them. Their eyes and teeth are singularly beautiful, and their hair is universally of a dark polished hue, nicely combed and plaited, and tied behind with ribbons, but never disguised by powder; and the brightness of their skins round the temples, [pg 34] clearly appears through their dark hair. Though amours are universal at Lima, the men are very careful to bide them, and no indecent word or action is ever permitted in public. They usually meet for these purposes, either in the afternoon at the Siesta, or in the evening in calashes on the other side of the river, or in the great square of the city, where calashes meet in great numbers in the dusk. These are slung like our coaches, but smaller, many of them being made only to hold two persons sitting opposite. They are all drawn by one mule, with the negro driver sitting on his back; and it is quite usual to see some of these calashes, with the blinds close, standing still for half an hour at a time. In these amusements they have several customs peculiar to themselves. After evening prayers, the gentleman changes his dress from a cloak to a montero, or jockey-coat, with a laced linen cap on his head, and a handkerchief round his neck, instead of a wig; or if he wear his own hair, it must be tucked under a cap and concealed, as it is the universal fashion to be thus disguised. Even those who have no mistress, are ashamed to appear virtuous, and must be somehow masked or disguised, in order to countenance the way of the world. As, all this is night-work, they have an established rule to avoid quarrels, by never speaking to or noticing each other, when going in quest of or to visit their ladies.

In short, the fore-part of every night in the year is a kind of masquerade. Among people of any rank who do not keep calashes, one couple never walks close behind another, but each at the distance of at least twelve paces, to prevent the overhearing of any secret whispers. Should a lady drop a fan or any thing else by accident, a gentleman may take it up, but he must not give it to the lady, but to the gentleman who accompanies her, lest she may happen to be the wife or sister of him who takes it up; and as all the ladies are veiled, these wise rules are devised to prevent any impertinent discoveries. Any freedom in contravention of these laws of gallantry would be looked upon as the highest affront, and would be thought to merit a drawn sword through the midriff. Should any one see his most intimate friend any where with a woman, he must never take notice of it, or mention it afterwards. Every thing of this nature is conducted with all imaginary gravity and decorum, by which the practice of gallantry becomes decent and easy; yet there are some jealousies in this regular commerce of love, which sometimes end [pg 35] fatally. A story of this kind happened shortly before I went to Lima. A young lady, who thought herself sole sovereign in the heart of her lover, saw him by chance in the company of another, and, waiting no farther proof of his infidelity, she instantly plunged a dagger in his bosom. She was soon after brought to trial, and every one expected that she should pay the forfeit with her life; but the judges, considering her rashness as proceeding from excess of love, not malice, acquitted her. However agreeable these gallantries may be to the Creole Spaniards, they have an inconvenient effect on society; as the men are so engrossed by these matters, as to spoil all public conversation. Their time is entirely taken up in attendance on their mistresses, so that there are no coffee-houses or taverns, and they can only be met with at their offices, or in church.

Perhaps it may be chiefly owing to this effeminate propensity, that all manly exercises, all useful knowledge, and that noble emulation which inspires virtue, and keeps alive respect for the public good, are here unknown. Those amusements which serve in other countries to relax the labours of the industrious, and to keep alive the vigour of the body and mind, are unknown in Peru; and whoever should attempt to introduce any such, would be considered as an innovator, which, among them, is a hateful character: For they will never be convinced, that martial exercises or literary conferences are preferable to intrigues. They have, however, a sort of a play-house, where the young gentlemen and students divert themselves after their fashion; but their dramatic performances are so mean as hardly to be worth mentioning, being scripture stories, interwoven with romance, a mixture still worse than gallantry. At this theatre, two Englishmen belonging to the squadron of Mons. Martinat, fought a prize-battle a short time before I came to Lima. Having first obtained leave of the viceroy to display their skill at the usual weapons, and the day being fixed, they went through many previous ceremonies, to draw, as the phrase is, a good house. Preceded by beat of drum, and dressed in holland shirts and ribbons, they went about the streets saluting the spectators at the windows with flourishes of their swords, so that the whole city came to see the trial of skill, some giving gold for admittance, and hardly any one less than a dollar. The company, male and female, being assembled, the masters mounted the stage, and, after [pg 36] the usual manner of the English, having shaken hands, they took their distance, and stood on their guard in good order. Several bouts were played without much wrath or damage, the design being more to get money than cuts or credit, till at length one of the masters received a small hurt on the breast, which blooded his shirt, and began to make the combat look terrible. Upon this, fearing from this dreadful beginning that the zeal of the combatants might grow too warm, the company cried out, Basta! basta! or enough! enough! And the viceroy would never permit another exhibition of the same kind, lest one of the combatants might receive a mortal wound, and so die without absolution.

So deficient are the Spaniards in energy of spirit, that many extensive countries and islands remain unexplored, in the immediate neighbourhood of their vast American dominions, though some of these are reported to be richer and more valuable than those which are already conquered and settled. The first Spanish governors of Mexico and Peru were not of this indolent disposition, but bestowed great pains in endeavouring to acquire the most perfect knowledge bordering upon their respective governments: But now that general thirst of fame is entirely extinguished, and they content themselves with plundering their fellow-subjects in the countries already known. The regions to the north of Mexico are known to abound in silver, precious stones, and other rich commodities, yet the Spaniards decline all conquest on that side, and discourage as much as possible the reports which have spread of the riches of these countries. On the same principles, they give no encouragement to attempt penetrating into the heart of South America, whence most of the riches of Peru are known to come, the mountains at the back of the country being extremely rich in gold; and the regions, on the other side, towards the Atlantic, being inhabited by nations that have abundance of that metal, though, for fear of being oppressed by the Europeans, they conceal it as much as possible.

Of all the discoveries that have been talked of among the Spaniards, that which has made the most noise is the island or islands of Solomon, supposed to be the same with those discovered by the famous Ferdinand Quiros. He reported them to be extremely rich and very populous, and repeatedly memorialed the court of Spain to be authorised to complete his discovery. All his solicitations, however, were neglected, [pg 37] and it became a question in a few years whether any such islands had ever existed. At length, towards the close of the seventeenth century, such discoveries were made as to the reality of these islands, that Don Alvaro de Miranda was sent out to discover them in 1695. He failed in the attempt, but in the search met with four islands, between the latitude of 7° and 10° S. which were wonderfully rich and pleasant, the inhabitants being a better looking race, and far more civilized than any of the Indians on the continent of America. This discovery occasioned a good deal of discourse at the time; but the subsequent disturbances relative to the succession to the crown of Spain, so occupied the attention of every person, that all views of endeavouring to find the islands of Solomon were laid aside.²

Footnote 2: (return)

These islands of Miranda appear to have been the Marquebes, between the latitudes of 8° 45' and 10° 25' N. and long. 139° W. The Solomon islands, or New Georgia, are between 5° and 10° N. and long. 200° to 205° W. 63-1/2 degrees of longitude farther to the westwards.E.

§ 5. Some Account of the Mines of Peru and Chili.

As the riches of Peru consist chiefly in mines of silver, I shall endeavour to give some account of them, from the best information I could procure. There are two sorts of silver-mines, in one of which the silver is found scattered about in small quantities, or detached masses, while, in the other kind of mine, it runs in a vein between two rocks, one of which is excessively hard, and the other much softer. These certainly best deserve the name of silver-mines, and are accordingly so denominated. This precious metal, which in other countries is the standard or measure of riches, is the actual riches of Peru, or its chief natural commodity; as, throughout the whole of that vast country, silver-mines are almost every where to be met with, of more or less value, according as the ore produces more or less silver, or can be wrought at a greater or less expence. Some of these mines are to the north of Lima, but not a great many, but to the south they are very numerous. On the back, or eastern side of the Andes, there is a nation of Indians called Los Platerors, or the Plate, or Silver men, from their possessing vast quantities of silver,¹ but with them the Spaniards have very little communication. [pg 38] The best of the mine countries are to the south of Cusco, from thence to Potosi and the frontiers of Chili, where, for the space of 800 miles, there is a continued succession of mines, some being discovered and others abandoned almost every day.

It is common, both here and elsewhere, for people to complain of the times, commending the past, as if there had been infinitely greater quantities of silver dug from the mines formerly than at present. This certainly may be the case with particular mines; but, on the whole, the quantities of silver now annually obtained from the mines in Spanish America, abundantly exceeds what used formerly to be procured. Those mines which are at present [1720] most remarkable in Peru are, Loxa, Camora, Cuenca, Puerto-veio, and St Juan del Oro. Those of Oruro and Titiri are neglected; and those of Porco and Plata are filled up. At Potosi there are a vast number of mines; and those of Tomina, Chocaia, Atacuna, Xuxui, Calchaques, Guasco, Iquique, &c. are all wrought with more or less profit, according to the skill of the proprietors or managers. It is generally believed that the Creoles have a very perfect acquaintance with the minerals, from experience, and with the art of treating them, so as to obtain the largest profit; but, when their utter ignorance in all other arts is considered, their constant going on in the old beaten track, and their enormous waste of quicksilver, one is tempted to believe that our European miners might conduct their works to still greater advantage.

The most perfect silver that is brought from Peru is in the forms called pinnas by the Spaniards, being extremely porous lumps of silver, as they are the remainder of a paste composed of silver dust and mercury, whence the latter being exhaled or evaporated, leaves the silver in a spongy mass, full of holes, and very light. This is the kind of silver which is put into various forms by the merchants, in order to cheat the king of his duty; wherefore all silver in this state, found any where on the road, or on board any ship, is looked upon as contraband, and liable to seizure.

In regard to the art of refining, I propose to shew the progress of the ore, from the mine till it comes to this spongy [pg 39] mass or cake. After breaking the stone or ore taken out of the veins, it is grinded in mills between grindstones, or pounded in the ingenious reales, or royal engines, by means of hammers or beetles, like the mills for Paris plaster. These generally have a wheel of twenty-five or thirty feet diameter, with a long axle or lying shaft, set round with smooth triangular projections, which, as the axle turns, lay hold of the iron hammers, of about two hundred-weight each, lifting them to a certain height, whence they drop down with such violence that they crush and reduce the hardest stones to powder. The pounded ore is afterwards sifted through iron or copper sieves, which allow the finest powder to go through, the coarse being returned to the mill. When the one happens to be mixed with copper or other metals which prevent its reduction to powder, it is roasted or calcined in an oven or reverberatory furnace, and pounded over again.

At the smaller mines, where they only use grindstones, they, for the most part, grind the ore along with water, forming it into a liquid paste, which runs out into receivers. When grinded dry, it has to be afterwards mixed with water, and well moulded up with the feet for a long time. For this purpose, they make a court or floor, on which that mud, or paste of pounded ore and water, is disposed in square parcels of about a foot thick, each parcel containing half a caxon, or chest, which is twenty-five quintals or hundred-weights of ore, and these parcels are called cuerpos, or bodies. On each of these they throw about two hundred-weights of sea-salt, more or less, according to the nature of the ore, which they mould or incorporate with the moistened ore for two or three days. They then add a certain quantity of quicksilver, squeezing it from a skin bag, to make it fall in drops equally on the mass or cuerpo, allowing to each mass ten, fifteen, or twenty pounds of quicksilver, according to the nature or quality of the ore, as the richer it is, it requires the more mercury to draw it to the silver contained in the mass, so that they know the quantity by long experience. An Indian is employed to mould or trample one of these square cuerpos eight times a-day, that the mercury may thoroughly incorporate with the silver. To expedite this incorporation, they often mix lime with the mass, when the ore happens to be what they call greasy, and in this great caution is required, as they say the mass sometimes grows so hot that they neither find mercury nor silver in it, which [pg 40] seems quite incredible. Sometimes also they strew in some lead or tin ore, to facilitate the operation of the mercury, which is slower in very cold weather; wherefore, at Potosi and Lipes, they are often obliged to mould or work up their cuerpos during a month or six weeks; but, in more temperate climates, the amalgama is completed in eight or ten days. To facilitate the action of the mercury, they, in some places, as at Puno and elsewhere, construct their buiterons or floors on arches, under which they keep fires for twenty-four hours, to heat the masses or cuerpos, which are in that case placed as a pavement of bricks.

When it is thought that the mercury has attracted all the silver, the assayer takes a small quantity of ore from each cuerpo, which he washes separately in a small earthen plate or wooden bowl; and, by the colour and appearance of the amalgama found at the bottom, when the earthy matters are washed away, he knows whether the mercury has produced its proper effect. When blackish, the ore is said to have been too much heated, and they add more salt, or some other temper. In this case they say that mercury is dispara, that is, shoots or flees away. If the mercury remains white, they put a drop under the thumb, and pressing it hastily, the silver in the amalgam sticks to the thumb, and the mercury slips away in little drops. When they conceive that all the silver has incorporated with the mercury, the mixed mass, or cuerpo, is carried to a basin or pond, into which a small stream of water is introduced to wash it, much in the same way as I shall afterwards describe the manner in which they wash gold, only that as the silver-ore is reduced to a fine mud without stones, it is stirred by an Indian with his feet, to dissolve it thoroughly, and loosen the silver. From the first basin it falls into a second, and thence into a third, where the stirring and washing is repeated, that any amalgam which has not subsided in the first and second may not escape the third.

The whole being thoroughly washed in these basins, which are lined with leather, till the water runs clear off, the amalgam of mercury and silver is found at the bottom, and is termed la pella. This is put into a woollen bag and hung up, from whence some of the mercury runs out. The bag is then beaten and pressed as much as they can, laying upon it a flat piece of wood loaded with a heavy weight, to get out as much of the mercury as they can. The paste is then [pg 41] put into a mould of wooden planks bound together, generally in the form of an octagon pyramid cut short, its bottoms being a plate of copper, full of small holes, into which the paste is stirred and pressed down, in order to fasten it. When they design to make many pinnas, or spongy lumps of various weights, these are divided from each other by thin beds or layers of earth, which hinder them from uniting. For this purpose, the pella, or mass of amalgam, must be weighed out in separate portions, deducting two-thirds for the contained mercury, by which they know to a small matter the quantity of silver contained in each. They then take off the mould, and place the pella or mass with its copper base on a trivet, or such like instrument, standing over a great earthen vessel full of water, and cover it with an earthen cap, which again is covered by lighted coals. This fire is fed and kept up for some hours, by which the mass of pella below becomes violently heated, the contained mercury being thereby raised into vapour: But, having no means of escape through the cap or cover, it is forced down to the water underneath, where it condenses into quicksilver and sinks to the bottom. By this contrivance, little of the mercury is lost, and the same serves over again. But the quantity must be increased, because it grows weak.² At Potosi, as Acosta relates, they formerly consumed six or seven thousand quintals of mercury every year, by which Some idea may be formed of the silver there procured.

On the evaporation of the mercury, nothing remains but a spongy lump of contiguous grains of silver, very light and almost mouldering, called la pinna by the Spaniards. These masses must be carried to the king's receipt or mint, to pay the royal fifth; and are there cast into ingots, on which are stamped the arms of the crown, the place where cast, and their weight and fineness. All these ingots, having paid the fifth, are sure to be without fraud or deceit; but it is not so with the pinnas, as these have often iron, sand, or some other matter contained within them, to increase their weight; Hence, prudence requires that these should be opened, and made red hot in a fire; for, if falsified, the fire will turn them black or yellow, or melt them more easily. This trial by fire is also necessary to extract moisture, which they [pg 42] contract in places where they are purposely laid to render them heavier, as also for separating the mercury with which the bottom of the mass is always more or less impregnated. The weight of these pinnas may be increased nearly a third, by dipping them while red hot into water. It also sometimes happens that the same mass of pinna may be of different fineness in different parts.

The ore, or stones taken from the mines, or the mineray, as it is called in Peru, from which the silver is extracted, is not always of the same nature, consistence, and colour. Some are white and grey, mixed with red or bluish spots, called plata blanca or white silver; of which sort the one in the Lipes mines mostly consists. For the most part, some little grains of silver are to be discerned, and very often small branches are seen, ramifying along the layers of the stone. Some ores are as black as the dross of iron, and in which no silver is to be seen, which is called negrillo or blackish ore. Sometimes the ore is rendered black by admixture of lead, and is called plombo ronco, or coarse lead, in which the silver appears as if scratched by something harsh. This ore is generally the richest in silver, and from it also the silver is got at the smallest charge; as instead of having to be moulded or kneaded with quicksilver, it has only to be melted in furnaces, where the lead evaporates by the force of fire, and the silver remains pure behind. From this sort. of mines, the Indians drew their silver before the coming of the Spaniards, having no knowledge of the use of mercury, and they accordingly only wrought those mines of which the ore would melt; and, having but little wood, they heated their furnaces with ylo, the dung of the Llamas or Peruvian sheep, placing their furnaces on the sides of mountains, that the wind might render their fires fierce.

There is another sort of black ore, in which the silver does not at all appear; and which, when wetted and rubbed against iron, becomes red. This ore is called rosicler, signifying that ruddiness which appears at the dawn of day. This is very rich, and affords the finest silver. Another kind, called zoroche, glitters like talc, and is generally very poor, yielding little silver: Its outer coat is very soft and of a yellowish red, but seldom rich; and the mines of this sort are wrought on account of the easiness of extracting the ore, being very easily dug. Another kind, not much harder than the last, is of a green colour, called cobrissa or [pg 43] copperish, and is very rare. Although the silver usually appears in this kind, and it is almost mouldering, it is the most difficult of all to manage, as it parts very difficultly with the silver. Sometimes, after being stamped or reduced to powder, it has to be burnt in the fire, and several other expedients must be used to separate the silver, doubtless because mixed with copper. There is another very rare sort of ore, which has only been found in the mine of Cotamiso at Potosi, being threads of pure silver entangled, or wound up together, like burnt lace, and so fine that it is called arana, or spider ore, from its resemblance to a cobweb.

The veins of mineray, of whatever sort they may be, are generally richer in the middle than towards the edges; and where two veins happen to cross each other, the place where they meet is always very rich. It is also observed that those which lie north and south are richer than those which lie in any other direction. Those also which are near to places where mills can be erected, and can consequently be more commodiously wrought, are often preferable to others that are richer, but require more expense in working. For this reason, at Lipes and Potosi, a chest of ore must yield ten marks or eighty ounces of silver, to pay the charges of working; while those in the province of Tarama only require five merks or forty ounces to defray the expences. When even very rich, and they happen to sink down so as to be liable to be flooded, the adventurers must have recourse to pumps and machines in order to drain them; or to cocabones or levels dug through the sides of the mountain, which often ruin the owners by the enormous expence they are insensibly drawn into. At some of the mines, where the methods of separation already described fail, they use other means of extracting the silver from the ore, and from other metals which may be combined with it; as by fire, or strong separating waters; and there the silver is cast into a sort of ingots, called bollos. But the most general and useful method is that already described.

It may naturally be supposed that mines, as well as other things, are subject to variation in their productiveness. The mines which, till very lately, yielded most silver, were those of Oroura, a small town about eight leagues from Arica. In the year 1712, one was discovered at Ollachea near Cusco, so rich that it yielded 2500 marks of silver of eight ounces each, or 20,000 ounces, out of each caxon or chest, being [pg 44] almost a fifth part of the ore; but it has since declined much, and is now [1720] only reckoned among the ordinary sort. Those of Lipes have had a similar fate. Those at Potosi now yield but little, and are worked at a very heavy expence, owing to their excessive depth. Although the mines here are far diminished in their productiveness, yet the quantity of ore which has been formerly wrought, and has lain many years on the surface, is now thought capable of yielding a second crop; and when I was at Lima, they were actually turning it up, and milling it over again with great success. This is a proof that these minerals generate in the earth like all other inanimate things;³ and it likewise appears, from all the accounts of the Spaniards, that gold, silver, and other metals are continually growing and forming in the earth. This opinion is verified by experience in the mountain of Potosi, where several mines had fallen in, burying the workmen and their tools; and these being again opened up after some years, many boxes and pieces of wood were discovered, having veins of silver actually running through them.⁴

All these mines become the property of their first discoverer, who immediately presents a petition to the magistrates, desiring to have such a piece of ground for his own. This is accordingly granted, and a spot of ground eighty Spanish yards in length by forty in breadth⁵ is measured out and appropriated to the discoverer, who chuses what spot he pleases within these bounds, and does with it as he thinks fit. The exact same quantity is then measured off as belonging to the king, and is sold to the best bidder, there being always many who are willing to purchase, what may turn out an inestimable treasure. After this, if any person may incline to work a part of this mine on his own account, he bargains with the proprietor for a particular vein. All that is dug out by any one is his own, subject however to [pg 45] payment of the royal duties; being one-twentieth part for gold, and a fifth for silver; and some proprietors find a good account in letting out their grounds and mills to others.

There are gold-mines just beyond the town of Copaipo, and in all the country around, which have attracted many purchasers and workmen to that district, to the great injury and oppression of the Indians; as the Spanish magistrates not only take away their lands for the purposes of mining, but their horses also, which they sell to the new adventurers, under pretence of serving the king and improving the settlements. There is also abundance of magnet and lapiz lazuli, of which the Indians know not the value; and some leagues within the country, there is plenty of salt and salt-petre, which often lies an inch thick on the ground. On the Cordelieras, about an hundred miles to the east, there is a vein of sulphur about two feet wide, so fine and pure that it needs no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines, but so excessively barren, that the inhabitants have to fetch all their subsistence from the country about Coquimbo, over a desert of more than 300 miles extent, in which the earth abounds so much in salt and sulphur that the mules often perish by the way, for want of grass and fresh water. In that long road there is only one river in the course of two hundred miles, which is named Ancalulae or the Hyporite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is occasioned by the great quantities of snow melted on the Cordelieras in the day, which freezes again by the excessive cold of the night. Hence Chili is said to derive its name, as chile signifies cold in the Indian language; and we are told by the Spanish historians, that some of their countrymen and others, who first traded to this country, were frozen to death on their mules; for which reason they now always travel by a lower road, towards the coast.

The mine countries are all so cold and barren, that the inhabitants have to procure most of their provisions from the coast; this is caused by the exhalations of salts and sulphur from the earth, which destroy the growth of all vegetables. These are so stifling to the Spaniards who dwell about the mines, that they are obliged often to drink the mattea, or tea made of the herb camini, to moisten their mouths. The mules also, that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk slowly in the country about the [pg 46] mines, and have often to stop to take breath. If these vapours are so strong without and in the open air, what must they be within the bowels of the earth in the mines, into which, if a fresh man go, he is suddenly benumbed with pain. This is the case with many, but seldom lasts above a day, and they are not liable to be affected a second time: Yet vapours often burst forth suddenly, by which the workmen are killed on the spot; and one way or another, great multitudes of Indians die in working the mines. One is apt to wonder that, through all this part of the world, those districts which are most barren and unwholesome are the best inhabited; while other places, that seem to vie with our nations of the terrestrial paradise, in beauty and fertility, are but thinly peopled. Yet, when one considers, that it is the thirst of wealth, not the love of ease, which attracts people thither, the wonder ceases, and we see how much the hope of living rich gets the better even of the hope of living; as if the sole end for which man was created was to acquire wealth, at the expence of health and happiness.

In reference to these deserts, the following observation occurs to my memory, as having happened when we were on the road to Piura. When we lay down to sleep at night, our mules went eagerly in search of a certain root, not unlike a parsnip, but much bigger, which contains a great deal of juice, and, besides serving as food, often answers as a substitute for water in the deserts. When the mules find these, and are unable to rake them out of the ground with their feet, they stand over them and bray with all their might, till the Indians come to their assistance.

It is generally understood that silver is the peculiar wealth of Peru, and the Spaniards usually talk of gold-mines as confined to Chili: Yet there are one or two lavaderas, or washing-places for gold in the south of Peru, near the frontiers of Chili. In 1709, two surprizingly large pepitos, or lumps of virgin gold, were found in one of these places, one of which weighed complete thirty-two pounds, and was purchased by the Conde de Monclod, then viceroy of Peru, and presented by him to the king of Spain. The other, shaped somewhat like an ox's heart, weighed twenty-two pounds and a half; and was purchased by the corregidor of Arica. In searching for these lavadores or washing places, they dig in the corners of some little brook, where they judge, from certain tokens, that the grains of gold are lodged. [pg 47] To assist in carrying away the earth or mud, they let in a stream or current of water into the excavation, and keep stirring up the soil, that the water may carry it away. On reaching the golden sand, they turn the stream another way, and dig out this sand, which is carried on mules to certain ponds or basons, which are joined by small canals. Into these they introduce a smart stream of water, to loosen the earth and carry away the grosser part. The Indians stand in the basons or ponds, stirring up the earth to assist the operation of the water, and throwing out the stones. The gold remains at the bottom, still mixed with a black sand, and is hardly to be seen till farther cleaned and separated, which is easily done. These washing places differ much from each other. In some the grains of gold are as big as small shot; and in one belonging to the priests, near Valparaiso, some are found from the weight of two or three ounces to a pound and a half. This way of getting gold is much better than from the mines, as it does not require expensive digging, neither are mills necessary for grinding the ore, nor quicksilver for extracting the metal; so that both the trouble and expence are much less. The Creoles are by no means so nice in washing their gold as are the people in Europe; but great plenty makes them careless, both in this and other matters.

Footnote 1: (return)

This tribe still holds its place in modern geography, in the vast plain to the E. of the Maranors or Amazons, where there cannot be any silver-mines, at least that they can explore. They are so named because of wearing silver ear-rings, which they must, almost certainly, procure in barter from the tribes in the mountains, far to the west.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This is utterly absurd, as the mercury must be the same in quality as before, the quantity only being weakened.

Footnote 3: (return)

It is merely a proof that the ore had been formerly very imperfectly managed, and still contained enough of silver to pay for extraction with profit, by more expert methods.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

This proves only change of place, by solution, infiltration, and deposition not growth, increase, or new production.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

In Harris this is said to be about 1200 feet in length, and 100 in breadth, which is obviously absurd; as the one measure gives the Spanish yard at 15 English feet, and the latter at 2-1/2 feet. Both measures are probably erroneous; but there are no data for their correction.E.

§ 6. Observations on the Trade of Chili.

It is not intended in this place to give a description of the large kingdom of Chili, but only some account of the nature of its trade, and the manner in which that is connected with the general commerce of Peru, by which the wealth of Chili is transmitted to Europe. Chili extends in length about 1200 miles from north to south, but its breadth is uncertain. The air is very temperate and wholesome, unless when rendered otherwise by pestilential exhalations, that are most common after earthquakes, to which this country is peculiarly liable. The winter rains are very heavy, during the months of May, June, July, and August; after which, for eight months together, they have fine weather, generally speaking. The soil, where it admits of cultivation, is prodigiously fertile, and fruit-trees carried thither from Europe come to the greatest perfection, so that fruit is coming forward [pg 48] in its different stages at all times of the year; insomuch that it is common to see apple-trees, in the situation so much admired in orange trees, having blossoms, fruit just set, green fruit, and ripe apples, all on one tree at the same time. The valleys, wherever they have any moisture, wear a perpetual verdure; and the hills are covered with odoriferous herbs, many of which are very useful in medicine. The country also produces trees of all sorts. Thus Chili, independent of its gold-mines, may well be accounted one of the richest and finest countries in the world. For instance, the town of Coquimbo, in lat. 30° S. [30° 20'] a short mile from the sea, in a most delightful place. It is situated on a green rising ground, about ten yards high, formed by nature like a regular terrace, stretching north and south in a direct line of more than half a mile, turning a little at each end to the eastwards; and its principal street forms a delightful walk, having a fine prospect of the country and the bay. All this is placed in an evergreen valley, and watered by a beautiful river, which rises in the mountains, and flows in a winding stream to the sea, through beautiful meadows and fertile vales.

Notwithstanding its many advantages, this vast country is very thinly inhabited; so that through its whole extent there are scarcely five towns deserving that appellation, and only one city, named St Jago. Through all the rest of the country there are only farms, called estancias, which are so remote from each other, that the whole country cannot muster 20,000 whites capable of bearing arms, of which St Jago contains 2000. All the rest of the population consists of mesticoes, mulattoes, and Indians, the number of whom may amount to three times as many.¹ This is exclusive of the friendly Indians to the south of the river Biobio, who are reckoned to amount to 15,000 fighting men, but whose fidelity is not much to be depended upon.

The trade of this country is chiefly carried on by sea, and at present, 1720, is rather in a declining situation. The port of Baldivia was formerly very famous, on account of the very rich gold-mines which were wrought in its neighbourhood, which are now in a great measure disused. [pg 49] Hence it is now only kept as a garrison, serving to Peru as the fortresses on the coast of Barbary do to Spain, as a place to which malefactors are sent, to serve against the Indians. The trade of this place consists in sending ten or twelve ships every year to Peru, laden with hides, tanned leather, salt meat, corn, and other provisions, which are to be had here in great plenty.

The port of Conception is more considerable, by reason of its trade with the Indians who are not under subjection to the crown of Spain. These Indians are copper-coloured, having large limbs, broad faces, and coarse lank hair. The nation of the Puelches differs somewhat from the rest, as among them there are some who are tolerably white, and have some little colour in their cheeks; which is supposed to be owing to their having some Europeans blood in their veins, ever since the natives of this country revolted from the Spaniards, and cut off most of their garrisons; on which occasion they preserved the women, and especially the nuns, by whom they had many children; who still retain a sort of affection for the country of their mothers, and, though too proud to submit to the Spaniards, yet are unwilling to hurt them.

These Puelches inhabit the ridge of mountains called La Cordeliera by the Spaniards, and as the manner of trading with them is very singular, it may be proper to give some account of it. When the Spanish pedlar or travelling merchant goes into this country, he goes directly to a caçique or chief, and presents himself before him without speaking a word. The caçique breaks silence first, saying to the merchant, Are you come? To which the merchant answers I am come. What have you brought me? replies the caçique. To which the merchant rejoins, Wine, and such other things as he may have to dispose of, wine being a necessary article. Upon which the caçique never fails to say, You are welcome. The caçique then appoints a lodging for the merchant near his own hut, where his wives and children, bidding him welcome, each demand a present, however small, which he accordingly gives. The caçique then gives notice to his scattered subjects, by means of his horn or trumpet, that a merchant is arrived with whom they may trade. They come accordingly and see the commodities, which are knives, axes, combs, needles, thread, small mirrors, ribbons, and the like. The best of all would be wine, were it not dangerous to [pg 50] supply them with that article; as, when drunk, they are very quarrelsome and apt to kill one another, and it would not then be safe to be among them. When they have agreed on the price, or barter rather, they carry away all the articles without then making payment; so that the merchant delivers all his commodities without knowing to whom, or even seeing any of his debtors. When his business is concluded, and he proposes to go away, the caçique commands payment by again sounding his horn, and then every man honestly brings to the merchant the cattle he owes for the goods received; and, as these consist of mules, goats, oxen, and cows, the caçique commands a sufficient number of men to conduct them to the Spanish frontiers.

The far greater number of bullocks and cows that are slaughtered and consumed every year in Chili, comes from the plains of Paraguay,² which are in a manner covered by them. The Puelches bring them through the plain of Tapa-papa, inhabited by the Pteheingues,³ or unconquered Indians, this being the best pass for crossing the mountains, as being divided into two hills of less difficult access than the others, which are almost impassable for mules. There is another pass, about eighty leagues from Conception, at the volcano of Silla Velluda, which now and then casts out fire, and sometimes with so great a noise as to be heard even at that city. In that way the journey is much shortened, and they can go to Buenos Ayres in six weeks. By these communications they generally bring all the beeves and goats,⁴ which are slaughtered in Chili by thousands for their tallow and lard. This last consists of the marrow of the bones, which serves throughout all South America instead of butter and oil, for making sauces. The flesh is either dried in the sun, or by means of smoke, to preserve it for use, instead of salt as used in Europe. These slaughters also afford great quantities of hides, especially goat-skins, which they dress like Morocco leather, by them called cordovanes, and is sent into Peru for making shoes, or other uses.

Besides the trade of hides, tallow, and dried meat, the inhabitants of Conception send every year eight or ten ships of forty or fifty tons to Calao laden with corn; besides supplying meal and biscuit to the French ships, which take in provisions there in order to proceed to Peru, and for their voyage back to France. All this were quite inconsiderable for so fine a country, were it better peopled; since the land is so extraordinarily fertile, were it well cultivated, that they only scratch it for the most part, by means of a plough made of a crooked stick, and drawn by two oxen; and, though the seed be scarcely covered, it produces seldom less than an hundred fold. Neither are they at any more pains in procuring their vines, in order to make good wine. Besides which, as they have not the art to glaze their jars in which the wine is secured, to make them hold in, they are under the necessity of pitching them. And this, together with the goat-skin bags in which it is carried from the estancias, gives it a bitter taste like treacle, and a flavour to which it is hard for strangers to accustom themselves. The grasses also are allowed to grow without any attention or industry being employed in grafting. Apples and pears grow naturally in the woods, and in such abundance as it is hard to comprehend how they could have so multiplied since the conquest, as they affirm there were none in the country before.

The mines of Quilogoya and Quilacura are within four leagues of this port, and afford vast quantities of gold. At the Estancia del Re, or king's farm, which is at no great distance, there is by far the most plentiful lavaders, or washing-place for gold in all Chili, where sometimes they find lumps of pure gold of prodigious size. The mountains of the Cordelieras are reported to contain a continued chain of mines for many hundred miles, which certainly is highly probable, as hardly any of these mountains have hitherto been opened without vast quantities of metal being found in them, especially fine copper, of which all the artillery in the Spanish West Indies is constructed, at least all that are used in the countries on the South Seas.

The most considerable port in Chili is Valparaiso, which is esteemed one of the best harbours on the whole coast of the South Sea. It lies on a river fifteen leagues below St Jago, the capital of Chili.⁵ To this port all the riches of [pg 52] the mines on every side are brought, particularly from those of Tiltil, which are immensely rich, and are situated between St Jago and Valparaiso. The gold here is found in a very hard stone, some of which sparkles and betrays the inclosed treasure to the eye; but most of it does not shew the smallest sign of gold, appearing merely a hard harsh stone of various colours, some white, some red, some black. This ore, after being broken in pieces, is grinded or stamped in a mill by the help of water, into a gross powder, with which quicksilver is afterwards mixed. To this mixture a brisk stream of water is let in, which reduces the earthy matters to a kind of mud, which is carried off by the current, the amalgam of gold and quicksilver remaining at the bottom, in consequence of its weight. This amalgam is then put into a linen bag, and pressed very hard, by which the greatest part of the mercury is strained off, and the remainder is evaporated off by the force of fire, leaving the gold in a little wedge or mass, shaped like a pine-apple, whence it is called a pinna. This is afterwards melted and cast in a mould, to know its exact weight, and to ascertain the proportion of silver that is mixed with the gold, no farther process of refining being done here. The weightiness of the gold, and the facility with which it forms an amalgam with the mercury, occasions it easily to part from the dross or earthy matters of the stone or matrix. This is a great advantage to the gold-miners, as they every day know what they get; but the silver-miners often do not know how much they get till two months after, owing to the tediousness of their operation, as formerly described.

According to the nature of these gold-mines, and the comparative richness of the veins, every caxon, or chest of fifty quintals, yields four, five, or six ounces of gold. When it only yields two ounces, the miner does not cover his charges, which often happens; but he sometimes receives ample amends, when he meets with good veins; and the gold-mines are those which produce metals the most unequally. In following a vein, it frequently widens, then becomes narrower, and then seems to disappear, all within a small space of ground; and this sport of nature makes the miners live in continual hopes of finding what they call a purse, being the [pg 53] expanded end of a vein, which is sometimes so rich as to make a man's fortune at once; yet this same inequality sometimes ruins them, which is the reason that it is more rare to see a gold-miner rich than a silver-miner, or even one in any other metal, although there be less expence in extracting gold from the mineral than any other metal. For this reason also the gold-miners have the particular privilege that they cannot be sued to execution in civil actions. Gold only pays a twentieth part to the king, which duty is called Covo, from the name of a private individual at whose instance the duty was thus reduced, gold having formerly paid a fifth, as silver still does.

On the descent of this mountain of Tiltil, there runs, during the rainy season, a brisk stream of water, which passes through among the gold-ore, and washes away abundance of that rich metal, as it ripens⁶ and breaks from its bed. On this account, this stream is accounted one of the richest lavaderos in all Chili for four months of every year; and well it may, as there are sometimes found in it pellets of gold of an ounce weight. At Palma, about four leagues from Valparaiso, there is another rich lavadero; and every where throughout the country, the fall of a brook or rivulet is accompanied by more or less of these golden showers, the richest of which fall into the laps of the jesuits, who farm or purchase abundance of mines and lavaderos, which are wrought for their benefit by their servants. The soil in the neighbourhood of Valparaiso is exceedingly rich and fertile, so that forty ships go from thence yearly to Calao, laden with corn; yet that commodity still remains so cheap at this place, where money is so abundant, that an English bushel of wheat may be bought for less than three shillings. It would be still cheaper, could all the country be cultivated; but as it has constant dry weather for eight months endurance, cultivation is only possible where they have brooks or little rills in the vales coming from the mountains, which can be applied for irrigating or watering the cultivated land.

There is a great trade carried on to all parts of Chili from the Atlantic ocean, by way of Buenos Ayres, whence the Chilese receive some European goods, together with large [pg 54] sums in silver, in return for their commodities. This is perhaps the largest route of Indian commerce in the world, as the road from Buenos Ayres to Potosi is 1500 miles; and though the distance from Valparaiso be not above 160 miles more,⁷ yet it is attended with much greater difficulty, as the vast chain of mountains called the Cordelieras of the Andes has to be passed, which can only be done during the three first months of the year, the passes being impracticable at all other times. At that season the merchants come from Mendoza, an inland town about 300 leagues from Buenos Ayres, and travel through the mountains to St Jago. The passage of the mountains usually takes up six or seven days, though only about sixty leagues, and the travellers have not only to carry their own provisions with them, but also the provender of their mules, as the whole of that part of the road is a continued series of rocks and precipices, and all the country round so barren and so exposed to snows in winter, that it is utterly uninhabitable. The remainder of the journey, from St Jago to the mines, and from thence to Valparaiso, is both safe and pleasant; and in this the merchants have nothing to fear, except staying too long, and losing their passage home through the mountains for that season, in which case they would have to remain in Chili at least nine months longer than they intended.

On the whole, though a very great part of the enormous extent of the Spanish dominions in South America be absolutely desert, and the people in some of the inhabited parts do not acquire large fortunes, yet the Spanish settlers in Chili certainly procure immense riches yearly, as the country is but thinly inhabited, and all the gold drawn from the mines and lavadores must be divided among them. It is evident, however, that the greater part of the inhabitants do not abound in wealth. Those among them who deal in cattle, corn, and the other productions of the country, only acquire moderate fortunes; and those who are concerned in the mines are frequently ruined by launching out into unsuccessful speculations, and by expensive living. Those who are easy in their circumstances, and retire to the city of St Jago, [pg 55] Jago, live in such a manner as sufficiently demonstrates the riches of Chili; as all their utensils, even those of the most ordinary sort, are of pure gold, and it is believed that the wealth of that city cannot fall short of twenty millions.⁸ Add to this, the gold-mines are continually increasing, and it is only for want of hands that they are not wrought to infinitely more advantage; for those already discovered and now neglected, would be sufficient to employ 40,000 men. It may also be observed, that the frauds practised against the royal revenue are increasing daily, and, as the riches of the Spanish West Indies are measured by the amount of the royal revenue, this must make them appear poorer than they are in reality. We have one instance of this in the mines of Potosi, which are said to produce less silver than they did formerly; yet, on a computation for fifty years, the annual revenue to the king has amounted, on the average, to 220,000 pesos, of thirteen rials and a quarter yearly, which shews that the annual produce of these mines, so far as it has paid the royal duty, amounts nearly to two million pieces of eight, or dollars, and it may be confidently asserted that the royal treasury does not receive above half of what is due: wherefore, from this example, the rest may be judged of.

Footnote 1: (return)

Allowing eight persons of all ages and both sexes to one fit to bear arms, this would give to Chili, in 1720, a population of 160,000 whites, and 480,000 of colour, or 640,000 in all.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

Paraguay is here used in far too extensive a sense, as comprising the whole level country to the east of the Andes: The plains of Cuyo are those alluded to in the text.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

The Pehneuches are probably here meant, who dwell on the west side of the Andes, between the latitudes of 33° and 36° S. The Puelches on the same side of the Andes, from 36° to 40°.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

Perhaps, instead of the goats in the text, vicunnas ought to be understood.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

This is a material error. Valparaiso is on no river, and lies forty English miles north from the river Maypo, on one of the upper branches of which, the Mapocho, St Jago is situated.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

That is, as the matrix or rock in which it is contained, moulders and decays by the influences of the weather and of this stream; for the notion of ores ripening is a mere dream or fancy.E.

Footnote 7: (return)

In these estimates, Betagh has been very unfortunate, as the direct distance from Buenos Ayres to Potosi does not exceed 1100 miles, and the distance from Valparaiso, also in a straight line, is hardly 800 miles.E.

Footnote 8: (return)

The coin or denomination is not specified: If dollars, at 4s. 6d., this would amount to four millions and a half sterling.E.

§ 7. Some Account of the French Interlopers in Chili.

As the policy of Spain chiefly consists in endeavouring, by all possible means, to prevent the riches of these extensive dominions from passing into other hands, so the knowledge possessed by other nations of the great wealth of these countries, and of the great demand for European manufactures among their inhabitants, has excited almost every nation in Europe to devise every possible contrivance for coming in for a share in these riches, and this with such effect, that it is even questionable whether any considerable portion of the riches of the new world centres among the inhabitants of Old Spain. This may be judged of from the following considerations: Even the trade carried on from Spain to the new world is of much greater importance to foreigners than to the Spaniards themselves. For as Spain has few commodities [pg 56] of its own, and carries on scarcely any manufactures, the Spanish merchants at Cadiz have to make up their cargoes by means of purchases from other countries; or rather the Cadiz merchants are mere factors for the merchants of England, France, and Holland, whose goods they send to America, and pay them by the returns made in the Plate fleets. Spain also is a country very ill provided with some of the necessaries of life, and most of the conveniences; so that prodigious sums of the money brought from America have to be yearly exported for the purchase of these.

Besides such drawbacks as the above, to which the Spaniards willingly submit, there are many others which they are forced to endure: For instance, all the negroes they employ in their plantations, in which every kind of labour is performed by them, are purchased from foreigners, particularly the English and Dutch, at a very large annual expence; and, under pretence of furnishing them with negroes, a clandestine trade is carried on every year, along the whole coasts of their possessions on the Atlantic. In the South Sea, however, they were tolerably free from every thing except the depredations of pirates, till the general war on account of the succession to the crown of Spain, which created a new kind of contraband trade, unknown in former times, of which I now propose to give some account.

The French interlopers carried vast quantities of goods directly from Europe into the South Seas, which till then had hardly ever been attempted by any European nation. This was always viewed with an evil eye by the court of Spain, as repugnant to the interests of Spain, and diametrically opposite to the maxims of her government; but there were many circumstances at that time which rendered this a kind of necessary evil, and obliged therefore the people of Old Spain to submit to it. As for the Creoles, they had European goods and at a cheaper rate, and it did not give them much concern who it was that received their money. The town of St Malo has always been noted for privateers, and greatly annoyed the trade of the English and Dutch during the whole reign of King William, and part of that of Queen Anne; and though some allege that money procured by privateering never prospers, yet I may safely affirm that the people of St Malo are as rich and flourishing as any in all France. Privateering has thriven so well among them, that all their South Sea trade has arisen from thence; and, during the last war, [pg 57] they were so rich and generous, that they made several free gifts to Louis XIV.; and so dexterous were they, that though our Admiralty always kept a stout squadron in the Atlantic, we were never able to capture one of their South-Sea traders. The reason of this was, that they always kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at of which we knew not. In 1709, when I belonged to her majesty's ship the Loo, being one of the convoy that year to Newfoundland, we saw and chased upon that coast a ship of fifty guns, which we soon perceived to be French-built; but she crowded sail and soon left us. She had just careened at Placentia, and we wondered much to find such a ship in that part of the world. We afterwards learnt, from some French prisoners, that she was a French ship bound to St Malo, having two or three millions of dollars on board, and was then so trim that she trusted to her heels, and valued nobody. They went thus far to the north and west on purpose to have the advantage of a westerly wind, which seldom failed of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. Since Placentia has been yielded to Great Britain, they now use St Catherine and Islagrande, on the coast of Brasil, and Martinico in the West Indies.

This trade succeeded so well, that all the merchants of St Malo engaged in it, sending every year to the number of twenty sail of ships. In 1721, I saw eleven sail of these together at one time on the coast of Chili, among which were several of fifty guns, and one called the Fleur-de-luce, which could mount seventy, formerly a man-of-war. As this trade was contrary to the Assiento treaty between Great Britain and Spain, memorials were frequently presented against it at Madrid by the court of London; and the king of Spain, willing to fulfil his engagements to the king of England, resolved to destroy this contraband French trade. As there was no other way to accomplish this but by sending a squadron of men-of-war into the South Sea, and as few of the Spaniards were acquainted with the navigation of Cape Horn, or could bear the extreme rigour of the climate, the court of Spain was obliged to use foreigners on this expedition, and the four ships sent oat were both manned and commanded by Frenchmen. The squadron consisted of the Gloucester, of 50 guns, and 400 men, the Ruby, of 50 guns, and 330 men, both of these formerly English ships of war, the Leon Franco, of 60 guns, and 450 men, and a frigate of [pg 58] 40 guns, and 200 men. Monsieur Martinet, a French officer, was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the Pembroke,¹ and Monsieur La Jonquiere the Ruby. The French conducted the navigation round the cape very well, though in the middle of winter; but the last ship of the four, which was manned with Spaniards, could not weather Cape Horn, and was forced back to the Rio Plata, where she was cast away. As the Spaniards have little or no trade into any of the cold climates, and are unused to hard work, it is not to be wondered that they failed on this occasion, especially considering the improper season of the year. The Biscaneers, indeed, are robust enough fellows; and had the Leon Franco been manned with them, she had certainly doubled the cape along with the other three ships; but the Spaniards in general, since acquiring their possessions in America, have become so delicate and indolent, that it would be difficult to find an entire ship's company capable to perform that navigation.

The vast advantage of the trade of Chili by way of Cape Horn, is so obvious, that his catholic majesty is obliged by treaty to shut out all the European nations from it, as well as the English, although his own subjects make nothing of it, as it very rarely happens that a Spanish ship ventures to go round Cape Horn. Owing to this, all European goods sell enormously dear in Chili and Peru; insomuch, that I have been told at Lima, that they are often at 400 per cent. profit, and it may be fairly asserted, that the goods carried from France by Cape Horn are in themselves 50 per cent. better than those sent in the Cadiz flota to Carthagena and Vera Cruz, because the former are delivered in six months, fresh and undamaged, while the latter are generally eighteen months before they reach Chili. In the course of this trade, the French sold their goods, furnished themselves with provisions, and got home again, all within twelve or fourteen months.

When Martinet arrived on the coast of Chili in 1717, furnished with a commission from the king of Spain to take or destroy all the ships of his countrymen found trading in the South Sea, he soon had sufficient employment for his squadron and of fourteen ships belonging to St Malo, then on [pg 59] the coast, only one escaped him, which lay hid in a landlocked creek unseen till he had gone to leeward. Although in this he executed the orders of his catholic majesty, and did a material benefit to the British South Sea company, yet he almost ruined the trading part of the Creole Spaniards, as hindering the circulation of money and spoiling business, so that they could not bear the sight of the French men-of-war, though they liked the French merchant ships very much. On the other hand, imagining that they had done essential service to the Spaniards, the French expected to have received at least civil treatment in return, during their stay in these seas. As soon, however, as Martinet brought his prizes into Calao, and the Frenchmen had received their shares of the prize-money, forgetting the ancient antipathy of the Spaniards for the French, they gave themselves extravagant airs on shore, by dancing and drinking, which still more incensed the creolians against them, who called them cavachos and renegados, for falling foul of their own countrymen. From one thing to another, their mutual quarrels grew so high, that the Frenchmen were obliged to go about Lima and Calao in strong armed parties, the better to avoid outrages and affronts. At last, a young gentleman, who was ensign of the Ruby, and nephew to Captain La Jonquiere, was shot from a window, and the murderer took refuge in the great church of Calao. Martinet and La Jonquiere petitioned the viceroy to have the murderer delivered up to justice: But the viceroy, who was at the same time archbishop, would on no account consent to violate the privileges of the church. On this refusal, they called all their men on board by beat of drum, and laid the broadsides of their three ships to bear on the town of Calao, threatening to demolish the town and fortifications, unless the assassin were delivered up or executed. All this blustering, however, could not prevail upon the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, though they had several other men killed, besides that gentleman.

At length, unwilling to proceed to extremities, and no longer able to endure the place where his nephew had been murdered, La Jonquiere obtained leave of his commodore to make the best of his way home. About this time, many padros and many rich passengers were assembled at Conception in Chili, intending to take their passage to Europe in the French squadron, knowing that all ships bound for Cape [pg 60] Horn must touch at Conception, or some places thereabout, for provisions. La Jonquiere, having thus the start of his commodore, had all the advantage to himself of so many good passengers in his ship; for, as the king of Spain had no officer at Conception to register the money shipped at that place, these passengers and missionaries put astonishing sums of money on board the Ruby. They were thereby spared the trouble of a voyage to Panama or Acapulco, and travelling thence for Portobello or Vera Cruz, where they must have had their coffers visited, to see if the indulto of his majesty were fairly accounted for. They therefore saved every shilling of that indulto, as the Ruby touched first in France, where no cognizance whatever was taken of this affair. They also got clear of the other moiety payable in Spain, as they landed all their money in France.

Besides these rich passengers and their money, the Ruby had also on board a considerable sum arising to his catholic majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen captured interlopers, all of which, as I was informed, amounted to four millions of dollars in that ship. What a fine booty we missed therefore by the obstinacy of Shelvocke! For, when this ship, the Ruby, found us at the island of St Catharine, her company was so sickly that she had not above sixty sound men out of four hundred; so that La Jonquiere was actually afraid of us, and would not send his boat to the watering-place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sail-makers were at work, till he had first obtained leave of our captain; neither is this strange, for he knew we had a consort, and was in Spain all the time he staid there, lest the Success should have joined us.

After Commodore Martinet had cleared the coast of Chili and Peru of his countrymen, he sent his brother-in-law, Monsieur de Grange, express with the news to Madrid, who went by way of Panama, Portobello, Jamaica, and London. On delivering his message, the king of Spain asked what he could do for him, when he humbly requested his majesty would give him the command of a ship, and send him again round Cape Horn into the South Sea. He accordingly got the Zelerin, of fifty guns. He came first to Calais,² where [pg 61] the ship was getting ready, and was surprised to meet with a cold reception from the French merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there; for, as there were merchants of various nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated in the South Sea, they universally considered him and all the French in that squadron as false brethren, for serving the crown of Spain to the prejudice of their own countrymen. Thus, while he expected to have had a valuable cargo consigned to his care, no man would ship the value of a dollar with him. Captain Fitzgerald, who was then at Cales, made him a considerable offer for the privilege of going out as his second officer, with liberty to take out what goods he might be able to procure, in his own name. As de Grange was not a little embarrassed, he accepted this offer, and procured a commission for Fitzgerald as second captain. They accordingly manned the Zelerin chiefly with French seamen, and some English, and got very well round Cape Horn. At this time our two privateers, the Success and Speedwell, were known to be in the South Seas, and the Zelerin was one of the ships commissioned by the viceroy of Peru to cruize for us. Fitzgerald sold all his goods to great advantage at Lima, where he continued to reside; while de Grange served as captain under Admiral Don Pedro Miranda, who took Hately and me prisoners.

Though great sufferers by so many confiscations, the merchants of St Malo were not entirely discouraged; for, in the year 1720, we found the Solomon of St Malo, of 40 guns, and 150 men, at Ylo, on the coast of Chili, with several Spanish barks at her stern. In the course of six weeks, she sold all her cargo, got in a supply of provisions, and left the coast without interruption, as by this time Martinet's squadron had left the coast. Encouraged by the success of the Solomon, the merchants of St Malo fitted out fourteen sail together, all of which arrived in the South Sea in the beginning of the year 1721. Three of the commanders of these ships, being well acquainted with the creolians, quickly sold their cargoes and returned home. About this time, the people of Lima judged that our privateers were gone off the coast, or at least would not commit any more hostilities, because of the truce between the two crowns. Wherefore, the three Spanish men-of-war that had been fitted out to cruize against us, were ordered against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the Flying-fish, an advice-boat that accompanied the [pg 62] men-of-war, when they came up with eleven sail of the St Malo ships, which were then altogether on the coast of Chili, and, instead of firing on them, the Spaniards joined them as friends. At first, expecting to have been attacked, the French ships drew up in a line, as if daring the ships of war. This seemed to me somewhat strange, that three such ships, purposely fitted out for this cruize, should decline doing their duty on their own coasts; for, had they proved too weak, they had ports of their own to retire to, under their lee. But the ships of war contented themselves with watching the motions of the interlopers, keeping them always in sight; and when any of the French ships drew near the shore, the Spaniards always sent a pinnace or long-boat along with her, carrying the Spanish flag, the sight of which effectually deterred the creolians from trading with the French. In this manner they contrived to prevent all these ships from disposing of their goods, except when they were met with at sea by chance, and sold some of their commodities clandestinely. At length, completely tired out by this close superintendence, the French got leave to take in provisions, and went home, at least half of their goods remaining unsold. Notwithstanding these losses and disappointments, and severe edicts issued against this trade in France, the merchants of St Malo still persist to carry it on, though privately, nor is it probable they will ever leave off so lucrative a commerce, unless prevented by the strong arm of power, or supplanted by some other nation.

Footnote 1: (return)

No such name occurs, in enumerating the squadron immediately beforeE.

Footnote 2: (return)

This, certainly, is a mistake for Cadiz, often named Cales by English seamen; and, in fact, only a few lines lower down, the place is actually named Cales.E.

§ 8. Return of Betagh to England.

I now return to my own affairs, and the manner of my return to England from Peru. I have already acknowledged the kind reception I met with from the admiral of the South Seas, Don Pedro Miranda, and the reasons of his treating us so civilly. I think it barely justice to mention the several favours I received, during the eleven months that I continued at Lima, particularly from Don Juan Baptista Palacio, a native of Biscay, a knight of the order of St Jago, who came weekly to the prison while we were there, and distributed money to us all, in proportion to our several ranks. Captain Nicholas Fitzgerald procured my enlargement, by becoming security for me; and he afterwards [pg 63] supplied me with money and necessaries, from that time till my departure; and procured for me and twenty more, a passage to Cadiz, in a Spanish advice-boat called the Flying-fish, of which our surgeon's mate, Mr Pressick, acted as surgeon, receiving wages, as did the rest of our men, being released from prison expressly to assist in navigating that vessel home to Spain. For my own part, being well treated, I did not think proper to eat the bread of idleness, but kept my watches as well as the other officers. And pray, what is the harm of all this? Though Shelvocke had the stupidity to call it treason; it must surely appear a very malicious, as well as an ignorant charge, after a man has been driven among the enemy, to call him a traitor because he has been kindly used, and for accepting his passage back again; and, because I was not murdered in Peru, I ought to be executed at home. This is Shelvocke's great Christian charity and good conscience!¹

On my arrival at Cadiz, captain John Evers of the Britannia kindly gave me my passage to London, and entertained me at his own table. On my return to London, and representing the hardships I had undergone, nine honourable persons made me a present of ten guineas each; which afforded me the satisfaction of seeing, that such as were the best judges, had a proper idea of the miseries I had suffered, and approved the manner in which I had behaved, the only consolation I could receive in the circumstances in which I was left by that unfortunate voyage. The fair account I have given of facts, and the detail of my proceedings in the Spanish West Indies, together with the account of what I observed worthy of notice during my stay in these parts, will acquit me, I hope, in the opinion of every candid and impartial person, from the aspersions thrown upon me by Shelvocke, in the account he has published of his voyage.

Footnote 1: (return)

After all, had the Flying-fish been captured by a British cruizer, Betagh would have run great risk of being found guilty of treason for keeping his watches.E.

Note.

"Betagh has fully shewn, that the navigation round Cape Horn is no such dangerous or wonderful voyage. If twenty ships from St Malo could perform it in one year, and not a single vessel either shipwrecked or forced to put back, what [pg 64] shall hinder an English ship or an English fleet from doing the same? We see from the foregoing account, with how much ease the French carried on a prodigious trade to the South Seas, at a time when the appearance of an English ship there was esteemed a prodigy. We certainly can send our frigates there, as well as the French can their ships from St Malo; and it might be well worth the while of our merchants to send out ships to the coasts of Chili and Peru, laden with proper goods for that country."Harris.

In the present day, this trade to the coasts of Chili and Peru has been resumed by the citizens of the United States; but the subjects of Britain are debarred from even attempting to take a share, because within the exclusive limits of the East India Company; although their ships never come nearer to the western coast of America than Canton in China, at the enormous distance of 174 degrees of longitude, and 59 degrees of latitude, counting from Canton in China to Conception in Peru, or upwards of twelve thousand English miles. It is certainly at least extremely desirable, that a trade of such promise should not remain any longer prohibited, merely to satisfy a punctilio, without the most distant shadow of benefit to the India Company, or to the nonentity denominated the South-sea Company.Ed.

CHAPTER XIII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY COMMODORE ROGGEWEIN, is 1721-1723.¹

INTRODUCTION.

There was, perhaps, no country in the world where commerce was more profitable, or held more honourable, than in Holland, or where more respect and attention was shewn to it by the government. As the republic chiefly subsisted by trade, every thing relating to it was considered as an affair of a public nature, in which the welfare of the state was concerned, and highly deserving therefore of the strictest and readiest attention. The great companies in Holland, as in other countries, were considered as injurious to trade in some lights, yet necessary to its welfare in others. The West India Company of that country, originally erected in 1621, held, by an exclusive charter, the commerce of the coast of Africa, from the tropic of Cancer to the Cape of Good Hope, and that of America, from the southern point of Newfoundland in the N.E. all along the eastern coast to the Straits of Magellan or Le Maire, and thence northwards again along the western coast, to the supposed Straits of Anian, thus including the entire coasts of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The directors of this company consisted of seventy-two persons, divided into five chambers, of whom eighteen were chosen to administer the affairs of the Company, together with a nineteenth person, nominated by the States-General.

The affairs of this Company were once in so very flourishing a condition, that it was considered as even superior to their East India Company. This prosperity was chiefly owing, [pg 66] to the happy success of their affairs at sea; as their admiral, Peter Haines, in the 1629, captured the Spanish plate fleet, laden with immense riches. They at one time made themselves masters of the greatest part of Brazil; and were so considerable that the great Count Maurice of Nassau did not think it beneath him to accept a commission from this Company as Governor-General of Brazil; which country, however, after it had cost them immense sums to defend, they at length lost. The term of their charter, originally limited to twenty-four years, expired in 1647, and was then renewed for other twenty-five years. During this second period, their affairs became so perplexed, so that the Company was dissolved towards the close of that term, with its own consent.

In 1674, a new company was erected, by letters patent from the States-General, with nearly the same powers and privileges, which has subsisted ever since with great reputation.² The capital of this new company consisted of six millions of florins, which are equal to 545,454l. 10s. 10d. 10-11ths sterling. And the limits of their authority are the western coast of Africa and both coasts of America, all the establishments of the Dutch in these countries being under their authority, so that any one who proposes a new scheme of commerce in those parts, must necessarily apply himself to that company. Under these circumstances, a Mr Roggewein, a person of parts and enterprize, formed a project for the discovery of the vast continent and numerous islands, supposed to be in the southern part of the globe, under the name of Terra Australis Incognita, of which the world had hitherto only very imperfect notices from others; which project, with a plan for carrying the discovery into execution, they presented to the Dutch East India Company³ in 1696, by which it was favourably received, and he was assured of receiving all the assistance and support he could desire or expect, as soon as the affairs of the Company would permit. But the disturbances which soon afterwards followed put a stop to the good intentions of the Company; and Mr Roggewein died before any thing could be done. Mr Roggewein was a gentleman [pg 67] of the province of Zealand, who had addicted himself from his youth to mathematical studies, and we have reason to suppose recommended his projected discovery on his death-bed to his son.

After the death of his father, the younger Roggewein applied to his studies with much vigour, and qualified himself for the office of counsellor in the court of justice at Batavia, where he resided for many years. After his return from Java, where he had acquired a handsome fortune, he resolved upon carrying his father's projected discovery into execution; and, in the year 1721, presented a memorial to the West India Company, narrating the proposal of his father for discovering the southern continent and islands, which they had formerly been pleased to approve of, and which he was now ready to attempt. The Company received this memorial with readiness; and, as its affairs were now in better order, acquainted Mr Roggewein, that it would give immediate orders for equipping such a squadron as might be necessary for carrying his design into effect. The squadron accordingly fitted out on this occasion consisted of three ships: The Eagle of 36 guns and 111 men, commanded by Captain Job Coster, and in which Mr Roggewein embarked as Commodore; the Tienhoven of 28 guns and 100 men, commanded by Captain James Bowman; and the African, a galley armed with 14 guns, and carrying 60 men, commanded by Captain Henry Bosenthal.

It may be proper to acquaint the reader, that the subsequent account of this voyage is derived from an original journal, which never appeared before in our language, for which I was indebted to the gentleman who commanded the land-forces on board the Commodore, and whose name I am not at liberty to mention; neither that of another gentleman who was engaged in the voyage, and from whom I received considerable assistance. The nature of the expedition is sufficient in itself to recommend it to the notice of the curious; and the many remarkable particulars it contains, especially respecting the state of the Dutch Company in the Indies, renders it both a very entertaining and a most instructive performance.

Before proceeding to the narrative of this voyage, I hope to be indulged in making a few remarks, which may contribute both to amusement and information, and may clear up some points that might otherwise appear obscure in the following [pg 68] voyage. It is worth observing, that the Dutch West India Company had been long in a declining condition; which, instead of dispiriting the Directors, engaged them to turn their thoughts to every method that could be devised for recovering their affairs. There is so wide a difference between our English great chartered companies and those [formerly] in Holland, that it may not be amiss to give a concise account of the flourishing state of that Company, as it may shew what great things may be managed by a board of merchants, for such the Directors generally were.

It appears, from the books of the Company, that, in the space of thirteen years, from 1623 to 1636, the Company had fitted out 800 ships, either for war or trade, and that the expence of building, equipping, and seamen's wages had cost forty-five millions of florins, or upwards of four millions sterling: And, in the same space of time, the Company had taken from the enemy 545 vessels, valued at sixty millions of florins, or nearly five and a half millions sterling; besides to the value of thirty millions at the least, or nearly two millions and a quarter sterling, in spoils of various denominations. The greatest of their exploits was the capture of the Spanish flota at the Havannah, by their admiral Peter Heyne; by which they gained seven millions of dollars in money, or L. 2,625,000 sterling; besides ships, brass cannon, and other military stores, to the value of above ten millions.⁴ Such were the flourishing times of the Company.

The causes of their decay seem to have been principally the following. First, their emulation of the East India Company, which induced them to make the conquest of Brazil from Portugal, the crown of which country had been usurped by their arch enemy the king of Spain. This was achieved at a vast expence, and Count Maurice of Nassau was appointed governor-general, who conducted their affairs with great skill and prudence. Secondly, owing to the desire of the Company to conduct all things, and repining at the expence incurred by that prince in the government of Brazil, was another cause of their misfortunes: For the merchants, who had conducted their affairs with great wisdom [pg 69] and capacity, while they confined themselves to commerce and maritime war, shewed themselves only indifferent statesmen, and soon lost all that Prince Maurice had gained, and loaded the Company with so heavy a debt, as compelled them in the end to consent to its dissolution.

The new West India Company, warned by the example of its predecessors, has kept more within bounds, and has certainly managed its affairs with great prudence and economy. Having formed a project in 1714, for uniting the East and West India Companies into one,⁵ and the proposition, being rejected, the directors of the West India Company very wisely turned their thoughts another way; and it is not improbable, that the rejection of their proposal on this occasion may have induced them to give encouragement to the proposition of Roggewein: For, being disappointed in their aim of coming in for a share in the commodities of the East Indies, they were desirous of acquiring the same articles of trade by some other means, expecting to have found these in the continent or islands proposed to be discovered by Roggewein. This also accounts for the extraordinary heat and violence of the Dutch East India Company, against those who were engaged on the present expedition, and is the true secret of the dispute so warmly carried on by the two Companies, and so wisely decided by the States-General. When the Dutch East India Company persecuted and destroyed Le Maire for his voyage of discovery, under pretence of interfering within their exclusive boundaries, the government did not interfere, because at that time the power of the East India Company was of the highest importance to the state: But, as the government of Holland became better established, and especially since a share in the public administration has been acquired by such as are conversant in trade, the concerns of the East India Company have been viewed in a new light. The first who explained this matter clearly was that consummate statesman and true patriot, John de Witte, whose words are most worthy the attention of the reader.

"When the East India Company had attained to a certain extent of power and grandeur, its interests came not only [pg 70] to clash with, but grew absolutely opposite to those of the country. For, whereas the advantage of the nation consists in the increase of manufactures, commerce, and freight of ships; the interests of the Company are to promote the sale of foreign manufactures, and that with the smallest extent of traffic and navigation that can be contrived. Hence, if the East India Company can gain more by importing Japan cloths, India quilts, carpets, and chintzes, than by raw silk; or, if the Company, by creating an artificial scarcity of nutmegs, mace, cloves, cinnamon, and other spices, can raise their price so as to gain as much profit by the sale of 100 tons, as it would otherwise gain by the sale of 1000 tons, we are not to expect that it will import raw silks, or be at the expence of transporting 1000 tons of spice; though the former would assist and encourage our manufactures at home, and the latter would increase our navigation.

This chain of reasoning is so plain, and so evidently agrees with the interests of all nations, as well as with those of Holland, that it is impossible for any unprejudiced person not to discern that all exclusive companies destroy, instead of promoting, the commerce of the countries in which they are established. The same great statesman already quoted observes, "That the more any country extends its foreign conquests, the more of its stock must necessarily be spent, for the preservation and defence of these conquests: And consequently, by how much the greater are its dominions, so much the less is that company able to prosecute the trade, for the promotion of which it was erected."⁶Harris.

Footnote 1: (return)

Harris, I. 256. Callender, III. 644.

Footnote 2: (return)

This refers to the year 1743, when Harris wrote: It is hardly necessary to say, that Holland and its great commercial companies are now merely matters of history.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

From what goes both before and after, this seems a mistake for the West India Company.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

Harris does not say whether dollars or florins: If the former, equal to L. 2,250,000 sterling at 4s. 6d. the dollar; if the latter, a little above L. 900,000 sterling at 11 florins to the pound sterling; both of these the old par of exchange.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

A long, indistinct, and uninteresting account of this project is here omitted, which Harris alleges might have transferred the whole commerce of Europe to the Dutch, but for which opinion he advances no substantial reasons, or rather none at all.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

The remarks of Harris on this voyage are extended to a far greater length than have been here adopted, and are many of them loose and uninteresting; but some of those here inserted have a strong reference to a most important subject now under consideration of the legislature; and the notices respecting the Dutch West India Companies are curious in themselves, as well as upon a subject very little known in this country.

The subject of this voyage round the world is principally exhausted in the seven first sections; all those subsequent being chiefly a detail of the Indian settlements of the Dutch East India Company, as it was in the year 1722, almost a century ago. These certainly might have been omitted on the present occasion, without injury to the present article, as a circumnavigation: But, as conveying a considerable mass of information, respecting the Dutch possessions in India, now all belonging to Britain, and respecting which hardly any thing has been published in the English language, it has been deemed indispensable to preserve them.E.

SECTION I.

Narrative of the Voyage from Holland to the Coast of Brazil.¹

The small squadron of three ships, already enumerated, sailed from Amsterdam on the 16th July, 1721, and arrived at the Texel in thirty-six hours, where they were provided with every thing requisite for so long a voyage. All things being in readiness, they sailed with a fair wind on the 21st August; but, as the wind changed next day, they were three days in beating to windward through the British channel, after which they continued their course to the S.W. for the coast of Barbary, but were opposed by a heavy storm which did them considerable damage. To this a dead calm succeeded, during which the water ran mountains high, owing to agitation they had been thrown into by the storm. By the rolling of the ships during the calm, several injuries were sustained, one of the vessels losing its main-top-mast and mizen-mast; and the main-yard of the Commodore came down with such force as to wound several of the people on deck. After two days the wind freshened again, and they continued their course S.W. towards the Canaries, amusing themselves with observing the manner in which the flying-fish endeavours to escape from its enemies, the albicores and bonitoes. The flying-fish are not larger than a herring, and raise themselves into the air by means of two long fins, one on each side, not much unlike the wings of a bat in strength and texture. They are considered as good eating, and the sailors are always well pleased when they are met with in plenty. The bonito is about two feet long, of a greyish colour, finely streaked from head to tail; but the flesh is hard, dry, and disagreeably tasted. The albicore is generally five or six feet long, and sometimes weighs 150 pounds. They saw likewise several water-fowls, particularly teal, which the seamen account a sign of land being near.

While in lat. 28° N. and soon expecting to see the Canaries, a sail was descried from the mast-head carrying English colours. On drawing near she struck her colours and [pg 72] bore away, but re-appeared in about an hour, having four sail more in her company, sometimes carrying white, sometimes red, and sometimes black colours, which gave reason to suspect that they were pirates. The Commodore immediately made the signal for the line of battle, and all hands went to work in clearing the ship for action, filling grenades, and preparing every thing for the ensuing engagement, in which they fortunately had the advantage of the weather-gage. Observing this, the pirates put themselves into a fighting posture, struck their red flag, and hoisted a black one, on which was a death's head in the centre, surmounted by a powder horn, and two cross bones underneath. They likewise formed the line, and commenced a smart action. The pirates fought very briskly for some time, as believing the Dutch ships to be merchantmen; but after two hours cannonade, perceiving the Commodore preparing to board the vessel to which he was opposed, the pirates spread all their canvass, and crowded away as fast as they could sail. Commodore Roggewein, on seeing them bear away, called out, Let the rascals go: In which he strictly obeyed his instructions; as all the ships belonging to the Dutch East and West India Companies have strict orders to pursue their course, and never to give chase. In this action, four men were killed, and nine wounded in the Commodore, the other two ships having seven slain and twenty-six wounded. The carpenters also had full employment in stopping leaks, and repairing the other damages sustained.

Continuing their voyage, they had sight of Madeira on the 15th November, and in the neighbourhood saw a desert island which is much frequented by the pirates, for wood and water and other refreshments. They afterwards had sight of the Peak of Teneriffe, which is generally esteemed the highest single mountain in the world, on which account the geographers of Holland adopt it as the first meridian in their maps and charts; while the French and English of late incline to fix their first meridians at their respective capitals of Paris and London. These differences are apt to create much confusion in the longitudes of places, when not explained by the writers who use these several modes of reckoning; on which account Lewis XIII. of France, by edict in 1634, endeavoured to obviate this inconvenience, by directing the first meridian to be placed in the island of Ferro, the most westerly of the [pg 73] Canaries.² From these islands they directed their course for the islands of Cape Verde, so named from Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape, a point or mountain on the coast of Africa, called Arlinarium by Ptolemy.

This cape is bounded by two rivers, the Senegal and Gambia, called by the ancients the Garatius and Stachiris. It has an island to the west, which is frequented by an infinite number of birds, the eggs of which are frequently gathered by mariners going this way. This cape is dangerous to land upon, because of a great many sunken rocks about it. The continent is here inhabited by negroes, who trade with all nations, and speak many languages, especially French and Portuguese. Most of them go naked, except a piece of cloth about their middle, but their princes and great men wear long garments of calico striped with blue, and made like shifts; they hang also little square bags of leather on their arms and legs, but we could not learn of them what these bags contain.³ They wear necklaces made of sea-horses teeth, alternating with glass beads; and have caps of blue and white striped calico on their heads. They are a prudent and wise people, cultivating their soil, which bears good rice and other articles sufficient for their maintenance; and the richer people keep cattle, which are very dear, as being scarce. They have many good blacksmiths, and iron is much, valued among them, being forged into fish-spears, implements for cultivating the ground, and various weapons, as the heads of arrows, darts, and javelins. Their religion seems to border on Mahometism, as they are all circumcised; but they have little knowledge of the true God, except among a few who converse with Christians. They are very lascivious, and may have as many wives as they please; but the women are seldom contented with one husband, and are passionately fond of strangers. The whole country is under subjection to the governors or head-men of the various towns and villages, who row on board such ships as arrive, making them pay customs. Several Portuguese reside here, who trade freely with all nations, but have no power or authority, except over their own slaves and servants.

Having the advantage of a strong N.E. wind, they took their departure from Cape de Verde, and continued their course for six weeks, without coming to anchor or handing a sail. In this long passage, they had some days in which the heat was almost insupportable, and the crew began to murmur excessively on account of being at short allowance of water. On this occasion one of the swabbers got into the hold, and, being extremely thirsty, pierced a cask of brandy, of which he pulled, so heartily that he was soon intoxicated to a degree of madness. In this condition he staggered into the cook-room, where he threw down a pan of grease, and being sharply reproved by the cook, drew his knife and rushed upon him. Some of the crew gathered about him and wrenched the knife out of his hand, but not till he had drawn it two or three times across the cook's face. For this they drubbed him soundly, which he resented so deeply that he seized a knife as soon as he got loose, and gave himself several stabs in the belly. The utmost care was taken of his recovery, in order to make him a public example, to prevent such actions in future among the crew; and after his recovery he was punished in the following manner. Being declared infamous at the fore-mast, he was thrice keel-hauled, and had 300 strokes on the buttocks, after which his right hand was fastened to the mast with his own knife. When he had stood some time in this condition, he was put in chains on the fore-castle, being allowed nothing but bread and water for some days; and was continued in irons to be set on shore at the first barren island they came to.

Continuing their voyage till near the line, they were much incommoded by the shifting of the wind; and by scarcity of water, many of the crew falling ill of the scurvy. When it sometimes fell entirely calm, the heat of the sun became more than ordinarily oppressive, owing to which some of the men became quite distracted, others fell into high fevers, and some had fits like the epilepsy. Their water, as it grew low, stunk abominably, and became full of worms. The salt provisions were in a manner quite spoiled, and served only to turn their stomachs and increase their thirst. Hunger is said to be the greatest of torments, but they had reason to consider thirst as the greatest misery incident to human nature. At this time they often observed towards evening that the sea appeared all on fire; and taking up some buckets of water in this condition, they observed that it was full of an infinite [pg 75] number of little globules, of the size, form, and colour of pearls. These retained their lustre for some time when held in the hand, but on pressure seemed nothing more than an earthy fat substance like mud.

They at length crossed the line, with the loss only of one man, who died of a high fever; and on getting into the latitude of 3° S. they fell into the true trade-wind, before which they scudded along at a great rate. In lat. 5° S. they had the sun directly vertical, so that they were some days without any observation. In 6° S. they caught many dorados and dolphins, both, in the opinion of the author of this voyage, being the same fish, of which the dolphin is the male and the dorado the female. Some of these are six feet long, but not of proportional bulk. In the water they appear excessively beautiful, their skins shining as if streaked with burnished gold; but lose their splendid appearance on being taken out of the water. Their flesh is very sweet and well flavoured, so that the seamen always feast when they can procure plenty of this fish. They saw also abundance of sharks, many of which are ten feet long. Their flesh is hard, stringy, and very disagreeably tasted; yet the seamen frequently hang them up in the air for a day or two, and then eat them: Which compliment the surviving sharks never fail to return when a seaman falls in their way, either dead or alive, and seem to attend ships for that purpose.

Footnote 1: (return)

In the various steps of this voyage, the merely uninteresting journal or log-book incidents have been materially abbreviated.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

The Royal Observatory at Greenwich is now the first meridian in British maps and globes, from which St Paul's in London is 0° 5' 37" W. the observatory of Paris 2° 20' E. Teneriffe peak 16° 40' W. and Ferrotown 17° 45' 50" W.

Footnote 3: (return)

These are called obi, containing a variety of ridiculous trash, and are held in superstitious esteem as amulets.E.

SECTION II.

Arrival in Brazil, with some Account of that Country.

Coming near the coast of Brazil, their design was to have anchored at the island Grande, but finding they had passed that island, they continued their course till off Porto, in lat. 24° S. where they came to anchor. Some of the ship's company of the commodore then got into the boat in order to go shore, both for the purpose of procuring wood and water and other refreshments, and in order to bury one of their seamen who had died. Before they could get on shore, they descried a body of Portuguese well armed moving along the coast, who seemed to prevent them from landing, and beckoned the Dutch to keep off, threatening to fire if they attempted to land: But, on shewing them the dead body, they [pg 76] allowed them to land, and even shewed them a place in which to inter their dead companion. Being desirous of procuring some intelligence, the Dutch asked many questions about the country, but could only get for answer, that Porto was an advanced port to St Sebastian, not marked in the charts, and that they were inhabitants of Rio Janeiro, which lay at the distance of eight miles.¹ The Dutch endeavoured to persuade them to go on board the commodore, but they refused, fearing they might be pirates, which frequently used to come upon the coast, and, under pretence of getting fresh water, would land and pillage any of the little towns near the sea.

About six months before the arrival of Roggewein at this place, a pirate had been there, and, while the crew were preparing to make a descent, a French ship of force arrived, which sent her to the bottom with one broadside. She sank in thirteen fathoms, and as she was supposed to have seven millions on board,² they had sent for divers from Portugal, in order to attempt recovering a part of her treasure. However, by dint of entreaties and the strongest possible assurance of safety, two of them were prevailed upon to go on board the commodore, where they were very kindly treated, and had clothes given them, by which they were induced to carry the squadron into a safe port, which was most serviceable to men in their condition, almost worn out with fatigues, and in a manner destroyed for want of water.

The harbour of Porto affords good anchorage in from six to eight fathoms. In entering it on the S.W. the main land is on the right, and a large island on the left, all the coast appearing very high land, consisting of mountains and intermediate vallies, overgrown with trees and shrubs. Porto is in a pleasant situation, but at this time had no inhabitants. They caught here both fish and tortoises of exquisite flavour, and so very nourishing, that about forty of the people who were ill of the scurvy, recovered very fast. Having remained there two days, in which time they supplied themselves with [pg 77] wood and water, they weighed anchor, and in six leagues sailing to the S.W. came into the road of St Sebastian. Just when entering the mouth of the river a violent storm arose, on which they had to drop their anchors, lest they had been driven on the rocks, and to wait the return of the tide in that situation. They entered the port next day, and came to anchor just before the town, which they saluted, but without being answered, either because the Portuguese guns were not in order, of because the inhabitants were not pleased, with their arrival, suspecting them of being pirates, though under the Dutch flag. In order to remove these apprehensions, Roggewein wrote to the governor, informing him what they were, and desiring to be furnished with cattle, vegetables, fruits, and other refreshments for payment, also requesting the use of a few huts on shore for the recovery of the sick men. The governor made answer, that these things were not in his power, as he was subordinate to the governor of Rio de Janeiro, to whom he should dispatch an express that evening, and hoped the commodore would give him time to receive the orders of his superior officer. But Roggewein was by no means satisfied with this answer, giving the governor to know, if he refused to deal with him by fair means and for ready money as offered, be should be obliged to have recourse to force, though much against his inclinations. Having learnt that there was a Franciscan monastery in the town, Roggewein sent also to inform the fathers of his arrival, accompanying his message by a present.

It happened fortunately for the Dutch, that a native of Utrecht, one Father Thomas, belonged to this monastery, who came immediately on board, accompanied by several other monks. He was so much delighted at the sight of his countrymen, that he declared he should now die in peace, having earnestly wished for twenty-two years to enjoy the satisfaction he was now gratified with. The commodore gave him a kind welcome, and presented him with whatever was deemed useful for the monastery. The prior, who was of the party on this occasion, begged the commodore to have patience till the return of the express from Rio de Janeiro, and promised to use his interest with the governor, to induce him to furnish the demanded refreshments, so that they parted well satisfied with each other. In the mean time, the Portuguese came down to the coast in large bodies well armed, posting themselves in such places as they judged the [pg 78] Dutch might attempt to put their men on shore; and at the approach of a Dutch pinnace, thought proper to fire at her, by which one of the Dutchmen was dangerously wounded in the shoulder. The boat's crew returned the fire by a general discharge of their fire-arms, by which two of the Portuguese were brought down, and the rest made a precipitate retreat. The Dutch then landed immediately, filling what water they had occasion for, and returned on board.

On the report of what had happened, which he deemed an act of hostility, Roggewein made immediate dispositions for attacking the town, ordering his smallest ship to go as near the place as possible, while the Teinhoven was ordered to watch the coast, and the commodore laid his own ship opposite the monastery, as if he had intended to batter it down. All this was merely to frighten the Portuguese into better behaviour, and it had the desired effect, as the deputy-governor came soon after on board, and entered into a treaty, granting every thing desired. He at the same time expressed considerable doubts of being paid for what they might furnish, as a French ship had been lately supplied with necessaries, and at its departure the French captain threatened to burn the town about their ears, if they insisted on payment according to agreement and his promises on first coming in. The sick were now landed on the island, and the whole of the ships companies were daily furnished by the Portuguese with beef, mutton, fowls, vegetables, fruits, and every thing else they wanted. The ships companies also had leave to go on shore, and soon contracted acquaintance among the Portuguese, from whom they obtained sugar, tobacco, brandy, and every thing else they wished for, in exchange for European goods, although the governor had strictly prohibited all commerce, under the strictest penalties. Thus, in a very short time the Portuguese became so well satisfied of the honesty and good intentions of the Dutch, that they brought back all their rich effects, formerly carried out of town when the ships first arrived. The Portuguese, however, complained loudly of the bad usage they met with from the French, who came frequently to this place with their ships, taking whatever they pleased by force, and plundering the houses in which they were permitted to lodge the sick; owing to which the Portuguese believed that all other Europeans would treat them in the same manner.

The town of St Sebastians is situated in lat. 24° S. and long. 60° W.³ being a place of moderate extent, only indifferently fortified by an inclosure of palisades, with a few cannon for its defence. The church however is a beautiful building, and the palace of the governor is very magnificent; but the houses of the inhabitants are only such as are commonly met with among the Spanish and Portuguese colonists in America. The Franciscan monastery stands on the S. side of the town, and accommodates about thirty monks very conveniently. The prior shewed to the commodore and his officers a curious idol, which he said had been worshipped by the ancient natives of the place. It was the image of a creature half tiger half lion, about four feet high and a foot and a half round. Its feet resembled the paws of a lion, and the head was adorned with a double crown, in which were stuck twelve Indian darts, one of which on each side was broken. On each shoulder there was a large wing like that of a stork. In the inside was seen the statue of a man, completely armed in the manner of the country, having a quiver of arrows at his back, a bow in his left hand, and an arrow in his right. The tail of this strange idol was very long, and twisted three or four times round the body of the man. It had been called Nasil Lichma, by its worshippers, and the prior said that it was made of gold; but the author of this voyage suspected it was only gilded. The monks had also a numerous collection of European and American curiosities, which they exhibited at the same time.

The port, or river rather, of St Sebastian, is three or four leagues in length, and about one league broad, having a very fine island on the N.E. of about four miles round, and there are smaller islands on all the other sides of this haven. The country of Brazil is very large and rich, insomuch that the king of Portugal is said to draw as great a revenue from hence, as the king of Spain from all his vast possessions in America. Its capital is Bahia, or St Salvador, besides which [pg 80] there are many other towns, as Siara, Olinda, Rio de Janeiro, St Vincent, and others. The country was discovered in 1590; but even at this day the Portuguese have not penetrated above eighty leagues into the interior. The soil is good, and the country would doubtless produce abundance of corn and wine for the use of its inhabitants; but, from a principle of policy, the colonists are not permitted to cultivate these productions, and are consequently supplied with them from Portugal. It is the common opinion that the ancient inhabitants were anthropophagi, or cannibals, and it is even said that human flesh was sold in their markets, as commonly as beef and mutton, but of this there is no authentic proof.⁴

Such of the natives as were seen were large dark-complexioned men, having thick lips, flat noses, and very white teeth. The Portuguese are numerous in Brazil, both Creoles, and such as come from time to time from Portugal, to repair their broken fortunes. A little time before the arrival of Roggewein, the Portuguese had discovered a diamond mine not far from St Sebastian, of which at that time they were not in full possession, but were meditating an expedition against the Indians, in order to become sole masters of so valuable a prize; and with this view they invited the Dutch to join them, promising them a share in the riches in the event of success. By these means, nine of our soldiers were tempted to desert. I know not the success of this expedition; but it is probable that it succeeded, as great quantities of diamonds have since been imported from Brazil into Europe. They are said to be found on the tops of mountains among a peculiar red earth containing a great deal of gold; and, being washed down by the great rains and torrents into the vallies, are there gathered in lavaderas by negroes employed for the purpose.

Brazil abounds with numerous sorts of beasts, birds, and fish, both wild and tame. They have tigers that do a great deal of mischief, also elephants in great abundance, the teeth [pg 81] of which are of great value.⁵ There is no country on earth where serpents, and other venomous reptiles, are more frequent, or of larger size. So far as the Portuguese power and colonization extends, the popish religion is established; but vast numbers of the indigenous natives of the country remain unsubdued, and continue their original idolatry, being of such cruel and vindictive dispositions, that when a Christian falls into their hands, the best thing that can happen to him is to have his throat cut, as they are, for the most part, put to death by means of cruel tortures. The air of the country, though excessively hot at certain times of the year, is extremely wholesome, as we experienced by our speedy recovery from the scurvy and other distempers. About St Sebastian there are vast quantities of venomous musquetoes, which sting to such a degree that we were all covered over with blisters. Our pilot, having drank too freely of the country rum, and afterwards fallen asleep in the open air, had his head, face, arms, and legs so severely stung, that his life was in imminent danger, and he recovered after a long time, not without much care.

While here, the commodore kept up a very strict discipline over his people; and some of his sailors being complained against as having maltreated some Indian women, he caused them to be severely punished, and would never afterwards allow them to go on shore. The Dutch and Portuguese agreed extremely well, but the governor was far from being pleased with his visitors, more especially because he had learnt from some of the deserters that the object of the expedition was to make discoveries in the south. For this reason he practised every art he could devise to hinder and distress them, and furnished them with provisions only from day to day, that they might not increase their sea-stores. He also frequently talked of there being five or six Portuguese men-of-war in Rio de Janeiro, in order to put the Dutch in fear of being attacked, and actually sent for the only ship that was there at the time, to come to St Sebastian. Roggewein perfectly understood the meaning of all this, of which he took no notice, and complied exactly with the terms of [pg 82] the agreement entered into with the deputy governor, saving part of the fresh provisions daily and salting them, cleaned and repaired his ship in succession, and took on board tobacco, sugar, and every thing else he wanted, till in a condition to continue the voyage. He then fully satisfied the governor for every thing procured at this place, making payment in fire-arms, hats, silk stockings, linen, stock-fish, and other European articles, and made him a considerable present besides. In return, the governor sent him some black cattle, and gave him a certificate of his honourable behaviour.

Footnote 1: (return)

There must be a considerable mistake here in regard to the latitude of Porto, said to be in 21° S. as Rio Janeiro is in lat. 22° 54' S. and must therefore have been eighty leagues distant. Perhaps the eight miles in the text, as the distance to Rio Janeiro, ought to have been eighty leagues or Dutch miles.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This is a most inconclusive mode of expression, perhaps meaning Dutch florins, and if so, about £636,363 sterling.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

It is impossible to reconcile this longitude with any of the first meridians mentioned in a former note, or indeed with any known geographical principles. It is 45° 30' W. from Greenwich. If reckoned from the meridian of Teneriffe, said to be that used by the Dutch, this would place it 21° 10' too far west, as Teneriffe is 16° 40' W. from Greenwich. This place, in an island of the same name, has to be carefully distinguished from the city of St Sebastian, now more commonly known by the name of Rio de Janeiro.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

There is no doubt that at least some of the tribes roasted and eat their prisoners, like the Caribs of the West Indies. But certainly they had not arrived to that state of civilization as to have markets; and beef and mutton were unknown in America, till carried there from Europe.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

There are animals of the tyger kind in Brazil and other parts of America, and the Jaguar, Owza, or Brazilian tyger, is probably the one here meant. No elephants exist in America, and their teeth, mentioned in the text, must have come from some of the Portuguese African possessions.E.

SECTION III.

Incidents during the Voyage from Brazil to Juan Fernandez, with a Description of that Island.

Every thing being settled at St Sebastian, Roggewein set sail towards the S.W. and falling in with a desert island about three leagues from the coast, he set on shore the swabber who had attempted to murder the cook, pursuant to his sentence, as formerly related. Leaving the coast of Brazil, the commodore proposed to have visited an island called Aukes Magdeland, after the name of its supposed discoverer, who is said to have seen a light on that island about an hundred years before, but did not go on shore. This island was said to be situated in the latitude of 30° S. and as being in the route of the navigation towards the South Sea, and in a good climate, he proposed to have settled a colony there for the service of such ships as might afterwards be bound for the Southern Indies, the object he was now in search of, where they might be supplied with wood, water, and other refreshments. But after much pains, he could neither discover that nor any other island in or near the latitude of 30° S. He therefore altered his coarse, steering for those called the New Islands by the Dutch, and the Islands of St Lewis, by a French privateer who first discovered them. Keeping always within forty or fifty leagues of the American coast, the squadron prosecuted its course very happily, having always the advantage of the land and sea-breezes; whereas, if it had kept farther from land, it would infallibly have fallen in with the western trade-wind.

On the 21st December, being in lat. 40°. S. they were [pg 83] assailed by a hurricane, attended with thunder and lightning, during which storm the Tienhoven parted company, and did not rejoin till three months afterwards. The extreme violence of this hurricane only lasted about four hours, during which they every moment expected to have been swallowed up by the waves, which ran mountain-high. These hurricanes are extremely dangerous, and are far more frequent in the American seas than in the East Indies. They usually happen at that season of the year when the west monsoon reigns, which is from the 20th July to the 15th October, for which reason ships usually remain then in port till they think the danger is over. Yet as storms of this kind are not exactly periodical, ships that trust to such calculations are often caught, as there are some years in which there are no hurricanes, and others in which they are more frequent and violent, and at unusual periods. The ordinary, or at least the surest sign of an approaching hurricane, is very fair weather, and so dead a calm that not even a wrinkle is to be seen on the surface of the sea. A very dark cloud is then seen to rise in the air, not larger than a man's hand, and in a very little time the whole sky becomes overcast. The wind then begins to blow from the west, and in a short space of time, whirls round the compass, swelling the sea to a dreadful height; and as the wind blows now on one side and then on the other, the contrary waves beat so forcibly on the ships that they seldom escape foundering or shipwreck. On first perceiving the before-mentioned small cloud, the best thing a ship can do is to stand out to sea. It is remarkable that the hurricanes are less frequent as we approach the higher latitudes in either hemisphere, so that they are not to be feared beyond the lat. of 55° either S. or N. It is also remarked, that hurricanes rarely happen in the middle of the wide ocean, but chiefly on the coasts of such countries as abound with minerals, and off the mouths of large rivers. Another surprising phenomenon at sea is what is called a whirlwind water-spout, or syphon, which often carries up high into the air whatever comes within the circle of its force, as fish, grasshoppers, and other things, where they appear like a thick vapour or cloud. The English fire at a water-spout or whirlwind, and often succeed in stopping its progress; the circular motion ceasing, and all that it had taken up falling immediately down, when the sea becomes presently calm.

On the cessation of the hurricane, the commodore and his [pg 84] remaining consort, the African galley, continued their course to the S.S.W. till in the height of the Straits of Magellan. They here fell in with an island of near 200 leagues in circumference, and about 14 leagues from the mainland of America, and seeing no smoke, nor any boat, or other kind of embarkation, they concluded that it was uninhabited. The west coast of this island was discovered by a French privateer, and named the Island of St Lewis; but being seen afterwards by the Dutch, who fancied its many capes to be distinct islands, they called it New Islands. Considering that, if ever it should be inhabited, its inhabitants would be the antipodes of the Dutch, Roggewein gave it the name of Belgia Australis. It is in the lat. of 52° S. and long. of 95° W.¹

The land appeared extremely beautiful and very fertile, being chequered with mountains and vallies, all of which were cloathed with fine straight trees. The verdure of the meadows, and freshness of the woods, afforded a delightful prospect, insomuch that all the people believed they should have found abundance of excellent fruits. But the commodore would not delay by permitting them to land, being anxious to get round Cape Horn, and chose therefore to defer a thorough examination of this new country till his return from discovering the southern continent and islands: This, however reasonable, proved vain in the sequel, as he was forced to return with his squadron by the East Indies; and this fine island, therefore, is likely to continue in a great measure unknown.

Quitting this island, they made for the Straits of Magellan, in order to wait a wind favourable for their navigation, which took place in a few days: for, if it had continued to blow from the west, they could not possibly have got into the South Seas. They now resolved to attempt the Straits of Le Maire, as infinitely more commodious than the Strait of Magellan, in which latter the sea has but small depth, and the meeting of the north and south currents occasion continual rough seas. The bottom also of the Straits of Magellan is rocky, affording no good anchorage; and the flows of [pg 85] winds from the mountains on both sides are apt to endanger all ships that endeavour to pass through these perilous straits. Having now a fair wind, they continued their course to the south for the Straits of Le Maire, seeing on their way abundance of whales and other large fish of that kind. Among the rest, they were followed for a whole month by that kind of fish which is called the Sea Devil by the Dutch sailors, which they took the utmost pains to catch, but to no purpose. It has a large head, a thick short body, and a very long tail, like that which painters bestow on the dragon.

Arriving in the lat. of 55° S. they soon after saw State Island, or Staten-land, which forms one side of the Straits of Luttaire. The fury of the waves, and the clashing of contending currents, gave such terrible shocks to their vessels, that they expected every moment their yards should have been broken, and their masts to come by the board. They would gladly have come to anchor, especially on finding the bottom to be good, but the weather and the sea were so rough that they durst not. They passed through the straits, which are about ten leagues long, by six over, with a swiftness not to be expressed, owing to the force and rapidity of the current. After getting through, this current, together with the westerly winds, carried them a great way from the coast of America; and, that they might be sure to sail free of Cape Horn, they sailed as high as the lat. of 62° 30' S. For three weeks together, they sustained the most dreadful gusts of a furious west wind, accompanied with hail and snow, and the most piercing frost. While enveloped in thick mists, they were apprehensive of being driven by the extreme violence of the winds upon mountains of ice, where they must inevitably have perished.

Whenever the weather was in any degree clear or serene, they had scarcely any night; for, being in the middle of January, 1722, the summer was then in its height, and the days at their utmost length.

These mountains of ice, of which they were so much afraid, are certain proofs that the southern countries extend quite to the pole, as well as those under the north; for, without question, these vast hills of ice cannot be produced in the sea, nor formed by the common force of cold. It must therefore he concluded, that they are occasioned by the sharp piercing winds blowing out of the mouths of large rivers.² [pg 86] It is no less certain, that the currents discerned in this ocean must all proceed from the mouths of large rivers, which, rolling down from a high continent, fall with such impetuosity into the sea, as to preserve a great part of their force long after they have entered it.³ The great quantity of birds seen here was an additional proof that land was not far off. It may be asked, whether this land be inhabited or not? For my part I believe it is. It may be again asked, How men should live in such a climate, in the lat. of 70° S. where the winter is so very long, the summer so short, and where they must be involved for so great a portion of the year in perpetual night? To this I answer, That such as dwell there come only in the fine season in order to fish, and retire on the approach of winter, as is done by many of the inhabitants of Russia and of Davis Straits, who, when they have provided themselves with fish on the coasts of a frozen climate, retire farther inland, and eat in their cabins during the winter the fish they have caught in the summer. If the people who inhabit Greenland and Davis Straits are to be believed, the country is inhabited even as high as 70° N. both winter and summer; and what is practicable in one country, cannot justly be reputed impracticable when supposed in another.⁴

Being driven 500 leagues from the continent by the contrary winds, the commodore now believed that he was beyond Cape Horn to the westwards, and steered therefore N.E. by N. in order to fall in with the coast of Chili. On [pg 87] the 10th March, being in lat. 37° 30' S. they discovered the coast of Chili to their great joy, and anchored soon after on the coast of the island of Mocha, which is three leagues from the continent.⁵ They were in hopes of finding on this island at least a part of the refreshments of which they were in want, especially fresh meat and vegetables, but were disappointed, by finding the island entirely abandoned, all its inhabitants having removed to the main land. They saw, however, in the island a multitude of horses and birds, and found some dogs in two cabins near the shore. They also discovered the wreck of a Spanish ship, from which they supposed the dogs had got on shore. The horses were supposed to have been left here to graze, and that the owners came at certain times from the main to take them, as wanted. They here killed abundance of geese and ducks; and finding the coast extremely rocky, and having no safe place of anchorage, they resolved to put to sea. In a council of the officers, it was determined to continue for some time longer on the coast of Chili, in hopes of meeting with some port in which they could safely anchor, in order to get some refreshments; but perceiving the Spaniards to be every where on their guard, they steered W.N.W. for the island of Juan Fernandez, which they reckoned to be at the distance of ninety leagues in that direction. Although the coast of Chili appears to be enormously high when seen from a distance, they discovered, by sailing along shore, that it was not higher than the coast of England, and that they had been deceived by the enormous height of the inland mountains, the tops of which are hid in the clouds, and cloathed in perpetual snow.

Having a favourable wind, they made way at a great rate, and got sight of the island of Juan Fernandez, on the fourth day after leaving the coast of Chili, but could not get to anchor that day in the road, owing to its falling calm. Next day, when ready to go in, they were astonished by seeing a ship riding at anchor, which they conjectured to be either a Spanish ship of force or a French interloper, but at last concluded to be a pirate. While consulting what to do, they saw the boat belonging to the ship coming towards them, carrying a Spanish flag, on which they began to prepare for [pg 88] an engagement, but were astonished beyond measure, on its nearer approach, to find that it belonged to their consort the Tienhoven, which they concluded had foundered. Captain Bowman was himself on board the boat, and shewed how well he had followed his instructions, as, by the commodore's orders in case of separation, this was to be the first place of rendezvous; whence, after cruizing six weeks, they were to repair to lat. 28° S. and cruize there a similar time: But, in case of not meeting the commodore in either of these places, they were then to open their sealed instructions, and follow them exactly. As soon as Captain Bowman was on board the commodore, he made a signal agreed on to his own ship, to acquaint them that the two ships were their consorts, After this, the Eagle and African entered the harbour.

When leisure permitted, Captain Bowman gave an account of the dangers he had encountered in passing the Straits of Magellan: That he had met with many storms on the coast of America, and that his ship was in a very bad condition, having only arrived at Juan Fernandez the evening before his consorts, both of which he believed had been lost in the hurricane at the time of their separation. The three captains afterwards dined together very cheerfully in the Tienhoven, where they recounted and reciprocally commiserated their past misfortunes, and rejoiced at their present happy meeting. As it still continued a dead calm, they were unable to come to anchor at the place intended, but they next day got close beside the Tienhoven, anchoring in forty fathoms, within musket-shot of the shore. The sick were now landed, and proper persons sent ashore along with them to construct cabins or huts for their accommodation; and to search for provisions and refreshments.

According to the author of this voyage, the island of Juan Fernandez is one of the finest and best situated in the world, having a pleasant, wholesome, and temperate climate, fit to restore health to the sick, and to give a constant flow of spirits to those who are in health, which this author personally experienced, having here recovered from a complication of disorders to perfect health. The hills are covered with tall trees of various kinds, fit for all kinds of uses; and the vallies are fertile, and able to produce all the necessaries of life with very little cultivation. It abounds with small streams and brooks, the banks of which are covered with wholesome giants; and the waters which run down from the mountains, [pg 89] though not in the least disagreeable to the taste, or injurious to health, are so impregnated with some mineral particles, that they never corrupt. On the east side of the bay in which the Dutch ships anchored, there are three mountains, the middlemost of which resembles the Table Mountains at the Cape of Good Hope. Behind these there are many other mountains which rise to a prodigious height, and are generally covered by very thick mist, especially in the mornings and evenings, whence I am apt to suspect that these mountains may contain rich mines. To give a just idea of the island in few words, it resembles in all respects the country at the Cape of Good Hope.

This author also mentions the sea-lions and seals of other writers, and adds, that there are sea-cows also of enormous size, some weighing near half a ton. He also mentions the abundance and excellence of the fish, of which the Dutch cured many thousands during their short stay, which proved extraordinarily good, and were of great service during the rest of the voyage. He mentions goats also on the island in abundance, but says the Dutch were unable to catch them, and at a loss how to get at their bodies when shot; but they were frightened from this sport by an unlucky accident which happened to the steward of one of the ships, soon after their arrival, who, rambling one evening in the mountains, fell suddenly from the top of a rock and was dashed to pieces. They found here the remains of a wreck, supposed by them to have been of a Spanish ship; but it was more probably the vestiges of the Speedwell, lost a year before, and from which, by diving, some of the sailors recovered several pieces of silver plate.

Having attentively considered the advantageous situation and many conveniences of this island, Roggewein conceived the design of settling on it, as the most proper place that could be thought of for ships bound, as he was, for the Terra Australis, or southern islands, and was the more encouraged in this design by considering the fertility of the island, which could not fail to afford sufficient subsistence for six hundred families at least. He postponed this, however, as also the settlement of Belgia Australis, or Falkland islands, till his proposed return, owing to which they never were settled. A settlement at the latter might have afforded a proper place for ships to careen and refit at, and to procure wood and water, after the long voyage from Europe, before entering the [pg 90] Straits of Magellan, and Juan Fernandez would have afforded every convenience for repairing any injuries that might have been sustained in passing through these straits, or going round Cape Horn. Whatever nation may revive and prosecute this plan, will certainly acquire in a few years as rich and profitable a commerce as is now possessed by the Spaniards with Mexico and Peru, or the Portuguese with Brazil.⁶

Footnote 1: (return)

There is not the smallest doubt that the text refers to the Falkland islands or Malouines, which consist of two principal islands, called West and East Islands, besides a number of islets, about 360 English miles from the continent of South America. The centre of the west, or principal island, is in lat. 51° 25' S. and long. 60° W. from Greenwich.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This is quite erroneous, as it is now well known that the sea water freezes, when reduced to a sufficient degree of cold, considerably lower than what is requisite for freezing fresh water. On this occasion, the salt precipitates from the freezing water, and the ice of sea water is sufficiently fresh for use when melted, if the first running be thrown away, which often contains salt, either adhering to the surface, or contained in cells.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

This is poor reasoning to support a preconceived theory of a southern continent, and might easily have been answered by themselves, as the prodigious current which set them through the Straits of Le Maire with such rapidity, could not have originated from any such cause. Currents are well known to be occasioned by the tides, the diurnal revolution of the earth, and by prevailing winds, influenced and directed by the bendings of coasts, the interposition of islands, and the position of straits. No such currents could possibly come from rivers in an austral land, locked up in ever-during frost, should any such land exist.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

It might be asked, whence are these fishers to come? Not surely from among the miserable inhabitants of Terra del Fuego. A miserable hypothesis is thus often obstinately defended by wretched arguments.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

Mocha is in lat. 36° 20' S. and about 20 miles from the coast of Chili.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

Britain once tried a settlement at Falkland islands, and had nearly gone to war with Spain on the occasion; and there can be no doubt that Spain could never have submitted to the settlement of Juan Fernandez by any other power. There is now a fort and small garrison kept in that island.E

SECTION IV.

Continuation of the Voyage from Juan Fernandez till the Shipwreck of the African Galley.

On leaving Juan Fernandez, Roggewein proposed to visit that part of the southern lands which was reported to have been discovered by Davis in 1680.¹ As the Dutch author of this voyage is rather dark on this subject, I shall here insert Mr Wafer's account of this discovery, as it is very short. Wafer was a man of sense and knowledge, who sailed along with Davis when this discovery was made.

"We steered from the Gallapagos island S. by E. 1/2 E. until we came into the lat. of 27° 20' S. when we fell in with a low sandy island, and heard a great roaring noise right a-head of the ship, like that of the sea beating on the shore. It being some hours before day, and fearing to fall foul of the shore, the ship put about, and plied off and on till next morning, and then stood in for the land, which proved to be a small flat island, not surrounded by any rocks. To the westwards, about twelve leagues by estimation, we saw a range of high land which we took to be islands, as there were several partitions in the prospect, and this land seemed to extend fourteen or sixteen leagues. There came great flocks of fowls from that direction; and I and more of the men would have made this land and gone on shore there, [pg 91] but the captain would not consent. The small island bears 500 leagues from Copaipo almost due W. and from the Gallapagos 600 leagues."²

In prosecuting his voyage to the westwards, the first land seen by Roggewein was the lesser island of Juan Fernandez, otherwise called Massa-fuero, about ninety-five English miles direct west. This appeared lower and less fertile from a distance, but they had not an opportunity of landing. Having the benefit of a S.E. trade-wind, they soon arrived in lat. 28° S. and the longitude of 251° E. where they expected to have fallen in with the land seen by Davis, but no such land was to be found. Continuing their voyage to the westwards, and attended by a vast quantity of birds, they arrived on the coast of a small island about sixteen leagues in extent, which they fell in with on the 14th April, 1722, being Easter-day, and called it therefore Pascha, or Easter Island.

The African galley being the smallest ship, was sent in first to examine this new discovery, and reported that it seemed to be very fertile and well peopled, as abundance of smoke was to be seen in all parts of the island. Next day, while looking out for a port, and when about two miles from the shore, an Indian came off to the ships in a canoe, who came readily on board and was well received. Being naked, he was first presented with a piece of cloth to cover him, and they gave him afterwards pieces of coral, beads, and other toys, all of which he hung about his neck, together with a dried fish. His body was painted all over with a variety of figures, through which the natural colour of his skin appeared to be dark brown. His ears were excessively large and long, hanging down to his shoulders, occasioned doubtless by wearing large heavy ear-rings; a thing also practised by the natives of Malabar. He was tall, well-made, robust and of a pleasing countenance, and brisk and active in his manners, appearing to be very merry by his gestures and way of speaking. They gave him victuals, of which he eat heartily, but could not be prevailed on to use a knife and [pg 92] fork; and when offered a glass of wine threw it away to their great surprise, afraid of being poisoned, or offended by the smell of strong liquor, to which he was unaccustomed. He was then dressed from head to foot, and had a hat put on his head, with which he did not seem at all pleased, but cut a very awkward figure, and seemed uneasy. The music was then ordered to play, with which he seemed much pleased, and when taken by the hand would leap and dance. Finding it impossible to bring the ships to anchor that day, they sent off the Indian, allowing him to keep all he had got in order to encourage the rest to come on board. But, what was really surprising, he had no mind to go away, and looked at the Dutch with regret, held up his hands towards his native island, and cried in a loud voice several times Odorega! making appear by signs that he would much rather have staid, and they had much ado to get him into his canoe. They afterwards imagined he called upon his gods, as they saw abundance of idols erected on the coast when they landed.³

Next morning at day-break, the ships entered a cove or bay on the S.E. side of the island, when many thousands⁴ of the inhabitants came down to meet them, bringing with them vast quantities of fowls and roots; and many of them brought these provisions on board, while the rest ran backwards and forwards on the shore, like so many wild beasts. As the ships drew near, the islanders crowded down to the shore to get a better view of them, and at the same time lighted fires, and made offerings to their idols, probably to implore their protection against the strangers. All that day the Dutch spent in getting into the bay and mooring their ships. Next morning very early, the islanders were observed prostrating themselves before their idols towards the rising sun, and making burnt offerings. While preparations were making for landing, the friendly native who had been before on board came a second time, accompanied by many others, who had their canoes loaded with living fowls and roots cooked after their manner, as if to make themselves welcome. [pg 93] Among this troop of islanders there was one man perfectly white, having round pendents in his ears as big as a man's fist. He had a grave decent air, and was supposed to be a priest. By some accident, one of the islanders was shot dead in his canoe by a musket, which threw the whole into prodigious confusion, most of them leaping into the sea in order to get the sooner ashore; while the rest who remained in their canoes paddled away with all their might.

The Dutch presently followed, and made a descent with 150 soldiers and seamen, at the head of whom was Commodore Roggewein, accompanied by the author of the voyage, who commanded the soldiers. The islanders crowded so close upon them while landing, that they thought it necessary to make their way by force, especially as some of the natives were so bold as to lay hold of their arms; and the Dutch accordingly fired, when a great number of the islanders were slain, among whom was the friendly native who had been twice aboard ship. This frightened and dispersed them; yet in a few minutes they rallied again, but did not come quite so near the strangers as before, keeping at the distance of about ten yards, as if they supposed that were sufficient to ensure their safety from the muskets. Their consternation was however very great, and they howled and lamented dismally. After all, as if to employ every possible means to mollify their invaders, the men, women, and children presented themselves in the most humble postures, carrying branches of palm in token of peace and submission, bringing plenty of provisions of all kinds, and even pointing to their women, giving the Dutch to understand by signs that these were entirely at their disposal, and that they might carry as many of them on board ship as they thought proper. Softened by these tokens of submission, the Dutch did them no farther harm, but made them presents of coral beads and small looking-glasses, and distributed among them sixty yards of painted cloth.

The natives now brought at once to the Dutch about 500 live fowls, every way the same with the ordinary poultry of Europe, together with a great quantity of red and white roots and potatoes, which these islanders use instead of bread. They brought also several hundred sugar-canes, and a great quantity of pisans, which are a sort of figs as large as gourds covered by a green rind, the pulp of which is as sweet as honey. The leaves of the tree on which these [pg 94] figs grow are six or eight feet long and three broad, and there are sometimes an hundred of these pisans on one bough. The Dutch saw no quadrupeds of any kind, yet supposed there might be cattle and other beasts in the interior, as on shewing some hogs to the islanders, they expressed by signs that they had seen such animals before. They used pots to dress their meat in; and it appeared that every family or tribe among them dwelt in a separate village. The huts or cabins composing these villages were from forty to sixty feet long, by six or eight feet broad, made of upright poles, having the interstices filled up with loam or fat earth, and covered at top with palm leaves. They drew most of their subsistence from the earth by cultivation, the land being portioned out into small plantations very neatly divided and staked out. While the Dutch were there, almost all the fruits and roots were in full maturity, and the island seemed to abound in good things. In their houses there were not many moveables, and those they had were of no value, except some red and white quilts or cloths, which served them in the day for mantles, and at night for coverlets. The stuff of which these were composed felt as soft as silk, and was probably of their own manufacture.

The natives of this island were in general a brisk, slender, active, well-made people, very swift of foot, and seemed of sweet tempers, and modest dispositions, but timorous and faint-hearted; for whenever they brought fowls or other provisions to the Dutch, they threw themselves on their knees, and immediately on delivering their presents retired in all haste. They were mostly as brown-complexioned as Spaniards, some among them being almost black, while others were white, and others again had their skins entirely red, as if sun-burnt. Their ears hung down to their shoulders, and some had large white bales hanging to them, which they seemed to consider as a great ornament. Their bodies were painted all over with the figures of birds and other animals, on some much better executed than on others.⁵ All their women had artificial bloom on their cheeks, but of [pg 95] a much deeper crimson than is known in Europe, and the Dutch could not discover what this colour was composed of. They wore little hats on their heads made of straw or reeds, and had no other covering than the quilts or mantles formerly mentioned.⁶ The women were by no means extremely modest, for they invited the Dutchmen into their houses by signs, and when they sat by them would throw off their mantles, as inviting familiarity. It is very singular of these islanders, that the Dutch saw no appearance whatever of arms among them; but, when attacked, they fled for refuge to their idols, numbers of which were erected all along the coast. These idols were all of stone, representing the figures of men with great ears, their heads covered by the representations of crowns; and all so nicely proportioned, and so highly finished, that the Dutch were much amazed. Many of the inhabitants seemed to be more frequent and more zealous worshippers of these images than the rest, which induced the Dutch to believe that these were priests; and that the more especially, as their heads were close shaven, on which they wore caps of black and white feathers,⁷ and they had large white balls hanging at their ears.

No appearance of government or subordination was observed among these islanders, and consequently no prince or chief having dominion over the rest. The old people wore bonnets made of feathers resembling the down of ostriches, and had sticks in their hands. In some of the houses, the father of the family was observed to have rule over all its inhabitants, and was obeyed with the greatest readiness. In the opinion of the Dutch author of this voyage, this island might be settled to great advantage, as the air is very wholesome and the soil rich; being proper for producing corn in the low lands, and its higher grounds might be converted into vineyards. On the evening, after returning on board, Roggewein proposed to land again next morning with a force sufficient to make a strict survey of the whole island: But during the night there arose so strong a west wind as drove them from their anchors, and they were forced to put [pg 96] to sea, to avoid being shipwrecked. After this misfortune, they cruized for some time in the same latitude, seeking in vain for the land discovered by Davis, on which Roggewein determined to bear away for the Bad Sea of Schouten, keeping always a west course, in hopes of discovering some new land. In this coarse, they soon found themselves in the height of the island discovered by Schonten in 1615, to which he gave the name of Bad-water, because all its waters were brackish; but, by changing their course, they ran 300 leagues out of their way, and at least 150 leagues farther than Schonten.

In this wide sea, Roggewein sailed upwards of 800 leagues without seeing land, though he frequently varied his course. At length, when in lat. 15° 30' S. they discovered a very low island, the coast of which was covered with a deep yellow-coloured sand, having in the middle of the island a kind of pond, lake, or lagoon. All the principal officers were of opinion that this was the island to which Schonten gave the name of Dog island, and did not therefore think it necessary to go on shore for more particular examination.⁸ The author of this voyage was of a different opinion, conceiving it a new discovery, and calling it Carlshoff,⁹ which he says is in lat. 15° 45' S. and long. 280°. He describes it as a low flat island of about three leagues in extent, having a lake in the middle.

Leaving this island, the wind came about to the S.W. a sign that they were near some coast, which had changed the current of the air; and by this alteration of wind they were driven among some small islands, where they found themselves considerably embarrassed. In this situation the African galley led the way for the rest, as sailing best and drawing least water; but she soon found herself in such danger, that they fired repeated guns of distress, on which the other two ships hastened to her assistance, when they found her stuck so fast between two rocks that it was impossible to get her of? and were only able to save her people. Roused by the noise of the signal guns, the natives of the surrounding [pg 97] islands kindled many fires on their hills, and flocked in crowds to the coasts; and the Dutch; not knowing what might be their designs in the darkness of the night and in the midst of their own confusion, fired upon them without ceremony, that they might have as few dangers as possible to deal with at one time. In the morning as soon as it was light, they had a clear view of the danger all the ships had been in during the darkness of the past night, finding themselves environed on all sides by four islands, with a continued chain of steep rocks, and so close together that they could hardly discern the channel by which they had got in, so that they had much reason to be thankful for having been so wonderfully preserved in the midst of so much danger. On this occasion only one seaman was lost, who belonged to the Tienhoven, and who, in his eagerness to go to succour his friends, dropt overboard and was drowned.

The danger was by no means over as soon as discovered, as it cost the Dutch no less than five days to extricate themselves from their perilous situation, during which time the commodore was separated from the Tienhoven, and remained ignorant of the fate of the African. At length, the boat of the Tienhoven, having sailed all round the group of islands, brought information that the crew of the African had got safe on shore; and that the natives, after being once fired on, had retired into the interior in all haste. Roggewein now sent his boat to bring off all those who had got on shore; and on mustering the crew of the African on board the Eagle, it appeared that a quarter-master and four seamen were missing. On enquiry, it was found that these men had chosen to remain on the island, as they had mutinied against their officers on getting ashore, because they had interposed to prevent them from killing each other with their knives, and Captain Rosenthall had threatened to have them all put to death when he got them aboard the commodore, wherefore they had fled to avoid punishment. Being unwilling to lose them, the commodore sent the author of this narrative with a detachment of soldiers to bring them away, but he was unable to succeed.

These islands are situated between the latitudes of 15° and 16° S. about twelve leagues west from Carlshoff,¹⁰ each of [pg 98] them appearing to be four or five leagues in compass. That on which the African was shipwrecked was named Mischievous Island, the two next it the Brothers, and the fourth the Sister All four islands were beautifully verdant, and abounded in fine tall trees, especially cocoas; and the crews found material benefit while here by refreshing themselves on the vegetable productions of these islands, by which many of them were surprisingly recovered from the scurvy. The Dutch found here vast quantities of muscles, cockles, mother-of-pearls, and pearl-oysters, which gave reason to expect that a valuable pearl fishery might have been established here. These islands are extremely low, so that some parts of them must be frequently overflowed; but the inhabitants have plenty of stout canoes, as also stout barks provided with sails and cables; and the Dutch found several pieces of rope on the shore, that seemed made of hemp. The natives were of extraordinary size, all their bodies being painted [or tatooed] with many colours, and had mostly long black hair, though some had brown hair even inclined towards red. They were armed with pikes or lances eighteen or twenty feet long, and kept in bodies of fifty or an hundred together, endeavouring to entice the Dutch to follow them into the interior, as if to draw them into an ambuscade, on purpose to be revenged for the loss they had sustained by the firing on the night of the shipwreck.

Footnote 1: (return)

We have omitted a long, inconclusive, and uninteresting discussion about the climate and productions of the proposed discovery, the Terra Australis, which still remains incognito, or rather has been clearly shewn to have no existence.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

There can be no doubt that the small low flat island was Easter island, in lat. 27° 20' S. long. 110° 10' W. Its distance from Copaipo, almost due W. is almost exactly 40° or 800 marine leagues. The range of high land seen to the westwards, could be nothing but a fog bank, so that Roggewein set out from Juan Fernandez in search of a nonentity.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

It will be afterwards seen in the modern circumnavigations, that there are several gigantic statues, having a distant resemblance to the human figure, on this island, which are perhaps alluded to in the text.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

This surely is a prodigious exaggeration, as the island is utterly incapable to have supported any considerable number of inhabitants, and there is not any other within 1500 miles.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

Tatooed in all probability, a practice so common through the inhabitants of Polynesia, which will be minutely described in an after division of this collection. It may suffice to say at present, that this decoration is formed by pricking the skin with sharp instruments till it just bleeds, and afterwards rubbing some coloured powders into the punctures, which leave indelible stains.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

It is left ambiguous whether these straw hats and mantles were worn by both sexes, or confined exclusively to the women.E.

Footnote 7: (return)

A dissertation is here omitted on a fancied migration of storks annually from Europe to this island and others in the South-sea, as high as lat. 40° and 50° S. merely because the Dutch thought the feathers in these caps resembled those of storks.E.

Footnote 8: (return)

In modern geography Dog island is placed in lat. 15° 10' S. long. 137° 45' W. from Greenwich.E.

Footnote 9: (return)

Carlshoff is laid down by Arrowsmith in lat. 15° 45' S. as in the text, and long. 145° 28' W. The first meridian used for the longitude in the text is quite inexplicable, and was probably assumed on very erroneous computation. It is 190 marine leagues due west from Dog island.E.

Footnote 10: (return)

Pernicious islands, almost certainly the Mischievous islands of the text, are placed in lat. 16° 5' S. and long. 148° 50' W. about 20 leagues W. by S. from Carlshoff by Arrowsmith.E.

SECTION V.

Continuation of the Voyage after the Loss of the African, to the Arrival of Roggewein at New Britain.

The next morning after leaving Mischievous island, they saw a new island eight leagues to the west, to which they gave the name of Aurora island, because observed first at break of day. At this time the Tienhoven was so near, that if the sun had risen half an hour later, she must have shared the same fate with the African, as she was within cannon-shot of the shore when the danger was perceived, and she then tacked and escaped with considerable difficulty. The fright which this occasioned produced a mutiny, in which all the seamen insisted with the commodore either to return immediately, or to give them security for payment of [pg 99] their wages, in case they should be so unfortunate as to suffer shipwreck. This request seemed just and reasonable, being daily exposed to excessive fatigue in these stormy and unknown seas, and at the same time ran the hazard of losing all the reward of their labours, as it is the custom in Holland that the seamen lose their wages if the ship is lost in which they sail. The commodore listened to their complaints with much humanity, and immediately gave them assurance upon oath, that they should have their wages to the uttermost farthing, and kept his promise with the utmost exactness; for, though the African was lost before, and both the other ships were condemned at Batavia, yet every one of their respective crews received their full wages on their arrival at Amsterdam.

The island of Aurora was about four leagues in extent, the whole being covered with delightful verdure, and adorned with lofty trees interspersed with smaller wood. But, as the coast was found to be all foul and rocky, they left this island also without landing. Towards evening of the same day, they had sight of another island, to which therefore they gave the name of Vesper.¹ This was about twelve leagues in circuit, all low land, yet verdant and containing abundance of trees of various sorts. Continuing their course to the west in about the latitude of 15° S. they next morning discovered another country; and, as it was covered with smoke, they concluded it was inhabited, and made there all sail to come to it, in hopes of procuring refreshments. On approaching nearer, some of the inhabitants were seen diverting themselves off the coast in their canoes. They also perceived by degrees, that what they had at first supposed to be one country or large island, was in reality abundance of islands standing close together, among which they had now entered so far, that they found it difficult to get out again. In this situation, a man was sent to the mast-head to look out for a passage, and as the weather was quite serene, they had the good fortune to get out once more into the open sea without injury; although in passing by several steep ranges of rocks, they had reason to consider this as a great deliverance. There were six of these islands, exceedingly [pg 100] beautiful and pleasant in appearance, which altogether could not be less than thirty leagues in circumference. They were about twenty-five leagues west from Mischievous island, and the Dutch called them the Labyrinth,² having difficultly got clear of them by numerous tacks.

As it was very dangerous to anchor on the coast, and as none of the inhabitants came off in their canoes, the Dutch did not think fit to make any stay, but continued still a western course, and in a few days discovered another island, which at a distance appeared very high and beautiful; but, on a nearer approach they found no ground for anchorage, and the coast appeared so rocky that they were afraid to venture near. Each ship therefore embarked twenty-five men in their boats, in order to make a descent. The natives no sooner perceived their design than they came down in crowds to the coast to oppose their landing, being armed with long spears, which they soon shewed they knew how to use to the best advantage. When the boats drew near, the shore was found to be so steep and rocky, that the boats could not come to land, on which most of the sailors went into the water with their arms in their hands, having some baubles fit for presents to the natives tied upon their heads; while those who remained in the boats kept up a continual fire to clear the shore. This expedient succeeded, and the seamen got ashore without much resistance from the natives; who were frightened by the fire of the musquetry, and retired up the mountains, but came down again as soon as the Dutch ceased firing.

On the return of the islanders, the Dutch who had landed shewed them small mirrors, beads, and other baubles, and the people came up to them without fear, took their presents, and suffered them to search where they pleased for herbs and sallading for the sick. They found abundance of these, and soon filled twelve sacks, six for the Eagle and six for the Tienhoven, the inhabitants even assisting them and shewing them the best sorts. They carried their cargo of greens immediately on board, which were more acceptable to the sick than if they had brought them as much gold and silver. Next morning a larger body of men were ordered on shore, [pg 101] both on purpose to gather herbs and to examine the island. The first thing they did was to make a present to the king or chief of a considerable assortment of trinkets, which he received with an air of indifference and disdain, which did not promise much good in their future intercourse, yet sent the Dutch a considerable quantity of cocoa nuts in return, which were very agreeable to them in their present circumstances. The chief was distinguished from the ordinary inhabitants by wearing various ornaments of pearls, as they judged to the value of 600 florins, or L. 55 sterling. The women of the island seemed to admire the white men much, and almost stifled them with caresses: But this was all employed to lull the Dutch into security, that the plot contrived by the men for their destruction might the more readily succeed.

When the Dutch had filled twenty sacks with greens, they advanced farther into the country, till they came to the top of some steep rocks, which hung over a large and deep valley, the natives going both before and behind them, quite unsuspected of any evil intention. At length, thinking they had the Dutch at an advantage, the natives suddenly quitted them, and soon after prodigious numbers came pouring out from caves and holes in the rocks, and surrounded the Dutch on all sides, while they immediately formed in close order for defence. The chief or king then made a signal for the Dutch to keep off, but as they continued to advance, the chief made a signal of battle, which was instantly followed by a prodigious shower of stones. The Dutch in return made a general discharge of their fire arms, which did great execution, and the chief was among the first who fell. Yet the islanders continued to throw stones with great fury, so that most of the Dutch were soon wounded and almost disabled, on which they retired under shelter of a rock, whence they fired with such success that great numbers of the islanders were slain. They still obstinately maintained their ground, and the Dutch were at last forced to retreat, having some of their number killed, and a great many wounded, most of whom died not long after, in consequence of their scorbutical habit of body, in spite of every care. As soon as they could disengage themselves from the enemy, the Dutch retired on board ship, carrying with them the sacks of greens which they had gathered. This rencounter had so great an effect on the [pg 102] Dutch, that when it was proposed to land again, not a man could be prevailed upon to make the dangerous attempt.

They had given to this island, before this unfortunate affair, the name of the Island of Recreation,³ which is in lat. 16° S. and long. 285°. It is about twelve leagues in compass, with a fertile soil, producing a great number of trees, especially cocoa nuts, palms, and iron-wood. The Dutch conceived that there might be rich mines in the heart of the country, and other valuable things, but were not allowed to search. The natives were of middle size, but robust and active, having long black shining hair, which they anoint with cocoa-nut oil, a practice very common among the Indians. They were painted all over, like the inhabitants of Easter island; the men wearing a kind of net-work round their middles, which they stick up between their legs. The women were entirely covered by a kind of mantles of their own manufacture, the stuff of which to the sight and touch resembled silk;⁴ and they wear long strings of pearls about their necks and wrists.

Roggewein thought proper to sail from this island without farther loss of time, and before his departure held a council of his officers, in which he stated his instructions, which were,If no discovery of importance could be made in the latitude and longitude in which they then were, that he should return home. Some of the council were much astonished at this, and remonstrated, That having already gone so far, and met with such encouragement to hope for discoveries of great importance, they thought it would betray a great want of spirit not to proceed. To this Roggewein answered, That they had now been out ten months, having still a long voyage to make to the East Indies; that provisions began to grow scarce, and, above all, that the crews were already so much diminished in number, and the survivors in so weak a condition, that if twenty more were to die or fall sick, there would not be a sufficient number remaining to navigate both ships. The true reason, however, in the opinion of the author of this voyage, was the anxiety [pg 103] to get to the East Indies before the change of the monsoon, in which case they must have remained six months longer in these seas. Some of the officers opposed this motion to the last, earnestly entreating the commodore that he would rather winter at the land mentioned by Ferdinand de Quiros, from which they could not now be more than 150 leagues distant. They insisted that it was wrong to think of going to the East Indies, that being directly contrary to the design of their instructions: And that by continuing in the same western course, they could not fail to fall in with some island, where they might land and procure refreshments, remaining on shore till all their sick men were recovered, and erecting a fort to defend themselves against the natives. If this were complied with, they said they might afterwards return home by an eastern coarse; and, by taking time, might effectually complete the discoveries on which they were sent.

These reasons were listened to with patience and civility, but had not the weight they deserved; and a resolution was formed to continue their coarse for New Britain and New Guinea, and thence to the East Indies, by way of the Moluccas, being in hopes to procure there a supply of provisions and necessaries, together with a reinforcement of seamen, in case they should then be too weak for navigating their ships home to Europe. In consequence of this resolution, an end was put to all hope of visiting the land of Quiros, which the best seamen on board thought might have been easily discovered, called by him and Torres the Islands of Solomon, and reported to be beautiful and fertile, and abounding in gold, silver, precious stones, and spices.⁵

Leaving the island of Recreation, Roggewein steered a coarse towards the N.W. pursuant to the resolution of the council, in order to get into the latitude of New Britain. On the third day, in lat. 12° S. and long. 29° they discovered several islands which appeared very beautiful at a distance, and, on a nearer approach, were seen to be well planted with all sorts of trees, and produced herbs, corn, and roots in great plenty, to which they gave the name of Bowman's Islands, after the captain of the Tienhoven, by whom they were first seen.⁶ As soon as they were seen by the natives, [pg 104] they came off in their canoes to the ships, bringing fish, cocoa-nuts, Indian figs, and other refreshments, in return for which the Dutch gave them small mirrors, strings of beads, and other trifles. These islands were very fully peopled, as many thousands of men and women came down to the shore to view the ships, most of the men being armed with bows and arrows. Among the rest, they saw a majestic personage, who, from the peculiar dress he wore, and the honours that were paid him, evidently appeared to be chief or king of these islanders. This person soon afterwards went into a canoe, accompanied by a fair young woman, who sat close by his side, and his canoe was immediately surrounded by a vast number of others, which seemed intended for his guard.

All the inhabitants of these islands were white, differing only from Europeans in being sun-burnt, and they seemed a very harmless good sort of people, of brisk and lively dispositions, behaving to each other with much civility, and shewing no appearance of wildness or savageness in their behaviour. Their bodies were not painted like those of the islanders they had seen hitherto, but very handsomely cloathed from the waist downwards, with a sort of silk fringes very neatly arranged. On their heads they wore hats of a very neat-looking stuff, very large and wide spreading, in order to keep off the sun, and their necks were adorned with collars or garlands of beautiful odoriferous flowers. The islands appeared quite charming, being agreeably diversified with beautiful hills and intermediate vallies. Each family or tribe appeared to have its separate district, and to compose a separate government or community, all the land being regularly laid out into regular and fair plantations, as had formerly been observed at Pasch, or Easter island. In all respects, the natives were the most civilized and best disposed people they had seen in the South Seas. Instead of shewing any terror or apprehension at the arrival of the Dutch, the natives expressed the utmost joy and satisfaction, treating them with the utmost kindness and respect, and manifested the most sincere and deep concern at their departure. Many of the Dutch also felt a similar regret, and would have been well pleased to have made a longer stay in this delightful and plenteous country, among so kind a [pg 105] people, as, by the help of the excellent provisions in great abundance with which these good islands furnished them, all their sick people would have been perfectly recovered in a month. These islands had also one convenience greatly superior to those they had met with before, as there was good anchorage almost every where along their coasts, where they rode in the utmost safety, in from fifteen to twenty fathoms.

So many advantageous circumstances ought to have induced Roggewein and his officers to have remained here longer; but their heads were so full of proceeding for the East Indies, that they were fearful of missing the favourable monsoon, while they afterwards discovered, to their cost, that they were two months too early, instead of two months too late. By this indiscreet step, they sacrificed the health and strength of their crew to such a degree, that they were at length hardly able to navigate their ships, and at one time were on the point of burning one of their ships, that they might be better able to manage the other: All of which inconveniences might have been avoided, had they embraced this opportunity afforded them by Divine Providence, and been contented to remain in a place of safety, plenty, and pleasure, till their sick were recovered, instead of wilfully seeking new dangers which they were so little able to encounter.

Leaving Bowman's islands, and continuing their course towards the N.W. they came next morning in sight of two islands, which they took to be Coccos and Traitor's islands,⁷ so called by Schouten, who discovered them. The island of Coccos, at a distance, for Roggewein would not stop to examine it, seemed very high land, and about eight leagues in circuit. The other seemed much lower, composed of a red soil, and destitute of trees. They soon after saw two other islands of large extent, one of which they named Tienhoven,⁸ and the other Groninguen; which last many of their officers [pg 106] were of opinion was no island, but the great southern continent they were sent out to discover. The island of Tienhoven appeared a rich and beautiful country, moderately high, its meadows or low lands, by the sea, exceedingly green, and the interior well provided with trees. They coasted along this island for a whole day without reaching its extremity, yet noticed that it extended semi-circularly towards the island of Groninguen, so that those which they took for islands might be contiguous lands, and both of them parts of the Terra Australis incognita.

A great part of the company were for anchoring on this coast, and making a descent, but the officers were so intent on proceeding for India, that they alleged it might be very dangerous to attempt landing, lest any of the men might be cut off, and they should not have enough left to carry on the ships. They continued in their course, therefore, not doubting that they should soon see the coasts of New Britain or New Guinea: But, after sailing many days without seeing any land at all, they began to see the vanity of these calculations, and could not forbear murmuring at their effects, as the scurvy began to cut off three, four, or five of their best hands daily. At this time nothing was to be seen but sick people, struggling with inexpressible pains, or dead carcasses just relieved from their intolerable distress. From these there arose so abominable a stench, that even those who were yet sound often fainted away, unable to endure it. Cries and groans were incessantly heard in all parts of the ships, and the sight of the poor diseased wretches who were still able to crawl about, excited horror and compassion. Some were reduced to such mere skeletons that their skins seemed to cleave to their bones, and these had this consolation, that they gradually consumed away without pain. Others were swelled out to monstrous sizes, and were so tormented with excruciating pain, as to drive them to furious madness. Some were worn away by the dysentery, and others were racked with excruciating rheumatism, while others again dragged their dead limbs after them, having lost feeling through the palsy. To these numerous and complicated diseases of the body, many had superadded distemperature of the mind. An anabaptist of twenty-five years old called out continually to be baptized, and when told with a sneer that there was no parson on board, he became quiet, and died with great resignation. Two papists [pg 107] on board gave what little money they had to their friends, beseeching them, if they ever got back to Holland, to lay it out in masses to St Anthony of Padua for the repose of their souls. Others again would listen to nothing that had the smallest savour of religion, for some time before they died. Some refused meat and drink for twenty-four hours before death, while others were suddenly carried off in the midst of conversation.

All these various appearances of disease are attributed by the author of this voyage principally to the bad quality of their provisions; their salt meat being corrupted, their bread full of maggots, and their water intolerably putrid. Under these circumstances medicines were of no avail, being utterly unable to work a cure, and could at best only defer death for a little, and protract the sufferings of the sick. Though as well as any one in either ship, the author of this journal had the scurvy to such a degree that his teeth were all loose, his gums inflamed and ulcerated, and his body all over covered with livid spots. Even such as were reputed in best health, were low, weak, and much afflicted with the scurvy. Nothing could effectually relieve or even alleviate their sufferings, except fresh meat, vegetables, and sweet water. At length it pleased God to put a period to their miseries, by giving them sight of the coast of New Britain, the joy of which filled the sick with new spirits, and encouraged those who were still able to move, with the enlivening hope of once more revisiting their native land. Our author was fully of opinion, that if they had been many days longer at sea, they must all have perished by the continuance and necessary increase of the miseries which they endured, which no description can possibly express in any thing like adequate terms.

Footnote 1: (return)

Aurora and Vesper are called in modern geography Roggewein's or Palliser's Islands, in lat. 15° 32' S, about 10 leagues N. by W. of Pernicious Islands.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

Perhaps Prince of Wales' islands are here alluded to, in lat. 15° 50' S. and long. 148° 5' W. about 40 marine leagues W.N.W. from Pernicious islands.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

By Arrowsmith, this island is placed in lat. 16° 32' S. and long. 148° 50' W. The longitude in the text is inexplicable on any supposition.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

The cloth of the South-sea islands is a substance in a great measure resembling paper, composed of the inner bark of the paper mulberry, the preparation of which will be afterwards detailed in the narratives of the modern circumnavigatorsE.

Footnote 5: (return)

We have here omitted a long, uninteresting, and inconclusive disquisition on the supposed Terra Australis, as altogether founded on supposition and error.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

These appear to have been the most northerly of the Society islands, about 70 marine leagues, or 3-1/2 degrees W. by N. from Recreation island, in lat. 15° 20' S. long. 152° W.

Footnote 7: (return)

There must be here an enormous error in the text; Coccos and Traitor's islands are almost directly west from Recreation island, and the northermost of the Society islands, supposed to be the Bowman's islands of the text, and not less than 23°10' farther west than these last, or 463 marine leagues, which could not well be run in less than a week or ten days.E.

Footnote 8: (return)

These were probably the Fee-jee, or Bligh's islands, in lat. 17° 20' S. long. 181° 30' W. but the narrative is too incomplete to ascertain this and many other points with any tolerable certainty.E.

SECTION VI.

Description of New Britain, and farther Continuation of the Voyage till the Arrival of Roggewein at Java.

The country of New Britain, and all the islands in its neighbourhood, is composed of very high land, many of the mountains hiding their heads in the clouds. The sea coasts are however both pleasant and fertile, the low lands being [pg 108] cloathed in perpetual verdure, and the hills covered with a variety of trees, mostly bearing fruit. It is in lat. between 4°and 7° S.¹ and both in regard to situation and appearance, no country can promise better than this. After some consultation, it was resolved to go on shore here at all events, though now so much reduced by the long-continued sickness, that they could hardly muster a sufficient number of men from both ships to man a boat, and leave men enough, in case they were cut off, to navigate one ship home, supposing them even to sacrifice one of the ships. Yet such was the ardent desire of all to get on shore, and so urgent was the necessity for that measure, that it appeared indispensable to venture on landing, let the consequences be what they might. Accordingly, our author was ordered into the boat, with as many men as could be spared, with orders to get on shore at any rate, by fair means if possible, and with the consent of the inhabitants, for whom he carried a great number of baubles to distribute among them as presents. If, however, these had no effect, he was then to use force, as the circumstances to which they were reduced made it as eligible to die by the hands of barbarians as to perish gradually by disease and famine.

The nearer they drew towards the coast, the more they were delighted with its appearance, as giving them a nearer prospect of the wished-for refreshments. The inhabitants came down in multitudes to the coast, but in such guise as did not by any means increase their satisfaction, as they were all armed with bows and arrows and slings, and demonstrated sufficiently by their gestures that the Dutch were by no means welcome visitors, and that they were not to expect being permitted to land peaceably. As the boat approached the shore, the natives seemed to become frantic with despair, made frightful faces, tore their hair, and howled in a horrible manner; and at length, as borrowing courage from the increase of danger, they hurried into their canoes and put off [pg 109] from the shore, as if to meet that danger the sooner which was evidently unavoidable. As the Dutch continued their way towards the land, the natives discharged a flight of arrows at the boat, which they followed by throwing their spears or javelins, after which they threw in a shower of stones discharged from slings. Convinced now that there was nothing to be trusted to but force, the Dutch opened their fire, and kept it up with such effect, that many of the natives were slain, and the rest so terrified, that great numbers of them leapt into the water to swim ashore, and at last all the survivors followed the example, by turning their canoes towards the land. But such was their confusion and dismay, that they were now unable to distinguish the proper channels by which to get back to the coast, but ran them on the rocks and shoals. This circumstance almost deprived the Dutch of all hopes of being able to attain the coast.

While thus embarrassed, there arose a violent storm, of that kind which the Dutch call traffat, and which in the east is named a tuffoon, which usually arises suddenly in the midst of a calm, and when the air is perfectly clear and serene, and which, by its extreme violence, often brings the masts by the board, and whirls the sails into the air, if they are not furled in an instant. By this sudden tempest, the two ships were forced out to sea, and the poor people in the boat were left without relief, and almost devoid of hope. The boat was forced on a sand-bank, where she was for some time so beaten by the winds and waves, that there seemed no chance of escaping almost instant destruction. But despair often lends strength and spirits to men beyond their usual powers; and, by dint of great exertions, they dragged their boat clear of the bank, and got to land, where all got safe on shore without hurt, but almost exhausted by fatigue. The first thing they did was to look out for some place of retreat, where they might be safe from any sudden assault of the natives; but night came on before any such could be found, so that they were forced to rest contented with making a fire on the shore, in order to dry and warm themselves, which in some measure revived their spirits. The light of the fire enabled them to discover several huts or cabins of the natives in the neighbourhood of where they were, on which they felt inclined to examine them, but found neither inhabitants nor household goods of any kind, all that they met with worth taking away being a few nets of curious [pg 110] workmanship. They also saw abundance of cocoa-nut trees, but, having no hatchets, were unable to come at any of the fruit, and had to pass a most comfortless night, during which they were perpetually disturbed and alarmed by the frightful noise of the natives in the adjoining wood, whence they naturally concluded they were every moment about to attack them. About midnight they heard a signal from the ships, which had been able to come back to that part of the coast, on which they immediately hastened on board, and immediately continued their voyage along the coast of New Britain, making their way with considerable difficulty through among numerous islands. They named that part of the coast on which they landed, Stormland, which was probably the same called Slinger's bay by Dampier, on account of the dexterity of the natives in the management of that instrument.

This country of New Britain seems to be extremely fertile, and to abound in fruits of many sorts. The inhabitants are a tall well-made people, perfect mulattoes in their complexions, with long black hair hanging down to their waists, being extremely nimble and vigorous, and so dexterous in the management of their weapons, that in all probability they live in a state of continual warfare with their neighbours. The sea along the coast is studded with numerous islands, so that they had great difficulty in getting a passage through them.

Notwithstanding the dangers they had already experienced, they resolved to make another descent upon the coast on the first opportunity, though they had not now ten men in both vessels in perfect health, but their necessities admitted of no other remedy. The stock-fish, on which they had lived for some time past, was now so full of worms, and stunk so abominably, that, instead of eating it, they were unable to come near it. The officers were unable now to pacify the men with stories of relief in the East Indies, for they unanimously declared that immediate death on shore would be more welcome than living longer at sea in this dreadful condition. In this forlorn condition they arrived in the lat. of 2° S. where they fortunately fell in with the islands of Moa and Arimoa, ² formerly discovered by Schouten, and immediately [pg 111] determined upon endeavouring to procure relief from Arimoa, the larger of these islands. The natives, on perceiving the approach of the two ships, came immediately off to meet them in their canoes, of which they had prodigious numbers. All of these people were armed with bows and arrows, even their women and children; but they brought with them various refreshments, as cocoa-nuts, pisans, or Indian figs, with various other fruits, and different kinds of roots, rowing directly to the ships without any signs of fear or distrust. The Dutch gave them such kind of trifles as they had by way of presents, and in return for these refreshments; but on shewing more of these, and giving the islanders to understand, by signs, that such was the merchandize they had to give in barter for refreshments, they looked at them coolly, as if they had no desire to trade for such commodities. Next day, however, they returned with great quantities of similar articles of provision; and the Dutch having endeavoured to express by signs that they wished them to bring some hogs, the natives mistook their meaning, and brought two or three dogs the day following, to the great disappointment of the Dutch.

These refreshments were very seasonable, and greatly amended the health of many of the sick people in the two ships; and our author is convinced that most of them would have perfectly recovered in a few days, if they could have ventured to live on shore. The islanders never failed to invite them ashore every time they came off; but being greatly weakened, as for some days they had thrown four or five of their people overboard, they did not think it prudent to run so great a hazard; more especially as, even in the midst of their civility, the air, look, and language of these people seemed to savour of perfidy, and besides the island was extremely populous. The Dutch noticed that these islanders, always on coming on board their ships, carried a piece of stick to which some white stuff was fixed, as if in the nature of a flag of truce, whence they supposed they were often at war with some neighbouring nation or tribe, and especially [pg 112] with the inhabitants of Moa, particularly as none of their canoes ever went ashore on that island, but always, on the contrary, passed it with evident precipitation. These remarks furnished the Dutch with a new project by which to acquire a considerable stock of provisions speedily, by a sudden descent on Moa, which appeared to be but thinly peopled, though as pleasant and fertile as the other, hoping to carry off at once enough of provisions to enable them to prosecute their voyage, without the risk of falling again into the distress they had so lately endured.

This bold scheme required much prudence, and it was thought expedient to land in different places at once, one party being directed to advance into the country, while the others should be at hand to support them, and to secure their retreat. This was accordingly very happily effected; for, although the natives formed an ambush behind the trees and bushes, and discharged their arrows at the principal party as soon as they began to cut down the cocoa-trees, the Dutch fortunately remained uninjured, and laid many of the natives dead by discharges of their fire-arms. This so frightened the rest that they took refuge in their canoes, whence they endeavoured by cries and shouts to alarm the rest of their countrymen to come to their assistance: But the Dutch were so judiciously posted as to constrain them to remain in the mountains, by which means the main party were enabled to carry off about 800 cocoa-nuts to their boats, with which booty they rejoined their ships.

The cocoa-tree is a species of palm, found in most parts of the East and West Indies. The trunk is large, straight, and lofty, tapering insensibly to the top, whence the fruit hangs in bunches united by a tendril, not unlike the twig of a vine, but stronger. The flowers are yellow, resembling those of the chesnut. As it produces new bunches every month, there are always some quite ripe, some green, some just beginning to button, and others in full flower. The fruit is three-lobed and of a greenish hue, of different sizes, from the size of an ordinary tennis-ball, to that of a man's head, and is composed of two rinds. The outer is composed of long tough fibres, between red and yellow colour, the second being a hard shell. Within this is a thick firm white substance or kernel, lining the shell, tasting like a sweet almond; and in a central hollow of this kernel there is a considerable quantity of a clear, bright, cool liquor, tasting like sugared water. The [pg 113] natives of the countries in which these trees grow, eat the kernel with their victuals instead of bread; and likewise extract from it, by pressure, a liquor resembling milk of almonds in taste and consistence. When this milk is exposed to the action of fire, it changes to a kind of oil, which they use as we do butter in dressing their victuals, and also burn in their lamps; and they likewise employ it for smearing their bodies. They also draw from the tree a liquor called sura by the Indians, and which the Europeans name toddy, or palm-wine. For this purpose, having cut one of the largest twigs about a foot from the body of the tree, they hang to this stump a bottle or calabash, into which the sap distils. This sura is of a very agreeable taste, little inferior to the Spanish white wine; but being strong and heady, is generally diluted with fresh clear water got from the nut It does not however keep, as it becomes sour in about two days; when, by exposure to the sun, it is converted into excellent vinegar. When boiled in its recent state, it is converted into another liquor, called orraqua by the Indians; from which they distil a spirituous liquor called arrack, which many people prefer to the other liquor of the same name distilled from rice in India, which is so well known and so much esteemed in Europe.

Besides cocoa-nuts, the Dutch found in Moa great plenty of pomegranates of exquisite taste, and abundance of pisans or Indian figs. These refreshments were of infinite service to them, as without them the whole of both ships companies must have inevitably perished; and immediately on returning to their ships, they began to prepare for resuming their voyage. While engaged in these preparations, the inhabitants of Moa came off to the ships in about 200 canoes, which they exchanged with the Dutch for various articles, apparently doing this to prevent the Dutch from making a second descent on their island: But on this occasion, though the Dutch received them kindly, and treated them with fairness in purchasing their provisions, they would only admit a few of them into the ships at once; and when the islanders attempted to rush on board in crowds, they fired upon them. On these occasions, the natives all ducked their heads, and when they raised them again broke out into loud laughter. This exchange was no sooner over than they weighed anchor and proceeded on their voyage. The author of this narrative remarks, that such of the sick as had any [pg 114] strength remaining recovered surprisingly at these islands, through the excellent refreshments they procured there, while those who were already quite exhausted soon died.

Leaving these islands of Moa and Arimoa, they continued their voyage through a part of the sea so very full of islands, that finding it difficult or impossible to count them, they gave them the name of Thousand Isles.³ Their inhabitants were negroes, of a short squat make, and their heads covered with thick curled wool, being a bold, mischievous, and intractable race of savages. They were all naked, men, women, and children, having no other ornaments except a belt about two fingers broad, stuck fall of teeth, and bracelets of the same; and some of them wore light straw hats, adorned with the feathers of the Bird-of-Paradise. These birds are said to be found no where else but in these islands. Such of these islands as are situated near the west point of New Guinea are still called the Islands of the Popoes or Papuas, the continent itself being called the Land of Papua, till Schouten imposed upon it the name of New Guinea, chiefly because of its being in the same latitude with Old Guinea.⁴

When the inhabitants of these islands go to Ternate, Banda, Amboina, or any of the Moluccas, in order to sell their salt pork, amber,⁵ gold-dust, and other merchandise, they always carry some of these Birds-of-Paradise, which they constantly sell dead, affirming that they find them so, and that they know not whence they come or where they breed. This bird is always seen very high in the air. It is extremely light, as its bulk consists mostly of feathers, which are extremely beautiful, rendering it one of the greatest curiosities in the world. The plumage of the head is as bright as burnished gold; that of the neck resembles the neck of a drake; and those of the wings and tail are like those of a peacock. In beak and form, this bird comes nearest to a swallow, though considerably larger. Such as deal in them endeavour to persuade strangers that they have no feet, and that they hang themselves, when they sleep, to the boughs of trees by means of their feathers. But, in reality, these traders cut off their feet, to render them the more wonderful. They [pg 115] also pretend that the male has a cavity on his back, where the female lodges her young till they are able to fly. They always cut off the feet of these birds so close to the body, that the flesh dries in such a manner that the skin and feathers perfectly unite, making it impossible to perceive the smallest scar. They also assert, that these birds are perpetually on the wing, subsisting on birds and insects, which they catch in the air. The feathers of the male are much brighter than those of the female. In the east, this bird is usually called Mancodiata, or the Bird-of-God. Great numbers of them are sent to Batavia, where they generally sell for three crowns each. The Moors, Arabians, and Persians are anxious to procure these birds, with which they adorn their saddles and housings, often mixing with them pearls and diamonds. They wear them also in their turbans, especially on going to war, having a superstitious notion that they act as a charm or talisman, capable of preserving them from wounds. Formerly, the Shah and Mogul used to present their favourites with one of these birds, as a mark of esteem or favour.

Besides their girdle and bracelets, formerly mentioned, the Popoes, or inhabitants of the Thousand Isles, wear a bit of stick, the size of a tobacco-pipe and the length of a finger, thrust through the gristle of the nose, which they think renders them terrible to their enemies, as some Europeans consider mustachios. They are the worst and most savage people in all the South Seas. The continent of New Guinea appeared a high country, extremely full of trees and plants of a vast variety of kinds, so that, in sailing 400 leagues along its coast, they did not observe one barren spot. Our author thinks that it probably contains many precious commodities, as rich metals and valuable spices, especially as most of the countries hitherto discovered under the same parallel are not deficient in such riches. He was afterwards assured, that some of the free burgesses in the Moluccas go annually to New Guinea, where they exchange small pieces of iron for nutmegs. Schouten and other navigators conceived high ideas of this country, and represented it as one of the finest and richest in the world; but they were unable to penetrate any way into the interior, which could not be done with a small force, as it is extremely populous, and the natives are mostly well armed, and of a martial disposition.

Roggewein and his officers were at this time in considerable [pg 116] doubts, whether to prosecute the route formerly followed by Dampier, or to go by Ternate, Tidore, and Bacian, as the less dangerous passage. To gain time, however, they chose the former, as they most otherwise have coasted round the last-mentioned islands, in their way to the Moluccas. In this view, they steered along shore, or rather through an innumerable chain of small islands, extending from the western point of New Guinea to the island of Gilolo, making their passage with much difficulty and danger, and were greatly delighted and astonished on getting sight of the island of Bouro, in lat. 2° S. [3° 30' S. and long. 127° E.] the most eastern country in which the Dutch East-India Company, maintain a factory. This island is mostly pretty high land, and abounds every where with trees and shrubs of various kinds. On their arrival upon its coast, they were spoken with by a small vessel, in which were two white men and several blacks. The white men examined them very strictly to whom they belonged, whence they came, and whither they were bound. To which they answered, that they came from New Guinea, and were going to Batavia, but wisely concealed belonging to the West-India Company, knowing that the East-India Company permitted no vessels, except their own, to navigate these seas, and had given strict orders to capture all strange vessels that might appear there. Yet, in spite of these precautions, the English sometimes find their way among these islands, to the no small displeasure of the Dutch company, although they keep ships cruizing here during both monsoons, to preserve their monopoly of spices.

The island of Bouro is about forty or fifty leagues in circumference, and is indifferently fertile, formerly producing abundance of clove-trees; but a detachment of Dutch soldiers is sent yearly to grub them up, as they do also in the other Molucca islands, because Amboina is thought to produce enough of that commodity to maintain their commerce. Formerly also the Dutch had a strong fort here, which the natives took and demolished after a long siege, putting all the garrison to the sword. At present, [in 1721,] the company only sends a detachment of soldiers to root out the clove-trees, for which the inhabitants receive some present. The two whites who were on board this Dutch bark were the first Christians seen by Roggewein for the space of ten months, or since leaving the coast of Brazil. Continuing their course for the island of Bootan, in hopes of meeting [pg 117] with refreshments, of which they were now in extreme want, they arrived there in lat 4° S.⁶ and sailed along its coast for a whole day, in hopes of finding the strait for which they sought, and at length found they were eight leagues to leeward of it, and the monsoon now blew too strong to be able to bear up for the intended port. They had now no hopes of being able to find any port for refreshments till they should arrive at the island of Java; as, wherever they might attempt to land, they well knew that their ships would be confiscated, in consequence of the invariable maxims of the East-India Company. All men therefore, but especially the sick and feeble, cast an anxious look on the fertile island now left behind them, presaging the melancholy effects which must necessarily attend so pernicious a measure.

The situation of the island of Bootan is remarkably advantageous, being in from 4° to 6° of S. latitude, and nearly equal in size to the island of Bouro. It is extremely fertile, especially in rice, and has abundance of cattle and fish. It would also produce plenty both of clove and nutmeg trees, if they were permitted to grow. The king of the island has a very strong fort, on which the Dutch standard is displayed, though there is no Dutch garrison; the company contenting itself with sending deputies yearly to see the spice trees destroyed, in consideration of which the king receives a considerable sum yearly from the company. This nation is the most faithful of all the inhabitants of the Indian islands to the India company, having not only assisted them in expelling the Portuguese, but also against the inhabitants of the Moluccas, whenever they have attempted to revolt; by which means the company has acquired the whole trade of this part of the world. In consideration of this, the inhabitants of Bootan enjoy many privileges that are denied to all other Indians: As, for instance, they are allowed to come into any of the Dutch forts armed, which is never allowed even to the natives of the countries in which the forts are situated. Some time before this voyage, the king of Bootan sent his eldest son ambassador to the governor-general of Batavia, where he was received with every mark of honour and distinction. It would not have been easy to have known this prince for an Indian, had he not worn a triple-rowed turban, richly adorned with gold and precious stones, as the rest of his [pg 118] dress was entirely European, and he wore a sword instead of a cutlass, which no Indian had done before. His train was numerous and splendid, all dressed in the Indian manner: Twelve of them were armed with cuirasses and bucklers, carrying each a naked sword resting on his shoulder. At this time there was a prodigious mortality in Batavia, which carried off 500 of the attendants of this prince, and destroyed no less than 150,000 persons in one year, besides vast numbers of beasts. This mortality was occasioned by a malignant pestilential fever, which attacked indiscriminately all the inhabitants of Batavia, Europeans, natives, Chinese, and blacks. It spread also through Bengal and all the dominions of the Great Mogul, where it made incredible ravages, and extended even to Japan in the most extreme violence, where numbers fell down dead in the streets, who had left their houses in perfect health. This dreadful malady was supposed to have arisen from excessive drought, as no rain had fallen during the space of two years, whence it was conceived that the air was surcharged with mineral vapours.

Leaving the island of Bootan, and passing through the channel of the Moluccas, or between the S.W. leg of Celebes and Salayr islands, during which course the crews of the two vessels suffered inexpressible miseries, by which the greatest part of them were carried off, Roggewein arrived on the coast of Java towards the close of September 1722.

Footnote 1: (return)

No account is given of this voyage from Bowman's islands, perhaps the Fee-jees, as already mentioned, to New Britain, neither indeed is it any way expressed on what part of New Britain they had now arrived. They probably steered a course N.W. or N.W. by W. from the Fee-jees, and fell in with the N.E. part of New Britain, now known to be a separate island, and called New Ireland; and by the lower latitude mentioned, in the text, they appear to come first to the eastern part of New Ireland; but it is impossible to say whether they went to the N. or S. of Solomon's island.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

It is utterly impossible to ascertain what islands are here meant, as the indications of the voyage are so entirely vague. In the indicated latitude, off the mouth of the Great bay, in New Guinea, there are two considerable islands, named Mysory, or Schouten's island, and Jobie, or Long-island, which may possibly be Arimoa and Moa. Perhaps Jobie of our modern maps includes both, as in some more recent maps it is laid down as two contiguous islands, and it is more exactly in the indicated latitude, while Mysory is rather less than one degree from the line.

Footnote 3: (return)

These appear, by the sequel, to have been the islands at the N.W. extremity of Papua or New Guinea, and from thence to CelebesE.

Footnote 4: (return)

More probably because of its inhabitants being negroes.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

Perhaps ambergris ought to be here understood.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

The northern end of Bootan is in lat. 4° 40' S.

SECTION VII.

Occurrences from their Arrival at the Island of Java, to the Confiscation of the Ships at Batavia.

Roggewein came to anchor immediately in the road of Japara, and saluted the city and fort, after which the boats were hoisted out to go on shore, where they were astonished to find that it was Saturday, whereas on quitting their ships they conceived it to be Friday morning. This was occasioned by having come round from the east along with the sun, by which they had lost a day in their reckoning. Roggewein immediately waited upon Ensign Kuster, a very civil and well-behaved gentleman, who commanded there on the part of the East-India Company, to whom he gave an account of his motives for coming to this place. Kuster immediately [pg 119] assembled a council, to consider what measures were to be taken on this occasion, and all were much moved at the recital of the miseries which Roggewein and his people had endured. In truth, never were men more worthy of compassion. Only ten persons remained in any tolerable health, and twenty-six were down in various sicknesses, by which, exclusive of those who had been slain in their different engagements with the Indians, they had lost seventy men during the voyage. Their next care was to get the sick men on shore, which was done with all care and diligence, slinging them in their hammocks into the boats. Four of these poor people were in so low a condition that it was thought impossible they could bear removal, and they were therefore left on board, the very thoughts of which, after their companions went ashore, soon killed them. Those who were carried on shore were lodged under tents in an island, where they had every necessary afforded them that the country produced, yet many of them died.

Mr Kuster sent an immediate account of their arrival to the commandant of the coasts of Java, who instantly forwarded it to Mr Swaardekroon, at that time governor-general of the East Indies. He sent a favourable answer, promising every assistance in his power, and adding, that they had nothing to do but to get to Batavia as soon as possible. While waiting the answer of the governor-general and the recovery of their sick, they passed their time agreeably enough at Japara, as their countrymen used them with all imaginable kindness. In a few days, the seamen became as frolicsome and gay as if they had made a pleasant and fortunate voyage; insomuch, that those who, only a few days before, were weeping, sighing, praying, and making warm protestations of leading new lives, if God in his mercy were pleased to save them, now ran headlong into the greatest extravagances; spending their whole time in debauched houses, and in swearing and drinking. This our author attributed to the bad example of those among whom they lived, all the lower people at Japara being as lewd and profligate as could be imagined; insomuch, that the first question they put to strangers from Europe is, if they have brought over any new oaths.

The town of Japara is seated at the bottom of a mountain of moderate height, is of a middling size, and is inhabited by Javans, Chinese, and Dutch; and was of more considerable [pg 120] extent than now, when in the hands of the Portuguese. Before getting possession of Jacatra, now Batavia, the Dutch East-India Company had their principal magazines for trade at this place, which was their chief factory, and on which all the other factories in Java were dependent; but it has fallen much in importance since the factory was transferred to Samarang. The port of Japara is both safe and commodious, and is defended by a fort, built mostly of wood, on the top of the mountain at the foot of which the town is seated. This fort is called the Invincible Mountain, because the Javanese were constantly defeated in all their attempts to get it into their hands, when in possession of the Portuguese; and its guns command the whole road.

The king of Japara mostly resides at a place called Kattasura, about twenty-nine leagues up the country, where the Dutch have a strong fort with a good garrison, serving at the same time to secure their conquest, and to guard the king. This prince is a Mahomedan, and is served entirely by women, of whom he takes as many as he pleases, either as wives or concubines. Some of his priests are obliged to go every year on pilgrimage to Mecca, in order to make vows for the safety and prosperity of the king and royal family. His subjects are extremely faithful, and devoted to his service; the principal persons of his court having to approach him on their knees, every time they have an audience; but in time of war, this slavish custom is dispensed with. Such as commit the slightest fault, are poniarded on the spot by a kriss or dagger; this being almost the only punishment in use among them, as the smallest faults and the greatest crimes are all equally capital. The natives of this country are mostly of a very brown complexion, tolerably well shaped, and having long black hair, which however many of them cut short. Their noses are all flat and broad, and their teeth very black, owing to the incessant chewing of betel and faufel.

The faufel or areka is a kind of nut, not much unlike a nutmeg, but smaller, and in a great measure tasteless, but yielding a red juice when chewed, which juice also is used by the Indians in painting chintzes, so much admired in Europe. The tree which bears this nut is very straight, and has leaves like those of the cocoa-nut tree. The betel is a plant producing long rank leaves, shaped like those of the citron, and having an agreeable bitter taste. The fruit of this plant resembles a lizard's tail, and is about an inch and half long, [pg 121] having a pleasant aromatic flavour. The Indians continually carry the leaves of this plant, which also are presented at all ceremonious visits. They are almost continually chewing these leaves, and they mostly qualify their extreme bitterness by the addition of the faufel or areka-nut, and the powder of calcined oyster-shells, which give them a very agreeable taste; though some mix their betel leaves with shell lime, ambergris, and cardamom seeds, while others use Chinese tobacco. After all the juice is chewed out, they throw away the remaining dry mass. Many Europeans have got into the habit of chewing betel, so that they cannot leave it off, though it has proved fatal to some of them; for the natives are very skilful in preparing betel so as to do a man's business as effectually as a pistol or a dagger.

The prevailing diversion among these people is called tandakes, which are a kind of comedies, acted by women very richly dressed, and consists chiefly in singing and dancing, accompanied by music, not very pleasant to European ears, the only instruments being small drums, on which they beat with much dexterity. Their dancing is mostly of a grotesque kind, in which they are very dexterous, throwing their bodies into all sorts of postures with astonishing agility, and expressing by them the passions of the mind so comically, that it is impossible to refrain from laughing. The men also practise a kind of war dance, in which the king and grandees bear a part. They also practise cock-fighting, like the English, and bet such considerable sums on this sport as often beggars them.

The country abounds in all the necessaries of life, having abundance of beeves and hogs, and amazing quantities of fowls. The only thing scarce is mutton, chiefly owing to the richness of the pasture, which is very apt to burst the sheep. As to wild animals, they have buffaloes, stags, tygers, and rhinoceroses; which last animal is hunted by the Indians chiefly for the sake of its horns, of which they make drinking cups that are greatly valued, owing to a notion that they will not contain poison, but break immediately on that being poured into them. The high price of these tends to shew that the Javanese are addicted to the infamous practice of poisoning. The land is every where extremely fertile, producing vast abundance of pepper, ginger, cinnamon, rice, cardamoms, and other valuable articles. Of late they have planted coffee, and with such success as to have a reasonable [pg 122] hope of rendering it a principal commodity of the country. Cocoa-nuts, figs, and a variety of other excellent fruits grow every where in the greatest profusion; and as the trees on which they grow are verdant during the whole year, and are planted in rows along the rivers, they form the most agreeable walks that can be conceived. Sugar-canes also abound in Java. They have also plenty of vines, which produce ripe grapes seven times every year, but they are only fit for making raisins, and not wine, being too hastily ripened by the climate. The sea, and all the rivers, furnish an infinite variety of the finest fish. Thus, taking it altogether, it may be safely affirmed that Java is one of the most plentiful and pleasantest islands in the world.

Having refreshed at Japara for about a month, Roggewein began to think of proceeding to Batavia, encouraged by the fine promises of the governor-general. Every thing being ready, the voyagers spent two days in taking leave of their kind friends, who supplied them with all sorts of provisions, much more than sufficient for so short a voyage, and they at length departed, feeling a sensible regret at parting with those who had treated them with so much kindness, relieving all their wants with so much generosity, and had enabled them to spend several weeks in peace and plenty, after a long period of sickness and misery. Steering from thence about seventy leagues to the westwards, with a fair wind, they entered the road of Batavia, where they saluted the fort, and anchored close to the ships that were loading for the voyage home, believing that all their distresses were now over, and that they should speedily accompany these other ships homewards. As soon as the ships were safely anchored, Roggewein went along with the other captains into his boat, meaning to have gone ashore to Batavia, but had not proceeded far from the ship when he met a boat having the commandant of Batavia on board, together with the fiscal, and some other members of the council, by whom he was desired to go back to his ship, which he did immediately; and, when the two boats came within hearing of the ships, the fiscal proclaimed, with a loud voice, that both ships were confiscated by order of the governor-general. At this time both ships were so environed by other large vessels belonging to the East India Company, that it was impossible to have escaped, if they had so inclined; and soon afterwards several hundred soldiers came on board, taking [pg 123] possession of both ships, and placing their crews under safe custody. Taught by so many and such unlooked-for misfortunes, Roggewein now thoroughly repented having proposed to return home by way of the East Indies, but was now wise behind hand. He had neglected prosecuting the discovery on which he had been sent, for which he now suffered a just punishment from the East India Company, however unjust in itself the sentence might be considered. By the sentence, both ships were declared legal prizes, and all the goods they contained were confiscated; and to prevent all trouble and delay from representations, reclamations, or memorials, every thing was immediately exposed to public auction, and sold to the highest bidders. The crews of both ships were divided, and put on board several of the homeward-bound ships.

SECTION VIII.

Description of Batavia and the Island of Java, with some Account of the Government of the Dutch East India Company's Affairs.

The city of Batavia lies in the lat. of 6° 20' S. and long. 107° E. from Greenwich, being the capital of all the vast dominions belonging to the Dutch East India Company, serving also as the emporium of its prodigious trade, where all the merchandise and riches of that princely and wealthy company are laid up. It fell into the hands of the Dutch company in 1618, till which time it was known by the name of Jacatra, and soon afterwards they built a fort in the neighbourhood of that native city, to which they gave the name of Batavia. By the time this was hardly well finished, the natives of the island attacked it, animated and assisted by the English, and repeated their attempts several times, but always unsuccessfully, and to their great loss. The last time, they kept it blockaded for a considerable time, till succoured by a powerful squadron from Europe under Admiral Koen, when the siege was immediately raised, and the natives obliged to retire with the utmost precipitation. The Dutch had now leisure to consider the excellent situation of the fort, and the many advantages it possessed for becoming the centre of their East Indian trade and dominion, on which [pg 124] they resolved to build a town in the neighbourhood of the fort. With this view they demolished Jacatra, and erected on its ruins this famous commercial city, which they named Batavia.

This city arrived at perfection in a short time, by the extraordinary diligence bestowed upon its construction, in spite of the many obstacles it met with from the two kings of Matarana and Bantam; the former of whom laid siege to it in 1629, and the latter in 1649. It is surrounded by an earthen rampart of twenty-one feet thick, faced on the outside with stone, and strengthened by twenty-two bastions, the whole environed by a ditch forty-five yards wide, and quite full of water, especially in spring-tides. All the approaches to the town are defended by several detached forts, all of which are well furnished with excellent brass cannon. Six of these are so considerable as to deserve being particularly mentioned, which are, Ansiol, Anke, Jacatra, Ryswyk, Noordywyk, and Vythock. The fort of Ansiol is seated on a river of the same name, to the eastwards, and about 1200 yards from the city, being built entirely of squared stone, and always provided with a strong garrison. Anke is on a river of the same name, to the westwards, about 500 yards from the city, and is built like the former. Jacatra lies also on a river of the same name, and is exactly like the two former, being 500 paces from the city. The road to this fort lies between two regular rows of fine trees, having very fine country houses and gardens on each side. The other three forts are all built of similar materials on the inland side of the city, and at small distances; the two first-named serving to secure the city on the side of the sea, and the other four to defend the approaches towards it from the land, and at the same time to protect the country houses, plantations, and gardens of the inhabitants. By these, all enemies are prevented from coming upon the city by surprise, as on every side they would be sure to meet a formidable resistance; and besides, no person is allowed to pass the forts, even outwards, unless with a passport.

The river of Jacatra passes through the middle of the city, and supplies water to fifteen canals, all faced with freestone, and adorned on each side with ever-green trees, affording a charming prospect. Over these canals, which are all within the city, there are fifty-six bridges, besides others without the town. The streets are all perfectly straight, and are in [pg 125] general thirty feet broad on each side, besides the breadth of the canals. The houses are built of stone, mostly of several stories high, like those in the cities of Holland. The city of Batavia is about a league and a half in circuit, but is surrounded by a vast number of houses without the walls, which may be considered as forming suburbs, and in which there is ten times the population that is within the city. It has five gates, including that leading to the port, near to which there is a boom, or barrier, which is shut every night at nine o'clock, and at which there is a strong guard of soldiers night and day. There were formerly six gates, but one of these has since been walled up. There is a very fine stadt-house, or town-hall, and four churches for the Calvinists. The first of these, named Kruist-kirk, or Cross-church, was built in 1640, and the second in 1672, and in both of these the worship is in the Dutch language. The third church belongs to the protestant Portuguese, and the fourth is for the Malays who have been converted to the reformed Christian religion. Besides these, there are abundance of other places of worship for various sorts of religions.

They have likewise in this city a Spin-hays, or house of correction for the confinement of disorderly women; an orphan-house, and arsenal of marine stores, and many magazines for spiceries: Also many wharfs, docks, rope-walks, and other public buildings. The garrison usually consists of from two to three thousand men. Besides the forts formerly mentioned, the famous citadel or castle of Batavia is a fine regular fortification, having four bastions, situated at the mouth of the river opposite to the city; two of its bastions fronting towards the sea and commanding the anchorage, while the other two face towards the city. There are two main gates to the citadel, one called the Company's gate, which was built in 1636, to which leads a stone bridge of fourteen arches, each of which is twenty-six feet span, and ten feet wide. The other is called the Water-gate. Besides which, there are two posterns, one in the east curtain, and the other in the west, neither of which are ever opened except for the purposes of the garrison. In this citadel the governor-general resides, having a brick palace two stories high, with a noble front of Italian architecture. Opposite to this palace is that of the director-general, who is next in rank to the governor. The counsellors and other principal officers of the company have also their apartments within the [pg 126] citadel, together with the chief physician, chief surgeon, and chief apothecary. There in also a remarkably neat and light small church, and there are many magazines and store-houses well furnished with ammunition and military stores; and in it are the offices in which all the affairs of the company are transacted, and archives for containing all the records.

Besides many Dutch, all of whom are either in the service of the company or free burgesses, the city is inhabited by a vast number of people of many different Indian nations, besides many Portuguese, French, and other Europeans, established here on account of trade. The Portuguese are mostly descendants of those who lived formerly here or at Goa, and who, finding their account in living under the government of the Dutch, did not think proper to remove after the Dutch had reduced the country; but far the greater number of these are now of the reformed religion. The Indian inhabitants consist of Javanese, or natives of the island, Chinese, Malays, negroes, Amboinese, Armenians, natives of the island of Bali, Mardykers, Macassars, Bougis, and others. It is a very curious thing to see so great a multitude of different nations all living in the same great city, and each nation according to their own manners. Every moment one sees new customs, strange manners, varieties of dresses, and faces of different colours, as black, white, brown, yellow, and olive-coloured; every one living as he pleases, and all speaking their different languages. Yet, amidst all this variety of people and customs so opposite to each other, there is a surprising unity among the citizens, occasioned by the advantages of commerce, the common object of all, so that they live harmoniously and happily under the gentle and prudent laws established by the company. All enjoy perfect liberty of conscience, whatever may be their religion or sect, only that none are permitted the public exercise of their religion except the Calvinists, any more than in Holland, so that priests and monks must not walk the streets in the habits of their respective orders. All are however allowed to live here in peace, and may exercise the rites of their religion within doors. Jesuits are, however, excluded, for fear of their intrigues; and the Chinese religion, because of its abominable idolatry, is obliged to have its pagoda, or idol temple, about a league from the city, where also they bury their dead.

Every Indian nation settled at Batavia has its chief or head, who watches over the interests of his nation, but is not [pg 127] allowed to decide upon any thing of importance, his chief functions being those of religion, and to decide slight controversies among his countrymen. The Japanese chiefly addict themselves to agriculture, ship-building, and fishing. These people, for the most part, only wear a kind of short petticoat, reaching to their knees, all the rest of their bodies being naked, having also a sort of scarf or sash across their shoulders, from which hangs a short sword. On their heads they wear small bonnets. Their huts or cabins are remarkably neater than those of the other Indians, built of split bamboos, with large spreading roofs, under which they sit in the open air.

The Chinese are very numerous, as it is reckoned there are at least five thousand of them in the city and its suburbs. These people seem naturally born for trade, and are great enemies to idleness, thinking nothing too hard or laborious that is attended with a prospect of gain. They can live on very little, are bold, enterprising, possessed of much address, and indefatigably industrious. Their sagacity, penetration, and subtilty, are so extraordinary as to make good their own saying, "That the Dutch have only one eye, while they have two;" but they are deceitful beyond measure, taking a pride in imposing on those who deal with them, and even boast of that cunning of which they ought to be ashamed. In husbandry and navigation they surpass all the other nations of India. Most of the sugar-mills around Batavia belong to them, and the distillery of arrack is entirely in their hands. They are the carriers of eastern Asia, and even the Dutch often make use of their vessels. They keep all the shops and most of the inns of Batavia, and farm all the duties of excise and customs. Generally speaking, they are well-made men, of an olive complexion, their heads being peculiarly round, with small eyes, and short flat noses. They do not cut their hair, as all in China are obliged to do since the Tartars conquered the country; and whenever any one comes to Batavia from China, he immediately suffers his hair to grow, as a token of freedom, dressing it with the utmost care; their priests only excepted, whose heads are all close shaven.

The Chinese go always bare headed, carrying an umbrella in their hands to keep off the sun; and they suffer their nails to grow immoderately long, which gives them prodigious dexterity in slight of hand, an art of considerable importance as they use it. Their dress here differs materially [pg 128] from what they wear in their own country, their cotton robes being very ample, and their sleeves very wide. Below this they have a kind of breeches reaching to their ancles, having a kind of little slippers on their feet instead of shoes, and never wear stockings. Their women, who are very brisk, lively, impudent, and debauched, wear very long cotton robes. In general, the Chinese have no distinction of meats, but eat without ceremony of any animal that comes to hand, be it even dog, cat, or rat, or what it may. They are amazingly fond of shows and entertainments. Their feast of the new year, which they celebrate in the beginning of March, commonly lasts a whole month; during which they do nothing but divert themselves, chiefly in dancing, which they do in a strange manner, running round about to the sound of gongs, flutes, and trumpets, which do not form a very agreeable concert. They use the same music at their comedies, or theatrical diversions, of which they are extremely fond: These comedies consist of a strange mixture of drama, opera, and pantomime, as they sometimes sing, sometimes speak, and at other times the whole business of the scene consists in gesture. They have none but women players,¹ who are brought up to this employment from their infancy; but many of them act male parts, using proper disguises for the purpose. Whenever they act a comedy, the city receives fifty crowns for a licence. They erect the theatre in the street, in front of the house of him who is at the expence of the play, the subject of which always turns on the exploits of their ancient heroes, or the austerities of their old saints.

The funerals of the Chinese are very singular, as well as very rich and pompous, forming grand and solemn processions, in which sometimes at least 500 persons of both sexes assist, the women being all cloathed in white. At these funerals they employ music to heighten the shew, together with coloured umbrellas and canopies, carrying their principal idol, which they call Joostie de Batavia, under one of their canopies. Their tombs are some of them very magnificent. They follow the idolatrous religion of their native country, and have a pagoda, or idol temple, about the distance of a league from the city, where they assemble for worship. They [pg 129] are perhaps the grossest idolaters, and the most ridiculous in their opinions, of all the pagans of the east, as they openly profess to worship and adore the devil. This does not proceed from their ignorance or unbelief in a God, but rather from mistaken notions in their belief concerning him. They say that God is infinitely good and merciful, giving to man every thing he possesses, and never doing any hurt; and therefore that there is no need to worship him. But with the devil, the author of all ill, they are desirous to live upon good terms, and to omit nothing that can entitle them to his good graces. It is the devil therefore whom they represent by the idol above mentioned, and in whose honour they have frequently great feasts and rejoicings.

Like the Javans, the Chinese are extravagantly addicted to gaming and laying wagers; and this humour, especially at cock-fights and the new-year's feasts, drives them sometimes into downright madness. They will not only stake and lose their money, goods, and houses, but sometimes their wives and children; and when these are all lost, will stake their beards, nails, and winds; that is, they bind themselves not to shave their beards, pare their nails, or go on board ship to trade, till they have paid their game debts. When reduced to this condition, they are forced to hire themselves as the bond slaves of some other Chinese. Under such misfortunes their only resource is, that some relative, either at Batavia or China, pays their debts out of compassion, and by that means reinstates them in their property and freedom.

The Malays who live at Batavia usually employ themselves in fishing, having very neat and shewy vessels, the sails of which are most ingeniously constructed of straw. These are a most wicked and profligate people, who often commit atrocious murders for very trifling gain. They profess the Mahomedan religion, but are so absolutely devoid of moral principle, that they even make a boast and merit of cheating Christians. Their last chief was publicly whipped and branded for his frauds and villainies, his goods confiscated, and he himself banished to Ceylon; since when they have been ashamed to elect another chief. Their habits are of silk or cotton, the men wearing a piece of cotton round their heads, and their black hair tied into a knot behind.

The blacks or negroes at Batavia are mostly Mahomedans, who come chiefly from Bengal, dressing like the Malays, [pg 130] and living in the same quarter of the city. Some of them work at different mechanic trades, and others are a kind of pedlars; but the most considerable of them trade in stones for buildings, which they bring from the neighbouring islands.

The Amboinese are chiefly employed in building houses of bamboos, the windows of which are made of split canes, very nicely wrought in various figures. They are a bold boisterous race, and so turbulent that they are not permitted to reside in the city, but have their quarter near the Chinese burying ground. The chief of their own nation, to whom they pay the utmost submission, has a magnificent house in their quarter, well furnished after their manner. Their arms are chiefly large sabres and long bucklers. The men wear a piece of cotton cloth wrapped round their heads, the ends of which hang down behind, and adorn this species of turban with a variety of flowers. Their women wear a close habit, and a cotton mantle over their shoulders, having their arms bare. Their houses are built of boards, thatched with leaves, usually two or three stories high, the ground floor especially being divided into several apartments.

The Mardykers or Topasses are idolaters from various Indian nations, and follow various trades and professions; and their merchants, under licences or passports from the company, carry on considerable commerce among the neighbouring islands. Some of these people are gardeners, others rear cattle, and others breed fowls. The men of this mixed tribe generally dress after the Dutch fashion, but the women wear the habits of other Indians. These people dwell both in the city and country, their houses being better than those of the other Indians, built of stone or brick, several stories high, and very neat. There are also some Macassers at Batavia, so famous for their little poisoned arrows, which they blow from tubes. This poison is made of the juice of a certain tree, which grows in Macasser and the Bougis islands, into which they dip the points of the arrows and allow them to dry. The wound inflicted by these arrows is absolutely mortal. The Bougis are natives of three or four islands near Macasser, and since the conquest of that island have settled at Batavia. They are very bold and hardy fellows, for which reason they are employed as soldiers by the company. Their arms are bows and arrows, with sabres and bucklers. Besides these enumerated nations, which contribute to form the population of Batavia, there are several Armenians and [pg 131] some other Asiatics who reside there occasionally for the sake of trade, and stay no longer than their affairs require, All the inhabitants around Batavia, and for a track of about forty leagues along the mountains of the country of Bantam, are immediately subject to the governor-general, who sends drossards or commissaries among them, to administer justice, and to collect the public revenues; and the chief men of the several districts resort at certain times to Batavia, to give an account of the behaviour of these commissaries.

The city of Batavia, and all the dominions possessed by the company in the East Indies, are governed by two supreme councils, one of which is named the Council of the Indies, and the other the Council of Justice, both of which are fixed at Batavia, the capital of the dominions belonging to the company. To the first of these belong all matters of government, and the entire direction of public affairs, and to the other the administration of justice in all its branches. The governor-general always presided in the former of these councils, which is ordinarily composed of eighteen or twenty persons, called counsellors of the Indies; but it seldom happens that these are all at Batavia at one time, as they are usually promoted to the seven governments which are at the disposal of the company. This council assembles regularly twice a-week, besides as often extraordinarily as the governor pleases. They deliberate on all affairs concerning the interest of the company, and superintend the government of the island of Java and its dependencies: But in affairs of very great importance, the approbation and consent of the directors of the company in Europe must be had. From this Council of the Indies, orders and instructions are sent to all the other governments, which must be implicitly obeyed. In this council, all letters addressed to the governor or director-general are read and debated, and answers agreed upon by a plurality of voices.

The Council of Justice consists of a president, who is generally a counsellor of the Indies, together with eight counsellors of justice, a fiscal or attorney-general for affairs of government, another fiscal for maritime affairs, and a secretary. The first fiscal has a vote along with the counsellors, and receives a third part of all fines below an hundred florins, and a sixth part of all above that sum. The duty of his office is to observe that the laws are obeyed, and to prefer informations against those who break them. The fiscal of [pg 132] the sea has jurisdiction over all frauds committed in commerce, in cases of piracy, or in whatever tends to disturb the settled rules of maritime affairs. Besides these sovereign tribunals, there is a council of the city of Batavia, consisting of nine burgomasters or aldermen, including a president, who is always a member of the Council of the Indies, and a vice-president. The bailiff of the city, and the commissary of the adjacent territory, have also seats in this council, to which likewise there is a secretary.

The governor-general is head of the empire belonging to the company in India, being as it were stadtholder, captain-general, and admiral of the Indies. By his office he is president of the supreme council, in which he has two voices. He has the keys of all the magazines, and directs every thing belonging to them, without being accountable to any one. He commands by his own proper authority, and every person is bound to obey him, so that his authority equals, and even surpasses, that of several European sovereigns. But he is accountable to, and removeable by the directors at home. In cases, however, of being guilty of treason, or any other enormous crime, the Council of Justice have a right to seize his person and call him to account. In case the governor-general dies or resigns his office, the Council of the Indies meets and elects a successor, when they immediately write to the directors at home, desiring them to confirm and approve their choice. They also write to the same purpose to the states-general of the United Provinces, who have reserved to themselves the power of confirming or excluding a governor-general. It is usual, however, for the directors and the state to confirm the choice of the council, and to send him letters patent, conformable to the desire of the council; yet there have been some instances of the directors rejecting the governor-general thus elected, and sending out another.

The salary allowed by the company to the governor-general is 800 rix-dollars, with other 500 dollars for his table, and also pay the salaries of the officers of his household. But these appointments form a very small portion of his revenue; as the legal emoluments of his office are so great that he is able to amass an immense fortune in two or three years, without oppressing the people or burdening his conscience. Being the head and apparent sovereign of all the countries belonging to or dependent upon the company, he is allowed a court and most of the honours usually paid to crowned [pg 133] heads, in compliance with the customs of the east. When he goes from his palace to his country seat, he is preceded by the master of his household, at the head of six gentlemen on horseback. A trumpeter and two halberdeers on horseback go immediately before the coach. The master of the horse and six mounted halberdeers ride on the right; and he is followed by other coaches carrying his friends and retinue. The whole cavalcade is closed by a troop of forty-eight dragoons, commanded by a captain and three quarter-masters, and preceded by a trumpeter richly clothed. If this office be considerable for its honour, power, and emolument, it is also very fatiguing, as the governor-general is employed from morning to night in giving audiences, in reading letters, and in giving orders in the service of the company; so that he seldom can allow above half an hour for dinner, and even dispatches pressing affairs while at table. He has also to receive all Indian princes and ambassadors who come to Batavia, and of these many arrive every year.

The director-general is the next in authority after the governor-general, and is the second person in the council of the Indies. This employment requires great care and attention, as he has the charge of buying and selling all the commodities that enter into or go out from the Company's warehouses. He gives orders for the kinds and quantities of all goods sent to Holland or elsewhere, keeps the keys of all the magazines, and every officer in the service of the Company makes a report to him daily of every thing committed to their charge. He has the supreme direction of every thing relative to the trade and commerce of the Company, both at Batavia and all other places; and the members of all the factories belonging to the Company are accountable to him for their conduct.

The third person in the government is the Major-general, who has the command of all the forces under the governor-general. The number of regular troops in the service of the Company throughout the Indies may be about 12,000 men, exclusive of the militia, which amount to about 100,000 more, and are well disciplined, and always called out in time of danger. The entire military and naval strength of the Company by land and sea is about 25,000 men, including officers, soldiers, and sailors. For the support of its commerce, the Company keeps in constant employment about 180 ships, of from 30 to 60 pieces of cannon, and in cases [pg 134] of emergency are able at any time to fit out forty of the largest size.

The ecclesiastical government at Batavia, or consistory, consists of eleven persons; viz. the five ministers of the two Dutch churches in the city, and that in the citadel, besides the minister who resides in the island of Ourust, together with the three ministers of the Portuguese churches, and the two belonging to the Malay church. These last five are all Dutchmen-born, though they preach in the Portuguese and Malay languages. As it is deemed necessary that the state should be informed of all that passes among their clergy, the eleventh person is nominated by the government, whose especial business is to see that they do nothing contrary to the laws or to the regulations of the Company. Besides these, the consistory also consists of eight elders and twenty deacons. One principal branch of business confided to the consistory, is to provide ministers for the subordinate governments; where they are relieved after a certain term of years, and either return to Batavia or to Holland, to enjoy the fruits of their labours. Our author relates that one of these ministers went home in the same ship with him, who had made such good use of his time, that he bought a noble fief on his return, and became a man of quality. In the smaller places belonging to the Company, where there are no established ministers, an itinerant is sent once in three or four years, to marry, baptize, and dispense the communion; which is necessary, since the synods do not permit the propagation of any other except the reformed religion in the territories of the Company.

For a long time the Lutherans have solicited for permission to have a church in Batavia, but have constantly been refused, though certainly a just and reasonable demand, especially in a place where Mahomedans and Pagans are freely tolerated in the exercise of their religion, and where the Chinese are even permitted to worship the devil. This ecclesiastical consistory has also dependent upon it all the schoolmasters, consolators of the sick, and catechists. Of these last there are many in the service of the Company in their ships; their duty being to say prayers every day, and to instruct such as embrace the Christian religion; and as they are mostly natives, and speak several languages, they are the better able to give instructions, and to teach the confession of faith to so many different nations. Such as are [pg 135] converted are baptized and receive the communion; and, for the better preservation of uniformity in doctrine, an annual visitation of all the new converts is made by the ministers. In consequence of these regulations, the reformed religion has made amazing progress, especially among the blacks, of whom our author says he has seen 150 at a time present themselves to receive baptism. This however is not rashly granted, as all who receive it must be well instructed, and be able to make their confession of faith. The Chinese are well known to be so obstinately addicted to their great Confucius, as not to be easily induced to embrace any other religion; yet some even of them from time to time have abjured their idolatry, and embraced the protestant faith. Yet our author seems to doubt their sincerity, alleging that the Chinese are seldom sincere in any thing; and he tells us, that a Chinese, on renouncing idolatry; said he was about to embrace the religion of the Company.

The country around Batavia is extremely beautiful, and it may be said that nature and art seem to strive which shall have the greatest share in adorning it. The air is sweet and mild, the land extremely fertile, and the face of the country finely diversified with hills and vallies, all laid out in regular plantations, beautiful canals, and whatever can contribute to render the country pleasant and agreeable. The island of Java is about 300 leagues in circumference, divided into several kingdoms and principalities, all dependent upon the emperor who resides at Kattasura, except the kings of Bantam and Japara,² who do not acknowledge his authority. The country produces in abundance all the necessaries of life, as also great quantities of those valuable productions which form its commerce. It is interspersed by many mountains, rivers, and woods, to all of which nature has bestowed her treasures with a bountiful hand. There are gold-mines in some parts of the country, and for some years the government caused the mountains of Parang to be wrought, in hopes of reaping profit; but, after expending a million, the [pg 136] marcasites were found not to be fully ripened.³ Those who directed this enterprise were much censured, and the works have been long discontinued. Some are thoroughly satisfied that the natives find considerable quantities of gold in several places, which they carefully conceal from the knowledge of the Dutch. During the last war in Java, which continued from 1716 to 1721, the inhabitants of some parts of the country were so often plundered that they were reduced to absolute beggary; yet, after a year's peace, they were observed to have grown excessively rich, having plenty of gold, both in dust and ingots.

The mountains of Java are very high, so that many of them can be seen at the distance of thirty or forty leagues. That which is called the Blue Mountain is by far the highest, being seen from the greatest distance at sea. Java is subject to frequent and terrible earthquakes, which the inhabitants believe are caused by the mountain of Parang, which is full of sulphur, salt-petre, and bitumen, which take fire by their intestine commotions, causing a prodigious struggle within the bowels of the earth, whence proceeds the earthquake; and they assert that it is common, after an earthquake, to see a vast cloud of smoke hanging over the top of that mountain. About thirty years before Roggewein was in Batavia, Mynheer Ribeck, then governor-general, went with many attendants to the top of this mountain, where he perceived a large cavity, into which he caused a man to be let down, to examine the inside. On his return, this man reported that the mountain was all hollow within, that he heard a most frightful noise of torrents of water on every side, that he here and there saw flames bursting out, so that he was afraid of going far, from apprehension of either being stifled by the noxious vapours, or falling into one of the chasms. The waters in the neighbourhood of this mountain are unwholesome, and even those in the neighbourhood of Batavia are impregnated with sulphur, those who drink much of them being liable to several disorders, particularly the dysentery. But when boiled, their water is entirely freed from the sulphur, and does no manner of harm, though drank copiously.

The fruits and plants of Java are excellent and numberless. [pg 137] Among these the cocoa-nut tree is by far the most valuable, as besides its fruit already described, the bark makes a kind of hemp which is manufactured into good ropes and cables; the timber serves to build houses and ships, and the leaves serve to cover the former. It is said that the father of a family in this country causes a cocoa-nut tree to be planted at the birth of each of his children, by which each may always know his own age, as this tree has a circle rising yearly on its stem, so that its age may be known by counting these circles: and when any one asks a father the ages of his children, he sends them to look at his cocoa trees.

There are numerous woods or forests in different parts of the island, in which are abundance of wild beasts, as buffaloes, tigers, rhinoceroses, and wild horses. These also abound in serpents, some of which are of prodigious size. Crocodiles are numerous and large in this island, being mostly found about the mouths of the rivers; and, being amphibious animals, delight much in marshes and savannahs. Like the tortoise, this creature deposits its eggs in the hot sands, taking no farther care of them, and the sun hatches them in the proper season, when they immediately betake themselves to the water. A short time before the arrival of Roggewein at Batavia, a crocodile was taken in the mouth of the river to the east of the city, upwards of thirty-three feet long, and proportionally large. They have fowls of all kinds, and exquisitely good; particularly peacocks, partridges, pheasants, and wood-pigeons. The Indian bat is a great curiosity, differing little in form from ours, but its extended wings measure a full yard, and its body is as large as a rat.

There are great numbers of excellent fish of different sorts to be had in the adjoining sea, and so plentiful and cheap that as much may be bought for three-pence as will dine six or seven men. Tortoises or sea-turtle also are abundant, their flesh resembling veal, and there are many persons who think it much better. The flat country round Batavia abounds in all kinds of provisions; and to prevent all danger of scarcity, vessels belonging to the Company are continually employed in bringing provisions, spiceries, and all other necessaries, from the most distant parts of the island, together with indigo, rice, pepper, cardamoms, coffee, and the like. In the magazines and store-houses, there are always vast quantities of rich and valuable commodities, not of Java only, but of all parts of India, ready to be transported [pg 138] to other parts of the Company's dominions, in the ships which return annually to Holland.

The homeward-bound ships sail five times every year from Batavia. The first fleet sails in July, generally consisting of four or five sail, which touch on their way at the island of Ceylon. The second, of six or seven vessels, sails in September. The third usually consists of from sixteen to twenty ships, and leaves Batavia in October. The fourth, of four or five vessels, sails in January. And the fifth, being only a single ship, generally sails in March, but not till the arrival of the fleet from China which brings the tea, of which the principal part of the cargo of this ship consists, wherefore it is usually called the tea-ship: The common people call it also the book-ship as it carries home the current account of the whole year, by which the Company is enabled to judge of the state of its trade in India. It is to be observed that these ships, laden with the rich commodities of many countries, all sail from this single port of Batavia; the ships from Mokha which carry coffee, being the only vessels in the service of the Dutch East India Company that are allowed to proceed directly home without going to Batavia.

Footnote 1: (return)

This may possibly have been the case at this time in Batavia; but we are assured by recent travellers in China, that they have there none but men players, the female parts being acted by youths.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

There is some strange error here, which we do not presume to correct or explain. In the former section, the king of Japara is said to reside chiefly at Kattasura, which in the present instance is said to be the residence of the emperor. In an after division of this collection, more ample and distinct accounts will be found of this rich island, now subject to Britain.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

In plain English, the mineral, or ore, was so poor as not to defray the expence of extracting the metal.E.

SECTION IX.

Description of Ceylon.

The next best government belonging to the Dutch East India Company, after Batavia, is that of the island of Ceylon. The governor of this island is generally a member of the council of the Indies, and has a council appointed to assist him, framed after the model of that in Batavia, only that the members are not quite such great men. Though the governor of Ceylon be dependent upon the Council of the Indies at Batavia, he is at liberty to write directly to the directors of the Company in Holland, without asking permission from the governor-general, or being obliged to give any account of his conduct in so doing. This singular privilege has had bad effects, having even tempted some governors of Ceylon to endeavour to withdraw themselves from their obedience to the Company, in order to become absolute sovereigns of the island. There have been many examples of this kind, but it may be sufficient to mention the [pg 139] two last, owing to the tyranny of two successive governors, Vuist and Versluys, which made a considerable noise in Europe.

When Mr Rumpf left the government of Ceylon, his immediate successor, Mr Vuist, began to act the tyrant towards all who were not so fortunate as to be in his good graces, persecuting both Europeans and natives. Having from the beginning formed the project of rendering himself an independent sovereign, he pursued his plan steadily, by such methods as seemed best calculated to insure success. He thought it necessary in the first place to rid himself of the richest persons in the island, and of all having the reputation of wisdom, experience, and penetration. In order to save appearances, and to play the villain with an air of justice, he thought it necessary to trump up a pretended plot, and caused informations to be preferred against such persons as he intended to ruin, charging them with having entered into a conspiracy to betray the principal fortresses of the island into the hands of some foreign power. This scheme secured him in two ways, as it seemed to manifest his great zeal for the interest of the Company, and enabled him to convict those he hated of high treason, and to deprive them at once of life and fortune. To manage this the more easily, he contrived to change the members of his council, into which he brought creatures of his own, on whose acquiescence in his iniquities he could depend upon. The confiscations of the estates and effects of a number of innocent persons whom he had murdered by these false judicial proceedings, gave him the means of obliging many, and gained him numerous dependants.

Vuist was born in India of Dutch parents, and had a strong natural capacity which had been improved by assiduous application to his studies. His dark brow, and morose air, shewed the cruelty of his disposition: Yet he loved and protected the Indians, either from a natural disposition, or because he deemed them fit instruments to forward his designs. In order to gain the natives in his interest, he preferred them to many vacant offices under his government, in direct opposition to repeated instructions from the Company, to bestow the principal offices on Dutchmen or other Europeans. After carrying on his designs with much dexterity, and having acquired by gifts a vast number of dependants, ready to support his purposes, some of the faithful servants [pg 140] of the Company sent such clear and distinct information of his proceedings to Holland, as sufficiently evinced his real intentions, in spite of all his arts to conceal them. At length the Company sent out Mr Versluys to supersede him in the government of Ceylon, with orders to send him prisoner to Batavia. As soon as he arrived there, abundance of informations were preferred against him, for a variety of crimes both of a private and public nature, into all of which the council of justice made strict inquisition, and were furnished with abundant proofs of his guilt. In the end, he freely confessed that he had caused nineteen innocent persons to be put to death, having put them all to the torture, extorting from all of them confessions of crimes which they had never even dreamt of committing. He was accordingly sentenced to be broken alive on the wheel, his body to be quartered, and his quarters burnt to ashes and thrown into the sea.

Such was the deserved end of the traitor and tyrant Vuist; yet Versluys, who was sent expressly to amend what the other had done amiss, and to make the people forget the excesses of his predecessor by a mild and gentle administration, acted perhaps even worse than Vuist. Versluys was by no means of a cruel disposition, wherefore, strictly speaking, he shed no blood, yet acted as despotically and tyrannically as the other, though with more subtilty and under a fairer appearance. His great point was not the absolute possession of the country, but to possess himself of all that it contained of value. For this purpose, immediately on getting possession of the government, he raised the price of rice, the bread of the country, to so extravagant a height that the people in a short time were unable to purchase it, and were soon reduced to beggary and a starving condition. Their humble representations of the great and general misery which reigned among all ranks of people throughout the island made no impression on his avaricious disposition; but all things went on from bad to worse, till an account of his nefarious conduct was transmitted to Holland. When informed of the distressed situation of the inhabitants of Ceylon, the States-general sent out Mr Doembourgh as governor, with orders to repair all past errors, and to treat the natives with all possible tenderness and indulgence. On his arrival, Versluys, after beggaring the whole nation, took it into his head that they would defend him against his masters, and absolutely refused to resign the government; and [pg 141] had even the insolency to fire upon the Company's ships as they lay at anchor in the road of Columbo. Doembourgh, however, immediately landed, and his authority was readily recognised by all the Company's servants, and submitted to by the people. He caused Versluys to be immediately arrested and sent to Batavia, where a long criminal process was instituted against him, but which was not concluded when our author left India.

Of all the Asiatic islands, Ceylon is perhaps the fairest and most fertile. It lies to the S.E. of the peninsula of India on this side of the Ganges, between the latitudes of 5° 30' and 9° N. and between the longitudes of 79° 45' and 82° 12' E. so that it extends 70 marine leagues from N. to S. and 49 leagues from E. to W. It is so fertile and delicious, that many have believed it to have been the seat of the terrestrial paradise; and the natives certainly believe this, for they pretend to shew the tomb of Adam, and the print of his foot on the mountain named the Peak of Adam,¹ one of the highest mountains in the world. On another mountain there is a salt-lake, which the inhabitants affirm was filled by the tears shed by Eve, while she wept incessantly an hundred years for the death of Abel.

The principal places in Ceylon are Jafnapatam, Trinkamaly, Baracola, Punta de Galla, Columbo, Negombo, Sitavaca, and Candy. The Dutch East India Company are possessed of all the coasts of the island, and ten or twelve leagues within the land, and most of the before-mentioned towns, except the two last. While the Portuguese had possession, they built abundance of forts for their security, so that the Dutch found it a difficult matter to dislodge them; but having contracted a secret treaty with the king of Candy, the Portuguese were attacked on all sides, by sea and land, and were driven by degrees out of all their possessions. Since then, the Dutch have taken much pains to cultivate a good understanding with that native sovereign, from whom they have obtained almost every thing they demanded. They send every year an ambassador to him with various presents; in return for which his Candian majesty sends to the company a casket of jewels, of such value that the ship which carries it home is reckoned to be worth half the fleet.

Punta de Galle and Columbo are the two principal places in the island, the latter being the residence of the governor, and the other, properly speaking, is only the port of that city. Though extremely hot, the air of Ceylon is reckoned healthy, and the country abounds with excellent fruits of many kinds. The sea and the rivers afford plenty of various kinds of fish. There are also on the land great abundance of fowls, both wild and tame, and many wild animals, particularly elephants that are larger than any other country in Asia, also tygers, bears, civet cats, monkeys, and others. Cinnamon is the production for which this island is peculiarly famous, as that which is procured here is estimated far superior to any other. The Dutch East India Company have the entire monopoly not only of this, but of all the other spices, with which they supply all parts of the world. Cinnamon is the inner bark of a tree resembling the orange, the flowers of which very much resemble those of the laurel both in size and figure. There are three sorts of cinnamon. The finest is taken from young trees; a coarser sort from the old ones; and the third is the wild cinnamon, or cassia, which grows not only in Ceylon, but in Malabar and China, and of late years in Brazil. The company also derives great profit from an essential oil drawn from cinnamon, which sells at a high price; and it also makes considerable gain by the precious stones found in this island, being rubies, white and blue sapphires, topazes, and others.

Off the coast of this island, at Manaar and Tutecorin, there is a fine pearl fishery, which brings in a large revenue, being let twice a-year in farm to certain black merchants. The oysters are at the bottom of the sea, and the fishery is only carried on in fine weather, when the sea is perfectly calm. The diver has one end of a rope fastened round his body below the arm-pits, the other end being tied to the boat, having a large stone tied to his feet, that he may descend the quicker, and a bag tied round his waist to receive the oysters. As soon as he gets to the bottom of the sea, he takes up as many oysters as are within his reach, putting them as fast as possible into the bag; and in order to ascend, pulls strongly at a cord, different from that which is round his body, as a signal for those in the boat to haul him up as fast as they can, while he endeavours so shake loose the stone at his feet. When the boats are filled with oysters, the black merchants carry them to different places on [pg 143] the coast, selling them at so much the hundred; which trade is hazardous for the purchasers, who sometimes find pearls of great value, and sometimes none at all, or those only of small value.

The inhabitants of Ceylon are called Cingolesians, or Cingalese, who are mostly very tall, of a very dark complexion, with very large ears, owing to the numerous large and heavy ornaments they wear in them. They are men of great courage, and live in a hardy manner, and are therefore excellent soldiers. They are, for the most part, Mahomedans,² though there are many idolaters among them who worship cows and calves. The inhabitants of the interior do not greatly respect the Dutch, whom they term their coast-keepers, in derision; but the Dutch care little about this, endeavouring to keep in good correspondence with the king of Candy, whose dominions are separated from theirs by a large rapid river, and by impenetrable forests. The Ceylonese are remarkable for their great skill in taming elephants, which they employ as beasts of burden in time of peace, and render serviceable against their enemies in war.

Footnote 1: (return)

This gross absurdity is not worth contesting; but the fact is, that the real natives, the idolaters of the interior, refer both the tomb and the footmark to their false god, or lawgiver, Bodh.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

The author has probably confounded the original natives of Ceylon, who are idolaters, with the Malays, who are Mahomedans, and of whom a considerable number are settled on the coast country.E.

SECTION X.

Some Account of the Governments of Amboina, Banda, Macasser, the Moluccas, Mallacca, and the Cape of Good Hope.

The third government under the East India Company is that of Amboina, one of the Molucca islands, which was formerly the seat of the governor-general till the building of Batavia, when it was transferred there on account of its advantageous situation, in the centre of the company's trade and settlements, while Amboina lay too far to the east. The island of Java also is vastly more fertile than Amboina, producing all the necessaries of life in abundance, so that it has no dependence for provisions on any other country, while they had provisions to search for in all other places, at the time when the government was established at Amboina. This island is one of the largest of the Moluccas, being situated in the Archipelago of St Lazarus, in lat. 3 40' S. and [pg 144] long. 128° 30' E. 21° 30' or 430 marine leagues east from Batavia. It was conquered in 1519 by the Portuguese, who built a fort there to keep the inhabitants under subjection, and to facilitate the conquest of all the adjacent islands. This fort was taken by the Dutch in 1605, but they did not entirely reduce the whole island of Amboina and the neighbouring islands till 1627, by which conquest they acquired entire possession of the clove trade, whence these islands are termed the gold-mine of the company, owing to the vast profit they draw from them, and it is so far superior to other gold-mines, that there is no fear of these islands being ever exhausted of that commodity. A pound weight of cloves or nutmegs, for the company has the entire monopoly of both, does not in fact cost the company much more than a half-penny, and every one knows at what rate the spices are sold in Europe. Amboina is the centre of all this rich commerce; and to keep it more effectually in the hands of the company, all the clove-trees in the other islands are grubbed up and destroyed; and sometimes, when the harvest is very large at Amboina, a part even of its superfluous produce is burnt.

This valuable spice grows only in Amboina and the other five Molucca islands, and in the islands of Meao, Cinomo, Cabel, and Marigoran. The Indians call cloves calafoor, while the inhabitants of the Moluccas call them chinke. The clove-tree is much like the laurel, but its leaves are narrower, resembling those of the almond and willow. Even the wood and leaves taste almost as strong as the cloves themselves. These trees bear a great quantity of branches and flowers, and each flower produces a single clove. The flowers are at first white, then green, and at last grow red and pretty hard, and are properly the cloves. While green, their smell is sweet and comfortable, beyond all other flowers. When ripe, the cloves are of a yellow colour, but after being gathered and dried, they assume a smoky and black hue. In gathering, they tie a rope round each bough, and strip off the whole of its produce by force, which violence injures the tree for the next year, but it bears more than ever in the following season. Others beat the trees with long poles, as we do walnut-trees, when the cloves fall down on cloths spread on the ground to receive them. The trees bear more fruit than leaves, the fruit hanging from the trees like cherries. Such cloves as are sold in the Indies are delivered just as procured from the trees, mixed with their stalks, and with dust and [pg 145] dirt; but such as are to be transported to Holland are carefully cleaned and freed from the stalks. If left ungathered on the tree, they grow large and thick, and are then termed mother-cloves, which the Javanese value more than the others, but the Dutch prefer the ordinary cloves.

No care is ever taken in propagating or planting clove-trees, as the cloves which fall to the ground produce them in abundance, and the rains make them grow so fast that they give fruit in eight years, continuing to bear for more than an hundred years after. Some are of opinion that the clove-tree does not thrive close to the sea, nor when too far removed; but seamen who have been on the island assert that they are found everywhere, on the mountains, in the vallies, and quite near the sea. They ripen from the latter end of August to the beginning of January. Nothing whatever grows below or near these trees, neither grass, herb, or weed, as their heat draws all the moisture and nourishment of the soil to themselves. Such is the hot nature of cloves, that when a sackful of them is laid over a vessel of water, some of the water is very soon wasted, but the cloves are no way injured. When a pitcher of water is left in a room in which cloves are cleaned, all the water is consumed in two days, although even the cloves have been removed. Cloves are preserved in sugar, forming an extraordinary good confection. They are also pickled. Many Indian women chew cloves to give them a sweet breath. A very sweet-smelling water is distilled from green cloves, which is excellent for strengthening the eyes, by putting a drop or two into the eyes. Powder of cloves laid upon the head cures the headache; and used inwardly, increases urine, helps digestion, and is good against a diarrhoea, and drank in milk, procures sleep.

A few days after the cloves are gathered, they are collected together and dried before the fire in bundles, by which operation they lose their natural beautiful red colour, changing into a deep purple or black. This is perhaps partly owing to their being sprinkled with water, which is said to be necessary for preventing worms from getting into them. Those persons who are sent for this commodity in the company's ships, practise a fraud of this nature, in order to conceal their thefts: For, having abstracted a certain quantity or proportion from the cloves received on board, they place two or three hogsheads of sea-water among those remaining, [pg 146] which is all sucked up in a few days by the cloves, which that recover their former weight. By this contrivance, the captain and merchant or supercargo agreeing together, find a way to cheat the company out of part of this valuable commodity. Yet this fraud, though easy and expeditious, is extremely dangerous as when detected it is invariably punished with death, and the company never want spies. Owing to this, cloves are commonly enough called galgen kruid, or gallows-spice, as frequently bringing men to an ill end.

The king of Amboina has a pension from the company, and a guard of European soldiers, maintained at its expence. The inhabitants of the island are of middle stature, and of black complexions, being all extremely lazy and given to thieving; yet some of them are very ingenious, and have a singular art of working up the cloves while green into a variety of curious toys, as small ships or houses, crowns, and such like, which are annually sent to Europe as presents, and are much esteemed. Those of the Amboinese who acknowledge the authority of the king are Mahomedans, but there are many idolaters who live in the mountains, and maintain their independence, considering themselves as free men, but the king and the Hollanders reckon them savages; and as they are guilty of frequent robberies and murders, they are always reduced to slavery when caught, and are treated with the utmost rigour, and employed in the hardest labour. On this account a most excessive hatred subsists between them and the other inhabitants of the island, with whom they are perpetually at war, and to whom they hardly ever give quarter. Their arms are bucklers; swords, and javelins or pikes.

The garrison kept in the fort of Amboina is numerous, and constantly maintained in excellent order, being composed of the best troops in the company's service. The fort is so strong, both by nature and art, as to be reckoned impregnable, and so effectually commands the harbour, that no vessel can possibly go in or out without being sunk by its cannon. Although the rich commerce in cloves might make a sufficient return to the company for the charges of this island, yet of late years coffee has been ordered to be cultivated here, and is likely to turn out to advantage. While this island was under the government of Mr Barnard, it was discovered that considerable quantities of gold-dust were washed down by the torrents in some parts of the mountains, and by tracing up the auriferous streams to their sources, the mine has [pg 147] at last been found. Amboina also produces a red kind of wood, which is both beautiful and durable, and is naturally embellished in its grain with abundance of curious figures. Of this wood they make tables, cabinets, writing-desks, and other beautiful pieces of furniture, which are sent as presents to the principal persons in the government, the rest being sold at extravagant prices all over India.

The fourth government under the company is Banda, an island about fifty leagues from Amboina towards the east, and to the southward of the Moluccas. The governor, who is generally an eminent merchant, resides at Nera, the capital of the country, and has several other neighbouring islands under his jurisdiction, in the government of all which he is assisted by a council, as at Amboina. In some representations sent home, and published by the company, this island is set forth as being very expensive to the company, and so thinly inhabited as to take off very little goods, while it is so barren as to require large supplies of provisions. All this is pure artifice; for, though Banda is a very small island in comparison with Amboina, being only about twelve leagues in circumference, it certainly affords as great profits, which arise from the important commerce in nutmegs, which grow here in such prodigious quantities as to enable the Dutch company to supply all the markets in Europe.

This admirable and much-valued fruit grows in no other part of the world except Banda and a few other small islands in its neighbourhood, named Orattan, Guimanasa, Wayer, Pulo-wai, and Pulo-rion. The nutmeg-tree is much like a peach-tree, but the leaves are shorter and rounder. The fruit is at first covered by two skins or shells, the outer one being tough and as thick as one's finger, which falls off when the fruit ripens. This outer rind when candied has a fine taste and flavour. When this falls off, the next is a fine smooth skin or peel, which is the mace, or flower of the nutmeg; and below this is a harder and blackish shell, much like that of a walnut; and on opening this shell, the nutmeg is found within, being the kernel. The mace is at first of a fine scarlet colour; but, when ripe, it falls off the shell, and is then of an orange colour, as it comes to Europe. They preserve whole nutmegs in sugar, which make the best sweetmeat in India. The Bandanese call nutmegs palla, and mace buaa-palla. There are two sorts of nutmegs; the one being of a long shape, called males, and the other round and reddish, [pg 148] called females, which latter have better taste and flavour than the other. When gathered and the mace carefully preserved, the shells are removed and the nutmegs dried, being first thrown among quicklime, as otherwise worms would breed in and destroy them.

There are several islands in the neighbourhood of Banda in which the nutmeg-trees grow, but these are carefully destroyed every year, which at first sight may seem extraordinary, as, if once destroyed, one would imagine they would never grow again. But they are annually carried by birds to these islands. Some persons allege that the birds disgorge them undigested, while others assert that they pass through in the ordinary manner, still retaining their vegetative power. This bird resembles a cuckoo, and is called the nutmeg-gardener by the Dutch, who prohibit their subjects from killing any of them on pain of death. The nutmeg is a sovereign remedy for strengthening the brain and memory, for warming the stomach, sweetening the breath, and promoting urine; it is also good against flatulence, diarrhoea, head-ach, pain of the stomach, heat of the liver, and amenorrhoea. Oil of nutmegs is a powerful cordial. Mace is an effectual remedy for weakness of the stomach, helps digestion, expels bad humours, and cures flatulence. A plaister of mace and nutmegs in powder, and diluted with rose-water, greatly strengthens the stomach. Being peculiar to Banda, merchants from Java, Malucca, China, and all parts of the Indies, come to Nera and the other towns of Banda to purchase mace and nutmegs; and immediately on their arrival, they all purchase wives to keep house for them and dress their victuals during their stay, which is usually two or three months, and when they go away again, they give liberty to these temporary wives to go where they please.

The island of Banda is very hilly, yet fertile, the government among the natives being a kind of commonwealth, administered by the Mahomedan priests, who are very strict and severe. The population of the whole island may be about 12,000 persons of all ages, of whom about 4000 are fighting men. It is so well fortified as to be deemed impregnable, yet there is always a numerous squadron of small vessels on the coast for farther security. The garrison is numerous, but in a worse condition than those of any other garrison, belonging to the company, owing to the scarcity of victuals, [pg 149] as the island is of a barren sandy soil,¹ wherefore the soldiers eat dogs, cats, and any other animal they can find. For six months of the year they have tolerable abundance of turtle or sea-tortoises, and after this they are glad to get a little sorry fish, now and then. Their bread is made from the juice of a tree, which resembles the grounds of beer when first drawn, but grows as hard as a stone when dried: Yet, when put into water, it swells and ferments, and so becomes fit to eat, at least in this country, where nothing else is to be had.² Butter, rice, dried fish, and other provisions, are all imported from Batavia, and are much too dear to be purchased by the soldiers, at least in any great plenty. Thus the inhabitants are none of the happiest; but, to do them justice, they live fully as well as they deserve, as there is not an honest man on the island.

According to the Dutch, the original natives of this island were so cruel, perfidious and intractable, that they were forced to root them out in a great measure for their own security, and to send a Dutch colony to occupy the island: But such a colony as has not much mended the matter, being entirely composed of a rascally good-for-nothing people, who were either content to come, or were sentenced to be sent here, almost to starve, not being able to live elsewhere. Their misery at this place does not continue long, as they are usually soon carried off by the dry gripes or twisting of the guts, which is the endemic, or peculiar disease of the country. Hence, and because wild young fellows are sometimes sent here by their relations, the Dutch at Batavia usually call this Verbeetering Island, or the Island of Correction.

Macasser, or the island of Celebes, is considered as the fourth best government after Batavia. This island lies between Borneo and the Moluccas, 260 leagues or 13° E. from Batavia. It is a singularly irregular island, consisting in a manner of four long peninsular processes, two projecting eastwards, and two towards the south, reaching from lat. 1° 30' N. to 5° 45' S. and from long. 119° to 125° 20', both E. It is called, and with great reason, the key of [pg 150] the spice islands, and the form of its government is much the same as in the other islands, consisting of a governor and council. Since the Dutch conquered these islands from the Portuguese, they have carefully fortified the sea-coast, and have always a very numerous garrison in the fort of Macasser, where the governor resides; which is particularly necessary, as the island is very populous, and the natives are beyond comparison the bravest and best soldiers in India. This nation long gave inexpressible trouble to the Dutch, but was at length, subdued, and stands now in as much awe of the company as any other nation: But, till very lately, the expences of the troops at this place were so large, that the company derived very little gain from the conquest, although the slave-trade here is very profitable.

Before the last Macasser war, which ended in the entire subjugation of the prince of this country, he was able to procure great quantities of mace, nutmegs, and cloves, which he sold to the English and other nations, at much more reasonable rates than they could procure them from the Dutch. For which reason the Dutch were at great pains and expence to reduce this island to entire subjection, that it might become the bulwark of the Moluccas, and secure their monopoly of the spice-trade: But, for similar reasons, the other European powers ought to have supported the king of Macasser in his independence. The island of Celebes is very fertile, and produces abundance of rice, and articles of great value in the Indies. The inhabitants are of middle stature, and have yellow complexions, with good features, and are of brisk and active dispositions: But are naturally thieves, traitors, and murderers to such a degree, that it is not safe for an European to venture beyond the walls of the fort after dark, or to travel at any time far into the country, lest he be robbed and murdered. Yet many of the natives live under the protection of the Dutch forts, being free burgesses, who carry on considerable trade. There are also a considerable number of Chinese residents, who sail from hence in vessels of their own to all parts of the company's dominions, and who acquire immense wealth by means of extensive commerce.

The inland country is under the dominion of three different princes, who, fortunately for the Dutch, are in continual opposition to each other; for, if united, they might easily drive the Dutch from the island. One of these princes is [pg 151] styled the Company's King, as he lives in good correspondence with the Dutch, and promotes their interest as far as he can. On this account the Dutch make him presents of considerable value from time to time, such as gold chains, golden coronets set with precious stones, and the like, in order to keep him steady in his allegiance, and to prevent him from uniting with the other two princes of the island. Some little time before the arrival of Roggewein at Batavia, a rich gold-mine was discovered in Celebes, to which a director and a great number of workmen were sent from Batavia; but how far this has been attended with success, our author was unable to say.

Ternate is the fifth government at the disposal of the company, and the farthest east of all belonging to the Dutch dominions in India, so that it is a kind of frontier. The governor is always a merchant, and has a council, like all the others already mentioned. This is one of the largest of the Molucca islands, and the king of Ternate is the most valuable of all the allies of the company; as, although his island would abound in cloves, he causes them to be rooted out annually, for which the company allows him a pension of eighteen or twenty thousand rix dollars yearly. He has likewise a numerous life-guard, with a very strong fort well garrisoned, all at the expence of the company. The kings of Tidore and Bachian are his tributaries. Ternate is very fertile, and abounds in all sorts of provisions, and in every thing that can contribute to the ease and happiness of life, yet its commerce is of no great importance, hardly amounting to as much as is necessary to defray the charges of the government. It was at this time, however, expected to turn out to better account, as a rich gold-mine had been recently discovered. The natives are a middle-sized people, strong and active, more faithful than their neighbours, and better affected towards the Europeans. In religion they are mostly Mahometans or Pagans; but of late many of them had become Christians, chiefly occasioned by their king having declared himself of that religion, a point of great consequence towards the conversion of the people. The inhabitants of Ternate make a species of palm wine, called Seggeweer, which is excessively strong. There are here many most beautiful birds, having feathers of all sorts of colours, charmingly diversified, which are sent to Batavia, where they are sold at high prices on account of their beauty and docility, as they [pg 152] may be taught to sing finely, and to imitate the human voice. Many Birds-of-Paradise are also brought from this island. There are several sorts of these birds. The most common kind is yellow, having small bodies, about eight inches long exclusive of the tail, which is half a yard long, and sometimes more. The second kind is red, the third blue, and the fourth black. These last are the most beautiful and most in request, being called the King of the Birds-of-Paradise. This kind has a crown or tuft of feathers on the top of its head, which lies flat or is raised up at pleasure. In this they resemble the cadocus or cockatoo, a bird entirely white, with a yellow crown on its head.

The sixth government is Malacca, which city is the capital of a small kingdom of the same name, inhabited by Malayans or Malays. The governor here is a merchant, and is assisted by a council like all the others. This kingdom of Malacca is the south part of the peninsula of India beyond the Ganges, being divided from the island of Sumatra by a strait, named the strait of Malacca. This city is of considerable size, and carries on an extensive commerce, for which it is admirably situated, and is the storehouse or emporium of all that part of India. It is also the rendezvous of all the homeward-bound ships from Japan, which make at this place a distribution of their merchandise into various assortments, which are sent from hence to all the settlements of the company in India. It is however subject to the great inconvenience of scarcity of provisions, having nothing of that kind except various sorts of fish. The princes of the adjacent countries and their subjects are all notorious pirates, and give much disturbance to the trade of India; but are particularly inimical to the Dutch company, and omit no opportunity of doing all the evil in their power to its subjects. These people suffered formerly some severe reverses from the Portuguese, who were formerly established here, and since from their successors the Dutch, which has gradually reduced their power, so that they are now much less able to carry on their depredations. The natives of Malacca are of a very dark complexion, but brisk and active, and greatly addicted to thieving. Some are idolaters but they are mostly Mahometans.

When the Portuguese were masters of Malacca, they had no less than three churches and a chapel within the fortress, and one on the outside. That which is now used for worship [pg 153] by the Dutch stands conspicuously on the top of a hill, and may be seen for a great distance up or down the straits. It has a flag-staff on the top of its steeple, where a flag is always displayed on seeing a ship. The fort is large and strong. A third part of its walls is washed by the sea: A deep, narrow, and rapid river covers its western side; and all the rest is secured by a broad, deep ditch. The governor's house is both beautiful and convenient, and there are several other good houses, both in the fort and the town. But, owing to the shallowness of the sea at this place, ships are obliged to ride above a league off, which is a great inconvenience, as the fort is of no use to defend the roads. The straits here are not above four leagues broad, and though the opposite coast of Sumatra is very low, it may easily be seen in a clear day: Hence the sea here is always quite smooth, except in squalls of wind, which are generally accompanied with thunder, lightning, and rain. These squalls, though violent, seldom last more than an hour.

The country of Malacca produces nothing for exportation, except a little tin and elephants teeth; but has several excellent fruits and roots for the use of its inhabitants, and the refreshment of strangers who navigate this way. The pine-apples of Malacca are esteemed the best in the world, as they never offend the stomach; while those of other places, if eaten in the smallest excess, are apt to occasion surfeits. The mangostein is a delicious fruit, almost in the shape of an apple. Its skin is thick and red, and when dried is an excellent astringent. The kernels, if they may be so called, are like cloves of garlic, of a most agreeable taste, but very cold. The rambostan is a fruit about the size of a walnut, with a tough skin beset with capillaments,³ and the pulp within is very savoury.

There is a high mountain to the N.E. of Malacca, whence several rivers descend, that of Malacca being one of them, and all these have small quantities of gold in their channels. The inland inhabitants, called Monacaboes, are a barbarous and savage people, whose chief delight is in doing injury to their neighbours. On this account, the peasantry about Malacca sow no grain, except in inclosures defended by thickset [pg 154] prickly hedges or deep ditches: For, when the grain is ripe in the open plains, the Monacaboes never fail to set it on fire. These inland natives are much whiter than the Malays of the lower country; and the king of Johor, whose subjects they are or ought to be, has never been able to civilize them.

When the Dutch finally attempted to conquer Malacca from the Portuguese, in alliance with the king of Johor, and besieged it both by sea and land, they found it too strong to be reduced by force, and thought it would be tedious to reduce it by famine. Hearing that the Portuguese governor was a sordid, avaricious wretch, much hated by the garrison, they tampered with him by letters, offering him mountains of gold to betray his trust, and at length struck a bargain with him for 80,000 dollars, and to convey him to Batavia. Having in consequence of his treachery got into the fort, where they gave no quarter to any one found in arms, they dispatched the governor himself, to save payment of the promised bribe.

The seventh government bestowed by the company is that of the Cape of Good Hope. The governor here is always one of the counsellors of the Indies, and has a council to assist him. This colony was taken from the Portuguese by the Dutch in 1653, and is justly esteemed one of the most important places in the hands of the company, though the profits derived from it are not comparable to what they derive from some of the islands in the East Indies. Formerly things were still worse, as the revenues of this settlement fell short of its expences. Yet the company could hardly carry on the trade to India, were it not in possession of this place, as here only the ships can meet with water and other refreshments on the outward and homeward-bound voyages; and these are indispensably necessary, especially for such ships as are distressed with the scurvy. This place so abounds in all sorts of provisions, that there never is any scarcity, notwithstanding the vast yearly demand, and all ships putting in here are supplied at moderate rates. These refreshments consist of beef, mutton, fowls, fruit, vegetables, wine, and every thing, in short, that is necessary, either for recovering the sick on shore, or recruiting the sea-stores for the continuance of the voyage out or home. In the space of a year, at least forty outward-bound ships touch here from Holland alone, and in these there cannot be less than eight or nine thousand people. The homeward-bound Dutch ships are not [pg 155] less than thirty-six yearly, in which there are about three thousand persons; not to mention foreign vessels, which likewise put in here, and have all kinds of refreshments furnished to them at reasonable rates. There are almost always some ships in this road, except in the months of May, June, and July, when the wind usually blows with great violence at N.W. and then the road is very dangerous.

Footnote 1: (return)

This is contradictory, having been before described as hilly, yet fertile.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This account of the matter is not easily understood, and seems to want confirmation. Perhaps it is an ignorant or perverted report of sago: Yet there may possibly be some tree or plant affording a considerable quantity of fecula or starch by expression.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

This uncommon word is explained by Johnson, as "small threads or hairs growing in the middle of flowers, adorned with little knobs."Here it may be supposed to mean that the fruit is hairy.E.

SECTION XI.

Account of the Directories of Coromandel, Surat, Bengal, and Persia.

Having now given a short view of the governments in the disposal of the Dutch East-India Company, which are a kind of principalities, as each governor, with the advice and assistance of his council, is a kind of sovereign, and acts without controul through the whole extent of his jurisdiction, we are now to consider the other establishments of the company in India, for carrying on this extensive trade. In all the countries where their affairs require it, they have factories, in each of which there is a chief, with some title or other, having also a council to assist him in regard to matters of policy or trade. Among these, the directories of Coromandel, Surat, Bengal, and Persia are all of great importance, and the direction of them is attended with great profit. The directors have the same power with the governors, within their respective jurisdictions; only that they cannot execute any criminal sentences within the countries in which they reside, so that all criminals are executed on board ship, under the flag of the company.

The directory of Coromandel is the first of the four, and has all the forts and factories belonging to the Dutch on that coast under his jurisdiction. Besides Negapatnam, on the southernmost point of Coromandel, and the fort of Gueldria, in which the director resides, they have factories at Guenepatnam, Sadraspatnam, Masulipatnam, Pelicol, Datskorom, Benlispatnam, Nagernauty, and Golconda. The Dutch director is a principal merchant, and if he discharges his office with reputation, he is commonly in a few years promoted to be one of the counsellors of the Indies. It is not uncommon for a governor or director in the Indies, in the space of a [pg 156] few years, to amass a fortune equal to the original capital of the company, or six millions and a half of guilders, or nearly £600,000 sterling.

Formerly, the country of Coromandel was divided into a great number of principalities, and the little princes and chiefs imposed such heavy duties, and gave such interruptions to trade in other respects, as rendered the company very uneasy. But after the war of Golconda, which cost the company a great deal of money, yet ended to their advantage, these princes grow more tractable. At present, the kings of Bisnagar and Hassinga,¹ who are the most powerful in Coromandel, live in tolerably good terms with the Dutch and other European nations; the English and Danes having also a share in Coromandel, with several good fortresses for the protection of their trade.

The great trade carried on here is in cotton goods, as muslins, chintzes, and the like; in exchange for which the Dutch bring them spices, Japan copper, steel, gold-dust, sandal and siampan woods. In this country, the inhabitants are some Pagans, some Mahomedans, and not a few Christians. The country is very fertile in rice, fruits, and herbs, and in every thing necessary to the support of man; but the weather is exceedingly hot during the eastern monsoon. All the manufactures of this country, purchased by the Dutch, are transported first to Batavia, whence they are sent home to Holland, and are thence distributed through all Germany and the north of Europe.

The second and third directories are established at Hoogly on the Ganges, and at Surat on the western coast of India, both in the territories of the Great Mogul, and the two most important places of trade in all Asia. The Dutch, English, French, and other European natives trade to both, and have erected forts and magazines for their security and convenience. The best part of the trade is carried on by black merchants, who deal in all sorts of rich goods; such as opium, diamonds, rich stuffs, and all kinds of cotton cloths. The empire of the Great Mogul is of prodigious extent, and the countries under his dominion are esteemed the richest in the world. The air is tolerably pure, yet malignant fevers are common, generally attacking strangers as a kind of seasoning [pg 157] sickness, in which, if the patient escape the third day, he generally recovers.

Most of the inhabitants of this country are tall black robust men, of gay and lively dispositions. In point of religion, many of them are idolaters, more of them Mahometans,² and some of them Christians. The idolaters are split into numerous sects, some of whom believe firmly in the metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls; for which reason they will not take away the life of any living creature, not even daring to kill a fly or a flea. They have even hospitals for worn-out oxen and old cows, where they are fed and attended till they die of age or disease. These people are in general very industrious, but covetous, false, and perfidious. They employ themselves, such as reside in towns, in the manufactures of silk and cotton; and those who live in the country are very diligent cultivators, so that they annually expect from hence vast quantities of grain to Batavia.

The Great Mogul is one of the richest and most powerful princes in the world, having a most magnificent court, and a numerous army always on foot. The directors at Bengal and Surat know perfectly well how to deal with him, and, by making shewy presents, procure valuable diamonds and other precious stones in return. Surat is a town of no great antiquity, yet very large and immensely rich. It is in compass about five miles within the walls, and is computed to contain about 200,000 inhabitants. The Moorish and even the Indian merchants here are many of them prodigiously rich. The former chiefly addict themselves to the diamond trade, which is very precarious; for sometimes a small stock produces an immense fortune, while at other times, a man wastes immense sums without finding stones of any great value: For, at the diamond-mines, the adventurers purchase so many yards square at a certain price, employing slaves to dig and lift the earth, taking whatever stones are found in that spot; which sometimes are of great value, and sometimes so few and small as not to pay costs. Other Moorish merchants deal largely in foreign trade, and as the Mogul is a very easy master, some of them acquire prodigious wealth, and carry on commerce to such an extent as can scarce be credited in Europe. About twenty years ago, [pg 158] [that is, about the year 1700,] there died a Moorish merchant at Surat, who used yearly to fit out twenty sail of ships, from three to eight hundred tons, the cargoes of each of which were in value from ten to twenty thousand pounds, and who always retained goods in his warehouses equal in value to what he sent away. The customs of Surat amount every year to upwards of L. 160,000 sterling, and, as the merchants pay three per cent. at a medium, the value of the goods must exceed five millions yearly.

The fourth and last factory under a director, is that of Gambroon or Bendar-abassi on the coast of Persia. The director here is always a principal merchant, having a council and a fiscal to assist him. As this city stands on the Persian gulf or sea of Basora, being the only port of Persia on the Indian sea, and lies at a great distance from Batavia, this direction is not so much sought after as others; and besides, the heat at this place is greater than in any part of the world, and the air is excessively unwholesome. To balance these inconveniences, the director at Gambroon has an opportunity of making a vast fortune in a short time, so that in general, in four or five years, he has no farther occasion to concern himself in commerce. There are several other European nations settled here besides the Dutch, but they have by far the best factory, and have fortified it so effectually, that the inhabitants of the neighbouring mountains, who are a crew of bold and barbarous robbers, have never been able to gain possession of it, though they have made frequent attempts. The king of Persia, who reigned about 1722, came sometimes to Gambroon, and distinguished the Dutch above the other European nations by many marks of his favour, and by the grant of many privileges. Some time before that period, he sent a gold saddle very richly wrought, and adorned with precious stones, a present to the governor of Batavia, desiring in return an European habit for himself and another for his queen.

Gambroon is a disagreeable place to live in, as in August it is unbearably hot; and yet the winter is so cold that they wear English cloth lined with furs. They have here beeves, sheep, goats, poultry, and fish, all good of their kinds, and tolerably cheap. They have also grapes, melons, and mangoes in the utmost perfection, and excellent wine, which is esteemed superior to that of all other countries, insomuch that it still preserves its flavour after being diluted with four [pg 159] times its quantity of water. At the time when our author was in India, intestine wars raged to such a degree in Persia, that a ship had to be constantly stationed at Gambroon to bring off the factory, in case of danger. Another inconvenience to the trade on this coast proceeded from the multitude of pirates on those seas, mostly Europeans, who, having run away with the ships of their owners, subsisted by robbing all nations. Among these at this time was a stout ship named the Hare, which had been sent from Batavia to Persia: But the crew mutinied, and forced their officers to turn pirates. After committing many depredations on this coast, they sailed to the Red-Sea, where they attacked and plundered many Arabian pirates. At length, being short of provisions, and not daring to put into any port, they resolved to return; and finding themselves also in want of water, they resolved to supply themselves at an island. With this view, most of them crowded into the pinnace and put off from the ship, which gave an opportunity to the officers to resume their authority; wherefore they cut the cable, and brought the ship into the harbour of Gambroon, by which means the ship and cargo were restored to the Company.

In 1701, the Ballorches, who rebelled against the Shah, attempted to make themselves masters of the English and Dutch factories at Gambroon, with a body of four thousand men, but were beat off at both places; but a warehouse belonging to the Dutch, at some distance from the factory, fell into their hands, in which were goods to the value of twenty thousand pounds. A short time afterwards, the famous rebel Meriweys made himself master of Ispahan, where he plundered both the English and Dutch factories, taking from the former goods to the value of half a million, and from the latter to the value of two hundred thousand pounds.

Footnote 1: (return)

This seems to be a misprint for Narsinga, otherwise the Carnatic.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This is an obvious mistake, as by far the greater part of the population is idolatrous.E.

SECTION XII.

Account of the Commanderies of Malabar, Gallo, Java, and Bantam.

In such subordinate places as were not thought of sufficient consequence to require a governor or director, the Dutch East India Company has established another principal officer, with the title of chief or commander. If the [pg 160] person entrusted with this authority be a merchant, he is accountable for his conduct to the civil government, but if a captain, to the military establishment. A chief or commander, in conjunction with his council, has nearly the same authority with a governor, except that he cannot execute any capital judgment on criminals, till the case has been reviewed and confirmed by the council at Batavia.

At the time when our author was in India, the commander at the fort of Cochin on the Malabar coast, was Captain Julius de Golints, a native of Mecklenburg, from whom he received great civilities. Malabar was the first country discovered by the Portuguese in India, and in which they established themselves, not without great effusion of blood, nor were they many years in possession till they were driven out by the Dutch. These conquerors, in their turn, found it very difficult to support themselves against the natives, who attacked them with great spirit and success, and had infallibly driven them out of the country, but for the courage and conduct of Major John Bergman, who preserved their establishments with much difficulty.

Though very warm, the climate of Malabar is very healthy, and the soil is fertile in rice, fruit, and all sorts of herbs. It is divided into many principalities, among which the following are reckoned kingdoms; Cananore, Calicut, Cranganore, Cochin, Calicoulan, Porcaloulang, and Travancore. As the capital of the Dutch possessions in Malabar was the city of Cochin, it may be proper to describe this little kingdom as at that period. It reaches from Chitway in the north, and extends twenty-four leagues to the southwards along the coast, being divided into a multitude of small islands by the streams which descend from the mountains of Gatti, [the Gauts.] These rivers have two great or principal mouths, one at Cranganore in the north, and the other at Cochin, in the south, distant thirty marine leagues from each other. The Portuguese were the first European nation who settled here, where they built a fine city on the river about three leagues from the sea; but the sea has since so gained on the land, that it is now not above an hundred paces from the city. This place is so pleasantly situated, that the Portuguese had a common saying, "That China was a good place to get money in, and Cochin a pleasant place to spend it at." The great number of islands formed by the rivers and canals, make fishing and fowling very [pg 161] amusing; and the mountains, which are at no great distance, are well stored with wild game. On the island of Baypin [Vaypen], there stands an old fort called Pallapore, for the purpose of inspecting all boats that pass between Cranganore and Cochin: And five leagues up the rivulets, there is a Romish church called Varapoli [Virapell], served by French and Italian priests, and at which the bishop takes up his residence when he visits this part of the country. The padre, or superior priest at Virapell can raise four thousand men on occasion, all Christians of the church of Rome; but there are many more Christians of the church of St Thomas, who do not communicate with the Romanists.¹ About two leagues farther up than Virapell, towards the mountains, there is a place called Firdalgo,² on the side of a small but deep river, where the inhabitants of Cochin annually resort in the hot months of April and May to refresh themselves. The banks and bottom of the river here are clean sand, and the water is so clear that a small pebble stone may be seen at the bottom, in three fathoms water.

All the water along this low flat coast, to the south of Cranganore, has the very bad quality of occasioning swelled legs to those who drink it. This disease sometimes only affects one leg, but sometimes both, and the swelling is often so great as to measure a yard round at the ancles. It occasions no pain, but great itching, neither does the swelled leg feel any heavier than that which occasionally remains unaffected. To avoid this disease, the Dutch who reside at Cochin, send boats daily to Virapell, from which they bring water in small casks of about ten or twelve gallons, to serve the city. This water is given free to the servants of the Company, but private persons have to pay six-pence for each cask-full, which is brought to their houses at that price. Still, however, both Dutch men and women are sometimes afflicted with this disease, and no means have hitherto been found out for prevention or cure. The old legend imputes this disease to the curse laid by St Thomas upon his murderers and their posterity, as an odious mark to distinguish [pg 162] them: But St Thomas was slain by the Tilnigue³ priests at Miliapoor in Coromandel, above four hundred miles from this coast; and the natives there have no touch of this malady.

Cochin is washed by the greatest outlet on this coast, and being near the sea, its situation is strong by nature, but art has not been wanting to strengthen it. As built by the Portugueze, it was a mile and a half long by a mile in breadth. The Dutch took it in 1662, when Heitloff van Chowz was commander of the forces by sea and land. The insolence of the Portuguese had made several of the neighbouring princes their enemies, who joined with the Dutch to drive them out of that country, and the king of Cochin in particular assisted them with twenty thousand men. Not long after the Dutch had invested the town, Van Chowz received notice of a peace having been concluded between Portugal and Holland, but kept the secret to himself and pushed on the siege. Having made a breach in the weakest part of the fortifications, he proceeded to a furious assault, which was kept up for eight days and nights incessantly, relieving the assailants every three hours, while the Portuguese were kept on continual duty the whole time, and were quite worn out with fatigue. Finding the city in danger of being taken by storm, the Portuguese at length capitulated and gave up the place. There were at this time four hundred topasses in the garrison, who had done good service to the Portuguese, but were not comprehended in the capitulation. On discovering this omission, and knowing the cruel and licentious character of the Dutch soldiery in India, they drew up close to the gate at which the Portuguese were to march out, and the Dutch to enter, declaring, unless they had equally favourable terms granted them with the Portugueze, they would massacre them all, and set fire to the town. The Dutch general not only granted them all they asked, but even offered to take those who had a mind into the Dutch pay, to which many of them assented. The very day after the surrender, a frigate came from Goa, with the articles of peace, and the Portuguese loudly complained of having been unfairly dealt with by Van Chowz; but he answered, that the Portuguese had acted in the same manner with the Dutch, only a few years before, in the capture of Pernambuco [pg 163] in Brazil. The English had at that time a factory in Cochin, but the Dutch ordered them immediately to remove with all their effects, which they accordingly did to their factory at Paniany.

On gaining possession of Cochin, the Dutch thought it too extensive, and therefore contracted it to the size it is now, being hardly a tenth part of what it was before. It measures about 600 paces long, by 200 in breadth, and is fortified with seven large bastions and intermediate curtains, all the ramparts being so thick that they are planted with double rows of trees, to give shade in the hot season. Some of the streets built by the Portuguese still remain, together with a church, which is now used for the Dutch worship, the cathedral being converted into a warehouse. The house of the commandant is the only one built in the Dutch fashion, which is so near the river that the water washes some part of its walls. The flag-staff is placed on the steeple of the old cathedral, on a mast seventy-five feet high, above which is the staff, other sixty feet in length, so that the flag may be seen above seven leagues off at sea. The garrison of Cochin usually consists of three hundred men; and from Cape Comoras upwards, in all their forts and factories, they have five hundred soldiers, and an hundred seamen, all Europeans, besides some topasses and the militia. They procure their store of rice from Barcelore, because the Malabar rice will not keep above three months out of the husk, though it will keep twelve with the husk on. This part of the country produces great quantities of pepper, but it is lighter than that which grows more to the northwards. The forests in the interior affords good teak-wood for ship-building, and two woods, called angelique and prospect, which make beautiful chests and cabinets, which are sent all over the coasts of western India. They have also iron and steel in plenty, and bees-wax for exportation. The sea and the rivers afford abundance of excellent fish of various kinds, which are sold very cheap.

Cranganore, a little to the north of Cochin, stands upon a river about a league from the sea, and at this place the Dutch have a fort. This place is remarkable for having formerly been the seat of a Jewish government, and that nation was once so numerous here as to consist of 40,000 families, though now reduced to 4000. They have a synagogue about two miles from the city of Cochin, not far from the palace of the rajah, and in it they carefully preserve their records, engraven [pg 164] upon plates of copper in the Hebrew language; and when any of the characters decay, they are cut anew, so that they still possess their history down from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar to the present day. About the year 1695, Mynheer van Reede had an abstract of this history translated from Hebrew into the Dutch language. They assert themselves to be of the tribe of Manasseh, a part of which was sent by Nebuchadnezzar to the most easterly province of his large empire, which is alleged to have reached Cape Comorin. Twenty thousand of them travelled from Babylon to this place in three years, and were civilly and hospitably treated by the inhabitants of Malabar, who allowed them liberty of conscience in religion, and the free exercise of their reason and industry in the management of their secular affairs. Having increased in numbers and riches, they at length, by policy or wealth, became masters of the small kingdom of Cranganore: And a particular family among them being much esteemed for wisdom and riches, two of that family were chosen by their elders and senators to govern the commonwealth, and to reign jointly over them. At length one of the brothers invited his colleague to a feast, at which he basely killed him, thinking to reign alone; but a son of the deceased slew the fratricide, after which the state fell into a democracy, which still continues among the Jews here. Their lands have, however, reverted for many years into the hands of the Malabars, and poverty and oppression have occasioned many of them to apostatise.

Between Cranganore and Cochin there is an island called Baypin, [Vaypen] four leagues long, but in no part above two miles broad. The Dutch do not allow any vessels or boats to enter or go out at Cranganore, obliging all to use the river of Cochin, which is a quarter of a mile broad, and very deep, but has a bar on which there is no more than fourteen feet water at spring-tides. The inhabitants of this country are mostly idolaters, over whom the bramins or priests exercise great authority, which they much abuse, of which the following abominable custom is a strong instance. When any man marries, he is prohibited from bedding with his wife the first night, which function is performed in his stead by one of the bramins, or, if none of these be at hand, by some other man. Foreigners used formerly to be often employed on these occasions, as the Malabars made choice of them instead of their own countrymen, often making large [pg 165] presents to the substitutes, sometimes to the value of forty or fifty pounds. But of late the bramins have become so very religious, that they never fail to execute this duty themselves. Besides this, the bramins frequent the company of the women so much, that no one of their religion can pretend to know his own father with any certainty. For which reason, by the laws of this country, sons or daughters never inherit from the husbands of their mothers, but the heritage always goes, to nephews and nieces, by sisters of the deceased born of the same mother, as certainly of his blood. This rule is observed also in the order of succession in their royal families, and is a glaring proof of the strange effects of boundless superstition.⁴

The next commandery is Gallo, or Point de Galle, on the island of Ceylon, at the distance of about twenty leagues from Columbo, the Dutch capital of that island. Gallo was the first place in Ceylon taken from the Portuguese by the Dutch, and still is a place of considerable trade. The commander at this place is entirely dependent upon the governor of Ceylon, and can do nothing without his approbation. About the year 1672, Lewis XIV. sent out a squadron of eight frigates, with orders to make themselves master of this place, this project having been proposed to the court of France by one Mynheer Jan Martin, who had served the Dutch East India Company for many years, and had quitted their service on some disgust. When the royal orders came to be opened at sea, Martin found that the government was to be vested in another person, in case the place were taken, on which he took such measures as frustrated the object of the expedition. Mynheer van Cosse, who then commanded the Dutch fleet, soon arrived on the coast, and the French retired without venturing an engagement. They went to Trankamala, or Trinconomalee, and anchored in the bay of that name, meaning to force the garrison of that small fort to surrender: But Van Cosse soon followed them, and brought them to action while disadvantageously situated in the bay, and either sank or burnt half of the French fleet. The rest fled to St Thomas, on the coast of Coromandel, intending [pg 166] to have formed a settlement there; but Van Cosse again followed them to that place and seized all their ships, many of their guns having been carried ashore, as were at this time a great number of their officers and men. The French who were on shore capitulated with the Dutch to quit India, on being allowed shipping to carry them home, which Van Cosse agreed to, giving them his flag-ship, the Groote Britanye, and two others, for that purpose. Martin was detained and carried to Batavia, where he was confined for life on an allowance of a rix-dollar a-day.

The next commandery is that of Samarang, on the island of Java, and he who commands here has the direction of all the factories in that island, except those which depend immediately on the government of Batavia. Kuttasura, which is the residence of the emperor of Java, is within his jurisdiction. In the year 1704, a war broke out in Java between the brother and son of the deceased emperor, as competitors for the succession, which lasted twenty years. The Dutch sided with the former, but the affections of the natives were with the latter, who drew over to his party a great number of the native soldiers who had served under the Dutch, and who, being well disciplined, behaved gallantly on all occasions, and gave the Dutch much trouble.

At Bantam, on the same island, the Dutch have a strong fort with a numerous garrison, to keep the people in awe, who are very mutinous, and far from being well affected to the Dutch government. The king, or rajah of Bantam, has also a fort only a few hundred paces from that belonging to the Dutch, in which be keeps a numerous garrison for the security of his person. The only commodity of this part of the country is pepper, of which they are able to export 10,000 tons yearly. The king is obliged to supply the company with a certain quantity of pepper yearly; but in all other respects they treat him kindly enough. His dominions are extensive and well peopled, and his subjects are hardy and enterprising, but perfidious and revengeful, and mortally hate all Christians. The bay of Bantam is safe and pleasant, having many islands, which still retain the names given them by the English, who had a fine factory here, from which they were expelled in 1683. The territory of Bantam is very fertile, abounding in rice, pepper, fruits, and cattle. In the interior of the country the natives sometimes find precious stones of great value, of which however the Dutch rarely [pg 167] get possession, as the people fear they might be induced to extend their conquests, by which they are already greatly oppressed. The head of the factory at this place has the title of chief.

Another Dutch chief resides at Padang, on that part of the coast of Sumatra which is called the gold-coast. This chief has a council and fiscal like all the rest, and his post is considered as both honourable and profitable. Sumatra is a very large fine island, separated from the continent of Asia by the Straits of Malacca, and from the island of Java by the Straits of Sunda, and is justly esteemed one of the richest and noblest islands in all India. The Dutch have a factory at Palambaugan, about eight leagues from the sea, on the banks of a very large river, which empties itself into the sea by four different channels. The great trade of this part of the country is in pepper, which the Dutch company wish to monopolize, as they have done cloves, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon; and are at great expence in keeping several armed barks cruising at the mouths of this river, to prevent what they are pleased to call smuggling. It must be allowed, however, that they have a contract with the king of this country to take all the pepper in his dominions, at the rate of ten dollars the bahar of 400 pounds weight, which is a fair price.⁵ They have, however, a clause in the contract, by which half the price is to be paid in cloth, at such rates as greatly reduce the cost.

The interior of the island is very mountainous, but most of the mountains abound in mines of gold, silver, lead, and other metals. The company possesses some mines of gold, said to be very rich, and great care is taken to secure and conceal the profits. Gold-dust is found in great quantities in all the rivers and rivulets of the country, especially when the western monsoon reigns, when the torrents roll down from the mountains with great rapidity. Abundance of copper is also found here, of which they make very good cannon. There are likewise found several sorts of precious stones. There is a burning mountain on the island, which continually throws forth flame and smoke, like Etna in Sicily; and there is said to be a fountain of balsam, or petroleum. This island abounds also in spice and silk; but the air is not very wholesome, especially to strangers, owing to the great numbers [pg 168] of rivers, standing waters, and thick forests, which every where abound. It produces no wheat, nor any other of the grains which grow in Europe; but has plenty of rice, millet, and fruits, which afford good and sufficient nourishment for the inhabitants. It produces also, in great abundance, honey, bees-wax, ginger, camphor, cassia, pepper, and many Other valuable articles. It is of great extent, being 310 leagues long from N.W. to S.E. and about 50 leagues across at an average. The greatest sovereign in the island is the king of Acheen, Atcheen, or Achem, who resides in a city of that name at the N.W. end of the island. It was formerly always governed by a woman, and it is not above forty years ago since the government fell into the hands of a man, since which several attempts have been made to restore the old constitution. Acheen is a free port, to which the English, Dutch, Portuguese, and Chinese resort, and in short all the trading nations of Europe and Asia. The goods brought there are rich brocades, silks of all kinds, muslins of all sorts, raw silk, fish, butter, oil, and ammunition, for which the payments are mostly made in gold, the great commodity of the country, and remarkably fine.

During the western monsoon, the rains fall here with prodigious violence, attended with terrible storms of thunder and lightning, and frequent earthquakes; but the people, being used to them, are not much alarmed. The nations are, generally speaking, Mahometans, and are very expert in making all sorts of plate and ornaments in gold, with very few tools, yet with such inimitable dexterity, that their workmanship sells at a high rate all over India. The company sends a great number of slaves to this island every year to work in their gold-mines; but the kings in that part of the country are seldom on good terms with the Dutch, with whom they often quarrel. The principal places where gold is found are Trion and Manicabo, and the way in which they procure the gold is as follows:They dig trenches at the bottoms of the hills, so as to intercept the torrents which roll rapidly down their sides in the winter months: and having drained off the water from the ditches in summer, they find considerable quantities of gold-dust in the mud which remains. It is generally believed that this island furnishes annually 5000 pounds weight of gold-dust,⁶ yet very little of [pg 169] this quantity is ever brought to Europe, being mostly employed by the servants of the East India Company in making purchases of commodities in places where gold bears a high price.

The Dutch East India Company has long entertained a project of building ships at this island, as its timber is so good that ships built here are expected to last forty or fifty years, whereas those of Europe seldom last more than twelve or thirteen years. The Dutch have a strong fort and great factory at Jambee, and another at Siack, both in this island. This last place is excessively unwholesome, owing to the following circumstance, which certainly might be obviated. It stands on the great river Andragheira, into which, at one season of the year, there come vast shoals of large shads, a third part of their bulk being composed of their roes, which are accounted a great delicacy. Wherefore, after taking these out, the rest of the fish is thrown away, and as these lie in great heaps to corrupt, they exhale pestilential vapours and infect the air. The persons, therefore, who are sent to reside at Siack, are much of the same description with those formerly mentioned as sent to Banda, being of abandoned characters and desperate fortunes. There is another very considerable factory on the river Bencalis, which produces a large profit from the sale of cloth and opium, for which gold-dust is received in payment. This trade was discovered about forty years ago, that is, about the year 1680, by a factor, who carried it on privately for his own emolument for ten years, during which he acquired upwards of a ton of gold yearly, a Dutch phrase implying L. 10,000 sterling. He then resolved to secure what he had got by making a disclosure of this valuable branch of traffic to the company. There are also several Dutch establishments on what is called the West-coast of Sumatra.

A very powerful and warlike people subsists in this island, known to Europeans by the name of the Free-nation, who are equally averse from submitting either to the Sumatran sovereigns or Europeans, and have always defended themselves valiantly against both. All the natives of Sumatra are much more inclined to the English than the Dutch, perhaps because they are not under subjection to the former. But the latter use every precaution they can to prevent the natives from dealing with any except themselves. For a considerable time past, the chiefs at Padang have been so unlucky [pg 170] as to have their honesty much suspected, chiefly owing to their management of the mines, which do not turn out greatly to the profit of the company, while all their officers gain immense sums out of them, which the councils at Batavia are much dissatisfied with, yet cannot prevent. For this reason they change the chief very frequently, yet to little purpose.

Footnote 1: (return)

A very interesting account of the remnant of an ancient Christian church in the Travancore country, a little to the southward of Cochin, has been lately published by Dr Buchanan, in a work named Christian Researches in India, which will be noticed more particularly in an after division of our Collection.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

Perhaps Bardello, about the distance mentioned in the text.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

This word ought assuredly to have been Telinga.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

This strange custom has been differently related formerly, and we believe more accurately, as prevalent only in the Nayra tribe, in which the women are allowed several husbands at the same time, and may change them at pleasure.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

Exactly five farthings and two-fifths of a farthing the pound.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

Supposing these troy pounds, the value may be estimated at L. 240,000 sterling.E.

SECTION XIII.

Some Account of the Residences of Cheribon, Siam, and Mockha.

The chiefs of those factories belonging to the Dutch in India are termed Residents, and correspond directly with the governor-general at Batavia, and are not dependent on any subordinate governor or director. The first of these independent residents is fixed at Cheribon, on the coast of Java, at the distance of about forty leagues from Batavia, where a very advantageous commerce is carried on by the company in coffee, cardamoms, indigo, and cotton. The land at this place is as fertile in rice and other provisions as perhaps any country in the world. This district is of considerable extent, and was formerly under the dominion of four great lords, who used to be styled pangerans, but have now the titles of sultans, though their authority is not much extended by these more splendid titles. One of these is called the company's sultan, because always attached to the interests of the company, though in truth they might all get the same appellation, as they are all under the protection of the company, and freed from apprehensions of the king of Bantam, who used formerly to be continually at war with them, and must have reduced them under subjection, but for the assistance of the Dutch. Since then, both from gratitude for past favours, and in expectation of future protection, they have granted great privileges to the company in their dominions. The company maintains a fort at Cheribon, with a garrison of sixty men, and has an excellent factory.

About half a league from the fort of Cheribon, the tombs of the princes of Cheribon stand in a vast temple, splendidly built of various fine kinds of stone, and are said to contain vast riches, yet are left unguarded, from an idea that they [pg 171] are protected by some supernatural power; and they tell strange stories of persons having dropt down dead, on approaching the places where these riches are hidden, with an intention to steal. Many people believe that the Javanese priests, who are Mahometans, have the power of causing sudden death by means of incantations; and that they are able to enchant crocodiles and serpents, causing the former to go into and out of the water at command, and the latter to remain in any posture they please. A great number of priests are maintained about this great temple, many of whom have made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and are therefore held in much veneration. These priests are all governed by a sovereign pontiff or mufti, who is even more respected than the sultans. There was formerly a considerable English factory at Cheribon, having a small town belonging to it: But the persons of the factory so provoked the people, by intriguing with their wives, that they rose one night and massacred them all. Perhaps this might have been set on foot by their Dutch neighbours.

Another resident has the direction of the company's affairs in the kingdom of Siam, where the company carries on a considerable trade in tin, lead, elephants-teeth, gum-lac, wool,¹ and other commodities. The king of Siam is a prince of considerable power, and his dominions extend nearly 300 leagues. Being favourable to commerce, all nations are allowed to trade freely in his country; but ships of no great burden are forced to anchor at the distance of sixty leagues from his capital; because the river Menan, on which it is situated, is so rapid that they find great difficulty in getting higher up. This river, like the Nile and many others, overflows its banks at a certain season, so that most of the country is under water for half the year, for which reason all the houses are built on posts. The capital is a large city, consisting at least of 50,000 houses, with a prodigious number of temples.² The natives are all pagans, and hold this singular maxim, "That all religions are good, provided they tend to the honour of God." They think, however, that their own is the best; though they sometimes own that the God of the Christians is most powerful, because the head of their principal idol has been twice beaten to pieces by thunder. [pg 172] This is perhaps the largest idol in the world, and is called by the Dutch in derision, The great blockhead of Lust. He is represented sitting cross-legged like a tailor; in which posture he measures seventy feet high, and every one of his fingers is as large as the body of a man. About three leagues from the capital there is a temple of vast size, having an idol not quite so large as the other, which the priests say is his wife; and that once in seven years, one of these goes to visit the other. The priests also pretend that both of these idols are of solid gold; but the thunder-clap, which destroyed the head of the larger idol detected that part of the cheat, shewing it to be only brick and lime, very artificially gilded all over. One may justly wonder that this accident did not put an end to the adoration of so wretched a deity; but where superstition once prevails the plainest proofs very seldom produce any effect.

The country of Siam is very rich and fertile, and there is a considerable trade carried on here by the Chinese. The Dutch have here considerable privileges, and are the favoured nation, especially since the great revolution, when they got into great favour with the new king, because the English had been entrusted by his predecessor, whom he murdered, with the best places in the government, both civil and military. The Dutch have a factory on the side of the river, about a mile below the city, where they collect great numbers of deer-skins; which are sent annually to Japan. The Siamese are themselves much addicted to trade, and the Chinese who reside here still more; so that they send ships every year to Japan, which, considering the difficulty of the navigation, is not a little extraordinary. The Siamese boast of having used the compass above a thousand years before it was known in Europe: But the Jesuits very justly observe, that the Siamese and Chinese compasses are very imperfect.

The third resident is fixed at Mokha, being always a merchant, having two factors under him. This country is under the government of an Arab prince, styled Imaum, who resides in the inland country, about 200 miles east from Mokha. The sea-port of his dominions was formerly Aden; but as that was found very inconvenient, he removed the trade to Mokha, then only a fishing village. Mokha is situated close to the sea, in a large dry sandy plain, which affords neither fruits nor water, except what is brackish and unwholesome, and those who are forced to drink it have long worms bred [pg 173] in their legs and feet, which are very troublesome and dangerous. The town is supplied with very good and wholesome water from Musa, a town at the distance of twenty miles; but it is so dear, being brought by land carriage; that it costs as much as small beer does in England. Mokha is large, and makes a fine appearance from the sea, the buildings being lofty, but they look much better without than within. The markets are well supplied with provisions, such as beef, mutton, goats, kid, lamb, and camels flesh, antelopes, poultry, guinea-fowls, partridges, and pigeons. The sea affords a variety of fish, but not well tasted, owing probably to the nature of their food. It is also furnished all the year with excellent fruits, as grapes, peaches, apricots, and quinces, of which they make great quantities of marmalade, both for their own use and exportation. Yet there is neither tree nor shrub to be seen near the town, except a few date-trees, and they seldom have above two or three showers of rain in a year, sometimes no rain for two or three years. Among the mountains, however, about twenty miles inland, seldom a morning passes without a moderate shower, which makes the vallies very fertile in such corn and fruits as suit the soil and climate. They have plenty of wheat and barley, but no rice.

Since Mokha has been made a free port, it has become a place of great trade. Besides the Dutch factory, it has one belonging to the English East-India Company. Trade is also carried on here by English free merchants, by Portuguese, Banians, and Moors; also by vessels from Basora, Persia, and Muskat. The country itself produces few commodities, except coffee and some drugs, as myrrh, olibanum or frankincense from Cossin, Soccotrine aloes from Soccotora, liquid storax, white and yellow arsenic, some gum-arabic, mummy, and balm of gilead, these two last being brought down the Red Sea. The coffee trade brings a continual supply of gold and silver from Europe, particularly Spanish money, German crowns, and other European silver coins, with chequins and German and Hungarian gold ducats, and ebramies and magrabees of Turkey. It is a settled point here, though other goods may be bought and sold on credit for a certain time, coffee must always be paid for in ready money. The European shipping that comes here annually rather exceeds 20,000 tons, and that belonging to other nations may amount to nearly the same tonnage. The whole province of Betlefackee is planted with coffee-trees, which are [pg 174] never allowed to grow above four or five yards high. The berries cling to the branches like so many insects, and are shaken off when ripe. They are at first green, then red, and lastly of a dark-brown colour.

The Dutch have here a great advantage over all other nations, in consequence of their monopoly of the spice-trade, as these are consumed here in great quantities, which consequently enables them to procure coffee at much easier rates than other nations. Yet this trade of Mokha is continually falling off, owing to the vast quantities of coffee produced in their own plantations, especially at Batavia, Amboina, and the Cape of Good Hope: Even the Dutch, however, acknowledge that there is no comparison between the coffee raised on their own plantations and that brought from Mokha.

The Happy Arabia is divided into many small territories, under independent princes, styled Emirs, who all pay a kind of homage, but no obedience, to the Grand Signor or Emperor of the Turks. The Red Sea gets this name from several parts of it being of a red colour, owing to its bottom in these parts.

Footnote 1: (return)

Perhaps cotton, often termed cotton-wool, ought to have been here substituted.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

In Harris the temples are stated at 30,000.E.

SECTION XIV.

Of the Trade of the Dutch in Borneo and China.

Borneo is the largest island in the East Indies, perhaps the largest in the world, being 220 marine leagues from N. to S. and 170 leagues from E. to W. It is divided into many small principalities, of which the most powerful is the king of Banjaar Masseen, and after him the kings of Borneo and Sambas. The air is reckoned very unwholesome in some places, on account of being low and marshy; and it is only thinly peopled, though abounding in very rich commodities. On the first establishment of the Dutch in India, they were very solicitous to have factories in this island, and accordingly fixed three, at the cities of Borneo, Sambas, and Succadanea; but they soon found it was impossible to have any dealings with the natives, who certainly are the basest, crudest, and most perfidious people in the world; wherefore they quitted the island, and though several times invited back, have absolutely refused to return. The commerce of [pg 175] Borneo is as rich as any in India. At Sambas and Banjaar Masseen they deal in diamonds, of which there is a mine in the interior country. These stones generally run from four to twenty-four carats each, though some are found as high as thirty and even forty carats; but the whole trade does not exceed 600 carats yearly. They always sell these stones for gold, though that is a commodity of the island, and there is a considerable trade in gold-dust at Pahang, Saya, Calantan, Seribas, Catra, and Melanouba. Bezoar is another principal article of their trade. Japan wood, fine wax, incense, mastic, and several other rich gums, are here met with; but the staple commodity is pepper, which this island produces in as great abundance as any place in India. A drug is met with in this island, called piedro de porco, or pork-stone, so highly esteemed as to be worth 300 crowns each; as the Indian physicians pretend that they can infallibly discover whether their patients are to live or die, by exhibiting to them the water in which this stone has been steeped.

Before the Portuguese discovered the way by sea to India, the Chinese possessed the whole trade of this island, and since the Europeans have declined settling here, it has reverted to them again. The places where they are settled are Banjaar Masseen, Mampua, Teya, Lando, and Sambas, where they parry on a great trade, furnishing the inhabitants with silks, chintz, calico, and all the manufactures of China and Japan. It has been suggested, that a more valuable trade might be established in Borneo than in any other part of India, as there come here every year large fleets of Chinese junks, laden with all the commodities of that empire, which might be purchased here as cheap, or cheaper even than in China itself. There come also yearly some small vessels from the island of Celebes to Borneo, in spite of the utmost vigilance of the Dutch, which bring considerable quantities of cloves, nutmegs, and mace, so that the Dutch are unable to sell much of these spices to the inhabitants: Yet they send ships here frequently to load with pepper, endeavouring to keep up a good correspondence with the kings of Borneo and Sambas, for the king of Banjaar Masseen refuses to have any dealings with them.

Considering the vast sway of the Dutch in India, it is strange that they should not have any factory in China. They have indeed formerly sent ambassadors to that country, [pg 176] under pretence of demanding a free trade, but in reality on purpose to gain a more accurate knowledge of the nature of trade in China, and in consequence of their discoveries in that manner, have been induced to decline entering upon any direct trade to that country. While they were possessed of the island of Formosa, they carried on a direct trade to China with great profit: But, since their expulsion from that island in 1661, they have not been able to make that trade turn out profitable. After the establishment of the Ostend East-India Company, they tried to send ships to China, direct from Holland; but even this came to no great account, the profit having seldom exceeded twenty-five per cent. which, considering the hazard of so long a voyage, was not considered a very encouraging return. It has been doubted whether the Dutch were able to deal with the Chinese, where both nations are upon an equal footing, as the latter are certainly the cunningest of men: Besides, the Chinese are less inclined to deal with the Dutch than with any other Europeans; and, when they do, always hold them to harder terms. The port charges also in China, and the presents they are obliged to make, cut deep into their gains.

Besides the foregoing circumstances, as China is at a great distance from Batavia, and as the officers of the Dutch ships can so easily consign their effects into the hands of the Portuguese, English, and other foreign merchants, they have been found to mind their own affairs much more than those of the Company. But the principal reason of avoiding the trade to China is, that the Chinese carry on a prodigious trade with Batavia; and though the voyage exceeds 550 leagues, the Chinese junks make the run in six weeks, sailing from Canton in the beginning of December, and arriving at Batavia in the middle of January. The company has in the first place a duty of four per cent. on all the goods brought by the Chinese, which are gold, silks of all sorts, tea, anniseed, musk, rhubarb, copper, quicksilver, vermilion, china ware, &c. For which they receive in exchange lead, tin, pepper, incense, camphor, cloves, nutmegs, amber, and many other articles, on all which the Dutch fix their own prices, and consequently buy much cheaper than other nations can do in China. They have also found by experience, that a direct trade greatly lessens this more profitable mode at Batavia. They have also opportunities of dealing with the Chinese in many other parts of India, where, [pg 177] after the Chinese merchants have completed their sales to the natives, they are glad to part with the remainder of their commodities to the Dutch, at a cheap rate. Thus, the Dutch East-India Company are able to send home vast quantities of the commodities of China, and purchased on very advantageous terms, without trading directly to China, either from Holland or from Batavia.

SECTION XV.

Of the Dutch Trade with Japan.

A Dutch chief resides at Japan, who is always a principal merchant, and is assisted by some writers in the Company's service. The profit formerly made of this establishment by the Dutch East-India Company, frequently amounted to 80 and even 100 per cent. but has fallen off to such a degree, that they rarely make now, 1721, above eight or ten. This has been chiefly occasioned by the Chinese, who for some time past have purchased every kind of goods at Canton that are in demand in Japan, and it is even said that they have contracted with the Japanese to furnish them with all kinds of merchandize at as low prices as the Dutch. Another cause of the low profits is, that the Japanese fix the prices of all the goods they buy, and if their offer is not accepted, they desire the merchants to take them home again. This may possibly have been suggested to them by the Chinese, who used formerly to be treated in the same manner at Batavia. There is no place in all India where the Dutch have so little authority, or where their establishments are of so little consequence, as in Japan. They are allowed a small island to themselves, where they have warehouses for their goods, and a few ordinary houses for the members of the factory; but this island is a prison, in which they are completely shut up as long as they remain in Japan, not being permitted to pass the bridge that joins this island to the city of Naugasaque. The only shadow of liberty that is allowed them is, that their chief, with two or three attendants, goes once a-year as ambassador to the emperor. One great reason of this is said to have been occasioned by their using too great familiarities with the Japanese women; but the true reason is, that the Dutch have more than once given strong [pg 178] indications of an inclination to establish themselves in the country by force.

A French gentleman, Monsieur Carron, who was for some time at the head of their factory in Japan, and who, in several journeys to the court, had ingratiated himself into the favour of the emperor, by entertaining him with accounts of the state of Europe, got his permission to build a house for the factory on the little island allotted to them. He accordly laid the fortifications of great extent, and continued the work till he had completed a handsome fortification, in form of a regular tetragon; and as the Japanese were quite ignorant in the art of fortification, they suffered it to be finished, without any suspicion of deceit. Carron now desired the council at Batavia to send him some cannon, packed in casks filled with oakum or cotton, along with some other casks of the same form filled with spices. This was done accordingly, but in rolling the casks after landing, one of them that contained a brass gun burst open, by which accident the cheat was discovered. This put an entire stop to all trade till the pleasure of the emperor was known. The emperor, without prohibiting trade, gave orders that no Dutchman should presume to stir out of the island on pain of death, and ordered Carron up to Jeddo, to answer for his fault. The emperor reproached him for abusing his favour; after which he ordered his beard to be pulled out by the roots, and that he should be led, dressed in a fool's coat and cap, through all the streets of the city. He was thus sent back to the factory, with orders to leave Japan in the first ship that sailed for Batavia.

The island of Desima, where the Dutch reside, is divided from the city of Naugasaki by a small creek of salt water of about forty feet broad, over which there is a convenient bridge, having a draw-bridge at one end, of which the Japanese keep possession, and no Dutchman can pass this without leave from the governor of the city; neither dare any Japanese converse with the Dutch, except the merchants and factors, who have a licence for that purpose. For the security of the factory, the island of Desima is pallisaded all round. It contains four streets, with large warehouses, and a spacious market-place over against the bridge, where at stated times the town's people have leave to trade with the Dutch. So great is the jealousy entertained of the Dutch, that they are not even allowed to have the command of their own ships while in Japan: For, as soon as one of them enters [pg 179] the harbour, the Japanese take entire possession of her, taking out all the arms and ammunition, which they lay up on shore, and return again in good order, when the ship is ready to sail. They also exact a complete account of all the men on board, whom they muster by one of their own commissaries.

Japan is well peopled, and produces every thing necessary for human sustenance in great plenty; yet the Dutch pay high for every thing they need, and have even to purchase wood for fuel by weight. The mountains are rich in gold, silver, and copper, which last is the best in the world. Their porcelain is finer than that of China, as also much thicker and heavier, with finer colours, and sells much dearer both in India and Europe. The tea of Japan, however, is not near so good as that of China. Their lackered ware, usually called Japan, is the best in the world, and some of it will even hold boiling water without being injured. They have abundance of silks, both raw and manufactured, much stronger than what is produced in China. Their houses are mostly built of wood, but the palace of the emperor is of marble, covered with copper, so remarkably well gilded that it withstands the weather many years. Jeddo is the metropolis, and its magnitude may be guessed from this circumstance, that in a great fire which raged in this city for eight days, about the year 1660, it consumed 120,000 houses, and 500 temples.

The Japanese are strict observers of moral rules, especially in commercial matters; insomuch that merchants of reputation put up sums of gold cupangs, always in decimal numbers, in silken bags, sealed with their seals; and these bags always pass current for the several sums indicated by the seals, without any one ever examining the contents of the bags for several generations. These cupangs are broad oblong pieces of gold, of about twenty shillings value in Japan; but gold is there so plentiful and cheap, in relation to silver, that a cupang passes current in Batavia for thirty-two shillings; and, after being stampt with the lion of the Company, it passes for forty shillings sterling. The Japanese also are exact observers of justice, and punish crimes with extreme rigour. To a man of distinction, when found guilty of a capital crime, the emperor writes a letter, commanding him to become his own executioner, on an appointed [pg 180] day and hour, on penalty of being subjected to the most exquisite tortures, if he survive the appointed time. On receiving this mandate, the delinquent invites all his friends and near relations to a sumptuous feast on the set day. When the feast is over, he shows them the letter from the emperor, and, while they are reading it, he stabs himself with a dagger below the navel, and cuts open his belly to the breast bone. The capital punishments inflicted on the inferior people are hanging, beheading, or being flung over a precipice; and for smaller faults, whipping and branding are usual.

The government of Japan would be well pleased to encourage trade with all nations, but for two considerations. The first is, lest their religion should be insulted, which was frequently the case from misguided zeal, while there were any Christians among the Japanese. The other proceeds from their aversion to strange customs, or to any innovation in the manners of the people, from which they dread the worst consequences. When the Dutch were first established in this empire, the then prime minister explained their opinions on this subject in the following manner: "We are well acquainted with the advantages resulting from the system of government established among us, and will on no account run the hazard of any change. We know that great revolutions are often brought about by imperceptible degrees, and are therefore resolved to cure the itch of novelty by the rod of chastisement." Upon this maxim a law is established in Japan, by which all the subjects of the empire are prohibited from leaving the country; or, if any do, they must never return. They are so wedded to their own customs and opinions, and so jealous of the introduction of any new or foreign customs, that they never send any embassies to other countries, neither do they allow their merchants to carry on commerce beyond their own country. A few small junks are sent in summer to the land of Yedso, a country about fifty leagues from the northern extremity of Japan; and it is said that they bring much gold from thence.

There is but one good harbour in Japan, all the rest of the coast being so guarded by steep rocks or shoals, that they have no reason to fear being invaded. In point of military discipline and bravery, the Japanese far exceed the [pg 181] Chinese, and are by no means of so base and effeminate dispositions as most of the inhabitants of that great empire. The government also of Japan is perfectly uniform and well settled, so that there cannot be any diversity of interests; for, though several of its provinces are denominated kingdoms, yet all these petty kings are under the strictest subjection to the emperor, and the laws of the country extend over all. These laws pay the strictest regard to private property, the father transmitting to his children not only the patrimonial estate, but all the acquisitions of his own industry; and this is certainly a powerful prevention of any desire of change. Though the emperor resides at Jeddo, thirty days journey from Naugasaki, yet he receives intelligence in the space of three days, of the number and force of every ship that arrives, conveyed by a chain of signal-posts, by means of flags and fire beacons.

The forms observed in business are wonderfully exact, and the edicts and orders of the emperor are signified in most expressive and dignified terms, containing very little of the bombast and swelling style so common among oriental courts. Yet, amid all their good sense and quick parts, the religion of the Japanese is the idlest and most ridiculous paganism that can well be imagined, of which the following is a sufficient proof. Every family has a tutelary deity or idol, which is placed at the top of the house, and instructed to keep off all sickness, misfortunes, or accidents: And when any such happen, the idol is taken down and whipt, for not doing its duty. Amida is the name of their favourite god, his residence in heaven is at a prodigious distance, insomuch that it requires three years journey of a departed soul to reach paradise, which is only the outskirts or suburbs of heaven; but when once there, the soul is sure of getting to heaven, and enjoys a quiet residence in that place, as none of the fiends dare come there to give annoyance. They have several other gods, to all of whom they are particularly attached devotees; and each god has his own particular paradise, none nearer this world than three years journey. On purpose to gain an easy passage to these paradises, some of the zealots cut their own throats, and others hang themselves. Their idols are often carried in procession on horseback, attended by bands of music; and many feasts and sacrifices are made in their honour, the idols being fed on [pg 182] the smoke and flavour, while the votaries regale on the substantial meats.¹